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diff --git a/old/61792-0.txt b/old/61792-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 2e3575c..0000000 --- a/old/61792-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,30031 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Olympic Victor Monuments and Greek Athletic -Art, by Walter Woodburn Hyde - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Olympic Victor Monuments and Greek Athletic Art - -Author: Walter Woodburn Hyde - -Release Date: April 8, 2020 [EBook #61792] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - -[Illustration: MARBLE HEAD FROM OLYMPIA. MUSEUM AT OLYMPIA.] - - - - - OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS - - AND - - GREEK ATHLETIC ART - - BY - - WALTER WOODBURN HYDE - - [Illustration] - - PUBLISHED BY THE CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON - - WASHINGTON, 1921 - - CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON - PUBLICATION NO. 268 - - PRESS OF GIBSON BROTHERS, INC. - WASHINGTON, D. C. - - - - -PREFACE. - - -The purpose of the present work is to study what is known of one of -the most important genres of Greek sculpture—the monuments erected -at Olympia and elsewhere in the Greek world in honor of victorious -athletes at the Olympic games. Since only meagre remnants of these -monuments have survived, the work is in the main concerned with the -attempt to reconstruct their various types and poses. - -The source-material on which the attempt is based has been indicated -fully in the text; it is of two kinds, literary and archæological. To -the former belong the explanatory inscriptions on the bases of victor -statues found at Olympia and elsewhere, many of which agree verbally -with epigrams preserved in the _Greek Anthologies_; the incidental -statements of various kinds and value found in the classical writers -and their scholiasts; and, above all, the detailed works of the two -imperial writers, the elder Pliny and Pausanias. Pliny’s account of -the Greek artists, which is inserted into his _Historia Naturalis_ -as a digression (Books XXXIV-XXXVI)—being artificially joined to the -history of mineralogy on the pretext of the materials used—is, despite -its uncritical and often untrustworthy character, one of our chief -mines of information about Greek sculptors and painters. The portions -of Pausanias’ _Description of Greece_ which deal with Elis and the -monuments of Olympia (Books V-VI), although they also evince little -real understanding of art, are of far more direct importance to our -subject, since they include a descriptive catalogue, doubtless based -upon personal observation, of the greater part of the athlete monuments -set up in the Altis at Olympia, the reconstruction of which is the -chief purpose of the present work. - -To the archæological sources, on the other hand, belong, first and -foremost, the remnants of victor statues in stone and metal which have -long been garnered in modern museums or have come to light during the -excavation of the Altis. To this small number I hope I have added at -least one marble fragment found at Olympia, the head of a statue by -Lysippos, the last great sculptor of Greece (Frontispiece and Fig. -69). To this second kind of sources belong also the statue bases just -mentioned, on many of which the extant footmarks enable us to determine -the poses of the statues themselves which once stood upon them. -Furthermore, an intimate knowledge of Greek athletic sculpture in all -its periods and phases is, of course, essential in treating a problem -of this nature. Here, as in the study of Greek sculpture in general, -where the destruction of original masterpieces, apart from the few -well-known but splendid exceptions, has been complete, we are almost -entirely dependent upon second-hand evidence furnished by the numerous -existing antique copies and adaptations of lost originals executed in -marble and bronze by more or less skilled workmen for the Roman market. - -Finally, not only are the innumerable statuettes and small bronzes -surviving from antiquity of great value in any attempt to reconstruct -the pose of a given athlete statue, but also the representations -of various athlete figures on every sort of sculptured and painted -work—vase-paintings, wall-paintings, reliefs, gems, coins, etc. - -By using all such sources of information, it is possible to attain -tolerable certainty in reconstructing the various types and poses of -these lost monuments, and in identifying schools of athletic sculpture, -masters, and even individual statues. But it must be stated at the -outset that such identifications, from the very nature of the problem, -are at best tentative in character. The attempt to see in Roman copies -certain statues of athletes has often been made by archæologists. -However probable such identifications may seem, we must not forget the -simple fact that up to the present time not a single Roman copy has -been conclusively _proved_ to be that of an Olympic victor statue. -Only as our knowledge of Greek sculpture is gradually extended by -discoveries of additional works of art, and by future researches, -will it be possible to attain an ever greater degree of probability. -The further identification of these important monuments, as that of -masterpieces of Greek sculpture generally, will thus remain one of -the chief problems for the future archæologist. In the present book, -where the body of material drawn upon is so immense and the scientific -writings involved are so voluminous, manifestly the author can lay no -claim to an exhaustive treatment. With due consciousness of the defects -and shortcomings of the work, he can claim only to have made a small -selection of such works of art as will best illustrate the various -types of monuments under discussion. - -The plan of the book is easily seen by a glance at the table of -contents. After a preliminary chapter on the origin and development -of Greek athletic games in general and on the custom of conferring -athletic prizes on victors, the more specific subject of the work is -introduced in Chapter II by brief discussions of the more general -characteristics common to Olympic victor statues—their size, nudity, -and hair-fashion, their portrait or non-portrait features, and the -standard of beauty reached by some of them at least, as shown by the -æsthetic judgments of certain ancient writers and by the fragmentary -originals which have survived. The enumeration of these characteristics -is followed by a brief account of the various canons of proportion -assumed to have been used and taught by different schools of sculptors. -The chapter ends with a more extended account of the little-known but -important subject of the assimilation of this class of monuments to -athlete types of gods and heroes. - -In Chapters III and IV, which are the most important in developing the -problem of reconstruction, a division has been made into two great -statuary groups: those in which the victor was represented at rest, -where the particular contest was indicated, if indicated at all, by -very general motives or by particular athletic attributes; and those -in which the victor was represented in movement, _i. e._, in the -characteristic pose of the contest in which he won his victory. - -Chapter V relates chiefly to the monuments of hippodrome victors, those -in the various chariot-races and horse-races, and ends with a very -brief notice of non-athlete victor dedications—those of musicians. - -Chapter VI gives a stylistic analysis of what are conceived to be -two original marble heads from lost victor statues, one of which is -ascribed to Lysippos, the great bronze-founder and art-reformer of -the fourth century B. C., while the other is regarded as an early -Hellenistic work of eclectic tendencies. The publication of these -marble heads and of the oldest-dated victor statue, which is also of -marble and which is discussed in Chapter VII, reinforced by other -evidence adduced in the latter chapter, overthrows the belief that all -victor statues were uniformly made of bronze. The publication of the -Olympia head also controverts the usual assumption of archæologists -that Lysippos worked only in metal. The last chapter is concerned with -a topographical study of the original positions in the Altis of the -various athlete monuments discussed, and with a list of all the victor -monuments known to have been erected outside Olympia in various cities -of the ancient world. These last three chapters are based on papers -which have already appeared in the _American Journal of Archæology_ -(Chapters VI, VII, and the first half of VIII) and in the _Transactions -of the American Philological Association_ (the last half of Chapter -VIII). Permission to use them in the present book has been kindly -granted to the author by Dr. James A. Paton, former editor-in-chief -of the _American Journal of Archæology_, and by Professor Clarence P. -Bill, the secretary of the American Philological Association. - -Although it has been my aim throughout to present my own views in -regard to the various works of art under discussion, I must, of -course, acknowledge that the book is largely based upon the work and -conclusions of preceding scholars who have treated various phases of -the same subject. It would, however, be unnecessary and even impossible -here to acknowledge all the works laid directly or indirectly under -contribution in the composition of the book. Most of these have been -recorded in the footnotes. - -But I wish here to express, in a more general way, my indebtedness -to the standard histories of Greek sculpture, by Brunn, Collignon, -Gardiner, Lechat, Murray, Overbeck, Richardson, and others, which must -form the foundation of the knowledge of any one who writes on any phase -of the subject. Among these, two have been found especially valuable: -Bulle’s _Der schoene Mensch im Altertum_, which is justly noted for -its comprehensive views and sound judgments; and Furtwaengler’s _Die -Meisterwerke der griechischen Plastik_, which, although it has been -known to English readers in its enlarged edition by Miss Eugénie -Sellers for over a quarter of a century, is still prized for its -extensive firsthand knowledge of the monuments and for its brilliant -inductions, even if the latter at times are carried too far. - -Perhaps my greatest debt has been to the excellent volume entitled -_Greek Athletic Sports and Festivals_, by E. Norman Gardiner, M. A., -a scholar whose practical knowledge of modern athletic sports and -wide familiarity with the ancient source material, both literary and -monumental, has well fitted him to deal afresh with the subject treated -so learnedly over three quarters of a century ago in Krause’s _Die -Gymnastik und Agonistik der Hellenen_. I have also constantly drawn -upon Gardiner’s collection of vase-paintings which illustrate athletic -scenes. - -I should also note here several other works which have been of great -assistance in writing this book, such as Juethner’s _Ueber antike -Turngeraethe_ and edition of Philostratos’ _de Arte gymnastica_, -Reisch’s _Griechische Weihgeschenke_, Rouse’s _Greek Votive Offerings_, -and Foerster’s _Die Sieger in den Olympischen Spielen_. The -chronological list of victors in the latter compilation was, in large -part, the foundation of my earlier work _de olympionicarum Statuis_. - -I have also received most valuable help from the standard catalogues of -modern museums, _e. g._, those by Amelung, Dickins, Helbig, Kabbadias, -Lechat, Richter, de Ridder, Staïs, Svoronos, and especially the -admirable ones of the classical collections in the British Museum. I -regret that, owing to the recent war, some of the latest catalogues, -those especially of the smaller foreign museums, have not been -available. - -For illustrative matter, I have made no effort to reproduce merely -striking works of art, but have, for the most part, presented -well-known works which readily illustrate the problems treated in the -text. I have availed myself of collections of photographs kindly placed -at my disposal by Professors Herbert E. Everett of the School of Fine -Arts of the University of Pennsylvania, D. M. Robinson of the Johns -Hopkins University, A. S. Cooley of the Moravian College at Bethlehem, -Pennsylvania, and Dr. Mary H. Swindler of Bryn Mawr College. The -various collections of plates and the books and journals from which I -have taken illustrations are duly noted in the List of Illustrations. - -In addition, I wish to thank the following corporations and individuals -for permission to reproduce plates and text-cuts from the works cited: -the Council of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies, -of London, for the use of four plates appearing in the _Journal of -Hellenic Studies_ (Figs. 44, 54, 55, and 59); the Trustees of the -British Museum in London for seven plates from _Marbles and Bronzes -in the British Museum_ (Pls. 7A, 17, 19; Figs. 14, 28, 31, and 35); -Professor E. A. Gardiner and his publishers, Duckworth and Co., of -London, for two plates from _Six Greek Sculptors_ (Pl. 30; Fig. 71); -Mr. H. R. Hall, of the British Museum, and his publisher, Philip Lee -Warner, of London, for one from _Aegean Archæology_ (Fig. 1); Professor -Allan Marquand, of Princeton University, for one text-cut from the -_American Journal of Archæology_ (Fig. 49), and Dr. J. M. Paton, -former editor-in-chief, for three other text-cuts from the same journal -(Figs. 70, 72, 79). - -To the following I am also indebted for individual photographs: Dr. J. -N. Svoronos, Director of the Numismatic Museum, Athens, Greece, for -one of the oldest-dated statues of an Olympic victor (Fig. 79), which -has already appeared in the _American Journal of Archæology_; Dr. A. -Fairbanks, of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, for those of the statue -of a Charioteer (?) and of the fragmentary head of the _Oil-pourer_ (Pl. -27; Fig. 23); Dr. Edward Robinson, of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, -New York, for those of the fine Kresilæan and Praxitelian heads (Pls. -15, 20), and of the bronze statuette of a diskobolos (Fig. 46); Prof. -Alice Walton, of Wellesley College, for one of the Polykleitan athlete -(Pl. 13); the Director of the Fogg Art Museum of Cambridge, Mass., for -that of the so-called _Meleager_ (Fig. 77); Dr. S. B. Luce, recently of -the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, for photographs of two -vase-paintings showing athletic scenes (Figs. 50, 56), and Dr. Eleanor -F. Rambo, formerly of the same Museum, for a copy of the Knossos -wall-painting (Pl. 1). - -A word might be added as to the spelling of Greek proper names. Since -consistency in this matter seems unattainable, I have adopted the -method outlined in the _British School Annual_ (XV, 1908-09, p. 402), -whereby the names of persons, places, buildings, festivals, etc., are -transliterated from the Greek forms, except those which have become a -part of the English language. But even here I have sometimes deviated -from the practice of using familiar English forms. - -In abbreviations of the names of journals (see pages XVI-XIX) I have -largely conformed with the usage long recommended by the _American -Journal of Archæology._ - -For convenience in identifying the many works of art, discussed or -mentioned in the text and foot-notes, I have constantly referred to -well-known collections of plates, such as those of Brunn-Bruckmann, -Bulle, Rayet, and von Mach. For further convenience, I have also in -most cases referred to the outline drawings of statues in Reinach’s -_Répertoire de la statuaire grecque et romaine_, and in some cases -to the older ones found in Clarac’s _Musée de sculpture antique et -moderne_, and in Mueller and Wieseler’s _Denkmaeler der alten Kunst_. - -In closing, I have the pleasant duty of thanking generally the many -friends who have given me valuable suggestions and assistance, -especially Professor Lane Cooper, of Cornell University, for reading -the proof-sheets of the entire work, and Professor Alfred Emerson, now -of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, my former teacher, for revising the list -of _Corrigenda_. - - WALTER WOODBURN HYDE. - - UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA. - _Philadelphia, October, 1921._ - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - CHAPTER I. - - PAGE - - EARLY GREEK GAMES AND PRIZES 1-42 - - Sports in Crete 1 - - Athletics in Homer 7 - - Origin of Greek Games in the Cult of the Dead 9 - - Early History of the Four National Games 14 - - Early Prizes for Athletes 18 - - Dedication of Athlete Prizes 21 - - Dedication of Statues at Olympia and Elsewhere 24 - - Honors Paid to Victors by their Native Cities 32 - - Votive Character of Victor Dedications 37 - - Miscellaneous Memorials to Victors 40 - - Honorary Statues 41 - - - CHAPTER II. - - GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF VICTOR STATUES AT OLYMPIA 43-98 - - Size of Victor Statues 45 - - Nudity of Victor Statues 47 - - The Athletic Hair-fashion 50 - - Iconic and Aniconic Statues 54 - - Portrait Statues 55 - - Aniconic Statues 58 - - Aesthetic Judgments of Classical Writers 58 - - Greek Originals of Victor Statues 62 - - Canons of Proportion 65 - - Assimilation of Olympic Victor Statues to Types of Gods and Heroes 71 - - Athlete Statues Assimilated to Types of Hermes 75 - - Athlete Statues Assimilated to Types of Apollo 88 - - Athlete Statues Assimilated to Types of Herakles 93 - - Athletes Represented as the Dioskouroi 96 - - - CHAPTER III. - - VICTOR STATUES REPRESENTED AT REST 99-172 - - The Apollo Type 100 - - The Affiliated Schools of Argos and Sikyon 109 - - The School of Argos 109 - - The School of Sikyon 118 - - Aeginetan Sculptors 122 - - Attic Sculptors 126 - - General Motives of Statues at Rest 130 - - Adoration and Prayer 130 - - Anointing 133 - - Oil-scraping 135 - - Libation-pouring 138 - - Resting after the Contest 144 - - Attributes of Victor Statues 147 - - Primary Attributes of Victor Statues 148 - - The Victor Fillet 148 - - Fillet-binders 150 - - The Crown of Wild Olive 155 - - The Palm-branch 160 - - Secondary Attributes of Victor Statues 161 - - Hoplitodromoi 161 - - Pentathletes 164 - - Boxers 165 - - Wrestlers 165 - - Caps for Boxers, Pancratiasts, and Wrestlers 165 - - The Swollen Ear 167 - - - CHAPTER IV. - - VICTOR STATUES REPRESENTED IN MOTION 173-256 - - The _Tyrannicides_ 173 - - Antiquity of Motion Statues in Greece 176 - - Pythagoras and Myron 178 - - Motion Statues representing Victors in Various Contests 188 - - Runners: Stadiodromoi, Diaulodromoi, Dolichodromoi 190 - - The Statue of the Runner Ladas 196 - - Statues of Boy Runners 200 - - Hoplitodromoi 203 - - Pentathletes 210 - - Jumpers 214 - - Diskoboloi 218 - - Akontistai 222 - - Wrestlers 228 - - Boxers 234 - - Pancratiasts 246 - - - CHAPTER V. - - MONUMENTS OF HIPPODROME AND MUSICAL VICTORS 257-285 - - Programme of Hippodrome Events 259 - - Representations of the Chariot-race 262 - - Chariot-groups at Olympia 264 - - Remains of Chariot-groups 269 - - The _Apobates_ Chariot-race 272 - - Statues of Charioteers 274 - - Dedications of Victors in the Horse-race at Olympia and Elsewhere 278 - - Monuments Illustrating the Horse-race 280 - - The _Apobates_ Horse-race 282 - - Dedications of Musical Victors at Olympia and Elsewhere 283 - - - CHAPTER VI. - - TWO MARBLE HEADS FROM VICTOR STATUES 286-320 - - The Group of Daochos at Delphi, and Lysippos 286 - - The _Apoxyomenos_ of the Vatican, and Lysippos 288 - - The _Agios_ and the _Apoxyomenos_ compared, and the Style - of Lysippos 289 - - The Head from Olympia 293 - - The Olympia Head and that of the _Agias_ 294 - - Identification of the Olympia Head 298 - - The Dates of Philandridas and Lysippos 300 - - Lysippos as a Worker in Marble, and Statue “Doubles” 302 - - The Head of a Statue of a Boy from Sparta, and the Art - of Skopas 303 - - Comparison of the Tegea Heads and the Head from Sparta 308 - - The Styles of Skopas and Lysippos Compared 311 - - The Sparta Head Compared with that of the _Philandridas_ 316 - - The Sparta Head an Eclectic Work and an Example of Assimilation 318 - - - CHAPTER VII. - - THE MATERIALS OF OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS, AND THE OLDEST-DATED - VICTOR STATUE 321-338 - - The Case for Bronze 321 - - The Case for Stone 323 - - The Statue of Arrhachion at Phigalia 326 - - Egyptian Influence on Early Greek Sculpture 328 - - Early Victor Statues and the “Apollo” Type 334 - - - CHAPTER VIII. - - POSITIONS OF VICTOR STATUES IN THE ALTIS; OLYMPIC VICTOR - MONUMENTS ERECTED OUTSIDE OLYMPIA; STATISTICS OF OLYMPIC - VICTOR STATUARIES 339-375 - - Statues Mentioned by Pausanias 339 - - The First Ephodos of Pausanias 341 - - The Second Ephodos of Pausanias 348 - - Summary of Results 352 - - Statues not Mentioned by Pausanias, but known from Recovered - Bases 353 - - Olympic Victor Monuments Erected Outside Olympia 361 - - Summary of Results 374 - - Statistics of Olympic Victor Statuaries 375 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. - - - PLATES. - FACING - PAGE - - Marble Head, from Olympia. Front view. Museum of Olympia. - After _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LIV, 3 _Frontispiece._ - - 1. Bull-grappling Scene. Wall-painting, from Knossos. Museum - of Candia. After Photograph from copy in watercolor - by Gilliéron in the Museum of Liverpool 2 - - 2. Marble Statue of a Girl Runner. Vatican Museum, Rome. After - Photograph by Anderson 50 - - 3. Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor. Glyptothek, Munich. After - B. B., No. 8 62 - - 4. Statue of the _Doryphoros_, from Pompeii, after Polykleitos. - Museum of Naples. After Photograph by Alinari 70 - - 5. Statue of _Hermes_, from Andros. National Museum, Athens. - After Photograph by Rhomaïdes 72 - - 6. Statue of the _Standing Diskobolos_, after Naukydes (?). - Vatican Museum, Rome. After Photograph 76 - - 7 A and B. Statues of so-called _Apollos_. A. The _Apollo - Choiseul-Gouffier_. British Museum, London. After _Marbles - and Bronzes in the British Museum_, Pl. III B. - The _Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_. National Museum, Athens. - After Photograph by Merlin 90 - - 8 A and B. Statues of so-called _Apollos_. A. The _Apollo - of Tenea_. Glyptothek, Munich. After Photograph by Bruckmann. - B. _Argive Apollo_, from Delphi. Museum of Delphi. After - _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, 1904, Pl. I 102 - - 9. Statue of an Athlete, by Stephanos. Villa Albani, Rome. - After Photograph 114 - - 10. Bronze statue of the _Praying Boy_. Museum of Berlin. After - Photograph 132 - - 11. Statue of so-called _Oil-pourer_. Glyptothek, Munich. After - Photograph by Bruckmann 134 - - 12. Statue of an _Apoxyomenos_. Uffizi Gallery, Florence. After - B. B., No. 523 136 - - 13. Statue of an Athlete, after Polykleitos. Farnsworth Museum, - Wellesley College, U. S. A. After Photograph 138 - - 14. Bronze Statue known as the _Idolino_. Museo Archeologico, - Florence. After B. B., No. 274 142 - - 15. Marble Head of an Athlete, after Kresilas (?). Metropolitan - Museum, New York. After Photograph 144 - - 16. Bronze Statue of the _Seated Boxer_. Museo delle Terme, - Rome. After _Ant. Denkm._, I, <f>1</f>, 1886, Pl. IV 146 - - 17. Statue known as the _Farnese Diadoumenos_. British Museum, - London. After _Marbles and Bronzes in the British Museum_, - Pl. VI 150 - - 18. Statue of the _Diadoumenos_, from Delos. After Polykleitos. - National Museum, Athens. After Photograph by Alinari 152 - - 19. Statue known as the _Westmacott Athlete_. British Museum, - London. After _Marbles and Bronzes in the British Museum_, - Pl. XXII 156 - - 20. Head of an Athlete, School of Praxiteles. Metropolitan Museum, - New York. After Photograph 168 - - 21. Statue of _Diomedes with the Palladion_. Glyptothek, Munich. - After Photograph 170 - - 22. Statue of the _Diskobolos_, from Castel Porziano, after - Myron. Museo delle Terme, Rome. After Photograph by - Anderson 184 - - 23. Statue of the _Diskobolos_, after Myron. A bronzed Cast from - the Statue in the Vatican and Head from the Statue in the - Palazzo Lancellotti, Rome. After B. B., No. 566 186 - - 24. Statue of a Kneeling Youth, from Subiaco. Museo delle Terme, - Rome. After Photograph by Anderson 196 - - 25. Marble Group of Pancratiasts. Uffizi Gallery, Florence. - After Photo, by Alinari 252 - - 26. Racing Chariot and Horses. From an archaic b.-f. Hydria. - Museum of Berlin. After Gerhard, IV, Pls. CCXLIX-CCL 262 - - 27. Statue of a Charioteer (?). Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. - After Photo. by Coolidge 276 - - 28. Statue of the Pancratiast Agias, from Delphi. Museum - of Delphi. After _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, Pl. LXIII 286 - - 29. Statue of the _Apoxyomenos_. After Lysippos or his School. - Vatican Museum, Rome. After B. B., No. 381 288 - - 30. Statue of _Herakles_. Lansdowne House, London. After Gardner, - _Sculpt._, Pl. LVI 298 - - - - - PLANS. - - FACING - PAGE - - A. The Altis at Olympia in the Greek Period (Third Century - B. C.). After Doerpfeld, in _Ergebnisse von Olympia, - Karten und Plaene_, No. III 376 - - B. The Altis at Olympia in the Roman Period (Second Century - A. D.). After Doerpfeld, in _Ergebnisse von Olympia, - Karten und Plaene_, No. IV 376 - - - - - TEXT-FIGURES. - PAGE - - 1. So-called _Boxer Vase_, from Hagia Triada. From a Cast - (with handle restored) in the Museum of Candia. After - H. R. Hall, Aegean Archæology, Pl. XVI 6 - - 2. Bronze Statuette of a Victor, from Olympia. Museum of Olympia. - After _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. VIII, No. 57 28 - - 3. Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor, from Beneventum. Louvre, - Paris. After Photograph 64 - - 4. Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor, from Herculaneum. Museum - of Naples. After B. B., No. 323 (Right) 65 - - 5. Bronze Portrait-statue of a Hellenistic Prince. Museo delle - Terme, Rome. After Photograph by Alinari 73 - - 6. Bronze Statuette of _Hermes-Diskobolos_, found in the Sea - off Antikythera. National Museum, Athens. After Photograph - by Rhomaïdes 79 - - 7. Bronze Statue of a Youth, found in the Sea off Antikythera. - National Museum, Athens. After Photograph by Rhomaïdes 80 - - 8. Statue of the so-called _Jason_ (_Sandal-binder_). Louvre, - Paris. After Photograph by Giraudon 86 - - 9. Statue of so-called _Apollo of Thera_. National Museum, - Athens. After Photograph 101 - - 10. Statue of so-called _Apollo of Orchomenos_. National Museum, - Athens. After Photograph 102 - - 11. Statue of so-called _Apollo_, from Mount Ptoion, Bœotia. - National Museum, Athens. After Photograph 102 - - 12. Statue of so-called _Apollo of Melos_. National Museum, - Athens. After Photograph 103 - - 13. Statues of so-called _Apollos_, from Mount Ptoion. National - Museum, Athens. After Photograph 104 - - 14. Statue known as the _Strangford Apollo_. British Museum, - London. After _Marbles and Bronzes in the British Museum_, - Pl. II 105 - - 15. Bronze Statuette of a Palæstra Victor, from the Akropolis. - Akropolis Museum, Athens. After Photograph 108 - - 16. Bronze Statuette, from Ligourió. Museum of Berlin. After - _50stes Berliner Winckelmannsprogramm_, 1890, Pl. I - (Center and Left) 112 - - 17. Statue of an Ephebe, from the Akropolis. Akropolis Museum, - Athens. After Photograph 115 - - 18. Head of an Ephebe, from the Akropolis. Akropolis Museum, - Athens. After Photograph by Rhomaïdes 116 - - 19. Bronze Statuette of Apollo, found in the Sea off Piombino. - Louvre, Paris. After Photograph by Giraudon 119 - - 20. Figure, from the East Pediment of the Temple on Aegina. - Glypothek, Munich. After Photograph by Bruckmann 124 - - 21. Two Figures, from the West Pediment of the Temple on Aegina. - Glyptothek, Munich. After Photograph by Bruckmann 125 - - 22. Archaic Marble Head of a Youth. Jacobsen Collection, - Ny-Carlsberg Museum, Copenhagen. After Arndt, - _La Glyplothèque Ny-Carlsberg_, 1896, Pl. I 128 - - 23. Head of so-called _Oil-pourer_. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. - After Photograph 134 - - 24. Bronze Statuette of an Athlete. Louvre, Paris. After - Furtwaengler, _Masterpieces_, Pl. XIII 139 - - 25. Bronze Head of an Athlete, from Herculaneum. Museum of Naples. - After B. B., No. 339 (Left) 140 - - 26. Marble Statue of an Athlete (?). National Museum, Athens. - After Photograph 143 - - 27. Head from Statue of the _Seated Boxer_ (Pl. 16). Museo delle - Terme, Rome. After Photograph by Anderson 146 - - 28. Statue of the _Diadoumenos_, from Vaison, after Polykleitos. - British Museum, London. After _Marbles and Bronzes in the - British Museum_, Pl. IV 153 - - 29. Head of the _Diadoumenos_, after Polykleitos. Albertinum, - Dresden. After Furtwaengler, _Masterpieces_, Pl. X 154 - - 30. Marble Heads of two Hoplitodromoi, from Olympia. Museum of - Olympia. After _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. VI, 1-2 - and 9-10 162 - - 31. Head of Herakles, from Genzano. British Museum, London. After - _Marbles and Bronzes in the British Museum_, Pl. XXI 170 - - 32. Statue of _Harmodios_. Museum of Naples. After B. B., No. 327 174 - - 33. Head of an Athlete, from Perinthos. Albertinum, Dresden. - After B. B., No. 542 (Right) 180 - - 34. Statue of the _Diskobolos_, after Myron. Vatican Museum, - Rome. After Photograph 185 - - 35. Statue of the _Diskobolos_, after Myron. British Museum, - London. After _Marbles and Bronzes in the British Museum_, - Pl. XLVII 186 - - 36. A and B. Athletic Scenes from a Bacchic Amphora in Rome. - A. Stadiodromoi and Leaper. B. Diskobolos and Akontistai. - After Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLIX 192 - - 37. Athletic Scenes from a Sixth-century B. C. Panathenaic - Amphora. Stadiodromoi (Left) and Dolichodromoi (Right). - After _Mon. d. I._, I, 1829-33, Pl. XXII, 6 b, 7 b 193 - - 38. Statue of a Runner. Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome. After - Photograph by Anderson 198 - - 39. Statue of a Runner. Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome. After - Photograph by Anderson 198 - - 40. Statue of the so-called _Thorn-puller_ (the _Spinario_). - Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome. After B. B., No. 321 200 - - 41. Hoplitodromes. Scenes from a r.-f. Kylix. Museum of Berlin. - After Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLXI 205 - - 42. Bronze Statuette of a Hoplitodrome (?). University Museum, - Tuebingen. After _Jb._, I, 1886, Pl. IX (Right) 206 - - 43. Statue of the so-called _Borghese Warrior_. Louvre, Paris. - After Photograph 208 - - 44. Pentathletes. Scene from a Panathenaic Amphora in the - British Museum, London. After _J. H. S._, XXVII, 1907, - Pl. XVIII 211 - - 45. Statue of a Boy Victor (the _Dresden Boy_). Albertinum, - Dresden. After Furtwaengler, _Masterpieces_, Pl. XII 213 - - 46. Bronze Statuette of a _Diskobolos_. Metropolitan Museum, - New York. After Photograph 220 - - 47. Bust of the _Doryphoros_, after Polykleitos, by Apollonios. - Museum of Naples. After Photograph by Alinari 224 - - 48. Statue of the _Doryphoros_, after Polykleitos. Vatican - Museum, Rome. After Photograph by Anderson 225 - - 49. Wrestling Scenes. From Obverse of an Amphora, by Andokides. - Museum of Berlin. After _A. J. A._, XI, 1896, P. 11, - Fig. 9 230 - - 50. Wrestling and Boxing Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix. University - of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia. After Photograph 231 - - 51. Bronze Statues of Wrestlers. Museum of Naples. After B. B., - No. 354 232 - - 52. Bronze Arm of Statue of a Boxer, found in the Sea off - Antikythera. National Museum, Athens. After Svoronos, - Pl. V, No. 4 237 - - 53. Forearm with Glove. From the Statue of the _Seated Boxer_ - (Pl. 16). Museo delle Terme, Rome. After Juethner, Fig. 62 238 - - 54. Boxing Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix by Douris. British Museum, - London. After _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, Pl. XII 240 - - 55. Boxing and Pankration Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix. British - Museum, London. After _J. H. S._, XXVI, Pl. XIII 241 - - 56. Boxing Scene. From a b.-f. Panathenaic Panel-amphora. - University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia. After - Photograph 242 - - 57. Statue of a Boxer, from Sorrento. By Koblanos of Aphrodisias. - Museum of Naples. After B. B., No. 614 242 - - 58. Statue known as _Pollux_. Louvre, Paris. After Photograph - by Giraudon 245 - - 59. Pankration Scene. From a Panathenaic Amphora by Kittos. - British Museum, London. After _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, - Pl. III 248 - - 60. Bronze Statuette of a Pancratiast (?), from Autun, France. - Louvre, Paris. After Bulle, Pl. 96 (Right) 250 - - 61. Bronze Head of a Boxer(?), from Olympia. A (Profile); - B (Front). National Museum, Athens. After _Bronz. v. Ol._, - Tafelbd., Pl. II, 2a and 2 254 - - 62. Bronze Foot of a Victor Statue, from Olympia. Museum - of Olympia. After _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. III, 3 253 - - 63. Charioteer Mounting a Chariot. Bas-relief from the Akropolis. - Akropolis Museum, Athens. After Photograph 270 - - 64. _Apobates_ and Chariot. Relief from the North Frieze of - the Parthenon, Athens. After Photograph 273 - - 65. Charioteer. Relief from the small Frieze of the Mausoleion, - Halikarnassos. British Museum, London. After Photograph 274 - - 66. Bronze Statue of the Delphi _Charioteer_. Museum of Delphi. - After _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, Pl. L 277 - - 67. Horse-racer. From a Sixth-century B. C. b.-f. Panathenaic - Vase. British Museum, London. After Gerhard, IV, Pl. - CCLVII (Bottom). 280 - - 68. Head from the Statue of Agias (Pl. 28). Museum of Delphi. - After _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, Pl. LXIV 287 - - 69. Marble Head, from Olympia. Three-quarters Front View - (_Cf._ Frontispiece). Museum of Olympia. After _Bildw. - v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LIV, 4 293 - - 70. Profile Drawings of the Heads of the _Agias_ and the - _Philandridas_. After _A. J. A._, XI, 1907, p. 403, - Fig. 6 295 - - 71. Head of the Statue of Herakles (Pl. 30). Lansdowne House, - London. After Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. LVII 298 - - 72. Marble Head of a Boy, found near the Akropolis, Sparta. In - Private Possession in Philadelphia, U. S. A. After - Photograph 305 - - 73. So-called Head of Herakles from Tegea, by Skopas. National - Museum, Athens. After _B. C. H._, XXV, 1901, Pl. VII 307 - - 74. Attic Grave-relief, found in the Bed of the Ilissos, Athens. - National Museum, Athens. After A. Conze, _Attische - Grabreliefs_, Pl. CCXI 312 - - 75. Statue of the so-called _Meleager_. Vatican Museum, Rome. - After Photograph 313 - - 76. Head of the so-called _Meleager_. Villa Medici, Rome. After - _Ant. Denkm._, I, Pl. XI, 2a 314 - - 77. Torso of the so-called _Meleager_. Fogg Art Museum, Cambridge, - Mass. After Photograph 315 - - 78. Small Marble Torso of a Boy Victor, from Olympia. Museum - of Olympia. After _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 2 325 - - 79. Stone Statue of the Olympic Victor, Arrhachion, from - Phigalia. In the Guards’ House at Bassai (Phigalia). After - Photograph 327 - - 80. Statues of Ra-nefer and Tepemankh, from Sakkarah. Museum - of Cairo. After Bulle, Pl. 5 331 - - - - -THE MOST COMMON ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE NOTES. - - - _A. A._ - - _Archaeologischer Anzeiger_, Beiblatt zum Jahrbuch, 1889-. - - _Afr._ - - S. Iulii Africani Ὀλυμπιάδων ἀναγραφή, _apud_ Euseb., _Chron._, ed. - A. Schoene, I, pp. 194-220. Berlin, 1875. See also Rutgers. - - _A. G._ - - _Anthologia Graeca_, cur. F. Jacobs, I-III. Leipsic, 1813-1817. - - _A. Pl._ - - _Anthologia Planudea_, in _A. G._, II, 1814. - - _A. J. A._ - - _American Journal of Archæology_, 1st series, 1885-1896; 2d series, - 1897-. - - _A. M._ - - _Mitteilungen des kaiserlich deutschen archaeologischen Instituts_, - Athenische Abteilung. Athens, 1876-. - - Amelung, _Fuehrer_ - - W. Amelung, _Fuehrer durch die Antiken in Florenz_. Munich, 1897. - - Amelung, _Vat._ - - W. Amelung, _Die Skulpturen des Vatikanischen Museums_, Textbd., - I-II: Tafelbd., I-II. Berlin, 1903, 1908. - - _Annali_ - - _Annali dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica._ Rome, - 1829-1885. - - _Ant. Denkm._ - - _Antike Denkmaeler_, herausgegeben vom kaiserlich deutschen - archaeologischen Institut. Berlin, 1886-. - - _Arch. Eph._ - - Ἀρχαιολογικὴ Ἐφημερίς. Athens, 3d Per., 1883-. (The title before 1910 was - Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολογική.) - - Arndt-Amelung - - _Photographische Einzelaufnahmen antiker Skulpturen_ (with text). - Munich, 1893-1902. Cited in German publications as _Einzelverkauf_. - - _A. Z._ - - _Archaeologische Zeitung._ Berlin, 1843-1885. - - Baum. - - A. Baumeister, _Denkmaeler des klassischen Altertums_, I-III. Munich - and Leipsic, 1889. - - B. B. - - Brunn-Bruckmann, _Denkmaeler griechischer und roemischer Skulptur_. - Munich, 1888. Text from No. 500 (1897-) by F. Arndt. (Plates cited by - number). - - _B. C. H._ - - _Bulletin de Correspondance hellénique._ Paris, 1877-. - - _Bildw. v. Ol._ - - _Olympia, Die Ergebnisse_, Text- und Tafelbd., III, _Die Bildwerke - von Olympia in Stein und Thon_. By G. Treu. Berlin, 1897. - - _B. M. Bronz._ - - _Catalogue of the Bronzes, Greek, Roman, and Etruscan, in the British - Museum._ By H. B. Walters. London, 1899. - - _B. M. Sculpt._ - - _Catalogue of Sculpture in the British Museum_, I-III. By A. H. - Smith. London, 1892-1904. - - _B. M. Vases_ - - _Catalogue of the Greek and Etruscan Vases in the British Museum._ I, - 2, II, IV, by H. B. Walters; III, by C. H. Smith. London, 1893-1912. - - Boeckh - - A. Boeckh, _Pindari Opera_, II, _Scholia_. Leipsic, 1819. - - _Bronz. v. Ol._ - - _Olympia, Die Ergebnisse_, Text- und Tafelbd., IV, _Die Bronzen - und die uebrigen kleineren Funde von Olympia_. By A. Furtwaengler. - Berlin, 1890. - - Brunn - - H. Brunn, _Geschichte der griechischen Kuenstler_, I (Bildhauer). - Brunswick, 1853. (Reprinted, Stuttgart, 1889). - - _B. S. A._ - - _Annual of the British School at Athens._ London, 1894-1895-. - - Bulle - - H. Bulle, _Der schoene Mensch im Altertum_. Second edition, Munich - and Leipsic, 1912. (= Vol. I of G. Hirth’s _Der Stil_.) - - _B. Com. Rom._ - - _Bulletino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale di Roma._ Rome, - 1872-. - - _Bull. d. Inst._ - - _Bulletino dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica._ Rome, - 1829-1885. - - _C. I. A._ - - _Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum_, I-IV. Berlin, 1873-1897. (I, ed. A. - Kirchhoff; II, Pts. 1-4, and IV, Pts. 1-2, ed. U. Koehler; III, Pts. - 1-2, ed. W. Dittenberger). - - _C. I. G._ - - _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_, I-IV. Berlin, 1828-1877. (I-II, ed. - A. Boeckh; III, ed. J. Franz: IV, ed. E. Curtius and A. Kirchhoff.) - - Clarac - - F. de Clarac, _Musée de sculpture antique et moderne_. Text, I-VI: - Plates, I-VI. Paris, 1826-1853. See also Reinach, _Rép._ - - Collignon - - M. Collignon, _Histoire de la sculpture grecque_, I-II. Paris, 1892, - 1897. - - _C. R. Acad. Inscr._ - - _Comptes-Rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres._ - Paris, 1857-. - - Dar.-Sagl. - - C. Daremberg, E. Saglio, et E. Pottier, _Dictionnaire des antiquités - grecques et romaines_. Paris, 1877-1918. - - Dickins - - G. Dickins, _Catalogue of the Akropolis Museum_, I (Archaic - Sculpture). Cambridge, 1912. - - Duetschke - - H. Duetschke, _Antike Bildwerke in Oberitalien_, I-IV. Leipsic, - 1874-1880. (Works of art cited by number.) - - _F. H. G._ - - _Fragmenta historiorum Graecorum_, coll. C. Muellerus, I-IV. Paris, - 1841-1851. - - Foerster - - H. Foerster, _Die Sieger in den Olympischen Spielen_. - Wissenschaftliche Beilage zum Programm des Gymnasiums zu Zwickau, - 1891, 1892. (The numbers refer to victors in chronological order.) - - Frazer - - Sir J. G. Frazer, _Pausanias’s Description of Greece_, I-VI. London, - 1898. - - Froehner, _Notice_ - - W. Froehner, _Notice de la sculpture ant. du musée impérial du - Louvre_. Paris, 1869. - - Furtw., _Mp._ - - A. Furtwaengler, _Masterpieces of Greek Sculpture_. Translated and - enlarged from the following work, by Miss Eugénie Sellers (now Mrs. - Strong). London, 1895. - - Furtw., _Mw._ - - A. Furtwaengler, _Meisterwerke der griechischen Plastik_. Leipsic and - Berlin, 1893. - - F. W. - - C. Friederichs, _Bausteine zur Geschichte d. griech.-roem. Plastik_, - 1868. Revised edition, entitled Die Gipsabguesse antiker Bildwerke, - by P. Wolters. Berlin, 1885. - - Gardiner - - E. Norman Gardiner, _Greek Athletic Sports and Festivals_. London, - 1910. - - Gardner, _Hbk._ - - E. A. Gardner, _A Handbook of Greek Sculpture_. Second edition - revised. London, 1915. - - Gardner, _Sculpt._ - - E. A. Gardner, _Six Greek Sculptors_. London, 1910. - - _Gaz. arch._ - - _Gazette archéologique_. Paris, 1875—. - - _Gaz. B.-A._ - - _Gazette des Beaux-Arts._ Paris, Pér. I, 1859-1868; II, 1869-1888; - III, 1889—. - - Gerhard - - E. Gerhard, _Auserlesene Vasenbilder_, Vol. IV (_Alltagsleben_). - Berlin, 1840. - - Helbig, _Fuehrer_ - - W. Helbig, and others, _Fuehrer durch die oeffentlichen Sammlungen - klassischer Altertuemer in Rom_. Third edition, I-II. Leipsic, 1912, - 1913. - - Helbig, _Guide_ - - _Guide to the Public Collections of Classical Antiquities in Rome._ - Translation from the preceding work (1st ed.) by J. F. and F. - Muirhead, I-II. Leipsic, 1895, 1896. - - Hitz.-Bluemn. - - H. Hitzig et H. Bluemner, _Pausaniae Graeciae Descriptio_. I-III - (Each in 2 Parts). Leipsic, 1896-1907. - - Hyde - - Gualterus (= Walter Woodburn) Hyde, _de olympionicarum Statuis a - Pausania commemoratis_. Halle, 1902; enlarged, 1903. Numbers cited - refer to victors in the order given by Pausanias. - - _I. G._ - - _Inscriptiones Graecae_ (for contents and numbering of volumes, see - _A. J. A._, IX, 1905, pp. 96-97). - - _I. G. A._ - - _Inscriptiones Graecae antiquissimae praeter Atticas in Attica - repertas._ Ed. H. Roehl. Berlin, 1882. - - _I. G. B._ - - _Inschriften griechischer Bildhauer._ Ed. E. Loewy. Leipsic, 1885. - - _Inschr. v. Ol._ - - _Olympia, Die Ergebnisse_, Textbd., V, _Die Inschriften von Olympia_. - By W. Dittenberger and K. Purgold. Berlin, 1896. - - _Jb._ - - _Jahrbuch des kaiserlich deutschen archaeologischen Instituts._ - Berlin, 1886—. - - Jex-Blake - - K. Jex-Blake and E. Sellers, _The Elder Pliny’s Chapters on - the History of Art_ (chiefly Bks. XXXIV-XXXVI of the _Historia - Naturalis_, cited as _H. N._). London and New York, 1896. - - _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._ - - _Jahreshefte des oesterreichischen archaeologischen Institutes in - Wien._ Vienna, 1898—. - - _J. H. S._ - - _Journal of Hellenic Studies._ London, 1880—. - - Joubin - - A. Joubin, _La Sculpture grecque entre les Guerres Médiques et - l’Époque de Périclès_. Paris, 1901. - - Juethner - - J. Juethner, _Ueber antike Turngeraethe_. Vienna, 1896. - - Juethner, _Ph._ - - J. Juethner, _Philostratos ueber Gymnastik_. Leipsic and Berlin, 1909. - - Kabbadias - - P. Kabbadias, Γλυπτὰ τοῦ Ἐθνικοῦ Μουσείου. Athens, 1890-1892. - - Klein - - W. Klein, _Geschichte der griechischen Kunst_, I-III. Leipsic, - 1904-1907. - - Krause - - J. H. Krause, _Die Gymnastik und Agonistik der Hellenen_, I-II. - Leipsic, 1841. - - Lechat - - H. Lechat, _La Sculpture attique avant Phidias_. Paris, 1904. - - Lechat, _Au Musée_ - - H. Lechat, _Au Musée de l’Acropole d’Athènes_. Lyon, 1903. - - Mach, von - - E. von Mach, _A Handbook of Greek and Roman Sculpture_, I-II (Text - and University Prints). Boston, 1914. - - M. D. - - F. Matz and F. von Duhn, _Antike Bildwerke in Rom_., I-III. Leipsic, - 1881-1882. - - Michaelis - - A. Michaelis, _Ancient Marbles in Great Britain_. Translated from the - German by C. A. M. Fennell. Cambridge, 1882. - - _Mon. d. I._ - - _Monumenti inediti dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica._ - Rome, 1829-1885. - - _Mon. ant._ - - _Monumenti antichi publicati per cura della Reale Accademia dei - Lincei._ Rome, 1889—. - - _Mon. gr._ - - _Monuments grecs publiés par l’Association pour l’Encouragement des - Études grecques en France_, 1872—. (Vol. I, containing reprints of - articles from 1872, appeared in 1881). - - _Mon. Piot._ - - _Monuments et Mémoires publiés par l’Académie des Inscriptions et - Belles-Lettres._ Fondation Eugène Piot. Paris, 1894—. - - Murray - - A. S. Murray, _A History of Greek Sculpture_. Second edition, I-II. - London, 1890. - - _Museum Marbles_ - - _A Description of the Ancient Marbles in the British Museum_, Pts. - I-XI. London, 1812-1861. - - M. W. - - K. O. Mueller and F. Wieseler, _Denkmaeler der alten Kunst_. - Goettingen, 1854-1877. - - _Not. Scav._ - - _Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità comunicate alla Reale Accademia dei - Lincei._ Rome, 1876—. - - Overbeck - - J. Overbeck, _Geschichte der griech. Plastik_. Fourth edition, I-II. - Leipsic, 1893-1898. - - _Oxy. Pap._ - - _The Oxyrhynchus Papyri_, ed. by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, II, - pp. 22 f. London, 1899. - - P. - - _Pausaniae Graeciae descriptio_, rec. F. Spiro, I-III. Leipsic, 1903. - - Pauly-Wissowa - - G. Wissowa and W. Kroll, _Pauly’s Real-encyclopaedie der classischen - Altertumswissenschaft_. Stuttgart, 1894—. - - Perrot-Chipiez - - G. Perrot and Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’art dans l’antiquité_: VI - (_La Grèce primitive_); VIII, _La Grèce archaïque_. Paris, 1894, 1903. - - Ph. - - Philostratos, _de Arte gymnastica_, ed. Juethner, 1909 (see Juethner, - _Ph._). - - Pliny, _H. N._ - - See Jex-Blake. - - _P. l. G._ - - _Poetae lyrici Graeci_, rec. Th. Bergk. Fourth edition, I-III. - Leipsic, 1878-1882. I, Pt. 1 = ed. 5, rec. O. Schroeder, 1900. - - Rayet - - O. Rayet, ed. _Monuments de l’Art antique_, I-II. Paris, 1884. - - Reinach, _Rép._ - - S. Reinach, _Répertoire de la statuaire grecque et romaine_, I, - second edition; II, Pts. 1, 2, second edition; 111-IV, first edition. - Paris 1904-1910. I = Reprint of Clarac = _Clarac de poche_. - - Reinach, _Têtes_ - - S. Reinach, _Recueil de têtes antiques ideales et idealisées_. Paris, - 1903. - - Reisch - - E. Reisch, _Griechische Weihgeschenke_. Vienna, 1890. - - _R. Arch._ - - _Revue Archéologique._ Paris, Sér. 1, 1844-1860; II, 1860-1882; III, - 1883-1902; IV, 1903—. - - _R. Ét. Gr._ - - _Revue des Études grecques._ Paris, 1888—. - - Richardson - - R. B. Richardson, _A History of Greek Sculpture_. New York, 1911. - - Ridder, de - - A. de Ridder, _Catalogue des bronzes trouves sur l’acropole - d’Athenes_. Paris, 1896. - - _R. M._ - - _Mitteilungen des kaiserlich deutschen archaeologischen Instituts_, - Roemische Abteilung. Rome, 1886—. - - Robert, _O. S._ - - C. Robert, Die Ordnung der Olympischen Spiele und die Sieger der - 75.-83. Olympiade: _Hermes_, XXXV, 1900, pp. 141 f. - - Roscher, _Lex._ - - W. H. Roscher, _Lexikon der griechischen und roemischen Mythologie_. - Leipsic, 1884—. - - Rouse - - W. D. Rouse, _Greek Votive Offerings_. Cambridge, 1902. - - Rutgers - - J. R. Rutgers, _S. Julii Africani_ Ὀλυμπιάδων ἀναγραφή. Leyden, 1862. - - Scherer - - Chr. Scherer, _de olympionicarum Statuis_, Diss. inaug., Goettingen, - 1885. - - _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._ - - _Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-philologischen und der - historischen Klasse der koeniglich Bayerischen Akademie der - Wissenschaften zu Muenchen._ Munich, 1871—. - - _Specimens_ - - _Specimens of Ancient Sculpture ... Selected from different - Collections in Great Britain by the Society of Dilettanti_, I-III. - London, 1809-1835. - - Springer-Michaelis - - A. Springer and A. Michaelis, _Handbuch der Kunstgeschichte_, I. _Das - Altertum_. Ninth edition. Leipsic, 1911. - - _S. Q._ - - _Die Antiken Schriftquellen zur Geschichte der bildenden Kuenste bei - den Griechen_, ed. J. Overbeck. Leipsic, 1868. - - Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_ - - V. Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes du Musée National d’Athènes_. Second - edition. Athens, 1910. - - Svoronos - - J. N. Svoronos, _Das Athener National Museum_. Text and Plates, - I-III. Athens, 1908-1911. - -Other abbreviations will be readily understood. - - - - -_CORRIGENDA._ - -Besides the following, there are a few other corrections which are so -obvious that they scarcely need to be listed. - - Page 2, note 1, _for_ ragmentary _read_ fragmentary. - - 10, line 2, (and Index), _for_ Archermoros _read_ Archemoros. - - 14, note 2, _after_ 202f. _add_ Dar.-Sagl., IV, i, pp. 194 f., list - 34 local _Olympia_. - - 15, line 6, _for_ Dorian Eleans _read_ Dorian allies, the Eleans. - - 24, line 27, _for_ 173 A. D. _read_ 173 or 174 A. D. 26, line 27, - _for_ archaistic _read_ archaic. - - 31, lines 8-9, _for Papyrus_ read _Papyri_; line 20, _for_ Aigira - _read_ Aigeira. - - 46, note 1, line 2, _add_ The Solonian cubit of 444 mm. gives 17.53 - inches, the finger .73 inch, which makes Diagoros’ statue 6 feet 1.75 - inches tall. - - 58, note 2, _for_ statues of all _read_ statues by all. - - 60, note 1, for _Vespes_ read _Vespae_; note 5, for Koponios _read_ - Coponius. - - 77, line 18, _for_ staute _read_ statue; note 3, line 11, _for_ - Encrinomenos _read_ Encrinomenus. - - 82, lines 14-15, _for_ in and not outside _read_ outside and not - inside. - - 83, line 15, _for_ Svonoros _read_ Svoronos. - - 84, line 2 (and Index, _s. v._ Ball-playing), for φανίνδα _read_ - φαινίνδα. - - 96, note 1, line 6, for _Hermes_ read _Herakles_. - - 110, line 20, and note 1, line 9 (and Index), _for_ Argeidas _read_ - Argeiadas. - - 128, note 4, for _Glyptothek_ read _Glyptothèque_. - - 131, line 12 (and Index, _s. v._ Praxiteles), _for_ ψελιομένη _read_ - ψελιουμένη. - - 149, note 2, _for_ ξωστήρ _read_ ζωστήρ. - - 153, line 3, _for_ arms _read_ hands. - - 166, line 17, _for_ Stronganoff _read_ Stroganoff. - - 185, lines 4 and 8, and 186, line 3, _for_ Lancelotti _read_ - Lancellotti. - - 188, note 8, line 3, _for_ Perseus _read_ Akrisios. - - 189, note 1, for _Papyrus_ read _Papyri_; _for_ Beilage _read_ Beilag. - - 191, line 21, _for_ eponymous _read_ eponymus. - - 196, line 25, and 197, note 2, _for_ Θῦμον _read_ Θυμόν. - - 210, line 5, _for_ αλμα _read_ ἅλμα. - - 235, note 1, line 2, _omit_ as. - - 253, line 27, _for_ 1202 _read_ 1204. - - 265, line 14, _for_ Paunasias _read_ Pausanias. - - 268, line 26 (and Index, _s. v._ Nikomachos and _Victoria_), for - _sublimine_ read _sublime_. - - 288, line 10 (and Index), _for_ Tenerari _read_ Tenerani. - - 321, line 29, _for_ inventors _read_ so-called inventors. - - 327, line 3, _for_ stautes _read_ statues. - - 341, line 33, _last word of line should be_ δεξιᾷ. - - 348, line 28, for _prothusis_ read _prothysis_. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -EARLY GREEK GAMES AND PRIZES. - -PLATE 1 AND FIGURES 1 AND 2. - - -Before attempting to trace historically the development of monuments -of victors in the gymnic and hippic contests at Olympia, and before -attempting to reconstruct their different types, it will be useful to -devote a preliminary chapter to the early history of Greek athletics -and victor prizes in general. - -It is a truism that the origin of Greek athletics is not to be found in -the recently discovered Aegean civilization of Crete, nor in the latest -phase of the same culture on Mycenæan sites of the mainland of Greece. -Their origin is not to be sought in the indigenous Mediterranean stock -which produced that culture, but rather among the northern invaders of -Greece, the fair-haired Achæans of the Homeric poems, and especially -among the later Dorians in the Peloponnesus. It was to the physical -vigor of these strangers rather than to the more artistic nature of the -Mediterraneans that the later Greeks owed their interest in sports. -As these invaders settled themselves most firmly in the Peloponnesus, -Greek athletics may be said to be chiefly the product of South Greece. -It was here that three of the four national festivals grew up—at -Olympia, Nemea, and on the Corinthian Isthmus. It was in the schools of -Argos and Sikyon that athletic sculpture flourished best and in later -Greek history physical exercise was most fully developed among the -Dorian Spartans.[1] - - -SPORTS IN CRETE. - -Centuries before the Achæan civilization of Greece had bloomed, there -developed among the Minoans of Crete a passion for certain acrobatic -performances and for gymnastics. These Cretans, though strongly -influenced by Egypt and the East, did not borrow their love of sport -from outside any more than did the later Achæans. On the walls of the -tombs of Beni-Hasan on the Nile are pictured many athletic sports, -including a series of several hundred wrestling groups,[2] but these -sports did not influence, so far as we know, Cretan athletics. At -Knossos bull-grappling seems to have been the national sport, as we -see from the frescoes on the palace walls. In the absence of the -horse, which did not appear in early Aegean times in Crete, it is -not difficult to understand the development of gymnastic sports with -bulls. At Knossos a seal has been found which shows the rude drawing -of a vessel with rowers seated under a canopy, superimposed on which -is drawn the greater portion of a huge horse. In this design, dating -from about 1600 B. C. and synchronizing with the earlier part of -the eighteenth Egyptian dynasty, we doubtless see a graphic way of -indicating the cargo, and consequently a contemporary record, it may -be, of the first importation of horses from Libya into Crete.[3] - -The Cretan bull seems to have been a much larger animal than the -species found upon the island to-day.[4] Bull-grappling at Knossos -was the sport of female as well as male toreadors. A fragmentary -rectangular fresco, dating from about 1500 B. C. (Pl. 1), was -discovered there by Sir Arthur Evans in 1901 and is now in the Candia -museum. It is executed with extraordinary spirit and shows a huge bull -rushing forward with lowered head and tail straight out. A man is in -the act of turning a somersault on its back, his legs in the air, his -arms grasping the bull’s body and his head raised, looking back to the -rear of the animal, where a cowgirl is standing, holding out her arms -to catch his flying figure as soon as his feat is concluded. Another -cowgirl, at the extreme left, seems to be suspended from the bull’s -horns, which pass under her armpits, while she catches hold further up. -However, she is not being tossed, but is taking position preliminary to -leaping over the bull’s back. Both the man and the women wear striped -boots and bracelets; the women are apparently distinguished by their -white skin, short drawers, yellow sashes embroidered with red, and the -red-and-blue diadems around their brows.[5] On the opposite wall a -similar scene was pictured; among its stucco fragments was found the -representation of the arm and shoulder of a woman grasping a bull by -the horns. The fragmentary representation of another woman and man was -also found. - -[Illustration: PLATE 1 - -Bull-grappling Scene. Wall-painting from Knossos. Museum of Candia.] - -A very similar scene has long been known from a fresco painting from -Tiryns, now in Athens.[6] A bull is represented galloping to the left, -while a man[7] clings to its horns with his right hand and is swept -along with one foot lightly touching the bull’s back and the other -swung aloft. Most early writers interpreted this scene as a bull-hunt, -the artist having drawn the hunter above the bull through ignorance -of perspective. The execution is very inferior, three attempts of the -bungling painter being visible in the painting of the tail and the -front legs. Others saw in it the representation of an acrobat showing -his dexterity by leaping upon the back of an animal in full career, -recalling the description of such a trick in the Iliad, where Ajax is -represented as rushing over the plain like a man who, while driving -four horses, leaps from horse to horse.[8] But this figure must take -its place side by side with the one from Knossos just described as -another bull-grappling scene. That such sports were not held in the -open air, but in an enclosed courtyard, is shown by the seal from -Praisos now in the Candia Museum, which depicts a man vaulting on -the back of a gigantic ox within a paved enclosure.[9] Doubtless the -theatral areas discovered at Phaistos by the Italian Archæological -Mission[10] and at Knossos by Sir Arthur Evans in 1903[11] were not -large enough for bull scenes and were used merely for ceremonial -dancing and perhaps for the boxing matches to be described.[12] Similar -acrobats are doubtless to be recognized in the two beautiful ivory -statuettes, only 11.5 inches in height, of so-called leapers, found -by Dr. Evans at Knossos in 1901.[13] These masterpieces of the late -Minoan II period represent acrobats (one is probably a woman) darting -through the air. “The life, the freedom, the _élan_ of these figures is -nothing short of marvellous,” writes Dr. Evans, who calls attention to -the careful physical training shown in their slender legs and in the -muscles, even the veins on the back of the hands and the finger-nails -being plainly indicated as well as the details of the skinfolds at the -joints. They doubtless formed a part of an ivory model of the bull-ring -and are meant for miniature toreadors, who were hung in the air by -fine gold wires[14] over the backs of ivory bulls who stood on the -solid ground. The heads of the figures are thrown backwards, a posture -suitable for such vaulters, but not for leapers or divers. Minoan art -culminated in these statuettes and in certain stucco figures in half -relief found also at Knossos. Only a few fragments of these reliefs -have survived, most of which were decorative or architectonic in -character, though among them were also found human _disjecta membra_ -in high relief, such as the fragment of a left forearm holding a horn, -and not a pointed vase, as Dr. Evans thought. Here the muscles are well -indicated, though the veins are exaggerated.[15] This fragment may well -be a part of the same bull-grappling scenes as those in the frescoes, -as also the life-like image of a bull, the details of whose head, -mouth, eyes, and nostrils are full of expression, and whose muscles are -perfectly indicated. - -When compared with the monuments described, the similarity of details -on the design of the Vapheio cups ornamented in repoussé, the “most -splendid specimens known of the work of the Minoan goldsmith,”[16] -never again equalled until the Italian Renaissance, makes it more than -possible that here again we have scenes of bull-grappling rather than -of bull-hunting. On one cup is represented a quiet pastoral scene—a man -tying the legs of a bull with a rope, while two other bulls stand near, -amicably licking one another, and a third is quietly grazing. On the -other, however, are represented scenes of a very different character. -In the centre is a furious bull entangled in a net, which is fastened -to a tree; to the left a figure, doubtless a woman, is holding on to a -bull’s head, while a man has fallen on his head beside the animal, both -man and woman being dressed in the Cretan fashion. A third bull rushes -furiously by to the right. Most commentators have seen bull-hunting -scenes on both these cups. Thus, on the first cup were represented -three scenes in the drama of trapping a bull by means of a tame decoy -cow; to the right the bull is starting to go to the rendezvous, while -in the center the bull stands by the cow’s side and to the left he is -finally trapped and tied.[17] On the other cup the furious animal at -the left was supposed to have thrown one hunter and to have caught -another on its horns. But Mosso’s interpretation of this design seems -to be the right one.[18] The two persons struggling with the bull have -no lasso and so can hardly be hunters; besides, if the bull had impaled -a hunter with its horns, the hunter would have been represented with -his head up and not down. The figure is, however, uninjured and holds -on with its knee bent over one horn and its shoulder against the other; -it is merely, therefore, intended for a woman acrobat. The net shown -in the centre was never used for hunting wild bulls; more probably it -was intended as an obstacle in racing. The fallen man has been standing -on the netted bull, which, with the gymnast on its back, was expected -to have leaped over the net, but has not succeeded; consequently, the -acrobat has been tumbled over the bull’s head. - -This ancient Cretan sport seems to have been similar to that known in -Thessaly and elsewhere in historical days as τὰ ταυροκαθάψια.[19] A -survival of it still persists to our day in certain parts of Italy, as, -_e. g._, in the province of Viterbo.[20] - -Acrobatic feats of various sorts were attractive to the later Greeks -from the time of Homer down. We have already mentioned one passage -from the Iliad in which a driver of four horses leaps from horse to -horse in motion. On the shield of Achilles tumblers appeared among the -dancers on the dancing-place.[21] Patroklos ironically remarks over -the body of Kebriones, as the charioteer falls headlong like a diver -from his chariot when hit by a missile, that there are tumblers also -among the Trojans.[22] In later centuries the Athenians evinced a great -attraction to acrobatic feats. The story told of Hippokleides[23] -reveals that high-born Athenians did not disdain to practice them. They -appear to have formed a sort of side-show attraction at the Panathenaic -festival, as such scenes occur frequently on Attic vases. Thus on an -early (imitation?) Panathenaic vase from Kameiros in the Bibliothèque -Nationale in Paris,[24] there is represented behind the driver a man -standing on the back of a horse, armed with a helmet and two shields, -while in front another appears to be balancing himself on a pole. - -But such acrobatic scenes as those of Crete and later Greece can -not properly be classed as athletic. They betoken more the love -of excitement than of true sport. The only form of real athletics -represented on Minoan monuments, one which was classed in later Greece -as one of the national sports, was that of boxing, which seems to have -been the favorite gymnastic contest of the Cretans, as it always was -of the later Greeks. Boxing scenes appear on seals,[25] on a steatite -fragment of a pyxis found in 1901 at Knossos and, in conjunction with -a bull-grappling scene, on the so-called _Boxer Vase_ found by the -Italians at Hagia Triada (Fig. 1). The vase is a cone-shaped rhyton -of steatite, 18 inches high, originally overlaid with gold foil. It -belongs to the best period of Cretan art, late Minoan I.[26] This -vase alone, if no other monumental evidence were at hand, would -suffice to show the physical prowess and love of sport of the Minoans. -Because of its scenes of boxing and bull-grappling Mosso calls it -“the most complete monument that we have of gymnastic exercise in the -Mediterranean civilization.”[27] The later Greek tradition of the high -degree of physical development attained by the Cretans is proved by -this monument.[28] - -[Illustration: FIG. 1.—So-called _Boxer Vase_, from Hagia Triada -(Cast). Museum of Candia.] - -The reliefs are arranged in four horizontal zones.[29] One of these, -the second from the top, represents a bull-grappling scene, showing -two racing bulls, upon the head and horns of one of which a gymnast -has vaulted (not being tossed and helpless, as most interpreters -think).[30] The other three represent boxers in all attitudes of -the prize-ring, hitting, guarding, falling, and even kicking, as in -the later Greek pankration. Some are victorious, the left arm being -extended on guard and the right drawn back to strike; one (in the -top zone) is ready to spring, just as Hector was ready to spring on -Achilles;[31] others are prostrate on the ground with their feet in -the air. The violence of the action recalls the boast of Epeios in the -famous match in the Iliad that he will break his adversary’s bones.[32] - -The method of attack by the right arm and defense by the left is the -same as that formerly used by English pugilists. In the topmost zone -the combatants wear helmets with visors, cheek-pieces, and horse-hair -plumes, and also shoes; in the third zone down the pugilists also wear -helmets, though of a different pattern, while the bottom zone shows -figures, perhaps youths, with bare heads. Some of the boxers appear to -wear boxing-gloves. In the lowest zone we see the well-known feat of -swinging the antagonist up by the legs and throwing him—if we may so -conclude from the contorted position of the vanquished, whose legs are -in the air. - -A similar figure appears in relief on the fragment of a pyxis found at -Knossos.[33] A youth with clenched fists stands with left arm extended -as if to ward off a blow, while his right arm is drawn back and rests -on his hip; below we see the bent knee of a prostrate figure, evidently -that of his vanquished opponent. The boxer has a wasp-like waist and -wears a metal girdle. His left leg is well modeled, the muscles not -being exaggerated. - - -ATHLETICS IN HOMER. - -We have evidence, therefore, that the love of sport existed in Crete -as it has existed in all countries since. But the comparatively -unathletic character of the Aegean culture is shown by the complete -absence of athletic representations—apart from bull-grappling scenes—in -the art of its last phase at Mycenæ and Tiryns on the mainland. -This is an independent argument for the view that the civilization -of the mainland was chiefly the product of the old Mediterranean -stock, which was finally conquered by the invading Achæans, who are -represented in Homer as skilled gymnasts. In Homer we are immediately -conscious of being in another world, for here we are in an atmosphere -of true athletics, which are fully developed and quite secular in -character.[34] They are, however, wholly spontaneous, for there are as -yet neither meets nor organized training, neither stadia, gymnasia, -nor palæstræ; for such an organization of athletics did not exist -until the sixth century B. C. But Homer’s account of the funeral games -of Patroklos is pervaded by a spirit of true athletics and has a -perennial attraction for every lover of sport. Walter Leaf says of the -chariot-race, which is the culminating feature of the description, -that it is “a piece of narrative as truthful in its characters as -it is dramatic and masterly in description.”[35] Such a description -could have been composed only by a poet who belonged to a people long -acquainted with athletics and intensely interested in them. Nestor -often speaks of a remoter past, when the gods and heroes contended. -Odysseus says he could not have fought with Herakles nor Eurytos, -heroes of the olden time, “who contended with the immortal gods.” The -Homeric warrior was distinguished from the merchant by his knowledge -of sport. Thus Euryalos of the Phaiakians says in no complimentary -tone to Odysseus: “No truly, stranger, nor do I think thee at all like -one that is skilled in games ... rather art thou such an one as comes -and goes in a benched ship, a master of sailors that are merchantmen, -one with a memory for his freight, or that hath charge of a cargo -homeward bound, and of greedily gotten gains.”[36] It is beside the -point whether the chief passages in the poems which relate to sports -are late in origin or not, even if they are later than 776 B. C., the -traditional first Olympiad. In any case the later poet merely followed -an older tradition. At the funeral games of Patroklos all the events -are practical in character, the natural amusements of men chiefly -interested in war. They are, however, not merely military, but are -truly athletic. The oldest and most aristocratic of all the events -described is the chariot-race—in which the war-chariot is used—the -monopoly of the nobles then, as it was always later the sport of kings -and the rich.[37] Boxing and wrestling come next in importance, already -occupying the position of preëminence which they hold in the poems of -Pindar. The foot-race between Ajax, the son of Oileus, and Odysseus -follows. Of the last four events, three—the single combat between -Ajax and Diomedes, the throwing of the _solos_, and the contest in -archery—are admitted to be late additions. The last event of all, the -casting of the spear, may be earlier, but we know little about it, -as the contest did not take place, Achilles yielding the first prize -to Agamemnon. Most of these later events are described in a lifeless -manner and have not the vim and compelling interest of the earlier -ones. Indeed the contest in archery seems to be treated with a certain -amount of ridicule, which shows the contempt of the great nobles for -so plebeian a sport. The armed contest, though it is pictured in -art certainly as early as the sixth century B. C.,[38] never had a -place in the later Greek games.[39] Jumping, an important part of the -later pentathlon, is mentioned but once in the poems, as a feature of -the sports of the Phaiakians. But the later pentathlon, as Gardiner -says, is certainly not suggested in Homer’s account, though many have -assumed it,[40] merely because Nestor mentions his former contests at -Bouprasion in boxing, in running, in hurling the spear, and in the -chariot-race.[41] This, however, is not the combination of contests -known much later as the pentathlon, in which the same contestants -had to compete in the series of events—running, jumping, wrestling, -diskos-throwing, and javelin-throwing. - - -ORIGIN OF GREEK GAMES IN THE CULT OF THE DEAD. - -In these games described in the Iliad we see an example of the origin -of the later athletic festivals in the cult of the dead. Homer knows -only of funeral games[42] and there is no trace in the poems of the -later athletic meetings held in honor of a god.[43] However, the -association of the later games with religious festivals held at stated -times can be traced to the games with which the funeral of the Homeric -chief was celebrated. The oldest example of periodic funeral games in -Greece of which we have knowledge were those held in Arkadia in honor -of the dead Azan, the father of Kleitor and son of Arkas, at which -prizes were offered at least for horse-racing.[44] - -Though the origin of the four national religious festivals in Greece—at -Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, and on the Isthmus—is buried in a mass of -conflicting legend, certain writers agree in saying that all of them -were founded on funeral games, though they were later dedicated to -gods.[45] Thus the Isthmian were instituted in honor of the dead -Melikertes,[46] the Nemean in honor of Opheltes or Archemoros,[47] the -Pythian in honor of the slain Python,[48] the Olympian in honor of the -hero Pelops.[49] To both Pindar and Bacchylides the Olympian games -were associated with the tomb of Pelops; Pausanias, on the other hand, -records that the ancient Elean writers ascribed their origin to the -Idæan Herakles of Crete.[50] It was a common tradition that Herakles -founded the games, some writers saying that it was the Cretan, others -that it was the Greek hero, the son of Zeus and Alkmena.[51] - -Despite the variation in legends relative to the institution of the -four national games, we should not doubt the universal tradition that -all were funerary in origin. The tradition is confirmed by many lines -of argument: by the survival of funeral customs in their later rituals, -by the later custom of instituting funeral games in honor of dead -warriors both in antiquity and in modern times, and by the testimony of -early athletic art in Greece.[52] We shall now briefly consider these -arguments. - -As an example of the survival of funeral customs in later ritual, -Pausanias says that the annual officers at Olympia, even in his day, -sacrificed a black ram to Pelops.[53] The fact that a black victim was -offered over a trench instead of on an altar proves that Pelops was -still worshipped as a hero and not as a god. The scholiast on Pindar, -_Ol._, I, 146, says that all Peloponnesian lads each year lashed -themselves on the grave of Pelops until the blood ran down their backs -as a libation to the hero. Furthermore, all the contestants at Olympia -sacrificed first to Pelops and then to Zeus.[54] - -Funeral games were held in honor of departed warriors and eminent -men all over the Greek world and at all periods, from the legendary -games of Patroklos and Pelias and others to those celebrated at -Thessalonika in Valerian’s time.[55] Thus Miltiades was honored by -games on the Thracian Chersonesus,[56] Leonidas and Pausanias at -Sparta,[57] Brasidas at Amphipolis,[58] Timoleon at Syracuse,[59] and -Mausolos at Halikarnassos.[60] Alexander instituted games in honor -of the dead Hephaistion[61] and the conqueror himself was honored -in a similar way.[62] The _Eleutheria_ were celebrated at Platæa at -stated times in honor of the soldiers who fell there against the -Medes in 479 B. C.,[63] and in the Academy a festival was held under -the direction of the polemarch in honor of the Athenian soldiers who -had died for their country and were buried in the Kerameikos.[64] -Funeral games were also common in Italy. We find athletic scenes -decorating Etruscan tombs—including boxing, wrestling, horse-racing, -and chariot-racing.[65] The Romans borrowed their funeral games from -Etruria as well as their gladiatorial shows, which were doubtless -also funerary in origin.[66] Frazer cites examples of the custom of -instituting games in honor of dead warriors among many modern peoples, -Circassians, Chewsurs of the Caucasus, Siamese, Kirghiz, in India, and -among the North American Indian tribes. Gardiner notes the Irish fairs -in honor of a departed chief, which existed from pagan days down to the -last century.[67] - -The testimony of early Greek athletic art also points to the same -funerary origin of the games. The funeral games of Pelias and those -held by Akastos in honor of his father were depicted respectively -on the two most famous monuments of early Greek decorative art, on -the chest of Kypselos dedicated in the Heraion at Olympia and on -the throne of Apollo at Amyklai in Lakonia, the latter being the -work of the Ionian sculptor Bathykles. Though both these works are -lost, the description of one of them at least, that of the chest, by -Pausanias,[68] is so detailed and precise that the scenes represented -upon it have been paralleled figure for figure on early Ionian -(especially Chalkidian) and Corinthian vases, contemporary or later, -and on Corinthian and Argive decorative bronze reliefs. Many attempts -have been made, therefore, to restore the chest, and as more monuments -become known, which throw light on the composition and types, these -attempts are constantly growing in certainty, even though conjecture -may continue to enter in.[69] - -The figures were wrought in relief, partly in ivory and gold and partly -in the cedar wood itself, deployed on its surface in a series of bands, -such as we commonly see on early vases. This use of gold and ivory is -the first example in Greek art of the custom employed by Pheidias and -other sculptors of the great age of Greek sculpture. We have already -noted its use in the ivory acrobats from Crete, which were made, -perhaps, a thousand years before the chest.[70] Out of the thirty-three -scenes depicted on its surface all but two or three were mythological, -and among these were scenes from the funeral games of Pelias, including -a two-horse chariot-race (P., §9), a boxing and wrestling match (§10), -a foot-race, quoit-throwing, and a victor represented as being crowned -(§10), and prize tripods (§11). - -The most valuable parallel to some of the scenes described by Pausanias -is found on the Amphiaraos vase in Berlin,[71] dating from the sixth -century B. C., on which the wrestling match and chariot-race correspond -surprisingly well with the descriptions of Pausanias, despite certain -differences in detail. Another archaic vase depicts a two-horse -chariot-race and the parting of Amphiaraos and Eriphyle.[72] The scenes -on this latter vase appear to have been copied from those on the chest, -and it is possible that the scenes on the Berlin vase had the same -origin. - -Funeral games are commonly pictured on early vases. Thus on a -proto-Attic amphora, discovered by the British School of Athens in -excavating the Gymnasion of Kynosarges, there are groups of wrestlers -and chariot-racers. The wrestling bout here, however, seems to be to -the death, as the victor has his adversary by the throat with both -hands. It may be a mythological scene, perhaps representing the bout -between Herakles and Antaios. A still earlier representation of funeral -games is shown by a Dipylon geometric vase from the Akropolis now in -Copenhagen, dating back possibly to the eighth century B. C.[73] On -one side two nude men, who have grasped each other by the arms, are -ready to stab one another with swords. This may represent, however, -as Gardiner suggests, only a mimic contest. On the other side are two -boxers standing between groups of warriors and dancers. A similar -scene in repoussé appears on a Cypriote silver vase from Etruria now -in the Uffizi in Florence.[74] We should also, in this connection, -note again the reliefs representing funeral games, which appear on -the sixth-century sarcophagus from Klazomenai already mentioned.[75] -Here is represented a combat of armed men; amid chariots stand groups -of men armed with helmets, shields, and spears, while flute-players -stand between them; at either end is a pillar with a prize vase upon -it; against one leans a naked man with a staff, doubtless intended to -represent the spirit of the deceased in whose honor the games are being -held. - -Games in honor of the dead tended to become periodic. The tomb of the -honored warriors became a rallying-point for neighboring people, -who would convene to see the games. While some of these games were -destined never to transcend local importance, others developed -into the Panhellenic festivals. As the worship of ancestors became -metamorphosed into that of heroes, the games became part of hero cults, -which antedated those of the Olympian gods. But as the gods gradually -superseded the heroes in the popular religion, they usurped the -sanctuaries and the games held there, which had long been a part of the -earlier worship. We are not here concerned, however, with the difficult -question of the origin of funeral games. They may have taken the place -of earlier human sacrifices, which would explain the armed fight at the -games of Patroklos and its appearance on archaic vases and sarcophagi; -or they may have commemorated early contests of succession, which -would explain many mythical contests like the chariot-race between -Pelops and Oinomaos for Hippodameia, or the wrestling match between -Zeus and Kronos. In any case such games would never have attained the -importance which they did attain in Greece, if it had not been for -the athletic spirit and love of competition so characteristic of the -Hellenic race. Whatever their origin, therefore, there is little doubt -that out of them developed the great games of historic Greece. The -constant relationship between Greek religion and Greek athletics can be -explained in no other way.[76] - - -EARLY HISTORY OF THE FOUR NATIONAL GAMES. - -By the beginning of the sixth century B. C. the athletic spirit -displayed in the Homeric poems had given rise to the four national -festivals—at Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, and on the Isthmus. On these -four, many lesser games were modeled.[77] The origin of all these, as -we have already remarked, is lost in a mass of legend. The myths of -the origin of Olympia are particularly conflicting. We are practically -certain, however, that Olympia as a sanctuary preceded the advent of -the Achæans into the Peloponnesus, and that the foundation of the games -preceded the coming of the Dorians, but was probably later than that -of the Achæans. The importance of the games dates from the time after -the Dorian invasion of the Peloponnesus, when the warring peoples -finally became pacified.[78] For centuries Olympia was overshadowed by -Delphi and the Ionian festival on Delos. The importance of the latter -festival in the eighth and seventh centuries B. C. is shown by the -Homeric Hymn to the Delian Apollo. Only by the beginning of the seventh -century had Olympia begun to gain its prestige. The pre-Dorian Pisatai, -in whose territory the sanctuary was situated, probably controlled -it early. The Dorian allies, the Eleans, whom legend had King Oxylos -lead into the Peloponnesus from Aitolia,[79] tried to wrest this -control from the Pisatai, who, however, aided by religious reverence -for the sanctuary, were able to maintain their rights. On account of -the conflict the games languished, until finally a truce was made by -the two factions and the games were re-established under their common -management. This work was ascribed to Iphitos and Kleosthenes, kings -respectively of Elis and Pisa, and to Lykourgos of Sparta.[80] The dual -control was not successful, as the jealous Pisatai constantly tried -to regain their old honor; but the Eleans, supported by the Spartans, -prevailed and finally, after the Persian wars, destroyed Pisa and the -other revolting cities of Triphylia and henceforth remained in sole -control. The restoration of the games under Iphitos and his colleagues -took place in 776 B. C., from which date the festival was celebrated -every fourth year, until it was finally abolished by the Roman emperor -Theodosius at the end of the fourth century A. D. In 776 Koroibos of -Elis won the foot-race and this was the first dated Olympiad in the -Olympian register,[81] and from it, as Pausanias says,[82] the unbroken -tradition of the Olympiads began. This history of Olympia is very -different from the orthodox mythical story told by Pausanias and Strabo -and based on the “ancient writings of the Eleans.”[83] According to it -the games were originally instituted by the Eleans under Oxylos and -refounded by Iphitos, his descendant, together with Lykourgos, still -under the management of the Eleans. In Ol. 8 the Pisatans invoked the -aid of the Argive king Pheidon and dispossessed the Eleans, but they -lost the control of Olympia in the next Olympiad. In Ol. 28 Elis, -during a war with Dyme, allowed the Pisatans to celebrate the games. -Six Olympiads later the king of Pisa came to Olympia with an army -and took charge. The story leaves the Pisatans in control from about -Olympiads 30 to 51, but some time between Ols. 48 and 52 the Eleans -defeated Pisa and destroyed it, and henceforth controlled the games. -Such a story was manifestly a contrivance by the later priests of -Elis to justify their control of the games through a prior claim. It -is contradicted by all the evidence.[84] The antiquity of Olympia is -known to us from the results of excavations and from its religious -history. The latest excavations on the site have disclosed the remains -of six prehistoric buildings with apsidal endings, below the geometric -stratum, upon the site of what used to be considered the remnants of -the great altar of Zeus.[85] Such an inference is borne out by many -primitive features in the religious history of the sanctuary. The altar -of Kronos on the hill to the north of the Altis was earlier than that -of Zeus; an earth altar antedated that of Zeus, while a survival of the -earlier worship of the powers of the underworld is seen in the custom, -lasting through later centuries, of allowing only one woman, the -priestess of Demeter Chamyne, to witness the games. We also know that -the worship of the Pelasgian Hera antedated that of the Hellenic Zeus; -her temple, the Heraion, is the most ancient of which the foundations -still stand, a temple built of stone, wood, and sun-dried bricks, whose -origin is to be referred to the tenth, if not to the eleventh, century -B. C.[86] We have already remarked that the worship of the hero Pelops -preceded that of the god Zeus.[87] All such indications attest the high -antiquity of Olympia. That it is not mentioned in Homer, while Delphi -and Dodona are, only proves that in the poet’s time it was still merely -a local shrine. Not until the beginning of the sixth century B. C. did -it attain the distinction, which it retained ever afterwards, of being -the foremost national festival of Hellas.[88] - -The periodical celebration of the three other national festivals was -not dated—except in legend—before the early years of the sixth century -B. C., though local festivals must have existed also on these sites -long before.[89] The old music festival at Delphi, which finally was -held every eight years,[90] was changed in 586 B. C., in consequence of -the Sacred War,[91] into a Panhellenic festival celebrated thereafter -every four years (_pentaëteris_). It was under the presidency of the -Amphiktyonic League, which introduced athletic and equestrian events -copied from those at Olympia[92] and replaced the older money prizes -with the simple bay wreath. About the same time the Nemean and Isthmian -games were instituted. The local games at Nemea, said to have been -founded by Adrastos in honor of a child, were reorganized some time -before 573 B. C., the first Nemead.[93] Thereafter they were celebrated -every two years, in the second and fourth of the corresponding -Olympiads.[94] They were administered in honor of Zeus by the small -town of Kleonai under Argive influence. The games were transferred to -Argos some time between 460 B. C. and the close of the third century B. -C. Centuries later, Hadrian revived the prestige of the games at Argos. -The games held on the Isthmus also originated as an old local festival, -which was revived in 586 or 582 B. C. We are not sure whether they -were refounded in Poseidon’s honor by Periandros or after the death of -Psammetichos in commemoration of the ending of the tyranny at Corinth. -The geographical location of Corinth, the meeting-place of East and -West, involved it in many wars, and therefore the Isthmian games never -attained the prestige of the other national festivals; they were held -every two years in the spring of the second and fourth years of the -corresponding Olympiads and were administered by Corinth.[95] - -Besides the four national games, many Greek cities had purely local -ones, some of which originated in prehistoric days in honor of hero -cults, while others were founded at historical dates. Athens was -particularly favored in having many such local festivals. The most -important of these were the _Panathenaic_ games in honor of Athena, -which developed from earlier annual _Athenaia_ or _Panathenaia_. The -festival was remodeled, or perhaps founded, just before Peisistratos -seized the tyranny (561-560 B. C.), possibly by Solon, who died 560-559 -B. C. The name certainly points to the unity of Athens promoted by -Solon, if not to the earlier unification of the village communities -of Attika ascribed to Theseus. In any case, under Peisistratos it -became something more than a local festival, as the recitation of Homer -became a feature of it. Following the games at Delphi and Olympia, -the _Great Panathenaia_ were held every four years (the third year of -each Olympiad) in the month of Hekatombaion (July), while the more -ancient annual festival continued yearly under the name of the _Little -Panathenaia_. There were musical, literary, and athletic contests. The -central feature of the festival was the procession which ascended from -the lower city to the Parthenon on the Akropolis to offer the goddess a -robe woven by noble Athenian maidens and matrons.[96] This procession -is known to us in detail from the great Parthenon frieze. The _Theseia_ -exemplify a festival whose origin can be definitely dated. Kimon, the -son of the hero of Marathon, in 469 B. C., discovered the supposed -bones of the national hero Theseus on the island of Skyros. The -Delphic oracle counseled the Athenians to place them in an honorable -resting-place. Perhaps there was a legend that the hero was buried on -Skyros; in any case a grave was found there which contained the corpse -of a warrior of great size, and this was brought back to Athens as the -actual remains of Theseus. Thereafter an annual festival was celebrated -by the Athenian _epheboi_, comprising military contests and athletic -events—stade, dolichos, and diaulos running races, wrestling, boxing, -pankration, hoplite running, etc. It began on the sixth of Pyanepsion -(October), and was followed by the _Epitaphia_, a funeral festival -in honor of national heroes and youths who had fallen fighting for -Athens.[97] Athletic games were held at the _Herakleia_ in honor of -Herakles at Marathon in the month of Metageitnion, and had attained -great popularity by the time of Pindar.[98] The _Eleusinia_, in honor -of Demeter, took place annually in Athens in the month of Boëdromion, -when horse-races and musical and other contests were held. This Attic -festival claimed a greater antiquity even than Olympia. The great -national festivals encouraged these smaller local ones, so that they -attracted competitors from the whole Greek world. - - -EARLY PRIZES FOR ATHLETES. - -The prizes which were offered at the early games in Greece were -uniformly articles of value. Their value, however, was regarded not so -much in the light of rewards to the victors as proofs of the generous -spirit of the holders of the games, who thereby celebrated the dead in -whose honor the contest was held. In Homer’s account of the funeral -games of Patroklos, each contestant, whether victorious or not, -received a prize. In one case a prize was given where the contest was -not held. In the chariot-race five prizes were offered: for the winner -a slave girl and a tripod; for the second best a six-year-old mare in -foal; for the third a cauldron; for the fourth two talents of gold; and -for the last a two-handled cup.[99] For the wrestling match the winner -received a tripod worth twelve oxen, while the vanquished received a -skilled slave woman worth four oxen.[100] For the boxing match a mule -was the first prize and a two-handled cup the second.[101] For the -foot-race a silver bowl of Sidonian make, an ox, and half a talent of -gold were the prizes.[102] - -Hesiod records his winning a tripod for a victory gained in singing at -the games of Amphidamas at Chalkis.[103] Tripods were the commonest -prizes at all early games and it was not till later that they became -connected especially with Apollo’s worship. They were presented for -all sorts of contests, for chariot-racing,[104] horse-racing,[105] the -foot-race,[106] boxing,[107] and wrestling.[108] They were presented at -various games in honor of different gods and heroes: _e. g._, those in -honor of Apollo at the _Triopia_[109] and _Panionia_ of Mykale;[110] -of Dionysos at Athens and Rhodes;[111] of Herakles at the _Herakleia_ -of Thebes and elsewhere;[112] of Pelias;[113] of Patroklos.[114] They -were kept in temples dedicated to various gods: _e. g._, in those of -Apollo at Delphi, at Amyklai,[115] and on Delos,[116] at the Ptoian -sanctuary[117] and in the Ismenion at Thebes;[118] in the temples -of Zeus at Olympia and Dodona;[119] of Herakles at Thebes;[120] at -the Hierothesion in Messene,[121] etc. Later, because it served the -Pythian priestess, the tripod became a part of the Apolline cult and -the special attribute of that god.[122] Gold and silver vessels and -articles of bronze were everywhere used as prizes. In early days -bronze was very valuable. Pindar proves this for games held in Achaia -and Arkadia;[123] and it continued to be used in later times, as, -_e. g._, at the _Panathenaia_, where a hydria of bronze was a prize -in the torch-race.[124] At the lesser games all sorts of articles -were offered, merely for their value. Thus a shield was offered at -the Argive _Heraia_,[125] a bowl at the games in honor of Aiakos on -Aegina,[126] silver cups at the Marathonian _Herakleia_[127] and at -the Sikyonian _Pythia_,[128] a cloak at Pellene,[129] apparently -a cuirass at Argos,[130] and jars of oil from sacred trees at the -_Panathenaia_.[131] A kettle is mentioned in the Anthology;[132] an -inscribed cauldron from Cumae, which was a prize at the games there in -honor of Onomastos, is in the British Museum,[133] while measures of -barley and corn were prizes at the _Eleusinia_.[134] While presents of -value continued to be given at the local games,[135] a simple wreath -of leaves gradually came to be the prize offered the victor at the -great national festivals. Pausanias[136] says that this was composed -of wild olive (κότινος) at Olympia, of laurel (δάφνη) at Delphi, of -pine (πίτυς) at the Isthmus, and of celery (σέλινον) at Nemea. Phlegon -says that the olive wreath was first used by Iphitos in Ol. 7 (= 752 -B. C.), when it was given to the Messenian runner Daïkles,[137] and -that for the preceding Olympiads there was no crown.[138] Probably -before that date tripods and other articles of value were the prizes -at Olympia, as we know they were elsewhere. Pausanias says that the -wild olive came from the land of the Hyperboreans.[139] Pindar calls it -merely olive (ἐλαία), and not wild olive.[140] The Athenian tradition -was that the olive which Herakles planted at Olympia was a shoot of -a sacred tree which grew on the banks of the Ilissos in Attica.[141] -Phlegon also says that the first crown came from Attika. In later days -the Olympic wreaths were cut from the “Olive of the Faircrown”;[142] -its branches were cut with a golden sickle by a boy whose parents -must be living;[143] it grew at Olympia in a spot near the so-called -Pantheion,[144] which was probably a grove behind the temple of -Zeus.[145] The laurel prize at the Pythian games replaced the older -articles of value or money in 582 B. C.[146] It came from Tempe and -was plucked by a boy whose parents must be living.[147] The wreath -is seen on late Delphian coins of the imperial age.[148] Lucian also -states that apples were given as prizes at Delphi.[149] Wild celery was -the prize at the Isthmus in the time of Pindar.[150] It was dried or -withered to differentiate it from the fresh celery used at Nemea.[151] -Later writers say that the wreath was of the leaves of the pine,[152] -which was the tree sacred to Poseidon. Probably pine leaves composed -the older wreath, a practice certainly revived again in later Roman -imperial days;[153] for while on coins of Augustus and Nero celery is -represented, those of Antoninus Pius and Lucius Verus show pine.[154] A -row of pine trees lined the approach to Poseidon’s sanctuary.[155] The -prize at Nemea was celery and not parsley, as many wrongly interpret -the wreath appearing on Selinuntian coins.[156] Pausanias also states -that at most Greek games a palm wreath was placed in the victor’s right -hand.[157] The palm as a symbol of victory occurs first toward the end -of the fifth century B. C.[158] - - -DEDICATION OF ATHLETE PRIZES. - -Just as soldiers on returning from successful campaigns might dedicate -their spoils of victory, victors in athletic contests might consecrate -to the gods their prizes. In the Homeric poems we have no certain -evidence of such a custom. A Delphic tripod was ascribed to Diomedes -and possibly this was a prize won at the funeral games in honor of -Patroklos.[159] The first literary example of such a dedication of -which we are certain is the prize tripod dedicated to the Helikonian -Muses by Hesiod.[160] Frequently such dedications were tripods; thus -a Pythian tripod was dedicated to Herakles at Thebes by the Arkadian -musician Echembrotos in 586 B. C.;[161] a tripod was dedicated in the -sixth century B. C. or perhaps earlier at Athens for some acrobatic or -juggling trick;[162] a victorious boxer dedicated one at Thebes.[163] -It became customary by the fifth century B. C. for victors at the -_Triopia_ to offer prize tripods to Apollo.[164] Tripods or fragments -of them have been found at Olympia[165] and elsewhere. Many other -objects were also offered.[166] Sometimes a victor would dedicate the -object by which he won his victory instead of his prize, just as a -soldier might dedicate his arms instead of his spoils of war. Certain -types of victors, _e. g._, those especially in running, the race in -armor, singing, etc., would be excluded from making such dedications -owing to the nature of the contest. Pausanias[167] tells us, for -instance, that twenty-five bronze shields were kept in the temple -of Zeus at Olympia for the use of hoplite runners, which shows that -these runners did not use all at least of their own armor. In some -cases diskoi were lent to pentathletes. Pausanias[168] says that three -quoits were kept in the treasury of the Sikyonians at Olympia for use -in the pentathlon. There are, however, as we shall see, instances of -quoits being dedicated by victors. The pentathlete might consecrate -either his diskos, javelin, or jumping-weights.[169] Perhaps the huge -red-sandstone block of the sixth century B. C., weighing 315 pounds and -inscribed with the name and feat of Bybon, may have been such an _ex -voto_,[170] since Pausanias says the contestants at Olympia originally -used stones for quoits.[171] A stone, weighing 480 kilograms (about -1,056 pounds), was found on Thera, inscribed “Eumastos raised me from -the ground.”[172] Poplios (Publius) Asklepiades, who won the pentathlon -at Olympia in the third century A. D.,[173] dedicated a bronze diskos -to Zeus, showing the old custom was kept up till late. Many bronze -diskoi have been found in the excavations of the Altis.[174] We have -instances of the dedication of jumping-weights (ἁλτῆρες).[175] Examples -of dedicated strigils have been found at Olympia.[176] Torches were -dedicated at Athens.[177] Actors dedicated their masks,[178] while -some of the ivory lyres and plectra conserved in the Parthenon were -probably offerings of musical victors at the Panathenaic games.[179] -Equestrian victors dedicated their chariots, or models of them, and -their horses. These models might be large or small. We have notices of -large chariot-groups at Olympia of Kleosthenes,[180] Gelo,[181] and -Hiero of Syracuse;[182] of small ones of Euagoras,[183] Glaukon,[184] -Kyniska,[185] and Polypeithes.[186] A large number of miniature models -of chariots and horses in bronze and terra cotta have been found at -Olympia,[187] some of which have no wheels. Many very thin foil wheels -have also been found.[188] Furtwaengler[189] believes that these -wheels are conventional reductions of whole chariots. Some of them -are cast[190] and they are generally four-spoked, but two mule-car -wheels are five-spoked.[191] These various models are so common and of -so little value, however, that they may have had nothing to do with -chariot-races.[192] - -Many great artists, _e. g._, Kalamis,[193] Euphranor,[194] and -Lysippos,[195] are known to have made chariot-groups and it is -reasonable to assume that some of these were votive in character. -Besides dedications of chariot victors, we find at Olympia also those -of horse-racers. These were similarly both large and small, with and -without jockeys. Thus jockeys on horseback by Kalamis stood on either -side of Hiero’s chariot.[196] Krokon of Eretria, who won the horse-race -at the end of the sixth century B. C.,[197] dedicated a small bronze -horse at Olympia.[198] The monument of the sons of Pheidolas of -Corinth,[199] representing a horse on the top of a column, must have -been small. Pausanias, in mentioning the two statues of the Spartan -chariot victor Lykinos by Myron,[200] says that one of the horses which -the victor brought to Olympia was not allowed to enter the foal-race, -and therefore was entered in the horse-race. This story was probably -told Pausanias by the Olympia guides and may have arisen from the -smallness of one of the horses in the monument.[201] The sculptors -Kalamis,[202] Kanachos,[203] and Hegias[204] are known to have made -groups representing horse-victors, and Pliny derives the whole _genre_ -of equestrian monuments from the Greeks.[205] Great numbers of small -figures of horses and riders have been excavated at Olympia[206] and -elsewhere.[207] Equestrian groups of various kinds were also known -outside Olympia. Thus Arkesilas IV of Kyrene offered a chariot model at -Delphi for a victory in 466 B. C;[208] the base found on the Akropolis -of Athens and inscribed with the name Onatas probably upheld such a -group;[209] the equestrian statue of Isokrates on the Akropolis was -also probably a dedication for a victory in horse-racing.[210] - - -DEDICATION OF STATUES AT OLYMPIA AND ELSEWHERE. - -Not only did equestrian contests and the pentathlon give the victor -an opportunity to represent the means by which he gained his prize, -but any victorious athlete could set up a statue of himself in his own -honor, which might either represent him in the characteristic attitude -of his contest (perhaps with its distinguishing attributes) or might be -a simple monument showing neither action nor attribute. This brings us -to the main subject of the present work—the discussion of the different -types of victor statues at Olympia. - -Of all the national games of Hellas, our knowledge of Olympia is -fullest, both because of the detailed account of its monuments by -Pausanias, who visited Elis in 173 or 174 A. D., and because of the -systematic excavation of the Altis by the German government in the -seventies of the last century. We shall not be concerned, except -incidentally, with monuments set up at the other national games, which -are known to us in no such degree as those of Olympia. The interest -of Pausanias in Delphi was almost entirely of a religious nature, -and the lesser renown of both Nemea and the Isthmus caused him to -treat their topography and monuments in a most summary manner. Though -the _Pythia_ as a festival were second only to the _Olympia_, as an -athletic meet they scarcely equalled the _Nemea_ or the _Isthmia_. -From the earliest days music was the chief competition at Delphi; -the oldest and most important event in the musical programme there -all through Greek history was the Hymn to Apollo, sung with the -accompaniment of the lyre, in which was celebrated the victory of the -god over the Python. By 582 B. C. singing to the flute (αὐλῳδία) was -also added, but was almost immediately discontinued. In the same year -a flute solo was also inaugurated.[211] In 558 B. C. lyre-playing was -introduced. Under the Roman Empire poetic and dramatic competitions -were prominent, but the date of their introduction is not known. -Pliny mentions contests in painting.[212] After music the equestrian -contests were the most important, even rivalling those of Olympia. -By 586 B. C., as we have seen, athletic events were inaugurated. The -athletic importance of the games on the Isthmus was inferior to that -of Olympia and its religious character to that of Delphi, though these -games were the most frequented of all the great national ones, because -of the accessibility of the place and its nearness to Corinth.[213] -The inferiority of the athletics here may be judged by the fact that -Solon assigned only 100 drachmæ to an Isthmian victor, while 500 were -given to one from Olympia.[214] We have little knowledge of these games -through the great period of Greek history, only a reference here and -there to a victor.[215] We know much more of them under the Romans, -when the prosperity of Corinth was revived; at that time, however, -there was little true interest in athletics. Corinth then spent great -sums in procuring wild animals for the arena.[216] Excavations have -added little to our knowledge of these games.[217] The interest at -Nemea in athletics was second only to that of Olympia.[218] While music -was the most important feature at Delphi, and the Isthmian games were -attended chiefly for the attractions of the neighboring Corinth, there -was nothing but the games themselves to attract people to the retired -valley of Nemea. Athletic contests were the only feature here until -late times and great attention was paid to those of boys.[219] The -records of the victors at these games are very scanty.[220] - -At all these three games victor monuments were set up, though in no -such profusion as at Olympia. - -Of those set up at Delphi, Pausanias shows his disdain by these -words: “As to the athletes and musical competitors who have attracted -no notice from the majority of mankind, I hold them hardly worthy -of attention; and the athletes who have made themselves a name -have already been set forth by me in my account of Elis.”[221] He -mentions the statue of only one victor, that of Phaÿllos, who won -at Delphi twice in the pentathlon and once in running. A score or -more of inscriptions in honor of these men whom Pausanias treats so -contemptuously have been recovered. Some of them record offerings -dedicated for victories, though most of them record decrees passed by -the Delphians, who voted the victors not only wreaths of laurel, but -seats of honor at the games and other privileges.[222] Victor statues -seem to have stood outside the sacred precinct at Delphi and not -within it, as at Olympia, since Pausanias mentions the sanctuary after -mentioning the statue of Phaÿllos.[223] Other Greek and Roman writers -give us stray hints of these statues. Thus, Pliny mentions a statue -at Delphi of a _pancratiastes_ by Pythagoras of Rhegion[224] and says -that Myron made _Delphicos pentathlos, pancratiastas_.[225] A scholion -on Pindar[226] mentions the helmeted statue of the hoplite runner -Telisikrates as standing in the precinct. Justin, in speaking of the -Gallic invasion of Delphi, mentions _statuasque cum quadrigis, quarum -ingens copia procul visebatur_, thus referring to large chariot-groups, -which would be very sightly on the slope of the precinct.[227] An idea -of the beauty of such groups may be gathered from the remnant of one, -the bronze _Charioteer_ discovered by the French excavators, which -is one of the most important archaic sculptures from antiquity (Fig. -66).[228] - -We know from the words of Pausanias[229] that victor statues also stood -on the Isthmus, and we should assume the same for Nemea, though in -both places they must have been few in number. At the various local -games it was customary for victors to erect statues of themselves. Thus -we know of such dedications at the Bœotian games in Thebes,[230] -at the Didymaion,[231] and at the _Lykaia_ in Arkadia.[232] Many -such victor statues decorated different localities of Athens. Thus, -on the Akropolis, we know of the statues of the hoplite runner -Epicharinos,[233] of the pancratiast Hermolykos,[234] of a helmeted -man by the sculptor Kleoitas,[235] of a παῖς κελητίζων representing -Isokrates;[236] in the Prytaneion, of the statue of the pancratiast -Autolykos.[237] Lykourgos, the rhetor, mentions victor statues in the -agora of Athens.[238] Some of these Athenian statues may have been -those of Olympic victors;[239] and of victors certainly Olympic we -know of the statues of Kallias the pancratiast,[240] of the charioteer -Hermokrates,[241] and of the bronze mares of Kimon.[242] Of the statues -of Nemean victors at Athens we know of that of Hegestratos, victor in -an unknown contest.[243] Of Isthmian victors there we know of that of -the pancratiast Diophanes,[244] and of other examples.[245] We have -inscriptional record of the statues at Athens of a boy victor at the -_Panathenaia_ and the _Thargelia_ in chariot-racing,[246] of a victor -at the _Pythia_, _Isthmia_, _Nemea_, and the _Panathenaia_,[247] of -one at the _Nemea_ and _Herakleia_ at Thebes,[248] of one at the -_Eleusinia_,[249] of one at the _Panathenaia_ and _Dionysia_,[250] and -of others at several games.[251] - -[Illustration: FIG. 2.—Bronze Statuette of a Victor, from Olympia. -Museum of Olympia.] - -The erection of a statue in the Altis at Olympia was an honor which the -Elean officers in charge of the games[252] gave to victors to glorify -their victory.[253] Pliny, in a well-known passage of the _Historia -Naturalis_,[254] says it was customary for all victors to set up -statues, while Pausanias[255] says not all athletes did this, for “some -of those who specially distinguished themselves in the games ... have -had no statues.” This apparent contradiction in the statements of the -two writers is to be explained, as Dittenberger[256] and others have -pointed out, on the ground that Pliny states the general privilege -extended to the victor, while Pausanias states its practical working -out, since the setting up of a statue was an undertaking which would -be limited by the early death, poverty, or some other disability of -the victorious athlete. The cost of making, transporting, and setting -up a statue was considerable, and very often a victor must have -been too poor to do it. In such a case he would often be contented -to set up merely a statuette or small figure in bronze or marble. -Several such bronze figures have been unearthed at Olympia,[257] one -of which we reproduce in Fig. 2, and we have many examples found -outside the Altis: _e. g._, a group of wrestlers,[258] a boxer,[259] -and the arm of a quoit-thrower[260] from the Athenian Akropolis, -an archaic girl runner from Dodona,[261] an archaic statuette from -Delphi with a loin-cloth,[262] a bronze quoit-thrower dedicated in the -Kabeirion,[263] the Tuebingen bronze hoplite runner[264] (Fig. 42), -and the statuette of a παῖς κέλης from Dodona.[265] We should also -mention the great number of statuettes of diskos-throwers in modern -museums.[266] Boy victors especially would use the less expensive -marble for such statuettes and we have the remnants of many such found -in the excavations of the Altis.[267] Pausanias mentions several -monuments which were less than life-size, _e. g._, a horse among the -offerings of Phormis, which he says was “much inferior in size and -shape to all other statues of horses in the Altis,”[268] and the -equestrian monuments already discussed. Even reliefs and paintings, -in some cases, were offered in lieu of larger monuments, not only for -reasons of economy, but also because they gave a better representation -of the contest. This custom was common at the lesser games, especially -at the _Panathenaia_.[269] Pausanias mentions painted iconic reliefs -vowed by girl runners at the games in honor of Hera at Olympia.[270] On -an Attic vase in Munich a victor is represented as holding an iconic -votive _pinax_ in his hands.[271] Pausanias speaks of a painting by -Timainetos at Athens, which represented a boy carrying hydriæ,[272] -and one of a wrestler by the same artist in the Pinakotheke on the -Akropolis. Pliny mentions paintings, the works of great masters, -representing victors: thus the _currentes quadrigae_ by the elder -Aristeides of Thebes,[273] a _victor certamine gymnico palmam tenens_ -by Eupompos,[274] an athlete by Zeuxis,[275] the victor Aratos with a -trophy by Leontiskos,[276] an athlete by Protogenes,[277] two hoplite -runners by Parrhasios,[278] a _luctator tubicenque_ by Antidotos and -a warrior by the same artist, in Athens,[279] which represented a man -fighting with a shield, and a man anointing himself, the work of the -painter Theoros.[280] - -Apparently the Hellanodikai allowed but one statue for each victory. -Aischines the Elean had two victories and two statues.[281] Dikon of -Kaulonia and Syracuse had three victories and three statues.[282] -The Spartan Lykinos had two victories and two statues by Myron, but -we have already said that the second statue was probably that of his -charioteer, the two forming part of an equestrian group.[283] Kapros -of Elis won two victories and had as many statues.[284] On the other -hand Troilos of Elis, who won in two events, had only one statue.[285] -Similarly Arkesilaos of Sparta had two victories in the chariot-race -and only one statue.[286] Xenombrotos of Cos, who appears to have won -once only, had, however, two monuments, one mentioned by Pausanias and -the other known to us from the recovered inscription.[287] But this -last case seems to be the only known exception. - -When the victor was unable to set up his monument, whether because of -youth, poverty, early death, or other reason, sometimes the privilege -was utilized by a relative, a friend, or by his native city. In any -case it was a private affair with which the Elean officials had no -concern. We have examples, consequently, of the statue being set up -by the son,[288] father (especially in recovered inscriptions after -the time of Augustus),[289] mother,[290] and brother;[291] also -several examples of statues reared in honor of athletes by fellow -citizens.[292] There are cases in which the trainer set up the -statue.[293] Frequently the native city performed the duty, dedicating -the statue either at Olympia or in the victor’s city. Thus Oibotas, -who won the stade-race in Ol. 6 (= 756 B. C.), had a statue at Olympia -which was erected by the Achæan state out of deference to a command of -the Delphian oracle in Ol. 80 (= 460 B. C.).[294] The statue of Agenor, -by Polykleitos the Younger, a boy wrestler from Thebes, was dedicated -by the confederacy of Phokis, because his father was a public friend of -the nation.[295] The boy runner Herodotos of Klazomenai had a statue -erected by his native town at Olympia because he was the first victor -from there.[296] Philinos of Kos had a statue set up by the people of -Kos at Olympia “because of glory won,” for he was victor five times in -running at Olympia, four at Delphi, four at Nemea, and eleven at the -Isthmus.[297] Hermesianax of Kolophon had a statue at Olympia erected -by his city.[298] The pancratiast Promachos of Pellene had two statues -erected to him by his fellow citizens, one at Olympia, the other in -Pellene.[299] We know of three state dedications of statues at Olympia -from inscriptions, those of Aristophon of Athens,[300] of Epitherses of -Erythrai,[301] and of Polyxenos by the people of Zakynthos.[302] Lichas -of Sparta, at a date when the Spartans were excluded from the games, -entered his chariot in the name of the Theban people, and Pausanias -says that his victory was so entered on the Elean register.[303] We -learn from the _OxyrhynchusPapyri_ that the public horse of the Argives -won at Olympia in Ol. 75 (= 480 _B. C._) and the public chariot in -Ol. 77 (= 472 _B. C._).[304] In these latter two cases the public -was directly interested, and had there been monuments erected to -commemorate the victories they would naturally have been set up by the -state. - -It has been wrongly assumed that monuments of boy victors were -dedicated in the name of their parents or relatives.[305] On the -contrary, we have examples dating back to the fifth century B. C. of -boys setting up statues at Olympia. Thus the inscription from the -base of the statue of Tellon, who won in the boys’ boxing match in -Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.), states that he dedicated his own statue.[306] -Pausanias says that the Eleans allowed the boy wrestler Kratinos from -Aigeira to erect a statue of his trainer.[307] Of course the boy might -need assistance in the undertaking, but this again was no concern of -the Elean officials, who granted the privilege to the victor and not -to his relatives. Usually the statue of a victor was erected soon -after the victory. We have some examples of the statue being erected -immediately after the victory, especially in the case of men victors. -Thus Pausanias says that the victor Eubotas of Kyrene, in consequence -of a Libyan oracle foretelling his victory in the foot-race, had -his statue made before coming to Olympia and erected it “the very day -on which he was proclaimed victor.”[308] The famous Milo of Kroton -spectacularly carried his statue into the Altis on his back before he -entered the contest.[309] There are also examples of statues being -erected long after the victory, sometimes centuries later. We have -already mentioned that a statue was erected to Oibotas in Ol. 80, -though his victory was won in Ol. 6. Chionis, who won in running races -in Ols. 28-31 (= 668-656 B. C.) had a statue by Myron erected to his -memory Ol. 77 or 78 (= 472 or 468 B. C.).[310] Cheilon of Patrai, twice -victor in wrestling between Ols. (?) 103 and 115 (= 368 and 320 B. C.), -had his statue set up after his death.[311] Polydamas of Skotoussa won -his victory in the pankration in Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.), but his statue -by Lysippos could not have been erected until many years later.[312] -Glaukos, who won the boys’ boxing-match in Ol. 65 (= 520 B. C.), had a -statue by the Aeginetan sculptor Glaukias much later.[313] In the case -of boy victors, the time between boyhood and coming of age was often so -short that in many cases we may assume that the statue was set up some -time after the victory.[314] - - -HONORS PAID TO VICTORS BY THEIR NATIVE CITIES. - -Since the victor was deemed the representative of the state, he often -received a more substantial reward than a statue erected at the cost of -his fellow citizens. The herald, in proclaiming his victory, proclaimed -also the name of his town, which thus shared in his success. At Athens -it was customary for a victor at the great games to receive a reward of -money. To encourage an interest in athletics there, Solon established -money prizes for victorious athletes. We have already said that 100 -drachmæ were given to a victor at the Isthmus, while 500 were allotted -to one at Olympia. Solon further ordained that victors should eat at -the Prytaneion at the public expense.[315] Probably other Greek states -followed the Athenian custom. We know from an inscription that the -Panathenaic victors in the stade-race received 50 amphoræ of oil, the -pancratiast 40, and others 30.[316] Later, in Rome, victors had special -privileges granted them, including maintenance at the public expense, -a privilege which Mæcenas advised the emperor Augustus to limit to -victors at Olympia, Delphi, and Rome.[317] Augustus in other ways -enlarged the privileges of athletes.[318] When we consider the intimate -connection between religion and athletics and the Panhellenic fame of a -victor at the great games, we can easily understand the indignation of -the native town when its athletes did anything dishonorable. Sometimes -a victor was bribed to appear as the citizen of some other state. Thus -Astylos of Kroton, who won in running races in Ols. 73-76 (= 488-476 -B. C.), had himself proclaimed in his last two contests a Syracusan to -please King Hiero. The citizens of his native town burned his house and -pulled down his statue, which had been placed there in the temple of -Hera.[319] The Cretan Sotades, who won the long running race in Ol. 99 -(= 384 B. C.), was bribed at the next Olympiad by the city of Ephesos -to proclaim himself an Ephesian, and was in consequence exiled.[320] -Dikon, a victor in running races at the beginning of the fourth century -B. C., proclaimed himself first a citizen of Kaulonia, but later, -“for a sum of money,” entered the men’s contest as a Syracusan.[321] -Sometimes such attempts at bribery proved unsuccessful. Thus the -father of the boy boxer Antipatros of Miletos, who won in Ol. 98 (= -388 B. C.), accepted a bribe from some Syracusans, who were bringing -an offering to Olympia from Dionysios, to let the boy be proclaimed -a Syracusan. But the boy himself refused the bribe and had inscribed -on his statue by the younger Polykleitos that he was a Milesian, the -first Ionian to dedicate a statue at Olympia.[322] The Spartan chariot -victor Lichas has already been mentioned as having entered his chariot -in the name of Thebes. The reason was that at the time the Spartans -were excluded from entering the games at Olympia. He won, and in his -excitement tied a ribbon on his charioteer with his own hands, thereby -showing that the horses belonged to him and not to Thebes. For this -infraction of the rules he, though an aged man, was punished by the -umpires by scourging.[323] A more disgraceful act was selling out, of -which we have two examples at Olympia. The Thessalian Eupolos bribed -his three adversaries in boxing to let him win. All four were fined -and from the money six bronze statues of Zeus, known as _Zanes_, were -erected at the entrance to the stadion, inscribed with elegiac verses -which warned future athletes against repeating such attempts.[324] -More than fifty years later Kallippos, a pentathlete of Athens, bribed -his opponents and, being detected, all were fined and from the money, -finally collected from the recalcitrant Athenians through the influence -of the oracle at Delphi, six more _Zanes_ were erected.[325] Straton -(or Stratonikos), of Alexandria, won in wrestling and the pankration on -the same day in Ol. 178 (= 68 B. C.). In the wrestling match he had two -adversaries, Eudelos and Philostratos of Rhodes. The latter had bribed -Eudelos to sell out and, being detected, had to pay a fine. Out of this -money another _Zan_ was set up and still another at the cost of the -Rhodians.[326] In Ol. 192 (= 12 B. C.) and in Ol. 226 (= 125 A. D.), we -hear of fines for such corruption out of which additional _Zanes_ were -erected.[327] In Ol. 201 (= 25 A. D.) Sarapion, a pancratiast from -Alexandria, became so afraid of his antagonist that he fled the day -before the contest and was fined—the only case recorded of an athlete -being fined for cowardice at Olympia.[328] In Ol. 218 (= 93 A. D.) -another Alexandrine, named Apollonios, was fined for arriving too late -for the games at Olympia. His excuse of being detained by winds was -found to be false, and it was discovered that he had been making money -on the games in Ionia.[329] - -Cases of bribery were known at other games. A third-century B. C. -inscription from Epidauros records how three athletes were fined one -thousand staters each διὰ τὸ φθείρειν τοὺς ἀγῶνας.[330] The venality of -Isthmian victors is shown by the account of a competitor who promised -a rival three thousand drachmæ to let him win and then, on winning on -his merits, refused to pay, though the defeated contestant swore on -the altar of Poseidon that he had been promised the amount.[331] The -emperor Nero, in order to win in singing at the Isthmus, had to resort -to force. A certain Epeirote singer refused to withdraw unless he -received ten talents. Nero, to save himself from defeat, sent a band of -men who pummelled his antagonist so that he could not sing.[332] - -Often the home-coming of a victor at one of the national games was the -occasion for a public celebration. Sometimes the whole city turned -out to meet the hero.[333] The victory was recorded on pillars, and -poets composed songs in its honor which were sung by choruses of -girls and boys. Sometimes a statue was set up in the agora or on the -Akropolis. In the cities of Magna Græcia and Sicily such adulation -of Olympic victors became at times very extravagant. Thus Exainetos -of Akragas, who won the stade-race in Ols. 91 and 92 (= 416-412 B. -C.), was brought into the city in a four-horse chariot drawn by his -fellow-citizens, and was escorted by 300 men in two-horse chariots -drawn by white horses.[334] It is also in the West that we first hear -of victors being worshipped as heroes or gods, though the custom soon -took root in Greece. It was but natural to account for the great -strength of famous athletes by assigning to them divine origin and by -worshipping them after death.[335] Philippos of Kroton, who won in an -unknown contest about Ol. 65 (= 520 B. C.), had a _heroön_ erected in -his honor by the people of Egesta in Sicily on account of his beauty, -in which he surpassed all his contemporaries, and he was worshipped -after his death as a hero.[336] The famous boxer Euthymos of Lokroi -Epizephyrioi, who won in Ols. 74, 76, 77 (= 484, 476, 472 B. C.), was -worshipped even before his death and was looked upon as the son of no -earthly father, but of the river-god Kaikinos.[337] Fabulous feats -were ascribed to him, _e. g._, the expulsion of the Black Spirit from -Temessa.[338] During and after his lifetime sacrifices were offered -in his honor.[339] The equally famed boxer and pancratiast Theagenes -of Thasos, the opponent of Euthymos, who won in Ols. 75 and 76 (= -480 and 476 B. C.), was heroized after his death.[340] The Thasians -maintained that his father was Herakles.[341] The boxer Kleomedes of -Astypalaia, who won in Ol. 71 (= 496 B. C.), was honored as a hero -after death.[342] Having killed Ikkos, his opponent, he became crazed -with grief. Pausanias recounts his curious death.[343] The worship of -such athletes was supposed to bestow physical strength on their adorers -and consequently statues were erected to them in many places and were -thought to be able to cure illnesses.[344] The life of a successful -athlete was looked upon as especially happy. In Aristophanes’ _Plutus_, -Hermes deserts the gods and serves Plutus “the presider over contests,” -thinking no service more profitable to the god of wealth than holding -contests in music and athletics.[345] Plato thought an Olympic victor’s -life was the most blessed of all from a material point of view.[346] -In the myth of Er the soul of Atalanta chooses the body of an athlete, -on seeing “the great rewards bestowed on an athlete.”[347] The great -Rhodian pancratiast Dorieus, who won in Ols. 87, 88, 89 (= 432-424 -B. C.), was taken prisoner by Athens during the Peloponnesian war, -but was freed because of his exploits at Olympia.[348] The honor in -which a victor was held may also be judged by the story of the Spartan -ephor Cheilon, who died of joy while embracing his victorious son -Damagetos.[349] To quote from Ernest Gardner: “The extraordinary, -almost super-human honours paid to the victors at the great national -contests made them a theme for the sculptor hardly less noble than -gods and heroes, and more adapted for the display of his skill, -as trained by the observation of those exercises which led to the -victory.”[350] Some of the greatest artists were employed, and great -poets from Simonides of Keos down, including such names as Bacchylides -and Pindar, were employed in singing their praises. Although it must -be confessed that the majority of the artists of victor statues at -Olympia are little known or wholly unknown masters, Pausanias mentions -among them such renowned names as Hagelaïdas, Pythagoras, Kalamis, -Myron, Polykleitos, Lysippos, and possibly Pheidias. Certain other -great names, however, are absent from his lists, _e. g._, Euphranor, -Kresilas, Praxiteles, and Skopas. Such extravagant reverence of Olympic -and other victors as we have outlined met, of course, with violent -protests all through Greek history, just as the excessive popularity -of athletics has in our time. The philosopher Xenophanes of Kolophon, -who died 480 B. C., was scandalized at the offering of divine honors -to athletes.[351] While he denounced the popularity of athletics, -Euripides later denounced the professionalism which had begun to creep -in after the middle of the fifth century B. C.[352] Plato, though a -strong advocate of practical physical training for war, was opposed -to the vain spirit of competition in the athletics of his day. He -complained that professional athletes paid excessive attention to diet, -slept their lives away, and were in danger of becoming brutalized.[353] -The last attack on professional athletics in point of time was made -in the second century A. D. by Galen, in his _Exhortation to the -Arts_.[354] In this essay the eminent physician contended that the -athlete was a benefit neither to himself nor to the state. When we -study the brutal portraits of prize-fighters on the contemporary -mosaics of the Baths of Caracalla at Rome, we can see to what depths -the old athletic ideal had sunk, and the justness of his rebuke.[355] - - -VOTIVE CHARACTER OF VICTOR DEDICATIONS. - -That chariot and hippic monuments were votive in character can -scarcely be doubted. Pausanias distinguishes between gymnic victors -and equestrian ones.[356] All authorities agree that equestrian -monuments were different in origin and character from those of other -victors.[357] Gardiner believes that if the Olympic games developed -out of a single event, it was not the stade-race, but the chariot-race -or heavy-armed-race. He shows that the custom of making the stade -runner eponymous for the Olympiad is not earlier than the third century -B. C., and did not arise from the importance of that event, but from -the accident of its coming first on the program and first on the list -of victors.[358] Equestrian monuments were dedicated at Olympia all -through antiquity, from the sixth century B. C. to the second A. D. The -oldest was that of the Spartan Euagoras already mentioned, who won in -the chariot-race three times in Ols. (?) 58-60 (= 548-540 B. C.).[359] -The latest dated example is that of L. Minicius Natalis of Rome, who -won in Ol. 227 (= 129 A .D.).[360] Some of the inscriptions pertaining -to equestrian groups are in verse,[361] while others are in prose.[362] -Most of them have the usual dedicatory word ἀνέθηκε,[363] or the -formula Διὶ Ὀλυμπίῳ,[364] while others have the word ἔστησε[365] and a -few have no dedicatory word at all.[366] - -The question arises, then, whether ordinary victor monuments in the -Altis were votive in the sense that these equestrian ones were, or -merely honors granted to the victors. The crown of wild olive was -merely a temporary reward suiting the occasion of the victory. The -privilege of setting up a statue was granted in order to perpetuate -the fame of that occasion. In a well-known passage Pausanias makes a -sweeping generalization about monuments at Athens and Olympia.[367] He -says that all objects on the Akropolis—including statues—were ἀναθήματα -or votive offerings, while some of those at Olympia were dedicated to -the god, but that the statues of athletes were mere prizes of victory. -In another passage[368] also, in distinguishing the various sorts of -monuments at Olympia, he expressly says that the statues of athletes -were not devoted to Zeus, but were marks of honor (ἐν ἄθλου λόγῳ) -bestowed on the victors. These statements of the Periegete have given -rise to a good deal of fruitless discussion. Furtwaengler follows -Pausanias in saying that the right of setting up statues was _ein -wesentlicher Theil des Siegespreises_.[369] That such erections at -Olympia were considered as high honors is implied by the wording of -many of the inscriptions which have been recovered from the bases of -the statues. Thus on that of the boxer Euthymos are the words εἰκόνα -δ’ ἔστησεν τήνδε βροτοῖς ἐσορᾶν.[370] Furtwaengler, therefore, has -promulgated the theory that the victor statues at Olympia were in no -sense votive, though they were considered to be the property of the god -in whose grove they stood. He cites the fact that the inscribed bases -of such monuments down to the first century B. C., with the exception -of a few metrical epigrams, make no mention of dedications, and that in -these exceptions the word ἀνέθηκε was added for metrical reasons,[371] -while during the same centuries regular votive offerings (ἀναθῆματα) -invariably have the word ἀνέθηκε.[372] One inscription, that from the -base of the statue of Euthymos of Lokroi, is both metrical and in -prose;[373] but it seems to have been changed later in two places, the -second line originally ending in a pentameter, and the third line, with -ἀνέθηκε, being added afterwards.[374] Also the prose inscription[375] -referred by Roehl to the statue of the wrestler Milo is rejected -by Dittenberger. The oldest prose inscription which makes a votive -offering out of a victor statue at Olympia is that of Thaliarchos, -who won his second victory in boxing some time between 40 and 30 B. -C.[376] Then follow certain prose inscriptions of imperial times.[377] -Dittenberger concludes that for four hundred years there is no case -of such a dedication.[378] From the evidence of the inscriptions -from statue bases, therefore, it is clear that the distinction made -by Pausanias between honor and victor statues did not hold good -in his day, since the words ἀνάθημα and ἀνέθηκε were then used on -victor monuments at Olympia, as the inscriptions of the imperial age -just cited show, but that it did hold good for centuries before the -Roman period. Pausanias must have based his statement, therefore, -not on observation, but on the words of some earlier writer.[379] -Furtwaengler’s reasoning has been followed pretty generally by -archæologists.[380] While some, however, leave the question in -doubt,[381] others are opposed to the idea that these statues were not -votive. Thus R. Schoell believes that the victor monuments were as -truly ἀναθήματα as the olive crowns.[382] Reisch, who has discussed the -question at length,[383] believes, in opposition to the earlier view of -Furtwaengler, that everything within the Altis must always _ipso facto_ -have been regarded as dedications to the god. This would explain the -frequent omission of the name of the god, which would be superfluous, -the victor being content with inscribing his own name and the contest -in which he was victorious. Even the name of the contest does not -always appear.[384] Reisch explains the omission of the formula ἀνέθηκε -in earlier inscriptions on the ground of epigrammatic brevity.[385] - -The truth must lie somewhere between the extremes represented by -the views of Furtwaengler and Reisch. Some athlete statues may have -been votive, while others were not. Thus Rouse argues[386] that -originally all victor statues at Olympia were as truly votive as -equestrian groups, and as truly as those athlete statues continued to -be, which were dedicated in the victors’ native towns. Those inscribed -with ἀνέθηκε at Olympia must have been votive, for we should take -the dedicator at his word, instead of believing the formula to be -added merely to make the verse scan.[387] There is no reason why an -athlete should not dedicate a statue of himself, representing himself -as forever standing in the presence of the god, as well as a diskos -or jumping-weights; for it was customary to make votive offerings -representative of the events, and this could be done best by presenting -the athlete in a statue which showed the characteristic attitude or the -appropriate attributes. Rouse furthermore believes that a change was -slowly wrought in the course of centuries, by which the original votive -offering became a means of self-glorification. Equestrian victors owed -their victories not to themselves, but to their horses, cars, drivers, -and jockeys; in such cases the group was a thing apart from the owner. -Only seldom did such victors dedicate statues of themselves alone. Even -when the victor added a statue of himself to the group, still it was -the chariot and not the statue which was emphasized.[388] On the other -hand the ordinary gymnic victor relied on himself—on his strength, -endurance, courage, and other qualities; and in representing the -contest the victor himself had to be represented. Consequently, by the -fifth century B. C., if not earlier, the statues of athletes had become -memorials of personal glory. - - -MISCELLANEOUS MEMORIALS TO VICTORS. - -A statue was not the only memorial erected in honor of an Olympic -victor, though it was by far the commonest. We have already mentioned -the bronze inscribed diskos dedicated by the pentathlete P. Asklepiades -in the third century A. D.[389] A green stone leaping-weight inscribed -with the name Κῳδίας appears to have been dedicated by a victor.[390] -In two cases stelæ were set up in honor of victors.[391] A curious -dedication was a bronze chapel, which the Sikyonian tyrant Myron -dedicated to Apollo at Olympia.[392] In later days it became part of -the treasury of the Sikyonians.[393] Outside Olympia various monuments -commemorating Olympic victors were set up. These will be discussed in -Chapter VIII. - - -HONORARY STATUES. - -At Olympia, as elsewhere in Greece, statues were set up to men -_honoris causa_. Such statues would be dedicated by admirers, either -individuals or states. They were in no sense intended to honor the god, -though at Olympia they might be classed as ἀναθήματα, just as victor -statues, merely because they were erected in the sacred precinct. They -were granted to individuals not as a privilege, as victor statues -were, but as free gifts. Dio Chrysostom gives the difference between -victor statues—which he classes as ἀναθήματα—and such honor statues -in these words: ταῦτα (_i. e._, victor statues) γάρ ἐστιν ἀναθήματα· -αἱ δ’ εἰκόνες τιμαί· κἀκεῖνα (victor statues) δέδοται τοῖς θεοῖς, -ταῦτα δὲ (honor statues) τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν οἵπερ εἰσὶν ἔγγιστα -αὐτῶν.[394] Pliny records that the Athenians inaugurated the custom -of a state setting up statues in honor of men at the public expense -with the statues of the tyrannicides Harmodios and Aristogeiton by the -sculptor Antenor, which were erected in 509 B. C., the year in which -the tyrants were expelled.[395] He adds that a “refined ambition” led -to a universal adoption of the custom and that statues began to adorn -public places everywhere and later on even private houses. The custom -grew apace in the later history of Greece. Demetrios of Phaleron is -said to have had over three hundred statues erected in his honor during -his short régime of about a year in Athens. The Diadochoi and the Roman -emperors enthusiastically took over the custom. Pliny gives several -Roman examples of it.[396] - -At Olympia Pausanias mentions honorary statues erected to thirty-five -men for various reasons.[397] To several of these men more than one -statue was erected.[398] The greater number of these statues were -erected to kings and princes, to those of Sparta,[399] Athens,[400] -Epeiros,[401] Sicily,[402] Macedonia, and Alexander’s Empire.[403] -One was erected in honor of the philosopher Aristotle,[404] one in -honor of the rhetorician Gorgias of Leontini,[405] one in honor of a -hunter,[406] another in honor of a flute-player,[407] and many others -in honor of public and private men. These statues were set up for -various reasons. Archidamas III of Sparta had his statues erected -to his memory because he was the only Spartan king who died abroad -and did not receive a formal burial. Kylon had a statue erected -by the Aitolians because he freed the Eleans from the tyranny of -Aristotimos.[408] Pythes of Abdera was thus honored by his soldiers -because of his military prowess.[409] Philonides of Crete was, as -we learn from the recovered inscription on his statue base, the -courier of Alexander the Great.[410] Pythokritos was honored for his -flute-playing, though he does not appear to have been a victor.[411] -The Palaians of Kephallenia honored Timoptolis of Elis,[412] and the -Aitolians honored the Elean Olaidas[413] for unknown reasons. At least -seven, if not eight, of those thus honored with statues were Eleans. -Some of the men who had honor statues were also victors at Olympia, a -fact which would appear on the inscribed base. Thus Aratos, the son -of Kleinias of Sikyon, the statesman, had a statue erected to him by -the Corinthians. This was doubtless an honor statue, though Pausanias -also says he was a chariot-victor.[414] On the other hand, the statue -erected in honor of the pentathlete Stomios was probably a victor -monument, though Pausanias says that its inscription records that he -was an Elean cavalry general who challenged the enemy to a duel, in -which he was slain.[415] In some cases it is hard to decide whether the -statue is honorary or victor in character. In the course of time honor -statues multiplied, while those of athletes decreased. The recovered -inscriptions on the latter decrease steadily in the fourth and third -centuries B. C., revive again in the second and first, and decrease -in the first Christian century. They cease almost entirely after the -middle of the second century A. D. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF VICTOR STATUES AT OLYMPIA. - -PLATES 2-7 AND FIGURES 3-8. - - -Only a few insignificant remnants of the forest of victor statues -which once stood in the Altis at Olympia were unearthed by the German -excavators. Most of these statues already in antiquity had been carried -off to Italy,[416] while those which escaped the spoliation of the -Roman masters of Greece were destroyed at the hands of the invading -hordes of barbarians in the early Dark Ages. Consequently only here and -there in modern museums can isolated fragments of these originals be -discovered, which have accidentally survived the ravages of time and -man. - -In the almost complete absence of originals, therefore, we depend -for our knowledge of them on a variety of sources. In attempting to -reconstruct them we have two main sources of information to aid us, -the literary and the archæological. To the former belong the many -inscriptions found on the statue bases recovered at Olympia, which -contain the name and native city of the victor, the athletic contest -in which his victory was won, and frequently some account of his -former athletic history; epigrams preserved in the Greek anthologies -and elsewhere, some of which agree with those inscribed on the statue -bases; more or less definite statements of scholiasts and the classical -writers in general, especially the detailed account of the monuments -of Olympia contained in the fifth and sixth books of the Ἑλλάδος -περιήγησις of Pausanias, who visited the Altis during the reign of -Marcus Aurelius Antoninus,[417] and also the somewhat systematic -treatment of Greek sculptors and their works in the elder Pliny’s -chapters on the History of Art.[418] To the latter source belong the -remnants of statues in bronze and marble found at Olympia, as well as -the recovered bases, on many of which the extant footmarks enable us -to recover the pose of the statues which formerly stood upon them. -Finally, in reconstructing these athlete statues, an intimate knowledge -of Greek sculpture in all its phases and periods is essential. Here, -as in the general study of Greek sculpture, where the destruction of -originals has been almost complete, we are largely dependent on Roman -copies which were executed by more or less skilled workmen, chiefly -for wealthy Roman patrons of art who wished to use them to decorate -the public buildings, baths, palaces, and villas of Rome and other -Italian cities. A careful study of these copies has evolved a series -of groups, which have been assigned with more or less probability to -this or that artist.[419] Representations of the various poses of the -athlete statues of Olympia and elsewhere are found also on every sort -of sculptured and painted works—reliefs, vases, coins, gems—which are, -therefore, valuable in any attempt to reconstruct the attitude of a -given statue. - -Taking into account all these sources of knowledge, it has been -possible to reach tolerable certainty in reconstructing the main types -of these victor monuments, and in identifying schools, masters, and -individual works. This identification of athlete statues, especially -those belonging to the fifth and fourth centuries B. C., among the -countless Roman works which people modern museums, has already been -achieved in many cases by archælogical investigations. The work of -many masters of the archaic period and of the most important bronze -sculptors of the great period of Greek art has been illustrated by -such ascriptions; especially that of Myron, who represented figures -in rhythmic action full of life and vigor; of the elder Polykleitos, -who was a master in representing standing figures at rest fashioned -according to a mathematical system of proportions; of Lysippos, who -introduced a new canon of proportions in opposition to that of his -predecessor Polykleitos, and who inaugurated the naturalistic tendency -in Greek art, which was destined to he carried to such unbecoming -lengths in succeeding centuries. The further identification of such -statues, as our knowledge of the tendencies and traditions of the -schools of Greek sculpture and our sources of information about -athletic art become more and more extended, will be one of the most -important tasks of the archæologist in the future. - -Before discussing the appearance of individual types of these -monuments, we shall consider certain general characteristics common to -all of them. Long ago K. O. Mueller[420] summed up the common features -of victor statues in these words: _Kurzgelocktes Haar, tuechtige -Glieder, eine kraeftige Ausbildung der Gestalt und verhaeltnissmaessig -kleine Koepfe characterisiren die ganze Gattung von Figuren; die -zerschlagenen Ohren und die hervorgetriebenen Muskeln insbesondere die -Faustkaempfer und Pankratiasten._ Though in the main this excellent -summary still holds good, we are now in a position to correct it in -part and to add other equally characteristic features to it. We shall -briefly discuss, therefore, in the light of recent investigations, -certain of the characteristics common to this _genre_ of sculpture—the -material and size of these statues, their nudity and fashion of wearing -the hair, their twofold division into iconic and aniconic, their -proportions, and, lastly, the assimilation of their appearance to -well-known types of hero or god. - - -SIZE OF VICTOR STATUES. - -In another section[421] we show that the overwhelming majority of the -statues in the Altis were of bronze, though other materials, stone and -wood, were also used in some cases. As to the size of these statues, -no hard and fast rule seems to have been followed, but we may assume -from the evidence at hand that they were in general life-size.[422] -Lucian would have us believe that the Hellanodikai did not allow -victors to set up statues larger than life.[423] We know, however, that -there were exceptions to such a rule. In all probability the statue -of Polydamas of Skotoussa by Lysippos, which Pausanias says stood on -a high pedestal, was larger than life-size, if we may conjecture from -its elevated position and the probable source of Pausanias’ remark that -he “was the tallest of men, if we except the so-called heroes and the -mortal race which preceded the heroes.”[424] The traces of footprints -on the recovered pedestal of the statue of the Athenian pancratiast -Kallias by the sculptor Mikon show that the statue was larger than -life-size.[425] The footprints on the base of the statue of the Rhodian -boxer Eukles by the Argive Naukydes are about 33 cm. long, and so the -statue was slightly over life-size.[426] We know the actual size of -at least two of these Olympic statues. The scholiast on Pindar, _Ol._ -VII, Argum., on the basis of a fragment from Aristotle’s lost work -on the Olympic victors and one from the little-known writer Apollas -Ponticus,[427] says that the statue of the Rhodian boxer Diagoras was -4 cubits and 5 fingers tall,[428] _i. e._, about 6 feet 4.5 inches, -somewhat over life-size.[429] From the same scholiast we learn that the -statue of the son of Diagoras, the pancratiast Damagetos, was 4 cubits -high, or less than that of the father by 5 fingers, and consequently -just under 6 feet.[430] The footprints on the base of the statue of -the boxer Aristion by the elder Polykleitos are 29 cm. long, and so -the statue was just life-size.[431] There are several examples of such -life-size statues,[432] while others are slightly below life-size.[433] -The Polykleitan statue of a boxer in Kassel is under life-size.[434] -The marble head of a statue found at Olympia, which we ascribe to -Philandridas, the Akarnanian pancratiast, by Lysippos, (Frontispiece -and Fig. 69) is also under life-size,[435] as is also that of the -pancratiast Agias found at Delphi (Pl. 27 and Fig. 68). These two are -in harmony with Pliny’s statement that Lysippos made the heads of his -statues relatively small.[436] Perhaps this statement of Pliny was the -basis of the opinion of Mueller recorded above that “comparatively -small heads” characterize the whole _genre_ of victor statues. We -have in the preceding chapter mentioned the marble fragments of the -statues of boy victors, two-fifths to two-thirds life-size, found at -Olympia.[437] The two marble helmeted heads of the archaic period -found there, which we shall later ascribe to hoplite victors (Fig. -30), are exactly life-size.[438] Of the bronze fragments recovered at -Olympia,[439] the head of a boxer of the fourth century B. C. (Fig. -61, A and B) is life-size,[440] while the extraordinarily beautifully -sculptured right arm ascribed to a boy victor by Furtwaengler[441] is a -little under life-size. - - -NUDITY OF VICTOR STATUES. - -Most of the victor statues at Olympia were nude.[442] In the early -period all athletes wore the loin-cloth. Cretan frescoes show it -was the custom in the early Mediterranean world. The athletes of -Homer girded themselves on entering the games of Patroklos,[443] and -the girdle appears in the earliest athletic scenes on vases.[444] -Throughout the historic period, however, the Greeks entered their -contests in complete nudity, and this nudity naturally was carried over -into athletic sculpture. Pliny’s[445] statement, _Graeca res nihil -velare_, is, therefore, correct, despite another of Philostratos to -the effect that at Delphi, at the Isthmus, and everywhere except at -Olympia, the athlete wore the coarse mantle.[446] The beginning of the -change from wearing the loin-cloth to complete nudity was ascribed -to an accident. The Megarian runner Orsippos in the 15th Ol. (= 720 -B. C.) dropped his loin-cloth while running, either accidentally or -because it impeded him.[447] The story was commemorated by an epigram, -perhaps by Simonides, which was inscribed on his tomb at Megara.[448] -A copy of this epigram in the Megarian dialect, executed in late -Roman or Byzantine times, when the original had become illegible, was -discovered at Megara in 1769 and shows that its original was the source -of Pausanias’ remarks.[449] Philostratos says that athletes contended -nude at Olympia, either because of the summer heat or a mishap which -befell the woman Pherenike of Rhodes. She accompanied her son, the boy -boxer Peisirhodos, to Olympia disguised as a trainer, and in her joy -at his victory she leaped over the barrier and disclosed her sex.[450] -The practice does not appear to have become universal with all athletes -in all the competitions at Olympia until some time after Orsippos’ day, -since Thukydides says the abandonment of the girdle took place shortly -before his time and that in his day it was still retained by certain -foreigners, notably Asiatics, in boxing and wrestling matches.[451] The -change is not illustrated in sculpture. The earliest victor statues, -_i. e._, those of the “Apollo” type, are all nude. The nudity of -this type shows an essential difference between Greek and foreigner -and also between the later Greek and his rude ancestor. Plato gives -the use of the loin-cloth as an example of convention, by which what -seems peculiar to one generation becomes usual to another.[452] We see -the change, however, in vase-paintings. The loin-cloth is common on -seventh-century vases, but is gradually left off in later ones. - -There were exceptions to the rule of nudity. Statues of charioteers -were usually partly or wholly dressed in the long chiton, a custom -explained in various ways.[453] The Delphi bronze _Charioteer_ (Fig. -66) is a good example of a draped one. Another _auriga_ almost nude is -shown on a decadrachm of Akragas in the British Museum, dating from the -end of the fifth century B. C.[454] There are also several examples -of nude charioteers.[455] The Olympic runners and athletes generally -were also bareheaded and barefoot. The only exceptions were the -hoplite-runners, who wore helmets, and possibly charioteers, who wore -sandals.[456] Statues of women victors also were draped. Though Ionian -women could witness games,[457] and Spartan girls took part in athletic -contests with boys,[458] women were rigorously excluded from crossing -the Alpheios during the festival at Olympia.[459] They were allowed, -however, to enter horses for the chariot-race and, if victorious, to -set up monuments.[460] Only one woman was allowed to witness the games, -the priestess of the old earth cult of Demeter Chamyne, who could -sit at the altar in the stadion during the contests.[461] Pausanias -notes but one exception of a woman infringing the rule of admission, -Pherenike, the mother of the Rhodian victor Peisirhodos already -mentioned. She was pardoned because her father, brothers, and son were -victors, but the umpires passed a law that thereafter even trainers -should be nude.[462] While excluded from the games proper, women had -their own festival at Olympia in honor of Hera, which was known as the -_Heraia_. These games occurred every four years[463] and included a -foot-race between virgins, in which the course was one-sixth less than -the stadion. The victress received an olive crown and also a share of -the cow sacrificed to Hera, and was allowed to set up a painted picture -of herself in the Heraion.[464] It has been generally assumed that the -statue of a girl runner in the Galleria dei Candelabri of the Vatican -represents one of these victresses (Plate 2),[465] since Pausanias -says they ran with their hair down and wore a tunic which reached to -just above the knees, leaving the right shoulder bare to the breast. -That the statue represents a girl runner seems certain,[466] but that -it can be referred to one of the Olympic girl victresses is doubtful. -The description of Pausanias fits it in many respects, except that -the chiton of the statue is too short, and he does not mention the -girdle just below the bosom. Furthermore, he does not mention statues -of girl victresses, but only pictures. Nothing can be argued from the -palm-branch on the tree-stump, except that the Roman copyist thought it -the statue of a victress. It does not necessarily refer to a victress -at Olympia, for Pausanias elsewhere says that the palm-branch was given -at many contests.[467] The statue represents a young girl leaning -forward awaiting the signal to start,[468] but it is impossible to say -to what games we should refer it. There were girls’ contests in and out -of Greece—such as at the _Dionysia_ in Sparta[469] and in her colony -Kyrene.[470] Such games were also held in the stadion of Domitian at -Rome.[471] In fact the Palatine estate of the Barberini, from whom the -Vatican acquired the statue, embraced the area of the old stadion of -Domitian on the Palatine. It is probably of Doric workmanship, as it -certainly represents a Dorian victress, though not necessarily by a -Peloponnesian sculptor.[472] - - -THE ATHLETIC HAIR-FASHION. - -[Illustration: PLATE 2 - -Marble Statue of a Girl Runner. Vatican Museum, Rome.] - -The assumption long held that short hair was always characteristic of -the athlete is incorrect.[473] It is controverted equally by literary -evidence and by the monuments. The Homeric Greek took pride in his -long hair,[474] and doubtless the contestants at the games of Patroklos -in the Iliad had long hair. Long hair was worn by some Athenians -throughout Athenian history. From the end of the fifth century B. C., -long hair was regarded as a mark of effeminacy[475] and was regularly -worn only by the knights.[476] Short hair was worn as a sign of -mourning in Athens from early days down.[477] Only the slaves regularly -wore very short hair in the fifth century B. C.[478] The change to -short hair in Athens was certainly due to the influence of the palæstra -and to athletics in general.[479] We see just the opposite custom in -vogue in Sparta. There, according to the code of Lykourgos,[480] men -were compelled to wear long hair and children short hair. Thus the -heroes of Leonidas entered the battle of Thermopylæ after combing -their long locks.[481] After the Persian wars only children and men -with laconizing or aristocratic sympathies[482] wore their hair long -at Athens. When boys arrived at the age of ἔφηβοι, they had their -hair cut at the feast of the οἰνιστήρια[483] and dedicated it to a -god.[484] Soon after the Persian war period, athletes wore their hair -short. Before that time, the wearing of long hair had already been -discarded for obvious reasons in wrestling.[485] Similarly, in boxing -and the pankration long hair was in the way, and was therefore early -braided into two long plaits which were wound around the head in a -peculiar way and tied into a knot at the top, the so-called Attic -κρωβύλος, the oftenest mentioned manner of dressing the hair in Greek -literature.[486] The oldest notice of this style of wearing the hair -is found in a fragment of Asios.[487] Herakleides Ponticus[488] says -it was used up to the time of the Persian wars. The _locus classicus_ -is in Thukydides, who says it was worn in his day by old people -only.[489] Earlier young men wore it,[490] but it went out of fashion -between 470 and 460 B. C. In this connection we should mention that the -professional athlete under the Roman Empire wore his hair uncut and -tied up in an unsightly topknot known as the _cirrus_.[491] - -The monumental evidence bears out the literary. Thus, on old Corinthian -clay tablets freemen are represented with long hair, while slaves -have short hair.[492] Hydrias from Caere (Cerveteri) and paintings -from Klazomenai show that the Ionians wore their hair short for the -first time in the sixth century B. C., the custom not becoming general -until the fifth. Older Spartan monuments represent the hair long.[493] -Attic vases show long hair on men until the second half of the sixth -century B. C., when the black-figured vase masters began to represent -them with short hair, a custom becoming general in the first half of -the fifth. In statuary the _Diskobolos_ of Myron (Pls. 21, 26, and -Figs. 34, 35) has short hair, and most statues of athletes before it -have long hair, while most after it have short. Before the time of the -_Diskobolos_, b.-f. and early r.-f. vase-painters often represented -athletes with braided hair in the fashion of the warriors on the Aegina -pediments. When short hair began to be used on athlete statues, these -older braids were often replaced by victor bands.[494] We may roughly -summarize by saying that statues before the date of the _Diskobolos_ -which do not have long hair are probably those of athletes and not of -gods, and, in any case, if they have braids bound up in the fashion of -the κρωβύλος, they are almost always statues of athletes.[495] As for -short hair on representations of gods, Furtwaengler has shown that it -appears only after the middle of the fifth century B. C.[496] Prior -to that date the hair of divinities fell over the neck and shoulders -in curls, as in the statue of the _Olympian Zeus_ by Pheidias. By the -time of Perikles, however, short curly hair reached only to the nape -of the neck on statues of Zeus, and this style frequently appears on -figures of the god on Attic vases of that period. Dionysos has short -hair for the first time on the Parthenon frieze.[497] Furtwaengler has -shown that Pheidias did not invent the short bound-up hair for goddess -types, as we see it in the _Lemnian Athena_, but that he borrowed it -from works already in existence.[498] Though the style was unknown in -the archaic period, it appears on helmeted heads of Athena of the early -fifth century B. C. showing Peloponnesian style—on coins, statuettes, -reliefs, etc. It appears in Attic art exclusively on bareheaded types -of Athena of the period just prior to that of the _Lemnia_. - -Bulle[499] has gone carefully into the technique of the hair by -different Greek artists. In archaic times this was “_ein, man darf -sagen, unmoegliches Problem_.” The primitive means at the disposal -of the early artist made it impossible to render the hair naturally -and hence it was conventionalized. Two styles arose in archaic times, -which endured with modifications all through Greek art. The one was the -pictorial (_malerisch_), where only the general appearance of the hair -was represented, the merest necessary plastic form being added.[500] -Painting here helped the shortcomings of the sculptor to some extent. -The second style was the plastic (_plastisch_), where individual locks -were attempted. The plastic use of light and shade made the use of -color now less necessary. Such examples as the _Korai_ of the Akropolis -Museum and the Rampin head in the Louvre show the difficulty which -the early artist encountered in representing hair plastically. In -the Rampin head[501] we see examples of three sorts of plastic hair -treatment: the pearl-string (_Perlschnuerre_) on the neck, grained hair -(_Koerner_) in the beard, and snail-volutes (_geperlte Schnecken_) on -the forehead. None of the three seems to belong integrally to the head, -but each appears to have been pasted on. The pearl-string fashion was -first used in the soft _poros_ stone and was only later successfully -transferred to marble. During the severe style of Greek sculpture, -both fashions, pictorial and plastic, were used, as we see them in the -pediment groups from the temple of Zeus at Olympia. In the period of -Pheidias the plastic treatment was used almost exclusively, as we see -in the _Lemnian Athena_. In the next century impressionism came in, -though the plastic treatment still continued, for we see it in the -bronze work of Lysippos and the marble work of Praxiteles. The old -pictorial treatment was revived again in the later Hellenistic age. - - -ICONIC AND ANICONIC STATUES. - -In a well-known passage Pliny says that “the ancients did not make -any statue of individuals unless they deserved immortality by some -distinction, originally by a victory at some sacred games, especially -those of Olympia, where it was the custom to dedicate statues of -all those who had conquered, and portrait statues if they had -conquered three times. These are called iconic.”[502] Many solutions -of this passage have been offered. Older commentators, as Hirt and -Visconti,[503] interpreted Pliny’s word _iconicas_ as life-size -statues. Scherer, however, easily refuted this idea and showed that the -adjective εἰκονικός, though ambiguous in its meaning, had nothing to do -with size, but referred rather to an individual as opposed to a typical -sense in relation to statuary. In his explanation he referred to the -words of Lessing in the _Laokoön_: _es ist das Ideal eines gewissen -Menschen, nicht das Ideal eines Menschen ueberhaupt_.[504] Nowadays -all scholars agree that Pliny’s word refers to portrait statues.[505] -However, Pliny’s dictum about the right of setting up portrait statues -is certainly open to doubt.[506] It can not have been true of monuments -erected before the fourth century B. C., when portrait statues were -rare. Portraiture was a form of realism and was a product of the later -period of Greek art—especially after the time of Lysippos. In the -fourth century B. C. we find one well-attested exception to Pliny’s -rule. The discovered inscription from the base of a monument erected to -the horse-racer Xenombrotos of Cos,[507] reads (fifth line): τοῖ[ος], -ὁποῖο[ν] ὁ[ρ]ᾷς Ξεινόμβροτο[ς]. These words indubitably point to a -portrait statue. However, neither the recovered epigram nor Pausanias -indicates anything about this victor being a τρισολυμπιονίκης, and -consequently he appears not to have merited a portrait statue.[508] -Pliny’s statement can be explained in many ways: it may be apocryphal, -or different usages may have fitted different periods; or the rule may -have held good only for gymnic victors and not for equestrian ones, -which, being strictly votive in character, may not have been restricted -to its operation.[509] - - -PORTRAIT STATUES. - -Pausanias mentions the monuments of several victors at Olympia who -were entitled to portrait statues on the strength of Pliny’s rule, -though we have no indication that they were so honored. Thus he -mentions the statues of Dikon,[510] Sostratos,[511] Philinos,[512] -and Gorgos.[513] The early fifth-century boxer Euthymos[514] also won -three victories, but at a time before we should expect a portrait -statue. The Periegete also mentions several victors who won three or -more times, though he does not say that they had any statues, portrait -or otherwise.[515] Percy Gardner[516] has shown how erroneous is the -prevailing view that the Greeks neglected portraiture in their art and -left it for the Romans to develop. He shows that Greek artists of the -third and second centuries B. C. left a great many portraits of the -highest artistic value and that portraits of Romans before the time -of Augustus, and the best Roman examples during the Empire, were made -by Greek sculptors. The number of Greek portraits in our museums, -especially in Rome, is very great.[517] From archaic times down to the -middle of the fifth century B. C. we should not expect portraiture. In -the earlier period, therefore, it is difficult to distinguish between -statues of gods and those of men. In the great period of Greek art, -from the time of Perikles on to that of Alexander, the general tendency -of Greek sculpture was so ideal that portraits, when they existed, -seem impersonal. The later copyists of portraits also idealized them. -Thus Pliny, in speaking of Kresilas’ portrait of Perikles, says that -this artist _nobiles viros nobiliores fecit_—in other words, that -he idealized them.[518] The portraits of Alexander were especially -idealized. In the first half of the fourth century we first hear of -realistic portraiture. Thus Demetrios, who flourished 380-360 B. -C.,[519] made a “very beautiful” statue of a Corinthian general named -Pelichos, which Lucian[520] says had a fat belly, bald head, hair -floating in the wind, and prominent veins, “like the man himself.”[521] -Except for the hair this description by the satirist seems to have been -correct. At the end of the fourth century B. C. anatomical detail began -to be shown in sculpture. Largely under the influence of Lysippos, -the personality of victors began to be emphasized in figure and face -in a very realistic way. We can distinguish between such portraits of -victors before and after the time of Lysippos.[522] Pliny[523] says -that Lysistratos, the brother of Lysippos, was the first to obtain -portraits by making a plaster mould on the features and so to render -likenesses exactly, as “previous artists had only tried to make them as -beautiful as possible.” In any case, by the time of Lysippos realistic -portraiture began to be emphasized. We see it at Olympia in the later -bronze pancratiast’s head found there (Fig. 61, A and B), and in a -still more revolting style in the _Seated Boxer_ of the Museo delle -Terme (Pl. 16, and Fig. 27). - -The reason why the privilege of erecting portrait statues was given -so seldom to Olympic victors was probably not because it was a highly -esteemed honor. The real reason seems to have been that portraiture, -with its tendency to realism, subordinated beauty to that realism and -so conflicted with the Greek artistic ideal. The Thebans had a law -which forbade caricature and commanded artists to make their statues -more beautiful than the models. The Greeks worshiped beauty and hated -ugliness. Many games in Greece were held in honor of personal beauty. -Thus a contest of manly beauty among old men (ἀγὼν εὐανδρίας) was a -part of the Panathenaic games at Athens.[524] A contest of beauty among -women, originating in the time of Kypselos, king of Arkadia, was kept -up until the time of Athenæus.[525] We hear of contests of beauty in -Elis, at which three prizes were given,[526] and of similar ones on the -islands of Tenedos and Lesbos.[527] The Crotonian Philippos, who won at -Olympia in an unknown contest about 520 B. C., was honored after his -death by the people of Egesta with a _heroön_ and sacrifices because of -his beauty.[528] At Tanagra, in Bœotia, the most beautiful ephebe -was chosen to carry a ram on his shoulders around the city wall at -the festival of Hermes Kriophoros.[529] At Aigion in Achaia the most -beautiful boy was anciently chosen to be priest of Zeus.[530] The most -beautiful youths among the Spartans and Cretans dedicated offerings -to Eros before battle.[531] These and similar examples show the Greek -feeling for beauty. The representation of passion and violence was -foreign to the spirit of the best Greek art; it was rather the “quiet -grandeur” (_Stille Groesse_) or “repose,” of which Winckelmann made so -much, that was characteristic of that art. In Homer both men and gods, -when wounded, shriek. Philoktetes, in the drama of Sophokles, wails -throughout a whole act, when suffering from a gangrened foot. With -the poets Zeus casts his thunderbolt in anger, but Pheidias has him -hold it quietly in his hand. So we can see why portrait statues were -rare at Olympia, where the representation of manly beauty and vigor -was the rule. They were ruled out, not because of their increasing -the honor accorded to the victor, but rather because they honored his -egotism.[532] - - -ANICONIC STATUES. - -Accordingly, since only victors who had won three or more contests at -Olympia could set up iconic statues, the great majority of statues -there represented some ideal type of common applicability, in which -there was no attempt to show the individual features of this or that -victor, but rather the typical athlete of muscular build. The older -statues were merely variations of a few types which were held to be -appropriate to the purpose. In process of time these few types in their -treatment of details gradually approached truth to nature; this was -especially characteristic of the Peloponnesian schools, which adopted -the _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos as their norm of proportions. Statues -of victors were the stock subject of the closely related schools of -Argos and Sikyon.[533] Doubtless, as E. A. Gardner says,[534] there -existed at Olympia itself a school of subordinate artists, who filled -the regular demand for victor statues. However, some of these statues, -especially those of the fifth and fourth centuries B. C., as we see -them in originals and in Roman copies, and read the æsthetic judgments -of them in Greek writers, were real works of art. - - -ÆSTHETIC JUDGMENTS OF CLASSICAL WRITERS. - -The literary evidence for Greek sculpture is, for the most part, very -unsatisfactory. Though classical writers were uncritical and not fond -of analysis, still they have left us some useful opinions about works -of sculpture and painting. The history and criticism of sculpture -began in Greece, in the fourth century B. C., with the Peripatetics. -Aristotle, whose observations on painting and sculpture were slight, -did not despise the “mimetic” arts as did the Socrates of Plato.[535] -In the _Rhetoric_[536] he speaks of the beautiful bodies of youths who -trained as pentathletes, since the varied exercises of the pentathlon -made them so. We have a similar opinion expressed by Xenophon in what -is, perhaps, the most interesting passage in Greek literature on -criticism of art.[537] He has Sokrates go to the sculptor Kleito and -compliment him on his power of representing different physical types -produced by various contests, noting differences between statues of -runners and wrestlers and between those of boxers and pancratiasts. -When asked how he makes statues lifelike, Kleito has no answer, and -the philosopher says it is by the imitation of real men, _i. e._, -nature. He adds: “Must you not then imitate the threatening eyes of -those who are fighting and the triumphant expression of those who -are victorious?” Though some have thought that these words refer to -portrait statues, which were spoken of as a matter of course at the -beginning of the fourth century B. C., it is more reasonable to suspect -that Sokrates was speaking of the older sculptors—for we may recognize -Polykleitos in Kleito[538]—and consequently that he is not referring -to portraiture. In the _Symposium_ of Xenophon[539] Sokrates also -complains that the long-distance runners (δολιχοδρόμοι) have thick -legs and narrow shoulders, while boxers have broad shoulders and small -legs, and he therefore recommends dancing as a better exercise than -athletics. As such differences in physique occur in vase-paintings of -the date, but not in statuary, the philosopher seems to be speaking of -athletics and not of sculpture. From these quotations of Aristotle and -Xenophon, we gather that the all-round development of the pentathlon -made beautiful athletes, and this beauty must have been carried over -into their statues. It is essentially the young man’s contest,[540] -and some of the pentathlete victors at Olympia and elsewhere were -noted for their strength in after life. Thus Ikkos of Tarentum, who -won at Olympia in Ol. 76 (= 476 B. C.), was the best teacher of -gymnastics of his day.[541] Gorgos of Elis was the only athlete to win -the pentathlon four times at Olympia, besides winning in two running -races.[542] Another Elean, Stomios, who won three prizes at Olympia -and Nemea, later became a leader of cavalry and beat his enemy in -single combat.[543] The Argive Eurybates, victor in the pentathlon at -Nemea, was very strong, and later, in a battle with the Aeginetans, -killed three opponents in single combats, but succumbed to the -fourth.[544] The Spartans and Krotonians seem to have been the best -pentathletes.[545] Noted sculptors made statues of these athletes.[546] -Plato, in the _de Leg._,[547] has the Athenian stranger praise Egyptian -art because of its stationary character. This bespeaks but little -artistic insight for the philosopher, though he was surrounded by the -wonderful artistic creations of the end of the great fifth century -B. C. The later classical writers were fond of expressing criticisms -of art. Thus Pasiteles, a Greek sculptor living in Rome in the first -century B. C., wrote five books on celebrated works of art throughout -the world.[548] The opinions on art of the Roman Varro appear in the -pages of Pliny.[549] Of all the ancient critics, Cicero was perhaps the -most superficial. In a passage in the _Brutus_[550] he gives us his -judgment of several sculptors. He finds the works of Kanachos too rigid -to imitate nature truthfully, while those of Kalamis, though softer -than those of Kanachos, are hard; Myron, though not completely faithful -to nature, produced beautiful works and Polykleitos was quite perfect. -The most trustworthy critic of sculpture in antiquity, on the other -hand, was certainly Lucian, as we see from many of his utterances, -especially from his account of an ideal statue, which combined the -highest excellences of several noted sculptures.[551] His criticism -of Hegias, Kritios, and Nesiotes, to the effect that their works were -“concise, sinewy, hard, and exactly strained in their lines,” might -have been made in the presence of the group of the _Tyrannicides_ -(Fig. 32).[552] Unfortunately he touches the subject only casually, -though he might have written a fine history of Greek art. We must also -refer to two other imperial writers, the elder Pliny and Pausanias. -Pliny’s abstracts on art, though our chief ancient literary authority -on Greek sculpture and painting, are neither critical nor trustworthy. -A careful analysis of his chapters shows that he was a borrower many -times removed, though he seldom acknowledged it. This is excusable -when we consider the custom of literary borrowing in antiquity and -also the fact that his chapters on art form merely an appendix to -his _Natural History_, being joined on to it by a very artificial -bond, for his abstract on bronze statuary (Bk. XXXIV) is brought in -merely to complete his account of the metals. His knowledge of the -older periods of Greek art is small and his bias in favor of the -two Sikyonian sculptors Lysippos and Xenokrates is very evident. His -worst mistakes are in chronology. He puts Pythagoras after Myron, and -both after Polykleitos, while Hagelaïdas, who is made the teacher of -Myron and Polykleitos, lives on to the beginning of the Peloponnesian -war. His real criticism of sculpture is seen in his dictum of the -_Laokoön_ group, that it is a “work superior to all the pictures and -bronzes of the world.”[553] Our debt to Pausanias, especially for -our knowledge of the victor monuments at Olympia, is immense. This -debt may be gauged by the fact that he mentions in his work many -times more statues than any other writer and that a large portion of -the _Schriftquellen_ of Overbeck is concerned with him. However, he -shows little real understanding for art. His interest in statues is -confined almost entirely to those which are noted for their antiquity -or sanctity, and his account of them is usually the pivot around which -he spins religious or mythological stories. Throughout his work his -chief interest is religious; his interest in art for its own sake is -very small. He devotes many pages to the throne of Zeus at Olympia, -and describes the temple sculptures merely because the statue of Zeus -is within. His detailed account of the athlete statues in the Altis is -made chiefly because of his religious and antiquarian interest. Though -imitating the style of Herodotos, he does it badly, so that his book is -without much charm. In concluding this rough estimate of the ancient -criticism of art, we might mention the fragmentary information to be -gathered from many other writers, Dio Chrysostom, Quintilian,[554] -Plutarch, and others, whose names occur frequently in the footnotes. -All such references to works of art in ancient writers are conveniently -collected in the great compilation of Overbeck so often quoted.[555] - -As for æsthetic judgments of the statues of victors at Olympia we -have a few direct hints from different writers. The epigram from -the base of the statue of the boy wrestler Theognetos by Ptolichos -of Aegina reads in part: Κάλλιστον μὲν ἰδεῖν, ἀθλεῖν δ’ οὐ χείρονα -μόρ[φης].[556] Pliny says of the sculptor Mikon, who made the statue -of the Athenian pancratiast Kallias: _Micon athletis spectatur_.[557] -The same writer says of the horses of Kalamis: _equis sine aemulo -expressis_.[558] Kalamis with Onatas of Aegina made a chariot-group -for the Syracusan king Hiero.[559] Pausanias, in mentioning the statue -of the boxer Euthymos by Pythagoras, says that it is καὶ θέας ἐς τὰ -μάλιστα ἄξιος.[560] In mentioning the statue by the same sculptor of -the wrestler Leontiskos, he says: εἴπερ τις καὶ ἄλλος ἀγαθὸς τὰ ἐς -πλαστικήν.[561] Of the Argive sculptor Naukydes he says, when speaking -of the statue of the wrestler Cheimon, that it is among the finest -works of that artist.[562] In another passage, in which he describes -the dedication of Phormis at Olympia, he speaks of an ugly horse, -which, besides being smaller than other sculptured horses in the Altis, -has “its tail cut off, and this makes it still uglier.”[563] However, -here he is not so much interested in its lack of beauty as in the -curious fact which he adds, that despite its ugliness this bronze mare -attracted stallions. - - -GREEK ORIGINALS OF VICTOR STATUES. - -[Illustration: PLATE 3 - -Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor. Glyptothek, Munich.] - -We are not, however, dependent upon such meagre scraps of evidence from -classical writers, nor upon contested Roman copies,[564] for an idea -of the workmanship of some of the Olympic victor statues. We can judge -it in no uncertain way by the few originals found at Olympia and by -others which are to be found in European museums. As an example of the -former we have only to recall the life-size bronze bearded head of a -boxer or pancratiast of the third century B. C., which is now in the -National Museum at Athens[565] (Fig. 61, A and B). Its only decoration, -an olive crown whose leaves have disappeared, proves it to be from the -statue of a victor, and its wild locks, brutal look, flattened nose, -and wide mouth represent a naturalistic study of the utmost strength -and fineness, which could only have been produced after the time of -Lysippos. We shall discuss this remarkable head more fully in Chapter -IV. As examples of original victor monuments in European museums -we shall mention three. The bronze head of a boxer in the Glyptothek -at Munich (Pl. 3) is an original of the first rank.[566] It is from a -statue found near Naples in 1730, which was later destroyed, and it -probably represents the head of a boy of about twelve years, a victor -in boxing, to judge from the victor band in the hair and the fact -that the visible part of the right ear is swollen. Like the head of -the _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos (Figs. 28, 29) this beautiful head -exemplifies fully the “ethical grace” or modesty[567] so characteristic -of the best Greek art, and it certainly merits Furtwaengler’s praise -of being the “most precious treasure of the Glyptothek.”[568] Another -head, found in Beneventum and now in the Louvre (Fig. 3)[569] is a -splendid Greek original of the last decade of the fifth century B. C., -and, as Mrs. Strong says, should arouse in us a sense of what precious -relics may still lie hidden in our museums.[570] The victor fillet -in the hair, consisting of two sprays of what seems to be wild olive -(remnants of which appear in front), shows that the statue must once -have ornamented the Altis. Like the one in Munich, this head shows -Polykleitan inspiration tempered by Attic influence.[571] Lastly, the -bronze head of a youth from the _tablinum_, of the so-called villa of -the Pisos at Herculaneum, now in Naples,[572] is, to judge from its -technique, an excellent original Greek work (Fig. 4). Here again the -hair fillet shows it is from a victor statue, though its provenience -from Olympia can not be established. - -[Illustration: FIG. 3.—Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor, from -Beneventum. Louvre, Paris.] - -Such beautiful works of art as these last show the influence which the -great athletic festivals, and especially the Olympian, exerted on the -development of Greek sculpture. In the gymnastic training carried on in -the gymnasium and palæstra, which culminated in these festivals, the -Greek sculptor found an unrivaled opportunity to study the naked human -figure in its best muscular development and in every pose. In fact, we -may say with Furtwaengler that without athletics Greek art would be -inconceivable.[573] To quote from another work of the same scholar: - - “The gymnastically trained bodies of these slim boys and - youths and vigorous men are evidence of the ennobling - effect of athletics. Presented in complete nudity they - are not faithful portraits from life, but motives or - models from the palæstra transformed and exalted to the - highest ideal of physical beauty and strength. They are - the most splendid human beings that the art of any period - has created.”[574] - - -CANONS OF PROPORTION. - -In attempting to identify a given statue as the copy of a work by this -or that master, certain well-known canons of proportion, which were -taught and practiced by various Greek sculptors and schools, must be -taken into consideration. - -[Illustration: FIG. 4.—Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor, from -Herculaneum. Museum of Naples.] - -Greek art may, like Greek philosophy and poetry, be summarized under -the names of three qualities which constantly occur in classical -literature—συμμετρία, εὐρυθμία or ῥυθμός, and ἀναλογία.[575] Symmetry -may be defined as “that technical regard for the placing of the parts -to the best advantage,” the symmetrical arrangement of the parts of a -statue or group of figures.[576] Rhythm, following Vitruvius,[577] is -that _tertium quid_ which is indispensable to true art. Analogy (Latin -_proportio_)[578] refers to the measured ratio of part to part in any -given work of art, whether in architecture, painting, or sculpture. -Most scholars nowadays interpret symmetry and analogy as the same -thing. Pliny[579] says that _symmetria_ has no Latin equivalent, and -in several passages[580] keeps the Greek word, as does Vitruvius. Here -Otto Jahn rightly says _proportio_ or _commensus_ would have adequately -translated it.[581] P. Gardner explains the word properly as “the -proportion of one part of the body as measured against another.”[582] -Brunn held that, as symmetry was the relation of part to part in a -statue at rest, rhythm expressed this relationship in one represented -in motion.[583] The simplest illustration of rhythm is seen in walking: -when the right foot is advanced the left arm swings out in rhythm, -and so the balance of the body is kept. Rhythm, therefore, has to do -with balance in motion, and may refer equally to cadence in poetry and -music and to movement in sculpture. An excellent example in sculpture -is afforded by Myron’s _Diskobolos_ (Pls. 21, 22, and Figs. 34, 35), -while the balancing of figures on many Greek reliefs—especially on -Attic funerary stelæ—illustrates symmetry (_cf._ Fig. 75). Pliny -characterizes certain artists by their success in effecting symmetry -and rhythm. Thus Myron surpassed Polykleitos in being more rhythmic -and in paying more attention to symmetry.[584] He says that Lysippos -most diligently preserved symmetry by bringing unthought-of innovations -into the square canon of earlier artists.[585] Parrhasios was the -first to introduce symmetry into painting.[586] Diogenes Laertios says -that the sculptor Pythagoras was the first to aim at rhythm as well -as symmetry.[587] In all such passages it is clear that canons of -proportion are meant. - -The doctrine of human proportions is very ancient, originating in -Egyptian art.[588] It appears early in Greek architecture in the -proportions of columns and other members of a temple,[589] and it -was soon transferred to sculpture. As Greek sculpture evolved on -traditional lines,[590] we should assume that it paid attention to the -doctrine of proportions in the human figure, based on numerical ratios, -and that such a doctrine would vary from age to age in the various -schools of sculpture. Such an assumption is borne out by both literary -and archæological evidence. Toward the end of Hellenism many writers -refer to just such a measured basis of proportion in Greek art.[591] -Archæologists have shown by the careful study of multitudes of statues -that such proportions exist in Greek sculpture. Thus A. Kalkmann[592] -has proved that there are sets of ratios in the treatment of the face -used by successive schools of sculpture, which were canonical, whether -formulated or not. G. Fritsch[593] has done for the whole body what -Kalkman has done for the face. In fact, anthropometry in relation to -Greek sculpture has now become an exact science.[594] - -The greatest artists—architects, painters, and sculptors—of all times -have taught and practised the doctrine that certain proportions are -beautiful, _e. g._, the proportion of the height of the head or the -length of the foot to the whole body, or the length of parts of -the head or body to other parts. In modern times we have only to -mention such names as those of da Vinci, Duerer, Raphael Mengs, and -Flaxman.[595] In Greek days there were many artists who formulated -such canons of proportions. Greek sculptors followed ratios of -proportions so closely that we have statues of various schools, which -are distinguished by fixed proportions of parts, such as the Old Attic, -Old Argive, Polykleitan, Argive-Sikyonian or Lysippan, etc. Some of -these schools used the foot as the common measure, while others used -the palm, finger, or other member.[596] The earliest works on Greek -art were treatises, now lost, by artists in which they worked out -their theories of the principles underlying the proportions of the -human figure.[597] We shall briefly consider a few of these canons, -together with the usual pose of body which conformed with them. The -earliest Peloponnesian canon, which we can analyze, was that followed -by Hagelaïdas of Argos and his school, a canon which was still used in -the Polykleitan circle. Here the weight of the body rested upon the -left leg, while the right one was slightly bent at the knee, its foot -resting flat on the ground; the right arm hung by the side and the left -was usually in action, and the head was slightly inclined to the left -side; the shoulders were extraordinarily broad in comparison with the -hips, the right one being slightly raised. These qualities produced a -short stocky figure, firmly placed.[598] In the middle of the fifth -century B. C., Polykleitos worked out a theory of proportions in the -form of a commentary on his famous statue known as the _Doryphoros_. -This canon was characterized by squareness and massiveness of build. -The weight of the body generally rested on the right foot, while -the left was drawn back, its foot touching the ground with the ball -only. Sometimes this pose was reversed, the left foot carrying the -body-weight, as in the three bases of statues by the master found -at Olympia (_i. e._, those of the athletes Pythokles, Aristion, -and Kyniskos, to be discussed later), and in the works of some of -his pupils, notably in those of Naukydes, Daidalos, and Kleon.[599] -Euphranor, who flourished, according to Pliny, in Ol. 104 (= 364-361 B. -C.), and wrote works on symmetry and color, was the “first” to master -the theory of symmetry.[600] Pliny, however, found his bodies too -slender and his heads and limbs too large, a criticism of his painting -which must have been equally applicable to his sculpture. His canon -did not make much headway, as the majority of sculptors in his century -were still under the domination of the canon of Polykleitos. It was -left for Lysippos, in the second half of the fourth century B. C., -finally to break this domination of the great fifth-century sculptor. -Pliny quotes Douris as saying that he was the pupil of no man, and -that because of the advice of the painter Eupompos he was a follower -of nature—which appears to be a cut at the schools which mechanically -followed fixed rules.[601] His statues had smaller heads, and more -slender and less fleshy limbs, than those of his predecessors, in order -that the apparent height of the figure might be increased.[602] While -Polykleitos made his heads one-seventh of the total height of the -statue, Lysippos made his one-eighth—if this change may be seen in the -_Apoxyomenos_ (Pl. 28), which is certainly a work of his school, if not -of the master himself. Pliny further records his saying that while his -predecessors represented men as they were, Lysippos represented them as -they appeared to be. This means that Pliny regarded him as the first -impressionistic artist.[603] Pliny mentions other artists who wrote on -art, and it is probable that theories of proportions formed the main -element of such works.[604] - -The best example of symmetry, _i. e._, of the ratio of proportions, in -Greek sculpture is afforded by the _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos, which -Pliny says was called the _Canon_, and he adds that this sculptor was -the only one who embodied his art in a single work.[605] The identity -of the canon with this statue seems to be attested by the anecdote -told of Lysippos that the _Doryphoros_ was his master,[606] and by -Quintilian’s statement that sculptors took it as a model.[607] The -best-preserved copy of the _Doryphoros_, despite its rather lifeless -character, is the one discovered in Pompeii and now in Naples (Pl. -4).[608] As other late Roman copies do not conform to the identical -proportions of this copy, it is perhaps difficult to say exactly what -the canon of Polykleitos was. Possibly the original, if it had been -preserved, would also strike us as somewhat lifeless; but we must -remember that the statue was made merely to illustrate a theory of -proportions. The dimensions of the Naples statue are known from very -careful measurements and the proportions agree with those given in the -description by Galen to be mentioned. It is almost exactly 2 meters, -or 6 feet 8 inches, high.[609] The length of the foot is 0.33 meter, -or one-sixth of the total height, while the length of the face is 0.20 -meter, or one-tenth of the height. E. Guillaume[610] has made a careful -analysis of it in reference to Galen’s[611] statement that Chrysippos -found beauty in the proportion of the parts, “of finger to finger, -and of all the fingers to the palm and wrist, and of these to the -forearm, and of the forearm to the upper arm, and of all the parts to -each other, as they are set forth in the canon of Polykleitos.” He has -found that the palm, _i. e._, the breadth of the hand at the base of -the fingers, is a common measure of the proportions of the body. This -palm is one-third the length of the foot, one-sixth that of the lower -leg, one-sixth that of the thigh, and one-sixth that of the distance -from the navel to the ear, etc. Such a remarkable correspondence in -measurements would seem to show, if we had no other proofs, that the -Naples statue reproduces the canon of Polykleitos more closely than any -other. - -[Illustration: PLATE 4 - -Statue of the _Doryphoros_, after Polykleitos. Museum of Naples.] - -A good example of asymmetry is afforded by the so-called _Spinario_ -of the Palazzo dei Conservatori in Rome[612] (Fig. 40). This justly -prized statue shows more asymmetry, perhaps, than any other down to -its date—just before the middle of the fifth century B. C. Though its -composition is such that there is no vantage-point from which it forms -a harmonious whole, still its effect on the beholder is far from -displeasing. Such a creation shows that a Greek artist, even without -paying attention to the symmetrical arrangement of parts, could at -times produce an attractive piece of sculpture. - - -ASSIMILATION OF OLYMPIC VICTOR STATUES TO TYPES OF GODS AND HEROES. - -Since Greek art in the main was idealistic, we should not be surprised -to discover in athletic sculpture a tendency toward assimilating -victor statues to well-known types of gods or heroes, especially to -those of Hermes, Apollo, and Herakles, who presided over contests or -gymnasia and palæstræ. This phenomenon is only a further example of the -extraordinary, almost superhuman, honors which were paid to victors at -the great games. In the absence of sufficient means of identification, -it is often very difficult to distinguish with certainty between -statues of victors and those of the gods and heroes to whom they were -assimilated. This difficulty, as we shall see, is especially observable -in the case of Herakles. Even later antiquity recognized that statues -of athletes were sometimes confused with those of heroes, just as those -of heroes were with those of gods, as we learn from a passage in Dio -Chrysostom’s oration on Rhodian affairs.[613] This difficulty is one -of the most perplexing problems that still face the student of Greek -sculpture. - -It was not an uncommon custom in Greece to heroize in this way an -ordinary dead man.[614] One of the most striking instances of this -custom is afforded by the so-called _Hermes of Andros_, a statue found -in a grave-chamber on the island in 1833 and now in Athens[615] (Pl. -5). It has been a matter of dispute among archæologists whether this -statue represents the god Hermes or a mortal in his guise. Although -Staïs[616] looks on it as _un problème peut-être à jamais insoluble_, -there seems little reason for doubting that it represents a defunct -mortal. Its place of finding in a tomb along with the statue of a woman -of the Muse type, which probably represents the man’s consort,[617] -the presence of a snake on the adjacent tree trunk, the absence of -sandals and kerykeion, and the portrait—like features—all point to -the conclusion that a man and not a god is represented. The downcast, -almost melancholy, look seems also to make it a funereal figure. The -powerful proportions of a perfectly developed athlete, displaying no -tendency toward the representation of brute force, show that the man -is idealized into the type of Hermes, the god of the palæstra, rather -than into the light-winged messenger of Olympos. The _Belvedere Hermes_ -of the Vatican,[618] and a better one known as the _Farnese Hermes_ -of the British Museum,[619] are noteworthy replicas of the type. The -latter carries the kerykeion in the left hand and wears sandals, with -a small chlamys over the left arm and shoulder. These attributes show -that Hermes was intended in this copy. Probably the original of these -various replicas, a work dating from the end of the fourth century -B. C., and ascribed to Praxiteles or his school in consequence of -similarity in pose and build of body and head to the _Hermes_ of -Olympia, was intended to represent Hermes. In the one from Andros, -at least, the copyist intended to heroize a mortal under the type of -the god. Similarly, the statue known as the _Standing Hermes_ in the -Galleria delle Statue of the Vatican,[620] which has the kerykeion and -chlamys, whether its original represented Hermes, hero or mortal, has -been made by the copyist to represent Hermes, the god of athletics, as -the late attribute of wings in the hair proves. Other examples of dead -men represented as Hermes are not uncommon. Thus a Greek grave-stele in -Verona[621] shows the dead portrayed as a winged Hermes, and a similar -figure appears on a stele from Tanagra.[622] The so-called _Commodus_ -in Mantua[623] is interpreted by Conze and Duetschke as the figure of -a dead youth in Hermes’ guise. But this custom of representing defunct -mortals as gods was less common in Roman art. The bust of a dead youth -on a Roman grave-stone in Turin,[624] set up in honor of L. Mussius, -is a good example. Here the cock, sheep, and kerykeion, symbols of the -god, show that the youth is represented as Hermes. - -[Illustration: PLATE 5 - -Statue of _Hermes_, from Andros. National Museum, Athens.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 5.—Bronze Portrait-statue of a Hellenistic Prince. -Museo delle Terme, Rome.] - -Not only dead men, however, were heroized in this manner. It was not an -uncommon practice in later Greece for living men, especially princes, -to have their statues assimilated to types of gods and heroes, a -practice which was very common in imperial Rome.[625] Thus many of the -Hellenistic princes were pleased to have their statues assimilated -to those of the heroic Alexander. One of the best examples of this -process is furnished by the original bronze portrait statue of such a -prince, which was unearthed in Rome in 1884 and is now in the Museo -delle Terme there (Fig. 5).[626] It has been identified as the portrait -of several kings of Macedon and elsewhere,[627] but the similarity -of the head of the statue to heads portrayed on Macedonian coins is -only superficial.[628] All that we can say is that this beautiful -work, representing the prince in the heroic guise of a nude athlete -of about thirty years, belongs to the third century B. C., the epoch -following Lysippos. The sculptor, wishing to combine the ideal with the -real, appears to have copied the motive directly from a bronze statue -by Lysippos, which represented Alexander leaning with his left hand -high on a staff.[629] The pose also recalls that of the third-century -B. C. statue of Poseidon found on Melos and now in Athens.[630] -The free leg, body, and head modeling correspond so nearly with the -_Apoxyomenos_ (Pl. 28) that it was at first called a work of Lysippos, -but its lack of repose[631] shows that it must be a continuation of the -work of that sculptor by some pupil, who wished to outdo his master in -both form and expression. - -Before discussing the subject of the assimilation of victor statues -to types of god and hero, we must make it clear that often, for -certain reasons, statues of athletes were later converted into those -of gods, and _vice versa_. Such examples of metamorphosing statues -have nothing to do with the process of assimilation under discussion. -A few examples will make this clear. An archaic bronze statuette from -Naxos,[632] reproducing the type of the _Philesian Apollo_ of Kanachos, -since it has the same position of hands as in the original, as we see -it later reproduced on coins of Miletos and in other copies,[633] -holds an aryballos in the right hand instead of a fawn. As it is -absurd to represent Apollo with the bow in one hand and an oil-flask -in the other, it seems clear that in this statuette the copyist has -converted a well-known Apollo into an athlete by addition of an -athletic attribute. Famous statues were put to many different uses by -later copyists. Thus Furtwaengler has shown that the statue of the boy -boxer Kyniskos by Polykleitos at Olympia,[634] which represented the -athlete crowning himself, was modified to represent various deities, -heroes, etc. Thus a copy from Eleusis of the fourth century B. C., -because of its provenience and the soft lines of the face, suggests -a divinity, perhaps Triptolemos.[635] A copy of the same type in -the Villa Albani (no. 222) has an antique piece of a boar’s head on -the nearby tree-stump and, consequently, may represent Adonis or -Meleager. A torso in the Museo Torlonia (no. 22) represents Dionysos, -another in the Museo delle Terme has a mantle and caduceus and so -represents Hermes, while on coins of Commodus the same figure, with -the lion’s skin and club, represents Herakles.[636] No ancient statue -was used more extensively as a model for other types than the famous -_Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos. Furtwaengler[637] has collected a long -list of later conversions of this work into statues both marble and -bronze, statuettes, reliefs, etc., representing Pan, Ares, Hermes, and -in one case an ordinary mortal.[638] Other examples of the conversion -of statues will be given in our treatment of assimilation. - - -ATHLETE STATUES ASSIMILATED TO TYPES OF HERMES. - -Hermes was one of the principal ἐναγώνιοι or ἀγώνιοι θεοί, _i. e._, -gods who presided over contests, or who were overseers of gymnasia -and palæstræ, or were teachers of gymnastics (γυμνάσται).[639] Greek -writers often mention these athletic gods. Thus Aischylos[640] often -uses the term, not in the sense of ἀγοραῖοι θεοί, “the great assembled -gods,” (ἀγὼν = ἀγορά),[641] but in the sense of gods who presided -over contests.[642] This is evident from the fact that Zeus, Apollo, -Poseidon, and Hermes are the gods especially mentioned by Aischylos -in this sense, and the first three correspond with the Olympian and -Nemean games (Zeus), the Pythian (Apollo), and the Isthmian (Poseidon), -while Hermes is concerned in them all. Thus the epithet ἀγώνιοι, in -the _Agamemnon_ of Aischylos refers to Zeus,[643] Apollo,[644] and -Hermes.[645] If the word referred to the twelve greater gods, as some -have thought, other deities more important than Hermes would have been -included. Elsewhere the word ἀγώνιος always refers to contests.[646] -Hermes was worshipped at Athens and elsewhere as a god of -contests.[647] The agonistic character of this god is shown by the fact -that statues and altars were erected to him all over Greece.[648] He -was sometimes coupled with Herakles as the protector of contests,[649] -and the images of the two often stood in gymnasia.[650] A fragmentary -votive relief of the second century A. D. is inscribed with a -dedication to both by a certain Horarios, victor in torch-racing.[651] -Athenian ephebes made offerings to Hermes,[652] and to Hermes and -Herakles in common, after their training was over. Thus Dorykleides -of Thera, a victor in boxing and the pankration at unknown games, -dedicated a thank-offering to the two.[653] Hermes was early the god -of youthful life and sports, especially those of the palæstra. He is -said to have founded wrestling[654] and inaugurated the sports of the -palæstra.[655] Pausanias mentions a Gymnasion of Hermes at Athens[656] -and an altar of Hermes ἐναγώνιος together with one of _Opportunity_ -(Καιρός) at the entrance to the Stadion at Olympia.[657] He says that -the people of Pheneus in Arkadia held games in his honor called the -_Hermaia_,[658] and he records the defeat of the god by Apollo in -running.[659] With such an athletic record there is little wonder that -the Greek sculptor would often take his ideal of Hermes from the god -of the palæstra and gymnasium, representing him as an athletic youth -harmoniously developed by gymnastic exercises. It was but natural that -a victor at Olympia or elsewhere should wish to have his statue—which -rarely could be a portrait—conform with that athletic type. - -[Illustration: PLATE 6 - -Statue of the _Standing Diskobolos_, after Naukydes (?). Vatican -Museum, Rome.] - -An excellent instance of this tendency seems to be afforded by the -so-called _Standing Diskobolos_ in the Sala della Biga of the Vatican -(Pl. 6),[660] known since its discovery by Gavin Hamilton in 1792. -It represents a youth who is apparently taking position for throwing -the diskos, the weight of the body resting on the left leg, the knees -slightly bent, the feet firmly planted, and the diskos held in the left -hand, just prior to its being passed to the right. This position is one -which immediately precedes that of Myron’s great statue. The bronze -original dates from the second half of the fifth century B. C., and -has been variously assigned to Myron by Brunn, to Alkamenes by Kekulé, -followed by Overbeck, Michaelis and Furtwaengler,[661] and to Naukydes, -the brother and pupil of Polykleitos.[662] The head of the Vatican -statue shows no trace of Peloponnesian art, but rather resembles Attic -types of the end of the fifth century B. C. However, as we shall -see, this head does not appear to belong to the statue. Among the works -of Alkamenes Pliny mentions a bronze pentathlete,[663] called the -_Enkrinomenos_, and this work has been identified with the statue under -discussion.[664] Such an assumption is tenable only if the statue fits -Pliny’s epithet. This epithet appears to mean “undergoing a test,” and -should refer not to the statue, for we know nothing of any principle -of selecting statues, but to the athlete represented, the ἔγκρισις -referring to the selection of athletes before the contest.[665] Pliny’s -statue, then, presumably, represented a pentathlete, not in action -as the Vatican statue does, but standing at rest before his judges. -An all-round athlete like a pentathlete would especially fit such an -ordeal, and his statue, albeit lighter and more graceful, would be -an ideal one like the _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos.[666] We know how -Alkamenes treated Hermes from the bearded herma of that god found -in Pergamon in 1903 and inscribed with his name.[667] Its massive -features, broad forehead, and wide-opened eyes bear no analogy to the -head on the Vatican statue, nor to the one with which Helbig would -replace it. The ascription of the statue to Naukydes is better founded. -As the head of the statue is Attic and not Argive, it is difficult to -connect the work with a Peloponnesian artist. However, the present head -of the statue can not be shown to belong to it, and no other replica -has a head which can be proved to belong to the body. A fragmentary -replica of the statue, of good workmanship, was found in Rome in 1910, -and nearby a head, which must belong to the torso.[668] This head -fits the Vatican statue better than the head now on it, and certainly -comes from the Polykleitan circle—both head and body showing elements -of Polykleitan style. This new head represents the transition from -Polykleitan art to that of the next century, _i. e._, to the head-types -of Skopas, Praxiteles, and other Attic masters. Presumably, then, -in the original of this fragment and its replicas, we have a famous -statue—the one by Naukydes mentioned by Pliny.[669] - -A more important question for our discussion is whether the Vatican -statue represents a victor (diskobolos) or Hermes. G. Habich has argued -that the pose of the statue, standing with the right foot advanced, -is not that of a diskobolos taking position. He quotes Kietz[670] -to the effect that no vase-painting or other monument has the exact -position of this statue, and that the natural position for such a -motive is to advance the left foot.[671] Moreover, the fingers of the -right hand, which are supposed especially to uphold the diskobolos -theory, are modern in all the replicas. On a coin of Amastris in -Paphlagonia, dating from the Antonines, and on one of Commodus struck -at Philippopolis in Thrace, a figure of Hermes is pictured, which, in -all essentials, reproduces the Vatican statue.[672] Since the figure -on the coins has a kerykeion or training-rod in the right hand and -a diskos as a minor attribute in the left—merely a symbol of the -god’s patronage of athletics—we should see in the Vatican statue a -representation of Hermes as overseer of the palæstra. Pliny’s words—if -we omit or transpose the first _et_—refer, therefore, to a statue -of _Hermes-Diskobolos_ and to the _Ram-offerer_ which stood on the -Athenian Akropolis, to two, therefore, and not to three different -monuments. We should restore all the replicas of the statue, then, -with the caduceus, to represent Hermes as gymnasiarch. Though this -interpretation of the statue has found opponents,[673] the evidence is -strong that in it and its replicas we have an athlete in the guise of -Hermes. If we think that the caduceus can not be brought into harmony -with the chief motive of the statue, we must conclude with Helbig that -the copyist in one isolated case—the one copied on the coins—changed -an original victor statue into Hermes by adding the herald staff. -This would make it an instance, not of assimilation of type, but of -conversion. - -A small bronze statuette standing upon a cylindrical base, which was -found in the sea off Antikythera (Cerigotto), reproduces almost -exactly the attitude of the statue of Naukydes (Fig. 6).[674] Here the -left hand is stretched out horizontally at the elbow, but the right -arm is lost, so that we get no additional evidence as to the attribute -carried. Because of its correspondence with the aforementioned -coins[675] even in detail, Bosanquet, followed by Svoronos, looks upon -this “little masterpiece” as a copy of the Argive master. - -[Illustration: FIG. 6.—Bronze Statuette of _Hermes-Diskobolos_, found -in the Sea off Antikythera. National Museum, Athens.] - -The statue discovered in the ruins of Hadrian’s villa in 1742 and now -in the Capitoline Museum,[676] which represents an ephebe nude, except -for a chlamys thrown around the middle of his body, standing in an easy -attitude with his left foot resting upon a rock and bending forward -with the right arm extended in a gesture, was formerly looked upon as -a resting pancratiast. Because of its general likeness to Praxitelean -figures—the head is especially like the Olympia _Hermes_—Furtwaengler -interpreted the figure as that of Hermes Logios or Agoraios, the god of -eloquence, and assigned it to an artist near to Praxiteles. However, -it is probably nothing else than an idealized portrait of the age of -Hadrian or the Antonines, and represents an ephebe, probably a victor, -assimilated to the type of Hermes.[677] - -[Illustration: FIG. 7.—Bronze Statue of a Youth, found in the Sea off -Antikythera. National Museum, Athens.] - -Another example of assimilation may be the much-discussed bronze statue -in the National Museum at Athens, which was accidentally discovered -in 1901, along with the rest of a cargo of sculptures which had been -wrecked off the island of Antikythera as it was on its way to Rome -about the beginning of the first century B. C. (Fig. 7).[678] This -statue, the best preserved of the cargo, is a little over lifesize -and represents a nude youth standing with languid grace, the weight -of his body resting upon the left leg, while the right is slightly -bent and the right arm is extended horizontally, the hand holding -a round object now lost and variously interpreted. In short, the -pose strongly resembles that of the Vatican _Apoxyomenos_ (Pl. 29). -Opinions as to the age and authorship of this statue have been very -diverse, ranging from the fifth century B. C. down to Hellenistic -times and ascribing it to many masters and schools. Kabbadias, who -published it, in conjunction with the other objects, directly after -their discovery,[679] thought it would prove to “rank as high among -statues of bronze as does the _Hermes_ of Praxiteles among those of -marble,” and characterized it as “the most beautiful bronze statue -that we possess.” Waldstein praised it in no less exaggerated terms, -and classed it along with the _Charioteer_ from Delphi (Fig. 66) as -among the first Greek bronzes, if not among the finest specimens of -Greek sculpture.[680] He followed Kabbadias in assigning it to the -fourth century B. C. and in interpreting it as Hermes. He at first -ascribed it to Praxiteles or his school, but later he thought it more -Skopaic.[681] Th. Reinach placed it in the early fourth century B. C., -but regarded it as the work of a sculptor influenced by Polykleitos, -naming the youthful Praxiteles or Euphranor.[682] He explained the -pose as that of a man amusing a dog or a child with some round object. -A Greek scholar, A. S. Arvanitopoulos, assigned the work to the fifth -century B. C. and to the Attic school, referring it possibly to -Alkamenes.[683] However, as soon as the statue was properly cleansed -and pieced together, its early dating was seen to be untenable, and its -Hellenistic character became evident.[684] E. A. Gardner found little -resemblance in the head to that of the Praxitelean _Hermes_, but more -in the treatment of hair and eyes to that of the _Lansdowne Herakles_ -(Pl. 30, Fig. 71,), which he ascribes to Skopas.[685] He saw in its -labored and even anatomical modeling similarity to the _Apoxyomenos_ -of the Vatican and concluded that it was, therefore, later than the -fourth century B. C., being an eclectic piece disclosing influences of -several fourth-century sculptors, the work of an imitator especially -of Praxiteles and Skopas. K. T. Frost also assigned the work to the -Hellenistic age, but believed it was the statue of a god and not of -a mortal, and so followed Kabbadias and Waldstein in interpreting it -as a Hermes Logios.[686] Gardner had interpreted it as probably the -statue of an athlete “in a somewhat theatrical pose,” though admitting -it might be a _genre_ figure representing an athlete catching a ball, -even if its pose were against such an interpretation. In any case he -was right in saying that the pose, even if incapable of solution, was -chosen by the sculptor with a desire for display, as the centre of -attraction is outside and not inside the statue, and so is against the -αὐτάρκεια of earlier works. More recently, Bulle has asserted that it -is not an original work at all, but, as evinced by the hard treatment -of the hair, merely a copy. He also interprets it as a _Hermes_, -restoring a kerykeion in the left hand, and he likens its oratorical -pose to that of the _Etruscan Orator_ found near Lago di Trasimeno in -1566 and now in the Museo Archeologico in Florence, or the _Augustus_ -from Primaporta in the Vatican.[687] For its date he believes the -statue marks the end of the Polykleitan “_Standmotif_” (the breadth -of the body showing Polykleitan influence, the head, however, being -too small and slender for the Argive master), and the inception of the -Lysippan (the free leg not drawn back, but placed further out), as we -see it in the _Apoxyomenos_. He concludes that its author can not have -been a great master.[688] Doubtless, the statue, which is the pride of -the Athenian museum, is merely a representative example of the kind of -bronze statues made in great numbers in the early Hellenistic age; but -it shows the high degree of excellence attained at that time by very -mediocre artists.[689] - -Apart from its period, our chief interest in the statue is to determine -whether a god or a mortal is portrayed. As there are no certain -remnants of the round object held in the right hand, and no other -accessories, many interpretations have been possible. Especially the -gesture of the right arm has been the centre for such interpretations. -Some have looked upon this gesture as “transitory,” _i. e._, the -sweeping gesture of an orator or god of orators, and this has led to -the interpretation of the statue as Hermes Logios.[690] However, the -round object in the fingers is against this assumption. Others have -therefore regarded the gesture as “stationary,” _i. e._, the figure -is holding an object in the hand, which is the main interest of the -statue, and this view has therefore also given rise to many different -explanations. Among mythological interpretations two have received -careful attention. Svoronos has reasoned most ingeniously that the -statue represents Perseus holding the head of Medusa in his hand, -and finds a similar type on coins, gems, and rings. Thus, almost -the identical pose of the statue is seen on an engraved stone in -Florence, which shows Perseus holding the Gorgon’s head, and Svoronos -has restored the bronze similarly.[691] But certainly the right arm -of the statue was not intended to carry so great a weight. Others -have seen in it the statue of Paris by Euphranor, mentioned by Pliny -as offering the apple as prize of beauty to Aphrodite.[692] But the -statue scarcely reflects the description of the _Paris_ by Pliny. -Other scholars have interpreted the statue as that of a mortal. S. -Reinach believes that it may be a youth sacrificing.[693] Kabbadias -and E. A. Gardner admitted it might be the statue of a ball-player -as well as of Hermes. Since this latter interpretation has become -popular, let us consider its possibility at some length in reference to -ball-playing in antiquity. Now we know that ball-playing (σφαιρίζειν, -ἡ σφαιρικὴ τέχνη) was a favorite amusement of the Greeks from the -time of Nausikaa and her brothers in the Odyssey[694] to the end of -Greek history, and that it was practiced at Rome from the end of the -Republic to the end of the Empire.[695] It seems to have been regarded -less as a game than as a gymnastic exercise. Its origin is ascribed -to the Spartans and to others.[696] A special sort of ball-playing was -known as φαινίνδα,[697] and this is described in a treatise by the -physician Galen, of the second century A. D., in which he recommended -ball-playing as one of the best exercises.[698] Because of his ability -in the art of ball-playing, Aristonikos of Karystos, the ball-player -of Alexander the Great, received Athenian citizenship and was honored -with a statue.[699] The philosopher Ktesibios of Chalkis was fond of -the game.[700] A special room, called the σφαιριστήριον, was a part of -the later gymnasium.[701] The game was specially indulged in at Sparta. -Several inscriptions, mostly from the age of the Antonines, commemorate -victories by teams of ball-players there.[702] The name σφαιρεῖς -was given to Spartan youths in the first year of manhood. These -competitions took place in the Δρόμος at Sparta.[703] Though, then, -we should naturally expect statues of ball-players, like the one in -Athens of Aristonikos already mentioned, the calm mien of the Cerigotto -bronze and the direction of the gaze are certainly, as Th. Reinach said -earlier, against interpreting it as the statue of one engaged in so -active a sport. Von Mach, because of its voluptuous appearance, thought -it might represent merely a _bon vivant_. While Lechat interpreted it -as possibly an athlete receiving a crown from Nike,[704] Arvanitopoulos -would have the right hand either hold a lekythion or be quite empty, -and the left a strigil, thus restoring the statue as an apoxyomenos. S. -Reinach would regard it merely as a funerary monument. - -In all this discrepancy of opinion it is not difficult to recognize -elements of both god and mortal blended. The resemblance in the -expression and features of the face to those of the Praxitelean -_Hermes_, even though superficial, as well as the pose of the right arm -recall the god; the muscular build of the figure fits either the god -Hermes, in his character of overseer of the sports of the palæstra, or -an athlete. It therefore seems reasonable to see in this Hellenistic -statue of varied artistic tendencies merely the representation of an -athlete, perhaps of a pentathlete, who is holding a crown or possibly -an apple as a prize of victory in the right hand, whose form and -features have been assimilated to those of Hermes. - -How the statue of an indisputable Hermes Logios, on the other hand, -appears, may be seen in the _Hermes Ludovisi_ of the Museo delle -Terme, Rome,[705] and in its replica in the Louvre. The original of -this marble copy, dating from the middle of the fifth century B. C., -has been variously ascribed to Pheidias,[706] Myron,[707] and others. -In this statue the petasos, chlamys, and kerykeion indicate the god, -while the position of the right arm raised toward the head[708] and -the earnest expression of concentration in the face bespeak the god of -oratory. The careful replica of the statue, except the head, in the -Louvre, is the work of Kleomenes of Athens, a sculptor of the first -century B. C. The copyist, however, has given to the original a Roman -portrait-head, whence it has been falsely called _Germanicus_.[709] The -Paris statue, then, is merely another example of the conversion of an -original god-type, for the sculptor wished to represent a Roman under -the guise of Hermes Logios, since the inscribed tortoise shell retained -at the feet is a well-known attribute of the god. - -Another excellent example of a true Hermes head is the fine -Polykleitan one in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, which is a -copy of a well-known type represented by the _Boboli Hermes_ in -Florence and other replicas.[710] Though S. Reinach classed this -head as Kresilæan,[711] its true Polykleitan character has been -established,[712] even if it does not merit the praise formerly given -it by Robinson, of being “easily the best extant copy of a work by -Polykleitos.”[713] - -[Illustration: FIG. 8.—Statue of the so-called _Jason_ -(_Sandal-binder_). Louvre, Paris.] - -The so-called _Jason_ of the Louvre and its many replicas[714] (Fig. -8) probably represent athletes in the guise of Hermes. These statues -are copies of an original of the end of the fourth century B. C., when -the favorite motive originated—probably with Lysippos—of representing -a figure, as in this case, with one foot on a rock, bending over and -tying a sandal. Since the replicas in Munich and Paris extend both -arms to the right foot, while those in London and Athens extend the -left arm over the breast, with the hand resting on the right knee, -Klein has argued two different versions of a common type. He compares -the former with figures on the west frieze of the Parthenon, the -latter with the well-known relief of Nike tying her sandal, from the -Nike balustrade now in the Akropolis Museum. The one type he assigns -to Lysippos, the other (with both arms down) to an earlier artist. -However, the proportions of both groups agree with the Lysippan canon -and so we should assume only one artist. The discussion whether the -figure is tying or untying the sandal is as barren as the similar -one raised about the Athena from the Nike balustrade;[715] but the -question as to who is represented by the type is worthy of careful -consideration. The statue in the Louvre at first was believed to -represent Cincinnatus called from the plough, but Winckelmann, without -evidence, gave it its present name of _Jason_. In recent years it has -been interpreted as Hermes tying on his sandals, his head raised to -hearken to the behest of Zeus before going forth from Olympos on his -duties as messenger. This interpretation was based on the description -of a statue of the god by Christodoros,[716] and the fact that the type -conforms with a representation of Hermes on a coin of Markianopolis -in Mœsia.[717] Arndt has argued from the coin and from the motive -of the statue that Hermes and not an athlete is intended; thus the -inclination of the head, he thinks, is not that of an athlete looking -out over the theatre, since the regard is not far off, but merely -upward; the presence of the chlamys and the sandals also fits the god. -He therefore refers the copies to a Hermes-type originated by Lysippos. -But Froehner’s idea that they represent athletes, even if the type were -invented for Hermes, is in line with our idea of the assimilation of -athlete types to that of Hermes. In this connection it may be added -that the head of an athlete in Turin,[718] dating from the late third -or early second century B. C., is very similar to that of the Louvre -figure, and especially to the Fagan head in London. The pose of an -athlete binding on a sandal was doubtless chosen by the sculptor merely -to show the play of the muscles. - -Heads of Hermes are often found with victor fillets,[719] and some -of these doubtless are from statues of victors. The beautiful -fourth-century B. C. Parian marble head of a beardless youth in the -British Museum, known as the Aberdeen head,[720] which resembles so -strongly the Praxitelean _Hermes_, although lacking its delicacy, -may be from a victor statue assimilated to the god, for holes show -that it once wore a metal wreath. In Roman days the _Doryphoros_ of -Polykleitos, as we have seen, was adapted to represent Hermes, and -was set up in various palæstræ and gymnasia. The Naples copy of the -_Doryphoros_ stood in the Palaistra of Pompeii,[721] and statues of -ephebes carrying lances (hastae, δόρατα) and called _Achilleae_ by -Pliny,[722] which must have been largely copies of Polykleitos’ great -statue, were set up in gymnasia. A later type of Hermes-head often -appeared on bodies of the _Doryphoros_,[723] while other statues, -showing the body of the _Doryphoros_ draped with the chlamys,[724] and -many torsos following the attitude and form of this statue, have the -chlamys, which shows that they were intended for the god.[725] Hermes -in the _Doryphoros_ pose, in a bronze of the British Museum,[726] is -probably intended for an athlete. Furtwaengler has shown[727] that the -old Argive schema of the boxer Aristion at Olympia by Polykleitos[728] -was used in the master’s circle for statues of Hermes. The best -preserved example of a number of existing statues of this type is one -in Lansdowne House, London,[729] in the pose of the Aristion, holding -an object—probably a kerykeion—in the hand and a chlamys over the left -shoulder. - - -ATHLETE STATUES ASSIMILATED TO TYPES OF APOLLO. - -Apollo figures in mythology as an athlete. In the Iliad, at the opening -of the boxing match between Epeios and Euryalos,[730] he is mentioned -as the god of boxing, which refers, perhaps, to his presiding over the -education of youths (κουροτρόφος) and to his gift of manly prowess. -Pausanias records that he overcame Hermes in running and Ares in -boxing.[731] He gives these victories of the god as the reason why the -flute played a Pythian air at the later pentathlon. Plutarch says that -the Delphians sacrificed to Apollo the boxer (πύκτης), and the Cretans -and Spartans to Apollo the runner (δρομαῖος).[732] Apollo’s fight with -Herakles to wrest from the hero the stolen tripod of Delphi,[733] -which is the subject of many surviving works of art,[734] is outside -the realm of athletics. As with Hermes, it is often difficult to -distinguish between statues of Apollo and those of victors assimilated -to his type. A good instance of this doubt is afforded by the long and -indecisive discussion of the monument represented by several replicas, -especially by the _Choiseul-Gouffier_ statue in the British Museum -(Pl. 7A), and the so-called _Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_ (Pl. 7B) found -in 1862 in the ruins of the theatre of Dionysos at Athens, and now in -the National Museum there.[735] The bronze original of these marble -copies must have been famous, to judge from the number of replicas -of it. It has been ascribed to many different artists—to Kalamis, -Pythagoras, Alkamenes, Pasiteles,[736] to one on more, to another -on less probability. As A. H. Smith has pointed out, the _krobylos_ -treatment of the hair almost certainly indicates an Attic sculptor -of the first half of the fifth century B. C. But here again the -main interest in these copies is to determine whether the original -represented Apollo or an athlete. The connection between the Athens -replica and the _omphalos_ found with it is all but disproved[737] -and can not be used as evidence that the statue represents the god. -However, the original has been called an Apollo because of the -presence of a quiver on certain of the copies. Thus, while we have a -tree-trunk beside the _Choiseul-Gouffier_ example, we have a quiver -on the copy in the Palazzo Torlonia in Rome,[738] and on a similar -statue in the Fridericianum in Kassel,[739] and both tree and quiver -on the fragment of a leg from the Palatine now in the Museo delle -Terme.[740] The Ventnor head in the British Museum[741] has long locks -suited to Apollo, and the head from Kyrene there[742] was actually -found in a temple of Apollo. It has also been pointed out that the -head of a similar figure, undoubtedly an Apollo, appears on a relief -in the Capitoline Museum,[743] and a similar figure is found on a -red-figured krater in Bologna, which shows the god standing on a -pillar with a laurel wreath in the lowered left hand and a bowl in the -right.[744] On coins of Athens, moreover, we see the figure of Apollo -in a similar attitude with a laurel wreath in the lowered right hand -and a bow in the left.[745] From such evidence a good case for an -Apollo has been made out by many scholars—A. H. Smith, Winter,[746] -Helbig,[747] Conze,[748] Furtwaengler,[749] Schreiber,[750] Dickins, -and others. The evidence of the quiver in the delle Terme fragment -and the Torlonia replica is looked upon as a deliberate device of the -copyist to indicate the god. The attempt especially to connect it with -the _Apollo Alexikakos_ of Kalamis[751] must certainly fall, since the -date is about the only thing in its favor. In the long list of statues -ascribed to this sculptor,[752] there is none of an athlete, and the -_Choiseul-Gouffier_ type, whether it represents Apollo or an athlete, -has a markedly athletic character. If the Delphi _Charioteer_ (Fig. 66) -be ascribed to Kalamis, certainly this type of statue can have nothing -to do with him or his school. Nor is the type at all identical with the -_Alexikakos_ appearing on coins of Athens,[753] in which the locks of -hair, in the true archaic fashion of a cultus statue, fall down over -the god’s shoulders. Besides, the work of Kalamis, characterized by -λεπτότης and χάρις,[754] must have been of the delicate later archaic -style of the transition period. - -[Illustration: PLATE 7A - -Statue of the so-called _Apollo Choiseul-Gouffier_. British Museum, -London.] - -[Illustration: PLATE 7B - -Statue of the so-called _Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_. National Museum, -Athens.] - -Waldstein, however, has made a good case against the evidence adduced -for interpreting the original as Apollo and he believes that the -statue represents an athlete.[755] The thongs thrown over the stump -in the _Choiseul-Gouffier_ statue, doubtless those of a boxer, seem -to point to an athlete for that copy at least. The muscular form and -athletic coiffure of all the copies also point to the same conclusion, -even if Waldstein’s ascription of the original statue to the boxer -Euthymos, whose statue by Pythagoras of Rhegion stood in the Altis at -Olympia,[756] is only a guess. Wolters thinks the _Choiseul-Gouffier_ -statue may represent an athlete, but is against Waldstein’s -ascription of the work to Pythagoras.[757] - -Though differing in detail, the rendering of the hair, common to -all the replicas, is a purely athletic coiffure. The argument for -attributing the original to Apollo, based on the curls around the -face, is of no importance, since a similar coiffure appears on many -ephebe heads by various Attic masters of the same or a slightly -earlier period. The hair treatment on a little-known replica of the -head in the British Museum[758] gives us an additional argument in -determining whether the original was an Apollo or not. On this head -there are two corkscrew curls side by side just back of the ears, -which are so inorganically attached and so unsuited to the style -of head as to make us believe that they were added by the copyist, -even if their absence in other copies were not proof enough of this -fact. Apparently the copyist adopted a well-known type of athlete and -tried to convert it into an Apollo by the use of this Apolline hair -attribute. The only other Apolline attribute, the quiver on the copies -in the Palazzo Torlonia[759] and Museo delle Terme, may have been -added as a fortuitous adjunct by the copyists, who were converting an -original athlete statue into one of Apollo. It may be added, also, -that the quiver does not always indicate the god, as we shall see -in discussing the Delian _Diadoumenos_ (Pl. 18). When we consider, -therefore, the athletic pose, the massive outline and proportions, the -high-arched chest, the muscular arms and thighs, the accentuation of -the veins,[760] the fashion of the hair, and the relatively small size -of the head, together with the presence of the boxing-thongs on the -London example, it seems reasonable to conclude that in this series of -copies we may see an original athlete statue, which in certain cases -was later transformed into statues of Apollo. Even if the original -was actually an Apollo, its proportions were far better suited to the -patron of athletic exercises than to the leader of a celestial choir. - -An instance of the similar use of the same type of head is shown by -the colossal statue of Apollo unearthed at Olympia.[761] Here we see -the same coiffure as in the heads discussed, but the presence of the -remnants of a lyre indubitably shows that this copy was intended for -Apollo, and so it has been rightly assigned by Treu, not to the fifth, -but to a later century. When long hair was no longer the fashion for -athletes, a later artist might mistakenly think that the earlier plaits -were genuinely Apolline, though we know that they were common to all -early athletic art. Another head in the British Museum has been ably -discussed by Mrs. Strong,[762] who shows that it comes from an Apollo -and not from an athlete statue. It is similar to an Apollo pictured on -a stater struck at Mytilene about 400 B. C.,[763] and consequently, -like the statue from Olympia, it is merely an instance of the process -of converting an athlete statue into that of an Apollo. - -The marble copy of the _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos, found on the -island of Delos in 1894, and now in the National Museum in Athens[764] -(Pl. 18), has a chlamys and a quiver introduced on the marble support -against the right leg. Until recently these attributes were regarded -as the arbitrary introductions of the Hellenistic copyist, who wished -to convert the famous athlete statue into one of Apollo, but lately it -has been suggested that they belonged to the original statue, which -is assumed to have represented Apollo. Thus, Hauser has propounded -the theory that the _Diadoumenos_ was originally an Apollo.[765] He -does not believe that the Delian sculptor could have transformed a -short-haired athlete into an Apollo, since the typical Apollo after -the time of Praxiteles was never represented as athletic. He later -supported his theory that the _Diadoumenos_ was originally an Apollo by -the evidence of a bronze statuette and a Delphian coin, and reasserted -his view that so virile a short-haired Apollo did not originate with -the later copyist, but in the fifth century B. C.[766] Hauser’s -argument that Apollo was the original of the _Diadoumenos_ seems as -unsuccessful as his contention that Polykleitos’ other great creation, -the _Doryphoros_, is to be classed as an _Achilles_.[767] Loewy has -sufficiently opposed Hauser’s theory of the _Diadoumenos_, by showing -that the palm-tree prop in all the marble replicas of that statue -points to athletic victories.[768] He rightly explains the Apolline -attributes of the Delian copy as the perfectly natural additions of an -artist who lived on the island reputed to be the birthplace of the god. -His ascription of the Polykleitan statue to the pentathlete Pythokles, -the base of whose statue at Olympia has been found,[769] is doubtful. -More recently Ada Maviglia has shown the literary grounds for regarding -the _Diadoumenos_ as an athlete, and not an Apollo.[770] - -The difficulty of distinguishing between statues of athletes and Apollo -is also shown by the very beautiful fifth century B. C. Parian marble -head in Turin,[771] which is certainly a copy of an original Greek -bronze. Furtwaengler, because of the hair, wrongly believed it the head -of a diadoumenos, and connected it with Kresilas,[772] while Amelung -and Wace[773] have found in it Attic and Polykleitan influences. The -hair is parted over the centre of the forehead, as in the _Diadoumenos_ -and the _Doryphoros_, and in other works attributed to the Polykleitan -school, while the locks over the ears and the plaits wound round the -head have Attic analogues.[774] - - -ATHLETE STATUES ASSIMILATED TO TYPES OF HERAKLES. - -Herakles was the reputed founder of the games at Olympia.[775] He -was a famous wrestler, Pausanias frequently mentioning his combats -with giants.[776] He won in both wrestling and the pankration at -Olympia.[777] In connection with the victory of Straton of Alexandria, -who won in these two events on the same day,[778] Pausanias names -three men before him and three men after him who won in these events -on the same day.[779] We learn their dates from Africanus.[780] After -the date of the last of these victories, Ol. 204 (= 37 A. D.), the -Elean umpires, in order to check professionalism, refused to allow -contestants to enter for both events.[781] To win the crown of wild -olive in both these events was therefore regarded as a great honor, -and in the Olympic lists a special note was made of such victors, who -were called πρῶτος, δεύτερος, τρίτος, κ. τ. λ., ἀφ’ Ἡρακλέους.[782] -They also received the title of παράδοξος or παραδοξονίκης.[783] -Statues of Herakles, like those of Hermes and Theseus, were commonly -set up in gymnasia and palæstræ throughout Greece,[784] and it was -but natural that Olympic victors, especially those in the two events -mentioned, should want their statues assimilated to those of the hero. -The difficulty of deciding whether a given statue is one of Herakles -or of a victor is even greater than that of distinguishing between -statues of victors and those of Hermes or Apollo. To quote Homolle: -“_Maintes fois, comme pour la tête d’Olympie, comme pour plusieurs -autres encore, on peut se demander si le personnage représenté est le -héros luimême sous les traits d’un athlête ou un athlête fait à l’image -du héros_.”[785] In reference to the statue of Agias by Lysippos -discovered at Delphi, which is an excellent example of the assimilation -process which we are discussing, he continues: “_Ici en particulier, -étant donnée la nature du monument, il est permis de supposer que -l’auteur ... ait voulu élever le personnage à la hauteur idéale du type -divin en qu’ Agias ait été assimilé à Héraclès_.”[786] - -We shall discuss a few examples of this process of assimilation to -types of Herakles. Our ascription of the head from Olympia mentioned -by Homolle, which was found in the ruins of the Gymnasion, to the -statue of the Akarnanian pancratiast Philandridas by Lysippos[787] -(Frontispiece and Fig. 69) will be discussed in a later chapter.[788] -The swollen ears and hair-fillet might pass for hero or mortal, for -in deciding whether a given head represents Herakles or a victor, -the ears are not the deciding criterion, since many heroes had the -“pancratiast” swollen ear, as we shall see later. A good example of -assimilation is seen in the beautiful little marble head of a man, -found in Athens and now in the Glyptothek Ny-Carlsberg in Copenhagen, -dating from the early Hellenistic age.[789] As traces of color remain -in the hair, some have thought that this head came from the reliefs -on the “Alexander” sarcophagus from Sidon, belonging to the body of -a headless youth represented there. Though the marble (Pentelic) -and the dimensions would fit, it would be the only head on the -sarcophagus with a band in the hair, and so the question can not be -definitely decided.[790] The head was at first called a Herakles, -though Furtwaengler rightly saw in it an ideal representation of an -athlete, even if the ears are not swollen. A bronze head of a youth -from Herculaneum, now in Naples, is evidently a part of the statue -of a victor or of Herakles.[791] A Polykleitan ephebe head-type, -with rolled fillet around the hair and swollen ears, represented by -replicas in Naples, in Rome, and elsewhere, may represent a boxer in -the guise of the hero.[792] In the Roman copy of the group of Herakles -and Telephos in the Museo Chiaramonti of the Vatican, Herakles, still -the god, wears a fillet.[793] Similarly, a colossal head of mediocre -workmanship in the Sala dei Busti of the Vatican represents the hero -with a fillet,[794] while another head in the Capitoline Museum, with -fillet and swollen ears, seems to represent Herakles as a victorious -athlete.[795] Many other heads in various museums, which are commonly -called heads of Herakles, may represent athletes in the heroic guise. A -good example is the Parian marble terminal bust of the fourth century -B. C., representing a young Herakles wreathed with poplar, now in the -British Museum (Fig. 31).[796] In this head the ears are bruised. -It seems to have been copied from some well-known statue of Lysippan -or Skopaic tendencies. Another head in the British Museum shows the -beardless hero, his hair encircled by a diadem, and his ears broken -and crushed.[797] This almost certainly comes from a victor statue. -Many bronze statuettes in the British Museum may be interpreted either -as Herakles or as victors.[798] A bronze from Corfu represents a nude -Herakles or an athlete, with the left foot advanced and the left hand -extended. The objects held in both hands are lost, but the challenging -pose and expression indicate a boxer.[799] Similarly a small bronze -in Berlin, represented with a fillet and in the walking pose, may be -a Herakles or a victor.[800] Duetschke gives two examples of heads -in the Uffizi, both of them having fillets, and one of them having -swollen ears, which may come from statues of the hero or victors.[801] -Heads of the hero with the rolled fillet can not, however, according -to Furtwaengler, be classed as victors, since he believes that this -attribute was borrowed from the symposium, to distinguish the glorified -hero rejoicing in the celestial banquet.[802] - - -ATHLETES REPRESENTED AS THE DIOSKOUROI. - -Kastor is said to have won the foot-race and Polydeukes the boxing -match, at Olympia.[803] They had an altar at the entrance to the -Hippodrome there,[804] and were called “Starters of the Race” -at Sparta.[805] A stadion, in which they were fabled to have -contended, was shown in Hermione, in Corinthia.[806] Kastor was a -famous horse-racer in Homer and later writers,[807] and Polydeukes -a famous boxer,[808] both being κατ’ ἐξοχήν the rider and boxer -respectively.[809] Scenes showing Athena setting garlands on -victorious hoplite racers (?) appear on reliefs of the Dioskouroi -from Tarentum.[810] An archaic Argive inscription tells how a certain -Aischylos won the stade-race four times and the hoplite-race three -times at Argos, for which he dedicated a slab to the Dioskouroi, which -depicted them in relief.[811] An inscribed bronze quoit of the sixth -century B. C. from Kephallenia(?), now in the British Museum, was -dedicated to the two heroes by Exoïdas for a victory (apparently in -the pentathlon).[812] A bronze four-spoked wheel with a dedicatory -inscription in their honor was found at Argos, probably the remnant -of a monument erected for a chariot victory.[813] Doubtless certain -victor statues were assimilated to them, though we have no direct -evidence of the fact. Ordinary dead men appeared in the guise of the -Dioskouroi on sepulchral reliefs, just as we have seen that in statuary -they were heroized into statues of Hermes. Thus a grave-relief in honor -of Pamphilos and Alexandros in Verona shows on the projecting lower -rim the two Dioskouroi, the figure to the right carrying a lance in -the right hand and holding the bridle of a horse in the left, while -the figure to the left holds a lance in the left hand and touches a -horse’s head with the right.[814] A votive relief in the British Museum -represents two youths on horseback, who, despite the absence of the -conical cap or pilleus, are probably the Dioskouroi.[815] Their short -hair is bound with diadems, which shows that the dead men may have been -victors. - -Sufficient examples of the process of assimilation have now been given -to prove that it was not an uncommon device of the ancient sculptor -and to show the difficulty of distinguishing between types of gods and -athletes. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -VICTOR STATUES REPRESENTED AT REST. - -PLATES 8-21 AND FIGURES 9-31. - - -We have seen[816] that it was a very old custom in Greece to dedicate -statues of victors at the great national games to the god in whose -honor the games were held. On many sites, especially at Olympia, tiny -statuettes of clay or bronze of very primitive technique have been -found in great numbers, which represent victors in many attitudes and -ways—as horsemen, warriors, charioteers, etc. By the sixth century B. -C. this ancient custom, as we learn from literary, epigraphical, and -monumental sources, had developed, with the rapid progress attained by -the sculptor’s art, into the regular practice of erecting life-size -statues of athletes at the site of the games or in the native city -of the victor. Especially at Olympia hundreds of such monuments were -gradually collected, whose numbers and beauty must have exerted an -overwhelming impression on the visitor to the Altis. We shall now begin -the consideration of these monuments in detail. - -The victor statues at Olympia, as elsewhere, may be conveniently -divided into two main groups—those which represent the victor as -standing or seated at rest, before or after the contest, and those -which represent him in movement, _i. e._, in some contest schema.[817] -Examples of statues of athletes represented at rest are common in Greek -athletic sculpture. We need only mention the so-called _Oil-pourer_ -of Munich (Pl. 11), who is represented as pouring oil over his body -to make his limbs more supple for the coming wrestling bout; the -_Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos (Pls. 17, 18, and Fig. 28), who is binding -a victor fillet around his head after a successful encounter; the -_Apoxyomenos_ of the school of Lysippos (Pl. 29), representing an -athlete scraping off the oil and dirt from his body after his victory. -In this class of statues, which forms by far the greater number and -shows the richer motives, the poses are quiet and reserved, the figures -are compact, and the expression earnest and even thoughtful. As -examples of statues represented in movement we need only recall such -well-known works as the _Diskobolos_ of Myron with its rhythmic lines -and vivacious expression (Pls. 22, 23, and Figs. 34, 35); the bronze -wrestlers of Naples, who are bending eagerly forward watching for a -grip (Fig. 51); or the artistically intertwined pancratiast group of -Florence (Pl. 25). Such monuments show us the varied poses, the choice -of the critical moment, the truth to life, and the masterly rhythm -attained by certain sculptors. - - -THE APOLLO TYPE. - -In this chapter we shall confine ourselves almost entirely to the -statues of victors represented at rest, discussing those represented -in motion chiefly in the next. Most of the oldest statues at Olympia, -dating from a time when there were few variations in the sculptural -type, must have been represented at rest and in the schema of the -so-called “Apollos.” Ever since the discovery of the _Apollo of Thera_ -in 1836 (Fig. 9), this _genre_ of sculpture, the most characteristic of -the early period, extending from the end of the seventh century B. C. -to the time of the gable groups of Aegina, has been carefully studied. -Though we now know that the type passed equally well for gods and -mortals,[818] we still keep the name, because of its familiarity and -for the sake of having a common designation. That this type actually -represented Olympic victors we have indubitable proof. Pausanias -mentions the stone victor statue of the pancratiast Arrhachion, dating -from the first half of the sixth century B. C., which stood in the -agora of his native town Phigalia. He describes it as archaic in pose, -with the feet close together and the arms hanging down the sides to -the hips—the typical “Apollo” schema.[819] Moreover, this very statue -has survived to our time (Fig. 79).[820] A study, therefore, of this -type of statue will give us an idea of how some of the early statues at -Olympia looked. - -[Illustration: FIG. 9.—Statue of so-called _Apollo of Thera_. National -Museum, Athens.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 10.—Statue of so-called _Apollo of Orchomenos_. -National Museum, Athens.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 11.—Statue of so-called _Apollo_, from Mount Ptoion, -Bœotia. National Museum, Athens.] - -The “Apollo” statues,[821] because of differences in facial expression, -have been conveniently divided into two groups: those represented by -the examples from Thera, Melos, Volomandra, Tenea, etc., sometimes -named the “grinning” group, because the corners of the mouth are turned -upwards into the so-called “archaic smile,” and those represented -by the examples from Orchomenos, the precinct of Mount Ptoion, and -elsewhere, named the “stolid” group, because in them the mouth forms a -straight line.[822] There are, however, essential differences between -the statues of each group. Thus, while some of both groups—_e. g._, the -examples from Melos, Volomandra, and Orchomenos—have square shoulders, -most of the others have sloping ones. The type gradually improved, as -in each successive attempt the sculptor overcame difficulties, until -finally revolutionary changes had taken place in the original form. -This improvement is seen in the treatment of the hair, in the modeling -of the face and body, and in the proportions of the statues. In a -head of a statue from Mount Ptoion[823]—which is broken off at the -neck—we seem to see the sculptor in wood making his first attempt in -stone. In the archaic example from Thera[824] (Fig. 9) the arms hang -straight down close to the sides, as in the statue of Arrhachion, being -detached only slightly from the body at the elbows, showing that the -artist was afraid that they might break off. In other examples, as in -the one from Orchomenos[825] (Fig. 10) and one from Mount Ptoion[826] -(Fig. 11), the space between the arms and the body has become larger, -while in the example from Melos[827] (Fig. 12) only the hands are -glued to the thighs. In the “Apollo” found at Tenea in 1846, and now -in Munich[828] (Pl. 8A), the arms are free, but the hands are held -fast to the body by the retention of small marble bridges between them -and the thighs. The final step has been taken in two examples from -Mount Ptoion (Fig. 13), in which the arms from the shoulders down are -free from the bodies.[829] The bridges shown on the photograph in the -figure to the left, which connect the forearms with the thighs, are of -plaster, being added at the time the statue was set up in Athens.[830] -The figure to the right is smaller and clearly discloses Aeginetan -influence. The audacity of the sculptor in entirely freeing the arms -in both examples was rewarded by the arms being broken off. Similarly, -in the _Strangford Apollo_ of the British Museum (Fig. 14),[831] the -arms, which hung loose from the shoulders, are broken away. The larger -statue from Mount Ptoion just mentioned also has the arms slightly -crooked at the elbows, the forearms being extended at an oblique angle -to the body. This represents an intermediate stage between the earlier -“Apollos,” in which the arms adhered vertically to the sides of the -body (as _e. g._, in the ones from Orchomenos, Thera, Melos, and -Tenea), and the later ones, in which the arms were bent, the forearms -being extended at right angles to the body (see Figs. 15 and 19).[832] - -[Illustration: FIG. 12.—Statue of so-called _Apollo of Melos_. National -Museum, Athens.] - -The example from Thera shows the archaic method of working in planes -parallel to front and side and at right angles to one another, the -corners of the square block being merely rounded off. The outlines -of muscles are indicated by shallow grooves, which do not affect the -flatness of the surface, and there is but little facial expression. We -see the chest outlined in some examples from Aktion.[833] In the Melian -example the rectangular form is modified by cutting away the sides -obliquely in arms and body; here there is more expression in the face, -and the treatment of the hair and the proportions of the body are more -developed. In the example from Orchomenos we see a great improvement in -form. Here, as in later Bœotian examples, the original rectangular -form of the example from Thera has become round, so that a horizontal -cross-section through the waist is almost circular; the muscles of -the abdomen are indicated and the skin is naturalistically shown in -the back and at the elbows. In later Bœotian examples from Mount -Ptoion, which are directly developed from the Orchomenos type,[834] -the form is lighter and the proportions more graceful. In one example -(Fig. 13, left) even the veins are shown. In the example mentioned -above as showing Aeginetan influence, and dated about 500 B. C.,[835] -the muscles are clearly marked, just as in the _Strangford_ example -and in the statues from the temple at Aegina, showing that foreign -art had been introduced into Bœotia by that time. In the example -from Volomandra in Attica,[836] we see affinity to the examples from -Thera and Melos, but Attic softness in the carving of the shoulders -and in the proportions. In the _Apollo of Tenea_ (Pl. 8A), “by far -the most beautiful preserved statue of archaic sculpture,”[837] a -statue most carefully worked, we see a Peloponnesian example of the -beginning of the sixth or even of the end of the seventh century B. -C. Here the sculptor has shown great care in executing details and in -the proportions. The eyes are not flat, but convex, and are wide open -as in most of the earlier examples. The downward flow of the lines of -the statue is striking, which is caused by the sloping shoulders and -the elongated triangular-shaped abdomen. The slimness of the figure, -with the contour of bones and muscles, is remarkable at so early a -date. The fashioning of the knees is detailed. When we contrast this -tall, slim, agile statue with the massively square-built Argive type -found at Delphi (Pl. 8B), we find it reasonable to suspect that -the _Apollo of Tenea_ is an imported work, coming probably from the -islands.[838] The two statues of (?) Kleobis and Biton, discovered at -Delphi in 1893 and 1894, and inscribed with the name of the sculptor -Polymedes of Argos, have added much to our knowledge of early Argive -sculpture (Pl. 8B, = Statue A).[839] This Polymedes may have been -one of the predecessors acknowledged by Eutelidas and Chrysothemis, -among the first victor statuaries known to us by name, in the epigram -preserved by Pausanias from the base of the monument of Damaretos and -his son Theopompos at Olympia.[840] The epigram, in any case, implies -that the reputation of the Argive school in athletic sculpture was -already well established by the end of the sixth century B. C. These -massively built statues, dating from the beginning of the sixth century -B. C., outline the muscles to a certain extent, even showing the line -of the false ribs by incised lines. They display, however, but little -detail in modeling, except in the knees, where the artist has tried to -indicate the bones and muscles. The features of the large heads are -without expression; the large eyes are flat and not convex, as in the -example from Tenea, though the Argive artist was, perhaps, later than -the Corinthian one, and a long distance removed from the later artist -of the Ligourió bronze (Fig. 16), to be discussed later. - -[Illustration: FIG. 13.—Statues of so-called _Apollos_ from Mount -Ptoion. National Museum, Athens.] - -[Illustration: PLATE 8A - -A. Statue of so-called _Apollo of Tenea_. Glyptothek, Munich.] - -[Illustration: PLATE 8B - -B. So-called _Argive Apollo_ from Delphi. Museum of Delphi.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 14.—Statue known as the _Strangford Apollo_. British -Museum, London.] - -In all these “Apollos,” which have been found all over the Greek world -from Naukratis in Egypt to Ambrakia, and along the Asian coast and -on the Aegean Isles, the archaic artists have attempted, by their -modeling of the muscles, especially of the chest and abdomen, to -express trained strength. The heavy Argive examples, which may be said -to be the prototypes of the Ligourió bronze and of the _Doryphoros_ -of Polykleitos (Pl. 4 and Fig. 48), are in strong contrast with the -lighter type best represented by the example from Tenea. In the former, -with their big heads and shoulders and their powerful arms and legs, -we may see early boxers or pancratiasts; in the latter a long-limbed -runner, with powerful chest, but slim and supple legs. In the _Apollo -of Tenea_ there is no flabbiness nor softness, and yet no emaciation. -We see very similar runners on Panathenaic vases. Between the two -extremes we have a long series, those from Mount Ptoion and elsewhere. - -We do not doubt that the early statues of athletes at Olympia showed -all the variations we have discussed in these “Apollos.” Of this -type, then, were the statues at Olympia of the Spartan Eutelidas, -the oldest mentioned by Pausanias,[841] those of Phrikias of Pelinna -in Thessaly,[842] and of Phanas of Pellene in Achæa,[843] to whom, -later on in this chapter, we shall ascribe the two archaic marble -helmeted heads found at Olympia (Fig. 30), the wooden statues of -Praxidamas and Rhexibios,[844] the statue of Kylon on the Akropolis -of Athens,[845] and that of Hetoimokles at Sparta.[846] The statue of -the famous wrestler Milo of Kroton by the sculptor Dameas, mentioned -by Pausanias[847] and described by Philostratos,[848] must also -have conformed with the “Apollo” type, though it showed a step in -advance of the earlier ones by having its arms bent at the elbow, the -forearms being extended horizontally outward. This statue needs a -somewhat detailed account. The description of Philostratos seems to -have been founded on the account in Pausanias[849] of Milo’s prowess, -which, in turn, may have arisen from the appearance of the statue and -the cicerone’s description. Philostratos says that it stood on a -quoit with the feet close together and with the left hand grasping a -pomegranate, the fingers of the right hand being extended straight out, -and a fillet encircling the brows.[850] Philostratos has Apollonios -explain the attributes of the statue on the ground that the people of -Kroton represented their famous victor in the guise of a priest of -Hera. This would explain the priestly fillet and the pomegranate sacred -to the goddess, while the diskos, on which the statue rested, would be -the shield on which Hera’s priest stood when praying. Scherer, however, -rightly pointed out that the statue in the Altis was of Milo the victor -and not the priest. He therefore explained the diskos[851] merely as -a round basis on which the statue, of the archaic “Apollo” type with -its feet close together, stood, and the _tainia_ as a victor band. He -followed Philostratos in believing that the gesture of the right hand -was one of adoration.[852] He looked upon the object in the left hand -not as a pomegranate at all, but as an alabastron, a toilet article -adapted to a victor. He, therefore, believed that the _Apollo_ of the -elder Kanachos of Sikyon,[853] the so-called _Philesian Apollo_,[854] -represented nude and holding a tiny fawn in the right hand and a bow -in the left, would give a good idea of the pose of Milo’s statue.[855] -Hitzig and Bluemner believe this explanation of Scherer probable, -although they rightly disagree with him in his exchanging the -pomegranate for an alabastron, since Pausanias expressly mentions a -pomegranate in the hand of another victor statue at Olympia.[856] Pliny -speaks of a male figure by Pythagoras, _mala ferentem nudum_,[857] -and Lucian says apples were prizes at Delphi,[858] and we know that -Milo was also a Pythian victor. The same commentators believe that -Pausanias’ story of Milo bursting a cord drawn round his brow by -swelling his veins arose from the victor band on the statue, and the -story of the strength of his fingers from the position of the fingers -on it. - -[Illustration: FIG. 15.—Bronze Statuette of a Palæstra Victor, from the -Akropolis. Akropolis Museum, Athens.] - -We have seen in the “Apollo” statues a considerable variety of -physical types. In the sixth century B. C. the artist was feeling -his way and was hampered by local school tendencies. At first he -knew only how to produce rigid statues in the conventional Egyptian -attitude with the arms glued to the sides, the two halves of the -body being symmetrical and the hips on the same level. He gradually -improved on this model, making the position more elastic—as in the -statue of Milo—rightly indicating bones and muscles and giving to the -figure natural proportions. Bulle has shown on one plate[859] three -statuettes which illustrate the improvements reached in bronze in -various parts of Greece by the end of the sixth century B. C. To the -left is represented a victorious palæstra gymnast—as is indicated by -the remnants of akontia in the hands—in the Akropolis Museum (Fig. -15);[860] in the center is the Payne Knight statuette of the British -Museum,[861] carrying a fawn in the right hand, which is a copy of -the _Philesian Apollo_ which stood in the Didymaion near Miletos; to -the right is Hermes with the petasos, short-girded tunic, and winged -sandals, holding a ram in the left and probably a kerykeion in the -right hand.[862] The attributes of the three, then, attest respectively -a victor, Apollo, and Hermes. In all three the arms are freed from the -body, and the muscles of the breast, chest, and abdomen are indicated, -though carelessly in the case of the victor. The proportions of the -three vary greatly; the Attic victor has a large head, broad shoulders, -powerful chest, long body, and short legs; the _Apollo_ has long -legs, shorter though slimmer body, and small head;[863] the _Hermes_ -has a clearly outlined figure and shows the careful modeling so -characteristic of the schools of Argos and Sikyon in the fifth century -B. C. Bulle shows that the further development of the “Apollo” type was -halted by the Argive school, which, while continuing the restful pose -of these figures, counteracted their rigidity by inclining the head -to the side and throwing the weight unevenly on the legs by lowering -one hip and further advancing one foot. The central line was no longer -vertical, but curved, and it was now possible to give greater detail to -chest and abdomen. Polykleitos finally perfected this curve and threw -back the left foot, resting the weight of the body on the right—from -which time on we have the regular scheme of “free” and “rest” legs. -Despite all these later improvements, Olympic victors continued to -set up statues in the rest attitude of the “Apollo” type down perhaps -into the third century B. C. Such dedications were the result both of -school tendencies and economy, especially in the case of equestrian -victors, who frequently were content to use such “actionless” statues -in place of groups. We have only to mention the monuments of Timon of -Elis, whose statue was the work of the Sikyonian Daidalos,[864] and -of Telemachos of Elis, whose statue was made by the otherwise unknown -sculptor Philonides.[865] - -Before systematically considering victor statues at Olympia and -elsewhere with general motives, _i. e._, represented at rest, we shall -now rapidly sketch the development of athletic sculpture in four great -centres, Argos, Sikyon, Aegina, and Athens, even though some of the -works mentioned were represented in motion. Sculptors of other schools -known at Olympia will be treated incidentally in both this and the -following chapters. - - -THE AFFILIATED SCHOOLS OF ARGOS AND SIKYON. - -While in general it is unprofitable to discuss sculptors who have -not surely left any example of their art behind, there are two early -schools of Peloponnesian sculpture, those of Argos and Sikyon, which, -though we may assign work to them only by conjecture, can not be -summarily passed over, owing to their great importance in the history -of Greek athletic art. The bronze used in their works was too valuable -to escape the barbarians, and, furthermore, the monotony, which must -have characterized early Peloponnesian sculpture, militated against -these works being reproduced to any great degree by later copyists. - - -THE SCHOOL OF ARGOS. - -The Argive school was devoted mainly to athletic statuary. The greatest -name in old Argive art is that of Ageladas or Hagelaïdas,[866] the -reputed teacher of Myron and Polykleitos, who lived from the third -quarter of the sixth century into the second quarter of the fifth -century B. C. While his connection with Myron and Polykleitos is -scarcely to be doubted,[867] his supposed connection with Pheidias has -made the chronology of the life of this sculptor one of the difficult -problems of the ancient history of art. A scholion on Aristophanes’ -_Ranae_, 504, dates the statue known as the _Herakles Alexikakos_ in -the Attic deme Melite by Hagelaïdas after the pestilence in Athens of -431-430 B. C., and makes the Argive sculptor (Gelados = Hagelaïdas) -the teacher of Pheidias. As his statue of the Olympic victor Anochos -commemorated a victory won in Ol. 65 (= 520 B. C.), this late date is -manifestly impossible.[868] Furthermore, a better tradition says that -Hegias was the teacher of the Attic master.[869] Furtwaengler’s attempt -to show that these two divergent traditions were really in accord, -by the assumption that Hegias was the pupil of Hagelaïdas and that -his art came from the latter—thus explaining certain similarities in -the work of Hagelaïdas and Pheidias,—does not solve the problem.[870] -As the scholion is based on a good tradition,[871] the best solution -of the difficulty is that of Kalkmann[872] and others, that the -_Alexikakos_ was the work of a younger Hagelaïdas, the grandson of the -famous master, by the intermediate Argeiadas. For a lower limit to the -activity of Hagelaïdas there seems to be no good reason for distrusting -the evidence that he made a bronze _Zeus_ for the Messenians to be -set up at Naupaktos, whither they moved in 455 B. C.[873] This makes -quite possible a period of collaboration of four or five years at least -between Polykleitos and Hagelaïdas. - -Pausanias mentions the monuments of three victors at Olympia by -Hagelaïdas: the statues of the pancratiast Timasitheos of Delphi, who -won two victories some time between Ols. (?) 65 and 67 (520 and 512 B. -C.);[874] of the runner Anochos of Tarentum, who won in the stade- and -double-race in Ols. 65 and (?) 66 (= 520 and 516 B. C.);[875] and the -chariot-group of Kleosthenes of Epidamnos, who won in Ol. 66 (= 516 B. -C.).[876] - -None of the works of Hagelaïdas at Olympia or elsewhere is known. -Messenian coins of the fourth century B. C. show the motives of two of -his statues, that of his _Zeus Ithomatas_ just mentioned as being made -for the Messenians,[877] and the beardless _Zeus_ παῖς at Aigion.[878] -However, we infer the characteristics of his style from the bronze -statuette in Berlin which was found at Ligourió near Epidauros (Fig. -16).[879] This is undoubtedly an Argive work contemporary with the -later period of Hagelaïdas. Furtwaengler and Frost are right in looking -upon it as showing the prototype of the canon of Polykleitos. Though -too small to count as a characteristic work of the early Argive school, -it shows us that the style of that school was a short and stocky type, -similar to Aeginetan works, only somewhat fleshier and heavier. The -straight mouth and heavy chin, the treatment of the eyelids, and the -clumsy limbs are all archaic features to be expected in the period -preceding Polykleitos. The modeling is carefully executed, showing a -knowledge of anatomy. If such excellence is found in a statuette, we -can form some idea of the perfection of a statue by the master. - -[Illustration: FIG. 16.—Bronze Statuette, from Ligourió. Museum of -Berlin.] - -[Illustration: PLATE 9 - -Statue of an Athlete, by Stephanos. Villa Albani, Rome.] - -The bronze _Apollo_ from Pompeii now in the Naples Museum,[880] with -marble replicas in Mantua and Paris,[881] shows us how Hagelaïdas -treated a god type, while the statue of an athlete by Stephanos will -give us some idea of how he treated his victor statues, as it seems -to have been modeled after an athlete statue of the early fifth -century B. C., perhaps after a work by some pupil of the master. -Stephanos belonged to the school of Pasiteles, a group of sculptors -flourishing at Rome at the end of the Republic and the beginning of -the Empire. They devoted themselves to the reproduction of early -fifth-century statues. They were not ordinary copyists, for their works -show individual mannerisms and a system of proportions foreign to the -originals. Thus their statues have the square shoulders of the Argive -school, but the slim bodies and slender legs of the period of Lysippos -and his scholars. Apart from such mannerisms, then, in the male figure -signed _Stephanos, pupil of Pasiteles_, in the Villa Albani in Rome -(Pl. 9),[882] which reappears in a very similar statue in groups -combined with a female figure of related style,[883] or with another -male figure,[884] we may see a copy of a bronze original of the Argive -school before Polykleitos. The standing motive and the body forms -are the same in both the Mantuan _Apollo_ and the Stephanos figure, -although the former is more developed and the head type is different in -both; this shows that the two, while displaying the same basic ideal, -were not works of the same master.[885] As the statue by Stephanos has -a fillet around the hair, it may well represent an ideal athlete, who -in the original held an aryballos or similar palæstra attribute in -the raised left hand. It is interesting to compare the copies of this -group with those of another representing mother and son, the work of -Menelaos, the pupil of Stephanos, which, though transferred from Greek -to Roman taste in respect of drapery and forms, is merely a variation -of the same theme without any heroic traits.[886] - -The influence of Hagelaïdas can be easily traced in other schools of -art, especially in the Attic School and in the sculptures of the temple -of Zeus at Olympia, whether these latter be Peloponnesian in origin or -not. It will be convenient in this connection to discuss briefly the -style of these important sculptures, which we have already mentioned -several times. The statement of Pausanias,[887] that the sculptors of -the East and West Gables were Paionios of Mende in Thrace and Alkamenes -respectively—the latter being known as the pupil of Pheidias[888]—was -not doubted until the discovery of the Olympia sculptures.[889] Then -doubts arose both on chronological and stylistic grounds, and now only -a few archæologists would maintain that either artist had anything -to do with these groups. The style of the two gables (as well as that -of the metopes) is so similar that many have assigned them to one and -the same artist.[890] They have been referred to many schools from -Ionia to Sicily, even including a local Elean one. Thus Brunn assigned -them to a North Greek-Thracian school; Flasch[891] and (more recently) -Joubin[892] to the Attic; Kekulé[893] and Friedrichs-Wolters[894] to a -West Greek (Sicilian) one, because of their similarity to the metopes -of temple E at Selinos; Furtwaengler[895] to an Ionic one (Parian -masters). Most scholars, however, including K. Lange,[896] Treu,[897] -Studniczka,[898] Collignon,[899] and Overbeck,[900] have referred them -to Peloponnesian sculptors.[901] - -To return to the art of Hagelaïdas: if we assume that the Ligourió -bronze comes from the school of that Argive master certain conclusions -must be drawn. The figure is archaic, but does not have the archaic -smile. In Athens at the end of the archaic period there was a reaction -against this smile, and doubtless the Athenian artists were strongly -influenced by Argive models. Thus an archaic bronze head of a youth, -found on the Akropolis and dating from about 480 B. C., shows a -serious mouth, a strong chin, heavy upper eyelids, and finely worked -hair, characteristics which we found in the Ligourió statuette. These -traits show that the statuette and the head were the forerunners of -the _Apollo_ of the West Gable at Olympia. So finished a bronze as -this one from the Akropolis, at the beginning of the fifth century B. -C., has inclined Richardson to look upon it as “not improbably a work -of Hagelaïdas,”[902] though here again Furtwaengler would ascribe it -to Hegias.[903] The Parian marble statue of an ephebe found on the -Akropolis (Fig. 17)[904]—one of the most beautiful recovered during -the excavations there—shows the same Argive influence. This statue -is chronologically the first masterpiece, thus far recovered, which -marks the break with archaism by having its head turned slightly to -one side.[905] It has the same pose as the _Athlete_ by Stephanos and -probably represents a palæstra victor. The head, with its heavy chin, -and the muscular body strikingly resemble the _Harmodios_ (Fig. 32), -which has led Furtwaengler and others to ascribe it to Kritios or his -school.[906] At the same time a similarity is seen between this head -and that of the _Apollo_ of the West Gable at Olympia, and so with -Bulle and others we ascribe it to the Argive school. - -[Illustration: FIG. 17.—Statue of an Ephebe, from the Akropolis. -Akropolis Museum, Athens.] - -One of the female statues (_Korai_) found on the Akropolis, and -approximately of the same date as the ephebe, viz, the fragmentary -one consisting of head and bust and known popularly as _la petite -boudeuse_, shows the same revolt against Ionism.[907] In many respects -this statue is very different from most of the other Akropolis _Korai_. -The eyes are not yet set back naturally, but the appearance of depth -is attained by thickening the eyelids, quite in contrast with the -modeling of the eyeball in most of the other statues. The corners of -the mouth turn down, which gives it the appearance of pouting. This -statue is also our first example in sculpture of the so-called Greek -profile—the nose continuing the line of the forehead. The same Argive -influence in Athenian art is also discernible in the Parian marble -head of an athlete with traces of yellow in the hair (Fig. 18),[908] -which may be dated a little later than the Akropolis ephebe—about -470 B. C. Because of its resemblance to the _Apollo_ of Olympia, -its Attic-Peloponnesian origin seems clear.[909] Its expression is -comparable with that of the _Kore_ just discussed—as it has the same -mouth, eyes, and nose, both monuments showing the reaction against the -archaic smile, which characterized the Ionian period of Attic art. -This same Ionic reaction also may be seen in the bronze statuette of a -diskobolos in the Metropolitan Museum (Fig. 46),[910] which resembles -in style that of the _Tyrannicides_, but shows also Argive traits. -These Argive traits, small head and slender limbs, are easily seen by -comparing this statuette with the Ligourió bronze. - -[Illustration: FIG. 18.—Head of an Ephebe, from the Akropolis. -Akropolis Museum, Athens.] - -We have already mentioned the monumental group of the hoplite victor -Damaretos and of the pentathlete Theopompos, which was made about 500 -B. C. by the Argive sculptors Chrysothemis and Eutelidas.[911] These -artists were known to later antiquity only by the epigram inscribed on -the base of this monument at Olympia, and the probable dates of the two -victories of Theopompos, Ols. (?) 69 and 70 (= 504 and 500 B. C.), show -that they were contemporaries of Hagelaïdas, and not, as formerly was -believed, the forerunners of his school.[912] - -Polykleitos, a Sikyonian by birth,[913] migrated early to Argos to -become the pupil of Hagelaïdas, and became the great master of the -Argive school in the next generation after him. We have four statues by -him at Olympia. His earliest work probably was the statue of the boxer -Kyniskos of Mantinea, who won in Ol. (?) 80 (= 460 B. C.); he made -the statues of the Elean pentathlete Pythokles and of the Epidamnian -boxer Aristion, both of whom won their victories in Ol. 82 (= 452 B. -C.); and lastly he made the statue of the boy boxer Thersilochos from -Kerkyra, who won in Ol. (?) 87 (= 432 B. C.)[914] The footprints on the -three recovered bases of the statues of the first three show that all -were represented at rest. Of Patrokles, the brother of Polykleitos, -Pausanias mentions no statues at Olympia, though Pliny says that he -made athlete statues.[915] Of Naukydes,[916] the nephew or brother -of Polykleitos, we have record of three athlete statues at Olympia: -those of the wrestlers Cheimon of Argos, who won in Ol. 83 (= 448 -B. C.), and Baukis of Trœzen, who won some time between Ols. (?) -85 and 90 (= 440 and 420 B. C.); also one of the boxer Eukles of -Rhodes, who won some time between Ols. 90 and 93 (= 420 and 408 B. -C.).[917] A contemporary of Naukydes was the sculptor Phradmon, who, -according to Pliny, was a contemporary of Polykleitos;[918] he made -the statue of the boy wrestler Amertas of Elis, who won a victory some -time between Ols. 84 and 90 (= 444 and 420 B. C.).[919] In the next -century, Polykleitos Minor, the grandson or grandnephew of the great -Polykleitos, and the pupil of Naukydes,[920] had three statues at -Olympia: those of the boy boxer Antipatros of Miletos, whose victory is -given by Africanus as Ol. 98 (= 388 B. C.); of the two boy wrestlers -Agenor of Thebes, who won some time between Ols. 93 and 103 (= 408 -and 368 B. C.), and Xenokles of Mainalos, who won some time between -Ols. 94 and 100 (= 404 and 380 B. C.).[921] The inscribed base of the -latter has been recovered and the footprints show that the statue was -represented at rest, the body resting equally on both feet, the left -slightly advanced. Andreas, a second-century B. C. Argive sculptor, -made a statue at Olympia of the boy wrestler Lysippos of Elis, who won -some time between Ols. 149 and 157 (= 184 and 152 B. C.).[922] - - -THE SCHOOL OF SIKYON. - -[Illustration: FIG. 19.—Bronze Statuette of Apollo, found in the Sea off -Piombino. Louvre, Paris.] - -The Sikyonian school of bronze founders was closely affiliated with the -one at Argos. Early in the archaic period the brothers Dipoinos and -Skyllis, sons or pupils of the mythical Daidalos of Crete, migrated to -Sikyon.[923] A generation later another Cretan sculptor, Aristokles, -founded there an artist family which lasted through seven or eight -generations.[924] His two grandsons Aristokles and Kanachos are known -to have collaborated with Hagelaïdas on a group of three Muses.[925] -Many have seen in the small bronze found in the sea off Piombino, -Tuscany, and now in the Louvre (Fig. 19),[926] a copy of the _Apollo -Philesios_, the best-known work of Kanachos. This gem of the bronze -art, in true archaic style, may very well represent the _Apollo_, -which, according to the description of Pliny[927] and the evidence of -Milesian copper coins of all periods,[928] had as attributes a -fawn in the outstretched right hand and a bow in the left. However, -Overbeck,[929] followed by von Mach, believes that it is not a copy -of Kanachos’ _Apollo_, but merely represents a boy assisting at a -sacrifice, and that the original held a cup in the left hand and a -saucer in the right. In any case the statuette is too inaccurate to -give us more than the pose of the _Apollo_ of Kanachos, even if it -were proved to be a copy. It may be merely a reproduction of the -mythological type of Apollo, which the artist himself followed, and -so we can not say definitely to what school it belongs. The Payne -Knight bronze in the British Museum,[930] which holds a tiny fawn in -the right hand, the bow originally in the left hand being lost, has -better pretensions, perhaps, to be a copy of the _Apollo_. Another -archaic half life-size bronze, formerly in the Palazzo Sciarra,[931] -is of a similar type, though its style is different. Another bronze -statuette from Naxos, now in Berlin,[932] shows the same position of -the hands, but has an aryballos or pomegranate in the right hand. We -have already classed it as an example of the conversion of an original -god-type into that of a victor. We might also mention the mutilated -torso found by Holleaux at the sanctuary of Apollo Ptoios in Bœotia -(Fig. 12, right), which has a similar pose to that of the statuette -from Piombino, and whose hair technique shows that it is an imitation -of a bronze work.[933] However, as we shall see later, it may be rather -representative of the Aeginetan school of sculptors. All these works -may tell us of the general character of the _Apollo_, but little of its -style.[934] - -No athlete statue by Aristokles or his brother Kanachos is known -to have stood at Olympia. That the latter actually made victor -statues, however, is proved by Pliny’s statement (_l. c._) that he -made _celetizontas pueros_. Of the later Sikyonian school we have -twenty-seven statues of victors made by eleven different sculptors, -whose dates range from near the end of the fourth down into the third -century B. C., of whom we shall give a chronological list. Alypos, the -pupil of the Argive Naukydes, had four statues at Olympia: those of the -wrestler Symmachos of Elis, of the boy boxer Neolaïdas of Pheneus, of -the boy wrestler Archedamos of Elis, and of the boy and man wrestler -Euthymenes of Mainalos, all of whom must have won their victories some -time between Ols. 94 and 104 (= 404 and 364 B. C.).[935] Kanachos, the -Younger, made one statue, that of the boy boxer Bykelos of Sikyon, -who won some time between Ols. 92 and 105 (= 412 and 360 B. C.).[936] -Olympos made the statue of the pancratiast Xenophon of Aigion, who -won some time between Ols. 95 and 105 (= 400 and 360 B. C.).[937] -The sculptor Daidalos, the son and pupil of Patrokles, and probably -the nephew of Polykleitos, made four monuments for four victors: the -equestrian group of the Elean charioteer Timon and his son Aigyptos, a -victor in horse-racing, and statues of the Elean wrestler Aristodemos -and the stade-runner Eupolemos. Their victories fell between Ols. 96 -and 103 (= 396 and 368 B. C.).[938] Damokritos made the statue of the -Elean boy boxer Hippos, who won between Ols. 96 and 107 (= 396 and -352 B. C.).[939] Kleon had five statues credited to him, all but one -being of boy victors: those of the boy runner Deinolochos of Elis, -the pentathlete Hysmon of Elis, the two boy boxers Kritodamos, and of -Alketos of Kleitor, and of the boy runner Lykinos of Heraia. Their -victories fell between Ols. 94 and 103 (= 404 and 368 B. C.).[940] The -great Lysippos had the same number of victor statues as Kleon, and also -two honor statues at Olympia: those of the equestrian victor Troilos -of Elis, of the Akarnanian pancratiast Philandridas, of the wrestler -Cheilon of Patrai, of the pancratiast Polydamas of Skotoussa, and of -the hoplite-runner Kallikrates. Their victories occurred between Ols. -102 and 115 (= 372 and 320 B. C.).[941] The son of Lysippos, Daïppos, -made two statues, one for the Elean boy boxer Kallon and the other for -the Elean Nikandros, who won the double foot-race. Their victories fell -within the activity of the sculptor, Ols. 115 and 125 (= 320 and 280 B. -C.).[942] Daitondas made the statue of the Elean boy boxer Theotimos, -who won his victory some time between Ols. 116 and 120 (= 316 and 300 -B. C.).[943] Eutychides, the most famous pupil of Lysippos, famed -alike as a bronze founder, statuary, and painter, carved the statue -of the boy runner Timosthenes of Elis, who won some time between Ols. -115 and 125 (= 320 and 280 B. C.).[944] Pliny gives Ol. 121 (= 296 B. -C.) as the _floruit_ of this sculptor, which was probably the date of -the erection of his most famous work, the colossal bronze _Tyche_, -as tutelary deity of the city of Antioch on the Orontes, which was -founded by Seleukos I in Ol. 119.3 (= 302 B. C.).[945] This shows that -Eutychides was already by that date a famed sculptor, having begun his -career by 330-320 B. C. Kantharos, the pupil of Eutychides, made the -statues of the two boy wrestlers Kratinos of Aigira and Alexinikos of -Elis, who won their victories some time between Ols. 120 and 130 (= 300 -and 260 B. C.).[946] - - -ÆGINETAN SCULPTORS. - -We have but little left of the prominent early Aeginetan school of -bronze sculptors. Of Kallon, the earliest historical sculptor of the -school, the reputed pupil of Tektaios and Angelion (who in turn were -the pupils of Dipoinos and Skyllis), we have only literary evidence. He -was typical of archaic severity just prior to the era of transition, -and therefore should be compared with Hegias of Athens and Kanachos of -Sikyon. For Onatas, the most famous of the Aeginetan sculptors, whose -_floruit_ was in the first half of the fifth century B. C., we have -evidence of many monuments at Olympia. Besides the colossal _Herakles_ -dedicated by the Thasians,[947] a _Hermes_ dedicated by the people -of Pheneus,[948] and a large group of nine statues of Greek heroes -standing on a curved base faced by a statue of Nestor on another, the -group being dedicated by the Achaians,[949] he made a chariot and -charioteer to commemorate the victory of Hiero of Syracuse at Olympia -in 468 B. C., for which monument Kalamis furnished two horses.[950] -Glaukias made a bronze chariot for Hiero’s brother Gelo of Gela, who -later became tyrant of Syracuse, and who won a chariot victory in -Ol. 73 (= 488 B. C.).[951] This sculptor also excelled in fashioning -statues of boxers and pancratiasts, making the monuments of the boxers -Philon of Kerkyra and Glaukos of Karystos, and that of the renowned -boxer and pancratiast Theagenes of Thasos.[952] The statue of Glaukos -was represented in the schema of one “sparring” (σκιαμαχῶν),[953] and -so was in movement and not at rest. We have athlete statues by three -other Aeginetan sculptors at Olympia. Thus Ptolichos, the pupil of the -Sikyonian Aristokles, set up statues of the Aeginetan boy wrestler -Theognetos, who won in Ol. 76 (= 476 B. C.), and of the boy boxer -Epikradios of Mantinea, who won between Ols. (?) 72 and 74 (= 492 and -484 B. C.);[954] Serambos made the statue of the boy boxer Agiadas of -Elis, who won between Ols. (?) 72 and 74;[955] Philotimos made the -horse for the horse-racing victory of Xenombrotos of Kos, who won in -Ol. (?) 83 (= 448 B. C.).[956] All of these sculptors appear to have -used bronze exclusively, and their art, though independent, showed a -bias toward Peloponnesian work. There are few examples left of this -art. The bronze head of a bearded warrior or hoplite victor found on -the Akropolis, if we are justified in classing it as Aeginetan and not -Attic, shows the excellence which we associate with this school.[957] -The delicate execution of its hair and beard, as well as the strength -and precision of this head, makes it not unworthy of being ascribed -to one of the best artists of the school, perhaps to Onatas himself. -The beardless bronze head discovered in 1756 in the villa of the Pisos -in Herculaneum, now in Naples, has also been assigned to Onatas, as -its features are similar to those of the one under discussion.[958] -The Tux bronze statuette of a hoplitodrome, to be discussed in Ch. IV -(Fig. 42), has also been assigned to an Aeginetan master.[959] The -marble statue known as the _Strangford Apollo_ in the British Museum, -already mentioned (Fig. 14),[960] may show the characteristics of the -early school in marble, though it is impossible to say whether it is -a copy of a bronze original or a minor work in stone under Aeginetan -influence. The smaller “Apollo” from Mount Ptoion, already discussed -(Fig. 13, right),[961] appears to show in exaggerated form the same -Aeginetan traits. However, we get out best notion of Aeginetan work -in marble from the gable statues in the Munich Museum, representing -Homeric warriors fighting, which adorned the temple of Aphaia in the -northeastern corner of the island. Their importance in this connection -calls for a brief account of them. - -[Illustration: FIG. 20.—Figure, from the East Pediment of the Temple on -Aegina. Glyptothek, Munich.] - -Since the discovery of these groups by an international party of -Englishmen and Germans in 1811, and their restoration soon after their -arrival in Munich by the sculptor Thorwaldsen, many new fragments -have been discovered by Furtwaengler during his excavations of -the temple site in 1901, and have been incorporated into the -existing figures in the Glyptothek. His reconstruction, though not -definitive, is more in accord with artistic probability than any that -preceded.[962] As we should expect from the athletic tradition of the -Aeginetan school of sculpture just outlined, these sculptures represent -finely trained nude athletes, whose modeling shows great observation of -nature, especially in the treatment of muscles and veins. In fact it -has been truly said that anatomical knowledge was never expressed again -in Greek art so simply and naturally. The figures, without any excess -of flesh, are slightly under life-size, short and stocky—shoulders -square, but the waists slender and the legs long in proportion to the -bodies—and withal are very compact and full of strength. The figures -of the two pediments differ slightly, the eastern being more developed -than the western. Brunn, long ago, arguing from the stele of Aristion, -which then was the best example extant of archaic Attic art, showed -how that art was characterized by grace and dignity of effect, while -Aeginetan art was characterized by a finer study of nature. This -generalization is no longer a matter of inference, but of knowledge. - -[Illustration: FIG. 21.—Two Figures, from the West Pediment of the -Temple on Aegina. Glyptothek, Munich.] - -These groups represent the highest period of Aeginetan art. They -have been dated anywhere from the end of the sixth century B. C. -down to a period after the battle of Salamis.[963] Probably a date -just after that battle is correct, as Aeginetans won prizes of valor -there.[964] Any attempt to assign them to this or that artist is merely -conjectural. The general similarity in subject to that of the Delphi -group by Onatas, which represented the death in battle of Opis, the -king of the barbarian Iapygians, at the hands of the Tarentines,[965] -and the group at Olympia already mentioned as representing a Trojan -subject, led earlier scholars to assign the slightly more advanced -statues of the East Pediment to Onatas and the more archaic ones of -the West Pediment to Kallon. But we know both these sculptors only as -bronze workers. The violent action of some of the figures reminds us -at once of Pausanias’ description of the statue of the boxer Glaukos -by the sculptor Glaukias, which we have already mentioned. But on -the whole, though they are violent, the slight proportions of these -athletic figures do not fit the appearance of boxers and pancratiasts, -which, as we have seen, formed the staple of Aeginetan sculptors, but -rather those of runners. We see a good wrestler in the _Snatcher_ of -the East Gable (Fig. 20),[966] and the corresponding figure in the -right half of the same gable.[967] The _Champion_ of the West gable -(Fig. 21, left),[968] of the finest Parian marble, represented as -lunging forward, pressing on the enemy armed with helm, spear, and -shield, would pass as a good example of a hoplitodrome, far freer and -more individual than the warrior from Dodona. - - -ATTIC SCULPTORS. - -[Illustration: FIG. 22.—Archaic Marble Head of a Youth. Jakobsen -Collection, Ny-Carlsberg Museum, Copenhagen.] - -Owing to the Persian sack of the Athenian Akropolis in 480 and 479 -B. C., and the subsequent burial of works of art there and their -rediscovery by the excavations of 1885-1889, we know more of archaic -Attic sculpture (600-480 B. C.) than of any other early school.[969] -We have already mentioned certain Attic works which show the influence -of the severer Argive school—_la petite boudeuse_, the head of the -yellow-haired ephebe (Fig. 18), the Akropolis athlete statue (Fig. 17), -etc.—which was prominent at the beginning of the fifth century B. C., -works which can be attributed to Hegias, Kritios, and their associates. -They illustrate the reaction against Ionic taste, an influence which -came from Asia Minor and the islands, especially after the fall of the -Lydian Empire of Crœsus, and which for a time submerged native Attic -art. This Ionic art was characterized by great technical ability, and -by rich draperies and decorative effect. The archaic smile was its -special feature. Ionism is best represented by some of the Akropolis -_Korai_.[970] In athletic art we see Ionism at its flood tide in -the Rampin head found in Athens in 1877, now in the Louvre, which -corresponds in style with some of the earlier female statues of the -Akropolis.[971] This head has a more elaborate frisure than any of the -female heads and, in fact, the elaborate treatment of the hair of the -crown and forehead is more suitable to a female than a male statue. -The beard is carefully plaited, while traces of red seem to show that -the mustache was painted on. Similar traces of color appear on the -beard and hair. The smiling mouth, high ears, and almond eyes recall -many archaic works, but especially the _Apollo of Tenea_ (Pl. 8A). The -garland of oak leaves above the frisure of the forehead may suggest -a victor,[972] or perhaps a priest or assistant on some religious -embassy.[973] The turning of the neck—as in the ephebe statue of the -Akropolis (Fig. 17)—shows a break at this early time with archaism. -Another work illustrating Ionism is the fragment of a grave-stele -found near the Dipylon gate in 1873 and dating from the second half -of the sixth century B. C.[974] It represents the head of an athlete -in profile, the youth holding a diskos in his left hand, so placed -that his head is projected upon it in relief as on a nimbus. The top -of the head is broken off, but we see the usual archaic features in -the face—the almond-shaped eye (in profile), big nose with knob-like -nostrils, thick lips with the archaic smile, retreating chin and -forehead, and high ear with a huge lobe. The neck and chin, however, -are full of grace and strength, as is also the slender thumb outlined -against the diskos. As the stele broadens downward,[975] the figure -appears to have been represented with the feet apart, and so may have -represented a palæstra diskobolos on parade,[976] and is, therefore, -our earliest representation of such an athlete. A similar dress-parade -pose is seen on the stele of Aristion in the National Museum at Athens, -the work of the sculptor Aristokles, which represents a warrior with -a spear in the left hand.[977] Another torso of an ephebe in the -Akropolis Museum represents Ionic work from Paros.[978] Another head, -the so-called Rayet head in the Jakobsen collection in Copenhagen, one -of the most remarkable specimens of Greek archaic art[979] (Fig. 22), -somewhat later in date than the Rampin head, represents quite a different -tendency in Attic art. While the Rampin head represents Ionic -influence, this head represents pure Attic work untrammeled by foreign -influence, a true development of the old Attic sculpture in _poros_, -the best examples of which are to be found in the decorative sculptures -of the Old Temple of Athena on the Akropolis, enlarged by the -Peisistratidai. Comparing it with the head of the _Athena_ of the gable -of that temple,[980] we see great similarity in the simple execution -and reserve in the treatment of details—characteristics of pure Attic -sculpture—especially in the deep lines on either side of the mouth in -the Jakobsen head. The hair is pictorially treated like a cap, traces -of red appearing on it as well as on the lips and eyes. The Copenhagen -and Rampin heads, together with the famous portrait head in the old -Sabouroff collection,[981] and the head of a woman in the Louvre,[982] -form our best examples of old Attic art outside of the museums of -Athens.[983] The swollen ears of the Jakobsen head show that it is from -the funerary statue of a victor, perhaps a boxer. Furtwaengler wrongly -classed it as a portrait head.[984] A much discussed Attic work is the -archaic relief of a charioteer in the Akropolis Museum (Fig. 63).[985] -This was formerly thought (_e. g._, by Schrader) to be a block from the -later Ionic frieze of the old Hekatompedon which many believe survived -the Persian sack, but it is more likely a part of a frieze belonging -to a small shrine or altar. It represents a draped person entering a -two-horse chariot with the left foot, the hands outstretched to hold -the reins, the head and body leaning forward. Because of the _krobylos_ -treatment of the hair, fitted for both sexes, and the long flowing -robe, the sex has been needlessly doubted, some calling it an Apollo or -a mortal charioteer, others an Athena or a Nike, even though the line -of the breast, so far as it is visible, shows no fullness, and the long -chiton is common in representations of male charioteers.[986] However, -for the appreciation of the relief it is of no consequence whether the -figure is male or female. It may be merely a dedicatory offering of -a Panathenaic victor in chariot racing, very possibly assimilated to -the type of Apollo,[987] as the god often appears in vase-paintings of -the same period in similar costume mounting a chariot.[988] We shall -discuss its interpretation more fully later on.[989] While Ionism was -prone to represent richly draped figures which concealed the form of -the body, we see in this relief, with its fine modeling, a suggestion -of the form beneath the folds of the garment, and so, perhaps, -only another example of an Attic master rebelling against alien -influence.[990] - -At Olympia we have no names of Athenian sculptors prior to the Persian -war period. Kalamis helped Onatas with the monument of King Hiero -already mentioned. Mikon made a statue of a pancratiast, Kallias of -Athens, who won in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.).[991] The great Myron, of whom -we shall speak at length in the next chapter, made five statues of -victors, which were erected between Ols. 77 and 84 (= 472 and 444 B. -C.).[992] Only four later Athenian artists are mentioned: Silanion of -the fourth century, who made statues for three victors, whose victories -ranged from Ols. 102 to 114 (= 372 to 324 B. C.);[993] Polykles the -Elder, who made the statue of the boy pancratiast Amyntas of Eresos, -who won in Ol. (?) 146 (= 196 B. C.);[994] Timarchides and Timokles, -the sons of Polykles, who in common made the statue of the boxer -Agesarchos of Tritaia in Achaia, who won in Ol. (?) 143 (= 208 B. -C.)[995] - - -GENERAL MOTIVES OF STATUES AT REST. - -The victor represented as standing at rest was often characterized -by general motives, such as praying, anointing or scraping himself, -offering libations, and the like. We shall now consider such motives in -detail. - - -ADORATION AND PRAYER. - -Prayer was a common motive represented in votive monuments. Pliny -mentions many such works by Greek sculptors.[996] The custom of -raising the arms in prayer is found all through Greek literature, -from Homer down.[997] Pausanias says that the people of Akragas made -an offering in the form of bronze statues of boys placed on the walls -of the Altis, προτείνοντάς τε τὰς δεξιὰς καὶ εἰκασμένους εὐχομένοις -τῷ θεῷ, these statues being the work of Kalamis.[998] In the Athenian -Asklepieion there were many τύποι καταμακτοὶ πρὸς πινακίῳ, among which -were representations of men and women in the praying attitude.[999] -The motive was used at Olympia in victor statues, representing the -victor as raising the hand in prayer to invoke victory.[1000] The -statue of the wrestler Milo, already discussed at length, shows that -this motive was employed at Olympia in the improved “Apollo” type in -the second half of the sixth century B. C.[1001] From the next century -we may cite the statue of the Spartan chariot victor Anaxandros, which -was represented as “praying to the god,”[1002] and the statues of the -Rhodian boxers Diagoras and Akousilaos, as we learn from a scholion on -Pindar,[1003] which is based on a fragment of Aristotle[1004] and on -one of Apollas.[1005] Of the statue of Diagoras it says: τὴν δεξιὰν -ἀνατείνων χεῖρα, τὴν δὲ ἀριστερὰν εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἐπικλίνων; of that of -Akousilaos: τῇ μὲν ἀριστερᾷ ἱμάντα ἔχων πυκτινόν, τὴν δὲ δεξιὰν -ὡς πρὸς προσευχὴν ἀνατείνων.[1006] The bronze statue from Athens, now -in the Antiquarium, Berlin,[1007] which represents a nude boy with the -right hand raised as if in prayer and the left lowered and holding a -leaping-weight—therefore a pentathlete—seems to correspond with this -description of the statue of Akousilaos. The same motive may have been -used in the statue of the chariot victress Kyniska, a princess of -Sparta, whose statue along with that of her charioteer and the chariot -was the work of the sculptor Apellas.[1008] This is the interpretation -of Furtwaengler,[1009] based on a passage in Pliny, which mentions -statues of _adornantes se feminas_[1010] by Apellas, which he reads -_adorantes feminas_. However, _adornantes_ may be right, for in another -passage, Pliny speaks of Praxiteles’ statue of a ψελιουμένη, _i. e._, -of a woman clasping a bracelet on her arm.[1011] Two notable bronze -statues will illustrate this motive of Olympic victor statues. The -statue found in 1502 at Zellfeld in Carinthia, now in Vienna,[1012] has -been interpreted both as a Hermes Logios and a votive statue in the -attitude of prayer,[1013] which latter interpretation the inscription -on the leg, giving a list of dedications,[1014] favors. However, -Furtwaengler believes it a free imitation of an Argive victor statue, -though not in the Polykleitan style. Because of its similarity to -the _Idolino_ (Pl. 14), he has ascribed its original to the sculptor -Patrokles. From technical considerations he believes it is not a Greek -original dedicated by Romans of a later period, but a Roman work (after -Patrokles) of the period of the inscription.[1015] The bronze statue of -the _Praying Boy_ in Berlin[1016] (Pl. 10) is one of our most beautiful -Greek bronzes and comes from the circle of Lysippos.[1017] We now know -that the uplifted arms of this statue, in which most scholars saw the -Greek attitude of prayer, are restorations which were probably made in -the time of Louis XIV, when the statue was in France. Of the original -motive we only can say that the action of the shoulders shows that -both arms were raised, but we do not know how far, or the position of -the hands. Monumental evidence shows that the hands in prayer should -have the palms turned away from the face instead of upwards, as in -the present statue, since the Greek position was the outgrowth of an -old apotropaic gesture, _i. e._, one directed against an evil spirit. -Mau’s idea[1018] that the figure represented a player catching a -ball is certainly inconsistent with the calm attitude of the statue. -Furtwaengler rejected it,[1019] and he has restored the arms and hands -on the basis of a Berlin gem[1020] and an _ex voto_ relief found by -the French excavators at Nemea in 1884.[1021] On this relief a youth -crowned with a woolen fillet is represented. On both relief and gem -the figures are in the same attitude, the arms raised over the head -_manibus supinis_, which confirms the restoration of the Berlin statue. -Many other monuments give the more usual attitude of prayer, not as -in the relief and gem discussed, but with only one hand extended as -high as the breast. Older writers thought that such monuments did not -represent the gesture of adoration, but one of _adlocutio_,[1022] an -opinion disproved by Pausanias’ statement about the bronze statues of -the Akragantines at Olympia, already mentioned. We may cite a relief -from Kleitor, now in Berlin,[1023] and a fine one of the fourth century -B. C. from Lamia (?),[1024] as well as a red-figured Etruscan stamnos -in Vienna representing, probably, Ajax praying before committing -suicide.[1025] We shall mention also two little statuettes in New York -which represent youths in the praying attitude.[1026] The first, dating -from the second half of the fifth century B. C., and showing -Polykleitan influence, represents a nude youth standing erect with the -forearms bent, showing that the two hands were extended in prayer. The -second, which dates from the first half of the fifth century B. C. -(after the date of the Myronian _Diskobolos_), represents a nude youth -standing with the right hand raised to the lips in an attitude usual in -saluting a divinity, while the left is by the side, with the palm to -the front. - -[Illustration: PLATE 10 - -Bronze Statue of the _Praying Boy_. Museum of Berlin.] - - -ANOINTING. - -Various familiar motives from the everyday life of the gymnasium -and palæstra were reproduced in the statues of athletes. One of the -commonest methods was to represent the victor anointing his body with -oil. The use of oil was indispensable in all athletic exercises, -in order to make the body and limbs more supple, and especially in -wrestling and the pankration, to make it difficult for one’s antagonist -to get a grip.[1027] Pliny mentions a painting by Theoros, representing -a man _se inunguentem_,[1028] which appears to have been a votive -portrait of an athlete. The motive was common in vase-paintings and -statuary. Several red-figured vases of the severe style, antedating -the statues to be considered, show from realistic representations of -palæstra scenes that it was customary for athletes to hold a round -aryballos high in the right hand and pour oil from it into the left, -which was placed across the body horizontally.[1029] The same motive -appears with variations in statues.[1030] Thus the statue of an ephebe -in Petworth House, Sussex, England,[1031] a statue, as Furtwaengler -says, to be praised more for its excellent preservation than for its -workmanship, represents an athlete, who holds a globular aryballos in -his right hand raised over the shoulder, while the left arm is held -across the abdomen. On the nearby tree-trunk are small cylindrical -objects which seem to be boxing pads. This statue, and especially its -head, have been regarded by Michaelis and Furtwaengler as unmistakably -Polykleitan in style.[1032] Several other copies of original statues -representing athletes pouring oil have been wrongly classed as replicas -of one original,[1033] though they merely have essential features -alike, due chiefly to the subject. First is the famous statue in the -Glyptothek known as the _Oelgiesser_ (_Oil-pourer_), a Roman copy of an -Attic bronze of about the middle of the fifth century B. C. (Pl. -11).[1034] Though the right arm and left hand are lost, it is clear -that the athlete held in his raised right hand an oil flask, as in -the Petworth statue.[1035] Notwithstanding that the head resembles -the Praxitelian _Hermes_,[1036] this does not show that the statue -is of fourth-century origin, for its original is older; it merely -shows that the art of Praxiteles was deeply rooted in that of his -fifth-century predecessors. Because of its Attic affiliations, Klein -tried to identify it with the Ἐγκρινόμενος of Alkamenes mentioned by -Pliny,[1037] by amending that title to Ἐγχριόμενος, the “Anointer.” -Brunn, however, rightly saw the analogy of the body forms to Myron’s -_Marsyas_,[1038] and Furtwaengler and Bulle have ascribed it to Lykios, -the son and pupil of that master, who worked about 440 B. C., the -approximate date of the original of the statue. A fragmentary head in -the Boston Museum of Fine Arts (Fig. 23),[1039] formerly in private -possession in England, is a copy of the same original as the Munich -statue. Its special interest is that it is not an exact copy of the -original, as the Munich statue is, but a freer one, showing a fuller -mouth, fleshier cheeks, and deeper-set eyes. While the Munich statue -is the dry work of a Roman copyist of Augustus’ time, this head is by -a far abler Greek copyist of the second century B. C. A torso in the -Albertinum in Dresden, without a head,[1040] is similar to the -Munich statue, but hardly a replica. It probably goes back to an -original by an Attic master of the end of the fifth or beginning of -the fourth century B. C. Other under life-size statues related to this -torso show the same motive.[1041] A black-marble statue found at Porto -d’Anzio in 1758, and now in the Glyptothek,[1042] has the Polykleitan -standing motive. The left arm, which is stretched out, holds an oil -flask in the hand, while the right arm is lowered. The band, which -the position of the fingers shows that the right hand probably held, -indicates it is the statue of a victor. A bronze statuette from South -Italy, now in the British Museum,[1043] represents a nude youth holding -an alabastron in his right hand, while the left has the palm open to -receive the oil. The hair fashion (κρωβύλος) seems to point to an -Attic sculptor of about 470 B. C.[1044] The same motive is found on -terra-cotta statuettes from Myrina,[1045] on reliefs,[1046] and on -gems.[1047] - -[Illustration: FIG. 23.—Head of so-called _Oil-pourer_. Museum of Fine -Arts, Boston.] - -[Illustration: PLATE 11 - -Statue of the so-called _Oil-pourer_. Glyptothek, Munich.] - - -OIL-SCRAPING. - -Another ordinary palæstra motive was employed in representing the -athlete after the contest, scraping oil and dirt from his body and -arms with the scraping-blade or strigil (στλεγγίς, _strigilis_).[1048] -This motive is not uncommon on r.-f. vase-paintings of the fifth -century B. C.[1049] It was treated in sculpture by many masters. Pliny -mentions such statues of athletes _destringentes se_ (ἀποξυόμενοι), -by Polykleitos, Lysippos, and Daidalos of Sikyon.[1050] Perhaps -the _perixyomenoi_ by Antignotos and Daïppos, the latter the son -of Lysippos, had the same motive.[1051] Of the _Apoxyomenos_ of -Polykleitos we have no authenticated copies in sculpture, though -Furtwaengler believes that he has found reminiscences of it on gems -which represent a youth resting the weight of his body on the left -leg, the right being drawn back (_i. e._, in the attitude of the -_Doryphoros_), the right forearm extended, and the left holding a -strigil. The similarity of these gem-designs makes it certain that -they are all derived from a well-known work of art.[1052] Perhaps the -fine bronze statuette, dating from the middle of the fifth century B. -C., and now in the Loeb collection in Munich, represents the pose of -the _destringens se_ by Polykleitos.[1053] It represents a nude youth -resting the weight of the body on the soles of both feet, the left one -slightly advanced, and holding a strigil in the raised right hand. -The famous marble copy of an _Apoxyomenos_ in the Vatican[1054] (Pl. -29), which, because of its long slim legs and graceful ankles, might -well represent a runner, has long been held to represent the canon -of Lysippos, as it exhibits proportions widely different from those -employed by Polykleitos, and agreeing with Pliny’s account of Lysippos’ -innovations.[1055] However, the doubts arising in recent years as to -whether this statue is a copy of Lysippos’ statue or a later work will -be considered at length in Chapter VI.[1056] - -[Illustration: PLATE 12 - -Statue of an _Apoxyomenos_. Uffizi Gallery, Florence.] - -The same motive is exemplified by many existing statues, statuettes, -reliefs, etc. The marble statue of an athlete in the Uffizi, Florence, -(Pl. 12),[1057] a copy of an original of the end of the fifth century -B. C., wrongly restored as holding in both hands a vase at which -the athlete is looking down, was interpreted by Bloch as an ephebe -pouring oil from a lekythos held in the right hand into an aryballos -held in the left. This action for an athlete has been characterized -by Furtwaengler as “unparallelled, unclassical and, above all, -absurd.” Through recent discoveries we now know that it represents an -apoxyomenos, and that it should be restored with the left forearm close -to the thigh, and with the right crossing the abdomen diagonally in -the direction of the left hand. This attitude so closely corresponds -with that of a figure on a gem as to make it probable that both gem and -statue are copies of the same original. The figure on the gem[1058] -holds a strigil in both hands and is generally explained as scraping -the dirt from the left thigh; the light hand holds the handle and the -left the blade. A hydria, palm-branch, and crown are pictured to the -right—showing that the figure represents an athlete, just as the statue -has the swollen ears of one. The attention of the athlete in both -monuments is concentrated on the operation involved—a concentration -reminding us of Myron’s _Diskobolos_. While, however, in the latter -work the concentration is momentary, it is less transient in the -Florence statue and also in the Munich _Oil-pourer_. This pose is too -conscious in the Florentine statue to be the work of Myron. Arndt names -no artist, but as the similarity between the head of the statue and -that of the _Oil-pourer_ is so marked, and as every one now regards the -latter as Attic—even if not by Alkamenes—he thinks that the two must -be by the same Attic sculptor, although the Uffizi statue is somewhat -later than the Munich one.[1059] The original of the Florence statue -was famous, if we may judge by the existing number of replicas with -variations.[1060] - -Among statues showing the same motive and pose, we may note the -bronze statue of an athlete over life-size—pieced together from 234 -fragments—found by the Austrians at Ephesos and now in Vienna.[1061] -The subject, pose, and heavy proportions recall the Argive school -of Polykleitos, and its original has been assigned by Hauser to the -Sikyonian Daidalos, the son and pupil of Patrokles, who was the pupil -of Polykleitos. As further reproductions of the same type of figure, we -may cite a bronze statuette in Paris,[1062] and a marble one found at -Frascati in 1896 and now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.[1063] - -A chalcedony scarab of archaic type in the British Museum represents -a nude athlete with a lekythos slung over the left arm and a strigil -in the left hand, which rests on the hip.[1064] A beautiful marble -grave-relief, much mutilated, in the museum at Delphi,[1065] which -dates from the middle of the fifth century B. C., represents a palæstra -victor, with his arms extended to the right, cleansing himself with a -strigil, which is held in the right hand, while a slave boy, holding -the remnant of an aryballos in his right hand, looks up at him from -the right. The careful anatomy of this relief may point to Pythagoras -of Samos, as its author, though we have no certain work of his, for it -fits the description of that artist by Pliny, who says that he was the -first to express sinews and veins.[1066] - - -LIBATION-POURING. - -[Illustration: PLATE 13 - -Statue of an Athlete, after Polykleitos. Farnsworth Museum, Wellesley -College, U. S. A.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 24.—Bronze Statuette of an Athlete. Louvre, Paris.] - -An original Greek bronze statuette in Paris (Fig. 24)[1067] reproduces -the motive of the statue of the boy wrestler Xenokles by the sculptor -Polykleitos Minor at Olympia, as a comparison with the footprints on -the recovered base of the latter shows.[1068] As the forms correspond -with those of the _Doryphoros_ and _Diadoumenos_, and as its execution -is so marvelous, Furtwaengler has ascribed the statuette to the -circle of Polykleitos’ pupils. The position of the right hand, which -has the thumbs drawn in, corresponds with that of the _Idolino_ (Pl. -14), which we are to discuss, and can best be explained by assuming -that it similarly held a kylix; the left hand carried a staff-like -attribute. The head is bent and looks to the right. Furtwaengler -believed that, inasmuch as the act of pouring a libation does not occur -in art or literature as an athletic motive, the statuette represented a -hero or god. Many Roman marble copies show the same motive and preserve -to us a Polykleitan work which corresponds in all essentials with the -Louvre statuette.[1069] We mention two, the only ones of the type in -which the heads are on the trunks, one in the Galleria delle Statue -of the Vatican,[1070] the other in the Farnsworth Museum at Wellesley -College (Pl. 13).[1071] These copies represent a youth standing with -both feet flat upon the ground, the weight of the body resting upon the -right one, while the left is turned a little to the side. He is looking -downwards to the right. Doubtless we should restore these copies after -the Paris bronze, with a kylix in the right hand. The palm-branch -in a similar statue, to be mentioned further on, shows that in all -probability the origin statue was that of an athlete; and that he was -a famous athlete is shown by the number of copies of the torso and -head.[1072] A bronze head from Herculaneum (Fig. 25)[1073] so strongly -resembles in its forms the type under discussion—which Furtwaengler has -called the “Vatican athlete standing at rest”[1074]—and corresponds -with it so closely in its measurements, that it might be regarded as -a copy of the same original, if certain differences, not due to the -copyist, did not rather show that it comes from a closely allied work. -This head shows an intense melancholy, which has been explained by -Furtwaengler as due to the lack of skill on the part of the copyist, -who fashioned it slightly askew. Amelung very properly explains the -absence of the motive of libation-pouring in athletic art as merely -a lacuna in our sources.[1075] If the original of these copies and -variations represented an athlete, he was certainly pouring a libation -before victory; if a warrior, he was doing the same thing before going -on a campaign. In the latter case the left hand should be restored with -a spear. - -[Illustration: FIG. 25.—Bronze Head of an Athlete, from Herculaneum. -Museum of Naples.] - -We must also place here the life-size original Greek bronze in -Florence, discovered at Pesaro, near Ancona, in 1530, and known from -the early eighteenth century as the _Idolino_ (Pl. 14),[1076] for its -motive connects it with the series just discussed. This is, perhaps, -our finest bronze statue from antiquity, as it represents the highest -ideal of boy beauty, just as the _Doryphoros_ does of manly beauty. -The chief characteristics—the positions of the feet, head, and arms, -though essentially those of the statues discussed, offer certain -differences. Thus the left leg is placed more to one side and turned -further outwards than in the statue of Xenokles and kindred works; -the left hand hangs down at an angle to the leg differently from the -others. In other words, by comparing it with the Paris statuette, -we see a slightly different rhythm from that found in Polykleitan -works. The _Idolino_ has been looked upon as Myronic by Kekulé,[1077] -Studniczka,[1078] and hesitatingly Klein,[1079] while Mahler regarded -it as Pheidian.[1080] Furtwaengler, however, by a careful analysis, has -shown its Polykleitan characteristics—especially the shape of the head -and the features, and the treatment of the hair, which reminds us of -the Naples copy of the _Doryphoros_. Owing to differences, however, he -did not assign it to the master himself, but suggested that it was the -work of his pupil Patrokles.[1081] Bulle found the head Polykleitan, -but the body Attic, and assigned the figure to an unknown Attic -sculptor working in the Polykleitan circle. In this controversy on its -style, a statue found in 1916 in the excavations of the Baths at Kyrene -should be of use, for it is the most faithful of all the Roman copies -known of the bronze original and clearly shows a Polykleitan character -influenced by Attic art.[1082] By a comparison of this marble copy -with the Florentine bronze we see that the latter was a subsequent -rendition of the same original, and doubtless by some artist of lesser -fame from the Polykleitan school, who was influenced by Attic art. - -But it is the interpretation of the _Idolino_ which chiefly interests -us here. While Longpérier called the similar Paris statuette a _Mercure -aptère_, and the publisher of the statue from Kyrene called that copy a -_Hermes_, yet Kekulé, Bulle, and most other archæologists have seen in -the _Idolino_ an athlete. The inner surface of its outstretched right -hand is left rough, and the fingers are in the same position as those -of the Paris bronze. Such a position can be explained satisfactorily by -restoring the hand with a kylix or a φιάλη, such as was commonly used -in libations. The left hand is smooth and evidently empty, though Bulle -restores it with a victor’s fillet, and so, following Kekulé, calls the -statue that of a boy victor, who is bringing an offering to the altar -in honor of his victory. The marble statue in the Galleria delle Statue -has the right forearm restored; in the Kyrene statue the right hand -is preserved and has a thick object held downwards at a greater angle -than in the _Idolino_. The photograph does not let us judge decisively, -but it seems to be too thick an object for the remnants of a kylix. -A marble statue in the Barberini Palace, Rome,[1083] which resembles -the _Idolino_ so closely as to be considered a copy of it, though with -variations of pose and technique, has the arms broken off, and so adds -nothing to the solution of the motive of the _Idolino_. The fact that -a palm-stem stands beside the right leg, however, adds weight to the -interpretation as victor. Furtwaengler interprets the _Idolino_ and -kindred works as divinities. Though boys serve at libations, he thinks -they never perform the ritual act of pouring the libation.[1084] That -a libation-pourer should appear in the guise of a boy victor (that of -Xenokles) he calls a genuine Argive trait. Svoronos, also, has recently -tried to show that the _Idolino_ is not a victor,[1085] but represents -the hero Herakles. He compares the figure with a fourth-century -Pentelic marble relief in Athens,[1086] which represents Herakles -standing at the door of Hades and beside him a father leading his son -up to the open air. The pose of the figure of Herakles resembles that -of the _Idolino_ in a remarkable way. In the relief Herakles holds -a kylix in the right hand[1087] and a club in the left, and a lion -skin is thrown over the left arm. Svoronos believes that the left -hand in the relief explains the turning in of the left hand of the -_Idolino_—for he believes that the latter also held a club. We must, -however, leave the final solution of the motive of the _Idolino_ -and kindred works open, although inclining to the belief that they -represent a victor. - -[Illustration: PLATE 14 - -Bronze Statue known as the _Idolino_. Museo Archeologico, Florence.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 26.—Marble Statue of an Athlete(?). National Museum, -Athens.] - -A statue in Athens, which was found in 1888 in the Roman ruins at -the Olympieion, may represent a boy victor pouring a libation (Fig. -26).[1088] It is a poor Roman copy, dry and lifeless, of a bronze -original of the middle of the fifth century B. C.[1089] In this -statue Mayer has seen the motive, and probably the copy, of the -_Splanchnoptes_ (Roaster of Entrails) by the sculptor Styphax (or -Styppax) of Cyprus, which, according to Pliny,[1090] represented -Perikles’ slave “roasting entrails and blowing hard on the fire, to -kindle it, till his cheeks swell.” He thinks that the position of the -broken arms and a comparison of the figure with similar ones on vases -make the identification possible. Von Salis concurs in his restoration -and interpretation and publishes a small statuette in Athens from -Dodona,[1091] which has a similar pose, and holds a three-pronged -fork in the left hand, which he believes should be restored in the -statue. Although statue and statuette have much in common (_e. g._, the -position of the breast and shoulders, the treatment of the hair, etc.), -which shows that both may be copies of one original, the conception -of the two is somewhat different. The statue from Athens represents -a boy standing busily engaged at the altar; the statuette represents -one standing at rest merely looking on, the fork not being held in -position for use.[1092] In any case the face of the Athens statue -can not correspond with Pliny’s description—_ignemque oris pleni -spiritu accendens_. Quite a different explanation of the statue is -possible—one which Mayer thought improbable. The right arm—broken above -the wrist—was raised to the height of the shoulder and may have held an -object in the hand; the left arm—broken off below the shoulder—seems -to have been held close to the body and appears to have corresponded -in movement with the other. The boy, therefore, may have held a cup in -the right hand and a branch or a victor fillet in the left. Thus it may -merely be another example of a boy victor pouring a libation. - -Certain other statues have been mistaken either for libation-pourers -or oil-pourers, when they are really wine-pourers and have nothing -to do with the athletic motives under discussion. A good example is -the marble statue of a _Satyr_ in Dresden,[1093] which represents the -youthful demi-god lifting a can with his right hand, out of which he -is pouring wine into a drinking-horn held in the left. There are many -copies of this work,[1094] a fact which shows that the original bronze -was famous. An attempt has therefore been made to identify it with the -bronze _Satyr_ of Praxiteles mentioned by Pliny as the _Periboëtos_ or -“far-famed,”[1095] which seems to have been grouped with a _Dionysos_ -and a figure of _Drunkenness_—a grouping which might fit the Dresden -_Satyr_, since a second figure should be imagined, for which the horn -is being filled. However, it differs stylistically so much from the -_Hermes_ of Olympia that the ascription has been given up, though its -graceful form shows Praxitelean influence and certainly emanates from -the fourth century B. C. - - -RESTING AFTER THE CONTEST. - -[Illustration: PLATE 15 - -Marble Head of an Athlete, after Kresilas (?). Metropolitan Museum, New -York.] - -A very favorite motive was to represent a victor, either standing or -seated, resting after the exertions of the contest (ἀναπαυόμενος). -An excellent example of this motive in a standing posture is the -fourth-century B. C. statue of Attic workmanship found at Porto d’Anzio -and now in the Vatican,[1096] which reproduces the type of the _Apollo -Lykeios_.[1097] Many of the statues, by various sculptors, which -represent the victor standing at rest may be intended to represent him -as resting after the contest. The well-known head of a youth adorned -with the victor’s chaplet, and preserved in four copies in European -museums, appears to come from a statue which represented a victor in -this manner. The best of these copies is in the collection of Lord -Leconfield at Petworth House, Sussex.[1098] We should add a fifth, -a Roman copy of the head, in the Metropolitan Museum, New York (Pl. -15).[1099] In these copies the ears are not swollen, and a certain -refinement and gentleness show that the original was not from the -statue of a boxer or pancratiast, but from that of another type of -athlete, perhaps a pentathlete. Since Pliny mentions the statue of a -_Doryphoros_ by Kresilas,[1100] and because of its supposed Kresilæan -style, Furtwaengler, albeit on slender grounds, has attempted to -identify the original of these heads with that work.[1101] The -expression is certainly one of complete repose. On the crown of the -head, and on the left side over the fillet, is a rectangular broken -surface,[1102] apparently the remnant of a support for the right arm, -which, as Conze thought, proves that the athlete stood with one arm -resting on the head, the hand hanging over the left side. Furtwaengler -admitted that such an attitude might be that of an apoxyomenos,[1103] -but pointed out that the expression of the face in all the copies seems -too tranquil for such an interpretation. Since the victor was in repose -and the left arm required a slight support, he believed that this -support might have been an akontion. He therefore reconstructed the -original statue as that of a resting pentathlete, and assigned it to -the great Cretan contemporary of Pheidias, who worked in Athens.[1104] -The number of replicas at least shows that the original was a famous -work. - -Perhaps our best example of the motive of a seated victor resting after -the contest is the bronze statue of a boxer found in Rome in 1884 -and now in the Museo delle Terme there (Pl. 16 and Fig. 27).[1105] -This is a masterpiece in the portrayal of brute strength in the -most naturalistic and revolting way. If we like to think of victors -as having noble forms, we are rudely startled on looking at this -brutal prize-fighter. If we compare it with works of the fifth and -fourth centuries B. C., we see in it, as in no other example of Greek -sculpture, the great change which professionalism had later wrought in -the Greek ideal of athletics. Here are massive proportions, bulging -muscles, arms and legs hard and muscle-bound. We can compare it only -with the bronze head of a boxer found at Olympia (Fig. 61 A and B) of -similar style and age.[1106] But there we have only the head, while -here we have a complete statue almost perfectly preserved, the only -restorations being a portion of the left thumb, a piece of the right -flank, and the base. - -[Illustration: FIG. 27.—Head from Statue of the _Seated Boxer_. Museo -delle Terme, Rome.] - -[Illustration: PLATE 16 - -Bronze Statue of the _Seated Boxer_. Museo delle Terme, Rome.] - -It represents a professional boxer, who is seated exhausted at the -close of the bout, the severity of which is indicated by every part of -the body. He leans forward, his arms rest on his thighs, and his -head, sunk between his shoulders, is raised and turned to the right, -as he stupidly looks around at the applauding spectators. His nose is -broken and his ears are swollen and scars of the contest show on his -face and limbs. Beneath his retreating upper lip some of his teeth -appear to have been knocked out as the result of previous fights, while -indications of the recent struggle are to be seen in the blood dripping -from his ears and the deep lacerations in face and shoulder, which may -have once been filled with red paint to make his appearance even more -realistic. The right eye is swollen and the lower lid and the cheek -imperceptibly sink into each other. The mustache shows flecks of blood -and the swollen back of the right hand protrudes through the glove. His -nose is clotted with blood and he seems to be struggling to get his -breath. - -Such realism and delight in depicting the hideous show that the work, -like the Olympia head, belongs to the Hellenistic age. The careful -workmanship, especially visible in the hair and beard and in the hair -on the chest[1107], proves that the statue is not a Roman copy, but -a Greek original of the beginning of the Hellenistic age, of the end -of the fourth or beginning of the third century B. C. Nor is it a -portrait, as Winter maintained,[1108] since it is an adaptation of a -late type of Herakles. It certainly is a victor statue from one of -the great Greek games, and is, perhaps, from Olympia itself. Since -the head is turned toward the right shoulder and the mouth is open, -as if speaking, Wunderer tried, on the basis of a passage in the -history of Polybios,[1109] to identify it with the statue of the famous -Theban boxer and pancratiast Kleitomachos at Olympia by an unknown -artist.[1110] The historian states that Kleitomachos, while fighting -with the Egyptian Aristonikos, was angered by the acclaim given the -foreigner and, stepping aside, chided the spectators for not cheering -one who was fighting for the honor of Greece. The speech caused a -revulsion in the popular feeling, which helped, even more than the -fists of Kleitomachos, to vanquish Aristonikos. However, the motive of -the statue does not fit the incident, as the boxer is not speaking, -but breathing hard, nor is the seated posture that of one haranguing a -crowd. Moreover, the date of the Theban’s victory is too late for the -statue.[1111] - - -ATTRIBUTES OF VICTOR STATUES. - -At the beginning of the fifth century B. C. athletic training tended -to produce a uniform standard of physical development, which was -reflected in sculpture. At this date we do not find the divergence of -style which we saw in our review of the “Apollo” type of the sixth -century. Vase-paintings show the change better than sculpture. On -black-figured vases of the sixth century B. C., we see a good deal -of variety in groups of boxers and wrestlers, while on red-figured -vases of the early fifth century the number of types is far less. -In sculpture, however, differences in physical type did exist in -the various schools at the beginning of the fifth century. We have, -for example, the heavy, square-shouldered type in the _Apollo -Choiseul-Gouffier_ (Pl. 7A), which we have classed as a victor -statue, and the tall, rawboned type in the _Tyrannicides_ by Kritios -and Nesiotes (Fig. 32, _Harmodios_).[1112] We have, on the other -hand, a very different physical type in the short, stocky Aeginetan -pedimental figures (Figs. 20 and 21). Between such extremes there -are, of course, many gradations. We might instance the archaic -bronze statuette of a diskobolos in the Metropolitan Museum (Fig. -46).[1113] However, notwithstanding the diversity in type, it is -often difficult to distinguish runners from wrestlers, boxers from -pentathletes. Thus few early fifth-century statues show the type of -runner as well as the _Apollo of Tenea_ (Pl. 8A), or that of a boxer -as well as the “_Apollo_” from Delphi (Pl. 8B). The reason for this -is the ideal element, which entered into all these statues and which -was a reflection of the uniform development of athletics long before -specialization had set in. Out of this uniformity grew the canon of -Polykleitos, developed from that of Hagelaïdas. - -The sculptor of the sixth century B. C. was incapable of -differentiating between god and mortal. This was especially the case, -as we have seen, with Apollo, as the “Apollo” type was a model of manly -vigor. In the early fifth century the sculptor had largely overcome -this difficulty, but still showed little diversity of type in treating -statues of different kinds of athletes. A method of differentiation -which was essential to athlete sculptors of the sixth century was found -convenient of retention by those of the fifth—_i. e._, characterizing -the statue of the victor by some attribute, in order, on the one hand, -to differentiate it from the nude god or hero, and on the other to -distinguish between different types of victors. - - -PRIMARY ATTRIBUTES OF VICTOR STATUES. - -THE VICTOR FILLET. - -In the first place, the sculptor would characterize the victor statue -as such. The easiest way to do this would be to represent it with -a fillet or chaplet (ταινία)[1114] bound round the head, as we saw -was the case in the statue of Milo. This fillet was merely a band -or riband of wool which was given the Olympic victor in addition -to the garland of olive leaves, or the palm-branch, as a symbol of -victory. Waldstein has argued that this fillet originally was not -an essential attribute of the victor, but that the crown and palm -were the prizes, and the fillet merely a decoration used on various -occasions, such as at symposia,[1115] which only later became a general -athletic attribute.[1116] Though the presence of the fillet on statues -should not, therefore, be proof that the given statue is that of a -victor,[1117] there is no defense for the contention of Passow[1118] -that the _tainia_ was in no sense a symbol of victory, but merely a -toilet article among the gifts presented by the public to a victor at -the ovation of the crowning. Pausanias says that the victor Lichas of -Sparta was scourged by order of the umpires at Olympia for having set -the _tainia_ on the head of his victorious charioteer.[1119] This is -sufficient evidence that it was not a mere toilet article, but rather -a part of the official prize of victory. Similarly the _tainia_ in the -hand of Nike upon the right hand of the statue of Zeus by Pheidias at -Olympia can not have been a toilet article.[1120] - -We have many examples from athletic sculpture of the use of the fillet. -Thus it appears on the bronze head of a boxer in the Glyptothek (Pl. -3)[1121] and on the bronze head from Herculaneum in Naples (Fig. -4),[1122] both of which have been discussed in Chapter II, as fragments -of Greek original statues of Olympic victors. It also appears on the -marble head of a youthful victor—not necessarily Olympic—from the -Akropolis,[1123] which, because of the similarity in cheeks, mouth, -and eyes to heads on the metopes of the Parthenon, should be dated -somewhere between 450 and 440 B. C. It occurs on the Olympia marble -head (Frontispiece and Fig. 69),[1124] which we ascribe in Chapter VI -to Lysippos, and likewise on the statue of the pancratiast Agias in -Delphi (Pl. 28, Fig. 68). In most athlete heads the fillet is twisted -into a knot at the back of the head. In one case, on the Petworth head -of a pentathlete already discussed,[1125] which, because of the curve -of the neck, must come from a statue represented at rest, it is not -so tied, but is wound round the head with the two ends tucked in and -pushed through the fillet on either side over the temples.[1126] Though -so practical an arrangement as the latter must have been common enough -in real life, this seems to be the only example of its representation -in sculpture. - -The fillet, instead of encircling the head, was sometimes held in -the hand, as in the case of the Spartan chariot victor Polykles at -Olympia.[1127] A curious life-size statue of the Roman period, found -in the Peiræus, represents a nude boy holding in his right hand over -the breast a bundle of books and in the left an alabastron. The body is -covered with fillets—fifteen in all—which appear to have been prizes -won in gymnic contests, probably at the gymnasium or palæstra.[1128] - - -FILLET-BINDERS. - -Statues representing victors binding fillets in their hair -(_diadoumenoi_) are common to all periods of Greek art.[1129] We shall -discuss only two—those of Pheidias and of Polykleitos. - -[Illustration: PLATE 17 - -Statue known as the _Farnese Diadoumenos_. British Museum, London.] - -Pausanias mentions a statue by Pheidias, representing a _Boy Binding on -a Fillet_, as standing in the Altis at Olympia.[1130] Robert has argued -that this figure was the one of similar motive mentioned by Pausanias -as on the throne of Zeus there.[1131] However, the figure on the throne -was very probably in relief and not in the round.[1132] The cicerones -at Olympia seem to have been imposing on the periegete when they said -that a likeness to Pantarkes, the boy favorite of Pheidias, was to be -seen in the face of this figure on the throne. The mention of Pantarkes -has given rise to the usual identification of the παῖς ἀναδούμενος with -the victor statue of the Elean Pantarkes mentioned by Pausanias -as standing in the Altis.[1133] However, the assumption[1134] is -far-fetched and must be rejected, because Pausanias mentions the two -statues in two different parts of his _periegesis_ of the Altis.[1135] -Of the παῖς we know only the artist’s name. It was probably merely a -votive gift,[1136] and the name of the person so honored was unknown to -Pausanias. Of the statue of the victor Pantarkes we know only the name, -and neither the artist nor the motive of the statue. It seems clear, -therefore, that we have to do with three distinct monuments: the boy -with the fillet, the throne figure by Pheidias, and the victor by an -unknown sculptor.[1137] - -The small marble statue in the British Museum known as the _Diadoumenos -Farnese_[1138] (Pl. 17), which is now almost universally regarded as an -Attic work,[1139] has been assumed by many archæologists to be a copy -of Pheidias’ statue.[1140] Since Pausanias tells us that a statue by -Pheidias stood in Olympia, representing an unknown boy binding a fillet -around his head, and since the style of the _Farnese_ statue shows -great similarity in head and body forms and general bearing to certain -figures on the Parthenon frieze,[1141] and its motive agrees with that -of the Olympia statue, it seems reasonable to see in this little work a -copy of the statue in the Altis by the great master. Furtwaengler and -Bulle have shown that the motive of this work was initiated by Pheidias -and not by Polykleitos, since the latter’s great statue was several -years younger than the work of Pheidias at Olympia. That Pheidias was -pleased with the motive is disclosed by the fact that he repeated it on -the throne of Zeus. - -[Illustration: PLATE 18 - -Statue of the _Diadoumenos_, from Delos, after Polykleitos. National -Museum, Athens.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 28.—Statue of the _Diadoumenos_, from Vaison, after -Polykleitos. British Museum, London.] - -The _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos was little less famous than his -_Doryphoros_, if we may judge by the number of copies which have -survived and from literary notices of it.[1142] In all the copies of -this work we see the well-known Polykleitan characteristics—powerful -build, heavy proportions, and fidelity to nature; but none of the -ideal tendency prominent in the works of Pheidias and his school, nor -of the violent energy characteristic of Myron’s art. In all of them -the pose of the earlier _Doryphoros_ is retained, except that the arms -are differently employed and the build of the body is more slender. -Pliny, despite his statement—which is probably taken from some Greek -authority—that monotony was the characteristic of Polykleitos’ works -(_paene ad unum exemplum_),[1143] emphasizes this slenderness by -calling the _Doryphoros_ _viriliter puer_—Lessing’s _Juengling wie ein -Mann_—and the _Diadoumenos_ _molliter juvenis_—a youth of gentle form. -This judgment of Pliny was difficult to understand so long as we had -only the Vaison copy of the _Diadoumenos_ to study. The Delian copy -showed that supple grace was characteristic of the original, even if -modified to suit the taste of three centuries later. Although the body -forms and the attitudes of the _Doryphoros_ and the _Diadoumenos_ are -very similar, the head of the latter, usually assigned to Polykleitos, -is of a different type from that of the _Doryphoros_. While the head -of the _Doryphoros_ is square in profile, flat on top, and long from -front to back, that of the _Diadoumenos_ is rounder and softer and -can best be explained on the assumption that Polykleitos later in -life came under Attic influence. The copies of this work are many -and varied.[1144] For a long time the marble copy in the British -Museum found in 1862, at Vaison, France,[1145] was, despite its poor -workmanship, considered our best copy (Fig. 28). It was made perhaps -five hundred years after the original, at a time when sculpture was in -its decline, and consequently can give us merely a suggestion of the -character of Polykleitos’ statue. As it is a direct marble translation -of the bronze, the muscular treatment appears exaggerated. Another -marble copy was found in 1894 by the French excavators on the island of -Delos, and is now in Athens (Pl. 18).[1146] The Delian artist added -a mantle and a quiver to the nearby tree-trunk and thus converted an -original victor statue into one of a god.[1147] Though its hands are -lost, it is easy to see that the athlete is pulling the ends of the -fillet together so as to tighten the knot at the back of the head. As -this is a Hellenistic Greek copy, it comes far nearer to the original -than the imperial Roman one from Vaison. The lighter proportions and -softer modeling show the Attic influence on Polykleitos’ later career, -although the fleshy forms are out of harmony with his art and evidently -introduced by the copyist. One of the best preserved and most beautiful -copies is the one in the Prado at Madrid.[1148] Although a Roman copy, -like the one in the British Museum, it comes very near the original -because of the precision in its details. There are many good copies of -the head alone.[1149] Marble heads in Kassel and Dresden, evidently the -works of Attic sculptors, show the pure Polykleitan traits. The one -in Dresden[1150] (Fig. 29) surpasses all others in the beauty of its -finish, being a careful and exact copy. The proportions and structure -of the head are those of the _Doryphoros_, although the surface is -differently treated. The Kassel head[1151] is not so exact in its -details, but has more expression. Furtwaengler rightly calls it the -better of the two as a work of art, but inferior as a copy. A marble -head in the British Museum[1152] is a direct copy from the original -bronze, like the Vaison statue. The clear-cut eyelids and wiry hair -reproduce the original material, and its resemblance to the head of the -_Doryphoros_ is greater than that of any other copy. - -[Illustration: FIG. 29.—Head of the _Diadoumenos_, after Polykleitos. -Albertinum, Dresden.] - -A later variant of the statue is seen in a small terra-cotta statuette -from Smyrna in private possession in London.[1153] It shows the -Polykleitan type so completely assimilated to the style of Praxiteles -that its genuineness has been doubted. Perhaps, with its Attic -softness, it gives us a better idea of the beauty of the original -than many of the other copies. Finally, we must mention the original -bronze head of the fifth century B. C. in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, -recently published by Percy Gardner.[1154] This head, put together -from nine fragments, and restored as that of a boy fillet-binder, and -rivaling in delicacy and beauty such original bronzes as the Beneventum -head (Fig. 3) and the _Idolino_ (Pl. 14), not only gives us the best -idea of the technical ability attained by bronze workers in the middle -of the fifth century B. C., but also helps us to understand the ancient -repute of Polykleitos’ athletes. Here the headband and “starfish” -arrangement of the hair have their close parallels in the Dresden, -Kassel, and British Museum heads already discussed, which essentially -reproduce the head of the Vaison statue (Fig. 28). As Gardner points -out, it closely agrees with the type of the _Farnese Diadoumenos_ -(Pl. 17) only in one particular, the mode of tying the knot. While -the Vaison athlete is preparing to tie it, the Farnese one has just -finished the operation, the boy still holding the ends of the fillet -in his hands. But only the treatment of the hair, the eye, and the ear -offers a contrast. Despite these differences Gardner follows the older -view of Brunn in regarding the Vaison and Farnese types as two variants -of Polykleitan originals; but the pose, style, and proportions of the -latter seem to us to be too thoroughly Attic to warrant us in bringing -it into relation with the work of Polykleitos. Though the heads of the -two are not so dissimilar, the pose, as Gardner also points out, is -quite different. The Vaison figure is represented as walking, _i. e._, -in the very act of changing the weight of the body from one leg to the -other, while the Farnese athlete stands at rest with both feet flat -upon the ground. Gardner rightly regards this exquisite head not as the -original of the statue mentioned by Pliny, since the Vaison and Delian -copies show that the latter represented a fully developed man, somewhat -over life-size, and not a boy, but rather as a work of the Polykleitan -school, though he does not exclude the possibility that it may come -from one of the many boy athletes of the master. - -Furtwaengler connects with the _Diadoumenos_ the statue of a youthful -boxer, slightly under life-size, which shows a similar motive. It is -known to us in two copies, one in Kassel,[1155] the other in Lansdowne -House, London.[1156] That it is a work of Polykleitos is shown by the -correspondence of its body forms with those of both the _Diadoumenos_ -and the _Doryphoros_. A bronze statuette, dating from about 400 B. C., -in the Akropolis Museum, also repeats the motive without being an exact -copy.[1157] - - -THE CROWN OF WILD OLIVE. - -The crown of wild olive[1158] in the hair is another general but not -customary attribute of Olympic victor statues. Fewer sculptured heads -show it than show the _tainia_, and in most of these the leaves have -fallen off. Examples of its presence are afforded by the bronze head -from Beneventum (Fig. 3) in the Louvre,[1159] and on the realistic -bronze head of a boxer found at Olympia (Fig. 61 A and B).[1160] A good -illustration of a boy victor crowning himself is on a fourth-century -B. C. funerary relief, found in 1873 at the Dipylon gate, and now in -the Athens Museum.[1161] The victor is holding or placing a crown of -leaves on his head. In the Museo delle Terme, Rome, is a mediocre -headless copy of an original statue of the end of the fifth century B. -C., the work of an artist of the Polykleitan school, the restoration of -which as a victor engaged in wreathing his head is probable.[1162] A -protuberance on the right shoulder seems to have been left by the end -of the _lemniskos_ or ribbon with which the wreath was adorned.[1163] -The left hand carried an attribute, but probably not a palm-branch -as Helbig assumed, since such a branch, if of metal, would have left -traces on the shoulder. The same restoration has been proposed for -another statue.[1164] A crown on the head, together with the remains -of fingers near it, has been noticed on a bronze statue of Eros, of -Hellenistic workmanship, found off Tunis in the sea,[1165] which shows -Polykleitan influence. - -[Illustration: PLATE 19 - -Statue known as the _Westmacott Athlete_. British Museum, London.] - -The statue of a _Boy Crowning Himself_, which has survived in many -Roman copies and variant Greek originals, notably in the so-called -_Westmacott Athlete_ of the British Museum (Pl. 19),[1166] a -fragmentary statue of poorer workmanship in the Barracco collection -in Rome,[1167] and a Greek copy from Eleusis now in the National -Museum in Athens,[1168] and identified by many archæologists with the -statue of the boy boxer Kyniskos by Polykleitos at Olympia, should be -discussed here. While the _Westmacott Athlete_ appears to be a copy -from the original bronze, the Barracco statue, though showing the same -pose, is unlike it in the treatment of hair and muscles, and with its -Attic head, seems to be a carelessly executed variant, more or less -Myronian in style, of the Polykleitan original. While its original may -be assigned to the end of the fifth century B. C., the Eleusis variant, -with its head differently placed, is not a Roman copy, but a Greek -original statue showing the Polykleitan motive carried into the soft -Attic style of the fourth century B. C.[1169] A fine copy of the head -alone is in the possession of Sir Edgar Vincent, in his Constantinople -collection.[1170] This should be associated with another head -in Dresden, both being closely related to that of the _Westmacott -Athlete_.[1171] The best copy of the head is in the Hermitage, in which -the treatment of the hair approaches nearest to that of the bronze -original.[1172] A marble head from Apollonia in Epeiros, now in the -British Museum, which so closely resembles the head of the _Westmacott -Athlete_ that the missing sections of the neck and shoulders were -restored by a cast from the latter, is somewhat different in style. -For while the Westmacott head is a mechanical copy, this Greek head is -full of vigor, disclosing Attic characteristics of the early fourth -century B. C., and obviously is an Athenian imitation of the original, -like the statue from Eleusis.[1173] A more remote variant is the -beautiful marble head formerly in the possession of Dr. Philip Nelson -in Liverpool, but now in America, which is not an exact copy of any of -the known variants, but so closely resembles the Capitoline type of -_Wounded Amazon_, assigned first by Otto Jahn and later by Furtwaengler -to Kresilas, that it must be by the same hand.[1174] This head also -reminds us of that of the Kresilæan _Diomedes_ of the Munich Glyptothek -(Pl. 21),[1175] though the hair-treatment is Polykleitan.[1176] Both -show a modification of Polykleitan forms under Attic influence. The -numerous fine copies indicate that the original was a well-known work. -That it was Polykleitan is clear from a study of the heads, which show -a great resemblance to that of the _Doryphoros_, and of the body forms, -which resemble those of both the _Doryphoros_ and the _Diadoumenos_. -While some believe this original a work of Polykleitos himself,[1177] -others think that it was by one of his pupils or successors, who -imitated the master’s early style. If the original, however, was -not the statue of Kyniskos, there is little evidence that it was by -Polykleitos himself. - -The palm-trunk in the Westmacott copy certainly argues that the -original was an athlete statue. The gesture of the right hand has -given rise to different interpretations. The Barracco copy furnishes -the best evidence, as on it the right arm is preserved to the wrist, -the hand only being lost. Helbig at first (in the Barracco Catalogue) -expressed the opinion that the right hand might have held an oil-flask, -from which oil was being poured into the left. However, the position -of the left hand, as shown by the _puntello_ on the left hip, must -have been the same as that on the Westmacott copy, _i. e._, hanging -close to the left side. Helbig later (in the _Fuehrer_) explained -the motive as that of a boy setting a crown on his head, as in the -bronze _Eros_ already mentioned. This interpretation, first suggested -by Winnefeld,[1178] has been the favorite one among archæologists. -But all sorts of other explanations of the motive of the original -have been offered, as that the athlete was scraping his forehead or -shoulders with the strigil,[1179] that the statue represented Narkissos -looking into the pool and shading his eyes with his right hand,[1180] -that it was an athlete standing at rest and holding an akontion in -his right hand—a theory harmonizing with the poise of the head, but -not with the turn of the wrist, which shows that the hand was held -downwards[1181]—and that it was, in fact, the _nudus talo incessens_ -of Pliny.[1182] On the head of the Eleusis statue there is a mass of -marble left over the right ear just opposite the place where the hand -would be, if it were setting a wreath on the head. The fact that no -marks are visible where the crown was attached is explained by the -assumption that the wreath was of metal even in the marble copies. That -this motive, moreover, was known to both Attic and Peloponnesian art -in the second half of the fifth century B. C. is well attested. Thus -we see on the Parthenon frieze a youth crowning himself with one hand, -while holding the horse’s bridle with the other.[1183] The pose of this -figure—especially the legs—recalls the Myronian _Oil-pourer_ already -discussed (Pl. 11). On the other hand, one of the figures of the -Ildefonso group in Madrid, which is Polykleitan in style, represents -a boy wearing a wreath, a figure closely akin to the _Westmacott -Athlete_, the leg position being the same in both and the poise of the -head nearly so, although the arms are different, the left one being -raised and the right hanging down.[1184] It is probable that the raised -right hand of the original of the Westmacott and other replicas touched -the wreath and the lowered left held a fillet. The best explanation, -then, of the _Westmacott Athlete_ and kindred works is that the motive -of the original was allied to that of the _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos, -though the modeling is too soft for Polykleitos, showing that the -copyists changed the original of the Argive master to suit a later -and different taste. Whereas the _Diadoumenos_ is tying on a victor’s -fillet, the other is presumably placing a victor’s wreath on his head. -Certainly no better restoration can be made for the Barracco copy. -Furthermore, many other monuments, which show a similar attitude, and -which must be regarded as very free imitations of the original, seem to -show that the boy was represented as placing a wreath on his head.[1185] - -Whether the original of the series was an actual victor statue at -Olympia or not is an interesting question. It has been repeatedly -suggested that it was the very statue of the boy boxer Kyniskos there, -mentioned by Pausanias, the base of which has been recovered.[1186] -The external evidence for the identity consists altogether in the -similarity in the position of the feet on this base and in the series -of copies, which argues a similar pose. The base shows that the left -leg bore the weight of the statue; it was slightly advanced and rested -on the sole, while the right leg was set back and rested on the ball -only. Thus the statue of Kyniskos was represented in the characteristic -Polykleitan schema of rest, except that the position of the legs is -reversed from that of the _Doryphoros_, _Diadoumenos_, _Amazon_, and -other works of the master. We might add that this same reversal appears -on two other bases found at Olympia, which held victor statues by the -elder Polykleitos[1187] and one by the younger.[1188] Moreover, the -leg position of the canon does not occur in the works of the master’s -pupils Naukydes and Daidalos, and only in one work of Kleon.[1189] -This shows that teacher and pupils also used another motive, _i. e._, -the old canon of Hagelaïdas, besides the one associated with -the _Doryphoros_. The similarity in the position of the feet on the -Olympia base and in the series of statues discussed has led some -scholars, _e. g._, Petersen and Collignon, to accept the proposed -identity. This similarity in foot position, the probability that -the statue on the basis was life-size, like those of the Westmacott -series, and the palm-tree support in the British Museum replica, all -pointing to a victor statue, make the identity well within the range of -possibility, but by no means certain. It is necessary only to rehearse -the objections to this view. In the first place the length of the foot -on the Olympia basis can not be accurately measured for purposes of -comparison. In the next place Polykleitos, as we have just seen, made -other statues of victors at Olympia with almost the identical foot -position of that of Kyniskos. Furthermore, it seems very unlikely that -so celebrated an original as that of these many replicas could have -been standing in the Altis so late as the time of Pausanias.[1190] It -is difficult, also, to understand why an imitative Attic sculptor -of the fourth century B. C., should make a copy of an Arkadian boy -victor statue for Eleusis. And lastly we must not forget that up -to the present time not a single Roman copy has been conclusively -identified with that of a victor statue at Olympia. If the date of the -victory of Kyniskos were definitely fixed, the question of identity -would be better substantiated. By a process of exclusion, to be sure, -Robert reached the date Ol. 80 (= 460 B. C.),[1191] but other dates -are possible. Under these circumstances there seems to be little more -than the possibility that we have recovered an actual victor statue at -Olympia in these copies.[1192] - - -THE PALM-BRANCH. - -The palm-branch, either woven into a wreath or held in the hand, was a -victor attribute. Pausanias says that a crown of palm leaves was common -to many contests, and that the victor everywhere in Greece carried a -palm-branch in his right hand.[1193] He refers the custom to mythical -times, tracing it back to the contest held by Theseus on Delos in honor -of Apollo.[1194] Pliny mentions a painting by the Sikyonian Eupompos, -which represented a _victor certamine gymnico palmam tenens_.[1195] -While Milchhoefer[1196] believed that the motive of an athlete setting -a crown on his head with his right hand and holding a palm in his -left, which is repeated frequently and with variation in many works of -art, went back to this painting of Eupompos, Furtwaengler[1197] goes -further in assuming that the painter derived the motive from the statue -of Polykleitos represented by the _Westmacott Athlete_ and kindred -works just discussed. The pupils of the great sculptor appear to have -transferred his school from Argos to Sikyon, and were, therefore, -associated with Eupompos. This attribute of the palm, permanent in -bronze statues, has been broken off for the most part in marble ones. -We see it in an unfinished statue of a young athlete in the National -Museum, Athens, who holds the palm-branch in his hand. Here it has -survived, since the statue was only blocked out.[1198] It is prominent -in the funerary stele from the Dipylon representing a victor, which -has been mentioned in a preceding section;[1199] here the palm extends -from the left hand, which is held down close to the side, up to the -shoulder. We have already noted that the copyist added a palm-branch -to the stump placed beside the Vatican girl runner (Pl. 2). In the -_Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ (Pl. 7A) the left hand should doubtless -be restored with the palm-branch, because of the projecting notch of -marble on the side of the left leg near the knee.[1200] A similar notch -appears also on the _Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_ in Athens (Pl. 7B), which -shows that the left hand held a long attribute, which was doubtless -a palm-branch. This attribute occurs frequently on vases.[1201] We -see it on a marble statue found at Formiae and now in the Glyptothek -Ny-Carlsberg in Copenhagen, which shows the same motive as that of the -statue by Stephanos (Pl. 9), though in a freer style of execution. -Here the lowered right hand holds a palm-branch, which is shown in low -relief against the right arm.[1202] - - -SECONDARY ATTRIBUTES OF VICTOR STATUES. - -In course of time the sculptor was not content to represent victor -statues merely as victors, but differentiated the various kinds of -victors by special attributes. - - -HOPLITODROMOI. - -[Illustration: FIG. 30.—Marble heads of two Hoplitodromoi, from -Olympia. Museum of Olympia.] - -Thus a hoplite victor would be represented with his usual weapons. -Pausanias, in mentioning the statue at Olympia of the hoplite runner -Damaretos of Heraia by the Argive sculptors Eutelidas and Chrysothemis, -says that it “has not only a shield, as the armed runners still have, -but also a helmet on his head and greaves on his legs.”[1203] He adds -that the helmet and greaves were gradually abolished at Olympia and -elsewhere. We have seen that the statue of Damaretos was set up at the -beginning of the fifth century B. C., when his son Theopompos, the -pentathlete, won his second victory, the monuments of the two being in -common.[1204] Toward the middle of the fifth century the hoplite victor -Mnaseas of Kyrene had a statue at Olympia, the work of Pythagoras of -Rhegion, which represented him as an armed man.[1205] A Pythian victor, -Telesikrates, of the fifth century B. C., had a statue at Delphi, which -represented him with a helmet.[1206] We have actual remnants of two -hoplite victor statues of the sixth century B. C., in the two bearded -and helmeted life-size heads of Parian marble found at Olympia (Fig. -30, a, b = A; c, d = B).[1207] The younger of these heads (A), to which -probably belong either an arm and the remnants of a shield attached -with a ram and a representation of Phrixos upon it in relief,[1208] or -a shield fragment with a siren’s wing upon it[1209] and the fragment -of a shield edge[1210] and right foot of fine workmanship,[1211] I -assigned long ago to the statue of the Thessalian hoplitodrome Phrikias -of Pelinna, who won two victories in Ols. 68 and 69 (= 508 and 504 B. -C.).[1212] R. Foerster had referred this head to the statue of the -hoplite runner Damaretos of Heraia, whose monument, in common with -that of his son, the pentathlete Theopompos, was the work of the early -Argive sculptors Chrysothemis and Eutelidas.[1213] But this fresh and -vigorous head is not Peloponnesian, but shows strongly marked Attic -traits in its round face, full cheeks, and soft lips, and in the rows -of regularly wound locks of hair. The arm and foot similarly disclose -Attic softness and grace. Because of its Attic character, Treu and -Overbeck,[1214] in opposition to Foerster, ascribed it to the statue -of the Elean hoplite victor Eperastos mentioned by Pausanias.[1215] -Though the date of his victory is unknown, it certainly fell some -time after Ol. 111 (= 336 B. C.)—a date far too late for so archaic a -sculpture. Furtwaengler[1216] referred this and the more archaic head -B to the group of Phormis at Olympia, mentioned by Pausanias.[1217] -However, Treu[1218] showed that there was no stylistic connection -between the two heads. The slightly more archaic head B, badly injured -from weathering, I have referred to the Achaian hoplitodrome Phanas -of Pellene, who won Ol. 67 (= 512 B. C.).[1219] In this carefully -executed head the hair and beard are arranged in small locks and the -archaic smile is prominent. While the younger head is Attic, this -one is unmistakably Peloponnesian; and while the former comes from a -statue represented at rest, the latter, because of the twist of the -neck, seems to have come from one represented in violent motion. For -this reason Wolters believed that it came from the statue of a warrior -represented as thrown to the ground and defending himself. - -The Myronic statue in the Palazzo Valentini, Rome, known as -_Diomedes_,[1220] whose pose recalls the _Diskobolos_, may represent -a hoplitodrome, because of its marked resemblance in attitude to the -Tuebingen bronze to be discussed in the next chapter (Fig. 42), and -because of the helmet on its head.[1221] - - -PENTATHLETES. - -Pentathletes were represented by attributes taken from three of the -five contests—jumping, and throwing the diskos and the javelin. All -these attributes appear in gymnasium scenes pictured on red-figured -vases. Thus a kylix of the severe style in Munich[1222] gives us a -general picture of the exercises of the gymnasium. On the walls hang -diskoi in slings, strigils, leaping-weights, oil-flasks, sponges, and -javelins. Archaic leaping-weights (ἁλτῆρες) appeared in the hands of -the statue of the Elean Hysmon at Olympia by the Sikyonian sculptor -Kleon.[1223] Similarly, a figure of _Contest_ (Ἀγών) in the group set -up there by Mikythos had weights.[1224] The offering of the people of -Mende at Olympia very nearly deceived Pausanias into thinking it the -statue of a pentathlete, because of its ancient _halteres_.[1225] This -shows that these weights formed a regular attribute of pentathlete -statues there. A relief from Sparta[1226] represents an athlete -leaning on his spear and holding a pair of leaping-weights in his -right hand. There is a bronze statue of such a victor in the Berlin -Antiquarium.[1227] _Halteres_ hang on a tree-trunk to the right of -the statue of an athlete in the Pitti palace in Florence.[1228] The -breast of a marble torso, less than life-size, of a boy statue found at -Olympia, shows that the hands were stretched forward, and very possibly -the objects which they held were leaping-weights.[1229] - -We have no direct literary reference to a victor statue at Olympia -of a pentathlete with the attributes of the diskos or javelin. That -they existed there, however, seems probable enough. Such a work as the -_Diskobolos_ of Myron, which displays the youthful victor in its every -line, other statues, statuettes, reliefs, and vase-paintings, show us -how the artist represented the different steps in the casting of the -quoit. Similarly, the famous _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos, copies of -which have been identified in many museums (Pl. 4 and Fig. 48), will -give us an idea how a javelin thrower might have been represented at -rest. The akontion or victor’s casting-spear, was, as we see from the -Spartan relief of a pentathlete just mentioned, about the height of a -man. The attitude of the diskobolos and doryphoros will be discussed at -length in the next chapter. - - -BOXERS. - -The statue of a boxer would be sufficiently characterized by thongs, -which he might carry in his hand, as in the statue of the Rhodian -Akousilaos at Olympia,[1230] or wound round his forearm, as in the -statue of a boxer in the Palazzo Albani, Rome,[1231] or on a near-by -prop, as on the tree-stump beside the _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ in the -British Museum (Pl. 7A).[1232] - - -WRESTLERS. - -Long ago Scherer tried to show that the aryballos was a -wrestler-attribute, since oil was so important in wrestling.[1233] He -interpreted as _aryballoi_ the pomegranates mentioned by Pausanias -as held in the hands of the statues of the wrestlers Milo[1234] and -Theognetos[1235] at Olympia, assuming that the Periegete mistook -oil-flasks for pomegranates (ῥοιαί). But it hardly seems reasonable -that such a small utensil, which was used by athletes in general, -could ever have been regarded as a peculiar attribute of the wrestler. -A similar attribute may have been held in the outstretched hand of -the half life-size archaic bronze “Apollo” of the Sciarra Palace in -Rome,[1236] and it occurs on other statues.[1237] - - -CAPS FOR BOXERS, PANCRATIASTS, AND WRESTLERS. - -Often the boxer and pancratiast (and even wrestler)[1238] are -represented as wearing close-fitting caps, made up of thongs of -leather or of solid leather. This, however, can scarcely be called -a determining attribute. Our best example of such a cap is afforded -by an athlete head dating from the first half of the fifth century B. -C., in the Capitoline Museum, Rome,[1239] formerly called a portrait -of Juba II, who was the king of Numidia and Mauretania from 25 B. C. -to 23 A. D. This ascription was based on the barbarous look of the -head and the fact that another head, discovered in the Gymnasion of -Ptolemy in Athens and thought to resemble it, was assumed to be that -of Juba, since Pausanias mentions one of that prince there.[1240] It -is rather the head of an athlete engaged in putting on a cap. This -cap consists of three transverse leather pieces crossing the head -from side to side, one over the forehead, one over the crown, and the -third over the occiput, all three converging above the ears. A fourth -strap fastens them together and is drawn over the crown from forehead -to occiput. In the complete statue doubtless the hands were raised to -the head, grasping the straps near the ears to fasten them. This is, -therefore, an anticipation of the later _Diadoumenos_ motive. We see -it in a statuette formerly in the Stroganoff collection in Rome, but -now in private possession in England,[1241] which represents an athlete -putting on a similar head-dress. Though the arms of the statuette -are gone, remains of the two hands are seen touching the left ear -and tying the straps, one of which runs around the cranium above the -swollen right ear. With this complicated head-dress we may compare -the close-fitting cap—evidently of leather—pictured on an archaistic -Greek votive relief-in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, in Rome, which -represents an athlete washing his hands in a basin, which stands on a -tripod.[1242] Here the cap is fastened by two bands, one around and -the other under the chin. An object in the upper left corner of the -relief, enclosed in a frame, appears to be a victor crown adorned with -bow-knots. Such caps, used in wrestling, would make it impossible for -an opponent to grasp the hair; in boxing and the pankration it would -protect the head from injury. We saw that such a cap was pictured on -a Munich kylix of the early fifth century B. C. It is probable that -such caps were customary at a period before athletes lost their long -hair and that it was continued afterwards for various reasons. The -little statuette from Autun now in the Louvre (Fig. 60), representing -a pancratiast, has a close-fitting cap. The ring at the top shows that -this statuette was hung up—perhaps being used as a weight in a Roman -scale, or perhaps for adornment. In later days boys while practising -in the palæstra, but never at the public games, wore ear-lappets -(ἀμφωτίδες or ἐπωτίδες) to protect their ears, not dissimilar to those -worn in our day for protection against the cold. We see them on a -marble head, formerly in the possession of Fabretti.[1243] - - -THE SWOLLEN EAR. - -We have lastly to speak of the swollen ear, which was an attribute of -victor statues, both primary and secondary, since it characterized -victors as such, and also early differentiated victors in various -contests. Swollen ears may have played a role as a characteristic -attribute of pugilists in early times.[1244] We found them on the -Rayet head in the Jacobsen collection (Fig. 22), which belongs to the -last quarter of the sixth century B. C. and comes from the funerary -statue of an athlete, probably a boxer. In course of time, however, -they came to characterize pancratiasts, wrestlers,[1245] and athletes -in general. The assumption, then, that heads with swollen ears come -from statues of boxers,[1246] and that the boxer was known throughout -Greek history as the “man with the crushed ear” is erroneous.[1247] -The earliest literary reference to the bruised ear is in Plato.[1248] -The philosopher used the term slightingly of those who imitated -Spartan customs, especially Spartan boxing. The Lacedæmonians never -boxed scientifically, but fought with bare fists and without rules. -Literary evidence, furthermore, shows that bruised ears did not play -the part in boxing matches which other bruised features of the face -did—the eyes, nose, mouth, teeth, and chin. Vase-paintings sustain this -evidence, for we often see bloody noses and cuts on the cheeks and -chin, but no crushed ears.[1249] In short, the crushed ear was merely -a professional characteristic, a realistic detail, common to athletes -of various sorts, and, as we shall see, to warriors, gods, and heroes. -To quote Homolle: “_La bouffissure des oreilles ellemême n’est pas un -trait personnel, mais un caractère professionnel; elle ne désigne pas -Agias, mais en général le lutteur. Cette déformation peut atteindre -même un dieu, s’il a pratiqué les exercices gymnastiques et passé sa -vie dans les luttes_”.[1250] It is found constantly on athletic types -of heads in sculpture, whether these represent gods or mortals. A few -examples will make this clear. The following heads of athletes show -the swollen ears: the bronze portrait head of a boxer or pancratiast -from Olympia, dating from the end of the fourth century B. C. or the -beginning of the third (Fig. 61 A and B);[1251] the marble head from -the statue of the boxer Philandridas set up among the victor statues -at Olympia, the work of Lysippos (Frontispiece and Fig. 69);[1252] -the head of the statue of the pancratiast Agias at Delphi (Pl. 28 and -Fig. 68) ;[1253] that of the _Seated Boxer_ in the Museo delle Terme -in Rome (Pl. 16 and Fig. 27);[1254] that of the _Apoxyomenos_ of the -Uffizi in Florence (Pl. 12);[1255] the bronze head from an athlete -statue found at Tarsos and now in Constantinople, an Attic work of -the end of the fifth century B. C.;[1256] the beautiful bronze head -of a boxer in the Glyptothek (Pl. 3);[1257] the head of the so-called -_Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_ in Athens (Pl. 7B);[1258] the athlete head -from Perinthos (Fig. 33);[1259] the bronze copy of the head of the -_Doryphoros_, found in Herculaneum and now in Naples, by the Attic -artist Apollonios (Fig. 47);[1260] the Ince-Blundell head in England, -to be discussed; four heads in Copenhagen;[1261] the remarkably -beautiful bust of an athlete in the Metropolitan Museum, New York (Pl. -20), whose rounded skull, oval face, projecting lower forehead, and -dreamy, half-closed eyes place it in the fourth century B. C., a work -influenced by the art of Praxiteles.[1262] - -[Illustration: PLATE 20 - -Head of an Athlete, School of Praxiteles. Metropolitan Museum, New -York.] - -When we consider heads of gods and heroes we find the swollen ears on -a variety of types. We see them on the so-called _Borghese Warrior_ of -the Louvre (Fig. 43),[1263] formerly called a _Gladiator_, and on the -marble statue of Kresilæan style in Munich, which has been known since -Brunn’s interpretation as _Diomedes_ (carrying off the Palladion from -Troy) (Pl. 21).[1264] This latter statue is a careful, though inexact, -Hadrianic copy of a famous work and is shown to represent the hero, and -not an athlete, by the mantle thrown over the arm. Skill in the boxing -match, the roughest and most dangerous of sports, is as appropriate -to _Diomedes_ as to Herakles himself. The crushed ears appear on the -Dresden replica of this statue, a cast from the Mengs collection, the -original of which was once probably in England,[1265] but do not appear -on the poor copy in the Louvre.[1266] They also appear on the Myronian -bust in the Riccardi Palace, Florence, which is a copy of an original -that was, perhaps, the forerunner of the Kresilæan _Diomedes_.[1267] -Here again the garment thrown over the left shoulder shows that a -youthful hero, and not an athlete, is intended. - -On heads of Herakles the swollen ears are very common. The first dated -representation of the hero with battered ears appears to be on coins -of Euagoras I, the king of Salamis in Cyprus during the years 410-374 -B. C.[1268] We have several examples in sculpture from the fourth -century B. C. Thus swollen ears and the victor fillet appear on the -Skopaic head in the Capitoline Museum.[1269] Another example is the -terminal bust of the youthful hero found in 1777 at Genzano, and now -in the British Museum (Fig. 31).[1270] This head wreathed with poplar -leaves, is probably a Græco-Roman copy of an original of the fourth -century B. C., by an artist of the school of Lysippos. In the group -representing Herakles and his son Telephos, a Roman copy in the Museo -Chiaramonti of the Vatican, the hero is represented with fillet and -battered ears.[1271] A Parian marble head, encircled by a crown, in the -Glyptothek, going back to a Lysippan bronze original, seems to come -from the statue of the hero represented as a victor.[1272] Another -life-size head, of poor workmanship, in the Chiaramonti collection of -the Vatican, sometimes confused with the _Doryphoros_ head-type, seems -to come from a statue of Herakles, as shown by the broken ears and -rolled fillet, the latter a well-known attribute of the hero taken from -the symposium.[1273] A much finer replica is the bust from Herculaneum -now in Naples.[1274] Swollen ears appear also on heads of Ares. We -may instance the helmeted one in the Louvre,[1275] and especially the -replica in the Palazzo Torlonia in Rome.[1276] They are less prominent -on a Parian marble head of the god in the Glyptothek, which appears -to be a copy of an original of which the _Ares Ludovisi_ is a more -complete one.[1277] - -[Illustration: FIG. 31.—Head of Herakles, from Genzano. British Museum -London.] - -[Illustration: PLATE 21 - -Statue of _Diomedes with the Palladion_. Glyptothek, Munich.] - -So far as we know, the statues of wrestlers, runners (except -hoplitodromes), and probably pancratiasts were not distinguished by -special attributes. In these cases the sculptor was obliged to express -the type of contest in the figure itself. His problem, therefore, -was to represent the victor in the characteristic pose of the contest -in which he had won his victory, that is, by representing the statue as -if in movement. This brings us to the second division of our treatment -of victor statues, those which represented the victor not at rest, but -in motion, a scheme which, in course of time, was extended not only -to victors in wrestling and running, but to those in all contests, by -representing them in the very act of contending. The treatment of this -class of monuments will occupy the chief portion of Chapter IV. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -VICTOR STATUES REPRESENTED IN MOTION. - -PLATES 22-25 AND FIGURES 32-62. - - -Just when the important step of representing the victor in motion -instead of at rest was taken in Greek athletic sculpture we can not -definitely say. The statement of Cornelius Nepos that the statues of -athletes were first represented in movement in the fourth century -B. C., after the time of the Athenian general Chabrias—whose image -he describes as representing Chabrias in his favorite posture with -his spear pointed at the enemy and his shield on his knee—has long -since been shown to be worthless.[1278] Nor is the assumption of many -archæologists[1279] that this advance in the plastic art was taken over -into athletic sculpture soon after the statues of the _Tyrannicides_ -were set up at Athens, which represented them in the midst of their -impetuous onslaught on Hipparchos, to be relied upon. These statues, -however, occupy so important a place in the history of Greek sculpture -that we shall consider them briefly in this connection. - - -THE TYRANNICIDES. - -The bronze statues of the popular heroes Harmodios and Aristogeiton, by -the sculptor Antenor, were, in all probability, set up in the Athenian -agora in 506-5 B. C.[1280] The group was carried off to Susa by Xerxes -in 480 B. C., and to replace it a new group, doubtless a free imitation -of the older one, and probably also of bronze, was set up in 477 B. C., -the work of the sculptors Kritios and Nesiotes.[1281] Nearly a century -and a half later the stolen group was restored to Athens by Alexander -the Great[1282] and the two continued to stand side by side in Athens -down to the time of Pausanias. Neither of these groups has survived -to our time, but a late Roman marble copy of one, somewhat over -lifesize, found in the ruins of Hadrian’s villa and now in Naples, -gives us a good idea of the original, despite restorations (Fig. 32, -_Harmodios_).[1283] - -[Illustration: FIG. 32.—Statue of _Harmodios_. Museum of Naples.] - -The reconstruction of this group is aided by several minor works of -art, reliefs, vase-paintings, coins, lead marks, etc., the number of -which shows that it was a common subject for Athenian artists. Botho -Graef, by a careful study of the female statue found on the Akropolis -in 1886 and inscribed as the work of Antenor, has shown that the -stylistic contrast between it and the Naples group is too great for -the latter to be assigned to Antenor.[1284] It is now, therefore, the -prevailing view that the Naples group reproduces the later statues of -Kritios and his associate.[1285] We do not know, then, how the older -group looked, but we are certain that it was different from the later -one, for, in the years elapsing between the dates of the two, Attic -sculptors had become entirely free from the Ionic influence which we -discussed in the preceding chapter and which characterizes the female -statue of Antenor. Archaic stiffness, however, is still traceable in -the later group, for in the copy we see a work which is “concise, -sinewy, hard, and with strained lines,” in harmony with Lucian’s -characterization of the works of Hegias, Kritios, and Nesiotes.[1286] - -The restorations of the Naples group, though right in the main, make us -doubtful as to the exact pose of the original figures.[1287] Harmodios -has new arms, new right leg, and left leg below the knee, while -Aristogeiton has a Lysippan head in place of the original bearded one, -to correspond better with that of his companion. His left arm, with the -drapery hanging down, has been put on at a wrong angle, as he should -be represented holding a scabbard in the left hand and a sword in the -right. On a vase fragment (oinochoe) in Boston[1288] both heroes are -making the onset, the younger one (Harmodios) in front of the other, -but in the original statues, they were probably making the onset -abreast, something that the vase-painter could not represent.[1289] - -While the Akropolis ephebe, already discussed as showing Argive -influence (Fig. 17), still shows but little break with the law of -“frontality” formulated by J. Lange,[1290] whereby an “imaginary line -passing through the skull, nose, backbone, and navel, dividing the body -into two symmetrical halves, is invariably straight, never bending to -either side,” the _Tyrannicides_ have broken it completely. The ephebe -has his head slightly turned to one side, and, because of resemblances -in head and body to the figure of Harmodios, has been assigned to -Kritios or his school.[1291] Another statue at rest ascribed to the -same school is the athlete in the Somzée collection, which reminds us -of the Pelops of the East Gable at Olympia.[1292] We have record of -one more statue by Kritios himself, which was represented in motion -only less violent than that of the _Tyrannicides_. Pausanias saw on the -Akropolis of Athens a statue by him of the hoplite runner Epicharinos, -which represented the athlete in the attitude of one practicing starts, -perhaps in the very pose of the Tuebingen statuette (Fig. 42).[1293] - -In the statues of the _Tyrannicides_, then, which might pass equally -well for typical athletes of the time, we have examples of statues in -motion at the end of the sixth century B. C.; for the same violent -action must have characterized the earlier group of Antenor as the -later one. We have seen that the Aeginetan sculptors not only made -pediment groups in action at a date not later than that of the group -by Kritios and Nesiotes, but single figures still earlier. Thus the -sculptor Glaukias represented the Karystian boy boxer Glaukos in the -act of sparring with an imaginary opponent.[1294] Though Glaukos won in -Ol. 65 (= 520 B. C.), his statue was set up later by his son, perhaps -as late as the end of the sixth century B. C., or the beginning of -the fifth, as the _floruit_ of the sculptor would show.[1295] This -is the oldest example attested by literary evidence of an athlete -statue in motion at Olympia. Whether Glaukias got his motive from -Antenor’s _Tyrannicides_, or whether his work was the older, we can not -determine, but it is safe to say that this _genre_ of statuary must -have existed at Olympia long before, as we know it did elsewhere. The -Rampin head, already discussed as a fragment of a victor statue, shows -by the turn of its neck that athlete statues represented in motion -existed at least as far back as the first half of the sixth century B. -C.[1296] - - -ANTIQUITY OF MOTION STATUES IN GREECE. - -Apart from specifically athletic types, we know that statues in motion, -especially those representing winged figures, antedated the sixth -century B. C. in Greece, and were, perhaps, coeval with the very origin -of Greek art.[1297] We know that the oldest Egyptian art attempted -to render the human body in motion. We may instance the limestone -funerary statuette dating from the Old Kingdom, which represents a slave -woman grinding corn,[1298] and similar figures found in the graves -of Memphis. In fact, the making of such statues ceased in Egyptian -art after the end of the Old Kingdom. While Assyro-Babylonian art -represented figures in motion only on reliefs, Cretan art, as we have -seen in the first chapter, showed the utmost skill in representing -movement in figures in the round. It used to be assumed that in Greek -art motion statues developed out of the archaic “Apollo” type through -the gradual freeing of legs and arms. Any such assumption is easily -disproved by the fact that figures in motion exist, which date back -almost as far as figures at rest. It is equally fallacious to argue -that slight movement was easier for the early artist to represent -than violent movement, for just the contrary was the case, so that -in general the greater the movement represented, the greater is the -age of the given monument. Early vase-paintings show that the early -painter delighted in portraying free movement.[1299] It may be that -the vase-painter preceded the sculptor in portraying movement, for it -was easier to effect this in two dimensions than in three. But that -statues in motion were already known at the beginning of the sixth -century B. C., at least, is shown by the winged flying figure known -as the _Nike_ of Archermos,[1300] unearthed on the island of Delos by -the French in 1877, which is a masterpiece of early Chian sculpture, -perhaps coeval with the statue dedicated to Artemis by Nikandre of -Naxos, found a year later on Delos,[1301] even though the latter -appears more archaic. This earliest example of treating a flying figure -in Greek sculpture we find repeated almost unchanged for a long time -after, especially for _akroteria_ figures on temples and in the minor -arts. We might mention the bronze statuette of the end of the sixth -century B. C., found on the Akropolis, which comes from the edge of a -vessel and represents a winged _Nike_ springing through the air, the -legs in profile and the head and upper body turned to the front, just -as in the figure of Archermos.[1302] Such figures completely disprove -the contention of Sikes that the Greek idea of a winged _Nike_ did -not antedate the fifth century B. C.[1303] The early date of statues -represented in a lunging attitude, like the _Tyrannicides_, is also -shown by the story that Herakles destroyed his own statue by Daidalos -in the agora of Elis, because in the night he mistook it for an enemy -lunging at him. The scheme of combatants fighting with lances seems to -have been native to Rhodian art at the end of the seventh century B. -C., for we see it first on a painted terra-cotta plate in the British -Museum, which represents Hektor and Menelaos fighting for the body of -Euphorbos.[1304] This pose was taken over into other arts, as we see -it in the bronze statuette of a warrior found in Dodona in 1880, now -in the Antiquarium in Berlin, which dates from the end of the sixth -century B. C., or the beginning of the fifth.[1305] All these examples -are sufficient to show that representing the human figure in motion was -an ancient motive in Greek art. - - -PYTHAGORAS AND MYRON. - -Besides Kritios, two other sculptors of the transitional -period—Pythagoras and Myron—gave a great impetus to the type of -statue in motion in the first half of the fifth century B. C. Before -proceeding further we shall briefly consider their artistic activity. - -The attempt to ascribe something tangible to Pythagoras of Rhegion has -often been made.[1306] Practically all we really know about him is -that he was celebrated for his statues of athletes. Pausanias mentions -seven statues at Olympia of victors who won in many different events, -in running (including the hoplite-race), wrestling, boxing, and the -chariot-race; and Pliny, in giving a list of his works, praises the -statue of a pancratiast at Delphi.[1307] Thus Pausanias records the -statues of the Sicilian wrestler Leontiskos, who won two victories -in Ols. 81 and 82 (= 456 and 452 B. C.);[1308] of the boy boxer -Protolaos of Mantinea, who won in Ol. (?) 74 (= 484 B. C.);[1309] of -the boxer Euthymos of Lokroi, who won three times in Ols. 74, 76, -77 (= 484, 476, 472 B. C.);[1310] of Dromeus of Stymphalos, who won -the long foot-race (δόλιχος) twice in Ols. (?) 80 and 81 (= 460 and -456 B. C.);[1311] of Astylos of Kroton, who won the stade-race, the -double foot-race (δίαυλος) three times, and the hoplite-race twice in -Ols. 73, 74, 75, 76 (= 488-476 B. C.);[1312] of the hoplite victor -Mnaseas of Kyrene, victor in Ol. 81 (= 456 B. C.);[1313] and of the -latter’s son Kratisthenes, who won the chariot-race in Ol. (?) 83 (= -448 B. C.).[1314] Some of these statues at Olympia must have been -represented at rest, while others appear to have been represented in -motion. Thus the statue of Mnaseas—though it is possible that it was -represented in motion like that of Epicharinos by Kritios already -mentioned—was probably represented at rest, since Pausanias described -it simply as that of an ὁπλίτης ἀνήρ.[1315] When we inquire into the -style of Pythagoras we do not find much that is definite to guide us. -Besides the bare list of his works, we have little except the statement -of Diogenes Laertios that he was the first to aim at rhythm and -symmetry.[1316] Nevertheless many attempts have been made to identify -his athlete statues with existing copies. Waldstein’s interpretation of -the _Choiseul-Gouffier_ statue in the British Museum (Pl. 7A), and of -the so-called _Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_ in Athens (Pl. 7B), as copies of -an original athlete statue, is, as we have shown in the second chapter, -well-founded, since the muscular build and the coiffure of these -statues betoken the athlete. But his further attempt to show that the -original was by Pythagoras, and his identifying it with the statue of -the boxer Euthymos at Olympia, is not so reasonable.[1317] - -[Illustration: FIG. 33.—Head of an Athlete, from Perinthos. Albertinum, -Dresden.] - -The attempt to ascribe the head of a pancratiast from Perinthos in -Dresden (Fig. 33)[1318] to Pythagoras is not convincing, though -Furtwaengler has included it in his provisional Pythagorean -group,[1319] as he does the boxer in the Louvre known as _Pollux_ -(Fig. 58),[1320] the athlete of the Boboli Gardens in Florence formerly -called _Harmodios_ by Benndorf,[1321] and the statue of an athlete of -later style in Lansdowne House, London.[1322] Other scholars have also -connected the Perinthos head with Pythagoras.[1323] Hermann brought it -into relation with the bust in the Riccardi Palace in Florence, which, -despite its swollen ears, we have already classed as representing -a hero and not an athlete, because of the garment thrown over the -shoulder.[1324] Furtwaengler tried to show that this bust was Myronian -in style, classing it and the head of an athlete in Ince Blundell Hall, -Lancashire, England,[1325] along with that of the earlier _Diskobolos_, -explaining the acknowledged differences in the three by Pliny’s -statement that Myron _primus multiplicasse veritatem videtur_.[1326] -Arndt lists the Perinthos, Riccardi, and Ince Blundell heads, together -with two others in the Jakobsen collection in Copenhagen,[1327] -the head of the so-called Pollux of the Louvre, a bearded head in -Petrograd,[1328] and the so-called head of _Peisistratos_ in the -Villa Albani, Rome,[1329] as works emanating from one school of -sculptors—the differences being explained by the many copyists. But -to attempt to differentiate within the group two different sculptors, -Myron or Pythagoras, he finds impossible, chiefly because we are -dealing in every case with copies and not with originals, and because -in no case are we certain that the head belongs to the torso on which -it is set.[1330] Still another critic, A. Schober, classes together -as more or less related works the Riccardi, Ince Blundell, Perinthos, -and Ny-Carlsberg heads, the Louvre boxer (_Pollux_), Chinnery -_Hermes_ in the British Museum,[1331] the Boboli athlete, the athlete -metamorphosed into a _Hermes_ in the Loggia Scoperta of the Vatican, -and the Lansdowne athlete, and finds them all Myronian. He believes the -Perinthos head to be the prototype of the Riccardi and Ince Blundell -heads.[1332] - -In all this confusion of opinion as to the style of Pythagoras, and -in the absence of any fixed criterion of judgment furnished by an -original authenticated work, it seems hazardous to ascribe this or that -sculpture to this little-known artist. The difficulty of separating -Myron and Pythagoras is even greater than that which confronts us in -trying to distinguish works of Lysippos and Skopas in the next century. -We may some day recover a genuine Pythagorean athlete statue, though -this is extremely improbable now that we have no more to expect from -Olympia and Delphi, where most of his statues appear to have stood. But -despite the difficulty, many identifications of his Olympia statues -have been suggested, some of which we shall now mention. - -As Pausanias says that the victor Mnaseas was surnamed _Libys_, the -Libyan, and that his statue was by Pythagoras, it may be that this is -the statue mentioned by Pliny in the words: _[Pythagoras] fecit ... -et Libyn, puerum tenentem tabellam eodem loco (= Olympiae) et mala -ferentem nudum._[1333] However, in that case we can not connect the -words _Libyn_ and _puerum_, since one represented a man and the other a -boy.[1334] Consequently, Pliny is speaking of three different statues, -and not two, by this artist. Reisch believes that the statues of the -boy and the nude man were represented at rest,[1335] the boy bearing a -tablet (_i. e._, an iconic πινάκιον) in his hand, like the Athenian -youth appearing on a vase-painting in Munich.[1336] Another scholar, L. -von Urlichs, formerly identified the boy carrying the tablet with the -statue of Protolaos at Olympia,[1337] explaining the tablet as a means -of characterizing the young learner. He changed his theory later,[1338] -when, in consequence of the discovery of the Corinthian tablets, he -called it a votive tablet. His son, H. L. von Urlichs, agreed with him -because of a passage in the collection of _Proverbs_ by Zenobios, the -sophist of Hadrian’s age,[1339] according to which the marble statue -of _Nemesis_ at Rhamnous by Pheidias’ favorite pupil, the Parian -sculptor Agorakritos,[1340] held an apple-branch in her left hand, from -which a small tablet containing the artist’s name was suspended, and -also because certain coins of Syracuse and Catania represent Nike as -carrying a tablet hung by a ribbon, on which the coin-striker’s name -was engraved.[1341] The same scholar further identified the nude man -carrying the apples with the statue of Dromeus at Olympia. Since Pliny -does not expressly say that the statue of the nude man was at Olympia, -even though the sense of the passage inclines us to think it was, L. -von Urlichs interprets the apples in the hand as an additional prize -at Delphi, and so makes the statue that of a Pythian victor.[1342] All -such identifications are based on too uncertain premises. - -That Pythagoras did make statues in motion is proved by his statue of -a limping man at Syracuse mentioned by Pliny[1343] in very realistic -terms. We know of other statues by him representing athletes in motion -only by inference. Thus, in the passage just quoted, Pliny says that he -surpassed Myron with his Delphian pancratiast, which appears, inasmuch -as Pliny merely calls the statue a pancratiast without mentioning any -attribute, to have been represented in the characteristic lunging -pose.[1344] However, we can not say definitely, since the contemporary -statue of the pancratiast Kallias, by Mikon of Athens, was represented -in the attitude of rest, as we learn from the footprints on its -recovered base.[1345] Pliny also says that Pythagoras surpassed -with his Delphian pancratiast his own statue of Leontiskos,[1346] a -statement which similarly appears to mark the latter as a statue in -motion. Reisch assumes that the statue of Euthymos was in motion, -since Pausanias says it was an ἀνδριὰς θέας ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἄξιος.[1347] -On the whole, then, we may assume that Pythagoras was a sculptor who -represented many of his victors in the attitude of motion. - -Love of movement also characterized the artistic temperament of -Myron, even though we know that he represented gods, heroes, and -even athletes, at rest. Thus coins show that Athena in his _Marsyas_ -group was represented as standing in a tranquil pose.[1348] Similarly -the Riccardi bust in Florence, already discussed, which may be -Myronian, comes from a statue of a hero shown in an attitude of rest. -Myron was the first Greek sculptor to make his statues and groups -self-sufficient,[1349] that is, he gave to them a concentration which -does not allow the spectator’s attention to wander. We readily see this -new principle in art when we compare the _Diskobolos_ and the group of -the _Tyrannicides_. In the latter our attention is not concentrated, -for a third figure, that of the tyrant on whom the onset is being made, -is required in imagination to complete the group. We have no originals -from Myron’s hand, but we are in far better case in regard to his work -than in regard to that of Pythagoras, since we have unmistakable copies -of two of his greatest works, the _Marsyas_ and the _Diskobolos_. In -them there is little trace of the archaic stiffness that is still -visible in the _Tyrannicides_. Both of these works are represented in -violent action, and in both there is complete concentration. While -the _Diskobolos_ represents a trained palæstra athlete executing a -graceful movement, the _Marsyas_ represents a wild Satyr of the woods, -wholly untrained and controlled by savage passions, in the moment of -fear.[1350] In the _Diskobolos_ the face is impassive, being little -affected by the violent movement of the body—a contrast only partly to -be explained as due to the copyist; in the _Marsyas_, on the contrary, -there is complete harmony between the facial expression and the violent -action of the body. - -[Illustration: PLATE 22 - -Statue of the _Diskobolos_, from Castel Porziano, after Myron. -Museo delle Terme, Rome.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 34.—Statue of the _Diskobolos_, after Myron. -Vatican Museum, Rome.] - -Since we are chiefly dependent for our knowledge of Myron’s athletic -work on the marble copies of the _Diskobolos_, which represents a -new era in athletic art, and since this statue is perhaps the most -famous athletic statue of all times, it will be well to speak of it -here at some length. It is not, so far as we know, the statue of any -particular victor, but rather a study in athletic sculpture.[1351] Of -this work there are twelve full size replicas and several statuettes. -We shall discuss only those which give us the best idea of the lost -original. The most faithful copy is the superb marble statue in the -Palazzo Lancellotti, Rome, discovered on the Esquiline in 1781 (head -seen in Pl. 23).[1352] As the head has never been broken away from the -body, this copy preserves the original pose, whereas all other copies -have the head turned in the wrong direction.[1353] The head and face -preserve Attic proportions and the treatment of the hair and muscles -differs from that of the other copies, which disclose later elements. -The hair, in particular, shows signs of archaism, just as it must have -been treated in the original, as evinced by Pliny’s criticism.[1354] -The most carefully worked copy, however, is the Parian marble torso, -which was found in 1906 at Castel Porziano, the site of the ancient -Laurentum, and is now in the Museo delle Terme, Rome (Pl. 22).[1355] -This torso was already restored in antiquity. Since the villa in which -it was found was built in Augustus’ day and was restored in the second -century A. D., we have the approximate dates both of the origin and -restoration of the statue. A weak copy, discovered in Tivoli in 1791, -is in the Sala della Biga of the Vatican; the head, left arm, and -right leg below the knee have been restored, the head wrongly (Fig. -34).[1356] A Græco-Roman copy discovered also in 1791, in Hadrian’s -villa, is in the British Museum (Fig. 35).[1357] Here the head, -although antique, belongs to another copy, and has been set upon the -torso wrongly, in such a way that the throat has two Adam’s apples. It -looks straight to the ground and not upward as in the Lancellotti copy. -There is a better replica of the torso in the Capitoline Museum, which -formerly belonged to the French sculptor Étienne Mounot (1658-1733), -who wrongly restored it as a falling warrior. It agrees in accuracy -with the Lancellotti copy, though it is dry and lifeless, and is a -better guide to the original than either the Vatican or British Museum -replicas.[1358] A combination of these and other copies gives us an -excellent idea of the original bronze. In Pl. 23 we give a combination -of the Vatican torso and the Lancellotti head from a cast in -Munich.[1359] Perhaps a better combination is that given by Bulle[1360] -from a cast made up of the delle Terme body, the Lancellotti head, the -right arm and the diskos from the Casa Buonarroti in Florence, the feet -from the British Museum copy and the fingers of the left hand being -freely restored. - -[Illustration: FIG. 35.—Statue of the _Diskobolos_, after Myron. -British Museum, London.] - -[Illustration: PLATE 23 - -Statue of the _Diskobolos_, after Myron. A bronzed Cast from the Statue -in the Vatican and Head from the Statue in the Palazzo Lancellotti, -Rome.] - -The pose of the Lancellotti copy agrees with Lucian’s description of -the original: “Surely, said I, you do not speak of the quoit-thrower -who stoops in the attitude of one who is making his cast, turning round -toward the hand that holds the quoit, and bending the other knee gently -beneath him, like one who will rise erect as he hurls the quoit?”[1361] -That the head of the original was turned back as in the Lancellotti -copy, and not downwards, as in the Vatican, British Museum and other -replicas, is shown by this description, which is corroborated by two -bronze statuettes in Munich and Arolsen[1362] and by a gem in the -British Museum.[1363] Myron chose the most difficult, but at the same -time the most characteristic, moment in swinging the diskos, the moment -which combines the idea of rest and motion. The quoit has been swung -back as far as it will go. The momentary pause before it is hurled -forward suggests rest and at the same time implies motion, both that -which has preceded and that which is to follow. It is this short pause -at the end of the backward swing which the sculptor has fixed in the -bronze. The right arm is stretched backwards as far as possible and -draws with it the body with the left arm and head; in another instant -the diskos will be hurled and the tension on the right leg relaxed. -The original statue rested upon the right foot; the tree trunk is -a necessary addition to the marble copies. As Greek art was mostly -characterized by repose, we are not surprised that such a daring effect -received the censure of the ancient critics. Quintilian says that if -any one blames the statue for its labored effect, he is wrong, since -the novelty and the difficulty of the work are its chief merits.[1364] -For a statue of the transitional stage of Greek sculpture it is -remarkably bold; only in imagination can we see the action by which -the body has got into this position and by which it will recover its -equilibrium. It illustrates a principle laid down by Lessing in the -_Laokoön_: “Of ever changing nature the artist can use only a single -moment and this from a single point of view. And as his work is meant -to be looked at not for an instant, but with long consideration, he -must choose the most fruitful moment, and the most fruitful point of -view, that, to wit, which leaves the power of imagination free.”[1365] - -Myron was the sculptor of five statues for four victors at Olympia, -one of a pancratiast, another of a boxer, a third of a runner, and -two of a victor in the hoplite-race and the chariot-race.[1366] Pliny -also says that Myron made statues of pentathletes and pancratiasts -at Delphi.[1367] Thus he showed as much versatility as Pythagoras in -the representation of victors in different contests. None of these -statues has survived and the identification of existing Roman copies -with any of them is, of course, highly problematical. Thus, a little -further on we make the suggestion that the statue of the boxer in the -Louvre, commonly known as _Pollux_ (Fig. 58), may be, because of its -Myronian character, the statue of the unknown Arkadian boxer at Olympia -mentioned by Pausanias (in connection with the boy boxer Philippos) -as the work of Myron.[1368] Pliny, in the passage just cited, also -mentions statues of _pristae_ by Myron, a word which has given rise to -many interpretations: _e. g._, sea-monsters (_pristes_ or _pistres_), -men working with a cross-cut saw (_pristae_), players at see-saw -(_pristae_?),[1369] and boxers (_pyctae_).[1370] The manuscripts are -unanimous for _pristae_, and hence it is probable that a realistic -group by Myron is meant, since Myron is often classed as a realist in -opposition to Polykleitos, the idealist. Long ago Dalecampius, followed -in recent years by Furtwaengler,[1371] believed that these _pristae_ -formed a votive offering, and H. L. von Urlichs has shown that a group -of sawyers as the dedication of some master-builder is quite in harmony -with fifth-century traditions.[1372] H. Stuart Jones[1373] connects -the words _Perseum et pristas_ of Pliny’s text, and follows the theory -of Mayer[1374] that the carpenters or sawyers were a part of a group, -which represented the inclosure of Danaë and Perseus in the chest. - -While the athletic statues in motion by Pythagoras and Myron became -models for later sculptors, especially in the following century,[1375] -the rest statues of Polykleitos still remained in vogue in works by -members of his family and school down through the fourth century, as we -have seen in our treatment of the Argive-Sikyonian sculptors at Olympia. - - -MOTION STATUES REPRESENTING VICTORS IN VARIOUS CONTESTS. - -We shall now review the types of victor statues, which reproduced in -their pose the various contests, _i. e._, statues in motion. We shall -find it convenient to follow in the main the order of contests as -they appear on the Oxyrhynchus Papyrus[1376]—the stade-race (στάδιον), -double race (δίαυλος), long race (δόλιχος), pentathlon (πένταθλον), -wrestling, (πάλη), boxing (πύξ), pankration (παγκράτιον), hoplite-race -(ὁπλίτης), chariot-race (τέθριππον), and horse-race (κέλης)—except that -we shall class the four running races (nos. 1, 2, 3, and 11) together -and include the three boys’ contests (παίδων στάδιον, πάλη, πύξ, nos. -8, 9, 10) under the corresponding men’s events. The classification of -competitors by ages (ἡλικίαι), which varied at different festivals, -will need a word of explanation. While athletes at Nemea, the Isthmus, -and Delphi were divided into three classes, παῖδες, ἀγένειοι, and -ἄνδρες,[1377] at Olympia they were divided into two, παῖδες and -ἄνδρες.[1378] At local competitions there was a more elaborate -classification. Thus at the Bœotian _Erotidia_, boys were divided -into younger and older;[1379] at the games held on the island of Chios -there were five divisions, boys, younger, middle, and older ephebes, -and men;[1380] and at the Athenian _Theseia_, the boys were divided -into first, second, and third classes, while an open contest also -existed for boys of any age.[1381] Girls at the _Heraia_ at Olympia -were similarly divided into three classes.[1382] Plato proposed three -classes of athletes in his _Laws_—παιδικοί, ἄνδρες, and a third class, -ἀγένειοι, between boys and men.[1383] The classification of athletes -at Athens into παῖδες and ἄνδρες, adopted by Boeckh, Dittenberger, and -Dumont,[1384] is now the one generally followed. According to it the -παῖδες were subdivided into three classes, those τῆς πρώτης ἡλικίας, -τῆς δευτέρας, and τῆς τρίτης; and so the ἀγένειοι were merely the -παῖδες τῆς τρίτης ἡλικίας. The boys, including the ἀγένειοι, ranged -from 12 to 18 years old; at 18 they became ἔφηβοι or ἄνδρες.[1385] We -have already seen that the age of boy victors at Olympia was over 17 -and under 20.[1386] - -As we have already remarked in an earlier chapter, we are mostly -indebted to Pausanias for our knowledge of the victor statues at -Olympia.[1387] He mentions in his _periegesis_ of the Altis 192 -monuments, which were erected to 187 victors.[1388] Some of these -victors won in more than one contest, so that there are 258 different -victories recorded in all. In the following sections we shall see how -these were distributed among the various contests. - - -RUNNERS: STADIODROMOI, DIAULODROMOI, DOLICHODROMOI. - -Running races formed at all times a part of the Greek games and of -the exercises of the youth in the gymnasia and palæstræ. A scholiast -on Pindar[1389] says that the running race had its origin in the -first celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries. It figures largely in -mythology, especially at Olympia, which also shows its antiquity.[1390] -In historic times many varieties of running developed, but four chief -ones were practised at the great games.[1391] First there was the -simple stade-race (στάδιον, δρόμος), which was merely the length of -the stadion or 600 Greek feet, corresponding with the running race of -Homer.[1392] Then there was the double race (δίαυλος), twice as long as -the preceding, to the end of the course and back again.[1393] The long -race (δόλιχος, ὁ μακρὸς δρόμος), which Philostratos derives from the -institution of messenger runners (_hemerodromoi_),[1394] is variously -given as seven, twelve, fourteen, twenty, and twenty-four stades in -length, _i. e._, from about four-fifths of a mile to nearly three -miles.[1395] Lastly there was the race in armor (ὁπλιτοδρόμος,[1396] -ὁπλίτης,[1397] ἀσπίς.[1398]) The long race was instituted not so much -as a contest of fleetness as of endurance. At Olympia only men were -admitted, though there was such a race for boys at Delphi.[1399] The -Cretans were famed in this style of running.[1400] The race in armor, -which was a double race or two stades at Olympia, we shall discuss -further on. Probably the boys’ stade-race at Olympia was shorter than -that of the men. Plato, who gives the historic division of running -races outlined above, has the boys run one-half of the men’s course -and the ephebes (ἀγένειοι) two-thirds.[1401] Just so Pausanias has -the girl runners at the Olympia _Heraia_ run one-sixth of the men’s -stadion.[1402] - -At Olympia, as at the _Panathenaia_ in Athens and probably elsewhere, -the first event preceding all others was the stade-race. Pausanias says -that it was the oldest event at Olympia,[1403] and it existed there all -through antiquity from the first recorded Olympiad (= 776 B. C.), when -Koroibos of Elis won.[1404] But the notion generally held[1405] that -the stade-race for men was honored above all other events at Olympia, -because the winner became ἐπώνυμος for the Olympiad and because his -name occurs in the lists of Africanus for every Olympiad, is incorrect. -In two passages Thukydides cites Olympic pancratiasts for dates,[1406] -and in the earliest inscription which makes use of Olympiads for -chronology the later introduced pankration is the event used.[1407] -The literary supremacy of Athens, where, at the _Panathenaia_, the -stade-race was the most important event, doubtless helped later in -making the stade runner at Olympia eponymous. This custom, however, was -not generally employed before the third century B. C. - -[Illustration: FIG. 36.—Athletic Scenes from a Bacchic Amphora in Rome. -A. Stadiodromoi and Leaper. B. Diskobolos and Akontistai.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 37.—Athletic Scenes from a Sixth-century B. C. -Panathenaic Amphora. Stadiodromoi (left) and Dolichodromoi (right).] - -Pausanias dates the introduction of the double foot-race at Olympia -in Ol. 14 (= 724 B. C.).[1408] He does not say when the long race -was instituted, but Eusebios says that it was in Ol. 15 (= 720 B. -C.).[1409] The boys’ stade-race was introduced there in Ol. 37 (= 632 -B. C.).[1410] The hoplite-race was inaugurated at the end of the sixth -century B. C., in Ol. 65 (= 520 B. C.).[1411] Pausanias mentions 24 -_stadiodromoi_ at Olympia, who won 32 victories, which makes this -event third in importance, next after boxing and wrestling. He mentions -7 victors in the double race with 11 victories, and 5 victors in the -long race with 8 victories. He also mentions 12 hoplite victors with 14 -victories. Consequently, in all four running events there, he records -48 victors with 65 victories, which brings the running races only to -second place in importance at Olympia, ranking next after boxing.[1412] -The ordinary sprinter or _stadiodromos_, and the double sprinter, -_diaulodromos_ or _hoplitodromos_, naturally ran differently from the -endurance runner or _dolichodromos_. Panathenaic vases clearly show -this difference. Thus while the sprinter swung his arms violently, -spreading the fingers apart and touching the ground only with his -toes[1413] (Figs. 36A and 37, left), the endurance runner, who had to -conserve his strength to the last, ran with a long stride, holding -his arms bent at the elbow and close to the body, his fists doubled -and his body slightly bent forward, its weight resting on the ball -of the foot, the heel being raised only a little. Thus Philostratos -says that the _dolichodromoi_ ran with their hands extended and with -their fists balled, but that at the finish they also swung their arms -violently like wings.[1414] The race (showing balled fists) is seen -on a Panathenaic amphora dating from the archonship of Nikeratos -(333 B. C.), now in the British Museum, and on another of the sixth -century B. C., pictured in Fig. 37 (right).[1415] In the _diaulos_ the -movement was less violent. Thus on an Athens vase inscribed, “I am a -diaulos runner,”[1416] the movement is between that of a sprinter and -an endurance runner. It seems probable that this difference in the -style of running was similarly shown in sculpture.[1417] We shall next -consider certain sculptural monuments which represent runners. - -The typical scheme for archaic and archaistic art was to represent the -runner with one knee nearly touching the ground, the upper log forming -a right angle with the lower, the other leg being perpendicular to the -upper. This scheme appears on many vases and reliefs and in statuettes -and statues.[1418] This old method of depicting runners was kept up -by vase-painters down to the time of the red-figured masters.[1419] -We see them on many reliefs, _e. g._, on the Ionic-Greek reliefs on -the three archaic bronze tripods of the middle of the sixth century -B. C. in the possession of Mr. James Loeb;[1420] on a small bronze -relief in the Metropolitan Museum in New York which represents a -winged Boreas;[1421] and on the marble funerary stele of the so-called -dying hoplite runner found in 1902 near the Theseion, and now in the -National Museum in Athens.[1422] Almost the same position as that of -the figure on this Athenian relief is seen in a small bronze in the -Metropolitan Museum, whose primitive features and solidly massed hair -date it in the early part of the sixth century B. C.[1423] Another -slightly larger bronze in the same museum represents Herakles running -in a kneeling posture.[1424] Because a spearman is incongruous behind -a bowman, Kalkmann[1425] and Furtwaengler[1426] have interpreted the -two kneeling figures near either end of the West gable of the temple on -Aegina as archaic runners (see Fig. 21, left). We may further compare -with these figures the positions, though not the motives, of two others -from the West gable at Olympia,[1427] as well as that of the kneeling -bowman _Herakles_ from the East gable of the temple on Aegina.[1428] In -this connection we shall also mention the life-size marble torso of -a kneeling youth found in Nero’s villa at Subiaco in 1884 and now in -the Museo delle Terme, Rome (Pl. 24).[1429] This statue, representing -a boy of delicate build apparently striding forward with the right leg -and bending the left so that the knee nearly touches the ground, has -been regarded by some scholars[1430] as a runner, whose pose copies -the archaic manner, being historically the last example known of its -use in sculpture. The right shoulder is turned backward and the head, -now missing, was turned back and upwards; the right arm is raised high -and twisted about with the palm of the hand facing backward, the left -arm extended with its hand in some way related to the right knee. The -impression made on the spectator is that of a boy bending aside as if -to ward off some danger. It is an excellent piece of work, evidently -the marble copy of an original bronze. This has been variously -assigned to the fifth, fourth, and even later centuries B. C.,[1431] -and interpreted in various ways[1432]—as a Niobid,[1433] as Ganymedes -swooped down upon by the eagle,[1434] as Hylas drawn into the water by -nymphs when he was filling his pitcher,[1435] as a ball-player,[1436] -as a boy throwing a lasso,[1437] as a gable figure,[1438] as a runner -at the games, etc. Many of these interpretations are purely fanciful; -the last is, perhaps, as good as any, though the strongly turned upper -body seems not quite fitted to it. If it represents a runner, the -sculptor has reproduced the well-known archaic pose. - - -THE STATUE OF THE RUNNER LADAS. - -We shall next consider the famous statue of the runner Ladas by Myron, -which is unfortunately known to us only from literary evidence, but -which attained in antiquity an even greater fame than his nameless -_Diskobolos_, since it portrayed even more tension than that wonderful -work. Its fame was partly due to the picturesque story how the victory -cost the runner his life, for he died of strain while on his way home -to Sparta; it was also due in no less degree to the striking way in -which the victor was depicted.[1439] - -Two fourth-century epigrams tell us of the statue. The first of these -runs: - - Λάδας τὸ στάδιον εἴθ’ ἥλατο, εἴτε διέπτη, - οὐδὲ φράσαι δυνατόν· δαιμόνιον τὸ τάχος. - [ὁ ψόφος ἦν ὕσπληγγος ἐν οὔασι, καὶ στεφανοῦτο - Λάδας καὶ κάμνων δάκτυλον οὐ προέβη.][1440] - -The second epigram, naming Myron as the sculptor, runs: - - Οἷος ἔης φεύγων τὸν ὑπήνεμον, ἔμπνοε Λάδα, - Θῦμον, ἐπ’ ἀκροτάτῳ πνεύματι θεὶς ὄνυχα, - τοῖον ἐχάλκευσέν σε Μύρων, ἐπὶ παντὶ χαράξας - σώματι Πισαίου προσδοκίην στεφάνου. - -[Illustration: PLATE 24 - -Statue of a Kneeling Youth, from Subiaco. Museo delle Terme, Rome.] - -To these verses are added the following, which Benndorf thinks belonged -to another epigram on the same statue: - - πλήρης ἐλπίδος ἐστίν, ἄκροις δ’ ἐπὶ χείλεσιν ἆσθμα - ἐμφαίνει κοίλων ἔνδοθεν ἐκ λαγόνων. - πηδήσει τάχα χαλκὸς ἐπὶ στέφος, οὐδὲ καθέξει - ἁ βάσις· ὢ τέχνη πνεύματος ὠκυτέρα.[1441] - -Professor Ernest Gardner translates the two parts of the second epigram -as follows: - -“Like as thou wast in life, Ladas, breathing forth thy panting -soul,[1442] on tip-toe, with every sinew at full strain, such hath -Myron wrought thee in bronze, stamping on thy whole body thy eagerness -for the victor’s crown of Pisa.” - -“He is filled with hope, and you may see the breath caught on his lips -from deep within his flanks; surely the bronze will leave its pedestal -and leap to the crown. Such art is swifter than the wind.”[1443] - -Even if part of the epigram is rhetorical, we can not doubt that Ladas -was represented in the final spurt just before he arrived at the goal. -His eagerness was not confined to the face—though the panting breath -could have been indicated by half opened lips, but was visible in the -whole body.[1444] Whereas the girl runner of the Vatican (Pl. 2) is -represented at the beginning of the race, Myron’s statue represented -Ladas at the end of it. Probably the victor was represented with his -weight thrown on the advanced foot and with the arms close to the sides -and bent at the elbows—a treatment which would have been easy for the -sculptor of the _Diskobolos_. Mahler tried to identify the statue with -one of the Naples group of so-called runners (Fig. 51).[1445] However, -as we shall see, these probably represent wrestlers, and not runners, -and neither of them shows any such tension as we should expect from the -description of the statue of Ladas. Though Foerster believes that the -statue of Ladas stood in Olympia, in honor of his victory in the long -race there,[1446] we can not say definitely where it was.[1447] - -[Illustration: FIG. 38.—Statue of a Runner. Palazzo dei Conservatori, -Rome.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 39.—Statue of a Runner. Palazzo dei Conservatori, -Rome.] - -Perhaps our best representation of runners is to be seen in the two -marble statues discovered near Velletri and now in the Palazzo dei -Conservatori, Rome (Figs. 38 and 39).[1448] The hair and the sharp -edges of the modeling of the flesh, as well as the tree-stumps near the -right legs, show that these statues are copies of bronze originals. -They were at first interpreted as runners, but later were regarded as -forming a group of wrestlers, who were standing opposite one another -and holding their hands out for an opening. However, there is nothing -in the pose or the expression of these statues to show the tension -of two opponents. Moreover, they certainly never formed a group, -for stylistic differences reveal that they are copies of statues by -different artists who lived at different times; one belongs to the -severe style of the last quarter of the fifth century,[1449] while -the other, with its softer forms, smaller head, and deeper-set eyes, -is a product of the fourth century B. C.[1450] The prominent edge -of the chest is doubtless meant to indicate the hard breathing of a -runner.[1451] Just in front of the tree-stump on the older statue is to -be seen a round hole in the plinth, which may have been made for the -end of a club held in the right hand, as such an object is found in -other works of art, notably in a statuette from Palermo, which is the -copy of a fifth-century B. C. original, and on a second-century B. C. -grave-stele from Crete.[1452] Its use, however, is not certainly known. - -Furtwaengler, by an ingenious process of reasoning, argued that he -had recovered an actual statue of an Olympic runner in the so-called -_Alkibiades_, formerly in the Villa Mattei, but now in the Sala della -Biga of the Vatican.[1453] This torso he ascribed to the sculptor -Kresilas, because of its likeness to the _Perikles_ of that master, -which once stood on the Akropolis,[1454] and to a marble torso in -Naples representing a wounded man ready to fall, which he thinks -is a copy of the _Volneratus deficiens_ of Kresilas mentioned by -Pliny.[1455] The _Alkibiades_ is very similar to the Naples gladiator, -though later in date; the bearded head, drawn-in stomach, and muscular -chest, and the veins in the upper arm are common to both. The restorer -of the Vatican statue has placed a helmet under the right foot. But the -deep-breathing chest may indicate a runner, as we saw in the case of -the statues of the Conservatori just discussed. Furtwaengler has the -body bend further forward, so that the right foot may rest upon the -ground and the glance be fixed upon the goal, with the arms extended -at the elbows, a position proved for the right arm, at least, by the -_puntello_ above the hip. As the head shows portrait-like features and -only those athletes who had won three victories had portrait statues, -he has identified the original of the _Alkibiades_ with the statue -of the famous stade-runner Krison of Himera, who won his victories -at Olympia just after the middle of the fifth century B. C., the -approximate date of the Vatican copy.[1456] Such an identification -appears, however, to be too far-fetched to be convincing. - - -STATUES OF BOY RUNNERS. - -[Illustration: FIG. 40.—Statue of the _Thorn-puller_ (_Spinario_). -Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome.] - -Probably the statues of boy runners did not differ essentially from -those of men. That they were sometimes represented in motion is shown -by the footprints on the recovered base of the statue of Sosikrates -by an unknown artist. Here the right foot touched the ground only -with the front portion.[1457] The view has often been expressed that -the bronze statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome, known as -the _Spinario_ (_Thorn-puller_) portrays a runner (Fig. 40).[1458] -It represents a boy, from twelve to fifteen years old, seated upon a -rock bending over and engrossed in extracting a thorn from his left -foot, which rests upon the right knee. The severe hair treatment, low -forehead, full cheeks, and strong chin appear to show the ideal beauty -of a boy of the period of about 460 B. C. The motive seems to have been -inspired directly by nature—witness the supple bend of the back, the -delicate arms, the naïve, though not too realistic, concentration of -interest in the act portrayed. Few pieces of ancient sculpture have -given rise to more discussion and extraordinary difference of opinion -than this popular work. One school of archæologists[1459] believes -it a late adaptation of a Hellenistic original, a more accurate copy -being the one in the British Museum, and consequently views it as a -purely _genre_ statue impossible of conception before Alexander’s time. -According to this view the London copy was an archaistic work of the -time of Pasiteles. Another school, however, including Helbig, Wolters, -Kekulé, and many others, sees in the Roman statue an original work -of 460 to 450 B. C., chiefly because the face shows great similarity -to those of the statues of the Olympia gables (especially to that of -Apollo)[1460]. According to this view the statue can not have been -a _genre_ work, as such works of decorative character were of later -origin, but the motive must be sought in some definite incident—in -some myth or historical event. Thus it has been referred to the -colonization of the Ozolian Lokroi, whose ancestor Lokros is said to -have got a thorn in his foot and to have founded cities near where -this occurred in fulfilment of an oracle. Many others, on the other -hand, have seen in its motive that of a boy victor in running, who has -gained his victory despite a thorn, which he is now pulling out, and -who has dedicated his statue to commemorate both the victory and the -untoward circumstances under which it was won. It has been assigned to -various sculptors and schools—to Myron, Pythagoras, and Kalamis, and -to Peloponnesian, Bœotian, and even Sicilian art.[1461] The boy’s -absorption in his task certainly reminds us of the concentration so -characteristic of the _Diskobolos_ of Myron. In determining its age -and artistic affiliations several things must be considered. In the -first place, the Roman statue is a copy, as the rock on which the boy -sits is cast with the figure, which would have been impossible in the -fifth century B. C. The long hair on this copy, which is short on -the one in the British Museum, falls down the neck, but not over the -cheeks, as it should on a head which is thus bent downwards. Pasiteles -almost certainly would have tied it with a ribbon. This shows that the -original was the work of an artist who was used to making standing -statues, and was not aware of the change in the representation of -the hair brought about by drooping ones. Such considerations, in -conjunction with the archaic facial characteristics, almost certainly -refer the original work to the fifth century B. C., a date when _genre_ -statues, produced for adornment, did not exist. Consequently a definite -incident must be represented by it, and it is quite possible that this -incident should be sought in athletic sculpture in the representation -of a boy runner. - -The _Thorn-puller_ became a model for many imitations from the -beginning of Hellenistic times on. These imitations tended to greater -realism and consequently to the debasement of the original conception, -for they were made to represent peasants, shepherds, satyrs, and even -negroes. The _motif_ was also transferred to figures of girls, as, -_e. g._, in the fragment of a terra-cotta statuette found in 1912 at -Nida-Haddernheim.[1462] In the early Empire it was frequently copied -in marble, and again, during the Renaissance, the motive was used for -small bronzes.[1463] Of Hellenistic copies, showing how the motive -deteriorated, we shall mention only two: the marble one found on the -Esquiline, in 1874, and known as the Castellani copy, now in the -British Museum,[1464] the sculptor of which has made it into a truly -_genre_ fountain figure by transforming the noble features of the -beautiful Greek runner into the snub nose and thick lips of a street -Arab, and the still later bronze statuette found near Sparta and now -in the Paris collection of Baron Edmund de Rothschild,[1465] which -represents the boy extracting the thorn in anger. - -Similarly the so-called _Sandal-binder_—with replicas in Paris (Fig. -8), London, Athens, Munich, and elsewhere, has been looked upon, -without decisive grounds, to be sure, as a runner who is tying on his -sandals after the race.[1466] We have already discussed this statue in -Chapter II, in connection with the subject of assimilation. - - -HOPLITODROMOI. - -The race in armor had a practical value in the training of soldiers, -and so became a popular sport, since it appealed not only to the -trained athlete, but to the citizen in general. It belonged to “mixed -athletics,”[1467] _i. e._, to competitions which were conducted under -handicap conditions, such as our obstacle races, and consequently -it never attained the prestige of the strictly athletic events. It -came last among the gymnic contests at Olympia and elsewhere,[1468] -being followed by the equestrian events. It seems to have varied in -different places in the distance run, in the armor of the runner, and -in the rules which governed the race. At Olympia, as at Athens, it -appears to have been a _diaulos_ or a race of two stadia.[1469] The -most strenuous race of the sort was run at the _Eleutheria_ at Platæa, -where the contestants were completely enveloped in armor[1470] and were -subject to peculiar rules. At Olympia the competitors originally ran -with helmets, greaves, and round shields, as we infer from scenes on -archaic vases and from the statement of Pausanias that the statue of -the first victor in this event, Damaretos of Heraia, was represented -with these arms.[1471] In this passage Pausanias adds that the Eleans -and other Greeks later (ἀνὰ χρόνον) gave up the greaves, and we find -that they disappear on the vase-paintings.[1472] Hauser has shown that -the vase-paintings, which, however, mostly illustrate the Athenian -practice, display a varied custom in respect of the use of the greaves -before about 520 B. C., the general use of them until about 450 B. -C., and after that date their disuse.[1473] The helmet disappeared -after the greaves, but the shield was never given up.[1474] Thus the -bronze statue of Mnesiboulos of Elateia, a victor (σὺν τῇ ἀσπίδι) of -Pausanias’ day, which stood in “Runner Street” of his native city, -appears to have been represented with the shield.[1475] It was for this -reason that the event was later sometimes called merely ἀσπίς.[1476] -The shields that appear on the vases are always round and the helmets -are Attic.[1477] The gradual reduction in the amount of the armor may -have been a concession to the regular athletes, who probably looked -upon the contest as a spurious sort of athletics. As for the style of -the race, the hoplite runners seem to have run somewhat as the stade -and double-course runners, _i. e._, with their right hands up and their -arms violently swinging.[1478] - -The picturesqueness of such a race appealed especially to -vase-painters, who have given us all the details of the event. The -preparations for the race are seen on a red-figured kylix from Vulci, -now in Paris, ascribed to Euphronios (Panaitios), on which one -runner is donning his armor, while others are practising preliminary -runs.[1479] The start is seen in the right-hand figure depicted on a -r.-f. kylix in Berlin (Fig. 41, a).[1480] On another r.-f. kylix we see -a pair of hoplites, one slowing up before reaching the central post, -the other turning it.[1481] The finish is seen on an obscene r.-f. -kylix from Vulci in the style of Brygos, in the British Museum, where -the bearded winner, with his helmet in his hand, looks back on his -rival, and the latter, apparently in disgust, drops his shield.[1482] -The most complete illustration of the race is to be seen on the r.-f. -Berlin kylix just mentioned (Fig. 41, a, b, c.) Here on one side is a -group of three runners; the right-hand one is bending over, ready to -start; the one at the left is about to turn the central post, and the -one in the centre, who is turned in an opposite direction, is on the -home stretch; on the other side of the vase are three runners in full -course, while another appears on the interior of the vase.[1483] Some -vases seem to show that the contest often had a semi-comic character, -the variations in running being used to amuse the spectators. Thus -the shield might be dropped and picked up again,[1484] or it might be -held in a peculiar manner.[1485] This comic element is brought out in -the _Aves_ of Aristophanes, in a scene in which Peisthetairos, while -observing the chorus of birds advancing with their crests (λόφωσις), -compares them with hoplite runners advancing to begin the race.[1486] -The regular painter outdid the vase-painter in representing the runner -in violent motion, if we may rely on Pliny’s description of two -paintings of hoplites by Parrhasios.[1487] In one of these the runner -was represented as perspiring as he ran, while in the other he was -represented as having laid aside his arms and panting so realistically -that the observer seemed to hear him. - -[Illustration: FIG. 41.—Hoplitodromes. Scenes from a r.-f. Kylix. -Museum of Berlin.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 42.—Bronze Statuette of a Hoplitodrome (?). -University Museum, Tuebingen.] - -We have few representations of hoplitodromes in sculpture. In the -preceding chapter we discussed the two marble helmeted heads found at -Olympia (Fig. 30), one of which shows that the statue of which it was a -part was represented at rest, while the other, because of the twist in -the neck, seems to have come from a statue which represented the runner -in violent motion. Pausanias saw on the Athenian Akropolis the statue -of the hoplite runner Epicharinos, the work of the sculptor Kritios, -represented as practising starts (ὁπλιτοδρομεῖν ἀσκήσαντος).[1488] In -the well-known Tux bronze in the University Museum at Tuebingen, we -have a statuette in which the position of the statue of Epicharinos is -probably reproduced. This little bronze, which is only 0.16 meter tall -(Fig. 42),[1489] represents a bearded man, entirely nude, except for -the Attic helmet on his head, standing with feet close together, knees -slightly bent, and body inclined forward. The right arm is extended, -while the left, crooked at the elbow, rests upon the hip. While Schwabe -and Wolters, following the early theory of Hirt and of the sculptor -Dannecker, interpreted the bronze as the figure of a charioteer, -whose left hand was drawn back to hold the reins and whose right was -outstretched in a gesture intended to quiet the horses, Hauser, de -Ridder, Bulle, and many other archæologists have interpreted it better -as a hoplitodrome. The left arm, then, carried a round shield, such -as we have seen on Attic vases. The next moment the right leg will be -advanced, the shield, held back to get a better start, will be pushed -forward, and the runner will race to the goal in a series of leaps, -since the weight of the shield would prevent him from following the -more regular motion of the ordinary runner. It probably represents, -therefore, a hoplite runner, not in the actual course, as Hauser -thought, but practicing a preliminary start, as de Ridder argued. If -the figure represented a charioteer, the legs would have been set -farther apart, in order to give a firmer position, and it would not be -represented as standing on a base, nor would it be wearing a helmet. -The statuette stylistically belongs to the opening years of the fifth -century B. C., and may well be a free imitation of a life-size original -of such statues of hoplites as stood in the Altis at Olympia. Despite -the energy depicted in this figure, it is rash to connect it with the -Aeginetan sculptures, as Wolters and Collignon have done, since a -comparison between it and the _Champion_ of the East gable[1490] will -show great differences. Brunn ascribed the original to Pythagoras; de -Ridder, with reservations, to Kritios and Nesiotes; while Bulle is more -reasonable in referring it to an important though unnamed artist of the -early fifth century B. C. - -Hartwig has published a bronze statuette from Capua,[1491] now in -the Imperial collection at Vienna, representing a nude youth with a -crested helmet on his head. There is no trace of a shield, but the -helmet and the similarity of the pose to that of the Tuebingen bronze -make it probable that this statuette also represents a hoplitodrome -starting. The so-called _Diomedes_ of Myronian style in the Palazzo -Valentini, Rome,[1492] whose stooping posture recalls the _Diskobolos_ -and accordingly has been interpreted as one by Matz and von Duhn, more -probably also represents a hoplite-runner, as Furtwaengler maintained, -because of the similarity of its pose to that of the Tux bronze and -because of its helmeted head.[1493] - -[Illustration: FIG. 43.—Statue of the so-called _Borghese Warrior_. -Louvre, Paris.] - -Some other attempts to see hoplite runners in existing works of -sculpture have not been so successful. Thus Rayet’s attempt to -resuscitate the old interpretation of Quatremère de Quincy, who had -explained the statue of the so-called _Borghese Warrior_ by Agasias of -Ephesos (Fig. 43) as that of a hoplitodrome just before reaching the -goal, has been recently revived again by Six.[1494] This famous marble -statue of the Louvre, belonging to late Greek art, is an example of the -last development in the Argive-Sikyonian school, which for centuries -had been devoted to athletic sculpture.[1495] Since the statue has -no helmet, there seems to be no valid reason for not adhering to the -usual interpretation, according to which it represents a warrior—by -restoring the lost right arm and hand with a sword—who is defending -himself against a foe above him, conceived of as seated upon a horse. -The attitude and the upward gaze are certainly not those of a runner. -Though Collignon, following Visconti, believes the figure to be one -of a group, the man actually defending himself against a horseman and -covering himself with his shield as he looks up, it is doubtful whether -a second figure ever existed. The artist seems to have contented -himself with representing, not a fight, but only a fighting pose. We -are beginning to understand that the Greek sculptor left something to -the imagination of the beholder. - -An attempt has also been made to see a dying hoplite runner in the -Parian marble archaic grave-relief in the National Museum in Athens, -which has already been mentioned as an example of the archaic scheme -of representing running.[1496] It represents a beardless youth running -in a half-kneeling posture, even though the head is bent and turned -in the opposite direction. The eyes appear to be closed—due, perhaps, -to the faulty sculptor—and the two hands are touching the breast. -While no shield is represented (it is contended that its presence -would nearly hide the figure), still, because of the helmet and the -position of the arm, which latter is obviously that of a long-distance -runner, Philios, followed by Perrot-Chipiez and Bulle, explained it -as the representation of a hoplite runner who is expiring at the end -of his course. They date it about 520 B. C.,[1497] the date of the -introduction of this race at Olympia. However, the absence of the -shield, to say nothing of the greaves, seems an insuperable objection -to such an hypothesis, as the shield was never omitted in this race, -but was invariably its symbol. Svoronos is therefore more probably -right in interpreting the relief as the monument of a military runner -(δρομοκῆρυξ), even if his dating (490-480 B. C.) is somewhat too -late,[1498] and if his identifying it with some particular messenger -(such as the Athenian runner Pheidippides, who ran to Sparta for aid -just prior to the battle of Marathon) is fanciful. - - -PENTATHLETES. - -The peculiar features of the pentathlon (πένταθλον) were the three -events, jumping, diskos-throwing, and javelin-throwing. All five events -are summed up in Simonides’ epigram on the pentathlete Diophon, who -won at Delphi and on the Isthmus, the second line of which runs: ἅλμα, -ποδωκείην, δίσκον, ἄκοντα, πάλην.[1499] - -The pentathlon did not exist in Homer’s time. Pindar expressly says -that it did not exist in heroic days, but that then a separate prize -was given for each feat.[1500] At the games on Scheria, King Alkinoos -boasts to Odysseus of the superiority of his countrymen in πύξ τε -παλαισμοσύνῃ τε καὶ ἅλμασιν ἠδὲ πόδεσσιν.[1501] The pentathlon for -men was introduced at Olympia at the same time as wrestling toward -the end of the eighth century, in Ol. 18 (= 708 B. C.),[1502] and the -pentathlon for boys eighty years later, in Ol. 38 (= 628 B. C.), only -to be stopped soon after.[1503] Pausanias mentions fifteen victors -at Olympia, who had statues erected in their honor, for seventeen -victories in the pentathlon, thus giving the pentathletes sixth rank -there in point of number. - -The b.-f. Bacchic amphora in Rome already discussed represents four -events out of the five: running, leaping, diskos-throwing, and -akontion-throwing (Figs. 36 A and 36 B).[1504] On several Panathenaic -vases we find one or more events, and the three characteristic ones on -several, one of which we here reproduce (Fig. 44).[1505] - -The various events are common on r.-f. vases,[1506] though these may -not represent the pentathlon contests, but merely gymnasium scenes, -showing that such contests were important. We have already said that -the pentathlon represented the whole physical training of Greek -youths; consequently the pentathlete was looked upon as the typical -athlete, being superior to all others in all-round development, even -if surpassed by them in certain special events. It was for this reason -that Polykleitos, in order to embody the principles of his athlete -canon, made a statue of a javelin-thrower (the _Doryphoros_) as the -best example of an all-round man. - -[Illustration: FIG. 44.—Pentathletes. Scene from a Panathenaic Amphora -in the British Museum, London.] - -None of the statues of pentathletes at Olympia has been recovered -with certainty in Roman copies. That some of them were represented -at rest is shown by the base of the statue of the victor Pythokles -of Elis, by the elder Polykleitos, which has been recovered.[1507] -This base supported two different statues in succession. The feet of -the earlier one by Polykleitos were riveted into circular holes, and -behind the right foot on the upper surface of the base was inscribed -the artist’s name, while the victor’s appeared on the vertical front. -This statue was later removed and was replaced by another, whose pose -was different, as we see from the footmarks, which show that the feet -were attached with lead in hollows. Probably the old inscription was -renewed in archaic letters when this second statue was set up, the -older letters being retained, perhaps, to conceal the theft. The -original statue was removed by the first century B. C., or perhaps -under Nero;[1508] the new one was also inscribed as the work of -Polykleitos. A base of the Hadrianic or Antonine age has been found in -Rome, inscribed with the names Polykleitos and Pythokles.[1509] Since -the footmarks do not agree with those of either one of the Olympia -statues, Petersen believes that the existing footmarks are due to an -older use of the base and that they have nothing to do with the statue -of Pythokles. Perhaps the statue on the Roman base was the original -one by Polykleitos removed from Olympia to Rome, though it is possible -that it was only a copy, the original being elsewhere in Rome. While -the later statue at Olympia had the feet squarely on the ground, the -original one stood on the right foot, the left being drawn back and -turned out, touching the ground only with the ball. Hence the left -knee must have turned outwards, a natural position, if the head of -the statue was turned slightly to the left. In other words, this is -the usual Polykleitan scheme. Furtwaengler has made a strong though -hardly convincing attempt to identify this original statue with a copy -surviving in two replicas at Rome and Munich, which, as he believes, -fit the conditions of the statue of Pythokles.[1510] These copies -represent a nude youth standing with the weight of the body on the -right leg, the left drawn back and outwards. The head is turned to -the left, the right arm is held close to the side (the hand, perhaps, -once holding a fillet), and the left forearm is outstretched from the -elbow and holds an aryballos in the hand. The two works are manifestly -Polykleitan in style—the body, head, and hair treatment resembling that -of the _Doryphoros_. He assumed that the feet corresponded in scale -with the footmarks on the Olympia base. - -Helbig, in the first edition of his _Fuehrer_, recognized the kinship -between the Vatican statuette and the _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos, -and was prone to accept Furtwaengler’s identification; but later -on, in the third edition, he ascribed the statuette only to the -Polykleitan circle and denied that its foot position corresponded -with that of the Pythokles base. Amelung also, while accepting its -Polykleitan character, has shown that the feet of the statuette are -closer together than those on the Olympia base and are placed at a -slightly different angle. As for the Munich statue, both Helbig and -Amelung have ruled it out of the evidence. The head, though similar -to that of the statuette, also discloses marked differences, and the -legs of the two works do not have the same pose. Loewy agrees with -Amelung that the statue of Pythokles conformed with the type of the -_Diadoumenos_—especially with the Vaison copy (see Fig. 28)—and with -that of the _Doryphoros_.[1511] We can not, therefore, safely assume -that the statue of Pythokles has been recovered in any existing -copy.[1512] A further variant of the works just discussed should be -mentioned here—the beautiful marble statue of a boy victor in Dresden, -known as the _Dresden Boy_ (Fig. 45).[1513] In this statue the leg -position is nearly like that indicated by the marks on the Pythokles -basis, though the left foot is not set so far back nor its tip so far -out. The head is turned to the left and slightly lowered, the right -arm hung to the side, and the left forearm was outstretched, the hand -doubtless holding some athletic article, at which the boy is looking -down, perhaps a diskos[1514] or a fillet. This beautiful athlete -statue has many stylistic points in common with the _Diadoumenos_, and -shows similar Attic influence, and its original may be referred with -Furtwaengler to the later period of the master himself. It gives us an -excellent idea how Polykleitos may have made his Olympia boy victors -appear. A more remote variant seems to be furnished by a fourth-century -B. C. bronze statuette of a youthful athlete in the Louvre.[1515] Here -the position of the feet, the turn of the head, and the direction of -the gaze are the same as in the _Dresden Boy_. However, as the right -arm is raised horizontally, Furtwaengler believed that the right hand -held a fillet which the youth is letting fall into the palm of the left. - -[Illustration: FIG. 45.—Statue of a Boy Victor (the _Dresden Boy_). -Albertinum, Dresden.] - -That statues of pentathletes at Olympia were also represented in -motion is shown by the footmarks on the recovered base of one of the -two statues mentioned by Pausanias as set up in honor of the Elean -Aischines, who won two victories some time between Ols. 126 and 132 (= -276 and 252 B. C.).[1516] These marks show that the statue represented -the victor in violent movement, since the left foot was turned outwards -and the right one was brought almost to the edge of the base. - -We shall next consider in some detail how the pentathlete may have been -represented at Olympia in the three characteristic contests of jumping, -diskos-throwing, and javelin-throwing. We have already discussed the -runner, and in a future section we shall discuss the wrestler, both of -whom contended in these events not only in the pentathlon, but also in -the corresponding independent competitions. - - -JUMPERS. - -Jumping was a well-known contest in heroic days. In Homer, however, -it did not take place at the games of Patroklos, but only at those -held by King Alkinoos.[1517] Quintus Smyrnæus has the Trojan heroes -contend in jumping,[1518] and the contest goes back to mythology.[1519] -Though Plato does not mention it, Aristotle does.[1520] Later it became -an essential part of the pentathlon, though never an independent -contest at the great games. It was probably considered to be the -most representative feature of the pentathlon, perhaps because of -the customary use of the _halteres_ in the physical exercises of the -gymnasium. Jumping-weights were, in fact, the special symbol of the -pentathlon, and, as we saw in the preceding chapter, were often the -definitive attributes indicated on statues of pentathletes.[1521] We -shall next discuss the appearance and use of such jumping-weights. -Their form is often a sure indication of the date of a statue. - -Juethner has made a careful study of the different shapes of -_halteres_ and his conclusions have been followed, for the most part, -by Gardiner.[1522] The _halteres_ do not appear in Homer, but were -in existence at least by the beginning of the sixth century B. C., -and a little later they probably appeared on pentathlete statues. -To this period belongs the lead weight from Eleusis now in Athens, -whose inscription records that it was dedicated by one Epainetos to -commemorate his victory in jumping.[1523] On vase-paintings of the -sixth and fifth centuries B. C., we see numerous types, but two main -ones. Early b.-f. vases show a semicircular piece of metal or stone -with a deep depression on one side for a finger grip, the two club-like -ends being equal (as in Figs. 36A and 44). In the early fifth century -B. C., a club-like type came in, which shows many modifications in -the size and shape of the ends.[1524] In the fifth century B. C., the -second main type appeared, of an elongated semispherical form, thickest -in the middle and with the ends pointed or rounded. These correspond -with the “archaic” ones, which Pausanias saw on the figure of _Agon_ -in the dedicatory group of Mikythos at Olympia[1525] and describes as -forming half an elongated circle and so fastened as to let the fingers -pass through. We have two stone examples of this type: one found at -Corinth, now in the Polytechnic Institute in Athens,[1526] in which a -hole is cut behind the middle for the fingers and thumbs, and a more -primitive single one from Olympia.[1527] Philostratos divides the Greek -jumping-weights into “long” and “spherical,”[1528] which Juethner -identifies with the two types just discussed. Gardiner, however, finds -this impossible, since Pausanias speaks of one type as “archaic,” -and he consequently thinks that these were no longer in use in the -time of Philostratos. After the fifth century B. C. we have little -evidence about _halteres_ until Roman days, when a cylindrical type -appears on Roman copies of Greek statues of athletes, on mosaics and -wall-paintings.[1529] Thus it appears on the tree-trunk in two athlete -statues in Dresden[1530] and the Pitti Gallery in Florence,[1531] -and on the Lateran athlete mosaic from Tusculum of the imperial -period.[1532] In Roman days jumping-weights were used for the most part -in medical gymnastics, like our dumb-bells.[1533] - -Philostratos says that the jump was the most difficult part of the -pentathlon.[1534] It never existed as an independent competition -despite its popularity in Greece. This popularity is attested by the -frequency with which it is depicted on vases from the sixth century -B. C. onward. Here the jumper is regularly shown with weights, and -we can assume that many pentathlete statues were so represented, the -sculptor ordinarily copying the kind of weight which was in use in his -own age. While Philostratos in his day thought that the use of weights -was merely to aid in exercise, Aristotle long before had rightly -understood that the jumper could make a longer jump with than without -them,[1535] a fact easily proved by the feats of modern jumpers. While -the modern record for the running broad jump is 25 feet 3 inches,[1536] -an English athlete jumped 29 feet 7 inches with the use of 5-pound -weights,[1537] and a German officer in full uniform jumped 23 feet -from a springboard.[1538] The recorded jumps of Phaÿllos at Delphi and -of Chionis at Olympia, the former 55 feet and the latter 52, can not, -however, be explained as ordinary broad jumps, even if we assume that -the Greek jumper was far superior to the modern one. Such jumps would -be impossible even with springboards or raised platforms, and we have -no evidence that the Greeks used such devices. We might explain them -on the theory of triple jumps[1539]—though the difficulty of such a -solution is very great—or simply as mistakes in the records. Thus the -record of Phaÿllos is found in a late epigram, in which this athlete is -also said to have thrown the diskos 105 feet.[1540] That of Chionis is, -to be sure, given by Africanus.[1541] But it is more than probable that -νβʹ (52) of his record should read κβʹ (22), since the Armenian Latin -text reads _duos et viginti cubitus_.[1542] - -Vase-paintings tell us how the _halteres_ were used.[1543] The jumper -swung them forward and upward until they were level with or higher than -the head; then he brought them down, bending the body forward until -the hands were below the knees, the jump taking place on the return -swing. We find the preliminary swing represented most commonly on the -vases;[1544] we also see on them the top of the upward swing,[1545] -the bottom of the downward swing,[1546] the jumper in midair,[1547] and -the moment just before alighting.[1548] The act of landing is seen on -an Etruscan wall-painting from a tomb at Chiusi.[1549] Running jumps -are the ones most commonly depicted.[1550] - -The representation of the jump, therefore, was specially adapted to the -vase-painter and not to the sculptor. If any movement in the jump could -have been represented to advantage in sculpture, it would have been the -early position in which the weights were swung forward and upwards. -This is the one represented on an incised bronze diskos from Sicily -now in the British Museum,[1551] where an athlete, with his right leg -drawn back for the spring, is holding the weights in his outstretched -hands. A small finely modelled bronze statuette dating from the middle -of the fifth century B. C., in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, may -represent a jumper either just taking off, or perhaps just finishing -the jump.[1552] The athlete is standing with his left foot advanced, -his knees bent back, and his body leaning forward, and is holding -both arms in front, the palms downwards. Such a concentrated attitude -reminds us strongly of Myron, under whose influence this statuette -must have been made. Some have interpreted it as the representation -of a diver, though the hands seem to be held too far apart and the -body wrongly poised for that position, as we see it in a statuette -of a diver from Perugia.[1553] More likely a jumper is intended, as -the attitude is very similar to that depicted on several vases.[1554] -However, as the jumper has no _halteres_, it can not represent a -pentathlete, but must be an ordinary gymnasium athlete. - - -DISKOBOLOI. - -The diskos-throw (δισκοβολία) goes back to mythology and heroic -days.[1555] In Homer, at the games of Patroklos, Achilles casts a metal -mass called the σόλος.[1556] This was the primitive type of diskos. -Of such early contests and feats of strength we have a good record in -the red-sandstone mass, weighing 143.5 kilograms (= 315 pounds), which -has been found at Olympia, marked with a sixth-century inscription -to the effect that one Bybon threw it over his head.[1557] There is -nothing athletic, however, about the use of such a stone or of the -Homeric _solos_. The diskos was also known to Homer.[1558] It was of -stone, and in Pindar the heroes Nikeus, Kastor, and Iolaos still hurl -the stone diskos instead of the metal one of the poet’s day.[1559] The -stone diskos appears on sixth-century vases as a white object,[1560] -but metal ones were introduced at the end of the sixth century B. -C. A bronze one from Kephallenia (?) in the British Museum has a -sixth-century inscription in the Doric dialect and in the alphabet -of the Ionian Islands, which gives the dedication of Exoïdas to the -Dioskouroi.[1561] Several others have been found in different parts of -Greece, especially at Olympia.[1562] Pausanias says that boys used a -lighter diskos than men.[1563] - -While only unimportant monuments outside of vase-paintings illustrate -the jump, those illustrating the diskos-throw are rich and varied, -including not only vases, but statues, statuettes, small bronzes, -reliefs, coins, and gems.[1564] - -In his careful attempt at reconstructing the method of casting the -diskos, E. N. Gardiner has distinguished seven different positions, -which are illustrated by the monuments.[1565] He shows that while the -swing of the quoit was always the same, _i. e._, in a vertical and -not in a horizontal arc, and the throw was invariably made from a -position like that of Myron’s statue, the preliminary and certain other -movements varied. It will be well, before discussing representations -of the diskos-thrower in sculpture, very briefly to recapitulate his -summary of positions, using the evidence which he and others have -collected. First, the preliminary position or stance, with three -variations: either the position of the _Standing Diskobolos_ of the -Vatican (Pl. 6), which occurs in bronzes, but not on vases; or the -position in which the diskobolos raises the quoit with the left hand -level with the shoulder, which occurs on vase-paintings;[1566] or that -in which the diskos is held outwards in both hands level with the -waist.[1567] From any of these stance positions, either with or without -change of feet, we reach the second position, in which the diskos is -raised in both hands and extended either horizontally to the front -and level with the head,[1568] or held above the head.[1569] Thirdly -the diskos is swung downwards and rests upon the right forearm, with -either foot forward.[1570] This position leads up to that of Myron’s -statue, in which the diskos is swung as far back as possible (Pls. 22, -23, and Figs. 34, 35).[1571] The fifth position is the beginning of -the forward swing, when the body is straightened.[1572] As the diskos -swings downwards and the left foot advances, the sixth position is -reached.[1573] Lastly the right foot is advanced after the diskos is -cast.[1574] - -[Illustration: FIG. 46.—Bronze Statuette of a _Diskobolos_. Metropolitan -Museum, New York.] - -A victor statue of a diskobolos might conceivably have taken any one of -these seven positions. We have already considered the two statues, the -_Standing Diskobolos_ of Naukydes in the Vatican (Pl. 6) and that of -Myron (Pls. 22, 23, and Figs. 34, 35), the two most important works in -sculpture to illustrate positions of the throw. The statue of Naukydes -is not taking aim, as Juethner maintains, nor looking down the course. -The head is inclined a little to the right and downwards, and the eyes -are directed to the ground only a short distance away, thus measuring -the distance the left foot is to be advanced, when the diskos is -finally swung forward for the cast, which takes place off the left and -not off the right foot. The right forearm is rightly restored, as it -thus appears on bronzes which imitate this stance.[1575] A different -stance is shown in a fine bronze statuette in the Metropolitan Museum -(Fig. 46),[1576] dating from about 480 B. C. This little masterpiece -of the transition period of Attic art, still disclosing archaic traits, -represents a diskobolos standing firmly on both legs, the right being -slightly advanced, and holding with the left hand the diskos level with -the head. That he is preparing for intense action is seen by the way -in which the toes catch the ground. Though the right arm is broken off -from below the shoulder, we can infer from vase-paintings which show -diskoboloi in the same position[1577] that it was lowered and bent -at the elbow and the hand left open. From this position the diskos -will be raised high above the head with both hands, as in a bronze in -Athens,[1578] which illustrates Gardiner’s second position. - -The movement is carried a little further—showing the moment of -transition to the downward swing or third position—in a fifth-century -B. C. bronze in the British Museum.[1579] Here a nude, beardless -athlete is represented standing with the right foot advanced and -holding the diskos in both hands before him above the head. The right -hand grasps the quoit underneath and the left at the top.[1580] The -third position is well illustrated by the tiny archaic bronze on the -cover of a lebes in the British Museum,[1581] which represents a nude -and beardless youth standing with the left foot advanced and with the -left hand raised, while the right holds the diskos. Almost the same -pose is also seen in a small bronze in the Antiquarium, Berlin.[1582] - -Two archaic statuettes from the Akropolis, now in the National Museum -in Athens, and recently published, should be mentioned in this -connection.[1583] The more archaic of these represents a youth in an -attitude which has been misunderstood. De Ridder interpreted it as -a dancing man, while Staïs thought it represented a youth walking -along with his left hand raised as if to ward off a blow. White, -however, showed that it (like another less perfect example from the -Akropolis, no. 6594) represents a diskobolos standing with the right -foot advanced and holding the diskos in front of the body with the -right hand, resting it against the flat of the forearm, while the left -arm is raised above the head. Thus it is another example illustrating -the initial stage of Gardiner’s third position. The other statuette, -wrongly mounted, should, according to White, be made to lean further -forward; the knees are bent, the body swung forward from the hips, the -head thrown back and upward, the right arm stretched forth with the -flat of the forearm uppermost and the left similarly placed. Gardiner -and Staïs interpreted this figure as a charioteer, and de Ridder as -either a jumper, who has raised his _halteres_ preparatory to the -leap, or a diskobolos. White has shown that the position of the right -arm proves it to be a diskobolos, represented in a movement between -Gardiner’s third and fourth positions, just prior to that of Myron’s -statue. De Ridder believed both statues to be Aeginetan, but no. 6614, -when compared with Myron’s statue, is certainly Attic, and resemblances -in the treatment of the hair, eyes, and mouth show that both statuettes -are of the same school. It has often been said that Myron’s great -statue had no predecessor, as it certainly had no successor. Its -fame was enhanced by the assumption that Myron passed at one stride -from such statues as the _Tyrannicides_ to that complex work. Such -works, however, as these statuettes—especially no. 6614—show that the -preliminary problems had been solved on a humble scale before Myron -undertook his consummate work. Here, then, we have works by artists who -belonged to the very movement which produced Myron. - -For the last three positions analyzed by Gardiner (nos. 5, 6, 7) our -only illustrations appear to be vase-paintings. - - -AKONTISTAI. - -Javelin-throwing (ἀκοντίζειν, ἀκοντισμός) was very old and was -universal in Greece, its origin being traced back to mythology.[1584] -Stassoff tried to trace it to Oriental sources,[1585] but inasmuch as -no such contest is shown on the monuments of Egypt or Assyria, Juethner -is probably right in assuming that it was Greek in origin. In Homer -it was a separate contest at the games of Patroklos.[1586] Juethner -has distinguished two types of javelin-throwing in the historical -period: one in which the spear or akontion was pointed more or less -upwards,[1587] the other in which it was held horizontally.[1588] Only -the former type is represented in illustrations of purely athletic -competitions, the latter type referring to illustrations of the -practical use of javelin-throwing, _i. e._, in war or in the chase. -Vase-paintings of palæstra scenes almost invariably show javelins with -blunt points; the throwers’ heads are frequently turned back before the -throw, and there is no sign of any target. On vase-paintings, however, -which represent practical javelin-throwing from horseback, the javelins -are pointed. This proves that in athletic contests the throw was for -distance and not at a mark.[1589] The javelin used in Greek games had -several names, ἄκων, ἀκόντιον, etc.[1590] It was about the height of -a man, as we know from its appearance on a Spartan relief,[1591] and -from many vase-paintings representing palæstra scenes (Fig. 44). It was -thrown by means of a thong (ἀγκύλη, Lat. _amentum_), which was fastened -near the centre and consisted of a detachable leathern strip from 12 -to 18 inches long. This was bound tight, with a loop left, into which -the thrower inserted his first and middle fingers.[1592] The method -of casting is seen on many vases.[1593] Gardiner has analyzed three -different positions from vase-paintings. Usually the throw was made -with a short run, though standing throws are also pictured.[1594] First -the thrower extends the right arm back to its full length and, with the -left hand opposite the right breast, holds the end of the spear and -pushes it back, holding it downwards or horizontally.[1595] Next he -starts to run, turning his body sidewise and extending his left arm to -the front. On a r.-f. Munich kylix[1596] we see the first and second -positions. The youth on the left is steadying the javelin with the left -hand, while the one on the right has just let it go. A further turn of -the body to the right takes place and the right knee is bent, while the -right shoulder is dropped and the hand is turned outwards.[1597] The -actual cast is very uncommon on vase-paintings, because of difficulty -in representing it.[1598] - -Because of the assumed lack of sculptural monuments, Reisch[1599] and -others have wrongly doubted whether javelin-throwers were represented -in sculpture as victors. There certainly is no a priori reason why -athletic sculptors might not have made statues in any one of the three -poses which Gardiner has distinguished on vase-paintings, even if this -contest, like jumping, was better adapted to the painter than to the -sculptor. Furthermore, we shall attempt to show that such monuments -actually did exist. - -[Illustration: FIG. 47.—Bust of the _Doryphoros_, after Polykleitos, by -Apollonios. Museum of Naples.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 48.—Statue of the _Doryphoros_, after Polykleitos. -Vatican Museum, Rome.] - -The best example of such a javelin-thrower seems to be the -_Doryphoros_, the most famous statue of Polykleitos, in which he -illustrated his canon of athletic forms. The _Doryphoros_ exists in -many copies, all of which agree fairly well in style and proportions. -K. Friedrichs, in his monograph _Der Doryphoros des Polyklets_, which -appeared in 1863,[1600] was the first to show that the statue found -in 1797 in the Palaistra at Pompeii, and now in the Naples Museum -(Pl. 4), was a copy of the original bronze, as it shows all the -peculiarities of the master’s style known to us from tradition.[1601] -Mahler enumerates 7 statues, 17 torsos, and 36 heads copied from the -original, and the fine, but expressionless, Augustan bronze bust from -the villa of the Pisos, Herculaneum, inscribed as the work of the -sculptor Apollonios, son of Archios, of Athens, which is now in Naples -(Fig. 47).[1602] The best-preserved copy of the statue, the one in -Naples, is surpassed in workmanship by the green basalt torso in the -Uffizi Gallery in Florence[1603] and by the marble one formerly in the -possession of Count Pourtalès in Berlin.[1604] A poorer copy is to be -found in the Braccio Nuovo of the Vatican (Fig. 48).[1605] In these -copies we see a thick-set youth standing with the weight of the body -on the right leg, the left one thrown back and touching the ground -only with the toes, seemingly ready to advance, though the shoulders -do not partake of the walking action. He is represented, therefore, -at the moment of transition from walking to a rest position—in other -words in a purely theoretical pose—at rest, indeed, but just ready -again to advance.[1606] His left hand held a short _akontion_ over the -shoulder and not the long spear (δόρυ), whence the name _Doryphoros_ -or spear-bearer is derived.[1607] The head is turned to the same side -as the advanced foot, which perhaps is an example of the monotony -in the work of the master complained of by ancient critics; variety -would have been attained by turning it in the opposite direction. -In the carefully worked bronze original, which, however, must have -had an insignificant intellectual aspect, the apparently simple -problem—hitherto vainly attempted in Greek art—of representing a -man standing almost motionless, but full of life, was for the first -time solved. It is a long way from the motionless figures known as -“Apollos,” with their arms glued to the sides and their legs close -together, to this vigorous athlete. As we have already indicated, -Greek art developed the first step beyond the “Apollos” by further -advancing one leg of a statue and, it may be, extending one forearm -horizontally. The next step was to place one foot slightly sidewise and -thus relieve it of the weight of the body—the well-known scheme of the -“free” and “rest” leg. At first the relaxation was slight, the “free” -leg not being intended to move forward, nor the parts of the body to be -much shifted. Polykleitos’ innovation consisted in having the legs so -placed, one behind the other, that the figure, while apparently resting -on one,[1608] seemed to be advancing. On the ground of the familiar -passage in Pliny cited, it has been generally assumed that Polykleitos -introduced the walking motive into sculpture. However, this motive -was probably the invention of the earlier Argive school, borrowed by -Polykleitos for his canon, as seen in the statue of the so-called -_Munich King_ (_Zeus_?), of the Glyptothek, which Furtwaengler has -shown to be a work of about 460 B. C.[1609] - -Does the _Doryphoros_ represent a pentathlete victor? Since Quintilian -says that it appears ready for war or for the exercises of the -palæstra,[1610] Helbig and others have classed it as a warrior, perhaps -one of the _Achilleae_ mentioned by Pliny[1611] as set up in the Greek -gymnasia. Furtwaengler stressed the incorrectness of calling an athlete -a _Doryphoros_[1612]—a name originally given to an attendant bearing a -lance (δόρυ), and so inapplicable to the statue of Polykleitos, which -represented not a server, but an athlete carrying an akontion (witness -the Berlin gem already mentioned)—but later[1613] concluded that an -athlete statue with the akontion might have been vaguely described in -late art jargon as a spear-bearer. Consequently he found probable the -interpretation of the various _doryphoroi_ mentioned by Pliny[1614] as -victor statues, and thought that the original of the _Doryphoros_ of -Polykleitos might very well have represented an Olympic pentathlete, -which was originally set up at Argos, where it was also adopted for a -figure on the heroic grave-relief already mentioned, which represented -the youth with a spear over his shoulder standing beside a horse. Bulle -also thinks that the statue represented a victor athlete set up in some -sacred spot. - -For its interpretation as the statue of a pentathlete victor, an -added proof is furnished by the discovery of a late Roman copy of -it at Olympia.[1615] This may very well have been the dedication of -an athlete of late date—of the first century B. C. or of the first -A. D.—who preferred to be represented by a copy of the famous work of -Polykleitos rather than by a new statue. Treu’s contention that the -torso is too large for a victor statue,[1616] because Lucian says -that the Hellanodikai did not allow statues of victors to be over -life-size,[1617] falls to the ground, since we know that exceptions -to the rule existed at Olympia.[1618] He agrees with Collignon[1619] -in interpreting it as a decorative statue, which surely involves an -anachronism in the middle of the fifth century B. C.; and his argument -that its good preservation shows it to have been set up in an interior -room, perhaps of the Bouleuterion, in whose ruins it was found, -adducing this as additional evidence of its decorative character, -is no proof, since victor statues at Olympia seem sometimes to have -been housed.[1620] Thus the theory that the _Doryphoros_ represents a -pentathlete victor is well within the range of possibilities. - -Two bronze statuettes in the Metropolitan Museum,[1621] New York, -belonging to the second half of the fifth century B. C., may be -representations on a small scale of pentathletes with the _akontion_. -The first shows a youth standing with the weight of the body on the -left foot, the right drawn slightly back. The left hand, held close to -the side, may have carried an akontion, the right arm being extended. -The other, more carelessly executed, represents a youth standing -similarly with his weight on the left foot, the right being drawn back. -Here again the left arm is hanging by the side, and probably held the -same attribute as the first statuette. The right arm is also bent at -the elbow. A patera may have been held in the outstretched hand of -each. The square build, short thighs, flat abdomen, long skull, and -oval face are all Polykleitan characteristics, and remind us of the -series of kindred works already discussed, which, as Furtwaengler -believed, went back to the original statue of the boy wrestler Xenokles -at Olympia, the work of the younger Polykleitos.[1622] - - -WRESTLERS. - -Wrestling (πάλη) is perhaps the oldest, and in any case is the most -universal, of athletic sports. Wall-paintings at Beni-Hasan on the -Nile, dating from about 2000 B. C., show nearly all the grips and -throws now known.[1623] Plato says that this sport was instituted in -mythical times.[1624] In Greece its origin is lost in mythology.[1625] -The very name _palaistra_, “wrestling school,” indicates the early -importance of the contest. It was one of the most popular of Greek -sports from the time of Homer down.[1626] This popularity is shown by -the frequency with which it appears in mythology and art. Early b.-f. -vases picture Herakles wrestling with giants and monsters. Here we see -the same holds and throws as in the palæstra scenes on later r.-f. -vases. The whole history of coins down to imperial days shows such -scenes. No other exercise required so much strength and agility, and -consequently wrestling matches early became a part of the great games. -At Olympia wrestling was introduced in Ol. 18 (= 708 B. C.), the same -year in which the pentathlon was instituted.[1627] The boys’ match -appeared there less than a century later in Ol. 37 (= 632 B. C.).[1628] -Pausanias mentions statues erected to 36 victors (for 45 victories), -which makes this contest second only in importance to boxing there. - -There were two sorts of wrestling in Greece, wrestling in the -proper sense (ὀρθὴ πάλη), where each tried to throw his antagonist -to the ground, making his shoulders touch three times, and ground -wrestling (κύλισις, ἁλίνδησις), where the fight was continued on -the ground by using every means, except biting and gouging, till one -was exhausted. The first kind was the only one used in the event -called πάλη at Olympia, as well as in the pentathlon; the other -was used only in the pankration. In this section we shall discuss -only the first.[1629] A recently discovered papyrus of the second -century A. D., containing brief instructions for wrestling lessons -intended to help the παιδοτρίβης, indicates that every movement in -the contest was systematically taught.[1630] The various positions -used—grips and throws—are shown by many monuments, vase-paintings, -gems, coins,[1631] statuettes, and statues. The vases[1632] especially -illustrate the various holds assumed by wrestlers during a bout—front -(σύστασις), side (παράθεσις), wrist, arm, neck (τραχηλίζειν), and body -holds. Still others illustrate the various throws—flying mare,[1633] -heave,[1634] buttocks and cross-buttocks (ἕδραν στρέφειν), and tripping -(ὑποσκελίζειν). We here reproduce two such paintings. The first, -the obverse of a r.-f. amphora from Vulci, signed by Andokides and -now in Berlin (Fig. 49),[1635] shows two positions. In the central -group the wrestler on the left side has grasped his opponent’s left -wrist with his right hand. The latter, however, has rendered the grip -useless by passing his own right hand behind his opponent’s back and -grasping his right arm just below the elbow. In this way he keeps -his opponent from turning round, which movement would not have been -possible if the latter had grasped him by the upper arm. In the group -of wrestlers to the right we see an illustration of a body hold. -Here a youthful athlete has lifted his bearded antagonist clear off -his feet preliminary to throwing him. However, the one lifted from -the ground has caught his foot around his opponent’s leg, which -is an illustration of tripping. On a r.-f. kylix in the University -of Pennsylvania Museum in Philadelphia (Fig. 50a),[1636] we see a -body hold preparatory to the heave; here to the right are two youths -wrestling, and to the left stands a bearded trainer with his rod. One -wrestler has already lost his balance and is supporting himself with -both hands on the ground, while the other with his left hand holds the -other’s right arm down, and with his right prepares to throw him over -his head. - -[Illustration: FIG. 49.—Wrestling Scenes. From Obverse of an Amphora, -by Andokides. Museum of Berlin.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 5O.—Wrestling and Boxing Scenes. From a r.-f. -Kylix. University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 51.—Bronze Statues of Wrestlers. Museum of Naples.] - -From vase-paintings, then, we can see what positions the sculptor might -have used in representing groups of wrestlers. For the positions of -individual figures of wrestlers, we are guided by several statues and -small bronzes. The preliminary position (σύστασις) seems to be best -represented by the bronze statues of wrestling boys discovered at -Herculaneum in 1754, and now in the Museum of Naples (Fig. 51).[1637] -These figures have been variously interpreted as runners,[1638] -diskoboloi,[1639] and wrestlers. Their attitude, bent forward with -outstretched hands, implies the utmost expectancy. If they were -runners, they would lean further forward; as they are standing, they -could not begin to run without loss of time in raising the heels of the -forward feet. If, on the other hand, they represented diskos-throwers -at the moment just subsequent to the throw, their right feet would be -advanced and not their left, in order to recover their balance, as -we have seen above in considering Gardiner’s seventh position. The -position of their arms, however, and the expression of their faces -make it almost certain that they are wrestlers eagerly watching for an -opening. The two statues certainly belong together, and may have been -set up as antagonists in the villa in whose ruins they were found. F. -Hauser was the first to show that the form of body and head in both was -the same.[1640] While most critics believe that they are Hellenistic -in origin, Bulle is certainly right in showing that the body ideal -expressed is Lysippan—_i. e._, long legs and slender trunk—even if -he goes too far in ascribing them to the master himself, basing his -conclusion chiefly on the similarity of their ears with those of the -_Apoxyomenos_ (Pl. 29). A good illustration of a hand or wrist grip -is afforded by a small wrestler group, which decorates the rim of a -bronze bowl from Borsdorf.[1641] This is a poorly wrought Etruscan work -of fifth-century B. C. Greek origin. The two wrestlers have already -gripped and their heads are close together, though the lunge in each -case is much exaggerated. Similar are the two groups on the rim of a -bronze bowl in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.[1642] A third-century -B. C. Etruscan cista in the Metropolitan Museum,[1643] has a handle on -the lid in the form of two nude wrestlers, whose bodies are inclined -toward one another, their heads in contact, and their arms locked -behind their heads. Groups of wrestlers in similar attitudes commonly -appear as cista handles.[1644] A portion of a bronze group of wrestlers -was dredged from the sea near Kythera and is now in Athens.[1645] The -heave is represented by a metope from the Theseion representing the -wrestling bout between Theseus and Kerkyon.[1646] A later moment is -seen in a bronze wrestling-group in Paris.[1647] The cross-buttocks is -illustrated by a small Hellenistic bronze group in the collection of -James Loeb in Munich, of which five other copies are known.[1648] Here -two athletes, one bearded and the other beardless, are just ending the -bout. The youth is in the power of the man, who stands behind him and -presses him down by holding his arms backward. All the other replicas -differ from the Loeb example in that the victor has both legs and -not one in front of the right leg of the vanquished wrestler. A good -illustration of tripping is seen in another related series of groups -known to us in five bronze copies. These represent a wrestler on the -ground supporting himself on his left arm, while over him stands the -victor, whose left foot is twisted around the other’s right. These -groups are, like the preceding, also Roman provincial copies of a -Hellenistic original.[1649] The two groups are very similar, the only -real difference being that the vanquished wrestler in the second series -still has his left arm free and holds himself up on his right knee. -Both series seem to have been influenced by the marble pancratiast -group in the Uffizi (Pl. 25).[1650] The head of an athlete in the Museo -delle Terme, Rome,[1651] shows by its strongly projecting neck that -it comes from the statue either of a runner ready to start or of a -wrestler about to grip his adversary. The face is fourth-century B. C. -Attic in character and the head may, therefore, come from Euphranor’s -circle. Pliny speaks of a panting wrestler (_luctator anhelans_) by the -statuary Naukeros, which must have exhibited the contestant in intense -movement.[1652] It might have represented him after victory, as in the -painting of Parrhasios discussed above, which pictured a hoplitodrome -after the race, breathing hard.[1653] Pliny also mentions a painting of -a wrestler by Antidotos without describing it.[1654] As we have already -remarked, doubtless some of the _apoxyomenoi_ and _perixyomenoi_ -mentioned by Pliny were also wrestlers. - -Whether wrestling-groups were set up at Olympia is doubtful. -Chariot-groups were indeed common, but there is no reason why the -victorious wrestler should have had himself coupled with his defeated -opponent. Pausanias, moreover, mentions no such groups. We are -therefore safe in inferring that in most, if not in all, cases the -wrestler would content himself with a single statue, and this might -represent him in any position in which he was not actually interlocked -with his adversary. That such statues represented him both in repose -and in motion is attested by recovered bases. The footprints on the -base of the statue of the Elean wrestler Paianios, a victor of the -early third century B. C.,[1655] shows us that he was represented -as standing in repose, the weight of the body resting on the right -leg, the left being drawn back and touching the ground with the toes -only. A hole in the base may have been for a spear on which the -victor’s hand rested, though the statue is not that of a pentathlete. -The perfectly preserved footprints on the base of the statue of the -boy wrestler Xenokles by Polykleitos the Younger show that he was -represented as standing with his weight on the right leg, the left -being slightly advanced and to one side, though resting flat on the -ground. The head was probably turned a little to the right. Thus the -wrestler was poised ready to grip his adversary.[1656] This statue must -have been a favorite among athlete monuments, since the same motive -appears in various Roman copies, which Furtwaengler assigns to the -immediate circle of the pupils of Polykleitos. The statue of the Argive -wrestler Cheimon by Naukydes may have represented him in motion, since -Pausanias, in mentioning two statues of the victor, one in Olympia and -the other in the temple of Concord at Rome, says that they were among -the most famous works of that sculptor. From this encomium Reisch has -assumed that the one at Olympia was represented in lively motion.[1657] - - -BOXERS. - -Boxing, like wrestling, was one of the oldest sports in Greece, as it -has been everywhere else. The fist is the simplest and most natural -of all weapons.[1658] Boxing was popular already in Homer, matches -being described both in the Iliad and the Odyssey.[1659] Homer speaks -of it as πυγμαχίη ἀλεγεινή,[1660] and this “painful” character is -also mentioned by Xenophanes.[1661] However, boxing was far older -than epic poetry. We have already seen that it was the only form of -real athletics in Aegean Crete. One of the oldest representations of -a boxing match is seen on the fragments of a bronze shield discovered -there in the grotto of Zeus on Mount Ida. Here on a single concentric -ring are seen two warriors, armed like Assyrians with corslets, -shields, and helmets, fighting with doubled fists.[1662] The high -antiquity of boxing in Greece is also shown by myths.[1663] At Olympia -Apollo is said to have beaten Ares,[1664] and Polydeukes won a victory -there.[1665] Apollo appears as the god of boxing in the Iliad,[1666] -and the Delphians sacrificed to Apollo Πύκτης.[1667] Herakles, -Polydeukes, Tydeus, and Theseus were all famed boxers; the latter was -said to have invented the art.[1668] The historical boxing match was -introduced at Olympia in Ol. 23 (= 688 B. C.), and Onomastos of Smyrna, -the first victor, instituted the rules of the contest.[1669] The boys’ -contest was instituted in Ol. 41 (= 616 B. C.).[1670] It was by far the -most popular contest there. Of the 192 monuments erected to 187 victors -mentioned by Pausanias, 56, or nearly one-third, were erected to men -and boy boxers for 63 victories. - -Greek boxing[1671] is conveniently divided into two periods by the kind -of glove used in the matches. From Homer down to the end of the fifth -century B. C., soft gloves (ἱμάντες, ἱμάντες λεπτοί or μειλίχαι) were -used; from then to late Roman days the heavy gloves (σφαῖραι or ἱμάντες -ὀξεῖς) were the fashion. The weighted Roman cestus was not used in the -Greek contest. Before discussing representations of boxers in art, we -shall devote a few words to these two kinds of boxing-gloves, which -frequently give us the date of a given monument.[1672] The Cretans are -thought to have worn boxing-gloves, as they seem to be visible on the -so-called _Boxer Vase_ from Hagia Triada (Fig. 1). Here, on the top and -lower two rows, a leather gauntlet appears to cover the arm to beyond -the elbow, being padded over the fist and confined at the wrist by a -strap. Mosso derives the later Greek glove, which appears on athlete -statues, from this primitive thong.[1673] In any case the antiquity -of the glove in Greece is attested by its origin being ascribed to -the myth of Amykos, king of the Bebrykes.[1674] Gloves were already -known to Homer, who speaks of “well-cut thongs of ox-hide.”[1675] -They are not mentioned in any detail before the time of Pausanias and -Philostratos, so that we are mostly dependent for our knowledge of them -on the monuments. The simplest form consisted of long, thin ox-hide -thongs, which were wound round the hands, the soft gloves (ἱμάντες -μαλακώτεροι or μειλίχαι) of later writers.[1676] They were used, not to -deaden the blow, but to increase its force. Vase-paintings show that -the thongs were about 10 or 12 feet long before being wound.[1677] On -the exterior of a r.-f. kylix from Vulci by Douris, in the British -Museum, showing chiefly boxing scenes, we see two youths standing -before a _paidotribes_ preparing to put on the thongs (Fig. 54).[1678] -One of them is holding the unwound thong in his outstretched hands. -A similar figure appears on the r.-f. vase in Philadelphia already -discussed (Fig. 50b), which represents a palæstra scene.[1679] This -scene has been wrongly interpreted as an illustration of the game -of σκαπέρδη described by Pollux[1680] as a sort of tug-of-war, the -unwound thong being explained as the rope used in this game,[1681] and -the hurling-sticks stuck in the ground at either end as goals instead -of akontia. A wound thong is seen hanging on the wall to the left. -Philostratos describes how the boxing thongs were put on,[1682] and -vase-paintings illustrate the method.[1683] The best example of the -thongs on statuary is afforded by the bronze arm found in the sea off -Antikythera (Cerigotto) (Fig. 52), which Svoronos[1684] believes to -be a remnant of the statue of the Nemean victor Kreugas of Epidamnos, -which stood in the temple of Apollo Lykios in Argos.[1685] Pausanias -says that Kreugas was crowned notwithstanding that he was killed by his -adversary Damoxenos, and his description of the soft glove corresponds -so closely with the one on the recovered arm that it seems as if it -had been written in the presence of the statue: “In those days boxers -did not yet wear the sharp thong (ἱμὰς ὀξύς) on each wrist, but boxed -with the soft straps (μειλίχαις), which they fastened under the hollow -of the hand in order that the fingers might be left bare; these soft -straps were thin thongs (ἱμάντες λεπτοί) of raw cowhide, plaited -together in an ancient fashion.”[1686] The strap allowed the ends of -the fingers to project, and was held together by a cord wound around -the forearm, just as Philostratos says. These μειλίχαι were used at -the great games through the fifth century B. C., and were continued in -the palæstra in the fourth. Early in the latter century the σφαῖραι -mentioned by Plato[1687] and other writers appeared. We see them -on Panathenaic vases of that century and on Etruscan cistæ of the -following one.[1688] About the same time the regular ἱμάντες ὀξεῖς came -in,[1689] but the old μειλίχαι or something similar were still used in -the exercises of the palæstra.[1690] - -[Illustration: FIG. 52.—Bronze Arm of Statue of a Boxer, found in the -Sea off Antikythera. National Museum, Athens.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 53.—Forearm with Glove. From the Statue of the -_Seated Boxer_ (Pl. 16). Museo delle Terme, Rome.] - -Our best illustration of these more formidable gloves on statuary -is the gauntlet clearly represented on the forearms of the _Seated -Boxer_ of the Museo delle Terme (Fig. 53). Here a close-fitting -glove covers each forearm, leaving the upper joints of the fingers -free and the palm open. It extends to above the wrist and ends in a -rim of fur. Over it are drawn three thick bands of leather, which -cover the first joints of the fingers and are fastened together on -the outside of the hands with metal clasps. A soft pad keeps these -bands from chafing the fingers. They are kept in place and the wrists -are strengthened by two narrow straps which are interlaced several -times around hand and wrist. Similar gloves appear on the Sorrento -boxer in Naples (Fig. 57),[1691] on the bronze forearm of a statue -from Herculaneum in Naples,[1692] on a left fist found in 1887 in -the arena at Verona,[1693] and on many other statues and fragments. -The last representation in art of this sort of glove appears on the -Roman relief in the Lateran, which dates from the time of Trajan, and -represents a fight between two pugilists.[1694] The metal cestus was a -Roman invention. None of the late Greek writers—neither Plutarch, nor -Pausanias, nor Philostratos—makes any mention of this loaded glove. The -“sharp thongs” were enough to cause all the injuries mentioned by the -writers of the _Greek Anthology_.[1695] The cestus, perhaps used in the -later gladiatorial shows in Greece, but never in the great games there, -gave the death blow to real boxing. Virgil describes it and the vicious -results of its use.[1696] - -There are fewer representations of boxing matches on vases than of -almost any other Greek sport, despite its great popularity. Gardiner -has collected a number of vase-paintings dating from the sixth to -the fourth centuries B. C., which illustrate the different positions -assumed by boxers in action—attack, slipping, ducking, and leg and arm -movements. We reproduce two from r.-f. kylikes in the British Museum. -In one by Douris (Fig. 54)[1697] we have, besides the group already -mentioned of two athletes preparing to put on thongs, three pairs of -boxers engaged in a bout. In two groups one of the contestants is -seen from behind; in all three the boxers extend their left arms for -guarding and draw the right back for hitting—the fists being level -with the shoulders. In one group we see the beginning of the fight, in -the other two the middle, perhaps, and the end of it, respectively. In -the last scene one contestant has fallen to the ground on his knee, -and his conqueror has swung his right hand far back for a final blow, -only to be stopped by the other, who raises his finger in token of -defeat. On the other vase we see, besides a scene from the pankration, -two pairs of boxers sparring (Fig. 55).[1698] Here in one group the -contestants do not have their fists doubled, but keep their fingers -opened. On an Attic b.-f. Panathenaic panel-amphora in the University -Museum in Philadelphia (Fig. 56),[1699] we see bearded boxers sparring, -while a boxer with thongs in his right hand stands to the right, and -a trainer with his rod at the left. Statues of victorious boxers -at Olympia were represented either in motion, _i. e._, probably in -the position of sparring, or in repose, like that of the boy boxer -Kyniskos by the elder Polykleitos discussed in the preceding chapter. -The same foot position visible on the _Kyniskos_ base[1700] occurs -on two other Olympia bases, which, therefore, must have supported -Polykleitan statues represented in repose. One of these, in the form -of an _astragalos_, will be discussed further on in our treatment -of pancratiast statues; the other supported the statue of the boy -boxer Hellanikos of Lepreon, who won a victory in Ol. 89 (= 424 B. -C.).[1701] In this case the statue was also life-size, the left foot -was firmly placed, and the right was set back resting on the ball, the -stride being a little longer than in the case of the _Kyniskos_. Three -other Olympia bases supported statues of boxers represented in repose, -those of the boy Tellon from the Arkadian town Oresthasion,[1702] -of the Epidaurian Aristion by the elder Polykleitos,[1703] and of -the Rhodian Eukles by Naukydes of the Polykleitan circle.[1704] -Furtwaengler believed that a number of existing statues of the Hermes -type reproduced the statue of Aristion, because of a similar foot -position. Among them the Pentelic marble one in Lansdowne House, -London, is the best preserved, and most faithfully reproduces the -Polykleitan style.[1705] - -[Illustration: FIG. 54.—Boxing Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix by Douris. -British Museum, London.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 55.—Boxing and Pankration Scenes. From a r.-f. -Kylix. British Museum, London.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 56.—Boxing Scene. From a b.-f. Panathenaic -Panel-Amphora. University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 57.—Statue of a Boxer, from Sorrento. By Koblanos -of Aphrodisias. Museum of Naples.] - -We may infer how a Polykleitan statue of a boxer at rest looked, from -the Roman copy of one in Kassel.[1706] Here a youth just out of boyhood -is represented as standing with the weight of the body resting upon the -right leg and the head turned to the right. The forearms are covered -with gloves, the right fist being raised for attack and the left for -defense. Another marble statue, representing a boxer in repose, was -found in a fragmentary condition in Sorrento in 1888, and is now in the -National Museum at Naples (Fig. 57).[1707] It is inscribed as the work -of Koblanos of Aphrodisias in Karia, whom we know as a copyist of the -first century A. D., and who was active in reproducing Greek works for -the Roman market.[1708] The body forms are too badly injured for us -accurately to date the original from which this copy was made, but the -head gives us the clue, as its style appears to be a connecting link -between that of the seated statue of _Herakles_, in the Palazzo Altemps -in Rome[1709] and the Munich _Oil-pourer_ (Pl. 11),[1710] as it shows -affinity to both. Though Sogliano referred it to the school of Lysippos -and Juethner to the beginning of the fourth century B. C., it shows -indubitable Myronian characteristics and may have been the work of -Myron’s pupil Lykios, who is known to us as an athlete sculptor.[1711] -In this statue the youth is resting his weight on his right leg, the -left, with full sole on the ground, being turned to one side. The left -forearm is extended outwards and to the side, the head leaning toward -the right leg—in other words, the athlete is represented in an attitude -similar to that of the _Idolino_ (Pl. 14). As there is an olive crown -in the hair, it seems reasonable to conclude that the original statue -was that of an Olympic victor. - -By the beginning of the fifth century B. C., if not earlier, boxers -were represented in violent motion, as we saw in the case of the statue -of the boy boxer Glaukos, by the Aeginetan sculptor Glaukias,[1712] -represented in the act of sparring (σκιαμαχῶν). Whether he was -represented as facing an imaginary antagonist or as merely punching -a bag we can not say, though the latter seems the more probable. The -motive is depicted in many art works, notably in the figure of a youth -punching a bag which hangs from a tree on the Ficoroni cista in the -Museo Kircheriano, Rome,[1713] and in that of another represented -on the so-called Peter cista in the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco of the -Vatican, whose engraved scenes show exercises of the palæstra.[1714] -The same motive is seen also in a statuette in the Museo Chiaramonti of -the Vatican, which is proved to be that of a boy boxer by the glove on -the right hand.[1715] Here the boy is represented with the right foot -far advanced and rising on the toes of both feet, the right shoulder -being drawn back, the right forearm raised, and the left extended -forwards. The marble torso of a copy of the same original on a large -scale is in Berlin.[1716] While Amelung believes that the original of -both statuette and torso was a bronze of the second half of the fourth -century B. C., Furtwaengler thought that the torso went back to the -severe style of the fifth century, and that this original once stood in -Olympia, where it might have served as the inspiration for a carelessly -worked bronze statuette of a boxer found there, which repeats the -motive of the torso and similarly belongs to the fifth century B. C. -(Fig. 2).[1717] The Olympia statuette also has the right foot advanced, -the upper part of the body leans backward, and the left arm with open -palm is outstretched for defense, while the right with balled fist -is held up ready to strike. It certainly is a votive offering of an -Olympic victor—doubtless one of the small reductions, which were not -uncommonly erected for economy’s sake.[1718] Whether the Aeginetan -Glaukias also made victor statues in repose is doubtful. - -Waldstein, on insufficient grounds, has argued that the so-called -_Strangford Apollo_ in the British Museum (Fig. 14)[1719] is a copy -of the statue at Olympia of the famous Thasian boxer and pancratiast -Theagenes by Glaukias. Its close observation of nature finds its -analogy in the statues of the Aeginetan pediment groups (see Figs. 20, -21). The statue of the boy boxer Athenaios of Ephesos, by an unknown -sculptor, was represented as lunging at his adversary, as we see from -the footmarks on the recovered base. The left foot was advanced and -turned outwards, while the right one touched the ground only with the -toes.[1720] Similarly the statue of the boxer Damoxenidas by Nikodamos -of Arkadia was represented as about to strike. On its recovered base -the left foot stood solidly upon the ground, while the right foot -was drawn back and touched the ground only with the toes—if we judge -rightly from the size of the missing part of the stone.[1721] The -statue of the Ionian boxer Epitherses by Pythokritos of Rhodes seems to -have had but one foot flat upon the ground, and consequently must have -been represented in motion, though we are not sure of the position of -the other, since one stone of the base is missing.[1722] - -[Illustration: FIG. 58.—Statue known as _Pollux_. Louvre, Paris.] - -The bronze plate from the base of the statue of the boy boxer -Philippos, an Azanian of Pellene, was found at Olympia and has -been referred to the end of the fourth or beginning of the third -century B. C.[1723] However, since Pausanias says that Myron made -the statue,[1724] various attempts have been made to reconcile the -discrepancy in dates. Our own solution is that the statue seen by -Pausanias did not represent Philippos at all, but some earlier unnamed -Arkadian boxer, who was contemporary with Myron.[1725] Years later -the Azanian boy Philippos won a victory at Olympia and attached the -recovered epigram to the old base, in which he implored Zeus to let -the ancient glory of Arkadia be revived in him, and also a newer one -in which he said that he had restored the statue of Myron.[1726] -Pausanias saw the newer one, but omitted to mention the older, which -was probably illegible from weathering. He therefore thought that the -original Myronian statue used by Philippos represented the latter -victor.[1727] The words on the affixed plate beginning ὧδε στὰς ὁ -Πελασγὸς ἐπ’ Ἀλφειῷ ποκα πύκτας κ. τ. λ., may refer to the position of -the boxer rather than to a portrait of the victor.[1728] We have long -ago hazarded the suggestion[1729] that the so-called _Pollux_ of the -Louvre (Fig. 58),[1730] whose body forms recall the _Marsyas_ and whose -head recalls the _Diskobolos_, may go back to the statue of the unnamed -Arkadian by Myron.[1731] But the uncertainty which we have found in a -former section[1732] in assigning this and kindred works to Myron or to -Pythagoras leaves it only a suggestion. - - -PANCRATIASTS. - -The pankration (παγκράτιον)[1733] was a combination of boxing and -wrestling, in which the contestants fought either standing, or prone on -the ground. While the wrestler merely tried to throw his opponent in -a series of bouts, the pancratiast continued the fight on the ground -until one or the other acknowledged defeat. The etymology of the word -shows that it was a contest in which every power of the contestants -was exerted to the utmost.[1734] Strangling, pummeling, kicking, -and, in fact, everything but biting and gouging were allowed. Both -Lucian[1735] and Philostratos[1736] speak of the prohibition against -biting and gouging, which statements Gardiner thinks are quotations -from the rules governing the contest at Olympia, as they are twice -quoted by Aristophanes.[1737] Philostratos, however, says that the -Spartans allowed both biting and gouging, but that the Eleans allowed -only strangling. A case of gouging the eye of an opponent with the -thumb is seen on the r.-f. kylix in the British Museum, already -mentioned (Fig. 55).[1738] Here the official is rushing up with his -rod to punish such a breach of the rules. Philostratos calls the men’s -pankration the “fairest” of contests at Olympia, probably in reference -to the impression made on the spectators by the various positions -of the contestants, who had to rely quite as much on skill as on -strength. Pindar wrote eight odes in praise of this contest.[1739] -However, even though it was carefully regulated at Olympia by rules, -it was a dangerous sport—τὸ δεινὸν ἄεθλον ὅ παγκράτιον καλέουσιν, -in the words of the protesting philosopher Xenophanes.[1740] But it -was never the brutal sport which some modern writers have pictured -it.[1741] Plato, to be sure, kept it out of his ideal State,[1742] not, -however, because of its brutality, but merely because its distinctive -feature, the struggle on the ground, was of no service in training a -soldier. The Greeks themselves considered the boxing match far more -dangerous. Inasmuch as gloves were not used in the pankration, this -seems reasonable.[1743] We have in the preceding section mentioned -the epithets applied to boxing. Pausanias, in speaking of the boxing -match between Theagenes and Euthymos, says that the former was too much -wearied by that contest to enter the pankration, and was in consequence -compelled to pay a talent to the god and another to Euthymos.[1744] -In speaking of another contest, between Kapros and Kleitomachos, he -records that the latter told the umpires that the pankration should be -brought on before he had received hurts from boxing.[1745] Artemidoros -states that no wounds resulted from the pankration.[1746] However, -death by strangulation was often the result of the bout. Thus the -pancratiast Arrhachion was crowned after he had been throttled by his -adversary, for just before expiring he was able to put one of the toes -of his opponent out of joint and the pain caused the latter to let go -his grip.[1747] Pausanias tells also how the boxer Kreugas was slain -by Damoxenos in the pankration at Nemea, but adds that the body of the -former was proclaimed victor.[1748] - -The pankration was not known to Homer, though later writers ascribed -its invention either to Theseus or Herakles, the typical mythical -examples of skill as opposed to brute force.[1749] It was introduced -at Olympia in Ol. 33 (= 648 B. C.),[1750] long after the separate -events, wrestling and boxing, had appeared there. The boys’ contest -was instituted at Olympia in Ol. 145 (= 200 B. C.),[1751] though it -had appeared elsewhere much earlier.[1752] It must have been a popular -sport at Olympia, since Pausanias records statues erected to twenty -victors for thirty victories in this contest. - -Vase-paintings[1753] show many grips and throws of the pankration—the -flying mare, leg hold,[1754] tilting backwards by holding the -antagonist’s foot, “chancery” (_i. e._ catching the adversary around -the neck with one arm and hitting his face with the other fist), -stomach throw (_i. e._, seizing the adversary by the arms or shoulders -and at the same time planting one’s foot in the other’s stomach, and -then throwing him over one’s head),[1755] jumping on the back of one’s -opponent,[1756] strangling, wrestling and boxing combined, and kicking -and boxing combined. Ground wrestling is very commonly depicted -on vases and especially on gems, since such groups were adapted to -oblong or oval spaces.[1757] We reproduce a pancratiast scene from -a Panathenaic amphora of Kittos, dating from the fourth century B. -C., in the British Museum (Fig. 59).[1758] This is a conventional -representation of wrestling and boxing combined. The pancratiast at the -right of the group has rushed in with his head down and has been caught -around the neck by his adversary’s arm, a hopeless position, from which -he can not escape. The latter is either about to complete the neck hold -(if it be an actual case of “chancery”), or perhaps to hit him with his -right hand. A third pancratiast is looking on from the extreme right, -while a _paidotribes_, switch in hand, appears at the left. The fight -on the ground is well depicted on the r.-f. kylix of the British Museum -already discussed as showing boxing scenes (Fig. 55).[1759] - -[Illustration: FIG. 59.—Pankration Scene. From a Panathenaic Amphora by -Kittos. British Museum, London.] - -We have but few representations of pancratiasts in sculpture. -The preliminary sparring—known as ἀκροχειρισμός[1760]—must have -characterized the statue of the Sikyonian pancratiast Sostratos at -Olympia by an unknown sculptor, since Pausanias says that this victor -was known as ὁ ἀκροχερσίτης, explaining the epithet as that of one -who gained his victories by seizing and bending his adversaries’ -fingers, holding them fast till he yielded.[1761] Since a Delphian -inscribed base[1762] gives the same number of victories as Pausanias, -we infer that they were given also on the Olympia base, the source of -Pausanias’ information. Since nothing is said, however, of Sostratos’ -mode of fighting in the Delphi inscription, Pausanias must have argued -it from the pose of the statue. The Sicilian wrestler Leontiskos of -a century earlier, whose statue was by Pythagoras, had, according to -Pausanias, used similar tactics, for “he vanquished his adversaries -by bending back their fingers.”[1763] These cases show that statues -of pancratiasts and wrestlers were frequently represented in vigorous -lunging attitudes as well as in groups. The epigram on the base of the -monument of the pancratiast Teisikrates at Delphi shows that the statue -was represented in a similar way.[1764] The same lunging attitude is -also shown on the Halimous grave-relief.[1765] Sometimes the contest -ended with the preliminary sparring, though usually it developed into -wrestling and boxing. - -[Illustration: FIG. 60.—Bronze Statuette of a Pancratiast (?), from -Autun, France. Louvre, Paris.] - -A good representation of a pancratiast trying to kick his antagonist -seems to be furnished by the small bronze statuette from Autun, South -France, now in the Louvre (Fig. 60).[1766] This statuette is of -mediocre workmanship, its hard muscles, imperfect proportions, and -realism showing that it comes from the Hellenistic period of Greek art. -It represents a bearded athlete, who holds his hands ready to strike -and his left foot raised apparently to kick his adversary’s leg. The -foot is just ready to return to its original position, so that the -motive of this poor little statuette discloses a transient period of -time between two movements, just as the _Diskobolos_ and _Marsyas_ of -Myron did. We have already noted[1767] that on the head is a cap with a -ring in the top, by which it could be suspended as a decorative piece, -or perhaps as part of a steelyard. Hauser believes that this motive -was known to the elder Polykleitos and that this is the interpretation -of that sculptor’s statue of a _nudus talo incessens_ mentioned -by Pliny, a statue which has formed the basis for much discussion -among archæologists.[1768] The Plinian passage, therefore, is to be -translated as “the nude man attacking with his heel (_talo_)”—in -other words, it describes a statue represented as kicking, which was -allowable in the pankration. The manuscripts of Pliny all read _talo_, -which Benndorf[1769] thought could be retained only by assuming -that the naturalist mistranslated his Greek source γυμνὸς ἀστραγάλῳ -ἐπικείμενος, translating the word ἐπικείμενος “standing upon,” as -_incessens_ “pursuing.” He therefore assumed that Polykleitos’ statue -stood upon an astragalos (_talus_) basis, which he believed was the -forerunner of the statue of _Opportunity_ (Καιρός) by Lysippos,[1770] -and he referred it to the knuckle-bone basis found at Olympia.[1771] -Woelfflin,[1772] however, has shown that _talo incessens_ can only -mean “_mit einem Knochel nach Jemand einwerfen_.” Following this, -Furtwaengler showed[1773] how impossible on grammatical and other -grounds it was to read _talo_ in Benndorf’s sense, since the passage -then would mean “advancing towards” or “pursuing,” by means of a -knuckle-bone, which is manifestly nonsense. The word could be only -instrumental in use, as Woefflin said, _i. e._, the weapon by means -of which the man was attacking. Furtwaengler, therefore, followed -Benndorf’s earlier alternative reading _telo_, assuming that Pliny -mistakenly wrote _talo_ because he was influenced by the presence of -the same word in the passage immediately following: _duosque pueros -item nudos talis ludentes qui vocantur astragalizontes_.[1774] But -Hauser’s interpretation of _talo_ meets all the conditions better, -since it keeps the manuscript readings, makes grammatical Latin, and -seems to be illustrated by the statuette in question. - -Sometimes the statues of Olympic pancratiasts were represented at -rest with the weight of the body equally on both legs, as we see from -the recovered basis of the statue of the Athenian Kallias by the -Athenian sculptor Mikon.[1775] Furtwaengler has identified a statue -in the Somzée Collection as a copy of this work.[1776] The footprints -on the recovered base of the statue of the Rhodian Dorieus show that -it was represented at rest with one leg slightly advanced.[1777] -We have actual remnants of statues of Olympic pancratiasts in the -marble head found at Olympia, which we are to assign to the statue -of the Akarnanian Philandridas by Lysippos, mentioned by Pausanias -(Frontispiece and Fig. 69),[1778] and the beautiful statue of Agias -discovered by the French at Delphi in 1894, a work by the same sculptor -(Pl. 28 and Fig. 68).[1779] - -The struggle on the ground implies groups and not single statues. -Our best representation of such a group is furnished by the famous -marble one in the Uffizi, Florence (Pl. 25).[1780] Though having no -pretensions to be a victor monument, this group is the most important -monument extant connected with the pankration, a fine anatomical study -from Hellenistic times, evincing the direct influence of Lysippos -in its proportions.[1781] It shows affinity of design to certain -sculptures from the frieze of the Great Altar at Pergamon.[1782] Pliny -speaks of a _symplegma_ by Kephisodotos, the son of Praxiteles, at -Pergamon, but that group was of an erotic character and can not have -had anything to do with the Florentine one.[1783] Unfortunately the -group in question has been much restored, though the restoration in -the main is right. The heads, though probably antique, do not seem to -belong to the statues, but both appear to be copies of the head of one -of the Niobids, with which group the pancratiasts were discovered in -1583. The right arm of the uppermost athlete seems to have been wrongly -restored; in any case this athlete is not strangling his opponent. One -youth has thrown the other down on to his knee, and his left leg is -intertwined with the left leg of the other, and he is drawing back his -arm to aim a blow. The wrestler underneath supports himself upon his -left arm, and the intention of his opponent is to destroy this support -by a blow of the fist, which would bring the contest to a sudden -conclusion, since the right arm of the under youth is fast and he must -defend himself with the left. As Gardiner points out, such a situation -is illustrated by Heliodoros’ description of the match between -Theagenes and an Aethiopian champion.[1784] The under man’s position, -however, may suddenly change and the issue yet be in his favor. Many -writers have explained the group as ordinary wrestlers,[1785] but -Gardiner has conclusively shown that it belongs to the pankration, -since in wrestling the contest is ended when one of the contestants has -been thrown, while here the struggle is continuing on the ground.[1786] - -[Illustration: PLATE 25 - -Marble Group of Pancratiasts. Uffizi Gallery, Florence.] - -Kapros of Elis was the first of seven Olympic victors to emulate -the fabled feat of Herakles by winning the pankration and wrestling -matches on the same day—that is, he was the first professional -strong man.[1787] The other six all came from the East. It has been -suggested[1788] that the colossal _Farnese Herakles_ found in Rome -in the ruins of the Baths of Caracalla in 1540 and now in Naples, -inscribed as the work of the Athenian Glykon, which represents the hero -leaning wearily on his club against a rock,[1789] may represent -the type of these professional strong men, who called themselves the -successors of Herakles. But such a suggestion is as unfounded as the -one already examined, which identifies the original of the _Seated -Boxer_ of the Museo delle Terme (Pl. 16 and Fig. 27) with Kleitomachos -of Thebes, the redoubtable opponent of Kapros, since the dates in both -cases are against such identifications. The Farnese statue and other -replicas of the same original[1790] obviously revert to a Lysippan -original, though they are considerably metamorphosed by the taste of a -later age. Such big swollen muscles at first sight appear to be alien -to the sculptor of the graceful _Agias_, but that the Naples copy by -Glykon—who, from the inscription on the base, must be referred to the -first century B. C.[1791]—really represents the work of Lysippos seems -well established by the fact that a smaller copy, though still over -life-size, of poorer workmanship, in the Pitti Gallery in Florence, -is inscribed as Λυσίππου ἔργον.[1792] This type of weary hero appears -in the _Telephos_ group on the small Pergamene frieze, but is even -earlier, since the latter seems to have been borrowed from a statue -which is reproduced on a coin of Alexander, which was struck at least -as early as 300 B. C.[1793] The type of Herakles wearied by his -superhuman labors was inaugurated still earlier by Lysippos, who was -fond of representing the hero in many poses, seated and standing, -resting and laboring. We might mention his colossal bronze statue -of Herakles, which was set up in Tarentum and then carried to Rome -and placed on the Capitol by Q. Fabius Maximus, when Tarentum was -captured in 209 B. C., and was later transferred to the Hippodrome -at Constantinople, where it remained until the sack of that city by -the Franks in 1204.[1794] It is hazardous, therefore, to reject the -evidence, and it will be best to see in the original a genuine Lysippan -work, as do Bulle, Overbeck, von Mach, Schnaase,[1795] and others, and -so to make Glykon responsible only for the exaggerations of his own -copy. Thus we have to face the fact of divergent styles in the great -bronze founder of the fourth century B. C., even if we admit with -Richardson that “for our peace of mind this statue might well have been -sunk in the sea.”[1796] - -[Illustration: A B -FIG. 61.—Bronze Head of Boxer (?), from Olympia. National Museum, -Athens.] - -Long ago, I referred the life-size bronze portrait-like head of a -boxer or pancratiast found at Olympia, now in the Athens Museum (Figs. -61A and B),[1797] to one of two statues of the pancratiast Kapros -mentioned by Pausanias.[1798] The remnant of a wild-olive crown in the -hair proves that it comes from the statue of an Olympic victor. Its -bruised appearance may, however, betoken the punishment administered by -the gloves of a boxer rather than by the bare fists of a pancratiast. -That Greek sculpture was not always ideal we have seen from the -description of the _Seated Boxer_ of the Museo delle Terme (Pl. 16 and -Fig. 27). This peculiarly life-like head is another example of the -same realism; it would be hard to name a more brutal and repellent -piece from the whole range of Greek sculpture. The profession of this -bruiser is evident in every feature, for the sculptor has betrayed it -by the swollen ears, flat nose, thick neck, swollen cheeks, projecting -under lip, frowning brows, and unkempt hair and beard. All these -traits—especially the treatment of the eyes—give to it the sullen -gloomy look so characteristic of boxers and pancratiasts.[1799] The man -appears to be awaiting the attack, his contracted brows showing alert -expectation, and his closed lips great determination. Furtwaengler, -Bulle, Flasch, and others have dated it in the fourth century B. C., -and are fain to see in it the work of an artist of the immediate -circle of Lysippos or Lysistratos;[1800] but its exaggerated realism -seems rather to point to a later period, not earlier than the third -century B. C.[1801] The bronze foot of a victor statue also found at -Olympia (Fig. 62)[1802] has been assigned by Furtwaengler to one of the -statues of Kapros, an ascription which we also have followed.[1803] -The position of this foot shows—as an experiment with a living model -has disclosed—great movement, which makes it obvious that it comes -from a statue in lively motion, probably of a boxer or pancratiast. It -belongs to the statue of a strong man of coarse build; there is not the -slightest trace of unnecessary flesh on it, but the whole is vigorous -muscle, even the swollen veins being clearly visible in the photograph. -While Furtwaengler finds its stylistic parallels in the copies of the -Pergamene works of the third century B. C., _e. g._, the _Dying Gaul_ -statues, the material and form of the base fitting that period, Wolters -emphasizes its stylistic analogy to the bronze head just discussed. - -[Illustration: FIG. 62.—Bronze Foot of a Victor Statue, from Olympia. -Museum of Olympia.] - -The monuments which represent equestrian victors will be left for -another chapter. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -MONUMENTS OF HIPPODROME AND MUSICAL VICTORS. - -PLATES 26-27 AND FIGURES 63-67. - - -In the preceding chapters we have considered the monuments of victors -in various gymnic contests, in which the victor won by his own strength -and skill. In the present chapter we shall be concerned chiefly with -the monuments set up by victors at Olympia in chariot- and horse-races, -in which the victory did not depend upon the athletic prowess of -the victor, but upon the skill of his charioteer or jockey and the -endurance of his horses.[1804] Though such events were not in the -strict sense a part of Greek athletics, they formed a very important -feature of the festival at Olympia as elsewhere.[1805] Indeed the -four-horse chariot-race was the most spectacular and brilliant event -at Olympia. Chariot-races, and to a less extent horse-races, were the -sport only of the rich—kings, princes, and nobles.[1806] Thus victories -were won in these events at Olympia in the fifth century B. C. by Hiero -and Gelo, kings of Syracuse, and Arkesilas IV of Kyrene; in the fourth, -by Philip II of Macedonia, and in Roman days by Tiberius, Germanicus, -Nero, and many others. Alkibiades in Ol. 91 (= 416 B. C.), _i. e._, in -the midst of the great Peloponnesian war, entered seven chariots at -Olympia and won three prizes.[1807] Sometimes a city entered a chariot -or horse. Thus in Ol. 77 (= 472 _B. C._) the public chariot of Argos, -and in Ol. 75 (= 480 B. C.) the public horse of the same city, won at -Olympia.[1808] Such entries show not only the expense attending these -contests, but also their importance in the eyes of the Greeks. - -Hippodromes, chariot-races, and horse-races were very common in Greece. -A votive inscription in the museum at Sparta, dating from near the -middle of the fifth century B. C., enumerates sixty victories by -Damonon and his son Enymakratidas in both chariot- and horse-races -at eight different meets in or near Lakonia, and Damonon was merely -a local victor, unknown at Olympia.[1809] Greeks of Sicily and -Magna Græcia were especially fond of such contests, as we see these -constantly represented on coins of different cities there from the -beginning of the fifth century B. C. on.[1810] However, only a few of -the sites of these many hippodromes are now known, and only one can be -positively identified, that mentioned by Pausanias on Mount Lykaios -in Arkadia.[1811] The others are known from literary sources.[1812] -The one at Olympia was destroyed in the course of centuries by the -floods of the Alpheios, and its exact location can not be determined, -though we know in general that it lay somewhere southeast of the Altis, -between the river and the Stadion, and surmise that it ran somewhat -parallel to the latter.[1813] - -Its measurements, however, are known to us from a Greek metrological -parchment manuscript in the old Seraglio, Constantinople, which dates -from the eleventh century A. D.[1814] According to it the length of the -course, _i. e._, from the starting-point to turning-post and return, -was about 8 stades (1538 meters, 16 centimeters) or nearly 1 mile. One -of the two sides—which Pausanias says were of unequal length[1815]—was -3 stades and 1 plethron long. The breadth of the course at the -starting-point was 1 stade and 4 plethra. We are told, however, that -only a portion of the entire course, six stades, or about two-thirds of -a mile, was traversed in the various races. - -The oldest literary account of a Greek chariot-race is found in Homer -in the description of the games of Patroklos—the longest and finest -episode there described.[1816] But the first trace of such a contest -goes back to mythology, to the story of Pelops and Oinomaos contending -for the hand of the latter’s daughter Hippodameia.[1817] This mythical -race began at the village of Pisa in Elis and ended at the altar of -Poseidon on the Isthmus of Corinth.[1818] The chariot-race was the -chief if not the only event at the oldest funeral games in Greece, -those mentioned by Pausanias as held in honor of Azan, the son of -Arkas, in Arkadia.[1819] It figured largely in mythology[1820] and -was represented in many works of art.[1821] At Olympia it was one of -the earliest, and perhaps the earliest, of the events. Pausanias says -that the four-horse chariot-race was introduced there in Ol. 25 (= 680 -B. C.),[1822] but this may merely mean, as Gardiner points out, the -date of exchanging the older prehistoric two-horse chariot for the one -drawn by four horses. In any case the antiquity of the race at Olympia -is shown by the great number of early votive offerings in the form of -models of chariots and horses, which have been found there in a stratum -extending below the foundations of the Heraion. - - -PROGRAMME OF HIPPODROME EVENTS. - -By the middle of the third century B. C. the fully developed programme -of equestrian events at Olympia and elsewhere consisted of six races, -three for full-grown horses (τέλειοι), and three for colts (πῶλοι); -for each of these two classes there were a four-horse chariot-race -(ἅρμα, τέθριππον), a two-horse chariot-race (συνωρίς), and a horse-race -(κέλης), thus: - - ἅρματι τελείῳ, συνωρίδι τελείᾳ, κέλητι τελείῳ. - ἅρματι πωλικῷ, συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, κέλητι πωλικῷ. - -These six events comprised the ἀγὼν ἱππικός at Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, -Corinth, Athens, and elsewhere, as opposed to the ἀγὼν γυμνικός.[1823] -The distinction between horses and colts was apparently a matter -which was decided by the Hellanodikai at Olympia. Thus, Pausanias -recounts how the Spartan victor Lykidas entered a pair of colts for -the chariot-race, and that one of them was rejected by the judges; he -thereupon entered both for the race with full-grown horses and won -it.[1824] Though such a story does not fit the date of Lykidas, who won -before the colt-race was introduced at Olympia, it shows the method -of selection.[1825] The race in which the chariot was drawn by four -full-grown horses (ἵππων τελείων δρόμος) was introduced, as we have -seen, in Ol. 25. The contestants drove twelve times round the course, -a distance of seventy-two stades or over eight miles.[1826] Pausanias -mentions the monuments of eighteen such victors at Olympia for nineteen -victories. The race in which the chariot was drawn by four colts (πώλων -ἅρμα) was introduced in Ol. 99 (= 384 B. C.),[1827] and extended eight -times round the course, or about 5.5 miles.[1828] Pausanias mentions -the monuments of only two such victors at Olympia.[1829] The race in -which the chariot was drawn by pairs of full-grown horses (συνωρίς) -was introduced in Ol. 93 (408 B. C.) and extended eight times round -the course.[1830] Pausanias mentions but one victor in this event at -Olympia[1831] and an Olympic victress who had a statue erected to her -in Sparta for such a victory.[1832] This was probably the original -chariot-race at Olympia revived in Ol. 93, since the two-horse chariot -was the historical descendant of the Homeric war-chariot.[1833] -Panathenaic vases show that this race existed at Athens in the sixth -century B. C., side by side with the four-horse chariot-race and -horseback-race. The earliest of these vases, the so-called Burgon -vase in the British Museum,[1834] was a prize there for this event. -The race in which the chariot was drawn by a pair of colts (συνωρὶς -πώλων) was introduced at Olympia in the third century B. C., in Ol. -129 (= 264 B. C.),[1835] and extended three times around the course. -Pausanias mentions no monument erected to a victor in this race. The -horse-race (ἵππος κέλης) was instituted in Ol. 33 (= 648 B. C.)[1836], -and the foal-race (πῶλος κέλης) nearly four centuries later, in Ol. -131 (256 B. C.).[1837] Neither of these races was known to Homer, for -κελετίζειν in the Iliad,[1838] as we saw in Chapter I, refers only to -the acrobatic feat of vaulting from the back of one horse to that of -another. Pausanias mentions monuments erected to eight victors (for -nine victories) in the regular horse-race at Olympia. We conclude from -a passage of his work[1839] that the riding-race consisted of one lap -only or six stades, about two-thirds of a mile. A mule chariot-race -(ἀπήνη) was introduced in Ol. 70 (= 500 B. C.), and a trotting-race -with mares (κάλπη) in Ol. 71 (= 496 B. C.), but both were abolished in -Ol. 84 (= 444 B. C.).[1840] Pausanias mentions one monument erected -to an anonymous victor in κάλπη, who won some time between Ols. 72 -and 84 (= 492 and 444 B. C.).[1841] He mentions the first victor in -the mule-race, Thersias of Thessaly, but this does not occur in his -_periegesis_ of the Altis.[1842] Only three other victors in this event -are known to us, and they came from Sicilian towns.[1843] - -Equestrian events were discontinued at Olympia in the first century -B. C., owing to the waning of interest in athletics in consequence of -the Roman conquest of Greece in 146 B. C. They were revived thereafter -under the Empire only spasmodically and were destined finally to be -replaced by the amusements of the Roman circus. Thus we learn from the -Armenian version of Africanus that the chariot-race ceased at Olympia -in Ol. 178 (= 68 B. C.). It must, however, have been reinstated toward -the end of the century, since Tiberius Claudius Nero—afterwards the -Emperor Tiberius—won in Ol. 194 (= 4 B. C.).[1844] It again went into -disuse, since Africanus says that it, πάλαι κωλυθείς, was reintroduced -in Ol. 199 (= 17 A. D.), when Germanicus, the adopted son of Tiberius, -won.[1845] Once more it was discontinued, and again renewed in Ol. -222 (= 109 A. D.), according to the same authority, who, however, does -not name any victor for that date. Just when this discontinuance took -place, we can not say, but it was certainly after Ol. 211 (= 65 A. D.), -when the emperor Nero is known to have won victories in various kinds -of chariot-races.[1846] Three Olympiads before, an Elean, Tiberios -Klaudios Aphrodeisios, had also won the horse-race.[1847] - - -REPRESENTATIONS OF THE CHARIOT-RACE. - -[Illustration: PLATE 26 - -Racing Chariot and Horses. From an archaic b.-f. Hydria. Museum of -Berlin.] - -Representations of the various chariot-races are commoner than -those of any other Olympic contest, appearing on vases, reliefs, -coins, and gems.[1848] There seem to have been two distinct types -of racing-chariot in Greece.[1849] The four-horse chariot was a -modification of the heroic two-horse war-chariot, which was a low car -on two wheels, surmounted by a box consisting of a high framework, -open only at the rear, and large enough to contain the chieftain and -the charioteer. The war-chariot was known to both Mycenæan Greece and -Crete. There is a relief of uncertain date in the Museum of Candia, -which represents a chariot and charioteer.[1850] It is far superior -to the type of chariots appearing in relief on the gravestones found -at Mycenæ,[1851] though the type on both is of the same general -pattern, having the same box and four-spoked wheels. On the Mycenæan -reliefs the box seems to rest directly upon the rim of the wheel, and -the portrayal of a single horse is very inartistic. On the Candia -relief, however, there are at least two horses discernible, and -both the horses and the warrior, who is about to mount the car, are -lifelike. The Greek racing-car was much lighter than the Homeric and -Mycenæan war-chariot, and the box had room only for the charioteer. -It was drawn usually by four horses. The Athenian type appears on -Panathenaic vases throughout the whole history of the manufacture -of these vases,[1852] and also on Macedonian and Sicilian coins. On -certain vases of later date the car is still lighter and has larger -wheels. One of the earliest racing-cars is seen on a vase in the -British Museum,[1853] dating from the eighth century B. C. It seems -to be a two-horse car, as we should expect at this early date, though -the artist has drawn but one horse. The charioteer is clothed in a -long chiton, a custom which was generally kept throughout the history -of the chariot-race. The regular two-horse type of chariot appears on -vases as a cart, the body of the old war-chariot being so diminished -that nothing is left but the driver’s seat with a square open framework -on the sides. The driver rests his feet on a footboard suspended from -the pole.[1854] Perhaps this represents a peculiarly Athenian type -of chariot, since the two-horse chariot on coins of Philip II, son -of Amyntas and father of Alexander the Great, a victor at Olympia in -both horse-racing and charioteering, resembles the ordinary four-horse -car, and the driver stands instead of sits.[1855] The mule-car was -like the two-horse chariot, as we see in representations of it on -coins of Rhegion and Messana.[1856] The best illustrations of racing -with four-horse cars are afforded by coins of Sicilian cities.[1857] -We see an excellent representation of such a race on a sixth-century -B. C. Panathenaic vase recently found at Sparta, on which a chariot -driven by a standing charioteer is represented as passing a pillar on -the right, and therefore perhaps near the end of the race.[1858] The -harnessing of two horses to a racing-car is seen on an archaic b.-f. -hydria in Berlin (Pl. 26).[1859] Here a third horse appears, led by -a nude youth, who is crowned, and who therefore probably represents -a victorious horse-racer. Several other b.-f. vase-paintings showing -four-horse chariots have been collected by Gerhard.[1860] However, -we are not dependent upon vase-paintings and coins to judge of the -magnificence of Greek chariots of the historical period, for we have -actual remains of them—war-chariots, to be sure, but not very unlike -the ones used at the corresponding dates in Olympia. Among these is -the fine bronze _biga_ found in the grave of an Italian prince at -Monteleone, Etruria, in 1902, and now one of the chief treasures of -the Metropolitan Museum in New York.[1861] This is a war-chariot of the -beginning of the sixth century B. C., the only complete ancient bronze -chariot now known. The restored frame of wood is sheathed with thin -bronze plates richly ornamented with reliefs in repoussé. Because of -its form and its relationship to chariots appearing on archaic Ionic -monuments of Asia Minor, for example, on the reliefs of sarcophagi -from Klazomenai, and because of the strong resemblance between its -decorative designs and those of archaic Italian monuments of Ionicizing -style, Furtwaengler has classed it as the product of Ionic Greek art. -Professor Chase, on the other hand, finds these decorations pure -Etruscan in character, comparing them with the reliefs on three bronze -tripods in the possession of Mr. James Loeb, which are dated some half -a century later.[1862] In any case this chariot is “_das glaenzendste, -vollstaendigste_” archaic metal work yet recovered. In the British -Museum there are considerable remnants of the chariot-group of King -Mausolos and his wife Artemisia, which once stood on the apex of the -Mausoleion at Halikarnassos, the work, according to Pliny,[1863] of -Pythis (or Pytheos), the architect and historian of the tomb.[1864] -Besides the figures of the royal pair, we have the head of one horse, -the hinder half of another, fragments of still others, and one wheel of -the chariot.[1865] - - -CHARIOT-GROUPS AT OLYMPIA. - -Great artists were engaged to set up chariot-groups at Olympia and -elsewhere. Many of the _quadrigae_ and _bigae_ mentioned by Pliny -as the works of sculptors and painters must have been agonistic -offerings.[1866] Aeginetan sculptors were especially in favor at -Olympia. Thus Onatas, in conjunction with the Athenian Kalamis, made -a group for King Hiero,[1867] and Glaukias made another for Hiero’s -brother Gelo;[1868] Simon made an equestrian group for Phormis,[1869] -and Philotimos made a statue for the horse-racer Xenombrotos of -Kos.[1870] The oldest dedication by a chariot victor at Olympia was -the votive offering of Miltiades, the son of Kypselos, of Athens, -which consisted of an ivory horn of Amaltheia, inscribed with archaic -letters and set up in the treasury of the Sikyonians. Miltiades won his -victory in Ol. (?) 54 (= 564 B. C.).[1871] The next oldest dedication -at Olympia was that of a chariot, without any human figure, by the -Spartan Euagoras, who won three victories in Ols. (?) 58-60 (= 548-540 -B. C.).[1872] This custom of dedicating merely the model of a chariot -continued sporadically into the third century B. C. Thus Polypeithes -of Sparta, who won a victory near the end of the sixth century B. -C.,[1873] dedicated a chariot, while a figure of his father, the -wrestler Kalliteles, stood beside it.[1874] A Pythian victor, Arkesilas -IV, son of Battos IV, king of Kyrene, who won a victory in the 31st -Pythiad (= 462 B. C.), dedicated a chariot at Delphi.[1875] At the -beginning of the fourth century B. C. the Spartan princess Kyniska -set up “bronze horses less than life-size” in the pronaos of the -temple of Zeus at Olympia. The recovered base shows that Pausanias was -right about the size of this votive offering.[1876] Theochrestos of -Kyrene, who won some time between Ols. (?) 100 and 122 (= 380 and 292 -B. C.),[1877] and Glaukon of Athens, who won in the third century B. -C.,[1878] also set up votive chariots. The recovered base of Glaukon’s -chariot shows that it was small. Sometimes a chariot victor, for -economy’s sake, contented himself with dedicating merely a statue of -himself in honor of his victory—a custom which continued from the sixth -to the third centuries B. C. Perhaps one of the oldest examples of such -a dedication of which we have record is that of the Elean Archidamas, -who won a victory at an unknown date, but certainly some time after -Ol. 66 (= 515 B. C.).[1879] In the fifth century B. C., the Spartans -Anaxandros[1880] and Lykinos[1881] dedicated merely statues of -themselves. In the fourth century B. C. the Elean victors Timon,[1882] -whose monument was by Daidalos, Troilos, whose monument was by -Lysippos,[1883] and Telemachos, whose statue was by Philonides,[1884] -set up statues in honor of their victories. The footprints on the -inscribed base of the statue of Telemachos show that he was represented -standing at rest with both feet flat on the ground. This was probably -the position of the statues of the other two victors mentioned. The -statue of the Spartan victor Polykles, surnamed _Polychalkos_, stood -in a singular group. He was represented as being greeted on his return -home by his children, one of whom held a small grace-hoop in his -hand, while the other was trying to snatch the victor ribbon from his -father’s hand.[1885] We learn from Diogenes Laertios that the tyrant -Periandros of Corinth vowed to set up a golden statue of himself if he -won the chariot-race.[1886] - -The first instance chronologically recorded by Pausanias of a chariot -victor dedicating his statue along with chariot and horses is that -of king Gelo of Syracuse, the group being the work of the Aeginetan -Glaukias.[1887] The first instance of a victor dedicating his statue in -a group with chariot, horses, and charioteer, is that of Kleosthenes -of Epidamnos, the group being the work of the Argive Hagelaïdas.[1888] -Even the names of the horses were inscribed on this monument.[1889] The -owner of the chariot, to be sure, took the prize, but he felt that the -victory was due to the horses and driver, and so he associated them -with himself in the monument. Sometimes the victor acted as his own -charioteer. Thus the Spartan Damonon, already mentioned as the hero of -many chariot victories in and near Sparta, tells in the inscription -appearing on his votive relief that he was his own charioteer.[1890] In -the first _Isthmian Ode_ Pindar congratulates Herodotos of Thebes, who -won the chariot-race (?) in 458 B. C., on not entrusting his chariot -to strangers, but driving it himself.[1891] Thrasyboulos seems to -have driven his father’s car at the victory commemorated by the sixth -_Pythian Ode_, sung in honor of the chariot victory of Xenokrates of -Akragas in 490 B. C. at Delphi. Karrhotos, the charioteer of Arkesilas -of Kyrene already mentioned, was the latter’s brother-in-law.[1892] -Similarly Aigyptos appears to have ridden his own horse at Olympia -instead of entrusting it to a jockey.[1893] Sophokles, in the -_Electra_, has the hero Orestes drive his own chariot at the _Pythia_. -Kyniska, the daughter of king Archidamas of Sparta, was the first -woman to enter the contests at the race-course and the first to win an -Olympic victory with her chariot.[1894] Apart from the small votive -offering, already mentioned as standing in the temple of Zeus, she had -also a victor-group at Olympia, by the sculptor Apellas, consisting -of chariot, horses, charioteer, and herself. The rounded form of the -recovered base,[1895] in connection with the description of Pausanias, -permits us to assume that the statue of the princess stood in front on -the projecting rounded portion of the pedestal. This is the contention -of Loewy, who opposes the theory of Furtwaengler[1896] that the statue -stood away from the rest of the group, since Pausanias makes no mention -of such an arrangement. In any case, the charioteer in the group can -not have been separated from the car. - -In an unpublished paper by my former teacher, Dr. Alfred Emerson, which -was read by Professor D. M. Robinson before the Archæological Institute -of America at its Christmas meeting in Providence in 1910, and entitled -_The Case of Kyniska_,[1897] the argument was made that the chariot was -in miniature; that the statue of Kyniska was a portrait, because of the -wording of the recovered epigram; and, lastly that the smallest of the -so-called bronze dancers from the villa of the Pisos in Herculaneum, -now in Naples, is a late reproduction of the statue at Olympia by -Apellas. Emerson thinks that Pliny no doubt often visited the villa and -may well have had these statues in mind when he mentioned Apellas as -the author of several statues of women adorning themselves.[1898] - -The monument erected by Hiero, son of Deinomenes and brother and -successor of king Gelo at Syracuse, who won two horse-races and a -four-horse chariot victory at Olympia in Ols. 76, 77, 78 (= 476-468 -B. C.),[1899] consisted of a bronze chariot, on which the charioteer -was mounted, and on either side a race-horse with a jockey on each. -Onatas made the chariot (and possibly the statue of the driver), while -Kalamis sculptured the horses and jockeys. Such a division among -sculptors was not uncommon at Olympia. Thus the Aeginetan artist -Simon and the Argive Dionysios made a group in common for Phormis, -which we have already mentioned, consisting of two horses and two -charioteers.[1900] The Chian Pantias and the Aeginetan Philotimos made -a group in common for Xenombrotos of Kos, victor in horse-racing, and -for his son, the boy boxer Xenodikos, which consisted of statues of -the man and the boy on horseback.[1901] Pliny mentions a four-horse -chariot-group for which the elder Praxiteles made the charioteer and -Kalamis the chariot, adding that Praxiteles did this out of kindness, -not wishing it to be thought that Kalamis had failed in representing -the man after succeeding in representing the horses.[1902] - -In some of the Olympic chariot-groups doubtless the charioteer was -represented at the moment of entering the chariot or already in it. -Sometimes a figure of Nike took the place of the charioteer, in order -that the victor’s exploit might be more exalted. Thus Pausanias, in -mentioning the bronze chariot of Kratisthenes of Kyrene by Pythagoras -of Rhegion,[1903] says that statues of Nike and Kratisthenes himself -are mounted upon the car. The Nike in some cases was replaced by the -figure of a young maiden, who stood beside the victor, as in the cases -of the Elean Timon[1904] and the Macedonian Lampos.[1905] Pliny notes a -similar example in reference to the chariot of Teisikrates, a Delphian -victor in the two-horse chariot-race.[1906] The maiden in all these -cases may have been merely a Nike personified or a mortal.[1907] Pliny -records that the painter Nikomachos, son and pupil of Aristeides, -painted a _Victoria quadrigam in sublime rapiens_.[1908] The figure -of Nike appears often on reliefs. Thus on a terra-cotta sarcophagus -from Klazomenai we see a two-horse chariot driven by a boy, while -alongside is a winged female figure—Iris or Nike—mounting it.[1909] -The moment of victory is shown on an Attic marble votive relief -representing a four-horse chariot, now in the British Museum. Here a -figure of Nike is represented as floating in the air and extending -a wreath (now wanting) towards the head of the charioteer, who is -draped with a tunic girdled at the waist, as he mounts the car. If -the charioteer in this relief is a female (which is doubtful), it may -he the personification of the city to which the winner belongs.[1910] -On a votive relief in Athens a horse is represented as being crowned -by Nike.[1911] On a relief in Madrid Nike is represented as driving -a chariot.[1912] A quadriga with a female figure, apparently Nike, -appears on a relief dedicated to Hermes and the Nymphs, which was found -in Phaleron.[1913] Doubtless some of the chariot-groups at Olympia -represented movement—the start, the course, or the end of the race—as -do these and similar reliefs.[1914] We should add that the figure of -Nike was not confined to equestrian monuments. On the Ficoroni cista -in Rome is represented the boxing match between Polydeukes and Amykos -among the Bebrykes. In the centre we see Amykos hanged to a tree by the -hands, while to the right stands Athena, and above her Nike is flying -with a crown and fillet of victory for Polydeukes.[1915] - - -REMAINS OF CHARIOT-GROUPS. - -From this discussion of the literary evidence about the monuments -of chariot victors at Olympia and elsewhere, we shall turn to a -brief consideration of certain existing works of sculpture, reliefs -and statues, which will serve to illustrate the manner in which the -sculptor represented this class of victor monuments. - -[Illustration: FIG. 63.—Charioteer Mounting a Chariot. Bas-relief from -the Akropolis. Akropolis Museum, Athens.] - -The motive of representing a figure in the act of mounting a -chariot is old. Amphiaraos was thus represented on the chest of -Kypselos at Olympia[1916] and appears in a similar pose on the b.-f. -Corinthian vase from Cerveteri, now in Berlin, which we have already -mentioned.[1917] Among reliefs we shall first discuss the Parian (?) -marble one found in 1822 near the Propylaia at Athens and now in the -Akropolis Museum (Fig. 63).[1918] Here we see represented a robed -figure stepping into a chariot, holding the reins in the extended -hands. This Attic work, perhaps dating from the very beginning of the -fifth century B. C., has long been admired for its vigor and grace. -Whether the figure is male or female, human or divine, is still a -matter of debate. The head is too badly weathered to make the decision -final. The upper part of the figure of Hermes (?) on another fragment, -which appears to come from the same relief and which was found near the -south wall of the Akropolis in 1859,[1919] has made it seem reasonable -to call the charioteer a god, perhaps Apollo.[1920] The hair of -Hermes and of the charioteer is arranged in the old Attic _krobylos_ -fashion. This also makes it natural to interpret the charioteer as -male, despite the slender and delicate arms and hands, which appear to -be female.[1921] But such effeminate male figures are not unknown to -Attic art, which was characterized by grace and softness.[1922] The -line of the breast, however, shows no such fulness as archaic masters -were wont to give to female forms, and hence this figure may very well -be that of a male. Schrader has tried to refer the slab to the frieze -of the Old Temple of Athena, which, he believes, survived the sack of -the Akropolis by Xerxes,[1923] thus assuming a chariot-frieze similar -to the later one appearing on the Mausoleion at Halikarnassos, which -antedated similar scenes on the Parthenon frieze by nearly a century. -As the Parthenon slabs represent mortal charioteers, who are doubtless -males, the relief may also represent a mortal. However, the Akropolis -relief may have had nothing to do with any temple frieze nor with the -adornment of a great altar of Athena, as Furtwaengler contended,[1924] -but may be from a votive monument set up by a chariot victor.[1925] - -We see a good representation in relief of a chariot-group on one side -of the arched roof of the so-called Chimæra tomb discovered by Sir -Charles Fellows at Xanthos in Lykia. Here is represented a chariot -drawn by four horses, in which stands a charioteer, with sleeved tunic -and Phrygian cap, and an armed figure. Because of the figure of the -Chimæra in the lower right-hand corner, the charioteer, despite the -absence of Pegasos, has been called Bellerophon.[1926] - - -THE APOBATES CHARIOT-RACE. - -On the north frieze of the Parthenon there were originally at least -9 four-horse chariot groups,[1927] while on the south frieze there -were 10 such groups.[1928] These various groups represent a ceremonial -chariot-race called the _apobates_, known at Athens and in Bœotia -and a favorite contest at the Panathenaic games.[1929] This race -preserved the tradition of Homeric warfare, when the chieftain was -driven to battle in his chariot, but dismounted to fight, remounting -only to pursue or avoid his enemy. During the race, while the -charioteer kept the horses at full speed, the _apobates_ dismounted, -ran alongside the chariot, and mounted again. In the last lap he -dismounted and ran beside the chariot to the goal.[1930] In the North -frieze we see the charioteer in the chariot, and the _apobates_, armed -with shield and helmet, either stepping down from the chariot or -standing beside it; while a third figure, a marshal, stands nearby. -Thus on slab XIV we see the _apobates_ about to step down; on slab XV -he is standing up in the chariot; on slab XVII (Fig. 64) he is leaning -back, supporting himself by means of his right hand, which grasps -the chariot rail, and is just ready to step down; on slab XXII he is -remounting the chariot. In the scenes on the South frieze, on the -other hand, the _apobates_ is not represented as dismounting, but is -standing either inside the chariot or by its side. The South frieze, -therefore, represents preparation or the beginning of the race, while -the North one represents the actual course. There is, therefore, as -Gardiner points out, no need to accept Michaelis’ theory that the two -friezes portray different motives, the North one representing the -_apobates_ at the games and the South one representing war-chariots. -The double character of the race is shown by inscriptions which make -both charioteer and _apobates_ equally victors. Many other reliefs -show the _apobates_ dismounting. Thus, on a fragmentary relief found -in 1886 at the Amphiareion at Oropos and now in Athens,[1931] we see -a nude and beardless youth standing in a chariot, which is moving -rapidly to the left. He has a helmet on his head and a shield in his -left hand and holds on to the rim of the chariot, as in the Parthenon -frieze slab just mentioned. To his right is a charioteer with his arms -outstretched to hold the reins. As this relief is obviously influenced -by the Parthenon frieze, it must stand midway between that frieze and -the Hellenistic relief to be described below. Another relief, found -at Oropos in 1835[1932] and dating from the first half of the fourth -century B. C., represents a four-horse chariot moving to the left and -containing two persons. One is the charioteer, who has long waving hair -and a short beard and is clothed in the usual long tunic; the other -is a nude _apobates_, who is armed with helmet and shield and holds -on to the rim of the chariot with his right hand, the upper part of -his body being inclined backwards, the knees bent, and the shield held -away from the body.[1933] We can not say whether these two reliefs from -the Amphiareion represent offerings of _apobatai_, who were victorious -at races held in Oropos or elsewhere in Bœotia, or represent the -victorious Panathenaic _apobatai_. They may well be _ex votos_ to -the hero Amphiaraos at the games held in Oropos. We see an excellent -illustration of an _apobates_ in the very act of dismounting on a -Hellenistic votive relief discovered in 1880 on the Akropolis, which -dates from the end of the fourth century B. C.[1934] A marble relief, -supposably from Herculaneum, but now in Portugal,[1935] represents a -figure dressed in a long chiton. Wolters suggests that it may represent -an _apobates_, but the absence of the usual armor makes it probable -that a charioteer is intended. In a future section we shall discuss the -_apobates_ in the horse-race at Olympia known as κάλπη. - -[Illustration: FIG. 64.—Apobates and Chariot. Relief from the North -Frieze of the Parthenon, Athens.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 65.—Charioteer. Relief from the small Frieze of the -Mausoleion, Halikarnassos. British Museum, London.] - - -STATUES OF CHARIOTEERS. - -The best-preserved slab from the small Parian marble chariot-frieze -from the Mausoleion of Halikarnassos, now in the British Museum, -represents a male figure standing in a chariot (Fig. 65).[1936] -This long-haired charioteer, dressed in a tunic which extends to -the feet and is girded at the waist, is leaning forward in an eager -attitude. The folds of his garment curved to the wind show the speed -of his horses, and the mutilated face discloses a look of intense -excitement. The deep-set eyes and overhanging brows recall the Tegea -heads of Skopas (Fig. 73) and the combatants pictured on the so-called -_Alexander Sarcophagus_ discovered near Sidon in 1887 and now in -Constantinople.[1937] The pose is so characteristic and spirited that -it was copied by later artists on reliefs and gems.[1938] The same -pose, forward inclination of the body, half-opened mouth, and intense -look seem to be reproduced in a statue of the fourth century B. C. now -in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston (Pl. 27).[1939] Robinson, because -of the similarity of its head to certain heads of Apollo published by -Overbeck,[1940] interpreted this statue as Apollo starting to run. Von -Mach, however, has pointed out that its head bears a more striking -resemblance to that of a _Kore_ in Vienna.[1941] Klein interpreted it -as a jumper, assuming that the two supports on the legs were for the -wrists, indicating that the arms were held downwards, the hands, then, -holding _halteres_. But von Mach makes it clear that these supports -are not parallel, as Klein thought, but that they diverge outwards -and consequently may have made the connection with the sides of a -chariot rim. Furthermore, the likeness to the figure on the Mausoleion -frieze (Fig. 65) makes it probable that we are here concerned with -a charioteer. The objection to this theory on the ground of nudity -is baseless. Though the conventional garb of the charioteer in Greek -art from the eighth century B. C. onwards[1942] was certainly a long, -close-fitting chiton, there are several examples in existence of -nude charioteers.[1943] Similarly the objection that the artificial -head-dress does not belong to a charioteer is equally erroneous. Klein -has shown that it appears on several heads of boys, and, as von Mach -says, it is certainly no better suited to Apollo or a jumper than to -a boy driving colts in a chariot-race. The pose of the Boston statue -also reminds us somewhat of that of the small bronze statue of a boy -found in the Rhine near Xanten in 1858 and now in Berlin.[1944] This -is a Roman work seemingly inspired by a Greek prototype, and has been -interpreted variously as the statue of _Bonus Eventus, Novus Annus_, -and Dionysos. However, here again the forward inclination of the -body points to the interpretation of a charioteer,[1945] despite its -nudity. The nude statue found on the Esquiline in 1874 and now in the -Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome, which has already been mentioned,[1946] -has been shown to be that of a charioteer by a comparison with -figures on Attic vases which represent mortals and gods entering -chariots, and with a figure on the so-called _Satrap Sarcophagus_ in -Constantinople.[1947] The youth is represented as standing on his left -foot; he places his right on the chariot floor and extends his hands -to hold the reins. The statue seems to be a mediocre Roman copy of a -Greek original bronze of about the middle of the fifth century _B. -C._, as it shows certain traces of archaism. Furtwaengler has assigned -it to the sculptor Kalamis along with a closely connected group of -monuments.[1948] - -[Illustration: PLATE 27 - -Statue of a Charioteer (?). Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 66.—Bronze Statue of the Delphi _Charioteer_. -Museum of Delphi.] - -Finally, in this connection, even though it has nothing to do with -monuments set up at Olympia, we shall discuss the life-size bronze -statue of the _Charioteer_ discovered by the French in 1896 in the -excavations of Delphi, and now the cynosure of the village museum -there. (Fig. 66.)[1949] This example of ripe archaic art is one of -the finest bronzes yet recovered in Greece. Its ancient fame is -disclosed by the fact that it was copied in many monuments down to -the end of antiquity.[1950] The figure is clothed in a short-sleeved -chiton, which reached nearly to the ground, and is girded above the -waist. With the figure were found also fragments of reins, which were -held in the extended right hand, portions of three horses, a chariot -pole, and the left arm and hand of a second figure, that of a boy or -woman, showing that the _Charioteer_ was part of a group. The group -rested on a base on which was cut a two-line metrical inscription, the -ends of which are preserved. The first line ends Πολύζαλός μ’ ἀνέθηκεν. -A part of the inscription is lost and another part, including the above -words, is written over the erased original, which is still partly -legible. The original inscription gives the name of the first dedicator -as ending in ιλας. From this ending Professor Washburn recovers the -name Ἀρκεσίλας. He refers the original dedication to Arkesilas IV of -Kyrene,[1951] and identifies it with the group known from Pausanias to -have been dedicated at Delphi by the people of Kyrene, representing -Battos and the figure of Libya crowning him in a chariot and the -charioteer personified as Kyrene outside, the whole being the work of -the Knossian sculptor Amphion.[1952] Svoronos[1953] follows Washburn’s -suggestion and identifies the _Charioteer_ with Battos, believing that -the fragment of the left arm found with the statue is from the statue -of Kyrene represented as a charioteer.[1954] Ingenious as the theory -is, there are chronological difficulties in the way of accepting it -unreservedly. Thus Amphion’s pupil Pison worked on the Spartan memorial -of Aigospotamoi at Delphi in 404 B. C.[1955] Furthermore, the ending -ιλας may equally well refer to Anaxilas, the tyrant of Rhegion, as -the original dedicator,[1956] in which case it seems reasonable to -assume that the group might have been the work of Pythagoras, the great -sculptor of Rhegion.[1957] A Greek scholar believes that the original -dedicator was Gelo, and that his name was erased and replaced by that -of his brother Polyzalos; he consequently dates the group shortly -after Gelo’s death in 478 B. C.[1958] He refers it to Glaukias of -Aegina, while Joubin[1959] classes the _Charioteer_ as an Attic work. -However, the whole subject of Greek sculpture in the years just after -the Persian war period is too complicated to name definitely the artist -of this simple and severe work. Its deficiencies are as apparent as -its virtues. Thus the parallel folds of the chiton show little of the -form beneath; the feet are too flatly placed on the ground, and the -contour of the head and face is not altogether graceful.[1960] Whatever -the original purpose of the group was, it may well have been used by -Polyzalos to honor the Pythian victory of his brother Hiero.[1961] From -it, then, we can get, perhaps, an idea of the magnificence of Hiero’s -monument by Onatas and Kalamis at Olympia. - - -DEDICATIONS OF VICTORS IN THE HORSE-RACE AT OLYMPIA AND ELSEWHERE. - -The hippic victor at Olympia frequently dedicated merely the model of -his victorious horse without the jockey, just as the early chariot -victor dedicated a chariot without the charioteer. We have evidence -of several instances of this custom from the sixth century B. C. on. -Krokon of Eretria dedicated a small horse of bronze in the Altis.[1962] -The Corinthian Pheidolas dedicated a model of his horse alone, but -for a different reason.[1963] The jockey who rode for him fell off at -the start, but the mare, named _Aura_, continued the race and reached -the goal as victor. The owner was allowed by the judges to set up -a monument to her. The sons of Pheidolas were also victors in the -horse-race[1964] and set up a horse on a column with an epigram upon -it—ἵππος ἐπὶ στήλῃ πεποιημένος καὶ ἐπίγραμμά ἐστιν ἐπ’ αὐτῷ. Just how -this monument looked is doubtful. Pausanias may have seen the bronze -horse of the father Pheidolas, and nearby a column with a bas-relief -representing the horse of the sons;[1965] or the horse may have stood -on top of the column in the round, since the epigram was ἐπ’ αὐτῷ (on -the horse) and not ἐπ’ αὐτῇ (on the stele).[1966] - -More frequently a jockey was seated upon the model of the horse, just -as we see frequently on vase-paintings. In the Olympic monument of -King Hiero already mentioned, race-horses with boys seated upon them -stood on either side of the chariot in honor of his two victories in -the horse-race and one in the chariot-race.[1967] Another Olympia -group represented the boy horse-racer Aigyptos on horseback, and his -father, the chariot victor Timon, standing beside him.[1968] This is -also a case in which the victor (Aigyptos) acted as his own jockey. -In the group representing Xenombrotos of Kos, the horse-racer, and -his son, the boy boxer Xenodikos, by the Aeginetan Philotimos and the -Chian Pantias respectively, the boy was seated on a horse and the -statue of the father stood nearby.[1969] The base of this group has -been recovered, large enough to have carried the two monuments.[1970] -Pliny says that the sculptors Kanachos and Hegias made groups of -horse-racers.[1971] We have seen that Pausanias mentions others by -Kalamis and Daidalos. The work of Kalamis, the immediate predecessor -of Pheidias, an artist noted for his grace and softness and as an -unrivaled sculptor of horses,[1972] must have been excellent. - - -MONUMENTS ILLUSTRATING THE HORSE-RACE. - -When we turn to the monuments which illustrate the horse-race, we find -as varied a number—vase-paintings, reliefs, coins, statuary, etc.—as in -the case of chariot victors. - -[Illustration: FIG. 67.—Horse-Racer. From a Sixth-Century B. C. b.-f. -Panathenaic Vase. British Museum, London.] - -Vase-paintings show that the jockey was generally nude and rode without -stirrups or saddle. We see nude long-haired jockeys on horseback with -whips pictured on a sixth-century B. C. Panathenaic amphora in the -British Museum.[1973] One also appears on a silver tetradrachm in -the same museum, which commemorates the Olympic victory of Philip II -of Macedonia.[1974] Here the victorious mounted jockey has a palm in -his hand, the symbol of his victory. On the other hand, the jockey is -sometimes represented as wearing a close-fitting short-sleeved chiton. -We see such a one on an archaic b.-f. Panathenaic vase of the sixth -century B. C. in the British Museum (Fig. 67).[1975] In front of the -mounted youth on this vase stands a herald in official robes, from -whose mouth issue the words “the horse of Dyneiketos is victorious.” -Behind the jockey is an attendant bearing a wreath in his left hand and -holding a prize tripod over his head. The short chiton also appears on -a horse-racer on the Amphiaraos vase.[1976] We see racing boys on a -proto-Corinthian lekythos in the museum at Taranto, with tripods as -prizes.[1977] A fine example of five nude horse-racers also appears on -a vase pictured in the Daremberg-Saglio Dictionary.[1978] Here one has -fallen from his horse and is being dragged by the bridle. - -A boy on a galloping horse is shown on a terra-cotta relief from -Thera.[1979] On a funerary marble relief from Sicily, now in the Museo -Gregoriano, Rome, a rider is represented urging his horse on with -a whip.[1980] An Athenian relief shows victorious ephebes leading -horses,[1981] while another from Athens shows a mounted boy.[1982] -Horsemen representing Athenian knights appear on many slabs of the -Parthenon frieze,[1983] either mounted or standing by their horses. - -The inscribed base of Onatas found on the Akropolis seems to have borne -the statue of a horse-racer.[1984] The bronze statue of Isokrates at -Athens, which represented him as a παῖς κελητίζων, is mentioned by -the pseudo-Plutarch.[1985] A bronze statuette in Athens from Dodona -represents an ephebe on a galloping horse.[1986] A statue in the -Palazzo Orlandi in Florence represents a horse-rider.[1987] In the -Akropolis Museum there are two monuments which we should mention in -this connection. One is the lower part of the statue of a nude rider on -horseback, the mutilated horse being represented as pawing the ground -with its forefoot. Closely resembling it in scale and finish, though -more developed in style, is another fragmentary statue of a horse -without a rider, the latter probably to be understood as standing in -front of the horse, as in some of the riders pictured on the Parthenon -frieze. The two are good examples of pre-Persian Attic sculpture.[1988] -A later example is the small bronze statuette of an ephebe represented -as a horseman (the horse is lacking) discovered recently at the French -excavations at Volubilis in Morocco. This almost perfectly preserved -work has been referred to the first half of the fifth century B. -C.[1989] The position of the hands holding the reins reminds us -strongly of the Delphi _Charioteer_ (Fig. 66). The diadem in the hair -shows that a victor is represented. A small bronze statuette in the -Loeb collection in Munich represents a boy riding a prancing horse, -which is standing on its hind legs. This vigorous, but poorly finished, -work is decorative in character and probably once belonged to the crown -of a candelabrum. It appears to be either an Etruscan or early Roman -work based on a Hellenistic original.[1990] - - -THE APOBATES HORSE-RACE. - -In a previous section we discussed the _apobates_ chariot-race run at -the Panathenaic games in Athens, in which the _apobates_ leaped down -and ran to the goal abreast of the chariot. We shall now briefly speak -of a similar race at Olympia (the κάλπη) in which the rider leaped -from his mare in the last lap and ran with her to the goal.[1991] -There is no certain illustration in sculpture or on vase-paintings of -this race, but Gardiner believes that something like it appears on -coins of Tarentum, on which a nude youth, armed with a small round -shield, is represented in the act of jumping from his horse.[1992] -The military character of this race, like that of the _apobates_ -chariot-race discussed, is shown by the shield held in the left hand of -the dismounting horseman. Helbig has shown that the Greek knight of the -sixth century B. C. was merely a mounted infantryman, the successor of -the Homeric warrior who used his chariot merely for pursuit or flight, -while actually fighting from the ground.[1993] Just so the knight rode -to battle on his horse, but dismounted when near the enemy, leaving -the horse in charge of his squire, as the Homeric chieftain left his -chariot in charge of his charioteer. This old custom of the heroic age -survived not only in the Panathenaic chariot-race, but also, for a few -years in the fifth century B. C., in the Olympic mare-race known as -the κάλπη. It seems to have been instituted there for military reasons -in order to revive the old form of fighting that had gone out of use -just at the close of the sixth century B. C., but it endured for only a -half century, from Ols. 71 to 84 (= 496 to 444 B. C.). The corresponding -chariot-race at Athens and elsewhere continued at least to the end of -the fourth century B. C. - - -DEDICATIONS OF MUSICAL VICTORS AT OLYMPIA AND ELSEWHERE. - -In closing this chapter we shall say a few words about monuments -erected to trumpeters, heralds, and musical victors at Olympia, though -such contests had nothing to do with athletics. - -Contests for trumpeters and heralds were held in many parts of -Greece.[1994] They were introduced at Olympia in Ol. 96 (= 396 B. -C.), when Timaios of Elis won as trumpeter and Krates of Elis as -herald.[1995] Pausanias mentions an altar, near the entrance to the -stadion, upon which trumpeters and heralds stood when competing.[1996] -Such contests seem to have been mere displays of lung power. Herodoros, -for example, who won as trumpeter at Olympia ten times in the last -quarter of the fourth and beginning of the third century B. C.[1997], -could blow two trumpets at once so loud that no one could stand near -him.[1998] To perform such a feat he was said to be a very large -man.[1999] Diogenes, son of Dionysios of Ephesos, won five victories -in trumpeting at Olympia. He was twice _periodonikes_ and also won -many other victories at the Isthmus, Nemea, and elsewhere—eighty in -all.[2000] We have an excellent bronze statuette of a trumpeter, -which was found in the Hieron of Athena Chalkioikos at Sparta, dating -from the middle of the fifth century B. C., about a century and a -half before the event was introduced at Olympia.[2001] This “little -masterpiece of Spartan art,” whose style resembles that of the Olympia -pediment sculptures, represents a nude man standing, the left arm -hanging by his side, while the right is bent upwards to the mouth, -where it held a tubular object pointing upwards. Since the lips are -tightly compressed, Dickins has interpreted the object as a trumpet. A -much damaged bronze statuette in the British Museum represents a man -playing on a long trumpet-shaped instrument.[2002] Trumpeters also -appear now and then on r.-f. Attic vases of the middle of the fifth -century B. C. - -Music victors played a greater role at Delphi than elsewhere, since -music from the first was the chief interest there. Monuments to such -victors, though few in number, by little-known artists were set up -there, but they seem to have enjoyed the same meagre honor at Delphi -as the statues of athletic victors.[2003] We have record of a statue -of the Epizephyrian Locrian _kitharoidos_ Eunomos, set up in his -native town in honor of his Pythian victory over Ariston of Rhegion. -Timaios says that this monument showed a cicada seated on the singer’s -lyre.[2004] Whether such monuments at Delphi or elsewhere were regarded -as victor or votive in character, we can not say.[2005] Pausanias -mentions several statues of poets and musicians, mostly mythical, on -Mount Helikon, which were set up partly in consequence of victories -won there or elsewhere.[2006] Of these the statue of the Thracian -or Odrysian Thamyris was represented as a blind man holding a broken -lyre;[2007] that of Arion of Methymna as riding a dolphin;[2008] that -of Hesiod, seated, as holding a lute on his knees; and that of the -Thracian Orpheus with Telete at his side and round about beasts in -stone and bronze listening to his song. Of the statue of the Argive -Sakadas, Pausanias says that the sculptor, not understanding Pindar’s -poem on the victor, made the flutist no bigger than the flute.[2009] -The epigram on the statue of the Sikyonian flutist Bacchiadas, -mentioned by Athenæus as standing on Mount Helikon,[2010] was votive -in character. The inscribed base of the statue of the _kitharoidos_ -Alkibios has been found on the Athenian Akropolis.[2011] Musical -contests are pictured on many imitation Panathenaic vases, and many -Greek reliefs seem to have been set up in honor of such victors. Among -the latter we might instance the one in the Louvre representing Apollo, -Artemis, and Leto,[2012] and another found in Sparta in 1885, which -represents Artemis pouring a libation before Apollo.[2013] - -At Olympia flute-playing accompanied certain of the events of the -pentathlon. Pausanias says that the reason why the flute played a -Pythian air while the athletes jumped was that this air was sacred -to Apollo, who had beaten Hermes in running and Ares in boxing at -Olympia.[2014] Thus on the chest of Kypselos a flutist was represented -as standing between Admetos and Mopsos at their boxing match.[2015] -But the explanation given by Philostratos seems more sensible, that -leaping was a difficult contest, and that the flute stimulated the -jumpers.[2016] At Argos, at the games in honor of Zeus Σθένιος, -wrestlers contended to the tune of the flute.[2017] Many vase-paintings -illustrate flute-playing at the pentathlon.[2018] At Olympia only a -few monuments were set up in honor of musical victors, and these seem -to have been statues erected _honoris causa_, instead of primarily for -victories. An example is that of the Sikyonian flutist Pythokritos, who -won a victory as αὐλητής in the sixth century B. C.[2019] Pausanias -says that his monument was that of a small man with a flute wrought -in relief on an inscribed slab. The explanation of such a description -probably is that the size of the flute made the victor appear small, -just as in the case of the monument of Sakadas just mentioned.[2020] -We know that artists, poets, prose writers, musicians, and actors all -had an audience at Olympia, and that statues were often erected there -in honor of such men, though these are not to be treated as victor -monuments and do not properly fall within the scope of the present -work.[2021] - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -TWO MARBLE HEADS FROM VICTOR STATUES.[2022] - -PLATES 28-30 AND FIGURES 68-77. - -THE GROUP OF DAOCHOS AT DELPHI, AND LYSIPPOS. - - -If in these later years our knowledge of Skopas has been greatly -augmented by the discovery of the Tegea heads (Fig. 73), that of -Lysippos has been almost revolutionized. With the discovery in -1894 at Delphi of the group of statues dedicated by the Thessalian -Daochos[2023] in honor of various members of his house, whose dates -covered nearly two centuries,[2024] an entirely new impetus was -given to the study of the last of the great Greek sculptors. Homolle -immediately recognized the fourth-century origin of the group, and at -first pronounced the statue of Agias Lysippan;[2025] later he saw in -the types, poses, and proportions of the group the mixed influences -of Praxiteles, Skopas, and Lysippos, but referred the _Agias_ to the -school of Skopas,[2026] while still later he again pronounced it -Lysippan.[2027] But its true character was not destined to be long -in doubt. When Erich Preuner[2028] found almost the same metrical -inscription, which was on the base of the best preserved statue of -the group, that of Agias (Pl. 28 and Fig. 68),[2029] in the traveling -journal of Stackelberg,[2030] copied from a base in Pharsalos, the -Thessalian home of Daochos, with the additional information that -Lysippos of Sikyon made the statue, our views of the work of that -artist had to undergo a thorough revision. For this discovery brought -the _Agias_—if not the others of the group—into direct relation to -Lysippos by documentary evidence, while the easily recognized Lysippan -characteristics of the statue—the slender body and limbs, the small -head, the proportions and pose—confirmed this connection on stylistic -grounds. It became clear that Daochos had set up a series of statues -in honor of his ancestors both at Pharsalos and Delphi. Whether the -Thessalian group was of bronze, as is generally held, owing to the -widespread belief that Lysippos worked only in metal, and the Delphian -group was composed of contemporary marble copies of those originals, -will be discussed further on. If the marble group was a copy, we may -infer that it reproduced the original statues, not mechanically and -laboriously as was often the case in Roman days, but accurately; for -having employed a noted artist in the one case, the dedicator would -have desired an accurate reproduction of the work in the other. - -[Illustration: PLATE 28 - -Statue of the Pancratiast Agias, from Delphi. Museum of Delphi.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 68.—Head from the Statue of Agias (Pl. 28). Museum -of Delphi.] - - -THE APOXYOMENOS OF THE VATICAN, AND LYSIPPOS. - -[Illustration: PLATE 29 - -Statue of the _Apoxyomenos_, after Lysippos or his School. Vatican -Museum, Rome.] - -But another statue, the _Apoxyomenos_, of the Vatican (Pl. 29),[2031] -ever since its discovery by Canina in 1849, had held the honored -place of being regarded as the centre of the stylistic treatment -of Lysippos. Seldom has the discovery of a Roman copy of a Greek -original proved so important for the study of ancient sculpture as -this athlete statue, which was found in an appropriate place, in the -ruins of a building, which almost certainly was a Roman bath. Despite -unimportant restorations, the statue is well preserved. The fingers of -the right hand holding the die were wrongly restored by the sculptor -Tenerani at the suggestion of Canina who wrongly interpreted the -passage in Pliny (XXXIV, 55), which refers to two works by Polykleitos, -_destringentem se et nudum talo incessentem_, as meaning one and the -same monument.[2032] This slightly over life-size statue represents -a nude athlete, who is standing with legs far apart, employed in -scraping the sand and oil from his extended right arm with a strigil -held in the left hand. This, as we saw in Chapter III, was a common -palæstra motive.[2033] Despite certain portrait-like features, this -statue may not represent an individual victor, but, like Myron’s great -work, an athletic model. The words of Pliny,[2034] which mention one -of the best-known works of Lysippos in antiquity—it heads the list -in his account of the sculptor—as an athlete _destringentem se_, -and his statement in another passage[2035] that Lysippos introduced -a new canon into art _capita minora faciendo quam antiqui, corpora -graciliora siccioraque, per quae proceritas signorum major videretur_, -_i. e._, a canon of bodily proportions essentially different from -that of Polykleitos, seemed to have their best illustration in the -slender and graceful body and limbs, and noticeably small head of -this statue. It was, therefore, though admittedly a Roman work, long -regarded as a direct copy of the Lysippan original, and as faithfully -representing his style in every detail.[2036] Such a view, of course, -was founded entirely on circumstantial evidence, and could not survive -any positive evidence to the contrary which might come to light in the -future. G. F. Hill, in speaking of the insufficient evidence on which -the _Apoxyomenos_ had been accepted as the key to Lysippan style, -rightly remarks: “It is more scientific, until we acquire documentary -evidence of excellent character, to classify our extant examples -of ancient art as representing tendencies rather than men.”[2037] -The Lysippan character of the Vatican statue had not been seriously -attacked until the discovery of the _Agias_. Its original was certainly -a work worthy of Lysippos. Its rhythm, proportions, and fine modeling -have received praise of connoisseurs ever since its discovery. Its -difficult pose had been remarkably well executed. While appearing at -rest, the statue suggests vigorous action both by its supple limbs -and the suppressed excitement indicated by the partly opened lips, -an excitement befitting a victorious athlete. Perhaps it was the -difficulty of such a pose that best explains why the _Apoxyomenos_ -has left no other copy.[2038] The very excellence of the Vatican -statue prejudiced us in favor of regarding it as an illustration of -Lysippos’ ideal of bodily proportions. But we really knew very little -of the original _Apoxyomenos_, only what we gathered from Pliny, that -Lysippos made such a statue and that it was carried to Rome by M. -Agrippa and was set up in front of his Thermæ, whence it was removed -by the enamored Tiberius to his bed-chamber, only to be restored when -the populace remonstrated. As for the proportions of the supposed copy -in question, they only prove that this statue goes back to an original -which was not earlier than Lysippos, but not that it was by the master -himself.[2039] The discovery of the _Agias_ showed us at last on -what slender foundations our theory had been built. Despite certain -well-marked similarities in the pose, proportions, and relatively -small head—characteristics which were not even exclusively Lysippan, -since they are just as prominent in certain other works, _e. g._, in -the warriors of the Mausoleion frieze—between the _Agias_ and the -_Apoxyomenos_, nevertheless just as striking differences appear, which -make it difficult to keep both statues as examples of the artistic -tendency of one and the same artist, even if we should assign them to -different periods of his career. - - -THE AGIAS AND THE APOXYOMENOS COMPARED, AND THE STYLE OF LYSIPPOS. - -These differences are most apparent in the surface modeling and facial -expression of the two works. In the _Agias_ the muscles are not -over-emphasized in detail, but show the simple observation of nature -characteristic of artists who worked before the scientific study of -anatomy at the Museum of Alexandria had reacted upon sculpture. In the -_Apoxyomenos_, on the other hand, we see an intentional display of the -new learning in the labored and detailed treatment of the muscles, -which disclose a knowledge of anatomy unknown before the Hellenistic -age. This academic treatment, culminating later in such realistic works -as the _Laocoön_ and the _Farnese Herakles_, can hardly have antedated -the beginning of the third century B. C., when anatomy was studied by -the physicians Herophilos and Erasistratos, a date after the close -of the activity of Lysippos. We see no trace of this influence in -the _Agias_. Moreover, the face of the latter discloses the intense -expression, which is elsewhere seen only in works supposed to be by, -or influenced by, Skopas, which recalls what Plutarch[2040] said of -Lysippos’ portraits of Alexander, that they reproduced his masculine -and leonine air (αὐτοῦ τὸ ἀρρενωπὸν καὶ λεοντῶδες); for a comparison -of this face with that of the _Apoxyomenos_, which exhibits the -lifelessness and lack of expression so characteristic of many early -Hellenistic works, makes it still more evident that we must be on our -guard against assuming that both works are representative of the same -sculptor. The essential differences in physical type and artistic -execution between the two statues have been well summarized by K. T. -Frost in a letter published by Prof. Percy Gardner in the latter’s -treatment of the same subject.[2041] After a careful analysis of these -differences, Frost closes by saying: “It is difficult to believe that -the two statues represent works by the same artist; it is not only -the type of man, but the way in which that type is expressed which -forms the contrast.” He compares the _Apoxyomenos_ with the _Borghese -Warrior_ (Fig. 43) as true products of the Hellenistic age. - -When we consider these differences between the two statues, we see -that our judgment of Lysippan art must depend on how we interpret -them. We may either flatly reject the _Apoxyomenos_ and put the -_Agias_ in its place as representing the norm of Lysippan art, or -keep the _Apoxyomenos_ and reject the _Agias_ as evidence; or lastly -we may keep both as characteristic works of two different periods in -the artistic career of Lysippos, explaining the differences as the -result of influence or of the lapse of years. A recent writer, to be -sure, has cut the Gordian knot by rejecting both statues, and placing -the _Apoxyomenos_ of the Uffizi—which we have treated at length in a -preceding chapter (Pl. 12)—as the key to our knowledge of the art of -Lysippos.[2042] But such a solution of the problem raises even more -difficulties. Long before the _Agias_ came to light some critics, -indeed, had doubted whether the _Apoxyomenos_ really represented -the work of Lysippos, as its Hellenistic character seemed evident. -Thus, in 1877, Ulrich Koehler,[2043] following a still earlier -judgment,[2044] had come to the conclusion that the Vatican statue -was only a free reproduction of Lysippos’ masterpiece and attributed -its Hellenistic characteristics to the Roman copyist; but even yet -the school which long recognized the _Apoxyomenos_ as the norm of -Lysippos has its supporters,[2045] though many archæologists have -now supplanted the _Apoxyomenos_ by the _Agias_.[2046] Others, not -willing to renounce the _Apoxyomenos_ as evidence, accept both it and -the _Agias_ as characteristic works of the master, appealing to the -length of his career to explain the differences, and suggesting that -in his youth Lysippos was under the influence of Skopas, but later in -life attained independence, and followed a more anatomical rendering -for his athlete statues.[2047] However, despite the fact that other -artists must have influenced Lysippos,[2048] the _Agias_ can not be -shown to be a youthful work of his, nor can the special influence -of Skopas be shown to have been that of master on pupil, but rather -of one great master on another and equally great contemporary. The -difficulty about penetrating the obscurity surrounding Lysippos comes -largely from the fact that he borrowed traits from several of his -predecessors and contemporaries. The influence of Polykleitos, Skopas, -and Praxiteles, and especially of the last two, as Homolle emphasized -in his study of the Daochos group,[2049] can be certainly traced in -the _Agias_. Fräulein Bieber, in a recent article,[2050] while denying -that Lysippos had anything to do with the Delphian group, tries to -prove that one figure in it shows the influence of Praxiteles, another -that of Polykleitos, and a third that of Skopas. She believes that -the sculptor of the _Agias_ had seen the original bronze statue, the -work of Lysippos, which stood in Pharsalos. However, we may leave any -such conclusion to one side, and judge between the _Agias_ and the -_Apoxyomenos_ solely on the merits of the two statues. - -The differences between them appear to us too great to be reconciled -on any such principles as those just rehearsed, for their style and -technique seem to represent two distinct periods of art. If one is -to be rejected, the connection of the _Agias_ with Lysippos certainly -rests on better evidence than does the _Apoxyomenos_. By separating -them completely, it is possible both to assign to Lysippos the early -date which other evidence points to, and to remove the _Apoxyomenos_ -entirely from the fourth century B. C., thus explaining its later -modeling, comparatively expressionless features, body-build (which -shows the use of three planes, instead of two), and other Hellenistic -details. We should, then, see in its original a work not by Lysippos -at all, but by some pupil or later member of his school, a work -retaining merely traces of the style of the master. In thus eliminating -the _Apoxyomenos_ we are justified in following Homolle’s lead in -assigning the statue of Agias to Lysippos, in spite of arguments which -have been adduced against attributing it to Lysippos and in spite -of recent criticism of the inscriptions of the Delphian bases, by -which Wolters tries to prove that the inscription on the base of the -statue of Agias, and consequently the _Agias_ itself, antedate the -inscription and dedication at Pharsalos.[2051] We may, therefore, until -further discoveries prove the contrary, consider it as the centre of -our treatment of that sculptor. Whether the _Apoxyomenos_ is to be -explained as emanating from the immediate environment of Lysippos, -or is to be regarded as a work illustrating the last phase of his -development, or the innovation of another master—in any case it seems -to us clearly to belong to an age essentially different from that which -conceived the _Agias_.[2052] - -As the _Agias_ is a statue of a victor in the pankration, we can learn -from it how Lysippos represented such an athlete. In giving up the -_Apoxyomenos_, we must also give up statues of athletes which have -hitherto been assigned to Lysippos on the basis of their resemblance -to it, and the future ascription of statues of this class must be -based on stylistic resemblances to the statue of Agias. Thus, for -example, we should give up the statue of a youth in Berlin, and the -two statues of athletes represented in lunging attitudes in Dresden, -which Furtwaengler, on the basis of the _Apoxyomenos_, believed were -copies of originals by Lysippos,[2053] and the Roman male head in -Turin, published by A. J. B. Wace,[2054] whose original is somewhat -later than that of the _Apoxyomenos_. On the basis of the _Agias_, on -the other hand, we may regard as Lysippan the statue of an athlete in -Copenhagen,[2055] and perhaps the Parian marble statue of an athlete -from the Palazzo Farnese now in the British Museum,[2056] with copies -in Paris and Rome.[2057] This latter statue Furtwaengler ascribed to -the school of Kalamis of the fifth century B. C., on account of the -similarity of its style to that of the _Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_ (Fig. -7B) and of its motive to that of the _Lansdowne Herakles_ (Fig. 71 and -Pl. 30); however, A. H. Smith finds it very similar to the _Agias_, and -so rightly refers it to the fourth century B. C. - - -THE HEAD FROM OLYMPIA. - -Impressed by its remarkable likeness to the head of the _Agias_, I -hazarded the opinion some years ago,[2058] that the much discussed -Pentelic marble head from Olympia (Frontispiece and Figure 69)[2059] -was Lysippan, and attempted to bring it into relation with the statue -of the Akarnanian pancratiast (whose name I restored as Philandridas), -which Pausanias[2060] says was the work of Lysippos. Since then, after -a careful revision of the evidence, this earlier opinion has become -conviction, and I now have no hesitancy in expressing the belief that -in this vigorous marble head we have to do with an original work -by Lysippos himself. It will be our task briefly to rehearse the -reasons for making such an ascription, despite the serious and weighty -objections which might be raised against it. - -[Illustration: FIG. 69.—Marble Head, from Olympia. Museum of Olympia.] - -At first this head was ascribed with surprising unanimity to the -school of Praxiteles,[2061] and subsequently, after the discovery of -the Tegea heads, with almost equal unanimity to that of Skopas. Treu, -who first published the head,[2062] pointed out its near relationship -to the _Hermes_ of Praxiteles, which appeared to him to be obvious, -notwithstanding the injured condition of the chin, nose, mouth, and -brows. He found the general proportions, the shape of the cranium -and forehead, and the form of the cheeks and mouth the same in both, -while the differences, such as the deeper cut and wider opened eyes -with their γοργόν expression, the hair, and the fact that the head -is harder, leaner, and bonier than that of the _Hermes_, were all -explained by the different character given to the statue of a victor -or Herakles. Many other archæologists, as Boetticher,[2063] Laloux and -Monceaux,[2064] and Furtwaengler,[2065] have also seen sure signs of -the hand of Praxiteles or his school in the graceful attitude, delicate -chiseling, and finish of the work. Still others,[2066] however, found -every characteristic of Skopas in this head. Even Treu in his later -treatment of the head found it more Skopaic than Praxitelian, and yet, -by a careful analysis,[2067] he conclusively showed that the formation -of the eyes, the opening of the mouth, and the treatment of the hair -were so different in the heads from Tegea (and especially in that of -the _Herakles_, Fig. 73) as to preclude the possibility of assigning -them and the head from Olympia to the same sculptor, and so declared -for some independent sculptor among the contemporaries of Skopas. -However, he did not see Lysippos in this allied but independent artist, -though he admitted the resemblance of the head in question to that of -the _Agias_, as also Homolle,[2068] Mahler,[2069] and other critics -have done. - - -THE OLYMPIA HEAD AND THAT OF THE AGIAS. - -A detailed comparison of this head with that of the _Agias_ will show -wherein the wonderful resemblance—so striking at first glance—consists -and will disclose its Lysippan character. Neither head is a portrait, -nor even individualized; the _Agias_ could be no portrait, for Agias -was the great-grandfather of Daochos, who enlisted the services of his -contemporary Lysippos in erecting his statue, and he won his victory -in the pankration more than a century before this statue was set -up.[2070] A glance at the head from Olympia also clearly discloses its -ideal character; for it is no portrait of Philandridas, but the victor -κατ’ ἐξοχήν in the pankration. The small head of the _Agias_—under -life-size—first arrests attention as the chief characteristic of the -whole statue and (taken with the other proportions of the body) as the -chief mark of its Lysippan origin. As Homolle says, it is not that -small heads are not found outside the school of Lysippos or before -his day—for Myron can furnish examples of them—but it is only with -Lysippos and after him that we see a conscious intention of having the -proportions thus reduced. Now the head from Olympia is also less than -life-size,[2071] but as the head alone is preserved, we can only assume -that the proportions it bore to the body were similar to those we see -in the statue of Agias. The conformation of the crania of both is, as -in Attic works, round, with small, only slightly projecting occiputs, -as opposed to the squareness of Polykleitan heads, which are longer -from front to back and flatter on top—showing how Lysippos in this -respect departed from the creator of the _Doryphoros_. This cranial -conformation is almost identical in the two heads, as is clearly shown -in Fig. 70, where one is drawn in profile over the other. - -[Illustration: FIG. 70.—Profile Drawings of the Heads of the _Agias_ -and the _Philandridas_.] - -The head of the _Agias_ is turned slightly upward and to the left. -Treu found traces of the use of a file on the back of the neck of -the head from Olympia, which show from their position, what also -was clear from the muscles of the throat, that this head also was -inclined somewhat to the left and upward, possibly more than that of -the _Agias_. The outlines of the face—lean and bony in both—are oval, -in the head from Olympia somewhat broader, rounder, and fleshier -toward the chin. In both the forehead is remarkably low, with a low -depression or crease in the middle, and with a prominently projecting -superciliary arcade, which breaks the continuous line from forehead -to nose very perceptibly. This line is concave above and below, but -convex at the projection itself, though this is less prominent in the -_Agias_. The powerful framing of the eyes, which are deep-set and -thrown into heavy shadows by the projecting bony structure of the brows -and the overhanging masses of flesh, the eyeballs slightly raised and -peering eagerly into the far distance, the slight upward inclination -of the head, and the prominent forehead drawn together, all combine -to give both heads (though young and vigorous) a pensive, even a sad -look of heroic dignity, a look seemingly of one who takes no joy nor -pleasure in victory, though it is not mournful. This humid and pensive -expression was doubtless a characteristic of works of Lysippos—it was, -as we know, present in his portraits of Alexander—but he did not treat -it with as great intensity as did Skopas. - -The eyeballs in both heads are strongly arched, though the inner angles -are not so deep as in Skopaic heads; the raised upper lids form a -symmetrically narrow and sharply defined border over the eyeball, -and in neither head is this lid covered by a fold of skin at the outer -corners, as in the Tegea heads; the mass of flesh at the outer corners -is heavier in the head from Olympia, and the expression of the eyes is -more free and defiant than in the more meditative _Agias_. In both, the -cheek bones are high and prominent. The elegant contour of the lips of -the _Agias_ is wholly wanting in the head from Olympia, in which the -lips are broken off, like the nose and the chin, but it is clear that -the lips were slightly parted, just showing the teeth—not, however, as -in the Tegea examples, as if the breath were being drawn with great -effort. The look of pensiveness is also increased by the open lips. The -contour of the jawbone is not so visible as in the _Agias_, where it is -clearly discernible beneath the closely drawn skin, giving the face a -look of greater leanness, as of an athlete in perfect training. - -In both heads the swollen and battered ears, though small, are -prominent, and in both the hair is closely cropped, as becomes the -athlete. The hair of the _Agias_ does not show so much expression as -is displayed in that of some Lysippan heads, nor the fine detail we -should expect from Pliny’s statement that Lysippos made improvements -in the rendering of the hair[2072]—for it is in great measure only -sketched out. In Lysippan portraits of Alexander the hair is generally -expressively treated, and this is often the case in early Hellenistic -heads.[2073] However, we should not expect an elaborate treatment of -the hair in the statue of a pancratiast. The head from Olympia also -shows great simplicity in this regard. As in Skopaic heads, the hair is -fashioned into little ringlets ruffled straight up from the forehead in -flat relief, but here the curls are shorter and more tense. It covers -the temples and surrounds the ears as in the _Agias_, but it is not, -as there, bounded by a round, floating line across the forehead, nor -divided into little tufts modeled in relief radiating in concentric -circles from the top of the head. While lacking in detail, the hair of -the _Agias_ is treated carefully, and with the greatest variety. Narrow -bands, perhaps the insignia of victory, despite their small size, -encircle both heads; in the _Agias_ the band is dexterously used to -heighten the effect of variety in the hair by alternately flattening -and swelling it here and there. In neither head is there any sign of -the use of the drill to work out the tufts of the hair; only the chisel -was used.[2074] - -Finally, the whole expression of these two ideal heads is one of force -and energy, of heroic dignity tempered by pensiveness and pathos, -which is, in the head from Olympia at least, even a little dramatic. -Both heads, while ideal, show close observation of nature in modeling -and expression; and both show the predilection of Lysippos for types -in which force and energy predominate, and his indifference to the -softer and more delicate types of manly beauty so characteristic of his -contemporary, Praxiteles. - -In the foregoing comparison, we have tacitly assumed that this marble -head is from an athlete statue, and, moreover, that it, as the _Agias_, -represents a victor in the pankration, though many have seen in it -the representation not of a victor, but of a youthful Herakles.[2075] -The swollen ears and the band in the hair might pass equally well for -either, just as the fact that it was unearthed near the ruins of the -Great Gymnasion (if it were necessary to assume that the statue once -stood there) might be adduced as evidence for either interpretation; -for statues of athletes as well as those of Herakles and Hermes (as -we have shown in Ch. II)[2076] adorned palæstræ and gymnasia. That -the head is of marble and slightly under life-size seems to lend -some support also to the belief that it is a fragment of a statue of -Herakles, on the assumption that statues of victors in the Altis were -uniformly of bronze, an assumption, however, not supported by the -facts, as will be shown in Chapter VII. So some have seen the heroic -features of the youthful hero in the γοργόν of the eyes, the energetic -forehead, closely cropped hair, muscular neck, and almost challenging -inclination of the head seemingly corresponding with an energetic -raising of the left shoulder.[2077] In Chapter III we saw that swollen -ears were of little use in determining whether a given head belongs -to the statue of a victor or to one of Herakles, since they formed no -personal characteristic, but only a professional one common to athletes -and to gods, if these latter were concerned with athletics.[2078] Where -personal attributes are absent, it is often difficult, therefore, to -determine whether an ideal athlete or Herakles is intended, for it may -be the hero in the guise of the athlete, or an athlete in the guise of -the hero. The head under discussion, then, may furnish merely another -illustration of the process of assimilation of type which we have -already discussed. Thus it is not surprising that some have regarded -this head as that of a youthful Herakles. Yet such a view is wrong; -for, apart from all considerations which we shall adduce to identify it -with the Akarnanian pancratiast, and in the absence of distinguishing -attributes, if we compare it with another Lysippan head from a statue -generally recognized as that of a Herakles—the famous Pentelic marble -one in Lansdowne House, London (Pl. 30 and Fig. 71),[2079] which -Michaelis long ago characterized as “unmistakably in the spirit of -Lysippos”—we can see how fundamentally different is the whole spiritual -conception of the two, and how differently an athlete (even if highly -idealized) and a hero are treated by the same sculptor. If we once -recognize a victor in the head from Olympia, then the swollen ears, the -fierce, barbarous look of the eyes, and the half-painful expression of -the mouth, all concur in convincing us that we here have to do with a -victor in boxing or the pankration, the two most brutal and dangerous -contests. - -[Illustration: FIG. 71.—Head of the Statue of Herakles (Pl. 30). -Lansdowne House, London.] - - -IDENTIFICATION OF THE OLYMPIA HEAD. - -Having established, then, the Lysippan character of the head and the -probability that it comes from the statue of a boxer or pancratiast, -we shall next discuss the evidence for identifying it with one of the -monuments mentioned by Pausanias in his _periegesis_ of the Altis. He -names only five statues of victors by Lysippos: those of Troilos,[2080] -victor in the two- and four-horse chariot-races; of Philandridas[2081] -and of Polydamas,[2082] victors in the pankration; of Cheilon,[2083] -victor in wrestling, and of Kallikrates,[2084] victor in the -hoplite-race. Of these, the only two which can come into consideration -are those of the two pancratiasts; and one of these, that of Polydamas, -can at once be eliminated; for this small head can have had nothing -to do with the pretentious monument mentioned by Pausanias in these -words: ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ βάθρῳ τῷ ὑψηλῷ Λυσίππου μέν ἐστιν ἔργον, μέγιστος -δὲ ἁπάντων ἐγένετο ἀνθρώπων, κ. τ. λ. Fragments of the base of this -monument have been recovered, and it stood in a part of the Altis[2085] -too far removed from the spot where the statue of Philandridas stood, -or from that where the marble head was found. Our choice is limited -to the statue of the Akarnanian, the tenth in the series of 168 -victors[2086] named by Pausanias in his first _ephodos_. - -[Illustration: PLATE 30 - -Statue of Herakles. Lansdowne House, London.] - -We can determine very closely the position of these first few statues -in the Altis. Pausanias begins his enumeration ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ ναοῦ τῆς -Ἥρας, in the northwest of the sacred enclosure.[2087] He is often -loose in his employment of words to denote locations, and especially -so in that of the terms ἐν δεξιᾷ and ἐν ἀριστερᾷ, which must sometimes be -interpreted from the viewpoint of the spectator, and sometimes from -that of a given monument. We shall show in Chapter VIII that these -words in this connection must be taken as referring to the temple -_pro persona_, and consequently to the southern side of the Heraion. -The marble head was found in this neighborhood, in the wall of some -late Byzantine huts behind the southern end of the stadion-hall of -the Great Gymnasion, 23.50 meters north of its southeastern corner -and 5 meters east of its back wall,[2088] and consequently very near -the Heraion. Inasmuch as the inscribed tablet from the base of the -statue of Troilos,[2089] the sixth statue mentioned by Pausanias, and -the inscribed base of the monument of Kyniska,[2090] the seventh, -were both found in the ruins of the Prytaneion nearby, and the basis -of the statue of Sophios,[2091] the twenty-second in the series, -was discovered also in this part of the Altis, in the bed of the -Kladeos,[2092] we can conclude that all four monuments originally -stood near together, and in the order named by Pausanias, along the -southern side of the Heraion. The remarkably good preservation of the -surface of the marble head points to the fact that it was set up in a -sheltered place.[2093] Furthermore, the unfinished condition of the -back hair, which is only roughly blocked out, so that not even the -contour of the locks is indicated, shows that the statue was intended -to be set up against a solid background, _i. e._, in front of a wall, -niche, or column.[2094] From this fact we may conclude that the statue -of Philandridas, and perhaps those of some of the other victors first -mentioned by Pausanias, stood on the southern stylobate of the Heraion, -over against the columns of the peristyle. - - -THE DATES OF PHILANDRIDAS AND LYSIPPOS. - -The date of the victory of Philandridas is not recorded, but it -probably must lie within the years of the activity of Lysippos, who -made the statue.[2095] On the principle which has been sufficiently -demonstrated in my monograph _de olympionicarum Statuis_, that statues -of nearly contemporaneous victors were grouped together in the Altis, -as well as those of the same family and state, or those who had been -victorious in the same contest, I have already in that work[2096] -proposed Ol. 102 or Ol. 103 (= 372 or 368 B. C.) as the probable date -of his victory, as his statue stands among those of victors, none of -whom could have won later than Ol. 104 (= 364 B. C.). The first six -named by Pausanias are Eleans and the dates of their victories fall -between Ols. 94 and 104 (= 404 and 364 B. C.); the sixth, Troilos, is -known to have won his two victories in Ols. 102 and 103.[2097] None -of the next seven Spartans—among whose statues that of Philandridas -was placed—can be dated later than Ol. 97 (= 392 B. C.), while most of -them belong to the close of the fifth century B. C. Sostratos of Sikyon -won in the same contest in which Philandridas did in Ol. 104 (= 364 -B. C.);[2098] and doubtless his two other known victories should be -assigned to the two succeeding Olympiads. To bring Philandridas down -as far as Ol. 107 (= 352 B. C.) is unwarranted, since no statue of so -late a date stood in this vicinity. On the other hand, to place his -victory earlier than Ol. 102, is also out of the question, owing to the -inexpediency of dating Lysippos so early. Doubtless, therefore, his -statue by Lysippos was placed in the Spartan group about the same time -that the image of Troilos, by the same sculptor, was placed among the -Eleans. This is an independent argument, then, for so early a date for -Lysippos.[2099] - -Percy Gardner, in the discussion of the date of this artist,[2100] has -shown how slight is the evidence for any date later than 320 B. C. -The date of the second Olympic victory of Cheilon of Patrai, whose -statue was by Lysippos, can not be later than 320 B. C.[2101] Pausanias -quotes the inscription on the base of the statue to the effect that -Cheilon died in battle and was buried for his valor’s sake by the -Achæan people. He infers the date of his death by reference to the -date of Lysippos as either 338 B. C. (Chæroneia) or 322 B. C. (Lamia). -In another passage, VII, 6.5, he says that the Olympic guide told him -that Cheilon was the only Achæan who fought at Lamia. Gardner justly -remarks that either of these dates, the two occasions in the lifetime -of Lysippos when the Achæans took part in an important war, fall -within the dates of the artist’s activity.[2102] The dates of the two -hoplite victories of Kallikrates of Magnesia, on the Meander, whose -statue was also the work of Lysippos, must be left indeterminate.[2103] -Gardner also shows that the wish not to separate Lysippos from the -_Apoxyomenos_ has been the real reason which has influenced so -many archæologists to extend his activity to the end of the fourth -century,[2104] and to explain away the evidence for an earlier date -offered by the statue of Troilos, who won his second victory in 368 B. -C. If we once for all give up the _Apoxyomenos_, the difficulty of an -early dating disappears, as does also the theory that Skopas could have -strongly influenced the youthful Lysippos as a master would influence a -pupil, and it becomes clear that this influence must have been mutual, -that of one great contemporary upon another. Although Lysippos worked -longer, as is attested by his work for Alexander and his generals, -he could have been but little if any younger than either Skopas or -Praxiteles, from both of whom he learned. We have already quoted -Homolle[2105] as saying that an analysis of the style of the _Agias_ -discloses the mixed influences of Praxiteles and Skopas, as well as the -independent work of Lysippos, in the pose, proportions, and whole type -of the figure. - -Lysippos was a great reformer in art, breaking away from Argive and -Polykleitan traditions, even though he called the _Doryphoros_ as -well as Nature his master, and though the influence of Polykleitos -is visible in the body of the _Agias_, just as that of Skopas in the -treatment of its forehead, eyes, and mouth, and in the intensity of its -expression. Evidently he was strongly affected by the work of his great -predecessors and contemporaries, but developed at the same time new -and independent tendencies. Thus the _Philandridas_ must have been—just -as the lost statue of Troilos—an early work of the master, whereas the -_Agias_ was the work of his mature genius. The difference between the -two can thus be explained by the lapse of time between them, and by the -influences that surrounded the youthful artist; but the similarities -between them are, at the same time, striking, and there is little -resemblance in either to the _Apoxyomenos_. This is another link in the -chain of evidence that the latter work could not have been produced by -the same artist; for artists do not radically change their style after -many years of work, and Lysippos must have been at least fifty years -old when he created the _Agias_. - -The identification of this marble head with that of the victor statue -of the Akarnanian pancratiast by Lysippos raises two questions which we -shall briefly examine: whether the statues in the Altis were ever made -of marble, and whether Lysippos ever worked in that material. The first -of these questions will be left for the following chapter; the second -will be discussed in the present connection. - - -LYSIPPOS AS A WORKER IN MARBLE, AND STATUE “DOUBLES.” - -To regard a marble statue as an original work of Lysippos, who has been -looked upon almost universally as a sculptor in bronze exclusively, -seems at first sight to be baseless. Pliny certainly classed Lysippos -among the bronze-workers, for in the preface to his account of -bronze-founders[2106] he tells us that this artist produced 1,500 -statues, and doubtless we are to infer that the historian regarded -them all as being made of metal. He further[2107] speaks of Lysippos’ -contributions to the (_ars_) _statuaria_, and it seems clear that this -term, as the modern title of Book XXXIV, is to be taken in its narrow -sense of sculpture in bronze as opposed to _sculptura_,[2108] that -in marble. How firmly the belief is established that Lysippos worked -only in bronze can be seen from the following words of Overbeck: “_Zu -beginnen ist mit wiederholter Hervorhebung der durchaus unzweifelhaften -und wichtigen Tatsache dass Lysippos ausschliesslich Erzgiesser -war._”[2109] That Lysippos was preëminently a bronze-worker, and -that his ancient reputation was due chiefly to his bronze work, can -not be doubted. But to say that he never essayed to produce works -in marble, as so many other Greek artists did who were famed as -bronze-workers,[2110] is, as one writer has lately expressed it, a -_kindisches Vorurtheil_.[2111] That marble work was done in his studio, -if not by his hand, is well attested by the reliefs from the base -of the victor statue of Polydamas mentioned above, which have been -generally referred to Lysippos’ pupils.[2112] These are too damaged -to be used as exact evidence of his style, but the legs of Polydamas -himself, in the central relief, so far as their contour can be made -out, are thin and sinewy, as we should expect in Lysippan work, and -this relief doubtless would have been regarded as the work of the -master himself, if it had not been taken for granted that he worked -only in bronze. But for the same assumption some critics would have -seen an original from the hand of Lysippos in the statue of Agias at -least, if not in the others of the Delphian group.[2113] It will be -interesting to rehearse some of the arguments by which the statue of -Agias has been adjudged a copy.[2114] - -It has been generally assumed that the original group of statues at -Pharsalos was of bronze (though we have no proof that it may not have -been of marble), while the one at Delphi was copied almost, if not -quite, simultaneously in marble[2115]—so faithfully, indeed, that even -the proper marble support to the figure of Agias was omitted. While -Homolle notes the absence of this support as evidence of the marble -statue being an exact copy of the original bronze, Gardner argues that -this proves a free imitation, where the support was not needed.[2116] -The inexact modeling of the hair, since hair can not be rendered so -perfectly in marble as in bronze, has been adduced as a sign that the -marble statue was a copy of the bronze original. This in itself is a -weak argument, since the slight and sketchy treatment of the hair of -the _Hermes_ of Praxiteles—which is, for the most part, merely blocked -out[2117]—might with just as good reason be used as evidence that that -statue is only a copy, especially as we know that Praxiteles also -worked in bronze.[2118] The omission of the artist’s signature on the -base of the _Agias_ has also been taken to indicate that some pupil of -Lysippos (Lysistratos, for example) did the work of transference in the -master’s studio under his supervision and doubtless from his model. - -Despite all such arguments, which prove little, it must be admitted -that the careless finish of the Delphian statue is not what we should -expect in a masterpiece by so renowned a sculptor as Lysippos, as -the statue can not be said to be a first-rate work of art. But that -it was made under the direct supervision of Lysippos can hardly be -questioned. It seems reasonable to believe that Daochos, who employed -the great artist in the one case, would not have trusted a mere copyist -in the other, or one who was free to indulge his individual taste -in details,[2119] especially as the statue was to be placed in so -prominent a place as Delphi. He probably gave the orders for the two -statues at the same time, and Lysippos must have had the oversight of -the Delphian one. So it seems best to regard the statue of Agias as a -“double,” and not as a copy in the later sense of the word. The custom -of making such doubles goes back at least to the middle of the sixth -century B. C. Thus the statue of the _Delian Apollo_ by Angelion and -Tektaios, known as the “_Healer_” (Οὔλιος),[2120] had a “double” in -both Delphi[2121] and Athens.[2122] Similarly the _Philesian Apollo_ of -Branchidai near Miletos, by the elder Kanachos,[2123] had a double in -Thebes known as the _Ismenian Apollo_, which Pausanias says differed -from the one in Miletos neither in form nor size, but only in material, -for it was of cedar-wood,[2124] while the Milesian one was of bronze. -Furtwaengler[2125] has demonstrated that contemporary doubles of works -by Polykleitos, Pheidias, and Praxiteles existed. The case of the -statues of the athlete Agias at Pharsalos and at Delphi is paralleled -by that of the Olympic victor Promachos, who had statues, probably -alike, both at Olympia and in his native city Pellene.[2126] A double -of the base of the _Nike_ of Paionios at Olympia was discovered at -Delphi,[2127] and a fine head in the collection of Miss Hertz in Rome -is from the same original.[2128] A Polykleitan head in the British -Museum, similar to that of the _Westmacott Athlete_ (Pl. 19), seems -to be a contemporary replica of an original of the fifth century -B. C.[2129] Such examples (and many more could be cited) show the -difference between contemporary “doubles” and the later copies of Greek -masterpieces. The former are Greek originals in a very true sense, -made, as we assume the _Agias_ was, under the direct supervision of -noted sculptors. In this sense only the Delphian statue should be -called a copy. - - -HEAD OF A STATUE OF A BOY FROM SPARTA, AND THE ART OF SKOPAS. - -[Illustration: FIG. 72.—Marble Head of a Boy, found near the Akropolis, -Sparta. In Private Possession in Philadelphia, U. S. A.] - -We shall next discuss the beautiful Pentelic marble head of a boy, -with a lion’s scalp drawn over the top so that the muzzle comes down -over the forehead, which is said to have been discovered near the -Akropolis at Sparta in 1908 (Fig. 72). This head was for a time in the -University Museum, Philadelphia, and later was exhibited at the Boston -Museum of Fine Arts. At last accounts it was in private possession in -Philadelphia. It has been published as the head of a youthful Herakles -by my colleague, Professor W. N. Bates, in the _American Journal of -Archæology_.[2130] Of its style he says: “The points of resemblance -which the Philadelphia Heracles bears to the heads from the Tegean -pediments are so many and so striking that they must all be traced -back to the same sculptor; and that he was Skopas there can be little -doubt.” He therefore concludes that it is “probably a very good copy -of a lost work of Skopas.”[2131] A little later, Dr. L. D. Caskey, of -the Museum in Boston, found these resemblances hardly close enough, -in view of the influence of Skopas on later Greek sculpture, to -justify so definite an attribution.[2132] He found them confined to -the upper part of the face, while he believed that the lower portion -resembled heads which could be assigned to Praxiteles or his influence, -and consequently he pronounced the head “an eclectic work in which -features borrowed from Skopas and Praxiteles have been combined with an -unusually successful effect.” - -As Dr. Bates points out, there is no recorded statue of Herakles by -Skopas which corresponds with this head. The stone one mentioned -by Pausanias as standing in the Gymnasion at Sikyon[2133] has been -thought by the authors of the _Numismatic Commentary on Pausanias_ -to be reproduced on a Sikyonian copper coin of the age of Geta, now -in the British Museum.[2134] Many statues and busts scattered in -European museums, which represent a beardless Herakles and show Skopaic -influence, have been traced back to this original.[2135] However, the -coin represents the hero wearing a wreath, and so, if it was copied -from the original in the Gymnasion, the latter could not have been the -prototype of the head under discussion. - -It is now universally acknowledged that all constructive criticism -of the art of Skopas must be based on a study of the heads found at -Tegea. Besides those discovered in 1879, and now in the National Museum -in Athens,[2136] two other male heads (in addition to the torso of a -female figure draped as an Amazon, and a head on the same scale which -probably belongs to it, as both are of Parian marble, representing -probably _Atalanta_ of the East pediment) were discovered by M. Mendel -in his excavations of the temple of Athena Alea in 1900-1901, and -referred to the pedimental groups described by Pausanias.[2137] As one -of these (Fig.73) is characterized by a lion’s scalp worn as a helmet, -the hero’s face fitting into the jaws, its teeth showing above his -forehead, it has been regarded as the head from a statue of Herakles, -although Pausanias mentions no such statue in his enumeration of the -figures composing the group of the Eastern pediment, and although it -is difficult to explain the presence of the hero in the group of the -Western pediment, which represented the battle between his son Telephos -and Achilles. Mendel considers this head to be inferior in workmanship -to the others, and so refers it to the school of Skopas rather than -to the master himself, and designates it “_un travail d’atelier_.” -In describing it, however, he says: “_tous ces caractères, qui sont -ceux des têtes du Musée central, se retrouvent dans nôtre tête -d’Héraclés_.”[2138] Here we have a head of a youthful Herakles (or of -some hero who has borrowed his attribute of the lion’s skin—perhaps -Telephos), which, if not by Skopas himself, is still a work of his -school reproducing all his characteristics; consequently, of all these -heads from Tegea, it is with this one chiefly that we should compare -the head from Sparta similarly covered with a lion’s scalp. - -[Illustration: FIG. 73.—So-called Head of Herakles, from Tegea, by -Skopas. National Museum, Athens.] - -Though badly injured, it is still possible to see in this head of -the so-called _Herakles_ found at Tegea, both in full view and in -profile, the characteristic Skopaic expression of passion, and to -discover the means by which the artist effected it. The expression is -due in great measure to the upward direction of the gaze, and to the -heavy overshadowing of the deep-set eyes. It is further enhanced by -the contracted brow, dilated nostril, and half-open, almost panting, -mouth, whose parted lips clearly disclose the teeth. The structure -of the head is in keeping with the strength of character portrayed; -the skull is very deep from front to back, and its framework is -massive and bony; the face is broad and short and the chin is heavy; -everything emphasizes the impression of a virile and muscular warrior -violently engaged in the fray. The subjects of the two pedimental -groups—the Kalydonian boar hunt and the battle between Achilles and -Telephos—justified the expression of unrestrained violence which -we see in this and the other male heads, and gave the sculptor an -opportunity to represent his heroes in the excitement of action and -danger. To effect this intensity of expression Skopas relied mainly on -the treatment of the eye. In one of the heads (the unhelmeted one in -Athens) the gaze is not turned upwards as in the _Herakles_, nor are -the neck-muscles strained as in the others, and yet the expression is -even more violent than in them. Thus it is the modeling of the flesh -about the eye which is the real distinguishing feature of Skopas’ work. -In describing the helmeted head in Athens, E. A. Gardner says: - - “The eyes are set very deep in their sockets, and heavily - overshadowed, at their inner corners, by the strong - projection of the brow, which does not, however, as in - some later examples of a similar intention on the part of - the artist, meet the line of the nose at an acute angle, - but arches away from it in a bold curve. At the outer - corners the eyes are also heavily overshadowed, here by - a projecting mass of flesh or muscle which overhangs - and actually hides in part the upper lid. The eyes are - very wide-open—with a dilation which comes from fixing - the eyes upon a distant object—and therefore suggest the - far-away look associated with a passionate nature.”[2139] - - -COMPARISON OF THE TEGEA HEADS AND THE HEAD FROM SPARTA. - -It is to the facial characteristics in the Tegea heads that Dr. Bates -calls attention in basing his argument for the Skopaic origin of -the head from Sparta: the forehead horizontally divided by a median -line, the swelling, prominent brow, the deep-set eyes with their -narrow lids—only 2 mm. wide—embedded in the projecting flesh at the -outer corners, and the parted mouth. He also sees a resemblance in -the small round curls bunched together above the ears. But if there -are resemblances (especially in the modeling of the eyes) there are -also great differences observable in the Tegea heads and the one from -Sparta. Let us confine our comparison of the latter with the _Herakles_ -of the Tegea pediment, though the comparison with any of the other male -heads would lead to substantially the same results. - -In the first place the structure of the two heads in question is very -different. As the head from Sparta is broken in two at the ears and the -whole back part is missing, we can not tell whether it had the great -depth of the one from Tegea. But of the massive, bony framework of the -latter there is little trace in the former. In the Tegea example we are -struck with the squareness of the head and the breadth of the central -part of the face; the sides do not gradually converge toward the -middle, but seem to form distinct planes. The distance between the eyes -is also in keeping with the breadth of the skull as measured between -the ears; the breadth of the face almost equals its length from the top -of the forehead to the chin, and this fact, together with the massive, -prominent chin, gives an element of squareness to the whole.[2140] -On the other hand, the head from Sparta has a long, narrow face whose -sides softly converge toward the middle in beautiful curves about the -cheeks; its cheek-bones are not so high nor so prominent as those -of the other; it ends in a delicate, almost effeminate chin, which -slightly retreats and gives the whole lower part of the face an oval -structure, thus recalling Praxiteles and fourth-century Attic works. -The length of the face is accentuated by the considerable height to -which the head rises above the forehead, in contrast with the flatness -of the skull in the example from Tegea. The eyes are not so wide-open; -they are longer and not so swollen nor compressed toward the centre; if -we view the two heads from the side, we see that the eye-socket in the -Tegea head is larger and appreciably deeper than in the one from Sparta. - -Apart from these surface differences in the structure of the head -and face, it is in the resultant expression that we see the greatest -divergence from the Skopaic type. This seems to me to be fundamentally -different in the Sparta head. In the _Herakles_, as in all the other -Tegea male heads, and even in those of the boar and the dogs, the -really characteristic feature, which differentiates them from all -other works of Greek sculpture, is the passionate intensity of their -expression. The one unforgettable impression left on the spectator by -them all is this expression of violent and unrestrained passion, which -the sculptor has succeeded in imparting to the marble. This is what -marks him as the master of passion and the originator of the dramatic -tendencies carried to such lengths in the Hellenistic schools of -sculpture; it is this which explains Kallistratos’ characterization of -his works as being κάτοχα καὶ μεστὰ μανίας.[2141] The head from Sparta -shows only a little of this intensity. Notwithstanding the similar -upward gaze and slightly parted lips, the intention of the artist -seems to have been to portray the hero in an attitude of expectancy, -tempered by a look almost of calmness. The look is deeply earnest, -but not violent; it is even melancholy. It is this last feature, the -delicate and compelling melancholy of the face, which impressed me -most on first viewing it. This is further enhanced by the full, soft -modeling of the lower face, that gives to the whole a delicate, almost -effeminate character, which strongly reminds us of Praxitelean heads. -In fact, the shape of the lips and the modeling of the flesh on either -side of the mouth, together with the soft, dimpled chin, have little -in common with the massive strength and remarkable animation of the -Tegea heads. As Dr. Caskey has intimated, if we had only the lower -portion of the face for comparison, we should be inclined to ascribe it -to the influence of Praxiteles. If we considered the upper part only, -resemblances to Skopaic work seem well marked; but if we take into -account the expression of the face as a whole, we see that it lacks the -most essential of Skopaic features, the look of passionate intensity. -Consequently we shall find it difficult to bring the head into such -close relation to that artist; for here there is little analogy to -the vigorous warrior types of the Tegea pediments. For its quieter -mien it might be better to compare it with the head of Atalanta,[2142] -though none of the gentle pathos or eagerness of the Sparta head is -there visible. The _Atalanta_, though full of vigorous life, utterly -lacks the unrestrained passion so characteristic of her brothers; her -eyes are not so deeply set, nor so wide-open; they are narrower and -longer, and are not over-hung at the outer corners by heavy masses of -flesh.[2143] In speaking of the absence of these rolls of muscle, E. -A. Gardner notes a curious peculiarity: “This is a clearly marked, -though delicately rounded, roll of flesh between the brow and the upper -eyelid, which is continued right round above the inner corner of the -eye, to join the swelling at the side of the nose, which itself passes -on into the cheek.”[2144] He detects this same peculiarity in certain -other Skopaic heads, notably in the _Apollo_ from the Mausoleion and -the _Demeter_ from Knidos, though it is quite lacking in the Tegea male -heads. It all goes to show that Skopas was not strictly consistent in -his treatment of the eye. The lower face of the _Atalanta_ is also -longer and more oval than that of the male heads, and thus shows Attic -rather than Peloponnesian influence. If it is difficult, then, to -conceive of the _Atalanta_ and the male heads as the work of the same -sculptor, the contrast, both in structure and expression, between these -two heads of Herakles, the one from Tegea, the other from Sparta, makes -it more difficult to assume the same authorship for both; for here we -can not explain the difference as the contrast between the types of -hero and heroine; here we are comparing two heads which are supposedly -of the same hero. - - -THE STYLES OF SKOPAS AND LYSIPPOS COMPARED. - -[Illustration: FIG. 74.—Attic Grave-Relief, found in the Bed of the -Ilissos, Athens. National Museum, Athens.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 75.—Statue of the so-called _Meleager_. Vatican -Museum, Rome.] - -In view, then, of the differences enumerated I should hesitate to -assign a Skopaic origin to the head from Sparta. In the lower part of -the face, with its small mouth and delicate chin, I see signs only of -Praxitelean influence; in the upper part I am much more inclined to see -affinities to the art-tendencies of Lysippos, as we now know them from -the statue of Agias. In the present state of our knowledge it is not -difficult to separate works of Praxitelean origin from those of Skopas; -but it is a very different thing to distinguish those of Skopaic origin -from those of Lysippos; here the line distinguishing the two masters -is much finer and harder to draw. Before the discovery of the Tegea -heads, the deep-set eye,[2145] prominent brow, and “breathing” mouth -were looked upon as characteristic features of Lysippos, as they were -known to us from representations of Alexander, especially on coins. -We now know that these traits belonged to Skopas to a much greater -extent. When the _Agias_ was found, and before its true authorship had -been determined, Homolle, as we have seen, had at first classed it -as showing the manner of Lysippos, only later to see more of Skopas -than Lysippos in it. Such a conclusion was natural so long as we -regarded the _Apoxyomenos_ as the key to Lysippan art. By assigning -these traits definitely to Skopas, we were compelled to view the work -of Lysippos as conventional and somewhat lifeless in comparison. But -with the assumption that the statue of Agias represented true Lysippan -characteristics, we were forced to recognize that the same traits -belonged to Lysippos also, though to a less degree, since the energy -of the Tegea heads was absent from the features of the _Agias_ and -their fierceness was here replaced by a look of quiet melancholy. The -study of such allied works as the beautiful and excellently preserved -_Lansdowne Herakles_ (Pl. 30 and Fig. 71), the athlete on the Pentelic -marble stele found in the bed of the Ilissos in 1874, and now in the -National Museum in Athens (Fig. 74),[2146] the so-called _Meleager_ -in the Vatican (Fig. 75),[2147] and other copies of the same original -(_e. g._, Figs. 76, 77), also shows how closely the type of Lysippos -approached that of Skopas. Long ago I expressed the view[2148] that -these and similar works should be assigned to Lysippos rather than -to Skopas, to whom most critics had referred them. Thus, after the -discovery of the Tegea heads, scholarly opinion began to follow the -arguments of Furtwaengler in bringing the _Lansdowne Herakles_ into the -sphere of Skopas.[2149] But Michaelis, as far back as 1882, commenting -on the characteristically small head, short neck in comparison with -the mighty shoulders, and long legs in proportion to the thick-set -torso, had declared: “Without doubt the statue offers one of the finest -specimens, if not absolutely the best, of a Herakles according to the -conception of Lysippos.”[2150] Now opinion varies again; only those -who believe that the _Agias_ is Lysippan class the _Herakles_ as a -Lysippan work.[2151] Of the _Meleager_, Graef[2152] gives eighteen -copies besides the one in the Vatican. This number shows how common -an adornment it was of Roman villas and parks. Some of these copies -have a chlamys thrown over the arm, _e. g._, the Vatican example, and -belong to imperial times, while others without the mantle, _e. g._, the -torso in Berlin,[2153] are older. In addition to the Vatican example -we reproduce two other copies, the beautiful Parian marble head now -placed on the trunk of a Praxitelean _Apollo_ in the gardens of the -Medici in Rome (Fig. 76),[2154] and the statue without arms or legs -and without the chlamys, found in 1895 near Santa Marinella, 30 miles -from Rome, and since 1899 in the Fogg Art Museum at Harvard University -(Fig. 77),[2155] one of the most beautiful of the many replicas. At -first the original of these copies was supposed to be Lysippan, being -identified with the _Venator_ at Thespiai mentioned by Pliny as the -work of Euthykrates, the son and pupil of Lysippos,[2156] but after the -discovery of the Tegea heads it was almost universally referred to -Skopas.[2157] Here again the Skopaic group of Graef has been broken by -P. Gardner[2158] and others, and the _Meleager_, like the _Herakles_, -has been given to Lysippos. - -[Illustration: FIG. 76.—Head of the so-called _Meleager_. Villa Medici, -Rome.] - -Let us analyze a little further wherein the difference between the -closely allied art of Skopas and Lysippos lies. We saw that it -was chiefly the formation of the eye and its surroundings which -characterized Skopaic work—the depth of the balls in their sockets, -and the heavy masses of flesh above the outer corners. This was in -harmony with the breadth of brow and the massive build of the Tegea -heads. In the _Agias_ and similar works the treatment of the eye is -somewhat different. The head of the _Agias_ is of slighter proportions -than the heads from Tegea; in conformity with the Lysippan canon it -is below life-size, and consequently has no such heavy overshadowing -of the outer corners of the eyes. Moreover, as we shall see, this -overshadowing is also relatively less in the statue of the Delphian -athlete. The formation of the eye is thus described by E. A. Gardner: - - “The inner corners of the eye are set very deep in the - head and very close together; the inner corners of the - eye-sockets form acute angles, running up close to one - another and leaving between them only a narrow ridge for - the base of the nose; thus they offer a strong contrast - to the line of the brow, arching away in a broad curve - from the solid base of the nose and forming an obtuse - angle with it, such as we see in the Skopaic heads.”[2159] - -[Illustration: FIG. 77.—Torso of the so-called _Meleager_. Fogg Art -Museum, Cambridge, U. S. A.] - -The resultant expression is therefore somewhat different from that of -the heads from Tegea; while we still see animation and even intensity -in the face of the _Agias_, we see it in a modified degree. The -far-away look of the Tegea heads is still present, but it appears to -be fixed on a nearer object, and so the look of intensity is tempered; -it is also lightened by the fact that the overshadowing of the eyes at -the outer corners is less heavy. But even this latter so-called Skopaic -trait, though it is absent in the _Agias_, is certainly present in -other Lysippan heads. Besides being prominent in representations -of Alexander the Great on coins,[2160] it is seen in busts of the -conqueror, especially in the splendid one from Alexandria in the -British Museum.[2161] In the latter example we see just such heavy -rolls of flesh as we note in the Skopaic heads. It shows that this -trait, introduced by Skopas, was used at times with equal effect by -Lysippos. We have already noted how in one example, at least, Skopas -himself laid it aside—in the _Atalanta_. Its presence on Lysippan heads -shows that too much stress can be laid on this feature in deciding -whether a given piece of sculpture is to be referred to Skopas. This -trait complicates the whole problem of the style of the two masters. - - -THE SPARTA HEAD COMPARED WITH THAT OF THE PHILANDRIDAS. - -As the _Agias_ is considered by most critics to be a contemporary copy -of the original statue at Pharsalos, perhaps it will be more just -to compare the head from Sparta under discussion with the original -marble head from Olympia, which we have ascribed in the earlier part -of the present chapter to the statue of Philandridas by Lysippos. Such -a comparison will, of course, show certain differences, but marked -resemblances as well. We shall see that these resemblances are confined -to the upper part of the face. In both we note the same low forehead -with a corresponding depression or crease across the middle; the -similarly bulging brow which breaks very perceptibly the continuous -line from forehead to nose, concave above and below and convex at the -swelling itself; the same powerfully framed and deep-set eyes thrown -into shadows by the projecting bony structure of the brows and the -overhanging masses of flesh. The eyeballs in both are similarly long -and narrow, though they are slightly arched in the _Philandridas_ just -as in the Tegea heads, and not so close together as in the _Agias_, -but their inner angles are farther apart and not almost hidden by -the flat bridge of the nose when viewed straight from the front. In -this respect they are strikingly like those of the Sparta head.[2162] -The raised upper lids in both form symmetrically narrow and sharply -defined borders over the eyeballs. These borders, in each case, are -not partially hidden by the folds of skin at the outer corners, as -they are in the Tegea heads; and yet the masses of flesh projecting -from the brows are almost as heavy as in the latter. In both the heads -from Olympia and Sparta the upper lids slightly overlap the under at -the outer corners. The eye-sockets in both seem to be equally deep -and the cheek-bones similarly high and prominent. We remark in the -_Philandridas_ the gradual converging of the sides of the face toward -the middle, a trait which we have already observed in the head from -Sparta as in contrast with the more angular formation with lateral -planes so characteristic of the Tegea male heads. The flatness of the -nose and the curves which it makes with the brow on either side are -very similar in the two heads under discussion. In both, the hair is -treated in the same simple and sketchy manner, being fashioned into -little ringlets ruffled back from the temples in flat relief quite in -the Skopaic manner, even if the curls seem shorter and more tense. - -When we come to a consideration of the lower part of each face, we -immediately detect differences. While both faces end in an oval, this -is broader, heavier, and more bony in that of the _Philandridas_, as we -should expect in the case of a more mature man. Consequently here the -mouth is larger and firmer. The elegant contour of the lips observable -in the _Agias_ is also found, to a less degree, in the head from -Sparta, whose lips are fuller and more sensuous, but can not be traced -in the _Philandridas_ owing to the damaged condition of the mouth. -It is clear, however, that the lips of the latter were also slightly -parted, just showing the teeth, but not as in the Tegea heads, as if -the breath were being forced through them with great effort. - -It is, however, in the expression of these two faces that we see the -greatest resemblance. In the _Philandridas_, the powerful framing of -the eyes, the slightly upward gaze of the balls, and the contracted -forehead combine to give it a pensive, even melancholy, look of -dignity, a look seemingly of one who takes no joy or pleasure in -victory, though, as we have already mentioned,[2163] it is earnest -rather than mournful. The almost identical treatment of the eye and its -surroundings gives the still more youthful head from Sparta a similar -expression. Homolle’s analysis of the expression of the face of the -_Agias_ would apply with equal fitness to the mood portrayed in both -the heads we are discussing: “_L’expression qui résulte de ces divers -traits, c’est, dans une figure jeune et vigoureuse, un air pensif ou -lassé, une certaine mélancolie, qui ne va pas à la tristesse morne ou -à la méditation profonde, mais qui reste plus loin encore de la joie -insouciante de la vie et de la pure allégresse de la victoire_”.[2164] -Preuner remarked that a verse of the epigram found on the base of the -statue of Agias, which runs καὶ σῶν οὐδείς πω στῆσε τροπαῖα χερῶν, is -almost an exact copy of the words of Herakles in the _Trachiniae_ of -Sophocles.[2165] In these words the dedicator of the statue ends the -recital of his ancestor’s exploits with a melancholy reflection on the -vanity of his glory. They suggest with no less truth the expression of -both the heads we are discussing. This expression of pensiveness tinged -with melancholy is enhanced in both by the slightly parted lips. We can -see the same expression carried much further in many of the portraits -of Alexander which go back to originals by Lysippos, and we know from -Plutarch that this sculptor was chosen by the conqueror to make his -portraits, because Lysippos alone could combine his manly air with -the liquid and melting glance of his eyes.[2166] But how different is -the delicately indicated pathos of these heads from the violent and -unrestrained, even panting, expression of the Tegea sculptures! Here -there is no trace of the μανία which Kallistratos said characterized -the works of Skopas. If it be objected that the expression of the -_Philandridas_ is more dramatic than that of the head from Sparta, its -fierce, almost barbarous, look of defiance may well be explained by the -fact that here is represented a victor from Akarnania, a country noted -among the other Greek states for anything but culture and refinement. - - -THE SPARTA HEAD AN ECLECTIC WORK AND AN EXAMPLE OF ASSIMILATION. - -It is, then, in consequence of these resemblances to Lysippan work, -and because of the differences between it and the Tegean heads, that I -am led to see more of Lysippos than of Skopas in this beautiful head -from Sparta. An analysis of its style permits us to discover in it the -mixed influences of Praxiteles, of Lysippos, and of Skopas. It seems -to me necessary, therefore, in view of this mixture of tendencies, to -regard it as an eclectic work, in which the unknown artist has combined -Lysippan and Praxitelean elements chiefly; and that he was also under -the influence of Skopas is evinced by the peculiarities mentioned in -the treatment of the eyes and hair;[2167] but even in the modeling of -the eyes, I believe that his chief debt was to Lysippos. The fineness -of surface modeling, commented on by both Professor Bates and Dr. -Caskey, recalls the delicacy of execution in detail which is mentioned -by Pliny as characteristic of Lysippan art.[2168] It surely points to a -date for the work not much if at all later than the end of the century -which was made glorious in the history of sculpture by the labors of -these three great masters. - -In the preceding account I have tacitly assumed with Professor Bates -that the head from Sparta represents a beardless Herakles. But, as Dr. -Caskey remarks, one might hesitate to accept this identification if -it were not for the attribute of the lion’s skin above the forehead, -for here there is little indication of the strength so characteristic -of later representations of the hero. Dr. Caskey, however, observes -that a head of Herakles, now in the British Museum, which some have -regarded as an original by Praxiteles, is even more boyish than this -one. However, it is very doubtful if the Sparta head should be referred -to a statue of Herakles at all. Pausanias mentions only three statues -of Herakles in Sparta, to any one of which it seems futile to try to -refer the head under discussion; thus in III, 14.6, he speaks of an -ἄγαλμα ἀρχαῖον to which the _Sphairians_, _i. e._, lads entering on -manhood, sacrificed, as standing on the road to the Δρόμος, outside -the city walls; in the same book, 14.8, he says that an image of the -hero stood at the end of one of the two bridges across the moat to -Plane-tree Grove, _i. e._, the boys’ exercise-ground; and again in -this book, 15.3, he says that an ἄγαλμα ὡπλισμένον of Herakles stood -in the Herakleion close to the city wall, whose attitude (σχῆμα), was -suggested by the battle between the hero and Hippokoön and his sons. -The same writer enumerates only three other statues of Herakles in -Lakonia. One of these was in the market-place of Gythion (III, 21.8), -another in front of the walls of Las beyond Gythion (III, 24.6), and -the third on Mount Parnon near the boundaries of Argolis, Lakonia, and -Tegea (III, 10.6). The head under discussion is more probably only one -more example of the idealizing tendency of athletic Greek art, which -assimilated the type of victor to that of god.[2169] In the case of -the _Agias_ the sculptor plainly wished to raise the victor to the -ideal height of the hero. The same idealization is visible in the head -ascribed to the statue of Philandridas. In both these heads the ears, -while small, are battered and swollen; the remains of the ears in the -head from Sparta are too badly damaged to indicate whether these were -swollen or not. But even if they were preserved and were in that -condition, they would not be a distinguishing factor in determining -whether the head belonged to the statue of a victor or of Herakles. -In our consideration of the Olympia head we saw by a comparison with -the _Lansdowne Herakles_, a statue universally recognized as that of -the hero, how fundamentally different were the two in their whole -conception and how differently a highly idealized athlete and a hero -were treated by the same sculptor. The same might be said of the boyish -head from Sparta, when compared with a genuine head of Herakles. For -this reason, and because of the resemblance in expression between the -_Philandridas_ and the head from Sparta, I am inclined to believe that -the latter, instead of being a representation of a youthful Herakles, -is really the idealized portrait of an athlete, probably that of a boy -victor, either in the boxing or wrestling match,[2170] assimilated in -form to that of the hero.[2171] - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE MATERIALS OF OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS, AND THE OLDEST DATED VICTOR -STATUE.[2172] - -FIGURES 78-80. - - -It has been assumed pretty generally by archæologists that the victor -statues set up in the Altis at Olympia were uniformly of bronze. -Scherer, in his inaugural dissertation _de olympionicarum Statuis_, -which appeared in 1885, was the first to discuss the question -fully,[2173] and his arguments and conclusions have been followed, -for the most part, by later investigators. Thus Dittenberger and -Purgold state unequivocally that these statues were “_ausnahmslos aus -Bronze_”,[2174] while more recently Hitzig and Bluemner, in their great -commentary on Pausanias, have again pronounced the dictum that “_die -Siegerstatuen waren durchweg von Erz_”.[2175] Others, however, have not -been quite so sweeping in their generalization. Thus Wolters believes -that these statues, because they were set up in the open, were “_der -Regel nach_” of bronze,[2176] and Furtwaengler and Urlichs assume that -they were “_fast ausschliesslich aus Bronze_”.[2177] - - -THE CASE FOR BRONZE. - -The arguments adduced by Scherer and others in defense of the -contention seem at first sight, although inferential in character, -quite conclusive. In the first place, it has been pointed out that all -the statuaries mentioned by Pausanias in his victor _periegesis_,[2178] -if recorded at all in Pliny’s _Historia Naturalis_, appear there in -the catalogue of bronze founders as workers in bronze κατ’ ἐξοχήν, -while none of them is known exclusively as a sculptor in marble. As -Hagelaïdas is the first in point of time, who flourished from the -third quarter of the sixth century B. C. to the second quarter of -the fifth,[2179] Scherer believed that all statues from his date -down—_posteriorum temporum_—were of bronze; and as Rhoikos and -Theodoros, the inventors of bronze founding, flourished about -Ols. 50 to 60 (= 580 to 540 B. C.),[2180] he believed that bronze -might have been used up to their date. In the next place, the excavated -bases, which have been identified as those of victor monuments, show -footprints of bronze statues. Thirdly, actual bronze fragments, -indubitably belonging to victor statues (of which two are attested by -inscriptions), were found during the excavations of the Altis. These -consist of the following: - -(_a_) An inscribed convex piece of bronze of imperial times, -“_anscheinend vom Schenkel einer Bronzestatue herruehrend_.”[2181] - -(_b_) A similar inscribed fragment of the same period.[2182] - -(_c_) The remarkable life-size portrait head of a boxer or pancratiast, -which we have already discussed and reproduced (Fig. 61 A and B).[2183] - -(_d_) A foot of masterly workmanship (Fig. 62) ascribed by -Furtwaengler[2184] to the end of the third century B. C. Its position -shows that the statue of which it was a part was represented in motion, -and consequently it has been assigned to a victor statue. - -(_e_) A beautifully modeled right arm, somewhat under life-size, -supposedly from the statue of a boy victor.[2185] - -(_f_) A right lower leg of excellent workmanship, assigned by -Furtwaengler to the same period as fragment _e_.[2186] - -Still other bronze fragments of statues found at Olympia may have -belonged to statues of victors, especially to those of boys.[2187] -The small number of such fragments recovered—Scherer wrongly thought -there was none—is explained by assuming that all of these statues -were of bronze, and consequently were destroyed by the barbarians in -their inroads into Greece during the early Middle Ages, when this -metal was much prized.[2188] Another argument for believing that -these statues were of bronze is the silence of Pausanias concerning -the materials employed in them; for, in his enumeration of 192 such -monuments, he mentions the material of only two statues, those of -the boxer Praxidamas of Aegina[2189] and of the Opuntian pancratiast -Rhexibios,[2190] and he mentions these because of their great -antiquity, peculiar position in the Altis apart from the others -(near the column of Oinomaos), and the fact that they were made of -wood.[2191] Furthermore, in his book on _Achaia_ there occurs this -passage in reference to the statue of the victor Promachos, which -was set up in the Gymnasion of Pellene: καὶ αὐτοῦ [Προμάχου] καὶ -εἰκόνας ποιήσαντες οἱ Πελληνεῖς τὴν μὲν ἐς Ὀλυμπίαν ἀνέθεσαν, τὴν δὲ -ἐν τῷ γυμνασίῳ, λίθου ταύτην καὶ οὐ χαλκοῦ.[2192] Most critics have -inferred from these last words, “_the one in the Gymnasion being of -stone and not of bronze_,” that, although Pausanias says nothing -about the material of statues of victors in the Altis (barring the -two just mentioned), by implication all these statues were of bronze; -and they point out the fact that other writers furnish no evidence -concerning the material used in them—an argument _ex silentio_ to -the same effect. Besides these arguments many others have been urged -on purely a priori grounds; _e. g._, that, since these statues stood -in the open air, subject to all kinds of weathering, they must have -been made of bronze;[2193] that metal statues would have been cheaper -and more easily prepared than those of marble;[2194] that the later -Peloponnesian schools of athletic sculpture, which were characterized -by their predilection for bronze-founding, would nowhere have been more -prominently in evidence than at Olympia; etc. - -Thus the case for the use of metal in these statues seems very well -substantiated, and, for the reasons given, it can not be reasonably -doubted that the vast majority of these monuments were made of bronze. -But that they were not exclusively of metal, and that there were many -exceptions to the general rule, not only can be conjectured on good -grounds, but can be proved by discoveries made at the excavations. We -shall briefly consider, then, each of the foregoing arguments in turn, -and see whether, in the light of the accumulated evidence, they are -really as well founded as they appear to be. - - -THE CASE FOR STONE. - -As for the first point, that the statuaries mentioned by Pausanias -appear only in Pliny’s catalogue of bronze founders, we must remember -that Pausanias himself says[2195] that he is making only a selection of -the victor monuments in the Altis, those of the more famous athletes. -Therefore, the 192 monuments (of 187 victors)[2196] which he does -mention must be only a fraction of the multitude of such monuments -which once stood at Olympia. Pliny, to be sure, says that it was the -custom for all victors to set up statues in the Altis;[2197] but this -refers only to the privilege, of which many victors could not or did -not avail themselves on account of poverty, early death, or for other -reasons.[2198] Still, the number of such dedications must have been -very great. Manifestly, therefore, we should not base an argument -on the number mentioned. There must, then, have been many other -artists employed at Olympia, some of whom may well have been workers -in marble. Besides, of the statuaries actually named by Pausanias, -many do not appear at all in Pliny’s work, and many of these may have -been sculptors exclusively in stone. Of the names found in Pliny, -six at least—Kalamis, Kanachos, Eutychides, Myron, Polykles, and -Timarchides—appear both in the list of bronze-workers and in that of -marble-sculptors.[2199] Similarly, in answer to the second argument -that the excavated bases show footprints of bronze statues, we must -admit that only a fraction of the bases which once supported statues in -the Altis have been recovered. Not one-fifth of the victors mentioned -by Pausanias are known to us through these bases.[2200] - -The fact that actual remains of bronze statues have been excavated at -Olympia is matched by the fact that remnants of marble statues have -also been found; and it does not seem reasonable, in the light of the -evidence adduced by Treu, Furtwaengler, and others, to reject these -as fragments of actual victor statues. These fragments include the -following:[2201] - -(_a_, _b_) The two life-size archaic helmeted heads (Fig. 30) which we -have ascribed to hoplite victors.[2202] - -(_c_, _d_, _e_) Fragments of statues of boy victors: _c_ = trunk with -left upper leg, three-fifths life-size (Fig. 78);[2203] _d_ = breast, -one-half life-size;[2204] - -_e_ = upper part of legs of a statue, two-thirds life-size.[2205] -Besides these Treu also adduces fragments of four different boy -statues, all of which are less than life-size.[2206] - -The reticence of Pausanias as to the material used in these statues -is merely in accord with his custom, for he very rarely mentions the -materials of monuments, and apparently only where monuments of bronze -and stone or other materials stand close together in a circumscribed -area, as for instance, in enumerating the various monuments in the -Heraion at Olympia.[2207] The only inference, therefore, to be drawn -from Pausanias’ statement about the statue of Promachos mentioned is -that this particular statue of a victor at Olympia was of bronze. We -are not justified in going any further. Besides this stone statue at -Pellene we have other actual notices of marble statues of Olympic -victors outside Olympia, as those of Arrhachion at Phigalia[2208] (Fig. -79) and of Agias by Lysippos at Delphi (Pl. 28 and Fig. 68). If they -existed outside Olympia, there is no reason why they should not have -existed in the Altis also, _e. g._, the Lysippan marble head found -there, which we assigned in the preceding chapter to the Akarnanian -victor Philandridas (Frontispiece, and Fig. 69). Many of the older -statues, like that of Arrhachion, conformed with the “Apollo” type, as -we have shown in Ch. III,[5] and doubtless many such at Olympia were of -marble. - -[Illustration: FIG. 78.—Small Marble Torso of a Boy Victor, from -Olympia. Museum of Olympia.] - -Reinach’s argument that stone statues in Greece, because of their -patina of color, were intended to be placed under cover in the -porticoes or cellas of temples and elsewhere, while bronze ones were -meant to stand in the open air, has been sufficiently combatted by H. -Lechat,[2209] who argues that the use of paint in Greek architecture -and on temple sculptures proves the contrary. As the paint was burnt -in, it was reasonably durable, and if it did not prove so it was -readily renewed. At Olympia, among several examples, we may cite -the marble _Nike_ of Paionios, which stood in the open in the space -to the east of the temple of Zeus[2210] (see Plans A and B), while, -on the other hand, a bronze statue of Aphrodite stood within the -Heraion.[2211] The argument that metal statues were cheaper than marble -must also be questioned.[2212] In the earlier part of the present work -we saw that, for economy’s sake, many victors set up small bronze -statuettes instead of statues at Olympia, numbers of which have been -recovered. That such dedications were common elsewhere is shown by the -countless athlete statuettes—especially diskoboloi—which are to be -found in all European museums.[2213] For similar reasons victors would -choose in place of bronze the less durable and cheaper stone, as in -the cases of Arrhachion and Promachos cited, or even wood, as in those -of Rhexibios and Praxidamas. Still others, especially boy victors, -would set up small marble statues, two-fifths to two-thirds life-size, -as the fragments of the seven examples collected by Treu and already -enumerated above show. - -Thus we see that the contention that the victor statues at Olympia -were exclusively of bronze, in the light of the evidence adduced, is -untenable. - - -THE STATUE OF ARRHACHION AT PHIGALIA. - -In his description of Arkadia, Pausanias mentions seeing the stone -statue of the pancratiast Arrhachion in the market-place of Phigalia. -He describes it as archaic, especially in pose, the feet being close -together and the arms hanging by the sides to the hips; and adds -that he was told that it once bore an inscription which had become -illegible in his day.[2214] This Arrhachion won three victories at -Olympia in the pankration in Ols. 52-54 (= 572-564 B. C.).[2215] -Therefore his statue is one of the oldest victor monuments of which -we have record. At so early a date, before individual types of victor -statues had been developed, we should expect, in harmony with the -description of Pausanias, that this statue would conform in style with -the well-known archaic “Apollo” type, the most characteristic of early -Greek sculpture, which, as we saw in Chapter III, is exemplified in the -long series of statues found all over the Greek world, the oldest class -being represented by the example from Thera (Fig. 9), and one of the -youngest by that from Tenea near Corinth (Pl. 8A). - -[Illustration: FIG. 79.—Stone Statue of the Olympic Victor Arrhachion, -from Phigalia. In the Guards’ House at Bassai (Phigalia).] - -In his commentary on the passage of Pausanias, Sir J. G. Frazer records -that during a visit in May, 1890, he saw a recently discovered archaic -stone statue in a field just outside Pavlitsa, a village on the site of -the southeastern precincts of the old city of Phigalia, some 2.5 miles -from the temple of Apollo Epikourios at Bassai. He thought that this -statue agreed completely with Pausanias’ description of Arrhachion’s, -even to the half-effaced inscription which he transcribed from its -breast just below the neck.[2216] Through the courtesy of Dr. Svoronos, -of the National Numismatic Museum in Athens, I have been able to -procure a photograph of the monument from K. Kouroniotis, the Arkadian -_Ephor_ of antiquities stationed at Bassai, and I present it herewith -(Fig. 79). The statue is now cared for in the house of the temple -guards. This statue, like all other examples of the series, represents -a nude youth standing in a stiff, constrained attitude. It is badly -mutilated and its surface is rough from weathering. Besides having lost -its head, arms, and the lower part of the legs, it has been broken into -two parts across the abdomen. The ends of curls on either side of the -neck, extending a few inches over the breast, show that the head looked -straight forward, thus following the usual law of “frontality,”[2217] -which precluded any turning of the body; for a median line drawn -down through the middle of the breastbone, the navel, and the αἰδοῖα -would divide the statue into two equal halves. The body shows the -quadrangular form of the earlier examples, the sculptor having worked -in flat planes at right angles to one another, with the corners merely -rounded off. The remains of arms broken off just below the shoulders -show that they must have hung close to the sides. The shoulders are -broad and square, and display none of the sloping lines characteristic -of other examples, as, _e. g._, the one from Tenea. From the breast -down the body is slender, the hips being very narrow. The legs show the -usual flatness and the left one is slightly advanced, as is uniformly -the case in every one of the series. They are somewhat more separated -than in many other examples. The αἰδοῖα form a rude pyramidal mass, not -being differentiated as they are, _e. g._, in the statues from Naxos -and Orchomenos[2218] (Fig. 10). Some attempt at modeling is visible -in the muscles of the breast and lower abdomen. In general, it may be -said that the similarity in attitude of this statue to Egyptian works -impresses us, as it does in all the examples of early Greek sculpture. -As the subject of Oriental, especially Egyptian, influence on early -Greek art has given rise to very diverse views, we shall make a short -digression at this point to discuss this interesting question. - - -EGYPTIAN INFLUENCE ON EARLY GREEK SCULPTURE. - -This question has been under discussion in all its bearings ever since -Brunn, in 1853, tried to demonstrate the originality of the Daidalian -ξόανα,[2219] but, strangely enough, archæologists are not yet agreed -as to its proper settlement. While some emphasize the spontaneous -origin of Greek art, others quite as strongly advocate that the -early Greek sculptor, at least, copied Egyptian models.[2220] Thus -Furtwaengler, who early assumed a Cretan origin for the “Apollo” type -of statues,[2221] later became convinced that it developed in Ionia -through Greek contact with the colony of Naukratis in Egypt, which -was founded in the middle of the seventh century B. C. He concluded -that this plastic type “_ist bekanntlich nichts als die Nachahmung -des Haupttypus aegyptischer statuarischer Kunst_”.[2222] Similarly -Collignon traces the archaic male type to Egyptian influence, and -assumes that this influence from the Nile valley was exerted on -the Greek artist before the latter half of the seventh century B. -C.[2223] On the other hand, H. Lechat, in his review of the evolution -of Greek sculpture from its beginning, believes that the early -sculptor owed but little to Egypt or the East.[2224] Deonna entirely -rejects the assumption of Egyptian influence, believing that all the -so-called characteristics of early Greek statues can be explained -as the result of natural evolution in Greece itself.[2225] Von Mach -also completely excludes all foreign influence when he says: “In her -sculpture at least, Greece was independent of influence of any one -of the countries that can at all come under consideration in this -connection, Phœnicia, Assyria, and Egypt.”[2226] But here, as in -so many questions about Greek art, the truth must lie between the two -extremes.[2227] The economic conditions of early Greece certainly -prove that the Greeks were dependent on outside peoples in many ways, -and there is no a priori reason for denying this dependence in art. -We clearly see Egyptian influence, for example, in the ceiling of -the treasury of Orchomenos,[2228] and that the Greeks learned many -animal decorative forms as well as a correct observation of nature -from Assyrian art is clear, if we study the best examples of the -late period of that art, the reliefs from the palace of Assurbanipal -at Nineveh (Konyonjik), now in the British Museum. Such decorative -designs could be easily transmitted to the Greeks by the Phœnicians -on embroidered fabrics. It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that -early Greek artists, especially in the Greek colonies to the east and -south of Greece, were acquainted with earlier models and especially -with those of Egypt. The Greeks themselves of a later date recognized -this debt to Egypt. This is shown by many passages in Pausanias, which -mention the similarity existing between early Greek and Egyptian -sculptures,[2229] and by the curious tale told by Diodoros about the -Samian artist family of Rhoikos, according to which the latter’s two -sons made the two halves of the statue of the _Pythian Apollo_ for -Samos separately, Telekles working in Samos and Theodoros in Ephesos. -When joined together the two parts fitted exactly, just as if they had -been made by one and the same artist. Diodoros adds that τοῦτο δὲ τὸ -γένος τῆς ἐργασίας παρὰ μὲν τοῖς Ἕλλησι μηδαμῶς ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι, παρὰ δὲ -τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις μάλιστα συντελεῖσθαι.[2230] Such a story is valuable -in that it shows that the later Greeks believed that they had adopted -the conventional Egyptian canon of proportions. If we compare any of -the “Apollo” statues with Egyptian standing figures of any period of -Egyptian art, as Bulle has done, the resemblances in detail between the -two types will be found to be very striking. Thus from the Old Kingdom -(Memphitic), which included the first eight dynasties of Manetho,[2231] -we may cite the painted limestone statue of Ra-nefer and the wooden one -of Tepemankh in the Museum of Cairo (Fig. 80), two men prominent in -the fifth dynasty;[2232] or the wood statue of Ka-aper, the so-called -_Sheik-el-Beled_, which represents the apogee of Memphitic art, and -that of his “wife,” without legs or arms, the two statues being found -similarly in a grave at Sakkarah (Memphis), and now being in the same -museum.[2233] From the Middle Kingdom, including the eleventh to the -seventeenth dynasties,[2234] we may mention the painted statue found at -Dahshur and now in Cairo, which represents Horfuabra, the co-regent of -Amenemhat III, who was one of the kings of the twelfth dynasty.[2235] -From the New Empire, including the eighteenth to the twentieth -dynasties,[2236] we cite the draped wood statue of the priestess Tui, a -gem of Egyptian art, which was found in a grave near Gurna, and is now -in the Louvre;[2237] and lastly the draped alabaster statue of Queen -Amenerdis (or Amenartas) in Cairo, the wife of the Aethiopian King -Piankhi, who began to absorb Egypt by 721-722 B. C., just before the -twenty-fourth dynasty.[2238] After the early dynasties, the Egyptian -type of statue was reduced to a fixed and mechanical canon, which was -used over and over again with lifeless monotony. In all these statues, -whose dates extend over a period of many centuries, we note the same -technical characteristics which are observable in the Greek “Apollos,” -with the exception that the latter are always nude and lifelike. These -characteristics may be summarized thus: long hair falling down over -the shoulders in a mass;[2239] shoulders broad in comparison with the -hips; arms hanging down stiffly by the sides[2240] or crooked at the -elbows;[2241] hands closed, with the thumbs facing forward and touching -the ends of the index fingers; the left leg slightly advanced and the -soles placed flat on the ground; high ears,[2242] and the upper body -and head turned straight to the front.[2243] Only minor differences in -the two types appear. Thus the left foot is always further advanced -in the Egyptian than in the Greek statues, so that the former appear -to have less movement and life.[2244] Since there is no trace of this -type in Mycenæan art it seems impossible not to conclude that in some -way, doubtless through Ionian sources, it was originally borrowed -from Egypt. The imitation of the Egyptian models, however, was never -slavishly done. The Greek artist immediately rendered the type his -own by making it nude,[2245] and by transmuting the abstract lifeless -schema of the Egyptians into a highly individualized one characterized -by life and vigor.[2246] This Egyptian influence, it must be remarked, -was operative only in the initial stage of Greek sculpture; it was soon -lost, as the Greek artist came to rely upon himself. F. A. Lange has -truly said: “_Die wahre Unabhaengigkeit der hellenischen Kultur ruht in -ihrer Vollendung, nicht in ihren Anfaengen_”.[2247] - -[Illustration: FIG. 80.—Statues of Ra-nefer and Tepemankh, from -Sakkarah. Museum of Cairo.] - -After this digression we will return to the statue of Arrhachion. Dr. -Frazer was unable to decipher the inscription upon the breast with -certainty, but made out the following letters, the last four of which -are plainly visible in the photograph: ΕΥΝΛΙΑΔ. He believed them to -be archaic and the first instance of an inscription on this class of -statues. He thought that the name was that of a man, which favored the -view that the “Apollo” statues represented mortals rather than gods. -The letters form a combination manifestly not Greek, and so may have -no significance; it is even possible that they were engraved in modern -times.[2248] In any case we have the statement of Pausanias that the -inscription was illegible in his day. - -There seems little doubt, then, that this mutilated and weather-worn -statue is the very one seen and described by Pausanias and referred -by him to the victor Arrhachion.[2249] It is presented here for two -reasons. In the first place, it is the oldest dated Olympic victor -statue in existence. Only three older ones are recorded, and none -of these has survived to our time. These three are the statues of -the Spartan Eutelidas at Olympia, who won the boys’ wrestling and -pentathlon matches in Ol. 38 (= 628 B. C.);[2250] of the Athenian -Kylon on the Akropolis, who won the double running-race in Ol. 35 (= -640 B. C.);[2251] of the Spartan Hetoimokles at Sparta, who won five -times in wrestling at the beginning of the sixth century B. C.[2252] -The statue of Oibotas of Dyme, who won the stade-race in Ol. 6 (= 756 -B. C.), was not set up until Ol. 80 (= 460 B. C.);[2253] that of the -Spartan Chionis, who won five running-races in Ols. 28-31 (= 668-656 -B. C.), was made later by Myron.[2254] Pausanias’ statement (VI. -18.7) that the wooden statues of Praxidamas and Rhexibios, who won in -Ols. 59 and 61 respectively (= 544 and 536 B. C.), were the oldest at -Olympia, is of course incorrect. In the second place, the statue of -Arrhachion actually proves what has often been assumed, that some of -the statues classed as “Apollos” are really victor monuments. As this -question has provoked a good deal of discussion in recent years, I will -briefly review the arguments by which the opinion has gradually gained -acceptance. - - -EARLY VICTOR STATUES AND THE “APOLLO” TYPE. - -As the earlier examples of the series were discovered under peculiar -circumstances, they gave no clue to their meaning. Thus the “Apollo” -of Naxos was found in the quarries of the island, while that from -Orchomenos (Fig. 10) was first seen in the convent of Skripou, its -exact provenience being unknown. From the first they were denominated -“Apollos,” chiefly because of their long hair[2255] and nudity,[2256] -while the existence of many small bronzes in the same schema dedicated -to the god,[2257] and cult statues of similar pose appearing on vase- -and wall-paintings,[2258] helped to make the identification more -probable. Certain ancient texts, describing archaic statues of Apollo -in this pose, were also cited as evidence, and it was pointed out that -many of these statues were actually found in or near sanctuaries of the -god. Thus Diodoros, in his description of the ξόανον of the _Pythian -Apollo_ made for the Samians by Telekles and Theodoros, which we have -already mentioned, says: τὰς μὲν χεῖρας ἔχον παρατεταμένας, τὰ δὲ σκέλη -διαβεβηκότα.[2259] Probably the gilded image by the Cretan Cheirisophos -in the temple of Apollo at Tegea was of this type.[2260] The later -type of “Apollo,” with the arms extended at the elbows, was doubtless -followed in the statue of Apollo made for the Delians by Tektaios and -Angelion,[2261] and in the works ascribed to Dipoinos and Skyllis -and their school. It would be easy to give an extended list of such -“Apollo” statues found in sanctuaries.[2262] We might instance one from -Naukratis, Egypt;[2263] one from Delos;[2264] two from Aktion;[2265] -several from Mount Ptoion in Bœotia;[2266] a copy of the head of the -_Choiseul-Gouffier_ Apollo (Pl. 7A) found in Kyrene.[2267] Still others -have been found in _temenoi_ of temples, _e. g._, two in that of Apollo -at Naukratis,[2268] and one in that of Aphrodite there.[2269] - -However, against this exclusive interpretation doubts have been -raised with ever-increasing precision, until now we can predicate -with certainty what Loeschke long ago assumed, that the more statues -of the series there are found, the less probable will it become that -they should all be ascribed to Apollo.[2270] Conze and Michaelis -first argued on the basis of Pausanias’ description of Arrhachion’s -statue that this type was employed for victor statues.[2271] Koerte’s -objection to their view on the ground of the long hair was refuted -by Waldstein, who demonstrated that athletes were not represented -with short hair until after the Persian wars; he pointed out that the -archaic grave-figures of the mortals Dermys and Kitylos discovered at -Tanagra, which were sculptured in a constrained attitude analogous -to that of the “Apollos,” had long hair.[2272] We now know that the -hair of some of the “Apollos” is short, which shows the irrelevancy of -this argument,[2273] and we also know that nudity characterizes many -archaic statues of mortals. Nor do we learn much from dedications, -for we have examples of statues of gods dedicated to other gods and -even to goddesses.[2274] _Ex votos_ were often more concerned with the -dedicator than with the god to whom the statue was dedicated. Doubtless -the cult statues portrayed on vase-paintings are actually those of -Apollo, for at this epoch other gods, such as Hermes and Dionysos, are -bearded.[2275] - -Moreover, that a more advanced _schema_ for representing the god Apollo -had already become fixed toward the end of the sixth century B. C., we -know from ancient descriptions of the statue of the god made for the -Delians by Tektaios and Angelion, which represented him in the usual -archaic attitude, _i. e._, of the statue of Arrhachion, but with the -notable difference that the forearms were outstretched.[2276] That -this was the recognized type in the early years of the fifth century -B. C., is attested by the bronze statue of the god fashioned by the -elder Kanachos of Sikyon for Branchidai, the pose of which is known -from several statuettes and from a long series of Milesian coins.[2277] -For conservative reasons this favorite pose was kept for cult statues -even into the fourth century B. C., as we learn from representations -on coins of the golden statue of the god set up in the inmost shrine -of the temple at Delphi.[2278] But that many of the earlier examples -of the “Apollo” series do represent the god, should not be denied. We -agree with Homolle that the old appellation “Apollo,” after having -received too much favor, has now by reaction become censured too -severely, and in general should still be applied to those statues -of the series which have been discovered in or near sanctuaries of -the god, and in the absence of any other indication to the contrary, -also to those which stand upon bases inscribed with dedications to -him.[2279] Such a statue was found on the island of Thasos at the -bottom of the cella of the temple of Apollo at Alki and is now in -Constantinople.[2280] The colossal statue found on the island of Delos -just south of the temple of Apollo,[2281] and the huge torso discovered -in Megara[2282] may be referred to the god, for their size favors an -ascription to a deity rather than to mortals. And many other examples -of the type found in sanctuaries may very well represent Apollo and -other gods.[2283] - -That several of the series were also funerary in character is -abundantly proved by the fact that they were discovered in the -neighborhood of tombs. Thus the _Apollo of Tenea_ (Pl. 8A) decorated -a tomb in the necropolis of Tenea near Corinth.[2284] Likewise the -example from Thera (Fig. 9) was found in a rock-cut niche.[2285] -Another, now in the British Museum, was found in the _dromos_ of a -tomb on the island of Cyprus,[2286] while a fourth was unearthed from -the necropolis of Megara Hyblaia in Sicily.[2287] The one found at -Volomandra in Attika in 1900 was also found in an old cemetery.[2288] -These furnish proof enough of the sepulchral character of many of these -statues. Such funerary monuments may, of course, have been been set up -also in memory of victors. - -We are now in a position, on the basis of Pausanias’ description of -Arrhachion’s statue and the actual monument itself, to maintain with -certainty what hitherto has been conjectured only, that although some -of these archaic sculptures represent Apollo and other gods, sepulchral -dedications, and _ex votos_ in general, others were intended to -represent athletes also. Doubtless the other early victor monuments -recorded, such as the wooden statues of Praxidamas and Rhexibios, and -those of Eutelidas, Kylon, and Hetoimokles, already discussed in Ch. -III, conformed with the earlier type, while that of Milo, described -by Philostratos,[2289] conformed with the later. Certain examples of -the series have already been ascribed to victors. Thus the marble -head of Attic workmanship found in or near Athens and known as the -Rayet-Jacobsen head (Fig. 22), has been referred to a pancratiast -because of its swollen and deformed ears.[2290] Certain statuettes -of the same pose as the “Apollos” have been looked upon as copies of -athlete statues.[2291] So the early doubts[2292] as to the meaning of -these archaic sculptures have been resolved in many cases. We have -added one well-attested example to show that they sometimes represented -victor monuments. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -POSITIONS OF VICTOR STATUES IN THE ALTIS; OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS -ERECTED OUTSIDE OLYMPIA; STATISTICS OF OLYMPIC VICTOR STATUARIES.[2293] - -PLANS A AND B. - - -The first part of this final chapter is a special study in the -topography of the Altis at Olympia. It is an attempt to fix, more or -less exactly, the positions of victor statues erected there, so far as -these can be determined from the data furnished by Pausanias, and from -the locations of the inscribed fragmentary bases of the statues which -have been recovered during the excavations at Olympia. - - -STATUES MENTIONED BY PAUSANIAS. - -We shall first attempt to give the positions of the statues mentioned -by Pausanias, who is our chief source of information. After describing -the votive offerings (ἀναθήματα) at the end of Book V, he begins -the enumeration of the monuments of “race-horses ... and athletes -and private individuals” at the beginning of Book VI.[2294] This -description falls into two routes (ἔφοδοι), the first of which is -concerned with the statues of 168 victors,[2295] and the second with -those of 19.[2296] Both accounts also include many “honor” monuments -erected to private persons. The first route begins at the Heraion -in the northwestern part of the sacred enclosure, while the second -begins—manifestly where the first ends—at the Leonidaion at its -southwestern corner, and extends to a point near the so-called Great -Altar of Zeus near the centre of the Altis (see Plans A and B).[2297] -Besides these meagre indications of his two routes furnished by -Pausanias himself, we are fortunate in knowing exactly the position of -one statue, that of Telemachos, the 122d victor mentioned, the base of -which still stands _in situ_ near the South wall of the Altis, a little -southeast of the temple of Zeus, showing that the route passed before -the eastern front of this temple and thence westward to the Leonidaion. -With these data and with the help of some forty inscribed bases of -statues and other monuments mentioned by Pausanias, many of which were -found in or near their original positions, it is possible to trace yet -more definitely his routes. Several attempts have been made, since the -German excavations, to define topographically the positions of these -statues, especially by Hirschfeld,[2298] Scherer,[2299] Flasch,[2300] -Doerpfeld,[2301] and the present writer.[2302] - -The position of several inscribed base-fragments of statues, -corresponding with Pausanias’ order of presentation, should alone -be sufficient to confute the doubts raised by some scholars that -these routes through the Altis were not topographical.[2303] But in -any attempt to reconstruct them we must constantly be on our guard -against assuming that Pausanias describes a continuous line or row -of monuments, as both Hirschfeld and Scherer have done. Though here -and there this may have been true, still, generally speaking, we -must conceive of these statues as being strewn about the Altis in no -other order than that they stood in groups, and that these groups had -only a general direction; for we shall see that Pausanias sometimes -returns to the same spot without mentioning it and often leaves long -spaces unnoticed. Apart from the indication of such groups in the -description itself, as attested by the use of such words as παρά, -ἐφεξῆς, μετά, πλησίον, ἀνάκειται ἐπί, ἐγγύτατα, ὄπισθεν, μεταξύ, οὐ -πόρρω, οὐ πρόσω, κ. τ .λ., I have already shown in my previous work that -it is possible to reconstruct many other groups, for abundant proof -is there given that statues of nearly contemporaneous victors were -often grouped together, as were those of the same family or state, or -those victorious in the same contest, or those whose statues were made -by the same artist.[2304] So, in general, we can group only certain -statues in belts or “zones” around some building or monument which -is still _in situ_. Further than this we can seldom go. W. Gurlitt -has thus well expressed the difficulty of following these routes -of Pausanias: “_Jede folgende Statue ist nach der vorhergehenden -orientirt zu denken ... Beziehungen auf frueher oder spaeter erwaehnte -Monumente waren ueberfluessig ... wir sind ... auf wenige Fixpunkte -angewiesen und verfallen daher leicht in den Fehler, die Wegrichtungen -in den Plan zu schematisch einzuzeichnen.... Das Hin und Her auf -den viel verschlungenen Wegen der Altis koennen wir nicht mehr -controllieren_”.[2305] In his description of the scattered altars (V, -14.4-15.12), Pausanias had not the same problem to meet as in that of -the victor statues. As there was so little continuity in describing -the altars, which were strewn all over the Altis, he had to introduce -many other monuments to make their locations known; but in the case -of the victor statues there was great continuity, and consequently -such indications would have been superfluous.[2306] And, in general, -owing to the number and variety of monuments crowded together in the -circumscribed area of the Altis, he was not compelled to describe -Olympia with such definite detail as Athens. That these victor statues, -however, are described in topographical order is not only attested -by the internal evidence of Pausanias’ words,[2307] but also by the -finding of many of their bases in the order of his presentation. With -this introductory warning, let us take up the routes of Pausanias in -detail. - - -THE FIRST EPHODOS OF PAUSANIAS. - -Pausanias begins his enumeration in the northeastern part of the Altis: -ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ ναοῦ τῆς Ἥρας[2308]—words which have been the subject of -much discussion as to whether they are to be understood of the temple -_pro persona_, _i. e._, the southern side,[2309] or of the viewpoint of -one facing it, _i. e.,_ the space (especially the northern or right hand -half) before the eastern front.[2310] From the immediate whereabouts of -Pausanias we get no clue; for at the end of Book V (27.11) he says that -he is in the middle of the Altis, and yet in the following paragraph -(27.12)—evidently added as a transition from the account of the altars -to that of the victors—he mentions the trophy of the people of Mende, -in Thrace, which he says he nearly mistook for the statue of the -pancratiast Anauchidas (131), and this, as we shall see, stood near the -South wall of the Altis far from the centre. Doerpfeld’s contention, -therefore, that Pausanias approached the Heraion from this point, and -that consequently the words ἐν δεξιᾷ must refer to its eastern front, -is untenable, and we are left dependent on the meaning of these words -as gathered from other passages in Pausanias’ work. An examination of -several such passages seems to be convincing that they are used here -of the Heraion _pro persona_.[2311] Furthermore, the finding of the -inscribed tablet from the base of the statue of Troilos (6) and the -pedestal of that of Kyniska (7) in the ruins of the Prytaneion, _i. -e._, not far from the western end of the Heraion, and the base of that -of Sophios (22) in the bed of the Kladeos still further west,[2312] -makes it reasonable to conclude that the first statues mentioned (VI, -1.3-3.7), those of the Spartan group (Kyniska-Lichas, 7-14), all of the -fifth century, B. C., flanked on either side by statues of the fourth, -mostly of Eleans (Symmachos-Troilos, 1-6, and Timosthenes-Eupolemos, -15-28), originally stood in the order named by Pausanias along the -southern front of the temple.[2313] - -Leaving the Heraion, we get no further fixed point until we arrive -opposite the eastern front of the temple of Zeus. For here around the -foundation of the statue of the _Eretrian Bull_—still _in situ_ 32 -meters east of the northeastern corner of the temple (see Plans A and -B)[2314]—have been found fragments of the pedestals of the statues of -Narykidas (49) and Hellanikos (65) to the south, of Kallias (50) and -Eukles (52), beneath that of Kallias, to the north, of Euthymos (56) -and Charmides (58) close together to the east.[2315] So it is clear -that the series of statues from Narykidas to Charmides (49-58, P., VI, -6. 1-7.1) stood in this neighborhood. Now the statues of the family of -Diagoras, the Rhodian athlete, stood together (59-63), as Pausanias -says (VI, 7.1-2); one of them, that of Eukles (52), seems to have been -moved from its original position later, as we learn from a scholiast on -Pindar’s seventh Olympian ode,[2316] who, on the authority of the lost -works of Aristotle and Apollas on the Olympic victors,[2317] enumerates -these statues in an order different from that adopted by Pausanias, -showing that a change in their positions must have taken place some -time between the date of Aristotle and that of the Periegete.[2318] -The statues of Alkainetos and his son Hellanikos (64-65) must also -have stood together. Inasmuch as the victors from Euthymos to Lykinos -(56-68) are, with one exception, all pugilists or pancratiasts and of -the fifth century B. C., they must have been grouped together, with the -family groups of Diagoras and Alkainetos in the centre.[2319] We may -also add the statues of Dromeus and Pythokles[2320] (69-70) of nearly -the same date, and we can also extend the group in the other direction; -for the same scholiast says that the statue of Diagoras stood near that -of the Spartan Lysandros (35 a).[2321] Pausanias (VI, 3.14 and 4.1) -says that the statue of Lysandros stood between those of Pyrilampes and -Athenaios (35-36). Thus we can conclude that the 36 statues (35-70, -VI, 3.13-7.10) stood in the zone of the _Eretrian Bull_, extending -perhaps across the Altis to the vicinity of the Echo Colonnade along -its eastern boundary. - -It would follow, then, that the intervening statues from Oibotas to -Xenophon (29-34, P., VI, 3.8-3.13) stood somewhere between the Heraion -and the _Eretrian Bull_. It is idle to discuss the route between these -two monuments more definitely.[2322] - -Our next fixed point is the _Victory_ of Paionios, whose foundation -is still standing in its original position, 37 meters due east of -the southeast corner of the temple of Zeus.[2323] For, of the next -few statues mentioned, the base of that of Sosikrates (71) was found -“somewhere” east of the temple, that of Kritodamos (80) before -the “Southeast Building,” and that of Xenokles (85), 4 meters to -the northeast of the _Victory_ base, presumably near its original -position.[2324] Pausanias groups the three Arkadian athletes, -Euthymenes-Kritodamos (78-80, P., VI, 8.5); then, after naming four -statues of victors from other states, he mentions two more Arkadians -together, Xenokles and Alketos (85-86, VI, 9.2); and he continues by -saying that the statues of the Argives Aristeus and Cheimon (87-88, VI, -9.3) stood together. One more statue, that of Phillen or Philys[2325] -of Elis (89), is named before he comes to the chariot of Gelo. Thus we -may conclude that the series of statues denoted by the numbers 71-89 -(P., VI, 8.1-9.4) stood to the south of the _Eretrian Bull_ in the -parallel zone of the _Victory_. - -We next come to the series of statues mentioned between the chariots -of Gelo and Kleosthenes (90-99). The position of the bases of these -chariots is practically certain. In describing the statues of Zeus in -Book V, Pausanias says he is proceeding north from the Council-house -(23.1), and first mentions a statue of Zeus set up by the Greeks who -fought at Platæa; in describing the victor statues he says that the -chariot of Kleosthenes stands behind this statue of Zeus (P., VI, -10.6). After describing the _Zeus_ of Platæa, he mentions a bronze -inscribed tablet as standing in front of it (V, 23.4), which recorded -the thirty years’ treaty of peace between Sparta and Athens, and -then says that the statue of the _Zeus_ of the Megarians stands near -the chariot of Kleosthenes (23.5). As he is proceeding north, this -Megarian _Zeus_ must have stood north of the Platæan one; thus in one -group we have the two statues of Zeus and the chariot of Kleosthenes. -Immediately to the north he next mentions the chariot of the Syracusan -tyrant Gelo (90), which he says is near the statue of the _Zeus_ of -the Hyblæans (23.6). Now in coming south, in the athlete _periegesis_, -he names eight statues between these chariots. Doerpfeld[2326] has -identified the base of the Platæan _Zeus_ with a large pedestal to the -northwest of that of the victor Telemachos (122) found _in situ_ near -the South Altis wall,[2327] a position which is in harmony with the -description of the statues of Zeus; just behind it he has identified -two large foundations near together as those of the two chariots. So -the eight intervening statues stood here. Of the statues between the -chariot of Kleosthenes and the base of the statue of Telemachos, the -base of that of Tellon (102) was found in the East Byzantine wall near -the South Altis wall; that of Aristion (115) nearby, embedded in the -same wall; that of Akestorides (119), whose name I have inserted in the -lacuna in the text of Pausanias (VI, 13.7),[2328] just northeast of the -base of Telemachos.[2329] Thus the series of statues from that of Gelo -to that of Agathinos (90-121a, P., VI, 9.4-13.11) can be grouped in the -zone of the _Chariots_. - -As the fragment of the base of the statue of the Athenian pancratiast -Aristophon (123) was found near the base of Telemachos, but to the -east of it, and likewise that which supported the equestrian monument -of Xenombrotos and Xenodikos (133-134) still further to the east near -the Echo Colonnade,[2330] we can conclude that the twenty-one statues -from Aristophon to Prokles (123-138, P., VI, 13.11-14.13), mostly -of the fifth century B. C., stood near the South Altis wall to the -east (and not to the west of the base of Telemachos, where all other -investigators have wrongly placed them),[2331] and thus form a group -which we can call the zone of _Telemachos_. So we conclude that the -long list of statues from Pyrilampes to Prokles (35-138), nearly -two-thirds of all those mentioned in the first ἔφοδος of Pausanias, -stood in the space to the east and southeast of the temple of Zeus, -grouped in the parallel zones of the _Bull_, _Victory_, _Chariots_, and -_Telemachos_. - -On the other hand, the statues beginning with the two of Aischines -(139) and extending to that of Philonides (154 a) (P., VI, 14.13-16.5) -must have stood to the west of the base of Telemachos and along the -South Terrace wall some 20 meters south of the temple of Zeus, where -many of the following pedestals were found in the order named by -Pausanias: that of Aischines (139) was found in the Council-house; -that of Archippos (140) nearby between the South Terrace wall and the -north wing of the Council-house; that of Epitherses (147) opposite the -sixth column of the temple from the west, some eleven paces from the -South Terrace wall, and the fragment of the base of the honor statue of -Antigonos (147 f) very near it; the bronze foot of one of the statues -of Kapros (150) was found in the South Terrace wall, 24.40 meters from -the southwest corner of the temple; and lastly, the base of the “honor” -statue of Philonides (154 a), Alexander’s courier, was found in the -southwest corner of the Altis at the extreme west end of the South -Terrace wall, almost, if not exactly, in its original position.[2332] -Thus Pausanias, after coming south to the statue of Telemachos, first -goes eastward as far as the statue of Prokles, then returns, repassing -the two chariots on the way without remark, and then continues westward -to the southwestern corner of the Altis. All statues west of that -of Telemachos are of the fifth and fourth centuries B. C., with the -exception of one, that of Eutelidas (148), who won in Ol. 38. This is -the oldest statue in the Altis, despite Pausanias’ statement,[2333] and -it doubtless originally stood in the area occupied later toward the -middle of the fifth century B. C. by the temple of Zeus, but was then -transferred to its new position south of the temple. - -After the statue of Philonides, there are still 19 statues of victors -and “honor” men to dispose of in this first ἔφοδος, those from Brimias -to Glaukon (155-169, P., VI, 16.5-16.9). Of these statues, the base of -that of Leonidas of Naxos (155a), the founder of the great building -just outside the southwestern corner of the Altis named after him, was -discovered in a Byzantine wall before the eastern end of the north -front of that building, while that of Seleadas (159) was unearthed -within the ruins of the same building; the base which supported the -group-monument of Polypeithes and Kalliteles (160-161)—which, owing -to the early dates of their victories, some time between Ols. (?) 66 -and 70 (= 516 and 500 B. C.), must have stood originally in the area -later occupied by the temple of Zeus, like that of the above-mentioned -Eutelidas—a little to the south of the Byzantine church, between the -bases of the statues of Leonidas and Glaukon; two fragments of the base -of the statue of Deinosthenes (163) have been found, one east of the -apse of the church, the other in the ruins of the Palaistra further -north; and lastly, that of Glaukon, built into late walls northwest -of the church.[2334] As the statue of Philonides stood at the extreme -western end of the South Altis wall, and as most of these fragments -were found in the vicinity of the Leonidaion, it would be natural to -conclude that the majority of these later statues stood in the spaces -just outside the West Altis wall. But at the end of the first ἔφοδος -(VI, 17.1) Pausanias says that he has so far named statues “within the -Altis”; hence most investigators have placed these 19 statues either -west of the temple of Zeus or in the space at the southwestern corner -of the Altis. A little further on we shall see that many other victor -statues, not mentioned by Pausanias, stood just outside the West Altis -wall, and it is doubtful whether his words ἐν τῇ Ἄλτει (VI, 17.1) -should be taken thus literally, especially on any theory of his use -of earlier accounts in the final compiling of his own. If they were -“within” the Altis, they could scarcely have stood to the west or -southwest of the temple of Zeus, for the second ἔφοδος, as we shall -see, passed there. - -A better alternative can be found. In describing the Leonidaion (V, -15.2), Pausanias says that this building stood “outside the sacred -enclosure at the processional entrance into the Altis ... separated -from this entrance by a street; for what the Athenians call lanes, -the Eleans name streets.”[2335] Now Doerpfeld has shown that inside -the West Altis wall and parallel to it—just south of the base of -Philonides’ statue—is a line of bases ending in the later South wall -of the Altis, so that this West wall and row of pedestals form a _cul -de sac_ (see Plan B).[2336] It is clear that no such row of statues -would have been placed leading up to a dead wall; therefore these -statues must have stood there before the wall was built, and must once -have formed the eastern boundary of a broad street skirting the eastern -side of the Leonidaion, which was twice as wide as later, when the wall -cut off half its breadth and made it a “lane,” though the older name -“street” was retained. The later Roman enlargement of the Altis is -well known. The long row of pedestals to the south of and parallel to -those already discussed as standing along the line of the South Terrace -wall, westward of the base of Telemachos, once constituted the southern -boundary of the “Processional Way” (ὁδὸς πομπική), which ran from the -Leonidaion to where it debouched into the Altis at its southeastern -corner. Originally outside the Altis, they were later, together -with the road itself, included in it. The pedestals, then, in the -above-mentioned _cul de sac_, and also the fourteen (among them that -of Metellus Macedonicus; see Plan B) that adorned the south side of -the Processional Way, may be the remains of some of these last statues -mentioned by Pausanias. - - -THE SECOND EPHODOS OF PAUSANIAS. - -We next come to the second ἔφοδος, which is introduced by these -words: Εἰ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ Λεωνιδαίου πρὸς τὸν βωμὸν τὸν μέγαν ἀφικέσθαι -τῇ δεξιᾷ θελήσειας, τοσάδε ἔστι σοὶ τῶν ἀνηκόντων ἐς μνήμην.[2337] -The Leonidaion, the site of which was still in dispute till after -the close of the excavations, was finally identified by Treu[2338] -with the so-called _Suedwestbau_, as had been already assumed by many -investigators.[2339] The site of the Great Altar, however, is still -undetermined. The elliptical depression to the east of the Pelopion, -whose dimensions (125 feet in circumference) agree with the figures -of Pausanias[2340] for the _prothysis_, or lowest stage of the -altar, identified with it by most scholars,[2341] must now be given -up since the more recent excavations of Doerpfeld, which prove it to -be the remains of two prehistoric dwelling houses with apse-like -ends.[2342] Nor can the remains of walls lying between the Heraion and -the Pelopion, formerly supposed to be those of an altar, any longer -be referred to the Great Altar (as Puchstein and Wernicke referred -them)[2343] since Doerpfeld’s recent discoveries. So we are dependent -on the words of Pausanias alone for its location, who says that it -stood “equidistant from the Pelopion and the sanctuary of Hera, but in -front of both,”[2344] therefore somewhat northwest of the elliptical -depression nearer the centre of the Altis.[2345] Our problem, then, is -to find Pausanias’ route between these two points, and here again, as -at the beginning of the first ἔφοδος, we must rightly interpret the -words ἐν δεξιᾷ. Michaelis, in his article on the use of ἐν δεξιᾷ and -ἐν ἀριστερᾷ in Pausanias’ work, made these words refer to the southern -side of the Processional Way, _i. e._, to the side at the right of -Pausanias, who was facing east after arriving at the Leonidaion.[2346] -Thus the statues already mentioned along the South Terrace wall -(Aischines to Philonides, 139-154a) would now be on his left side. -On this interpretation both Hirschfeld and Doerpfeld had the second -ἔφοδος follow the Processional Way eastward parallel to the first—thus -including the line of pedestals, which we have referred to the end of -the first—and then, near the Councilhouse, curve northward in front -of the temple of Zeus, which virtually would be a repetition of the -first ἔφοδος. On this theory Doerpfeld[2347] wrongly explained the -first route as containing statues ἐν τῇ Ἄλτει, while the second was -outside the older Altis, and so, though equally long, contained fewer -statues. But against this interpretation it must be urged that the -Periegete is describing the Altis of his day, when the road in question -was included within its boundaries, and that the Great Altar and the -two last statues mentioned (187, 188) as standing near the pillar of -Oinomaos were always inside.[2348] And neither this Processional Way -nor the space before the eastern front of the temple of Zeus were -localities for “unimportant mixed statues.”[2349] Furthermore, if he -had merely retraced his steps after arriving at the Leonidaion—and he -says nothing of returning—he would not have begun a new route[2350], -but would have said something like this: Εἰ δὲ ὀπίσω ἀναστρέψας ἀπὸ τοῦ -Λεωνιδαίου πρὸς τὸν βωμὸν αὖθις ἀφικέσθαι τῇ δεξιᾷ θελήσειας.[2351] So -it is simpler to conclude that the new route wound around the western -and northern sides of the temple of Zeus over the temple terrace.[2352] -As no building is mentioned on the way, and as the north side of the -temple would probably have been called ἀριστερὰ πλευρά (in accordance -with the usage discussed above in connection with the Heraion), and -as the Pelopion faces southwest, the words ἐν δεξιᾷ can refer only -to the right hand of Pausanias, _i. e._, the right side of the road -followed. If we assume that these words originally stood after τοσάδε -ἔστι σοί and were transferred by a later copyist, the difficulty is -resolved.[2353] - -Of the nineteen victor statues in this second route (170-188, VI, -17.1-18.7) no bases have been found.[2354] But of the three “honor” -statues included, one base, that of the rhetorician Gorgias of -Leontini (184a), was recovered 10 meters northeast of the temple of -Zeus, and so probably not very far from its original position;[2355] -for Pausanias mentions only three more statues, before he comes to the -last two in this ἔφοδος, which two stood in this vicinity. The parts -of the Altis to the west and north of the temple were unimportant -till the time of Alexander the Great, and were, therefore, remarkably -free of monuments. In the whole description of Pausanias, we know of -only three altars (those of Aphrodite, the Seasons, and the Nymphs) -and a wild olive tree (the “Olive of the Beautiful Crown”) to the -west of the temple (V, 15.3), and only of the votive offerings of a -certain Mikythos or Smikythos to the north of it (V, 26.2).[2356] As -the statue of Gorgias stood among the “unimportant mixed statues” -already mentioned (184-186), these must have stood somewhere north -of the temple near its eastern end. Finally, the two ancient wooden -statues of Praxidamas and Rhexibios (187-188, P., VI, 18.7) are -mentioned by themselves as near the column of Oinomaos, which Pausanias -elsewhere[2357] says stood near the Great Altar of Zeus to the left of -a road running south from it to the temple. Pausanias, after describing -these “mixed” statues, may have finally left the route thus far -followed and introduced these last two statues as quite distinct from -the second ἔφοδος.[2358] But he does not seem to have gone far from his -route, for immediately after ending his account of the victor statues, -he begins his account of the Treasuries, which lay beyond the Great -Altar farther north.[2359] (Plans A and B.) - -Thus Pausanias ends his second route somewhere short of the Great -Altar, and it appears after all to be only a continuation of the first, -forming with it one unbroken “_Rundgang_,” though in quite a different -sense of the word from that intended by Doerpfeld. - - -SUMMARY OF RESULTS. - -From a study of these two routes, and a comparison of the dates of the -victorious athletes,[2360] we can draw the following conclusions as to -the positions of the victor statues mentioned by Pausanias as standing -in the Altis at Olympia: - -1. The twenty-eight oldest statues—exclusive of the five already -mentioned as having been removed from the area of the later temple of -Zeus[2361]—dating from Ol. 58 (= 548 B. C., Pythokritos, 128 b) to Ol. -76 (= 476 B. C., Theognetos, 83), _i. e._, approximately down to the -date of the founding of the temple,[2362] stood in the space between -the eastern front of the temple and the Echo Colonnade, or to the south -of it near the South Altis wall. Only one statue (that of Protolaos, -48) stood as far north as the _Eretrian Bull_. Thus the southeastern -part of the Altis was the oldest part dedicated to victor statues. - -2. After this space was mostly filled, the next statues, those dating -from Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C., Kallias, 50) to Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C., Eubotas, -75), _i. e._, from about the time of the foundation of the temple to -near the date of the battle of Aigospotamoi, fifty-one in number, -stood between the Heraion and the _Victory_ of Paionios; only one -stood as far south as the Altis wall, while seven stood around the -_Chariots_, ten around the _Victory_, twenty around the _Bull_, and -the rest further north (including 176, 185 of the second ἔφοδος, which -stood north of the eastern end of the temple). Diagoras and his family -(59-63), boxers and pancratiasts, had their statues near the older -famous boxer Euthymos (56); Alkainetos and his sons (64-66), boxers, -besides many other pugilists, had theirs near the Diagorids; Tellon -(102) had his near that of his compatriot Epikradios (101); later -Achæans had theirs near that of their countryman Oibotas (29), and -Spartans near that of Chionis (111); some, as the three victors from -Heraia (176, 177, 32),[2363] stood far apart only apparently, for the -last one had his statue near the _Bull_, and so not far from the other -two, though these are named in the second ἔφοδος. - -3. From near the date of the battle of Aigospotamoi, down to about the -birth of Alexander the Great, _i. e._, from Ol. 94 to Ol. 106 (= 404 -to 356 B. C.), thirty-six statues filled in the intervals left among -these older statues; fifteen stood near the Heraion; five between it -and the _Bull_, seven around the _Bull_, five around the _Victory_, one -near the _Chariots_, and three along the South Altis wall. Euthymenes -and Kritodamos (78, 80) had their monuments near that of their older -countryman (79), whose statue was made by Myron; the Ephesians, -Pyrilampes and Athenaios (35, 36), had their statues beside that of -their benefactor Lysandros (35 a). - -4. After Alexander’s time, in consequence of the recent building of -the Philippeion, Leonidaion, and Theekoleon to the west of the Altis, -the western side of the temple of Zeus (and, to a lesser extent, the -northern) became important, and henceforth statues surrounded the -temple on all sides. Of the thirty-three statues of this epoch, nine -stood to the west of the temple, four to the north, and seven to the -south, while the rest stood either to the east, or, perhaps, near the -Heraion. We shall see also that many later statues, known to us from -inscriptions only, stood outside the Altis, to the west and northwest. - - -STATUES NOT MENTIONED BY PAUSANIAS, BUT KNOWN FROM RECOVERED BASES. - -Having established these data, it is not difficult, from the positions -of the many inscribed fragmentary bases found at Olympia and referred -to victor statues not mentioned by Pausanias, from the approximate -dates of the victories as gained from the age of the inscriptions, and -by again employing the system of groups already mentioned, to state -quite definitely where many of these other statues stood. Pausanias, -who mentions 187 victors with 192 monuments in his two ἔφοδοι, -expressly states that he enumerates only those “who had some title -to fame or whose statues were better made.”[2364] The reasons for -his selection and the fact that he mentions the statue of no athlete -certainly later than the middle of the second century B. C. (although -we know from inscriptions that statues were set up far into the third -century A. D., at least)[2365] have been subjects of much discussion, -but hardly concern us here.[2366] The three latest statues of victors -mentioned by Pausanias, whose dates are fixed, may be given: those of -Kleitomachos, who won παγκράτιον and πύξ in Ols. 141 and 142 (= 216 -and 212 B. C.);[2367] of Kapros, victor in παγκράτιον and πάλη in -Ol. 142 (= 212 B. C.);[2368] and of Akestorides, victor πώλων ἅρματι -sometime between Ols. 142 and 144 (= 212 and 204 B. C.).[2369] Still -later statues of victors named by Pausanias, whose dates can not be -exactly determined, are those of Sodamas, who won παίδων στάδιον some -time between Ols. 142 and 145 (= 212 and 200 B. C.);[2370] of Amyntas, -victor in παίδων παγκράτιον in Ol. (?) 146 (= 196 B. C.);[2371] -of Timon, victor in πένταθλον in Ols. 146 or 147 (= 196 or 192 B. -C.);[2372] and of Lysippos, victor in παίδων πάλη some time between -Ols. 149 and 157 (= 184 and 152 B. C.).[2373] Of the first century A. -D., Pausanias mentions three victors without statues: Artemidoros, -who won παγκράτιον in Ol. 212 (= 69 A. D.);[2374] Polites, victor -in στάδιον, δίαυλος and δόλιχος in Ol. 212;[2375] and Hermogenes, -victor in στάδιον twice, δίαυλος once, and as ὁπλίτης thrice, in Ols. -215, 216, 217 (= 81-89 A. D.).[2376] The words of Pliny, _Olympiae, -ubi omnium qui vicissent statuas dicari mos erat_[2377] refer, of -course, as we have already pointed out, only to the privilege and not -to the actual fact, for many victors would have no statues, as it -was necessary for them or their relatives or city-states to meet the -expenses of their erection.[2378] No more is the rest of his statement -to be taken literally, _i. e._, that those victors who were victorious -three times had the right to erect portrait statues in their honor; -for we have, as has already been shown, at least one exception.[2379] -Besides we know that portrait statues were practically unknown -before the fourth century B. C. Most of the victor statues were mere -types—those of Hermes and Herakles being common—without individualized -features, simply representing the various contests by position or -some characteristic, _e. g._, the helmet and shield for “hoplite” -victors.[2380] - -Five of these inscriptions have been referred to the sixth and fifth -centuries B. C.[2381] Of these the inscribed base of Pantares was -found near the South Altis wall, and the statue must originally have -stood east of the temple of Zeus, near the chariot of Gelo (90), for -these two were the only victors from Gela, and won in the same kind -of contest and at nearly the same date.[2382] The statues of Phrikias -of Pelinna and Phanas of Pellene, both representing victors in the -heavy-armed race, to which I have ascribed the two archaic marble -heads (Fig. 30), the former found west of the temple of Zeus and the -latter to the south of it, must originally have stood in the area of -the later temple and then have been removed.[2383] That of an unknown -victor, whose name ended in ...αδας,[2384] the two fragments of whose -base were found, one near the Heraion and the other to the east of the -temple of Zeus, should have stood near the statues of the only other -pancratiasts of a similar age, either near those of Dorieus (61), who -won in Ols. 87 to 89 (= 432 to 424 B. C.), and Damagetos (62), who won -in Ols. 82 and 83 (= 452 and 448 B. C.), in the zone of the _Bull_, or -near that of Timasitheos (82), who won some time between Ols. (?) 65 -and 67 inclusive (= 520 and 512 B. C.), in the zone of the _Victory_. -Lastly, the second inscribed base of Xenombrotos (133), found near -the Council-house outside the South Altis wall, doubtless once stood -near the first (the epigram from which is preserved by Pausanias, VI, -14.12), along this wall to the east of the base of Telemachos.[2385] - -No inscribed fragments of bases dating from the fourth century B. C. -have been found. - -Beginning with the third century B. C., we shall see that most of the -recovered bases were found either in the western part of the Altis, -in the neighborhood of the Philippeion, Theekoleon, and Leonidaion, -on both sides of the West Altis wall, or still farther west and -northwest, especially in or near the Palaistra and Prytaneion. We have -already seen that most of the statues named by Pausanias dating from -Alexander’s time stood to the west (and north) of the temple of Zeus. -As Pausanias enumerates only statues ἐν δεξιᾷ of his route around the -temple to the Great Altar, these statues farther west and northwest -are omitted from his account. Of the four bases of statues referred -to the third century, all belong to Elean victors; three were found -west and northwest of the Prytaneion and beyond, showing that these -statues once stood in the vicinity of this building, and the fourth -was found farther south, by the Palaistra, where it probably stood. -Thus the base of the wrestler Nikarchos, son of Physsias, was found -in a late wall west of the Prytaneion;[2386] that of the statue of an -unknown victor, son of Taurinos, was found at the southeast corner of -the Palaistra;[2387] that of another unknown victor, the son of -...phinos, was found in the _Nordwestgraben_;[2388] the base of the -statue of Thersonides, son of Paianodoros, victor κέλητι πωλικῷ, was -found northwest of the Prytaneion, between the Roman baths and east -hall of the Gymnasion.[2389] - -Of the four statues referred with certainty to the second century -B. C., all but one were found to the west of the Altis, in a region -ranging from the Philippeion, northwest of the temple of Zeus, to the -Leonidaion southwest of it. Two of them were found outside the West -Altis wall, between the Leonidaion and the Byzantine church. Thus the -base of the statue of D...gonos, twice victor in πύξ, was found -outside the apse of the Byzantine church and west of the West Altis -wall;[2390] the fragments of that of an unknown boy victor in wrestling -or the pankration were found in the East Byzantine wall;[2391] that -of an unknown victor, συνωρίδι τελείᾳ (twice), and ἅρματι τελείῳ, was -found south of the Philippeion.[2392] The fragment of the base of the -statue of another unknown victor in wrestling, the son of the Elean -Aigyptos, was found to the northeast of the Leonidaion.[2393] - -Of the seven bases referred to the second and first centuries B. C., -three were found in or near the Byzantine church, showing that such -statues may have stood in the Greek building which was later converted -into the church.[2394] Two more were found near the southwest corner -of the Altis, and therefore may once have stood near the statue of -Philonides, which Pausanias mentions as standing in that vicinity. -Two others stood farther away, one inside the Prytaneion, the other -northeast of the temple of Zeus. Thus the base of an unknown victor, -the son of Aristotle, συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, was found in front of the north -side of the Byzantine church;[2395] that of Aristodamos, the son of -Aleximachos of Elis, was found in the floor of the church;[2396] that -of an unknown victor was found northeast of the temple of Zeus;[2397] -that of a victor συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, whose name ended in ...chos, the -son of the Elean Nikodromos, was found southwest of the Altis before -the West Altis wall;[2398] the base of two unknown victors from Elis -were found respectively in the Prytaneion[2399] and northwest of the -Byzantine church,[2400] while that of another Elean, Antigenes, the son -of Jason, victor συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, was found in the southwest corner of -the Altis.[2401] - -The positions of the twenty-four bases (belonging to monuments of -twenty-two victors) with certainty referred to the first pre-Christian -century were very scattered. One large Pentelic marble _bathron_, -supporting the monuments of seven victors of the family of Philistos, -must have stood just south of the Philippeion, where most of the -fragments were found. The bases of the statues of two other sons and -a grandson of the same victor have been recovered, and doubtless -stood near by, thus forming a family group of ten, outnumbering that -of Diagoras (59-63 and 52) mentioned by Pausanias. The omission of -so important a monument in the description of the Periegete has, of -course, been used as an indication of his employment of earlier lists. -Of the other bases, two were found outside the South Altis wall, west -of the Council-house, and two east of it; two east of the temple of -Zeus (one of them that of the youthful Tiberius, afterwards Roman -emperor, which must have stood near the _Eretrian Bull_, where it was -found); one southwest of the temple, along the South Terrace wall, -pointing to a position among the statues there named by Pausanias; -one east of the Byzantine church, pointing to a position south of -the Theekoleon, two to the northwest of the Altis in the vicinity of -the Prytaneion; while the others were found scattered all the way -from the northeastern part of the Altis to the bed of the Kladeos. -Thus over half (13) of these statue-bases were found in the west and -northwest of the Altis and beyond; the space to the east of the temple -of Zeus—called _frequentissimus celeberrimusque_ by Scherer—seems now -not to have been greatly prized. Most of these victories were gained -in hippic contests. Horse-racing had early been discontinued, but -was revived at the end of the first century B. C., when members of -the imperial family, emulating the earlier triumphs of the princes -of Sicily and Macedonia, became competitors. Thus Tiberius won in -the chariot-race, and a few years later his nephew Germanicus in the -same event. The list of these bases of victor statues of the first -century B. C. and their provenience follows. A fragment of the base -of the victor Agilochos, son of Nikeas of Elis, victor κέλητι πωλικῷ, -was found in the East Byzantine wall.[2402] One fragment of the -_bathron_ of the family group of the Elean Philistos,[2403] victors -in hippic contests, was found southwest of the Pelopion, while four -others were discovered south of the Philippeion; the base of the -statue of Philonikos, a son of Philistos, was also found south of the -Philippeion,[2404] and that of another unnamed son was discovered to -the west of the Prytaneion,[2405] while the place of finding of that -of Charops, the son of Telemachos, has not been recorded.[2406] The -base of the monument of Aristarchos was found east of the Byzantine -church,[2407] that of Damaithidas, son of Menippos of Elis, a victor -συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, west of the Council-house (south building),[2408] and -that of Thrasymachos (or Thrasymedes) in the _Nordostgraben_.[2409] A -fragment of the base of the statue of Demokrates of Antioch in Karia -was found in the bed of the river Kladeos,[2410] that of a victor whose -name began with Demo..., northeast of the Prytaneion,[2411] while -that of Thaliarchos, the son of Soterichos of Elis, victor πὺξ παίδων -καὶ ἀνδρῶν, was found east of the Council-house.[2412] Bases from -two statues of Menedemos, son of Menedemos of Elis, victor συνωρίδι -πωλικῇ, were found, one east of the temple of Zeus, the other inside -the Heraion.[2413] Lykomedes, the son of Aristodemos of Elis, victor -συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, also had two statues; the base of one was found in -front of the West Byzantine wall on the south side of the temple of -Zeus, that of the other in the _Westgraben_.[2414] The front part of -the base of the statue of Archiadas, the son of Timolas of Elis, who -won κέλητι πωλικῷ, was discovered southwest of the temple of Zeus, on -the Terrace wall.[2415] That of an unknown victor in the δίαυλος, the -son of ...krates of Miletos, was found near the _Osthalle_,[2416] -while that inscribed with the name of Tiberius Claudius Nero of Rome, -who won a victory τεθρίππῳ just before the end of the century, was -found south of the _Eretrian Bull_.[2417] - -Nineteen inscribed base-fragments have been referred to the -post-Christian centuries, thirteen to the first, three to the -second, and three to the third. The spaces around the temple of Zeus -(especially its eastern front) are again the favorite ones. Thus the -bases of three statues were found east of the temple (one _in situ_), -two near its southeastern corner, three at the northeastern corner -(one, that of Germanicus Cæsar, the nephew of Tiberius, just to the -north of the _Eretrian Bull_, and so originally standing here near -that of his uncle), while another stood opposite the fifth column from -the east on the north side of the temple. Most of these statues must -have been passed by Pausanias in his first ἔφοδος, which is, perhaps, -another evidence of his dependence on older lists in compiling his -own. Two other bases were found to the southwest of the temple, one of -them near its corner, and the other nearer the corner of the Altis, -_i. e._, near the base of the statue of Philonides (154a). Thus eleven -statues stood near the temple. Of the others, four were found in the -vicinity of the Palaistra (one inside _in situ_), one to the northeast -of the Prytaneion, another northeast of the Byzantine church, while the -two remaining ones were found in the eastern part of the Altis, near -the entrance to the Stadion and before the Echo Colonnade respectively. -The base of the last statue of a victor known to have been erected at -Olympia, that of Valerios Eklektos of Sinope, previously mentioned, was -found _in situ_ in the Palaistra. We append a detailed list of these -bases, giving the provenience of each. - -Of the first century A. D., the fore part of the base of the monument -of Germanicus, son of Nero Claudius Drusus, was found east of the -temple of Zeus, north of the _Eretrian Bull_;[2418] the base of that -of Gnaios Markios was found opposite the southeast corner of the -temple;[2419] that of Markos Antonios Kallippos Peisanos, son of M. -Antonios Alexion of Elis, who won κέλητι πωλικῷ in Ol. 177 (= 72 A. -D.), was found in the West Byzantine wall at the southwest corner -of the temple.[2420] The base of the monument of Polyxenos, son of -Apollophanes of Zakynthos, victor in πάλη παίδων, was discovered at -the southwest corner of the Altis far from its probable original -location;[2421] that of P. Kornelios Ariston, son of Eirenaios of -Ephesos, victor in παγκράτιον παίδων in Ol. 207 (= 49 A. D.), in front -of the north wall of the Palaistra;[2422] the marble plate from that -of Tiberios Klaudios Aphrodeisios of Elis (?), who won κέλητι τελείῳ -in Ol. 208 (= 53 A. D.), was unearthed near its semicircular base, -which was found _in situ_ east of the temple.[2423] Four fragments -of the base of the monument of the boy pancratiast Nikanor, son of -Sokles of Ephesos, were recovered east of the temple, and another one -near its southeastern corner.[2424] The base of that of Markos Deida -of Antioch, victor in πάλη παίδων in Ol. 219 (= 97 A. D.), was found -southeast of the temple;[2425] that of an unknown victor in the δίαυλος -and as ὁπλίτης (three times) in the North Byzantine wall;[2426] that of -Hermas, son of Ision of Antioch, a victor in παγκράτιον, between the -West Altis wall and the southeastern corner of the Palaistra;[2427] -that of Diogenes, son of Dionysios of Ephesos, victor σαλπίγγι five -times, before the centre of the Echo Colonnade.[2428] The inscribed -fragments of the bronze legs of the statues of two unknown victors -have also been excavated, the one near the starting-place in the -Stadion,[2429] the other near the fifth column from the east on the -north side of the temple of Zeus.[2430] - -Of the second century A. D., we have the following bases: that of Kasia -M[nasithea], daughter of M. Betilenos (or Vetulenos) Laitos of Elis, -who won ἅρματι πωλικῷ, was found northeast of the Prytaneion;[2431] the -upper part of the pedestal of the _quadriga_ of L. Minicius Natalis of -Rome, victor ἅρματι τελείῳ in Ol. 227 (= 129 A. D.), was unearthed in -the east wall of the Palaistra.[2432] The base of the statue erected to -the herald P. Ailios Artemas of Laodikeia (in Phrygia?) was found 20 -meters north of the northeastern corner of the temple of Zeus.[2433] - -Of the third century A. D., _i. e._, after the time of Pausanias, we -have these bases: that of P. Ailios Alkandridas, son of Damokratidas of -Sparta, twice victor in (?) πάλη, was found northeast of the Byzantine -church;[2434] that of Theopropos of Rhodes, who won κέλητι, was -unearthed east of the temple of Zeus, just south of the basis of the -_Nike_ of Paionios;[2435] the base of the statue of Valerios Eklektos -of Sinope, victor as κῆρυξ in Ols. 256, 258-260 (= 245, 253-261 A. -D.), was found _in situ_ in the Palaistra.[2436] We should add for -this century also the inscribed bronze diskos, the votive (not victor) -offering of Poplios (Publius) Asklepiades of Corinth, which was found -2.5 meters south of the Southwest gate of the Altis.[2437] - -A study of these inscriptions shows that the practice of setting up -victor statues decreased in the fourth and third centuries B. C., but -was revived in the second and first, only to decrease again after -the first century A. D. On the other hand, the inscriptions show that -the number of “honor” statues correspondingly increased. Of the later -statues, most were erected to Eleans; names of victors from Sicily and -Italy, and from the older Greek states, as Sparta and Athens, are rare, -being replaced by those from Asia Minor and the newer towns of the -Greek mainland. This falling off of interest in the games was largely -due to professionalism. In the second century B. C., we begin to read -in the inscriptions of περιοδονῖκαι, _i. e._, victors winning prizes -at all the four national games, a sure indication of the professional -spirit. Even Pausanias mentions two such victors.[2438] - -From these inscribed base-fragments, we have knowledge of 61 victors -(63 monuments)[2439] who had statues erected to them, though they are -not named in the lists of Pausanias. Of the 192 monuments mentioned by -Pausanias, 40 are known to us from recovered fragments of bases and -statues. So if we assume the same ratio between known and unknown for -those not mentioned by Pausanias, we should have the proportion 40 : -192 : : 63 : _x_, where _x_ would equal 302, making a grand total of -494 monuments, which number can not be far from the actual number of -victor statues adorning the Altis.[2440] - - -OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS ERECTED OUTSIDE OLYMPIA. - -In Chapter I, we showed that frequently statues or other monuments -were erected in their native towns as a part of the honor paid to -Olympic victors. We shall now give a list of all such monuments set -up in various parts of the Greek world which are known to us from -notices in ancient literature and from inscriptions.[2441] These, like -the statues in the Altis, range in date from the seventh century B. -C. to the fourth A. D., and offer still greater variety in the kinds -of dedication. It will be best to arrange the list as far as possible -chronologically and in numerical sequence, adding the authorities for -the dates of the various victories in the footnotes.[2442] - -Victors with monuments of the seventh century B. C.: - -1. Chionis, of Sparta.[2443] Besides his statue by Myron and the tablet -containing a list of his victories at Olympia mentioned by Pausanias -(VI, 13.2), the same writer records a similar tablet in Sparta, erected -near the royal tomb of the Agids, likewise set up by his townspeople -(III, 14.3). The Spartan tablet, like the monuments in his honor at -Olympia, was doubtless set up long after the victory, about Ols. 77 or -78 (= 472 or 468 B. C.). - -2. Kylon, of Athens.[2444] Pausanias records that a bronze statue of -this victor stood upon the Athenian Akropolis, erected, as he supposes, -in honor of his beauty and reputation as an Olympic victor (I, 28.1). -Kylon was the leader of the well-known conspiracy of 632 B. C., when -he tried to make himself tyrant of Athens.[2445] Furtwaengler has -proposed the theory that this monument was not set up in honor of Kylon -by the Athenians, as Pausanias says, but that it was a dedication by -his family after his Olympic victory.[2446] A. Schaefer,[2447] however, -more justly believed that the statue was an expiatory offering for the -massacre of Kylon’s companions on the Akropolis,[2448] set up in the -time of Perikles, the date of which would account for the “beauty” of -the statue. Still another scholar[2449] believes that Pausanias’ remark -was called forth by the epigram on the statue.[2450] - -3. Hipposthenes, of Sparta.[2451] Pausanias records that a temple was -dedicated to him in Sparta, where he received divine worship (III, -15.7). It has been argued that the words of Pausanias (_l. c._) show -that Hipposthenes here was worshiped only in the character of Poseidon, -whose epithet was ἵππιος (_cf._ P., I, 30.4).[2452] - - -Of the sixth century B. C.: - -4. Hetoimokles, son of Hipposthenes of Sparta.[2453] Pausanias mentions -a statue of this victor at Sparta (III, 13.9). - -5. Arrhachion, of Phigalia.[2454] Pausanias records the stone statue -in the archaic pose, and with weathered inscription, erected to this -victor in the market-place at Phigalia (VIII, 40.1), which we have -discussed at length in the preceding chapter (Fig. 79). - -6. Kimon, the son of Stesagoras, of Athens.[2455] Aelian mentions αἱ -Κίμωνος ἵπποι χαλκαῖ, very true to the originals, in Athens,[2456] -which seem to have been set up in honor of his three chariot victories -at Olympia. His first victory was won when he was in banishment at the -hands of the tyrant Peisistratos, son of Hippokrates. Having entered -his horses under the tyrant’s name for the second contest, he was in -consequence recalled, and a third time entered them and won under his -own name.[2457] The pseudo-Andokides confuses this older Kimon with the -younger, when he calls the latter an Olympic victor.[2458] Similarly a -scholiast on Aristophanes[2459] confuses him with Megakles, who won a -victory τεθρίππῳ in Ol. 47 (= 592 B. C.).[2460] - -7. Philippos, son of Boutakides, of Kroton.[2461] The people of Egesta -in Sicily erected a shrine over his grave in their town, and paid him -divine honors on account of his beauty, in which he surpassed all his -contemporaries.[2462] - - -Of the fifth century B. C.: - -8. Astylos, or Astyalos, of Kroton.[2463] Besides mentioning his statue -by Pythagoras of Rhegion at Olympia, Pausanias in the same passage (VI, -13.1) mentions another in the temple of Lakinian Hera near Kroton, -which his fellow-townsmen pulled down in anger, because he had called -himself a Syracusan in order to please the Sicilian tyrant Hiero.[2464] -Collignon believes that the statue at Kroton was also a copy of the -work of Pythagoras at Olympia.[2465] - -9. Euthymos, son of Astykles, of Lokroi Epizephyrioi in South -Italy.[2466] In addition to his statue at Olympia by Pythagoras, -mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 6.4-6),[2467] we know of another statue by -Pythagoras set up in Lokroi in honor of this victor.[2468] According to -Kallimachos, both statues were struck by lightning at the same time. -Other writers tell wondrous tales of this boxer.[2469] - -10. Theagenes, son of Timosthenes, of Thasos, one of the most famous -Olympic victors.[2470] Besides his statue at Olympia by Glaukias of -Aegina (VI, 11.2 and 9), Pausanias says that he knows of many other -places in Greece and elsewhere where images of this victor were set up -(VI, 11.9), and records one at Thasos to which the Thasians sacrificed -as to a god (VI, 11.6). The story which he tells about this Thasian -statue being scourged and falling on the enemy of Theagenes is also -recounted at greater length by Dio Chrysostom[2471] and is mentioned -by Eusebios.[2472] Lucian says that the statue cured fevers, just as -did that of Polydamas at Olympia.[2473] Studniczka has argued that the -statues at Thasos and elsewhere were set up to honor the hero and not -the victor.[2474] - -11. Ladas, of Sparta.[2475] Two fourth-century epigrams celebrate the -fleetness of Ladas, and the second names Myron as the statuary of a -bronze statue of him.[2476] Pausanias mentions a statue of the same -victor in the temple of Apollo Lykios in Argos (II, 19.7). Whether the -latter statue was identical with the one named in the epigram can not -be finally determined.[2477] Pausanias refers to a stadion of Ladas, -situated between Mantinea and Orchomenos in Arkadia, in which Ladas -practiced running (VIII, 12.5), and also to his grave between Belemina -and Sparta (III, 21.1). - -12. Kallias, son of Didymias of Athens.[2478] Apart from his statue at -Olympia made by the Athenian painter and sculptor Mikon, mentioned by -Pausanias (VI, 6.1),[2479] there was a dedication to him at Athens, as -we learn from the preserved inscription, which enumerates his thirteen -victories at Olympia and elsewhere.[2480] - -13. Diagoras, son of Damagetos, of Rhodes, the most famous of Greek -boxers.[2481] In addition to his statue at Olympia by Kallikles, son of -Theokosmos of Megara, mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 7.1-2) as standing -among the group of statues of his sons and grandsons, we learn from -the scholiast on Pindar, _Ol._ VII, Argum., who quotes Gorgon as his -authority,[2482] that this ode, which celebrated the Olympic victory of -Diagoras, was attached in golden letters to the walls of the temple of -Athena at Lindos. - -14. Agias, of Pharsalos.[2483] We have already, in Ch. VI, discussed -the group of marble statues set up at Delphi by Daochos of Pharsalos -in honor of his ancestors who had won in various athletic contests, -which was discovered by the French excavators there in 1894. We there -mentioned that Preuner found the same metrical inscription which -appeared on the base of the statue of Agias, the best preserved of -the group (Pl. 28 and Fig. 68), in the journal of Stackelberg,[2484] -who had copied it in the early part of the nineteenth century from -a base in Pharsalos which has since disappeared. This Thessalian -inscription contained the additional words that Lysippos of Sikyon was -the sculptor. In both inscriptions the victories of Agias at Olympia -and elsewhere are noted. Thus we know of two statues of Agias, one at -Delphi, the other at Pharsalos, both presumably by Lysippos. Preuner -also thinks that a third statue may have stood in Olympia. - -15. Cheimon, of Argos.[2485] In mentioning the statue of Cheimon at -Olympia by the sculptor Naukydes of Argos, Pausanias, in the same -passage (VI, 9.3), records another which once stood in Argos, but was -later removed to the temple of Peace in Rome.[2486] - -16. Leon, son of Antikleidas (or Antalkidas), of Sparta.[2487] A -fragment of Polemon[2488] mentions a statue of this victor. It may have -stood in Olympia, as Foerster without good grounds assumes, or it may -have stood elsewhere. - -17. Eubotas (Eubatas or Eubatos), of Kyrene.[2489] Besides his statue -at Olympia recorded by Pausanias (VI, 8.3), we learn of another set up -at Kyrene by the victor’s wife for his devotion.[2490] - -18. Promachos, son of Dryon, of Pellene in Achaia.[2491] Pausanias not -only mentions a bronze statue of this victor at Olympia (VI, 8.5-6), -but also records one of stone dedicated likewise by his townsmen in the -Old Gymnasion of Pellene (VII, 27.5). - - -Of the fifth or fourth centuries B. C.: - -19. An unknown victor, of Argos or (?) Tegea.[2492] Aristotle mentions -an inscription from a statue of an Olympic victor in two passages of -his _Rhetoric_.[2493] This epigram was repeated by Aristophanes of -Byzantion,[2494] who wrongly ascribed it to Simonides.[2495] Where this -statue stood can not be determined. - - -Of the fourth century B. C.: - -20. Kyniska, daughter of Archidamos I, of Sparta.[2496] Pausanias, -before mentioning the monumental group at Olympia by Apellas of Megara, -which consisted of the statues of Kyniska and her charioteer standing -beside a huge bronze chariot and horses (VI. 1.6), and the small bronze -chariot by the same sculptor, set up in her honor in the vestibule of -the temple of Zeus (V, 12.5), records that there was a shrine in Sparta -at Plane-tree Grove, near the youths’ exercise ground, erected to the -heroine Kyniska (III, 15.1). This latter dedication, therefore, was not -properly a victor monument, though Pausanias in the same book says that -Kyniska was the first Greek woman to train horses and to win a prize at -Olympia (III, 8.1). - -21. Euryleonis, a victress of Sparta.[2497] Pausanias says that she -had a statue in her native city near the so-called Σκήνωμα, “Tent” -(III, 17.6). Curtius has suggested that this may be the small building -mentioned by Thukydides as the place where King Pausanias took refuge -when pursued by the ephors.[2498] - -22. Archias, son of Eukles, of Hybla.[2499] An epigram in the _Greek -Anthology_[2500] speaks of a statue of this victor at Delphi. - -23. [Phil]okrates, son of Antiphon, of Athens (deme of Krioa).[2501] -An inscribed base of the statue of this victor has been found in -Athens.[2502] - -24. An unknown victor. An inscribed base, found near the Portico of -Attalos in Athens, records the victories of an unknown athlete at -several games, including one in the παγκράτιον ἀνδρῶν at Olympia.[2503] - -25. Phorystas, son of Thriax (or Triax), of (?) Tanagra.[2504] -The inscribed base of the statue of this victor, giving Kaphisias -of Bœotia as the sculptor, has been discovered in the ruins of -Tanagra.[2505] His brother Pammachos won παγκράτιον παίδων at Nemea, -and had a statue at Thebes, the work of Teisikrates, the inscribed base -of which has been recovered.[2506] - - -Of the fourth or third centuries B. C.: - -26. Aristophon, son of Lysinos, of Athens.[2507] Besides his statue -at Olympia, set up at the cost of the people of Athens, mentioned by -Pausanias (VI, 13.11; _cf._ VI, 14.1), we have the inscription from the -base of another which was set up on the Athenian Akropolis.[2508] - -27. Attalos, father of King Attalos I,[2509] of Pergamon.[2510] The -inscribed base of his great victor monument, erected by Epigonos, has -been dis- covered at Pergamon.[2511] - - -Of the second century B. C.: none. - - -Of the first century B. C.: none. - - -Of the first century A. D.: - -28. Xenodamos, of Antikyra in Phokis.[2512] Pausanias mentions a bronze -statue of this victor in the Old Gymnasion at Antikyra (X, 36.9). G. -Hirschfeld[2513] had objected to the statement of Pausanias, in the -passage cited, “that this was the only Olympiad omitted in the Elean -register,” because of its inconsistency with other passages which -state that in the 8th Olympiad,[2514] in the 34th,[2515] and in the -104th,[2516] the games were celebrated by intruders, and not by the -Eleans, and hence these Olympiads were regarded as invalid and were not -entered in the Elean registers. However, as Frazer points out,[2517] -the case with Ol. 211 was different. It was doubtless celebrated by -the Eleans themselves and its validity was not questioned, but either -it was never entered in the register, or, if entered, was later struck -out. Africanus (_cf._ Philostratos)[2518] says that the celebration -of this Olympiad, which should have fallen 65 A. D., was deferred two -years to favor Nero, who in 67 A. D. received prizes in six events, -including the ten-horse chariot-race.[2519] The Eleans, later being -ashamed of thus favoring the tyrant, probably removed Ol. 211 from the -register after his death. It may be that for the same reason statues -of victors of that Olympiad were not set up in the Altis, which would -explain why that of Xenodamos was set up in his native city, where -Pausanias saw it. Not finding his name in the Elean register, Pausanias -would reason that this victory fell in the disgraced Ol. 211.[2520] - -28a. Titos Phlabios Artemidoros, son of Artemidoros, of Adana in -Kilikia.[2521] The inscribed marble tablet from the base of the statue -which this victor erected in Naples in honor of his father Artemidoros, -son of Athenodoros, is preserved. It contains a list of his own many -victories in παγκράτιον and πάλη in games held in Greece, Italy, Asia -Minor, and Egypt. Though the statue was erected to his father, the long -inscription shows that it was intended quite as much to celebrate his -own athletic prowess.[2522] - -29. Titos Phlabios Metrobios, son of Demetrios, of Iasos, Karia.[2523] -The inscribed base of his statue has been found in Iasos.[2524] - -30. Sarapion, of Alexandria, Egypt.[2525] Pausanias mentions two -statues of this victor, which stood on either side of the entrance -to the Gymnasion in Elis known as the Maltho. He adds that they were -erected by the Eleans in gratitude for the bestowal of corn in a time -of famine (VI, 23.6). He is not to be confounded with other victors of -the same name.[2526] - - -Of the second century A. D.: - -31. Markos Aurelios Demetrios, of Alexandria, Egypt.[2527] His son, -M. Aurelios Asklepiades, dedicated a statue to him in Rome, the -inscription from the base of which has been recovered.[2528] - -32. Unknown victor, from Magnesia ad Sipylum, in Lydia.[2529] His -statue in Magnesia is known from the recovered inscribed base.[2530] - -33. Kranaos or Granianos, of Sikyon.[2531] Pausanias mentions a bronze -statue of this victor as standing in the precincts of the temple of -Asklepios, on the hill of Titane, near Sikyon (II, 11.8). - -34. Titos Ailios Aurelios Apollonios, of Tarsos.[2532] A statue of -this victor stood in Athens, as we learn from its preserved inscribed -base.[2533] - -35. Mnasiboulos, of Elateia in Phokis.[2534] His fellow citizens -erected a bronze statue in honor of his repelling the robber horde of -the Kostobokoi, who overran Greece in the days of Pausanias (X, 34.5). -The statue stood in “Runner” street. - - -Of the third century A. D.: - -36. Aurelios Toalios, of (?) Oinoanda, Lykia.[2535] The inscribed base -of the statue of this victor has been found in Oinoanda.[2536] - -37. Aurelios Metrodoros, of Kyzikos.[2537] The inscribed base of his -statue was found in Kyzikos, and is now in Constantinople.[2538] - -38. Valerios Eklektos, of Sinope.[2539] Besides his monument at -Olympia, which was erected immediately after 261 A. D.,[2540] we know, -from an inscription, of another statue dedicated to him in Athens some -time between 253 and 257 A. D.[2541] - - -Of the fourth century A. D.: - -39. Klaudios Rhouphos, also called Apollonios the Pisan, son of -Klaudios Apollonios, of Smyrna.[2542] We learn from an inscription -found in the Baths of Titus in Rome that his statue stood in the -council-chamber of the Guild of Athletes of Hercules at Rome.[2543] - -40. Philoumenos, of Philadelphia, in Lydia.[2544] The closing verse -of an inscription belonging to the base of his statue is preserved in -Panodoros.[2545] Where the statue stood can not be determined. - - -Of unknown dates: - -41. Ainetos, of (?) Amyklai.[2546] Pausanias mentions the portrait -statue of this victor at Amyklai (III, 18. 7). He says that he expired -even while the crown was being placed on his head. - -42. Nikokles, of Akriai in Lakonia.[2547] Pausanias mentions a monument -(μνῆμα) erected in his honor at Akriai, between the Gymnasion and the -sea-wall (III, 22.5). - -43. Aigistratos, son of Polykreon, of Lindos in Rhodes.[2548] A statue -of this victor was set up at Lindos, as we learn from the preserved -inscription on its base found there.[2549] He is called in the -inscription the first Lindian victor at Olympia. - -44. An unknown victor, of (?) Delphi.[2550] The inscribed base of his -statue, with remains of the dedication, was found many years ago at -Delphi by Cockerell.[2551] - - -We have records of other monuments erected to victors, but it is not -clear whether the victories recorded were won at Olympia or elsewhere. -We list the following three doubtful cases, which have already been -noted in earlier chapters: - -1. Epicharinos. Pausanias mentions the statue Ἐπιχαρίνου ὁπλιτοδρομεῖν -ἀσκήσαντος, by the sculptor Kritios, as standing upon the Athenian -Akropolis (I, 23.9). The inscribed base of this monument was found in -1839, between the Propylaia and the Parthenon.[2552] The inscription -states that the statue was the joint work of Kritios (thus correcting -the spelling Κριτίας of Pausanias) and Nesiotes. It was, therefore, -a work of the first half of the fifth century B. C., the date of -the sculptors of the _Tyrannicides_ (Fig. 32). Ross added the word -ὁπλιτοδρόμος after the name in the inscription. Michaelis,[2553] -however, has inserted the name of the victor’s father. Wilamowitz[2554] -went further and assumed that Polemon, from whom Pausanias derived the -account, had already falsely restored the inscription and that the -statue did not represent Epicharinos, but another victor. This theory -has been rightly controverted by many scholars.[2555] It is clear that -Pausanias got his information from the monument, and not from the -inscription. - -2. Hermolykos, son of Euthoinos or Euthynos. Pausanias mentions the -statue of the pancratiast Hermolykos as standing on the Akropolis -at Athens (I, 23.10). This was probably Hermolykos the pancratiast, -who is recorded by Herodotos as having distinguished himself at the -battle of Mykale in 479 B. C., and as having been afterwards killed in -battle at Kyrnos in Euboia and buried at Geraistos.[2556] Some scholars -have advocated the theory that the portrait statue here mentioned by -Pausanias was none other than the statue which stood on the Akropolis -on the base which was discovered in 1839, dedicated by Hermolykos, -the son of Diitrephes, the work of the sculptor Kresilas,[2557] -and that the Periegete mistook the latter for the one mentioned by -Herodotos.[2558] However, Frazer finds this explanation “arbitrary and -highly improbable,” and believes that the base in question supported -the statue of Diitrephes, pierced with arrows, also mentioned by -Pausanias (I, 23.3).[2559] Kirchhoff distinguished not only the statue -of Hermolykos mentioned by Pausanias and the dedication of Hermolykos -revealed by the recovered base, but both of these from the statue of -the wounded man mentioned by Pliny (_H. N._, XXXIV, 74). While J. Six -assumed that Hermolykos, son of Diitrephes, dedicated the Kresilæan -statue in honor of his grandfather Hermolykos, son of Euthoinos, and -that Pausanias wrongly gathered from the inscribed base that the statue -represented Diitrephes,[2560] Furtwaengler believed that Diitrephes was -the older warrior of the name, mentioned by Thukydides,[2561] and that -Pausanias, who knew nothing of him, wrongly connected his statue with -the younger one of that name.[2562] - -3. Isokrates, son of Theodoros, of Athens. The pseudo-Plutarch mentions -a bronze statue of Isokrates, in the form of a παῖς κελητίζων, on the -Athenian Akropolis.[2563] As the orator was born in 436 B. C., his -youthful victory among the horse-racers must have occurred about 420 B. -C. - - -SUMMARY OF RESULTS. - -We have found, then, from the literary sources examined, that there -are at least 44 Olympic victors, to whom a total of 47 monuments were -erected outside Olympia.[2564] These monuments were of various kinds—1 -inscribed tablet, 1 Pindaric ode engrossed on a temple wall, 3 temples -or shrines, 37 statues (one of them apparently iconic), bronze horses -(? quadriga), and 4 dedications which are not further described. Thus -the bulk of these monuments, as of those at Olympia, consisted of -statues. Of the 29 monuments erected to 27 victors in the pre-Christian -centuries, 3 were dedicated in the seventh,[2565] 4 in the sixth, -13 (to 11 victors) in the fifth, 1 in the fifth or fourth, 6 in the -fourth,[2566] 1 in the fourth or third, and 1 in the third. There is -no record of such a dedication in the second and first centuries B. -C. Of the 14 monuments erected to 13 victors known to belong to the -post-Christian centuries, 4 (to 3 victors) belong to the first, 5 to -the second, 3 to the third and 2 to the fourth; 4 others were set up -to 4 victors whose dates can not be determined. Of other monuments -mentioned (though not included in our figures) 3 may or may not have -been erected to Olympic victors. We find that the greatest number of -dedications was made in the fifth century B. C., just as we found was -the case in regard to those at Olympia.[2567] Of these victors, 10 also -had monuments at Olympia. The total number of Olympic victor monuments, -therefore, at Olympia and elsewhere of which we have record, amounts to -302.[2568] - - -STATISTICS OF OLYMPIC VICTOR STATUARIES. - -In conclusion, we shall briefly summarize the number and dates of the -sculptors of Olympic victor monuments who are known to us from all -sources.[2569] Pausanias names 52 such sculptors, who made 102 of the -192 monuments listed by him. Of the 42 “honor” statues erected in the -Altis to 35 men, Pausanias mentions only two sculptors, Lysippos, who -also appears among the victor statuaries, and Mikon of Syracuse, who -does not.[2570] Pliny names 24, or nearly one-half of the athlete -sculptors mentioned by Pausanias.[2571] No new name of an artist -appears either on the inscribed bases found at Olympia and referred -to the monuments recorded by Pausanias, or on the 63 bases discovered -there, which can not be so referred. Of the 52 sculptors known to us -from Pausanias and inscriptions, the dates can be assigned definitely -or approximately thus: of the seventh century B. C., none; of the -sixth century B. C., second half, 2; end, 2; of the end of the sixth -and beginning of the fifth centuries B. C., 1; of the fifth century B. -C., first half, 9; middle, 4; second half, 3; end, 2; of the fourth -century B. C., first half, 11; middle, 1; second half, 2; end, 3; of -the end of the fourth and beginning of the third centuries B. C., 3; -of the third century B. C., first half, 1; second half, 1; end, 2; of -the end of the third and beginning of the second centuries B. C., 1; -of the second century B. C., first half, 2. No sculptor is named who -lived certainly later than the second century B. C. In addition to -these results, 1 sculptor can be assigned only roughly to the period -subsequent to Alexander the Great, and the epoch of still another -can not be determined. Of the 37 statues listed above as erected to -Olympic victors outside Olympia—_i. e.>/i>, the major portion of the -whole number of 47 monuments of various sorts set up in honor of 44 -victors—the names of only four artists are known. Three of these—Myron, -Pythagoras of Rhegion, and Lysippos—also worked at Olympia. The name, -therefore, of only one new sculptor, Kaphisias of Bœotia, who lived -in the fourth century B. C., can be added from this source, which makes -the grand total of victor statuaries known to us 53. - -[Illustration: PLAN A - - THE ALTIS AT OLYMPIA - IN THE GREEK PERIOD - (THIRD CENTURY B. C.) - - Adapted from Doerpfeld -] - -[Illustration: PLAN B - - THE ALTIS AT OLYMPIA - IN THE ROMAN PERIOD - (SECOND CENTURY A. D.) - - Adapted from Doerpfeld -] - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - - -[1] _Cf._ Gardiner, pp. 8-9. - -[2] See _infra_, p. 228 and n. 2. - -[3] _B. S. A._, XI, 1904-5, fig. 7 and pp. 12-14. The horse also -appears on clay documents from Knossos with royal chariots and also -on tombstones and fragmentary frescoes of Mycenæ; for the latter, see -_Arch. Eph._, 1887, Pl. XI. On the Libyan origin of the first horses -introduced into Greece, see W. Ridgeway, _The Origin and Influence of -the Thoroughbred Horse_, 1905, p. 480. - -[4] See the bull depicted on a seal from Praisos, to be mentioned -below: Angelo Mosso, _The Palaces of Crete_, 1907, p. 218, fig. 98. The -Italian Mission found at Hagia Triada the bones of a gigantic bull, and -Mosso (_cf._ p. 216, n. 1) found the remains of one at Phaistos. - -[5] _B. S. A._, VII, 1900-1, pp. 94 f. and VIII, 1901-2, p. 74; Mosso, -_op. cit._, pp. 216-218; H. R. Hall, _Anc. History of the Near East_, -1913, Pl. IV., 2; Mrs. R. C. Bosanquet, _Days in Attica_, 1914, Pl. -II; Richter, _Hbk. of the Classical Collection of the Metropolitan -Museum of Art_, 1917, p. 23, fig. 13. As Dr. Evans’ _Atlas_ has not -yet appeared, the plate in the text is taken from a watercolor by -Gilliéron, in the museum of Liverpool. - -[6] It has often been pictured and described: _e. g._, Schliemann, -_Tiryns_, 1885, Pl. XIII; Schuchhardt, _Schliemann’s Excavations_, -1891, pp. 119 f. and fig. 111; Tsountas-Manatt, _The Mycenæan Age_, -1897, p. 51, fig. 12; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, p. 887, fig. 439; Mosso, _op. -cit._, p. 220, fig. 100; H. B. Walters, _The Art of the Greeks_, 1906, -Pl. LIX; Springer-Michaelis, p. 113, fig. 242; _Tiryns, Die Ergebn. d. -Ausgrab. d deutsch. Instituts in Athen_, II, 1912, Pl. XVIII. - -[7] On analogy with the Knossos fresco this figure, because of its -white skin, should be that of a woman and not of a man, as the usual -color of the latter is red. However, the charioteers painted white on -frescoes discovered at Tiryns in 1910, which represent a boar hunt -(see Rodenwaldt, _A. M._, XXXVI, 1911, pp. 198 f. and fig. 2, p. 201, -restored; see also _Tiryns_, II, Pl. XII, in color) are regarded by -Hall as youths and not women. He remarks that in Egypt young princes, -who led the “sheltered life,” were often represented on monuments as -pale, though red was the more usual color: see Hall, _op. cit._, p. 58 -and n. 1; _id._, _Aegean Archæology_, 1914, p. 190 and fig. 74 on p. -192. Rodenwaldt interprets them as female: _l. c._ - -[8] XV, 679 f. F. Marx, _Jb._, IV, 1889, pp. 119 f., on the analogy -to certain coin types, saw in this fresco a representation of river -divinities. - -[9] Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 298, fig. 98. - -[10] See Mosso, p. 311, fig. 153. - -[11] Here the paved space measures only about 30 by 40 feet and the -two tiers of seats would seat only 400 to 500 spectators: _B. S. A._, -IX, 1902-03, p. 105, fig. 69; see Mosso, p. 315, fig. 154, and Baikie, -_The Sea Kings of Crete_, 1913, Pls. XXI (before restoration), XXII -(restored). - -[12] See Burrows, _The Discoveries in Crete_, 1907, p. 5. The one at -Knossos maybe the “choros” wrought by Daidalos for Ariadne: _Iliad_, -XVIII, 590-2. - -[13] _B. S. A._, VIII, 1901-2, pp. 72-4, fig. 39 (arm); Pls. II, III; -Baikie, _op. cit._, Pl. XIX; H. R. Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, Pl. XXX, -2; Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 222, fig. 102; _cf._ Burrows, _op. cit._, p. -21; Bulle, p. 49, fig. 7; Springer-Michaelis, p. 103, fig. 228. - -[14] Remains of copper wire with gold foil twisted around it still -adhere to the head of one statuette. - -[15] See Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 221, fig. 101; _B. S. A._, VII, 1900-01, -p. 88. - -[16] Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, pp. 55-6. Though discovered in 1889 -in a bee-hive tomb near Sparta, these famous cups are obviously -importations from Crete, the work of an artist of the late Minoan I -period. Similarly, the lion-hunt on the dagger-blade from Mycenæ is -akin to Cretan art, if not its product. These cups have been often -pictured: _e. g._, _Arch. Eph._, 1889, Pl. IX; Schuchhardt, Pl. III -(App., pp. 350 f.); _B. C. H._, IV, 1891, Pls. XI-XII (in color), -XIII-XIV; Tsountas-Manatt, _op. cit._, pp. 227-8, figs. 113-114; -Perrot-Chipiez, VI, Pl. XV (in color) and pp. 786-7, figs. 369-370; -H. B. Walters, _op. cit._, Pl. V; Mosso, _op. cit._, pp. 223 f., -figs. 103, a, b, and 104, a, b, c; Hall, _op. cit._, Pl. XV. 1, -and _cf. id._, _Ancient History of the Near East_, pp. 54-5, n. 1; -Springer-Michaelis, pp. 104-5, figs. 230 a, b; J. H. Breasted, _Ancient -Times_, 1916, fig. 140, opp. p. 234. - -[17] This interpretation of the scene has been compared with the design -of a lion and goat on the short sword-blade from the chieftain’s -grave at Knossos: see Burrows, _op. cit._, p. 88 and _cf._ pp. 136-7. -Here there are two successive scenes; first the agrimi (wild goat) is -startled and springs away; then the lion is represented triumphant at -the end of the chase with one paw on the beast’s hind quarter and the -other raised to strike: see Evans, _Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos_, -1906, p. 57, fig. 59; _cf._ also bronze inlaid dagger-blade from -Mycenæ, showing hunting scenes on each face; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, Pl. -XVII, 1 (panther hunting wild ducks, in color), XVIII, 3-4, (lion-hunt -by men and lions chasing gazelles, in color); _cf._ Tsountas-Manatt, -_op. cit._, pp. 200-2; Springer-Michaelis, Pl. V, 2a, b, 3; -Schuchhardt, _op. cit._, p. 229, fig. 227; _cf._ Burrows, _op. cit._, -p. 136. - -[18] _Op. cit._, pp. 224-5. - -[19] See Boeckh, p. 319, on _Pyth._, II, 78. The same word occurs also -in an inscription on a late relief from Smyrna, which shows horsemen -pursuing bulls, leaping on their backs and seizing their horns; _C. I. -G._, II, 3212; also in an inscription from Sinope: _ibid._, III, 4157 -(line 5); an inscription from Aphrodisias calls such men ταυροκαθάπται; -_ibid._, II, Add., 2759b. The evidence shows that Gardiner, p. 9, n. -2, is wrong in connecting the _taurokathapsia_ with the hunting-field -instead of with the circus. He cites the Smyrna relief above mentioned -(in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, no. 219), which, however, should -be interpreted as an acrobatic scene. See J. Baunack, _Rhein. Mus._, -XXXVIII, 1883, pp. 293 f., who discusses bull-fighting in Thessaly and -Rome and quotes five inscriptions of Hellenic times to show that beast -fights were common in Asia Minor. - -[20] _Cf._ Mosso, _op. cit._, pp. 214-215. - -[21] Iliad, XVIII, 605-6 (= Od., IV, 18-19). - -[22] Iliad, XVI, 742-50. - -[23] Hdt., VI, 129. - -[24] No. 243; see Salzmann, _Le Nécropole de Cameiros_, Pl. LVII; -Gardiner, p. 245, fig. 39. - -[25] _E. g._, on one found at Knossos in 1903: _B. S. A._, IX, 1902-3, -p. 57, and fig. 35 on p. 56. Here the attitude of the boxer is almost -identical with that on the pyxis to be described below. A fuller design -of the same sort may be seen on a seal from Hagia Triada mentioned in -_B. S. A._, IX, p. 57, n. 2. - -[26] Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, p. 33 (c. 1600 B. C.); for description, -_ibid._, pp. 61-2. - -[27] _Op. cit._, p. 211. In this respect it should be compared with -the relief on the archaic (sixth-century B. C.) Attic tripod vase from -Tanagra, now in Berlin, which shows scenes of boxing, wrestling, and -running: _A. Z._, III, 1881, pp. 30 f. and Pls. III, IV. - -[28] P., V, 8. 1, says Klymenos came from Crete fifty years after -Deukalion’s flood and held games at Olympia; _cf._ VI, 21.6. Aristotle -assigns the whole political and educational system of Sparta to a -Cretan origin: _Politics_, II, 10f., 1271b., f. - -[29] See R. Paribeni, _Rendiconti della R. Accad. dei Lincei_, XII, -1903, fasic. 70, p. 17; F. Halbherr, _ibid._, XIV, 1905, pp. 365 f., -fig. 1; Burrows, _op. cit._, Pl. 1; Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 212. fig. -93; Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, Pl. XVI (from cast in Museum of Candia, -whence our plate); _cf. id._, _Anc. Hist. Near East_, Pl. IV., 5. A -copy is in the Metropolitan Museum, New York: see _Hbk. of Classical -Collection_, p. 16, fig. 8. - -[30] Detail of zone, Mosso, p. 213, fig. 94. The acrobat wears just -such striped boots and bracelets as the man and women on the fresco -from Knossos. The man binding the legs of the bull on the Vapheio -cup wears similar apparel. Similar scenes of gymnasts vaulting over -a bull’s back are seen on the seal of a bracelet found at Knossos in -1902: _B. S. A._, VIII, 1901-2, p. 18, fig. 43; Mosso, p. 214, fig. -95a; also on the intaglio of a ring in Athens: Mosso, p. 215, fig. 95b. -Scenes of gymnasts with bulls at rest are common on seal impressions: -_e. g._, on one from Mycenæ in Athens, Mosso, p. 217, fig. 97; on the -one in Candia already mentioned, _ibid._, fig. 98; _cf._ Bosanquet, -Excavations at Praisos, _B. S. A._, VIII, p. 252, who believes the bull -has been surprised by a hunter. - -[31] Iliad, XXII, 308 f. - -[32] XXIII, 673. - -[33] _B. S. A._, VII, 1900-1, fig. 31, pp. 95 and 96; copied by -Gardiner, p. 10, fig. 1. - -[34] We should bear in mind that the civilization pictured in the -Homeric poems antedates 1000 B. C. - -[35] _The Iliad_,^2 1900, II, p. 468. - -[36] Od., VIII, 158 f. (translated by Butcher and Lang). - -[37] Gardiner, p. 15, points out that there is no mention of -a chariot-race in the Odyssey, merely because Ithaca was not a land -“that pastureth horses,” nor had it “wide courses or meadowland.” The -plains of Thessaly and Argos, the homes of Achilles and Agamemnon -respectively, were, however, famed for their horses, and the plain -of Troy was large enough for the chariot-race. The only other -chariot-races mentioned in the Iliad are held in Elis: XI, 696 f.; -XXIII, 630 f. - -[38] _E. g._, on certain sarcophagi: see Murray, _Sarcophagi -in the British Museum_, Pls. II, III (one from Klazomenai). - -[39] The true _hoplomachia_ described by Homer and later -practised by the Mantineans and Kyreneans (_cf._ Athenæus, IV, 41, p. -154) should not be confounded, as Gardiner, p. 21, n. 3, remarks, with -the later competition of the same name held at the Athenian _Theseia_ -and taught in the gymnasia, which was a purely military exercise like -fencing: Plato, _Laches_, 182B and _passim_; _Gorgias_, 456D; _de -Leg._, 833E; _cf._ Dar.-Sagl., _s. v._ _Hoplomachia_. - -[40] _E. g._, Leaf, in his _Companion to the Iliad_, 1892, p. -380; _id._, _The Iliad_, II, p. 417, note on line 621. - -[41] Iliad, XXIII, 634 f.; _ibid._, 621-3, where Achilles -gives Nestor a prize because he will never again be able to contend in -boxing, wrestling, hurling the javelin, or running. In Od., VIII, 103 -and 128, leaping is substituted for chariot-racing. - -[42] _E. g._, Iliad, XXII, 163-4: “The great prize ... of a -man that is dead”; XXIII, 630 f., where Nestor recalls victories in the -games held by the Epeians at Bouprasion in Elis at the funeral of the -local hero Amarynkeus. Bouprasion is also mentioned in Iliad, XI, 756, -in Nestor’s story of the war between the Pylians and Epeians and of -the war waged by his father Neleus on Augeas, for stealing four horses -which had been sent to Elis to contend for a tripod. - -[43] Examples of panegyric games in honor of gods are found -also in the Homeric Hymn to the Delian Apollo, I, 146 f.; in Pindar, -_Ol._, IX. 6 (Zeus); P., VIII, 2.1 (Zeus) and schol.; and Hdt., I, 144 -(Apollo) and schol.; etc. - -[44] P., VIII, 4.5. For other examples of funeral games, see -references in Krause, p. 9, n. 3. He also shows that musical contests -were funerary in character. - -[45] The scholiast on Pindar, _Nem._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 424 -B, and _Isthm._, Argum., p. 514, calls the Nemean and Isthmian games -funerary; Clem. Alex., _Protrept._, Ch. II, 34, 29 P. (quoted by -Eusebios, _Praep. evang._, II, 6, 72 b. c.) says that all four great -games were funerary in origin. - -[46] P., I., 44.8; Clem. Alex., _Strom._, I, Ch. 21, 137, 401 -P. - -[47] P., II, 15.2-3; Apollod., III, 6, 4; Hyginus, _Fab._, -74; schol. on Pindar’s _Nem._, Argum. Here the umpires wore mourning -garments because of the origin of the games; see Gardiner, p. 225. - -[48] Aristotle, _Peplos_, frag. = _F. H. G._, II, p. 189, no. -282; Clem. Alex., _Protr._, Ch. I, 2, 2 P. and Ch. II, 34, 29 P.; Hyg., -_Fab._, 140. For a different story of the founding (to appease Apollo -for not protecting the temple when Delphi was invaded by Danaos), see -Augustine, _de Civ. Dei_, XVIII, 12; _cf._ schol. on Pind., _Pyth._, -Argum.; Ovid, _Met._, I, 445f. The _Pythia_ were reorganized by the -Amphictyons as a funeral contest in honor of the soldiers who fell in -the first Sacred War. - -[49] _Cf._ P., V, 13.1-2; Clem. Alex., _l. c._ - -[50] V, 7.6-9. - -[51] See Strabo, VIII, 3.30 (C.354-5); Pindar, _Ol._, II, 3 -f.; VI, 67 f.; X, 25 f.; Diod., IV, 14 and V, 64. According to Pindar, -_ll. cc._ and the scholiast on _Ol._, II, 2, 5, and 7, Boeckh, pp. -58-9, Herakles, the son of Zeus, instituted the games in honor of -Zeus; but Statius, _Theb._, VI, 5 f., Solinus, I, 28 (ed. Mommsen), -Hyg., _Fab._, 273. Clem. Alex., _Strom._, I, Ch. 21, 137, say it was -in honor of Pelops. On the traditional connection of Herakles with -Olympia, see E. Curtius, _Abh. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin, -philos.-histor. Kl._, 1894, pp. 1098 f.; Busolt, _Griech. Gesch_^2, -1893, I, pp. 240 f. On legends of the early history of Olympia, see -Krause, _Olympia, oder Darstellung der grossen olympischen Spielen_, -1838, pp. 26 f. - -[52] _Cf._ Frazer, II, pp. 549-50; Krause, p. 9, n. 3; from -these two many of the following examples are taken. _Cf._ also Rouse, -pp. 4 and 10; Koerte, Die Entstehung der Olympionikenliste, _Hermes_, -XXXIX, 1904, pp. 224 f.; Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_, -1841, pp. 9 f. (Pythian), 112 f. (Nemean), 170 f. (Isthmian); Gardiner, -pp. 27 f.; see also Ridgeway, _Origin of Tragedy_, 1910, pp. 36, 38, -and _cf._ _J. H. S._, XXXI, 1911, p. XLVII. Since the simple theory -of the origin of the Olympic Festival in the funeral games in honor -of Pelops does not explain all the legends of the games nor all the -peculiar customs of the festival, and because of the inadequate -character of the literary evidence (the earliest mention of it being a -Delphic oracle quoted by Phlegon, _F. H. G._, p. 604; _cf._ Clem. Alex., -_Protrept_, II, 34, p. 29), it has been attacked by F. M. Cornford -(in Miss Harrison’s _Themis_, pp. 212 f.) and others. These scholars -have tried to find the origin of the Olympic games rather in a ritual -contest of succession to the throne, the honors extended to a victor -being held to prove his kingly or divine character. The theory was -first proposed by A. B. Cook, The European Sky God, _Folk Lore_, 1904, -and has recently been elaborated by Frazer in his _Golden Bough_,^3 -III, pp. 89 f., who has attempted to harmonize it with his earlier -funeral theory. The inadequacy of the newer theory has been shown by E. -N. Gardiner, The Alleged Kingship of the Olympic Victor, _B. S. A._, -XXII, 1916-18, pp. 85 f. For a review of his paper, see also _J. H. -S._, XXXVIII, 1918, pp. XLVII. - -[53] V, 13.2. - -[54] According to the same scholiast, on 1. 149; Boeckh, p. -43. - -[55] _Cf._ _C. I. G._, II, 1969, ἀγὼν ... ἐπιτάφιος θεματικός. - -[56] Hdt., VI, 38. - -[57] P., III, 14.1. - -[58] Thukyd., V, 11. - -[59] Plut., _Timoleon_, 39; Diod. Sic., XVI, 90.1. - -[60] Aulus Gellius, X, 18.5. - -[61] Arrian, _Anabasis_, VII, 14. Games were held every four -years in honor of Antinoos, the favorite of Hadrian, at Mantinea: P., -VIII, 9.8. - -[62] Strabo, XIV, 1.31 (C. 644.) - -[63] P., IX, 2, 5-6; he says that they were celebrated every -fourth year and that the chief prizes were for running. - -[64] Philostr., _Vit. Soph._, II, p. 624; Heliod., _Aethiop._, -I, 17; Aristotle, _Constit. of Athens_, 58; _cf._ P., I, 29.4. Games -were also held in the Academy in honor of Eurygyes: Hesych., _s. v._ -ἐπ’ Εὐρυγύῃ ἀγών. - -[65] Dennis, _Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria_,^3 1883, I, p. -374 (Corneto); II, pp. 323 and 330 (Chiusi). - -[66] On the Etruscan origin of the _ludi funebres_, see -Val. Max., II, 4.4; Tertullian, _de Spect._, 12; Servius _ad_ Virg., -_Aen._, X, 520. For the Etruscan origin of the _munera gladiatorum_, -see Tertull., _op. cit._, 5; Athenæus, IV, 39 (quoting Nikolaos of -Damascus); _cf._ Strabo, V, 4.13 (C. 250). They were first introduced -into Rome in 264 B. C. in honor of D. Junius Brutus; Livy, XVI (Epit.); -and are frequently mentioned: _e. g._, by Livy, XXIII, 30, 15; XXXI, -50, 4; XXXIX, 46, 2; XLI, 28, 11; Polyb., XXXII, 14, 5; Serv., _ad -Aen._, III, 67 and V, 78; Suetonius, _Julius_, 26; etc. See Dar.-Sagl., -II, 2, pp. 1384 f., 1563 f. - -[67] Page 28; he quotes P. W. Joyce, _Social History of -Ireland_, II, pp. 435 f. - -[68] V, 17.5-19.10. The description of the throne (P., III, -18.9 f; _cf._ Apollodoros, I, 9.28) is merely summary, as Pausanias -only mentions the games represented on it without describing them in -detail. - -[69] The best reconstruction of the scenes on the chest is by -H. Stuart Jones: _J. H. S._, XIV, 1894, pp. 30-80 and Pl. I (repeated -by Frazer, III, Pl. X, opp. p. 606). See also Robert, _Hermes_, XXIII, -1888, pp. 436 f.; Pernice, _Jb._, III, 1888, pp. 365 f.; Studniczka, -_Jb._, IX, 1894, pp. 52 f., n. 16; Collignon, I, pp. 93-100; Furtw., -_Mw._, pp. 723-32. - -The best attempt to reconstruct the scenes on the throne is by Furtwaengler -_Mw._, fig. 135, opposite p. 706; text, pp. 689-719; _cf._ the best of -the older attempts by Brunn, _Rhein. Mus._, N. F., V, 1847, p. 325; -_id._, _Kunst bei Homer_, pp. 22 f.; _id._, _Griech. Kunstgesch._, -1893, I, pp. 178 f. _Cf._ also Klein, _Arch.-epigr. Mitt. aus -Oesterr.-Ungarn_, IX, 1885, pp. 145 f.; against Klein, see Pernice, as -above, p. 369. _Cf._ Collignon, I, pp. 230-2; Murray, I, pp. 89 f.] [ - -[70] If we followed Pausanias’ account that this was the very -chest made to save the infant Kypselos, father of Periandros and future -tyrant of Corinth, and that it was dedicated at Olympia by the Kypselid -family (for the story, see Hdt., V, 92), the chest would belong to the -eighth century B. C., and must have been dedicated before 586-5 B. -C., when the Kypselid dynasty ended at Corinth; see Busolt, _Griech. -Gesch._,^2 I, pp. 638 and 657. However, the chest at Olympia had -nothing to do with the legendary one, but was merely a richly decorated -offering to the gods, the work of a Corinthian artist of the end of the -seventh or beginning of the sixth century B. C., and one who knew the -epic poems well. - -[71] _Vasen_, 1655; Perrot-Chipiez, IX, p. 637, fig. 348 -(departure of Amphiaraos); p. 639, fig. 349 (chariot-race); Gardiner, -p. 29, fig. 3; Frazer, III, p. 609, fig. 77; Baum. I, fig. 69; and see -Robert _Annali_, XLVI, 1874, pp. 82 f.; _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-1878, -Pls. IV, V. The discovery of this vase at Cerveteri (Caere) in 1872 -proved the Corinthian workmanship of the chest. - -[72] Micali, _Monumenti per servire all’historia degli antichi -popoli Italiani_^2, 1833, Pl. XCV; described by Jahn, _Archaeol. -Aufsaetze_, pp. 154 f. (quoted by Frazer, III, p. 610). For scenes -representing the departure of Amphiaraos and a four-horse chariot-race, -see also an Attic-Corinthian vase in Florence: Perrot-Chipiez, X, pp. -109 and 111, figs. 78, 79 (= Thiersch, _Tyrrhenische Amphoren_, Pl. -IV); the latter also gives us the oldest representation of a Greek -stadion. - -[73] _A. Z._ XLIII, 1885, Pl. VIII; Gardiner, p. 30, fig. 4 -(one side). - -[74] Cited by Gardiner, pp. 30-31; Inghirami, _Mon. Etr._, -1821-1826, III, 19, 20; Schreiber, _Bilder-atlas_, Pl. XIII, 6; M. W., -I, Pl. LX, fig. 302b. - -[75] Reproduced by Gardiner, p. 21, fig. 2. - -[76] _Cf._ on this topic, Gardiner, pp. 31-2; _cf._ _B. S. -A._, XXII, 1916-18, p. 86, where, in speaking of the disputed origin -of the custom of funeral games, he says: “It is at least conceivable -that it originated from different causes in different places and among -different peoples.” - -[77] See a list of twenty-five local _Olympia_ in Smith’s -_Dictionary of Antiquities_,^3 1891, II, pp. 273 f., _s. v._ _Olympia_, -taken from Krause, _Olympia_, pp. 202 f. Dar.-Sagl., IV, i, pp. 194 f., -list 34 local _Olympia_. Most of these lesser _Olympia_ are known to us -only from inscriptions and coins. Peisistratos appears to have founded -annual _Olympia_ at Athens, when he began to build the Olympieion; -Pindar seems to allude to them in _Nem._ II, 23 (_cf._ schol. _ad -loc._); they were reorganized magnificently by Hadrian in A. D. 131; -Spartianus, _Vit. Hadriani_, 13. _Cf._ Gardiner, p. 229. - -[78] Lysias, _Paneg._, notes this fact, when he says that -Herakles restored peace and unity by instituting the games. Pausanias -speaks similarly of the restoration of the games by Iphitos and -Lykourgos: V, 4.5 f. - -[79] P., V, 1.3; 3.6; Strabo, VIII, 3.33 (C.357). - -[80] The decree governing the festival was inscribed on a -diskos, which dates probably from the seventh century B. C., and was -preserved in the Heraion down to the time of Pausanias. On it the names -of Iphitos and Lykourgos were legible down to Aristotle’s day: P., V, -20.1; Plut., _Lycurgus_, I. 1. Phlegon, _F. H. G._, III, p. 602, and a -scholion on Plato, _de Rep._, 465 D, mention Kleosthenes; _cf._ Louis -Dyer, _Harvard Classical Studies_, 1908, pp. 40 f.; Gardiner, p. 43, n. -1. - -[81] For a discussion of the sources and history of this -register, originally compiled near the end of the fifth century B. C. -by Hippias of Elis (Plut., _Numa_, I, 4; _cf._ Mahaffy, _J. H. S._, II, -1881, pp. 164f.), and revised by various later writers from Aristotle -and Philochoros to Phlegon of Tralles and Julius Africanus, see -Juethner, _Ph._, pp. 60-70. From it a complete list of stade-runners -was copied by the church-historian Eusebios from Africanus, who had -brought it down to 217 A. D. - -[82] V, 8.6. - -[83] Mentioned by P., V, 4.6 and elsewhere; for the mythical -account see P., V, 7.6-8.5 (from Herakles to Oxylos); V, 8.5, and V, -9.4 (revived under the presidency of Iphitos and the descendants of -Oxylos). Phlegon, _F. H. G._, III, p. 603, says that the games were -discontinued for 28 Olympiads from the time of Herakles and Pelops -to that of Koroibos. Velleius Paterculus, I, 8 (ed. Halm), dates the -revival under Iphitos, 793 B. C. Strabo, quoting Ephoros, says that -the Achæans controlled Olympia to the time of Oxylos; for his mythical -account of the games, see VIII, 3.33 (C. 357). On presidents of the -games being elected from the Eleans, see P., V, 9.4-6. - -[84] Especially by Xenophon, _Hell._, III, 2.31; VII, 4.28. -Pausanias omits all evidence of the part played by Kleosthenes in the -truce. See Gardiner, pp. 44 f. - -[85] See Doerpfeld, _A. M._, XXXIII, 1908, pp. 185 f. - -[86] Recently E. N. Gardiner has argued that the worship of -Zeus came directly from Dodona to Olympia before it had reached Crete -and that Cretan elements in the cult first appear at Olympia in the -VIII century B. C. He believes that the worship of Hera reached Olympia -from Argos later than that of Zeus, toward the end of the VIII century -B. C., when he supposes the Heraion was built as a joint temple to both -deities; _B. S. A._, XXII, 1916-18, pp. 85-86. - -[87] On his cult see P., V, 13.2, and scholion on Pindar, -_Ol._ I, 146 and 149, Boeckh, p. 43. After being reduced to the rank -of hero, Pelops still kept his own precinct in the Altis throughout -antiquity. - -[88] On the history of Olympia, see Gardiner, pp. 38 f. - -[89] For the legends connected with the origin of the three, -see Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_, and the various -articles in Dar.-Sagl. - -[90] Schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. - -[91] On the Sacred or Krisaian War (590 B. C.), see Bury, -_History of Greece_, 1913, pp. 158-9. The first Pythiad was reckoned -from 586 (not from 582 as Bury and others state): see Frazer, V, p. -244; Boeckh, _Explic. ad Pind._, _Ol._, XII, pp. 206 f. - -[92] See Strabo, IX, 3.10, (C. 421); P., X, 7.4-5; schol. on -Pind., _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. Ovid’s idea (_Met._, I, 445) -that boxing, running, and chariot-racing existed from the first, is -wrong. On the Pythian games, see Gardiner, pp. 208 f. - -[93] On the Nemean games, see Gardiner, pp. 223-6. As no -proper excavations have been made on the site, our knowledge of the -games is confined almost entirely to literary evidence. - -[94] P., II, 15.3, and VI, 16.4, mentions a winter -celebration. The scholiast on Pindar’s _Nem._, Argum., Boeckh, pp. -424-5, says that it was a τριετής held on the 12th of the month -Panemos, and so it was a summer and not a winter celebration. On -theories of two celebrations, see Frazer, II, pp. 92-3. - -[95] They were not held in midsummer as some have maintained: -see Thukyd., VIII, 9-10; Unger, _Philologus_, XXXVII, 1877, 1-42; -Nissen, _Rhein. Mus._, XLII, 1887, pp. 46 f. On the Isthmian games, see -Gardiner, pp. 214 f. - -[96] For the nine-day celebration of the _Great Panathenaia_, -see A. Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen_, 1898, p. 153; _cf._ Gardiner, -pp. 229 f. - -[97] See Mommsen, _op. cit._, pp. 278 f., and _Heortologie_, -1864, pp. 269 f. In recent years victor lists of the _Theseia_ have -been found: _C. I. G._, II, 444-450, esp. 447; for two other fragments, -see _A. M._, XXX, 1905, pp. 213 f, and _Beilag_, a and b (c = _C. I. -G._, above). For other lists of victors of local games, see _A. M._, -XXVIII, 1903, pp. 338 f. (Oropos, Samos, Larisa). For vase-paintings -of the athletic exploits of Theseus, see Harrison, _Mythology and -Monuments of Ancient Athens_, 1890, pp. XCVIII f. - -[98] See _Ol._, IX, 89; XIII, 110; _Pyth._, VIII, 79. - -[99] Iliad, XXIII, 262-70; _cf._ XXII, 163-4, where the prizes -were slave women and tripods. - -[100] _Ibid._, 700-5. - -[101] _Ibid._, 653-6. - -[102] _Ibid._, 740-51. - -[103] _Op._, 653-9; _cf. Scut._, 312-13. - -[104] Iliad, XI, 700; XXIII, 264; Hesiod, _Scut._, 312. It -is thus represented on a Dipylon vase: _Mon. d. I._, IX, 1869-73, Pl. -XXXIX, 2; on the Corinthian vase representing the funeral games of -Pelias and Amphiaraos: _ibid._, X, Pl. V B; on the François vase, and -on many others. - -[105] Iliad, XXII, 164; _cf._ Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCXLVII. - -[106] Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLVI. - -[107] On an amphora by Nikosthenes: Klein, _Griech. Vasen mit -Meistersignaturen_,^2 1887, Pl. XXXI. - -[108] Iliad, XXIII, 702, as above. - -[109] Hdt., I, 144. - -[110] Ion, _ap._ P., VII, 4.10. - -[111] Aristeid., I, p. 841 (ed. Dindorf). - -[112] Polemon _ap._ schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, VII, 153, Boeckh, -pp. 180-1. - -[113] On the above-mentioned Corinthian vase: _Mon. d. I._, X, -Pls. IV, V; on the chest of Kypselos: P., V, 17.11. - -[114] In the Iliad, as above. - -[115] P., III, 18.7-8. - -[116] _A. Z._, XL, 1882, p. 333; _B. C. H._, VI, 1882, p. 118. - -[117] _B. C. H._, IX, 1885, p. 478. - -[118] P., IX, 10.4; Hdt., I, 92. - -[119] See Carapanos, _Dodone et ses Ruines_, 1878, pp. 40, 41, -and 229, and Pl. XXIII, 2.2 _bis_, 3, 4. - -[120] P., X, 7.6. - -[121] P., IV, 32.1. - -[122] On the tripod, see Reisch, pp. 6-7 and 58-9; Rouse, pp. -150-1 and 355; most of the above examples have been taken from these -writers. - -[123] _Nem._, X, 45 f.; _cf._ schol. on _Ol._, VII, 153, -Boeckh, pp. 180-1. - -[124] _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965. On the value of bronze, _cf._ -Reisch, p. 6. - -[125] Schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, VII, 152, Boeckh, p. 180. - -[126] _Ibid._, _Ol._, VII, 156, Boeckh, p. 181. - -[127] Pindar, _Ol._, IX, 89-90. - -[128] _Ibid._, _Nem._, IX, 51; X, 43 f. - -[129] _Ibid._, _Nem._, X, 44; schol. on _Ol._, XIII, 155 and -VII, 156, Boeckh, pp. 288 and 156, and _Explic. ad Olymp._, IX, 102, p. -194. - -[130] _C. I. A._, III, 1, 116. - -[131] Schol. on Pindar, _Nem._, X, 64, Boeckh, p. 504; _cf._ -_C. I. A._, II, 2, 965. - -[132] _A. G._, XIII, 8. - -[133] _I. G. A._, 525; _B. M. Bronzes_, 257. - -[134] For many of these examples, see Reisch, pp. 57 f. (and -notes), and Rouse, pp. 150-1. - -[135] At the _Panathenaia_ a golden crown was given the -victorious harpist, a hydria to the torch-racer, and an ox to the -victor in the pyrrhic chorus: _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965. Weapons were -given at Delos: _C. I. G._, II, 2360; a golden crown was given at -the Pythian games in Delphi to the city which furnished the finest -sacrificial ox: Xenophon, _Hell._, IV, 4.9; here also golden crowns and -arms were presented for soldiers’ contests: Xenophon, _ibid._, III, 4.8 -and IV, 2.7. - -[136] VIII, 48.2. - -[137] Foerster, 7. - -[138] Frag., (= _F. H. G._, III, p. 604). - -[139] V, 7.7; _cf._ Pindar, _Ol._, III, 24 f. - -[140] _Ol._, III, 13 f. - -[141] Pseudo-Aristot., _de mirab. Auscult._, 51; schol. on -Aristoph., _Plutus_, 586; Suidas, _s. v._ κοτίνου στεφάνῳ. - -[142] P., V, 15.3; _cf._ Theophrastos, _Hist. Plant._, IV, 13, -2; Pliny, _H. N._, XVI, 240. - -[143] Schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, III, 60, Boeckh, p. 102. - -[144] Pseudo-Aristot., _l. c._; schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, III, -60, and VIII, 12, Boeckh, pp. 102 and 189. - -[145] Weniger, _Der heilige Oelbaum in Olympia_, 1895. - -[146] P., X, 7.5; _Marmor Parium_, 53 f. On the reason why the -laurel was the prize for a Pythian victory, see P., X, 7.8; _cf._ VIII, -48.2 (as above); schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. On -the Delphian laurel, see also Pliny, _H. N._, XV, 127; _Dio Cass._, -LXIII, 9. Virgil crowns his victors with laurel: _Aen._, V, 246 and -539. - -[147] Aelian, _Var. Hist._, III, 1; schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._, -Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. - -[148] See Gardiner, p. 208, fig. 27, a coin in the British -Museum: _B. M. Coins, Delphi_, 38. - -[149] _Anacharsis_, 9; see also _C. I. A._, III, 116; Kaibel, -_Epigrammata graeca_, 1878, no. 931. - -[150] _Nem._, IV, 88; _Ol._, XIII, 32 f.; _Isthm._, II, 16, -VIII, 64. - -[151] Schol. on Pindar, _Nem._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 426. - -[152] _E. g._, P., VIII, 48.2; _cf._ Plut., _Qaest. conviv._, -V, 3.3; _Timoleon_, 26. - -[153] Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_, pp. 197 f.; -schol. on _Isthm._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 514. - -[154] See _B. M. Coins, Corinth_, 509-12; 564; 602-3 (603 = -Gardiner, p. 214, fig. 28); 624; _cf._ _I. G._, II, 1320, and Gardiner, -p. 222, n. 2. - -[155] P., II, 1.7. Curtius, _Peloponnesos_, II, p. 543, -believes that the pine was not a fir, but the _Pinus maritima_; -Philippson, in the _Zeitschr. d. Gesellsch. fuer Erdkunde zu Berlin_, -XXV, 1890, pp. 74 f., believes that it was the _Pinus halepensis_ Mill. - -[156] See Droysen, _Hermes_, XIV, 1879, p. 3; Head, _Historia -Nummorum_, pp. 146 f.; Imhoof-Blumer and O. Keller, _Tier- und -Pflanzenbilder auf Muenzen und Gemmen_, Pl. VI, 8; VII, 2; IX, 9-12; -XXV, 19. - -[157] VIII, 48.2. - -[158] See Tarbell, _Class. Phil._, III, pp. 264 f.; he traces -its origin to Delos and its popularity to the restoration of the Delian -festival by the Athenians in 426 B. C. - -[159] Mentioned by Phanias, _ap._ Athen., VI, 21 (232 c.) - -[160] _Op._, 654 f.; _cf._ P., IX, 31.3. The spurious epigram -in _A. G._, VII, 53, may have been engraved on this tripod set up in -the temple on Mt. Helikon. - -[161] P., X, 7.6. - -[162] _C. I. A._, IV, 373^{79}; another is mentioned _ibid._, -I, 493. - -[163] Hdt., V, 60. - -[164] Hdt., I, 144. - -[165] _Bronz. v. Ol._, pp. 72 f. - -[166] See Rouse, pp. 153 f. - -[167] V, 12.8. - -[168] VI, 19.4. - -[169] _Cf._ Rouse, p. 160 and Reisch, p. 62 and n. 1. - -[170] See Rouse, _l. c._; for the inscription, _I. G. A._, -370. - -[171] II, 29.9. - -[172] _I. G. A._, XIII, 449; see discussion of both stones in -_J. H. S._, XXVII, 1907, pp. 2 f. - -[173] In Ol. 255 (= 241 A. D.); Foerster, 739; _Inschr. v. -Ol._, 240-1. - -[174] See _Bronz. v. 0l._, p. 179. - -[175] _E. g._, the inscribed lead weight of the seventh or -sixth centuries B. C., found at Eleusis and dedicated by Epainetos: _C. -I. A._, IV, 2, 422^4; _cf. Arch. Eph._, 1883, pp. 189-91. - -[176] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., p. 180; Tafelbd., Pl. LXV, -1101 a.; _cf._ another from the Cyrenaica in the British Museum: _B. M. -Bronzes_, no. 326. - -[177] _C. I. G._, I, 243; _C. I. A._, III, 1, 124; _Rhein. -Mus._, XXXIV, 1879, p. 206; on prize torches, see _A. G._, VI, 100, and -_cf._ Kaibel, _Epigr. gr._, 1878, 943. - -[178] Kallim., XLIX; _A. G._, VI, 311; _cf._ Reisch, pp. 62 -and 145-6, figs. 13, 14; Rouse, pp. 162-3. - -[179] See Reisch, p. 62, and n. 4. The flutist Straton -dedicated his flute at Thespiai in the third century B. C.: _C. I. G. -G. S._, I, 1818; a harpist his harp at Athens: _C. I. A._, III, 112. - -[180] P., VI, 10.6-7. - -[181] P., VI, 9.4. - -[182] P., VI, 12.1 - -[183] P., VI, 10.8. - -[184] P., VI, 16.9. - -[185] P., V, 12.5; the monument consisted of bronze horses -only. - -[186] P., VI, 16.6. - -[187] _E. g._, chariots and drivers, _Bronz. v. Ol._, -Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 248, 248a, 249, 250; Textbd., pp. 39-40; chariots -without drivers, _ibid._, Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 252, 252a, 253; Textbd., p. -40; charioteers without chariots, _ibid._, Pl. XVI, 251; Textbd., p. -40; horses belonging to two-wheeled chariots, _ibid._, Pl. XVI, 254, -254a; Textbd., pp. 40-1. - -[188] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XXV, 498 f.; Textbd., p. -68. - -[189] _Bronz. v. Ol._, _l. c._; he is followed by Reisch, -p. 61; Rouse, p. 166, however, thinks that they would have been an -“artistic blunder.” - -[190] _E. g._, _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XXV, 503 f.; -Textbd., p. 69. - -[191] _Ibid._, Pl. XXV, 510; some are older than the date of -the introduction of the mule-car race, Ol. 70 (= 500 B. C.), and some -may have been used as bases for animal figures: _e. g._, Pl. XXV, 509; -Textbd., p. 69. - -[192] Rouse, p. 165, suggests, though without evidence, that -they may have been offered before the contest with a propitiatory -sacrifice. - -[193] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 71. - -[194] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 78: _fecit et quadrigas bigasque_, etc. - -[195] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 63 and 64: _fecit et quadrigas multorum -generum_. - -[196] P., VI, 12.1. - -[197] Either in Ol. 69 (= 504 B. C.) or 70 (= 500 B. C.) or -before 67 (= 512 B. C.): Hyde, 126; Foerster, 778 (undated). - -[198] P., VI, 14.4. - -[199] The father won κέλητι in Ol. 66 or 67 (= 516 or 512 B. -C.): Hyde, 120; Foerster, 129 and 149a; P., VI, 13.9; the sons won -in the same event in Ol. 68 (= 508 B. C.): Hyde, 121, and pp. 50-51; -Foerster, 152; P., VI, 13.10. - -[200] VI, 2.1-2; he won in the heavy-armed race and in -charioteering in Ols. (?) 83, 84, (= 448, 444 B. C.): Hyde, 12; -Foerster, 211a; Foerster believes that the two statues represented -Lykinos and his charioteer, and that they stood in the chariot, which -is not mentioned by Pausanias. - -[201] So Foerster, _l. c._; see also Robert, O. S., p. -176; Rutgers, p. 144; and Klein, _Archaeol.-epigr. Mitt. aus -Oesterr.-Ungarn_, VII, 1883, p. 70. For an improbable view, see Brunn, -I, p. 479. - -[202] P., VI, 12.1. - -[203] Pliny, _H. N._, XXIV, 75. - -[204] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 78. - -[205] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 19. - -[206] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 255-7; XVI, 258; -Textbd., p. 41; terra-cotta horses, _ibid._, XVII, 267-75; Textbd., pp. -43-4. - -[207] See Rouse, p. 167. - -[208] Pindar, _Pyth._, V, 34 f. - -[209] _C. I. A._, IV, 2, p. 89, 373^{99}; _cf._ _Arch. Eph._, -1887, p. 146 (inscribed base reproduced). - -[210] Mentioned by the pseudo-Plutarch, _Vit. X Orat._, IV -(Isokrates), 42, p. 839 c - -[211] Pindar’s _Pyth._ XII celebrates the victory of Midas of -Akragas in flute-playing; he won in Pyth. 24 and 25 (= 490 and 486 B. -C.) - -[212] _H. N._, XXXV, 58; both at Corinth and Delphi. - -[213] Strabo, VIII, 6. 20 (C. 378); Aristeid., _Isthm._, -45; Livy, XXXIII, 32. Dio Chrysostom has graphically described the -crowds of spectators who still frequented the _Isthmia_ in the first -century A. D.: _Orat._, VII (Διογένης ἢ περὶ ἀρετῆς); VIII (Διογένης ἢ -Ἰσθμικός); _cf._ Gardiner, p. 173. - -[214] Plutarch, _Solon_, 23; Diog. Laert., 1, 55: etc. - -[215] For a list of victors, see Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen -und Isthmien_, pp. 209 f. - -[216] See Julian, _Epist._, XXXV. - -[217] See Monceaux on the excavation of the temple of -Poseidon, _Gaz. arch._, IX, 1884, pp. 358 f. - -[218] Lucian, _Nero_, 2, says Olympia was the “most athletic” -of all; Bacchylides, XII, emphasizes the athletic character of Nemea. - -[219] The boys’ pentathlon was introduced in the fifty-third -Nemead (= 467 B. C.) and the pankration for boys earlier: _cf._ Pindar, -_Nem._, V (in honor of the boy pancratiast Pytheas of Aegina; _cf._ -Bacchylides, XIII); VII (in honor of the boy pentathlete Sogenes of -Aegina, who won in Nem. 54); IV and VI (in honor of two Aeginetan boy -wrestlers). The horse-race for boys is mentioned by P., VI, 16.4. Races -in armor were also important: Ph., 7. - -[220] See Gardiner, pp. 223 f.; list of victors in Krause, -_op. cit._, pp. 147 f. - -[221] X, 9.2 (Frazer’s transl.). - -[222] See Foucart and Wescher, _Inscriptions recueillies à -Delphes_, 1863, no. 469; Haussoulier, _B. C. H._, VI, 1882, pp. 217 -f.; Couve, _ibid._, XVIII, 1894, pp. 70-100. One is in honor of the -Corinthian singer Aristonos, who composed a hymn to Apollo, found at -Delphi: _ibid._, XVII, 1893, pp. 563 f. A Samian flutist, Satyros, -gained a prize without contest and recited a choral ode called -_Dionysos_ in the stadion, and played an air from Euripides’ _Bacchae_ -on the lyre; _ibid._, XVII, pp. 84 f. Native towns erected statues -to musical victors: _C. I. G._, I., nos. 1719-20. One inscription -records the rules to be observed by runners, who could not drink new -wine, etc.: _J. H. S._, XVI, 1896, p. 343 and _Berliner Philolog. -Wochenschr._, XVI, 1896, p. 831 (June 27); _cf._ Frazer, V, p. 260. The -base of a statue of a boy wrestler has been found: _A. Z._, XXXI, 1874, -p. 57. - -[223] X, 9.2-3; on Phaÿllos, see Foerster, 794 (undated). - -[224] _H. N._, XXXIV, 59. - -[225] _Ibid._, §57. - -[226] On _Pyth._, IX, Argum., Boeckh, p. 401 B. - -[227] XXIV, 7.10. - -[228] To be discussed _infra_, in Ch. V. - -[229] II, 1.7. - -[230] _I. G. B._, nos. 120, 133, 148. - -[231] _C. I. G._, II, 2888. - -[232] P., VIII, 38.5; _cf._ Reisch, p. 39, n. 1. - -[233] P., I, 23.9; _C. I. A._, I, 376; _I. G. B._, 39. - -[234] P., I, 23.10. - -[235] P., I, 24.3; _cf._ Reisch, p. 39. - -[236] Pseudo-Plutarch, _Vit. X Orat._, already mentioned. - -[237] P., I, 18.3 and IX, 32.8; _cf._ Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, -79. - -[238] _Contra Leocr._, p. 51 (ed. Reiske, p. 176.) - -[239] _Cf._ Furtwaengler, _A. M._, V, 1880, pp. 27 f. - -[240] _C. I. A._, I, 419; he won in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): _Oxy. -Pap._; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208. - -[241] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1303. - -[242] Aelian, _Var. Hist._, IX, 32. Reisch, p. 39, ascribes -these to the monument of the older Kimon, who won in chariot-racing -three times at Olympia: Hdt., VI, 103; Plut., _Cato Major_, 5; -Foerster, 124 and 132. - -[243] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1300. - -[244] _Ibid._, 1301; _cf._ _C. I. G._, I, 233. - -[245] _Ibid._, 1305, 1312. - -[246] _Ibid._, 1302. - -[247] _Ibid._, 1304. - -[248] _Ibid._, 1323. - -[249] _Ibid._, 1313. - -[250] _Ibid._, 1314. - -[251] _Ibid._, 1318-20. - -[252] The Ἑλλανοδίκαι, mentioned by P., V, 9. 4 f. and -elsewhere; sometimes he calls them merely οἱ Ἠλεῖοι: _e. g._, VI, 13.9. - -[253] _E. g._, P., VI, 13.9, says that the Eleans allowed -Pheidolas to dedicate a statue of his mare; in VI, 3.6, he says that -they allowed the wrestler Kratinos to set up a statue of his trainer. - -[254] XXXIV, 16. See _infra_, pp. 54 and 354. - -[255] VI, 1.1. - -[256] _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 236. - -[257] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 19 f. (nude youths -with lost attributes so that they can not be named with certainty); -Tafelbd., Pl. VIII, 47 (the oldest); VII, 48 = F. W., 352 (Apollo, -following Overbeck, _Gr. Kunstmytk._, III, _Apollon_, p. 35, fig. 6); -VIII, 49 = F. W., 353; VIII, 51-4 and 57 (the latter is a boxer of the -fifth century B. C. = Fig. 2 in text); VI, 50; VI, 59 (right arm of a -fifth-century B. C. diskobolos); VI, 63 (right lower leg). Purgold, -_Annali_, LVII, 1885, pp. 167 f., makes these diskoboloi decorative in -character. - -[258] De Ridder, no. 747. - -[259] _Ibid._, no. 746. - -[260] _Ibid._, no. 636. - -[261] Carapanos, _Dodone et ses Ruines_, 1878, Pl. XI, 1 and 1 -_bis_ (probably not Atalanta, as Carapanos suggests on p. 31, no. 4). - -[262] _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, Pls. X and XI. - -[263] _A. M._, XV, 1890, p. 365. - -[264] _Jb._, I, 1886, pp. 163 f., and Pl. IX; II, 1887, pp. 95 -f. - -[265] Carapanos, _op. cit._, Pl. XIII, 1. - -[266] _E. g._, see E. von Sacken, _Die antiken Bronzen des k. -k. Muenz- und Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien_, 1871, Pl. 37, fig. 4, and Pl. -45, fig. 1; _cf._ _J. H. S._, I, Pl. V, fig. 1, text, pp. 176-7. See -lists, from which many of the above examples are taken, in Reisch, p. -39, and Rouse, pp. 172 f. - -[267] The seven fragments collected by Treu, which are -two-fifths to two-thirds life-size: _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, -2, (= Fig. 78, _infra_) and Textbd., p. 216, no. 241; Tafelbd., Pl. -LVI, 3, 4 and Textbd., p. 216, n. 4 and fig. 242. - -[268] V, 27.2-3. - -[269] Reisch, pp. 39 f., gives examples of these for chariot -victories at the _Panathenaia_ and the games at Oropos, which latter -were imitated from the _Panathenaia_. - -[270] V, 16.3: καὶ δὴ ἀναθεῖναί σφισιν ἔστι γραψαμέναις -εἰκόνας. Rouse, p. 167, n. 9, shows that these words do not mean -“statues of themselves with their names engraved on them,” as Frazer -translates, but painted reliefs. - -[271] Benndorf, _Griech. und Sicil. Vasenbilder_, I, Pl. IX, -pp. 13 f. - -[272] I, 22.7. Reisch, p. 40, believes this represented a -Panathenaic victor. - -[273] _H. N._, XXXV, 99. _Cf._ E. Kroker, _Gleichnamige -griechische Kuenstler_, 1883, p. 35. - -[274] _Ibid._, §75. - -[275] _Ibid._, §63. - -[276] _Ibid._, §141. - -[277] _Ibid._, §106. - -[278] _Ibid._, §71. - -[279] _Ibid._, §130. - -[280] _Ibid._, §144. - -[281] P., VI, 14.13. He won the pentathlon twice some time -between Ols. 126 and 132 (= 276 and 252 B. C.): Hyde, 139; Foerster, -451 and 456; the inscription on one has been recovered: _Inschr. v. -Ol._, 176. - -[282] P., VI, 3.11. His victories in running races occurred -in Ols. (?) 95, (?) 97 and 99; (= 400, 392 and 384 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, -33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316. The inscription from the base of one is -preserved in _A. G._, XIII, 15. - -[283] P., VI, 2.1-2; Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211a. - -[284] P., VI, 15.10; he won the pankration and wrestling match -in Ol. 142 (= 212 B. C.): Hyde, 150; Foerster, 474, 475. - -[285] P., VI, 1.4; he won in the two- and four-horse -chariot-races in Ols. 102, 103 (= 372 and 368 B. C.): Hyde, 6; -Foerster, 338, 345; for the inscription on its base, see _Inschr. v. -Ol._, 166. P. Gardner, in _J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, p. 245, infers that he -had only one victory, in 372 B. C. - -[286] P., VI, 2.2; he won in Ols. (?) 86, 87 (= 436, 432 B. -C.): Hyde, 13; Foerster, 250, 256. - -[287] P., VI, 14.12; _Inschr. v . Ol._, 170; _ibid._, no. 154 -belongs to the victory mentioned by Pausanias. He won κέλητι in Ol. (?) -83 (= 448 B. C.): Hyde, 133; Foerster, 327. - -[288] _E. g._, Deinomenes set up a chariot-group to his -father Hiero: P., VI, 12.1; Glaukos had a statue dedicated by his son: -VI, 10.3; Menedemos set up a statue to his father of the same name: -_Inschr. v. Ol._, 214; the sons of Hiero II, the son of Hierokles, of -Syracuse, set up in honor of their father two statues by the Syracusan -statuary Mikon, one on horseback, the other on foot: P., VI, 12.2 f.; -Hyde 105a and pp. 44-5; another of the same Hiero was set up at Olympia -by his sons: VI, 15.6; Hyde, 147a; these latter, however, are “honor” -and not victor statues. - -[289] _E. g._, Hermokrates dedicated a statue to his son -Kleitomachos of Thebes: P., VI, 15.3 f.; he won in pankration and -boxing in Ols. 141 and 142 (= 216, 212 B. C.): Hyde, 146; Foerster, -472, 476. The epigram by Alkaios (= Minor) of Messenia is preserved -in _A. G._, IX, 588. For inscriptions after the time of Augustus, see -_Inschr. v. Ol._, 215 (Menedemos to his son of the same name); 216 -(Aristodemos to his son Lykomedes of Elis); Foerster, 550; _Inschr. v. -Ol._, 218 (Timolas to his son Archiadas of Elis); Foerster, 535; etc. - -[290] _E. g._, Klaudia Kleodike to her son M. Antonios -Kallipos Peisanos of Elis: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 223; Foerster, 568. - -[291] _E. g._, Diodoros to his brother Nikanor of Ephesos: -_Inschr. v. Ol._, 227; he won the pankration in Ol. 217 (= 89 A. D.): -Foerster, 666. - -[292] _E. g._, Loukios Betilenos (= Vetulenus) set one up -to T. Klaudios Aphrodeisios of Elis (?): _Inschr. v. Ol._, 226. He -won κέλητι in Ol. 208 (= 53 A. D.): Foerster, 634; two Eleans set up -statues, one, M. Antonios Peisanos, to Germanicus Caesar, adopted son -of the Emperor Tiberius (Foerster, 612), the other, Gnaios Markios, to -Tiberius or Germanicus: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 221 and 222. - -[293] _E. g._, Mikon the trainer to an unknown Samian boxer: -P., VI, 2.9; Hyde, 19 and pp. 29-30; Foerster, 804. - -[294] P., VI, 3.8; _cf._ VII, 17.6 and 13 f.; Afr.; Hyde, 29; -Foerster, 6. - -[295] P., VI, 6.2; he won some time between Ols. (?) 93 and -103 (= 408 and 368 B. C.): Hyde, 53; Foerster, 355. - -[296] P., VI, 17.2; he won some time between Ols. (?) 114 and -132 (= 324 and 252 B. C.): Hyde, 172; Foerster, 354. - -[297] P., VI, 17.2; two of the victories in the stade-race -fell in Ols. 129 and 130 (= 264 and 260 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 173; -Foerster, 440-2; 444-5. - -[298] P., VI, 17.4. He won the boys’ wrestling match some -time between Ols. (?) 115 and 118 (= 320 and 308 B. C.): Hyde, 178; -Foerster, 377. - -[299] For the one at Olympia, see P., VI, 8.5; for the one at -Pellene, _id._, VII, 27.5; he won in Ol. 94 (= 396 B. C.): Hyde, 81; -Foerster, 286. Similarly, Hiero II, King of Syracuse, had two statues -_honoris causa_ at Olympia set up by his fellow citizens: P., VI, 15. -6; Hyde, 147a. - -[300] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 169; _cf._ P., VI, 13.11; he won the -pankration some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130 (= 320 and 260 B. -C.): Hyde, 123; Foerster, 758 (undated). - -[301] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 186; _cf._ P., VI, 15.6; he won twice -in boxing between Ols. (?) 144 and 147 (= 204 and 192 B. C.): Hyde, -147; Foerster, 510 and 512. - -[302] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 224; he won the boys’ wrestling match -in Roman days; Foerster, 823. - -[303] P., VI, 2.2-3; Thukydides, V, 49-50; he won in Ol. 90 (= -420 B. C.): Hyde, 14; Foerster, 270. - -[304] Vol. II, p. 222. - -[305] So Scherer, p. 5. His evidence is from inscriptions of -imperial days (_e. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, 218, 223, 227), when the -dedicatory formula differed somewhat from that of earlier times. - -[306] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 147-8; _cf._ P., VI, 10.9; _Oxy. -Pap._; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237. - -[307] VI, 3.6. He won sometime between Ols. (?) 120 and 130 (= -300 and 260 B. C.): Hyde, 27; Foerster, 433. - -[308] VI, 8.3. He won the stade-race and the chariot-race in -Ols. 93 and 104 (= 408 and 364 B. C.) respectively: Afr.; Hyde, 75; -Foerster, 277, 350. - -[309] P., VI, 14.6; he won in wrestling matches six times in -Ol. (?) 61, and in Ols. 62, 63, 64, 65, 66 (= 536-516 B. C.): Hyde, -128; Foerster, 116, 122, 126, 131, 136, 141. - -[310] P., VI, 13.2; Afr.; Hyde, 111 and p. 48; Foerster, 39, -41-6. - -[311] P., VI, 4.6; Hyde, 41 and _cf._ p. 36; Foerster, 384, -392. - -[312] P., VI, 5.1.; VII, 27.6; Afr.; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279. - -[313] P., VI, 10.1; Hyde, 93 and p. 42; Foerster, 137. - -[314] The age of boy victors at Olympia seems to have been -17-20: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 56, ll. 11] f. (referring to the order of -the _Augustalia_, or Σεβαστὰ ἰσολύμπια, celebrated in Naples, which -were modeled after those of Olympia, _cf._ _C. I. G._, III, 5805). -Archippos of Mytilene won the crown for boxing at Olympia, Delphi, -Nemea, and on the Isthmus among the men at not over twenty years of -age: P., VI, 15.1; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 173; he won sometime between -Ols. (?) 115 and 125 (= 320 and 280 B. C.): Hyde, 140; Foerster, 757 -(undated). Since Pausanias mentions this as a remarkable record, we -should suspect his statement that the boy runner Damiskos of Messene -was but twelve when he won the stade-race: VI, 2.10; he won Ol. 103 (= -368 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 20; Foerster, 343. Another victor, of unknown -date, Nikasylos of Rhodes, was disqualified when eighteen years old -from entering the boys’ wrestling match because of his age, and so -entered that of the men: P., VI, 14.1-2; Hyde, 125; Foerster, 787. He -died at twenty. Such inconsistencies in Pausanias’ account show that -the Hellanodikai exercised some discretion in their judgment, taking -into consideration not merely age, but size and strength. - -[315] On maintenance at the Prytaneion, see Plato, _de Rep._, -V, 465 D; _Apology_, 36 D; Plut., _Aristeides_, 27; Athenæus, VI, 32 -(p. 237, quoting Timokles), and X, 6 (p. 414, quoting Xenophanes); -R. Schoell, Die Speisung im Prytaneion zu Athen, _Hermes_, VI, 1872, -pp. 14 f. (and Athenian inscription, pp. 30 f.) He concludes that -this honor was given to Athenian victors only in the chariot-race -at Olympia, and in gymnic contests at the other great games. Solon -ordained that these meals be frugal, consisting of a barley loaf on -common days and a wheaten one on festival days: see Athenæus, IV, 14 -(p. 137 e). - -[316] _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965. - -[317] Dio Cassius, LII, 30, 5-6. - -[318] Suet., _Octav._, 45; _cf._ Gardiner, pp. 174-5. - -[319] P., VI, 13.1; Afr.; Hyde, 110; Foerster, 176-7, 181-2, -187-8. - -[320] P., VI, 18.6; Hyde, 186; Foerster, 317, 323. - -[321] P., VI, 3.11; Afr.; Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316. - -[322] P., VI, 2.6-7; Hyde, 16; Foerster, 309. - -[323] P., VI, 2.2-3; Thukyd., V, 49-50; Krause, _Olympia_, p. -144. - -[324] P., V, 21.3-4. Eupolos won in Ol. 98 (= 388 B. C.): -Foerster, 313. See Plans A and B. - -[325] P., V, 21.5; Kallipos won Ol. 112 (= 332 B. C.): -Foerster, 385. - -[326] P., V, 21.8 f.; on Straton, see Foerster, 570-1. - -[327] P., V, 21.16-17; see Foerster, 598 (for the Elean boy -wrestler Polyktor, son of Damonikos); P., V, 21.15; Foerster 684 (for -the boxer Didas and his antagonist Sarapammon, both Egyptians). On -cases of bribery at Olympia, see Gardiner, pp. 134-5 and 174; Krause, -_Olympia_, pp. 144 f. - -[328] P., V, 21.18. - -[329] P., V, 21.12-14. - -[330] Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,^2 II, -689; Cavvadias (Kabbadias), _Fouilles d’Épidaure_, I, 1891, p. 77, no. -238. - -[331] Ph., 45. He says that victories were bought and sold -in his day and that the practice was encouraged by trainers. _Cf._ -Gardiner, p. 219. - -[332] Lucian, _Nero_, 9. _Cf._ Gardiner, pp. 218-219 - -[333] See Gardiner, p. 77. - -[334] Diod., XIII, 82; Foerster, 271 and 276. Suetonius says -that Nero, on arriving in Naples after his tour of Greece, made his -entrance in a chariot drawn by white horses through a breach in the -city wall “according to the practice of victors at the Greek games,” -and that he entered Rome in the triumphal chariot of Augustus dressed -in a purple tunic and a gold-embroidered cloak through a breach in -the wall of the Circus Maximus: _Nero_, 25. Though Plutarch says that -victors could tear down part of the city walls (_Quaest. conviv._, II, -5.2), such extravagances seem to have been introduced late and not to -have belonged to the great days of Greek athletics. - -[335] _Cf._ Waldstein, _J. H. S._, I, 1880, pp. 198-9. - -[336] Hdt., V, 47; _cf._ Eustath. on Hom., Iliad, III, p. 383, -43; Foerster, 138. - -[337] P., VI, 6.4 f.; Afr.; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207. - -[338] P., VI, 6.7-11; Strabo, VI, 1.5 (C. 255); Ael., _Var. -Hist._, VIII, 18. - -[339] So Kallimachos _apud_ Plin., _H. N._, VII, 152 (= _S. -Q._, 494); he also states that two of his statues, one at Lokroi, the -other at Olympia, were struck by lightning on the same day. - -[340] P., VI, 11.8-9; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 104; Foerster, 191, -196. - -[341] P., VI, 11.2. - -[342] P., VI, 9.8; _cf._ Suidas, _s. v._ Κλεομήδης; Foerster, -162; _cf._ Hyde, 90a (though there was no statue at Olympia). - -[343] VI, 9.6-8. - -[344] Thus P., VI, 11.9, says that statues of Theagenes were -erected within and beyond Greece and could heal sickness. Lucian -says that in his day the statues of both Theagenes on Thasos and of -Polydamas of Skotoussa at Olympia cured fevers: _Deorum Concilium_, 12. -Polydamas won the pankration in Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.): Afr.; his statue -by Lysippos was set up later: P., VI, 5.1; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279. -Gardiner has recently called attention to the fact that the evidence -for the canonization of the five victors mentioned is mostly late, and -he therefore doubts if it had anything to do with their victories at -Olympia: _B. S. A._, XXII, 1916-18, pp. 96, 97. - -[345] Ll. 1161 f. - -[346] _De Rep._, V, 465 D. E. - -[347] _De Rep._, 620 B.; _cf._ Gardiner, pp. 129-130. - -[348] Xen., _Hell._, I, 5.19; P., VI, 7.4 f.; Hyde, 61; -Foerster, 258, 260, 262. - -[349] Damagetos won in boxing (?) in Ol. 56 (= 556 B. C): -Hermipp., _fr._ 14 (= _F. H. G._ III, p. 39); _A. G._, VII, 88; Pl., -_H. N._, VII, 119; Foerster, 108. - -[350] _Hbk._, pp. 215-216. - -[351] _Ap._ Athenæum, X, 6 (pp. 413-14); Gardiner, p. 79, has -given a translation of his protest. - -[352] _Ap._ Athen., X, 5 (p. 413). - -[353] _De Rep._, 404 A.; 410 D. (_cf._ 535 D.). - -[354] Προτρεπτικὸς λόγος ἐπὶ τὰς τέχνας. For translation, see -Gardiner, p. 188. - -[355] See Secchi, _Mosaico Antoniniano_, and Baum., I, p. 223, -fig. 174. - -[356] VI, 1.1: ποιήσασθαι καὶ ἵππων ἀγωνιστῶν μνήμην καὶ -ἀνδρῶν ἀθλητῶν. - -[357] See Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 239. - -[358] Pp. 272-3. - -[359] P., VI, 10.8; Hyde, 99 b and p. 44; Foerster, 77-9. - -[360] _Inschr. v. 0l._, 236; Foerster, 686. It was the custom -also at Delphi to dedicate chariots; thus we have already mentioned -that Arkesilas IV of Kyrene dedicated his chariot there after a -Pythian victory in Ol. 78.3 (= 462 B. C.): Pindar, _Pyth._, V, 34 -f. An inscription tells us of a bronze wheel being dedicated to the -Dioskouroi: _I. G. A._, p. 173, 43a. - -[361] _E. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, 142 (Pantares); 160 -(Kyniska). - -[362] _E. g._, _ibid._, 143 (Gelo); 178 (Glaukon); 190 (son of -Aristotle); 191 (Agilochos); 194 (son of Nikodromos); 197 (Antigenes); -217 (Lykomedes); 222 (Gnaios Markios); 233 (Kasia Mnasithea). - -[363] Thus _ibid._, 142, 143, 236. - -[364] _Ibid._, 178, 190 (supplied), 191 (supplied), 194, 197, -217, 227, 233 (supplied). - -[365] _Ibid._, 160. - -[366] _Ibid._, 177. - -[367] V, 21.1. - -[368] V, 25.1. - -[369] _A. M._, V, 1880, p. 29. - -[370] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144; here in the renewed inscription -occurs also the word ἀνέθηκεν; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207. - -[371] _L. c._, p. 31, n. 1; here he gives a list of the -metrical exceptions of the fifth century B. C.; from inscriptions, -that of Aineas, _A. Z._, XXXV, 1877, p. 38, no. 86; Foerster, 244 (an -inscription not appearing in _Inschr. v. Ol._), and Tellon, _A. Z._, -_ibid._, p. 190, no. 91, and XXXVIII, 1880, p. 70 (= _Inschr. v. Ol._, -147-8); from Pausanias, that of Kleosthenes (wrongly Kleisthenes), VI, -10.6, and Damarchos, VI, 8.2. The list should he corrected as follows. -From inscriptions: Tellon, boy boxer of Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): _Oxy. -Pap._; P., VI, 10.9; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 147-8; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237; -Kyniskos, boy boxer of Ol. (?) 80 (= 460 B. C.): P., VI, 4.11; _Inschr. -v. Ol._, 149; Hyde, 45; Foerster, 255; Charmides, boy boxer of Ol. -(?) 79 (= 464 B. C.): P., VI, 7.1; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 156 (renewed); -Hyde, 58; Foerster, 763 (undated); ...krates, boy runner, Ol. (?) 93 -(= 408 B. C.): _Inschr. v. Ol._, 157; Foerster, 280. From Pausanias: -Damarchos, boxer, who won before Ol. 75 (= 480 B. C.) or after Ol. 83 -(= 448 B. C.): VI, 8.2; Hyde, 74 and p. 38; Foerster, 452. - -[372] _E. g._, the Cretan Philonides, courier of Alexander the -Great, dedicated his portrait statue to the god: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 276; -P., VI, 16.5; Hyde, 154 a. - -[373] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144. - -[374] So Dittenberger, and Furtwaengler (_l. c._, p. 30, -n. 2), following Roehl, _I. G. A._, on no. 388; Roehl believed that -originally the word Lokroi or the name of the victor’s father appeared -as the dedicator, and later, because the victor wished to remove the -expense from his city or because his father died, Euthymos himself -restored it; see discussion of Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, pp. -249-520. The original inscription has ἔστησε. - -[375] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 264; Roehl, _I. G. A._, 589. - -[376] So Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 241, and no. 213; -_I. G. B._, 72; Foerster, following the earlier dating of Dittenberger -(_A. Z._, XXXV, 1877, p. 42, nos. 49-50), dates the two victories -later, in Ols. (?) 200, 203 (= 21 and 33 A. D.); nos. 614 and 619. - -[377] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 225, 228, 229-30, 231, 232. - -[378] _Op. cit._, pp. 240-1. - -[379] Furtwaengler, _l. c._, p. 30; Reisch, p. 37; Rouse, p. -167; Frazer, III, p. 624. Against the view that victor statues were -first called votive in Roman days, see Purgold, _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, -p. 89, on no. 390 (= inscription of Glaukon = _Inschr. v. Ol._, 178; -however, he was a victor in chariot-racing). - -[380] _E. g._, by Scherer, p. 5; Kuhnert, _Jahrb. fuer cl. -Phil._, Supplbd., XIV, 1885, p. 257, n. 7; Flasch, in Baum., II, p. -1096; _cf._ Dittenberger-Purgold, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 240; Frazer, III, -pp. 623-4. - -[381] _E. g._, Ziemann, _de Anathematis Graecis_, 1885, p. 54. - -[382] _Hermes_, XIII, 1878, p. 437, n. 2. - -[383] Pp. 35 f.; followed by M. K. Welsh, _B. S. A._, XI, -1904-5, pp. 33-4. - -[384] _E. g._, Pythokles, who won the pentathlon in Ol. 82 (= -452 B. C.), does not mention his contest on the base (_Inschr. v. Ol._, -162-3), nor does Pausanias give it (VI, 7.10); we learn it only from -the _Oxy. Pap._: see Robert _O. S._, p. 185; Hyde, 70; Foerster, 295. - -[385] On p. 36, n. 1, he points out that at Athens the usual -dedication formula was omitted; _e. g._, in the inscription of the -Isthmian victor Diophanes, _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1301, and in that of -a Panathenaic victor, _ibid._, 1302. The presence of the word in an -Athenian inscription referring to the Olympic victor Kallias rests on -an uncertain restoration; _ibid._, I, 419; he won Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): -P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208. - -[386] Pp. 167 f. - -[387] Both Reisch, p. 36, and Dittenberger, _op. cit._, p. -240, agree also in opposing Furtwaengler’s _Versnoth_ explanation. - -[388] Thus Pausanias mentions the “chariot, horses, charioteer and -Kyniska herself”: VI, 1.6. Again he speaks of the “chariot and statue -of Gelo”: VI, 9.4-5; in referring to the chariot of Kleosthenes by -Hagelaïdas he says: “Along with the statue of the chariot and horses, -he [Kleosthenes] dedicated statues of himself and the charioteer,” and -even adds the names of the horses: VI, 10.6. In VI, 18.1, he mentions -the group of Kratisthenes as “the chariot, Nike mounting it, and -Kratisthenes”; in VI, 16.6 he speaks of “a small chariot and figure -of the father of Polypeithes, the wrestler Kalliteles”; etc. _Cf._ -Dittenberger, _op. cit._, pp. 239-40. - -[389] He won in Ol. 255 (= 241 A. D.): Foerster, 739: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 241. - -[390] No dedication, however, is inscribed on it: _I. G. A._, 160; -_Bronz. v. Ol._, on no. 1101, p. 180. - -[391] Chionis, a famous runner from Sparta, had a tablet, which listed -his victories, set up beside his statue at Olympia: P., VI, 13.2; he -won in Ols. 28-31 (= 668-656 B. C.): Hyde, 111; Foerster, 39, 41-46. -His statue was erected long after his death, in Ol. 77 or 78, and -so probably the stele also: Hyde, p. 48. Deinosthenes, who won the -stade-race in Ol. 116 (= 316 B. C.), had a slab set up beside his -statue at Olympia, on which was inscribed the distance between it and a -similar one in Sparta: P., VI, 16.8; Afr.; Hyde, 163; Foerster, 403. - -[392] He won the chariot-race in Ol. 33 (= 648 B. C.): Foerster, 51. - -[393] P., VI, 19.2; on the mistake of Pausanias, see Flasch, in Baum., -II, p. 1104 B. - -[394] _Or._, XXXI, 596 R (= 328 M). - -[395] _H. N._, XXXIV, 17. - -[396] _H. N._, XXXIV, 23-4. The subject of portrait honorary statues -at Athens has been treated by L. B. Stenessen, _de Historia variisque -Generibus statuarum iconicarum apud Athenienses_, Christiania, 1877; -for all Greece by M. K. Welsh, Honorary Statues in Ancient Greece, _B. -S. A._, XI, 1904-5, pp. 32-49. - -[397] See list in Hyde, _Index_ on p. V. - -[398] King Hiero of Syracuse had five: Hyde, 147 a (= three) and 105a -(= two); Antigonos Monophthalmos had three: Hyde, 103 d, 147 f, 151 b. - -[399] Archidamas III, son of Agesilaos: P., VI, 4.9; Hyde, 42 a; VI, -15.7; Hyde, 147 c; Areus, son of Akrotatos, P., VI, 12.5; Hyde, 105 b; -VI, 15.9; Hyde, 148 a: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 308. - -[400] Demetrios Poliorketes, P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 e; _Inschr. v. -Ol._, 304; VI, 16.3; Hyde, 152 b. - -[401] Pyrrhos: P., VI, 14.9; Hyde, 128 a. - -[402] Hiero II: P., VI, 12.2 f. (two statues set up by his sons: -Hyde, 105 a); VI, 15.6 (three statues, one set up by sons, two by -fellow-citizens: Hyde, 147 a). - -[403] Philip II, son of Amyntas; Alexander the Great; Seleukos Nikator, -son of Antiochos; Antigonos, son of Philip, surnamed Monophthalmos; -these four princes had statues together: P., VI, 11.1; Hyde, 103 a, b, -c, d. Antigonos had also other statues in different parts of the Altis: -P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 f; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 305; VI, 16.2; Hyde, 151 -b. Antigonos Doson and Philip III had statues together: P., VI, 16.3; -Hyde, 152 a. The Syrian king Seleukos Nikator had another statue at -Olympia: P., VI, 16.2; Hyde, 151 c. Three of the Egyptian dynasty had -statues: Ptolemy Lagi, P., VI, 15.10; Hyde, 149 a; Philadelphus, P., -VI, 17.3; Hyde, 173 a; and another whose name is uncertain, P., VI, -16.9; Hyde, 166 a. - -[404] P., VI, 4.8; Hyde, 41 b. - -[405] P., VI, 17.7; Hyde, 184 a; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 293. - -[406] P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 d. - -[407] P., VI, 14.9-10; Hyde, 128 b. - -[408] P., VI, 14.11 Hyde, 128 c in Ol. (?) 127 (= 272 B. C.) - -[409] P., VI, 14.12; Hyde, 134 a; erected between Ols. (?) 103 and 115 -(= 368 and 320 B. C.). - -[410] P., VI, 16.5; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 276, 277; Hyde, 154 a. - -[411] P., VI, 14.9-10. - -[412] P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 b. - -[413] P., VI, 15.2; Hyde, 143 a. - -[414] VI, 12.5. The date of his victory is unknown, but fell probably -in Ol. 134 or 135 (= 244 or 240 B. C.): Hyde, 105 c and pp. 44-5; -Foerster, 463. - -[415] He won some time between Ols. (?) 99 and 102 (= 384 and 372 B. -C.): P., VI, 3.2-3; Hyde, 23 and pp. 30-1; Foerster, 335. - -[416] On the ancient custom of carrying off votive offerings and images -from vanquished foes, see P., VIII, 46.2-4. He shows that Augustus -only followed a long-established precedent. Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, -36, in speaking of the great number of statues plundered from Greece -by Mummius and the Luculli, quotes G. Licinius Mucianus (three times -consul), who died before 77 B. C., to the effect that 73,000 statues -were still to be seen at Rhodes in his time, and that supposably as -many more were yet to be found in Athens, Olympia, and Delphi. - -[417] At the beginning of his description of Elis (V, 1.2), Pausanias -says that 217 years had passed since the restoration of Corinth. As -that event fell in 44 B. C., he was writing his fifth book in 174 A. -D., _i. e._, in the reign of Marcus Aurelius. With this date other -chronological references in his work agree. That the fifth book was -written before the sixth is deduced from a comparison of V, 14.6 -with VI, 22.8 f. Though the sixth book, therefore, can not have been -composed earlier than 174 A. D., it may, of course, have been written -much later. On the dates of the various books, see Frazer, I, pp. xv -f. On the great importance of Pausanias for the whole history of Greek -art, see C. Robert, _Pausanias als Schriftsteller_, 1909, p. 1. - -[418] _Historia naturalis_, Bks. XXXIV-XXXVI (ed. Jex-Blake). - -[419] This process has never been carried further nor with greater -insight than in Furtwaengler’s great work, _Meisterwerke der griech. -Plastik_, 1893. - -[420] In his _Handbuch der Archaeologie der Kunst_, 3d ed., 1848, by F. -G. Welcker, p. 740. - -[421] Chapter VII, _infra_, pp. 321 f. - -[422] _Cf._ Furtwaengler-Urlichs, _Denkmaeler griech. und roem. -Skulptur_ (Handausgabe^3), 1911, p. 101. - -[423] _Pro. Imag._, 11, pp. 490 f.: Ἀκούω ... μήδ’ Ὀλυμπίασιν ἐξεῖναι -τοῖς νικῶσι μείζους τῶν σωμάτων ἀνεστάναι τοὺς ἀνδριάντας, κ. τ. λ.; -Scherer, pp. 10 f.; _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., p. 250. - -[424] VI, 5.1. On the statue, see E. Preuner, _Ein delphisches -Weihgeschenck_, p. 26; for the recovered sculptured base, see _Bildw. -v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 209 f.; Tafelbd., Pl. LV. 1-3. Polydamas won the -pankration in Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.), but his statue was set up long -after, in the time of Lysippos: Afr.; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279. - -[425] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 146; _cf._ Scherer, pp. 10-11. He won in Ol. 77 -(= 472 B. C.): P., VI, 6.1; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208. - -[426] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 159 (renewed); _I. G. B._, 86. Eukles won in -Ols. (?) 90-93, (= 420-408 B. C.): P., VI, 6.2; Hyde, 52; Foerster, 297. - -[427] The lost work of Aristotle is mentioned by Diogenes Laertios, V, -26. For the scholiast, see Boeckh, p. 158; and _F. H. G._, II, p. 183 -(= Aristotle, fragm. 264), IV., p. 307 (= Apollas, fragm. 7). - -[428] Pollux, _Onomastikon_, II, 158, says that the cubit (πῆχυς) -contains 24 δάκτυλοι or 6 παλασταί; it was therefore 18.25 inches and -the finger 0.7 inch long. The Solonian cubit of 444 mm. gives 17.53 -inches, the finger .73 inch, which makes Diagoros’ statue 6 feet 1.75 -inches tall.Though the cubit was later lengthened to about 2 feet, -the old size was retained for measuring wood and stone: _cf._ Boeckh, -_Metrologische Untersuchungen_, 1838, p. 212. - -[429] Scherer, p. 11, gave its height as 6 feet and 5 inches. - -[430] Diagoras won in Ol. 79 (= 464 B. C.): P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 59; -Foerster, 220; _cf._ _Inschr. v. Ol._, 151 (renewed); Damagetos in Ols. -82-3 (= 452-448 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 62; Foerster, -253; _cf._ _Inschr. v. Ol._, 152. - -[431] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 165 (renewed); he won Ol. 82 (= 452 B. C.): -_Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 13.6; Hyde, 115; Foerster, 376. - -[432] _E. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 147-8, Tellon, who won the boys’ -boxing match in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, -102; Foerster, 237; _ibid._, 155 (renewed), Hellanikos, boy boxer, who -won in Ol. 89 (= 424 B. C.): P., VI, 7.8; Hyde, 65; Foerster, 263; -_ibid._, 158, boxer Damoxenidas, who won some time between Ols. 95 -and 100 (= 400 and 380 B. C.): P., VI, 6.3; Hyde, 54; Foerster, 319; -_ibid._, 164, Xenokles, boy wrestler, who won some time between Ols. -(?) 94 and 100 (= 404 and 380 B. C.): P., VI, 9.2; Hyde, 85; Foerster, -308; _ibid._, 177, Telemachos, chariot victor some time between Ols. -(?) 115 and 130 (= 320 and 260 B. C.): P., VI, 13.11; Hyde, 122; -Foerster, 513. - -[433] _E. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, 182, Thrasonides, who won κέλητι -πωλικῷ in the third century B. C. - -[434] Furtw., _Mp._, p. 246, fig. 99; _Mw._, p. 447, fig. 69. See p. -155. - -[435] See Chapter VI., _infra_, p. 295. - -[436] _H. N._, XXXIV, 65. - -[437] _Supra_, p. 28 and n. 1; _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 216 -f.; Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 2-4; _cf._ Furtwaengler, _50stes Berl. -Winckelmannsprogr._, 1890, pp. 147 f.; _cf._ _infra_, Ch. VII, pp. -324-5, _c. d. e._ - -[438] _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 29 f; Tafelbd., Pl. VI, 1-4, 9-10; -_cf._ _infra_, pp. 162-3. - -[439] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, pp. 234-5; _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. -10-12; _cf._ _infra_, p. 322 and notes 1-7. - -[440] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 10-11; Tafelbd., Pl. II, 2, 2_a_; -F. W., no. 323; etc. - -[441] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., p. 12; Tafelbd., Pl. IV, 5, 5a; F. W., -325. - -[442] Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkmaeler_, p. 104. On nudity and athletics, -see the article by Furtwaengler, Die Bedeutung der Gymnastik in der -griech. Kunst, in _Saemann’s Monatschr. fuer paedagog. Reform._, 1905; -W. Mueller, _Nacktheit und Entbloessung in der alt-orient. und aelteren -griech. Kunst_, Diss. inaug., Leipsic, 1906. - -[443] The boxer Euryalos “first put a cincture (ζῶμα) about him,” in -his bout with Epeios: Iliad, XXIII, 683. See also XXIII, 710; Od., -XVIII, 67 and 76. - -[444] _E. g._, wrestlers on a black-figured amphora in the Vatican: -_J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, p. 288, fig. 24; boxers, runners, and a jumper -on a b.-f. stamnos in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris (no. 252): -Gardiner, p. 418, fig. 142, from de Ridder, _Cat. des vases peints_, I, -p. 160. - -[445] _H. N._, XXXIV, 18. - -[446] Ph., 17. This mantle was called τρίβων—the “worn,” hence was thin -and coarse; Hermann-Bluemner, _Griech. Privatalt._, p. 175; etc. - -[447] P., I, 44.1; Eustath., on Iliad, XXIII, 683, p. 1324, 12 f. -Dionys. Hal., _Antiq. Rom._, VII, 72, says that it was the Spartan -Akanthos, who won in a running race, _i. e._, δόλιχος, in Ol. 16; so -also Afr.; see P., V, 8.6; Foerster, 17. Orsippos won the stade-race -in Ol. 15: Afr.; Eustath., _l. c._; Dionys., _l. c._ Foerster, 16. But -Didymos, schol. on Iliad, XXIII, 683, says that Orsippos won in Ol. -32 (= 652 B. C.); similarly _Etym. magn._, p. 242, _s. v._ γυμνάσια; -however, Boeckh, _Kleine Schriften_, IV, p. 173, has shown that Ol. -15 is right. Isidoros, in a confused passage, _Orig._, XVIII, 17.2, -says that athletes were early girded and dropped the loin-cloth in -consequence of a runner getting weary, whence a decree of the time of -the archon Hippomenes at Athens (Ol. 14.2) allowed athletes to contend -nude; the same story is told in the _Schol. Venet._ on the Iliad, -XXIII, 683; see Foerster, 16. - -[448] _A. G._, App. 272; Cougny, _Anth. Pal._, 1890, III (_App. nov._), -p. 4, no. 24; P., I, 44.1, says that his tomb was near that of Koroibos. - -[449] _C. I. G._, I, 1050 (with Boeckh’s commentary on the loin-cloth); -_C. I. G. G. S._, 52; Kaibel, _Epigr. Gr., ex lapid. conl._, 1878, no. -843; Frazer, II, p. 538. The schol. on Thukyd., I, 6, quotes four lines -of it. The name was spelled Orrippos in the Megarian dialect. - -[450] Ph., 17. The story is told also by P., V, 6.7-8. Peisirhodos won -in Ol. (?) 88 (= 428 B. C.): P., VI, 7.2; Hyde, 63; Foerster, 314. -This brings the change near the end of the fifth century B. C. For the -spelling of the name of the victor, see Foerster, _l. c._ - -[451] I. 6. Here the historian is speaking of athletes in general; -Dionysios, VII, 72 and P., I, 44.1, speak only of runners. - -Scherer, p. 20, n. 1 (following Krause, I, pp. 405 and 501, n. 18) -thought that the words of Thukydides (τὸ δὲ πάλαι) referred to the -time antedating Ol. 15, and not later, and concluded that in wrestling -(introduced in Ol. 18 = 708 B. C.) and boxing (introduced in Ol. 23 = -688 B. C.) the contestants were always nude. Boeckh, however, rightly -concluded that the historian meant that in Ol. 15 only the runners laid -off the loin-cloth, while other athletes did so just before his day: -_C. I. G._, I, p. 554. - -[452] _De Rep._, 452 D. He says that the custom of nudity was -introduced first by the Cretans and then by the Spartans. - -[453] Thus von Mach says (p. 240): “They were dedicatory statues -representing events that had taken place in honor of the gods,” and -adds that on such occasions persons were draped, except where such -drapery would cause inconvenience, _i. e._, in gymnastic contests. - -[454] See Gardiner, p. 465, fig. 172. - -[455] _E. g._, the statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome: -Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, no. 973 (fig. 29, p. 557, restored); _Guide_, -597 (fig. 28); Joubin, p. 134, fig. 40; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 536.6; -_B. Com. Rom._, XVI, 1888, Pls. XV, XVI, 1, 2, (two views) and XVIII -(restored), pp. 335-365 (G. Ghirardini). - -[456] Pollux, III, 155, wrongly states that runners wore soft leathern -boots (ἐνδρομίδες); these never appear on vases, as Krause, I, p. 362 -and n. 5, and Gardiner, p. 273, point out, and were the usual footwear -of messengers. _Cf._ Mueller, _Arch. d. Kunst_, §363, 6. - -[457] At Ephesos in Thukydides’ day: III, 104; earlier on Delos: -Thukyd., _ibid._, and Homeric Hymn to the Delian Apollo, 146 f. Maidens -and youths wrestled in the gymnasia on Chios: Athenæus, XIII, 20 (p. -566 e.); _cf._ Boeckh, _C. I. G._, II, text to no. 2214. - -[458] On athletic contests for women in Sparta, see Plutarch, -_Lykourgos_, 14; Xen., _de Rep. lac._, I, 4. Aristoph., _Lysistr._, 80 -f., says that the beauty and color of the Lakonian woman Lampito came -from gymnastic exercises. - -[459] P., V, 6.7. He says that those who broke the Elean rule were -thrown from Mount Typaion (a rock south of the river). Their exclusion -was doubtless due to a religious taboo and not to modesty; Gardiner, p. -47. P., VI, 20.9, says that the restriction did not include maidens. -As there is no other reference about unmarried girls at Olympia, it is -probable that girls were not admitted; _cf._ Krause, _Olympia_, p. 54 -and n. 9. - -[460] _E. g._, Kyniska, P., VI, 1.6, and other Spartan victresses, III, -8.1; Euryleonis, who won in a two-horse chariot-race in Ol. (?) 103 -(= 368 B. C.): P., III, 17.6; Foerster, 344; Belistiche, mistress of -Ptolemy Philadelphus, was the first to win συνωρίδι πώλων in Ol. 129 (= -264 B. C.): P., V, 8.11; Foerster, 443; Theodota, daughter of the Elean -Antiphanes, won ἅρματι πωλικῷ in the first century B. C.: _Inschr. v. -Ol._, 203; Foerster, 547. - -[461] P., VI, 20.9. The inscribed marble base of a statue of one of -these priestesses has been found at Olympia: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 485. - -[462] See P., V, 6.7-8. - -[463] However, we do not know if they were held in the same year as -that of the Olympic festival, or at what time of the year. See L. -Weniger, _Klio, Beitraege zur alten Geschichte_, V, 1905, pp. 22 f. - -[464] P., V, 162-4. These πίνακες were probably iconic (portrait) -paintings. Holes have been found on columns of the Heraion to which -they may have been attached. On the girls’ race, see B. B., text to no. -521 (Arndt). - -[465] It is a marble copy of an original bronze which is generally -dated about 470 B. C., because of archaic reminiscences in the head. -It represents a girl of about 14 years. See Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, -no. 364; _Guide_, 378, and references; F. W., 213; Bulle, pp. 304 f. -Overbeck, II, p. 475, refers it to the school of Pasiteles. It is -pictured in B. B., no. 521; Bulle, 142; Baum., III, p. 2111, fig. 2362; -Springer-Michaelis, p. 224, fig. 412; von Mach, 73; Amelung, _Museums -of Rome_, I, fig. 74; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 527.6; Clarac, Pl. 864, 2199. -A similar statue is the torso in Berlin: _Beschr. der Skulpt._, no. -229; and _cf._ Kekulé, _Annali_, XXXVI, 1865, p. 66 (who points out the -resemblance of the head of the Vatican statue to that of the figure by -Stephanos, Pl. 12); Clarac, Pl. 864, 2200. The height of the Vatican -statue is given by Bulle as 1.56 meters. _Cf._ also a statuette of a -similar girl runner from Dodona: Rayet, I, Pl. 17, 3. - -[466] However, B. Schroeder believes that it is merely a victorious -danseuse, and gives several examples of dancers from vase-paintings and -the lesser arts: _R. M._, XXIV, 1909, pp. 109 ff. (figs. 1-3). In all -of these lively motion is expressed and the free foot is raised high -from the ground. When the curious little plat under the statue’s right -foot (perhaps intended to represent the starting-stone at the stadion) -is removed, the position of the statue does not fit the dance; see -Bulle, p. 304, for discussion of this starting-stone. - -[467] VIII, 48.2; _cf._ Plut., _Quaest. conviv._, VIII, 4, I, (p. 982). - -[468] Bulle compares it with the Tuebingen hoplite-runner (Fig. 42) -ready to start, though the quieter pose of the Vatican statue befits a -girl rather than the impetuous energy of the man. - -[469] On the Διονυσίαδες, see P., III, 13.7; Hesychios, _s. v._; _cf._ -Theokr., XVIII, 22; Plut., _Lycurgus_, 14; Pauly-Wissowa, _s. v._ -_agones_, I, p. 847; Reisch, p. 46, n. 4. Pauly-Wissowa, _s. v._ χιτών -(III, 2, p. 2314) shows that the use of the chiton closed on one side -was a Dorian, and especially a Spartan, custom. - -[470] On the running race at Kyrene, _cf._ Boeckh, _Explic. ad Pind._, -_Pyth._, IX, p. 328. Plato, in his _de Leg._, VIII, 833, D, E, ordained -for girls the three running races (στάδιον, δίαυλος, and δόλιχος); the -youngest girls should run nude, the others (from 13 to 18) suitably -dressed. - -[471] Suet., _Domitian_, 4; Dio Cassius, LXVII, 8. - -[472] Arndt believes it is Myronian in character: B. B., text to 521. - -[473] See Waldstein, _J. H. S._, I, 1880, pp. 170 f. On the style of -wearing the hair in Greece, see the following works: K. O. Mueller, -_Handbuch d. Archaeol. d. Kunst_^3, pp. 474 f; Bluemner, _Leben u. -Sitten der Griechen_, I, pp. 76 f.; _Home Life of the Ancient Greeks_ -(transl. of preceding, by A. Zimmern), 1893, pp. 64 f; Dar.-Sagl., _s. -v._ _coma_ (Pottier), I, 2, pp. 1355 f.; Pauly-Wissowa, VII, 2, pp. -2109 ff. (Bremer); Baum., I, pp. 615 f; Guhl-Koner-Engelmann, _Das -Leben d. Gr. u. Roem._^6, 1893, pp. 297 f; Amelung, _Gewandung d. Gr. -u. Roem._, 1903; Helbig, _Atti della R. Accad. dei Lincei_, Ser. III, -vol. V., pp. 1 f. (for the Homeric age). - -[474] _Cf._ the recurring epithet of Homer, κάρη κομόωντες Ἀχαῖοι; -Helbig, _Das homerische Epos_^2, p. 236, n. 3; for examples of long -hair in the epic, _ibid._, pp. 236 f. That the Homeric hair fell free -over the shoulders and not in any conventional order has been proved -against Helbig by H. Hofmann, _Jb. f. cl. Philol._, Supplbd., XXVI, -1900, pp. 182 f. - -[475] Eurip., _Bacchae_, 455; Aristotle, _de Physiogn._, 3, p. 38; -pseudo-Phokylides, 212. - -[476] Aristoph., _Equit._, 580 and _cf._ 1121; _Nubes_, 14; _Lysistrata_, -561; etc. - -[477] Od., IV, 198; Euripides, _Alkestis_, 818-19; Aristoph., _Plut._, -572; Plato, _Phaedo_, 89 C; Athenæus, XV, 16 (p. 675 a); Hdt., I, 82; -etc. - -[478] Aristoph., _Aves_, 911. - -[479] Ph., _Imag._, II, 32; Lucian, _Dial. meretr._, V, 3 (p. 290); etc. - -[480] Xen., _de Rep. lac._, Ch. XI, 3; _cf._ Plut., _Apothegm. reg. et -imperat._, p. 754; and see Aristotle, _Rhet._, I, 9, p. 1397 a, 28; -Plut., _Lysandros_, I; _Lykourgos_, 22; etc. - -[481] Hdt., VII, 208. - -[482] Aristoph., _Aves_, 1281-2: Lysias, XVI, 18; Lucian, _Auctio -vitarum_, 2 (Pythagoreans). - -[483] Pollux, VI, 3.22; VIII, 9.107; Athenæus, XI, 88 (p. 494 f.): -Hesychios, _s. v._ κουρεῶτις and οἰνιστήρια; Photius, _Lex._, p. 321. - -[484] Aischyl., _Choeph._, 6; P., I, 37.3; at Delphi, Dio Chrys., -_Or._, XXXV, p. 67 R. - -[485] Eurip., _Bacchae_, 455. - -[486] Κρωβύλος and κόρυμβος are etymologically the same word: see -Prellwitz, _Etymolog. Woerterbuch d. griech. Sprache_. It used to be -assumed that κόρυμβος referred to the similar coiffure of young girls. -On the κρωβύλος, see the following: K. O. Mueller, _op. cit._^3, p. -476, 5; _id._, _Die Dorier_, II, 266; Conze, _Nuove memorie dell’ -instituto archeol._, pp. 408 f.; Helbig, _Comment. philolog. in honorem -Mommseni_, 1877, pp. 616 f., and _Rhein. Mus._, XXXIV, 1879, pp. 484 -f.; Schreiber, Der altattische Krobylos, _A. M._, VIII, 1883, pp. -246-273, and Pls. XI., XII.; _id._, IX, 1884, pp. 232-254 and Pls. IX, -X; and after him, Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 644, Collignon, I, p. 363, -and de Villefosse, _Mon. Piot_, I, 1894, p. 62; Klein, _Gesch. d. gr. -Kunst_, I, p. 255; Studniczka, Krobylos und Tettiges, _Jb._, XI, 1896, -pp. 248-291. Pauly-Wissowa, _l. c._, pp. 2120 f.; Dar.-Sagl., I, 2, -pp. 1357-59 and 1571; etc. That the term κρωβύλος represented a way of -wearing the hair and not a part of the hair has been proved by Hauser: -_Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, 1906, Beiblatt, pp. 87 f. On other methods of -dressing the hair, see Pauly-Wissowa, _l. c._, pp. 2112 f. - -[487] _Ap._ Athen., XII, 30 (p. 525). - -[488] _Ibid._, 5 (p. 512 c). - -[489] I, 6; _cf._ Aristophanes, _Nubes_, 984 and schol.; _Equit._, 1331. - -[490] See fragm. of Nikolaos of Damascus, (perhaps from the _Lydiaka_ -of Xanthos), _F. H. G._, III, p. 395, fragm. 62. - -[491] See Krause, p. 541, n. 6. - -[492] See _Ant. Denkm._, I, 1886, Pl. VIII, 3 b; etc. - -[493] See hero reliefs in _A. M._, II, 1877, Pls. XX-XXV. On early -Corinthian vases, men are represented regularly with long hair. - -[494] _E. g._, on the bust of Apollo in the Glyptothek, Munich: von -Mach, 449 (left); on the bearded man (Dionysos?) in the British Museum: -_id._, 450 (right); and on the Apollo of Naples: _id._, 448: On the -latter head the narrow band of the former two examples has become very -broad. - -[495] _Cf._ Waldstein, _op. cit._, p. 177. - -[496] _Mw._, pp. 67 (on statues of Zeus, hair reaching the shoulders, -a style later becoming typical of that god); p. 407 (the Argive school -gave short hair to heads of Zeus); _Mp._, pp. 42 and 118; _cf._ _Mw._, -p. 273. - -[497] _Mw._, p. 249. Furtwaengler gives an example of a short-haired -Apollo of the school of Euphranor, _ibid._, p. 590. - -[498] _Mp._, p. 16. _E. g._, the Florentine gem: Furtwaengler, _Antike -Gemmen_, 1900, Pl. XXXIX, no. 29. - -[499] Pp. 444 f. - -[500] A good example of this is seen on the _Apollo of Tenea_ (Pl. 8 A). - -[501] Bulle, Pl. 225. He dates it in the middle of the sixth century B. -C. - -[502] _H. N._, XXXIV, 16 (Jex-Blake’s transl.) The Latin of the last -portion of this passage runs: _Olympiae, ubi omnium qui vicissent -statuas dicari mos erat, eorum vero qui ter ibi superavissent ex -membris ipsorum similitudine expressa, quas iconicas vocant._ - -[503] Hirt, _Ueber das Bildniss der Alten_, 1814-15, p. 7; Visconti, -_Iconographie grecque_ (1st ed. Paris 1808, Milan, 1824-26), Discours -prelim., p. VIII, n. 4. They argued from Lucian’s _pro Imag._, 11, a -passage already discussed _supra_, p. 45 and n. 3. - -[504] Scherer, pp. 9 f., and especially p. 13; Lessing, _Laokoön_, II, -13, made Pliny’s words a text for a famous passage. - -[505] For the latest discussion of Pliny’s passage, see _Inschr. v. -Ol._, pp. 236 and 295-6 (the latter in reference to the inscribed base -of the statue of Xenombrotos to be discussed a few lines _infra_). - -[506] Klein, quoted by Jex-Blake, p. 14, footnote to line 7, believes -Pliny’s statement apocryphal, an idea escaping all scholars except, -perhaps, Bluemner in his commentary on the _Laokoön_ (p. 503). -Evidently Pliny, or his source, is explaining the discrepancy between -ideal and portrait statues as the result of an improbable rule, since -the ancients applied little historical criticism to art, and hence did -not distinguish between works representing types and those representing -individuals. Dio Chrysostom, in his treatise Περὶ κάλλους (_Orat._, -XXI, 1, p. 501 R), tries to explain the difference between early and -late statues on the ground of physical degeneration in the latter. - -[507] _Inschr. v. Ol_, 170. He won in Ol. (?) 83 (= 448 B. C.): P., -VI, 14.12; Hyde, 133; Foerster, 327. This date follows the reasoning -of Robert, _O. S._, pp. 180 f. Pausanias, _l. c._, mentions another -monument of the victor, the inscribed base of which has been found: -_Inschr. v. Ol._, 154, though Dittenberger wrongly refers it to -Damasippos: Foerster, 812; Hyde, pp. 53-4. The same authority refers -no. 170 to the middle of the fourth century B. C., or a couple -of decades later, because of the lettering and orthography. The -monument of no. 170 must, therefore, have been set up long after the -victory—about a century later. - -[508] Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 296, compares two other -inscriptions with no. 170, viz, no. 174 (in which the words ὧδε στάς -occur) and _C. I. G. G. S._, I, 2470, l. 3 (where the words τοίας ἐκ -προβολᾶς occur). However, as he says, these two refer to the poses -of the statues of gymnic victors and not to portraits. Pausanias -frequently uses the word εἰκών for ἀνδριάς (_e. g._, III, 18.7) of a -victor, but this seems to be no indication of a portrait statue. - -[509] _Cf._ Dittenberger, _op. cit._, p. 296. Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. -530, think the case of Xenombrotos may simply be exceptional. - -[510] VI, 3.11-12; he was three times victor in running races in Ols. -(?) 95, (?) 97, and 99 (= 400, 392, 384 B. C.); the latter date is -attested by Afr.: Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316. For the epigram on -the base of one of these statues, see _A. G._, XIII, 15. - -[511] VI, 4.1; he was three times victor in the pankration in Ols. 104, -(?) 105, (?) 106 (= 364-356 B. C.): Hyde, 37; Foerster, 349, 353, 359. - -[512] VI, 17.2; he was thrice victor in running races in Ols. 129, 130 -(= 264, 260 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 173; Foerster, 440-2, 444-5. - -[513] VI, 15.9; he was four times victor in the pankration, once in -hoplite running, and once in the δίαυλος, at unknown dates: Hyde, 149; -Foerster, 767-72. We can not say that his victories fell at a date when -iconic statues were in vogue. - -[514] VI, 6.6; he won in Ols. 74, 76, 77 (= 484, 476-2 B. C.): _Oxy. -Pap._; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144. - -[515] _E. g._, VI, 13.3-4 and 8: Hermogenes, five times victor in -running races in Ols. 215, 216, 217 (= 81-89 A. D.): Afr.; Hyde, 111a; -Foerster, 654-6, 659-660, 662-4; Polites, three times victor in running -races in Ol. 212 (= 69 A. D.): Afr.; Hyde, 111b; Foerster, 648-50; -Leonidas, four times victor in running races in Ols. 154, 155, 156, -157 (= 164-152 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 111c; Foerster, 495-7, 498-500, -502-4, 507-9; Tisandros, four times victor in boxing in Ols. (?) 60-3 -(= 540-528 B. C.), at a date too early for portraiture: Hyde, 119a; -Foerster, 115, 119, 123, 124. There are other examples from the early -fifth and the sixth centuries B. C. - -[516] _Princ. Gr. Art_, Ch. XI (Portrait Sculpture), pp. 165 f. - -[517] Gardner, p. 165, cites Bernouilli, _Griech. Ikonogr._, 1901, as -listing 26 known portraits of Euripides and 32 of Demosthenes, and -calls attention to the fact that 870 plates in the Bruckmann series, -_Griech. und Roem. Portraets_ (ed. Brunn und Arndt), from 1891 on, -are of Roman portraits. On the subject of Græco-Roman portraits, see -also Bernouilli, _Roem. Ikonogr._, 1882-94; Hekler, _Greek and Roman -Portraits_, 1912; and the works of E. Q. Visconti, now antiquated: -_Iconogr. gr._ (Paris, 1808) and _Iconogr. romana_ (Milan, 1818). - -[518] XXXIV, 74. Pausanias mentions a portrait of Perikles without -naming the artist, I, 25.1; _cf._ I. 28.2. The inscribed base was found -in Athens in 1888: Ἀρχαιολογικὸν Δελτίον, 1889, pp. 36 f. (Lolling). -A terminal portrait of Perikles, extant in several copies, has been -identified as a copy of this work, _e. g._, one in the British Museum: -_B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 549; Furtw., _Mp._, Pl. VII, opp. p. 118 -(profile, fig, 46, p. 119); Hekler, _op. cit._, Pl. 4 a.; F. W., 481. -Another replica is in the Vatican: Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 276, and -Nachtraege, II, p. 471; Visconti, _Iconogr. gr._, I, Pl. XV; B. B., -156; Hekler, _op. cit._, Pl. 4 b. However, Hitz.-Bluemn., I, p. 307, -_ad loc._ Paus., think that the word ἀνδριάς used by Pausanias can not -apply to a terminal bust; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 117, n. 4, says that the -word does not necessarily mean a whole statue. _Cf._ Bernouilli, _Jb._, -XI, 1896, pp. 107 f.; Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 117 f. - -[519] See _I. G. B._, 62, 63. - -[520] _Philopseudes_, 18 f. - -[521] Αὐτοανθρώπῳ ὅμοιον, §18. - -[522] A good example of a Roman copy (from the age of Hadrian) of an -original iconic athlete statue in bronze from the end of the fourth -century B. C., is a bearded head in the Museo Chiaramonti; its swollen -ears and the deep furrow in the hair for the metal crown show that it -is from the statue of a victor. See Amelung, _Vat._, I, p. 483, no. 257 -and Tafelbd., I, Pl. 50; Arndt-Bruckmann, _Gr. und Roem. Portr._, Pls. -223-4. - -[523] XXXV, 153. Jex-Blake, p. 176, justly remarks that this invention -had nothing to do with the custom of taking death-masks. - -[524] Xen., _Symp._, IV, 17: θαλλοφόρους γὰρ τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ τοὺς καλοὺς -γέροντας ἐκλέγονται κ. τ. λ.; _cf._ Aristoph., _Vesp._, 544, and -Athen., XIII, 20 (p. 565) and scholion. - -[525] XIII, 90 (p. 609 e, f); here he quotes a history of Arkadia by -Nikias. - -[526] Athen., XIII, 20 (pp. 565 f and 566 a); _cf._, Theophr., _apud_ -Athen., XIII, 90 (pp. 609 f, 610 a). - -[527] Athen., XIII, 90 (p. 610a): here Athenæus is also quoting -Theophrastos. In XIII, 20 (p. 565), he quotes Herakleides Lembos as -saying that in Sparta the handsomest man and woman were especially -honored. - -[528] Hdt., V, 47; Eustath. _ad_ Iliad, III, p. 383, 43; Foerster, 138. - -[529] P., IX, 22.1. - -[530] P., VII, 24.4; _cf._, VIII, 47.3, for a similar custom at Tegea. - -[531] See O. Mueller, _Die Dorier_^1, 1824, II, p. 238 (quoted by -Krause, I, p. 37, n. 19). For references to contests of beauty in -Greece, see _ibid._, pp. 33-38. - -[532] On this subject, see the recent essay by W. H. Goodyear, -Lessing’s Essay on the Laocoön and its Influence on the Criticism of -Art and Literature, _Brooklyn Museum Quarterly_, Oct. 1917, pp. 228-9. - -[533] Thus we have Polykleitos of Argos and Patrokles, perhaps his -brother; Naukydes of Argos and Daidalos of Sikyon, sons of Patrokles; -the younger Polykleitos—who called himself an Argive—the brother of -Naukydes; Alypos of Sikyon, the pupil of Naukydes; etc. Statues by all -these sculptors except Patrokles are known to have stood in Olympia. - -[534] _Hbk._^2, p. 254. - -[535] His criticism of painting occurs in _Poet._, 1448a, 5, -1450a, 26, and _Polit._, V, 1340a, 35. In _Eth_., VI, 1141a, 10, -he says that Pheidias and Polykleitos were masters in marble and -bronze respectively. For a discussion of Aristotle’s æsthetics of -painting and sculpture, see M. Carroll, in _Publ. of Geo. Washington -University_, Philol. and Lit. Series, I, 1 (Nov., 1905), pp. 1-10; -and for both Aristotle and Plato on art, see Kalkman, _50stes Berl. -Winckelmannsprogr._, 1890 (Proport. des Gesichts), pp. 3 f. and notes. - -[536] I, 5, 1361b; Oppian, _Kyneget._, I, 89-90, speaks of the -similarly well-developed bodies of hunters. - -[537] _Mem._, III, 10.6-8. For his visit to the painter Parrhasios, see -_ibid._, 10.1-5. - -[538] Following the suggestion of Klein, II, p. 143, and W. L. -Westermann, _Class. Rev._, XIX, 1905, pp. 323-5. The latter gives -several examples of similarly shortened forms of names and believes the -passage in Xenophon emphasizes the fact that Polykleitos was employed -at Athens. Plato frequently mentions Polykleitos by his full name: _e. -g._, _Protag._, 328 C (sons of Polykleitos), 311 C (Polykleitos and -Pheidias). P. Gardner justly observes that the statues of Polykleitos -“however beautiful, are scarcely life-like:” _Prince. Gk. Art._, p. 15, -n. 1; _Grammar_, p. 17. - -[539] II, 17: τὰ σκέλη μὲν παχύνονται, τοὺς ὤμους δὲ λεπτύνονται, κ. -τ. λ. - -[540] See schol. on Plato, _Amatores_, p. 135 E; _cf._ Epiktetos, -_Encheir._, Ch. 29. - -[541] P., VI, 10.5; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 97; Foerster, 240; _cf._ Krause, -_Olympia_, pp. 302 f. - -[542] His date is uncertain: P., VI, 15.9; Hyde, 149; Foerster, 767-772. - -[543] P., VI, 3.2; he won at Olympia some time between Ols. (?) 99 and -102 (= 384 and 372 B. C.): Hyde, 23; Foerster, 335. - -[544] P., I, 29.5: Hdt., VI, 92; IX, 75; _cf._ Krause, I, pp. 495-6. - -[545] _E. g._, Phaÿllos of Kroton was famed for his fleetness, his -jumping, and his throwing the diskos. See Aristoph., _Acharn._, 212; -_Vespes_, 1206; _A. G._, App. 297; _cf._ Hdt., VIII, 47; P., X, 9.2. He -won at Delphi only. - -[546] _E. g._, Myron at Delphi: Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 57; Alkamenes, -_ibid._, XXXIV, 72; etc. - -[547] 656 E, 657 A. - -[548] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXVI, 39. These works were probably critical as -well as descriptive. - -[549] _E. g._, of Pasiteles, XXXVI, 39; of Arkesilaos, XXXVI, 41; of -Koponios, _ibid._ - -[550] 18(70). In this passage he also gives similar judgments on -several painters. On Cicero on art, see Grant Showerman, _Proceed. -Amer. Philol. Ass’n_, XXXIV, 1903, pp. xxxv f. He shows that Cicero’s -references to art proceed from his instinct as a stylist and not from -any enthusiasm for art itself. - -[551] _Imag._, 6, p. 464. His eclectic statue is made up of works by -Praxiteles, Alkamenes, Pheidias, and Kalamis. - -[552] _Rhetorum praeceptor_, 9-10. He spells the two first names -Ἡγησίας, Κράτης. - -[553] XXXVI, 37. For careful judgments of Pliny’s work, see Jex-Blake, -pp. xci f.: Kalkmann, _Die Quellen der Kunstgeschichte des Plinius_, -1898; Robert, _Archaeologische Maerchen_, 1886, pp. 28 f.; F. -Muenzer, _Hermes_, XXX, 1895, pp. 499 f. (and _Beitraege zur Kritik -der Naturgesch. des Plinius_, 1897); Botsford and Sihler, _Hellenic -Civilization_, 1915, pp. 551-8 (= Translation by Jex-Blake of Pliny, -XXXIV, 53-84 [sculptors], revised by E. G. Sihler); pp. 558-567 (= -Pliny, XXXV, 15, and 53-97 [painters], revised by E. G. S.). For short -estimate of Pliny’s work, see Mackail, _Latin Literatures_, 1895, p. -197. - -[554] See his characterization of the great Greek painters and -sculptors in _Inst. Orat._, XII, Ch. 9. - -[555] Also in the work of H. Stuart Jones, _Select Passages from -Anc. Writers Illustrative of the Hist. of Gk. Sculpt._, 1895; _cf._, -A history of classical writers on art from Xenokrates to Pliny, in -Jex-Blake, pp. xvi-xci; _cf._ Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, _Antigonos von -Karystos_ (Kiessling and Wilamowitz, _Philolog. Untersuchungen_, IV, -1881), pp. 7 f.; P. Gardner, _Principles of Greek Art_, Ch. II, pp. 13 -f. (Ancient Critics on Art); etc. - -[556] _A. Pl._, 2; Bergk, _P. l. G._, III^4, no. 149, p. 498. -Theognetos won in Ol. 76 (= 476 B. C.): P., VI, 9.1; _Oxy. Pap._, Hyde, -83; Foerster, 193 and 193 N. - -[557] _H. N._, XXXIV, 88. Kallias won in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): P., VI, -6.1; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208; _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 146. - -[558] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 71. - -[559] Kalamis made the horses and jockeys, Onatas the chariot: P., VI, -12.1; Hiero won twice in the horse-race and once in the chariot-race in -Ols. 76-78 (= 476-468 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 105; Foerster, 199, -209, 215. - -[560] VI, 6.6. He won in Ols. 74, 76-7 (= 484, 476-472 B. C.): _Oxy. -Pap._; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207. - -[561] VI, 4.4. He won in Ols. 81 and 82 (= 456-452 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; -Hyde, 38; Foerster, 202, 203. - -[562] VI, 9.3. He won in Ol. 83 (= 448 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 88: -Foerster, 285. - -[563] V, 27.3. - -[564] Bulle, p. 104, remarks that up to the present no single Roman -copy can be _proved_ to be that of an Olympic victor statue. This fact -must be constantly borne in mind. - -[565] No. 6439; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, pp. 299-300 and fig.; -_Ausgr. v. Ol._, V, Pls. XXI, XXII, and p. 14; _Funde v. Ol._, Pl. -XXIII, and p. 16; _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 10-11; Tafelbd., Pl. -II, 2 and 2a; Boetticher, _Olympia_, Pl. XI, 1; Baum., p. 1104 00, -figs. 1296, a and b; F. W., no. 323; Bulle, 235 and fig. 154, on p. -501; von Mach, 482; B. B., 247. - -[566] Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glyptothek_,^2 1910, no. 457, pp. -398 f.; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 291; _Mw._, p. 507; F. W., no. 216; B. B., -8; Bulle, 207 (front and side); Kekulé, _A. Z._, XLI, 1883, Pl. XIV, -3, p. 246; H. Schrader, _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, 1911, p. 74; Hauser, -_R. M._, X, 1895, pp. 103 f. Kekulé, because of its similarity to the -_Apollo_ of the West Gable, derived it from the art of the Olympia -pediment sculptures; Flasch, _Verh. d. 29sten Philologenversamml._, -Innsbruck, 1874, p. 162, and Brunn, _Beschr. d. Glypt._^5, no. 302, and -_Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1892, p. 658, classed it as Polykleitan; Bulle -calls it Attic-Argive without Polykleitan influence, while Furtwaengler -finds it Polykleitan-Attic. The latter gives several replicas, two of -green and black basalt respectively, in the Museo delle Terme, and a -marble head in the Museo Chiaramonti, no. 475. Bulle gives the height -of the Munich head as 0.23 meter. - -[567] Αἰδώς; _cf._ _decor_, applied to the work of Polykleitos by -Quintilian: _Inst. Orat._, XII, 9. 7-8; _cf._ also Vitruvius, _de -Arch._, I, 2. - -[568] Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkm. d. gr. und roem. Skulpt._, Hdausgabe,^3 -1911, p. 102, n. 1. He adds that it is _das Ideal von Reinheit, -Unschuld, liebenswuerdig edler Groesse, eines der herrlichsten -griechischen Originale, die uns erhalten sind_. It is photographed -_ibid._, figs. 30, 31. In the _Beschr. d. Glypt._, p. 399, he says it -is _das edelste und vollendetste Werk, das die Glyptothek besitzt—ihr -kostbarster Schatz_, etc. - -[569] Formerly in the Coll. Tyszkiewicz: B. B., 324, (two views); -Bulle, 206 (two views); von Mach, 481 (two views); _Mon. Piot_, I, -1894, pp. 77 f. (E. Michon) and Pls. X, XI; S. Reinach, _Têtes_, Pl. 72 -and p. 58; Kalkmann, Prop. d. Gesichts, p. 27 (vignette); Collignon, -II, Frontispiece and p. 169; Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. XL; Furtw., _Mp._, -pp. 290-1 and Pl. XIV; _Mw._, p. 507. The best illustration of the head -is given by de Ridder, _Les Bronzes antiques du Louvre_, I, 1913, Pl. I -(and text p. 8, on no. 4). It is 0.33 meter in height (Bulle). - -[570] Preface to Furtw., _Mp._, p. xiii. - -[571] So Furtw., _l. c._; Bulle, however, sees in it only Attic work -and finds it slightly coarser and harder than the Munich head described. - -[572] Invent. 5633; _Bronzi d’Ercol._, I, 73, 74; D. Comparetti e G. de -Petra, _La Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni_, 1883, XI, 1; B. B., 323 (two -views); Rayet, II, Pl. 67; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 291; _Mw._, p. 508; the -latter believes that it, like the preceding two heads, is Polykleitan -and Attic. - -[573] _Bedeutung der Gymnastik in d. gr. Kunst_, 1905; _cf._ also -Gardner, _Sculpt._, p. 23, and _Hbk._, p. 215. - -[574] Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkmaeler_, already cited, p. 63, n. 3. -(Translated under the title _Greek and Roman Sculpture_ by H. Taylor, -1914; p. 119.) - -[575] See F. W. G. Foat, Anthropometry of Greek Statues, _J. H. S._, -XXXV, 1915, pp. 225 f. (p. 226). - -[576] Plato, _Phileb._, 64 E, regarded μετριότης and συμμετρία as -qualities of beauty and virtue; _cf._ Aristotle, _Metaphys._, X, 3.7, -and _Nicom. Eth._, V, 5.14, 1133b. Vitruvius, _de Arch._, I, 2, makes -symmetry in architecture a quality of _eurythmia: Item symmetria est ex -ipsius operis membris conveniens consensus ex partibusque separatis ad -universae figurae speciem ratae partis responsus_. - -[577] I, 2: _Haec [eurythmia] efficitur, cum membra operis convenientia -sunt, altitudinis ad latitudinem, latitudinis ad longitudinem, et ad -summam omnia respondent suae symmetriae_; _cf._ III, 1; Lucian, _pro -Imag._, 14 (ῥυθμίζειν τὸ ἄγαλμα); Clem. Alex., _Paedagog._, 3.11 and 64 -(εὐρυθμὸς καὶ καλὸς ἀνδριάς); Xen., _Mem._, III, 10.9 (ῥυθμός, of -corselets); Plut., _de Educ. puer._, 11 (τῶν σωμάτων εὐρυθμία); Diod., -I, 97. 6 (ῥυθμὸς ἀνδριάντων, _i. e._, rhythmic order or grace in -statuary): _id._, II, 56.4. - -[578] Vitruv., III, 1: _<proportio>, quae graece ἀναλογία dicitur. -Proportio est ratae partis membrorum in omni opere totiusque -commodulatio, ex qua ratio efficitur symmetriarum._ - -[579] _H. N._, XXXIV, 65. - -[580] _Op. cit., _e. g._ _Op. cit._, XXXV, 67 and 128. - -[581] Ueber die Kunsturteile bei Plinius, _Ber. ueber d. Verhandl. d. -k. saechs. Ges. d. Wiss. zu Leipzig_, II, 1850, p. 131; _cf._ H. L. -Urlichs, _Ueber griech. Kunstschriftsteller_ (Diss. inaug., Wuerzburg, -1887). - -[582] _Principles of Greek Art_, 1914, p. 20 (= _Grammar of Greek Art_, -1905, p. 22). - -[583] Quoted by Gardner, _op. cit._, p. 22 (= _Grammar_, p. 23), from -two papers by H. Brunn, Ueber tektonischen Styl in der griech. Plastik -und Malerei, in _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1883, pp. 299 f., 1884, pp. 507 -f. Overbeck, I, pp. 266-277, explains rhythm in art as the _Ordnung -der Bewegung_, in accordance with the definition of Plato: τῇ δὴ τῆς -κινήσεως τάξει ῥυθμὸς ὄνομα εἴη: _de Leg._, 665 A. - -[584] _H. N._, XXXIV, 58 (S. Q., 533): _Numerosior in arte quam -Polyclitus et in symmetria diligentior_. The interpretation of this -disputed passage depends, of course, on the meaning of _numerosior_, -and whether we accept the curious statement of the manuscript that -Myron surpassed Poykleitos in symmetry, or, by omitting the _et_ -(with Sillig), make it mean just the contrary and in harmony with the -usual ancient view that symmetry was the salient characteristic of -Polykleitan art. The passage, then, would contrast the symmetry of -Polykleitos with the variety of Myron. This accords with Pliny’s use of -_numerosus_ elsewhere (_e. g._, XXXV, 130 and 138), which always refers -to number. See Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 275 (note). - -[585] _Op. cit._, XXXIV, 65, he says: _Nova intactaque ratione -quadratas veterum staturas permutando_. - -[586] _Op. cit._, XXXV, 67. - -[587] VIII. I. 47. - -[588] The Egyptians divided the front view of the body into 19 parts -(or 21 parts and a quarter, including the height of the head-dress): -Diod., 1, 98. See Lepsius, _Monum. funéraires de l’Égypte_ (figure, -reproduced in Dar.-Sagl, I, 2, p. 892, fig. 1125); _cf._ his _Descript. -de l’Égypte_, IV, LXII; Wilkinson, _History of Egypt_, p. 113, Pl. IV; -these references are given by Foat, _op. cit._, p. 225, n. 1. - -[589] Vitruv., I, 2. However, in thus following the statement of the -Roman architect, it must be said that the attempt to recover and -establish such a canon in Greek architecture is still unproved. The -subject is complicated and has led to very different views. Thus, -while many scholars have defended the theory of the canon (_e. g._, -Pennethorne, _Geom. and Optics of Anc. Arch._, 1878; Penrose, in -Whibley, _Comp. to Gk. Stud._^1, 1905, pp. 220-1; Ferguson, _Hist. -Arch._, ed. 1887, I, p. 251; P. Gardner, _Princ. Gk. Art._, p. 21; -Statham, _Short Crit. Hist. Arch._, 1912, p. 130), others are opposed, -and believe that design in Greek architecture was a matter of feeling, -and that the orders were first reduced to formulæ in Roman days -(_e. g._, A. K. Porter, _Med. Arch._, 1909, I, 9; Goodyear, _Greek -Refinements, Studies in Temperamental Arch._, 1912, esp. p. 83, quoting -Joseph Hoffer from _Wiener Bauzeitung_, 1838). See on the subject a -recent article by my pupil, Dr. A. W. Barker, in _A. J. A._, XXII, -1918, pp. 1 f., in which the above and other references are given. - -[590] Gardner, _Sculpt._, pp. 22-3, says: “Paradoxical as it may seem -at first sight, the very freedom of Greek sculpture is to a great -extent due to its close adherence to tradition.” He shows how the free -play of imagination depends on external conditions and tradition. - -[591] _E. g._, Vitruv., I, 2; especially these words: _Ut in hominis -corpore e cubito, pede, palmo, digito, ceterisque particulis (partibus) -symmetria est eurythmiae qualitas_; also III, 1: _Pes vero altitudinis -corporis sextae_ <_partis_>; _cubitum quartae; pectus item quartae_, -etc. Also Philostr., _Imag._, Proem.; the third-century A. D. (?) -treatise called _de Physiognomia_; St. Augustine, _de Civ. Dei_, XV, -26. 1; the poet Martianus Capella, of the middle of the fifth century -A. D., who says, VII, 739: _septem corporis partes hominem perficiunt_; -etc. - -[592] Die Proportionen des Gesichts in der griechischen Kunst (= -_53stes Berliner Wincklemanns programm_, 1893). - -[593] _Gestalt des Menschen_, in _Verh. d. Berl. Anthrop. Gesell._, -1895. This work is based on the older investigations of C. Schmidt, -_Proportionsschluessel_, 1849, and of C. Carus, _Die Proportionslehre -der menschlichen Gestalt_, 1874. See also P. Richer, _Canon des -proportions du corps humain_, 1893; E. Duhousset, Proportions -artistiques et anthropométrie scientifique, _Gaz. B-A._, III, Pér. 3, 1 -90, pp. 59 f.; E. Guillaume, art. Canon, _Dict. de l’Acad. des B-A._; -E. Gebhard, in Dar.-Sagl., I, 2, pp. 891-892; _cf._ Collignon, I, pp. -490 f. - -[594] F. W. G. Foat, _op. cit._, offers a scheme or typical design, -based on wide data, which will serve as a universal basis for securing -facts about any statue under examination. - -[595] On the influence of such canons of proportion on contemporary -artists, see Balcarres, _Evolution of Italian Sculpture_, p. 128. - -[596] _Cf._ Vitruvius, quoted above. The scholion on Pindar, _Ol._, -VII, Argum., Boeckh, p. 158, speaks of πηχῶν τεσσάρων δακτύλων πέντε as -the height of the statue of Diagoras at Olympia, etc. - -[597] Vitruvius, _de Arch._, VII, Praef., 14, lists writers who -_praecepta symmetriarum conscripserunt_. See V. Mortet, _Rev. Arch._, -Sér. IV, XIII, 1909, pp. 46 f, and figs. 1 and 2. In this discussion -of ancient canons he shows that the chief ratio was that of the head -to the height of the body; the proportion of 8 heads to the body was -that adopted by da Vinci and J. Cousin: 7 to 8 is found in the figures -of the Parthenon frieze; a little under 7 in the _Diadoumenos_ of -Polykleitos. - -[598] See Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 49-52. As examples, he gives the statue of -Apollo from the Tiber now in the Museo delle Terme: _Mp._, pp. 50-51, -figs. 8 and 9; _cf._ _R. M._, 1891, pp. 302, 377 and Pls. X-XII; the -Mantuan _Apollo_: _cf._ _50stes Berliner Winckelmannsprogr._, p. 139, -n. 61 (for replicas); etc. - -[599] For Polykleitos’ canon, see Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 55; _S. Q._, -953 f.; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 249. - -[600] So Pliny, _op. cit._, XXXV, 128; _cf._ J. Six, _Jb._, XXIV, 1909, -pp. 7 f. - -[601] _H. N._, XXXIV, 61; see Jex-Blake, p. XLVIII. - -[602] _H. N._, XXXIV, 65. - -[603] However, other fourth-century artists, notably Praxiteles, used -impressionism in the treatment of the hair: see Bulle, pp. 444 f. - -[604] In XXXIV, 80, he mentions Menaichmos, who wrote on the toreutic -art probably in the fourth century B. C.; in XXXIV, 83 (_cf._ XXXV, -68), he mentions Xenokrates, of the school of Lysippos, who wrote books -on art; he is probably identical with an artist of the same name known -to us from inscriptions from Oropos and Elateia: _I. G. B._, 135, a, b -(Oropos), c (Elateia); _Arch. Eph._, 1892, 52 (Oropos); the identity -is doubted by Jex-Blake, p. xx, n. 2. In XXXIV, 84 (_cf._ XXXV, 68) -he speaks of Antigonos, who wrote on painting and who was employed -by Attalos I of Pergamon to work on the trophies of his victory -over the Gauls. For Antigonos as a writer on the criticism of art, -see Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, _Antigonos von Karystos_ (Kiessling and -Wilamowitz, _Philolog. Untersuchungen_, IV, 1881), Ch. I, pp. 7 f. - -[605] _H. N._, XXXIV, 55. According to the exact words of Pliny, the -_Canon_ and the _Doryphoros_ were distinct works. It is probable, -however, that Pliny’s words conceal the same statue under two names, -his commentary on each coming from a different source: see Furtw., -_Mp._, p. 229 and n. 4; _Mw._, p. 422 and n. 2; _cf._ Muenzer, -_Hermes_, XXX, 1895, p. 530, n. 1. - -[606] Cicero, _Brut._, 86, 296. On the fame of the _Doryphoros_, see -_id._, _Orator_, 2. - -[607] _Instit. Orat._, V, 12.21. In Philon’s treatise περὶ βελοποιϊκῶν, -IV, 2, we read: τὸ γὰρ εὖ παρὰ μικρὸν διὰ πολλῶν ἀριθμῶν ἔφη γίνεσθαι, -sc. Πολύκλειτος, (“Beauty,” he said, “was produced from a small -unit through a long chain of numbers”), a description which rightly -characterizes the _Doryphoros_. The system given by Vitruv., III, 1, -hardly agrees with Polykleitan statues and so has been connected by -Kalkmann, though on insufficient grounds, with the canon of Euphranor: -see _50stes Berlin Winckelmannsprogr._, 1890 (Proport. des Gesichts), -pp. 43 f.; _cf._ H. Stuart Jones, _op. cit._, p. 129. - -[608] _Guida Museo Napoli_, no. 146; Collignon, I, Pl. XII, opp. p. -488; Bulle, 47 and analysis on pp. 97-102. - -[609] Kalkmann, _op. cit._, p. 53, gives the height as 1.98-1.99 m.; -Bulle, p. 97 to no. 47, as 1.99 m. - -[610] In Rayet, I, Text to Pl. 29; reproduced in _Études d’art antique -et moderne_, 1888, pp. 399 f.; _cf._ also Collignon, I, pp. 492 f. and -P. Gardner, _Principles of Greek Art_, pp. 21 f. - -[611] _De plac. Hipp. et Plat._, 5. - -[612] B. B., 321; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 956; _Guide_, 617; F. W., 215; -to be discussed _infra_, pp. 201-2. - -[613] _Orat._, XXXI, 89 f. (614 R). - -[614] In the present discussion we shall confine ourselves to the -assimilation of mortal types to those of athletic gods and heroes, -omitting the larger question of assimilation to divine types in -general. A good example of the latter is afforded by P. VIII, 9.7-8. -Here, in noting that the Mantineans worshipped Antinoos as a god by the -erection of a temple and the celebration of mysteries and games, he -says that images and paintings of the hero were in the Gymnasion there, -the latter Διονύσῳ μάλιστα εἰκασμέναι. - -[615] Kabbadias, no. 218; _Rev. Arch._, III (1er Sér.), 1846, Pl. 53, -fig. 2; Ph. Le Bas, _Voyage archéologique_ (ed. Reinach), Pl. CXVIII, -p. 107; B. B., 18; von Mach, 191; F. W., 1220; Reinach., _Rép._, II, i, -149, 10. - -[616] _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 49. - -[617] Kabbadias, no. 219. - -[618] Formerly known as the _Antinous_: M. W., II, Pl. 28, 307; Clarac, -IV, Pl. 665, 1514; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 367,2 (with restored arms); von -Mach, no. 192; Amelung, _Vat._, II, no. 53 (pp. 132 f.) and Pl. 12; F. -W., no. 1218; Baum., I, pp. 675 f. and fig. 737. - -[619] _B. M. Sculpt._, III, no. 1599 and Pl. IV; Clarac, IV, Pl. 664, -1539; Reinach, _Rép._, II, i, 149, 1; Springer-Michaelis, p. 317, fig. -567. A corresponding replica from Melos is described by F. W., 1219; -for a replica of the head (on a torso which does not belong to it) in -the Braccio Nuovo of the Vatican, see Amelung, _Vat._, I, no. 132 (p. -155) and Pl. 21; for others, see Koerte, _A. M._, III, 1878, pp. 98 f. -The height is given in _B. M. Sculpt._ as 6 ft. 7-1/2 in. (without the -plinth). - -[620] Amelung, _Vat._, II, p. 656 and Pl. 61; Furtw., _Mw._, p. 361, -fig. 48. It is a marble copy of an original bronze of Myronian origin. -Its height is 1.98 meters (Amelung). - -[621] Duetschke, IV, no. 416; M. W., II, Pl. 30, 329. - -[622] _Ibid._, no. 416; Koerte, _A. M._, III, 1878, p. 350, no. 72. - -[623] Duetschke, IV, no. 876; Clarac, 958, 2473; Conze, in _A. A._, -1867, pp. 105-6. Here Conze gives a list of which three reliefs and one -statue represent dead men as Hermes. - -[624] Duetschke, IV, no. 46; Conze, _l. c._, p. 106 (mentioned in -preceding note). - -[625] _E. g._, the well-known bust of the emperor Commodus with the -attributes of Hercules in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome: Helbig, -_Fuehrer_, I, 930; Baum., I, p. 398, fig. 432; Arndt-Bruckmann, -_Griech. u. roem. Portraets_, 230; Hekler, _Greek and Roman Portraits_, -1912, Pl. 270 a; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 583, 7. - -[626] _Not. Scav._, 1885, p. 42; _Ant. Denkm._, I, I, 1886, Pl. V; -Bulle, 75 and fig. 27, p. 141; B. B., 246; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II., -1347, and references; Arndt-Bruckmann, _Griech. u. roem. Portraets_, -Pls. 358-360; Hekler, _Greek and Roman Portraits_, Pls. 82-4; -Collignon, II, p. 493, fig. 257; Murray, _Hbk._ Gr. _Archæol._, 1892, -pp. 305 f., fig. 100; Lanciani, _Ruins and Excavations of Anc. Rome_, -1897, Pl. on p. 303; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 548, 7; _cf._ Furtw., -_Mp._, p. 364, n. 2, and _Mw._, p. 597, n. 3. The height of the statue -is 2.08 meters, or 2.37 meters to the hand (Bulle). - -[627] _E. g._, Philip V, Perseus, Alexander Balas (who usurped the -Seleucid throne in 149 B. C.), Demetrios I (Soter), of Syria (who -reigned 162-150 B. C.), and Antiochos II, (Theos, who reigned 261-246 -B. C.), have been suggested. - -[628] See Imhoof-Blumer, _Portraetkoepfe auf ant. Muenzen hellenischer -und hellenisierter Voelker_, 1885, Pls. I, 6; III, 24; V, 21; VI, 29 -and 31. - -[629] A small replica of this famous statue may probably be seen in -the bronze statuette in the Nelidoff collection: Wulff, _Alexander mit -der Lanze_, 1898, Pls. I, II; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, p. 134, fig. 35. -On supposed replicas, see Bernouilli, _Das Bildniss Alex. d. Gr._, p. -107; and Th. Schreiber, Studien ueber das Bildniss Alex. d. Gr., _Abh. -d. philolog.-histor. Cl. d. k. saechs. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch._, XXI, -1903, no. III, pp. 100 f. - -[630] Kabbadias, 235; Collignon, in _B. C. H._, XIII, 1889, p. 498 and -Pl. III; Bulle, 74. - -[631] _Cf._ the _Farnese Herakles_, Bulle, 72; etc. - -[632] Collignon, I, p. 253, fig. 122; see below, p. 119 and note 5. - -[633] _E. g._, in the _Payne Knight_ bronze of the British Museum (_B. -M. Bronz._, no. 209 and Pl. 1) and the _Sciarra_ bronze (Collignon, I, -p. 321, fig. 161; _R. M._, II, 1887, Pls. IV, IVa, V), which will be -discussed in Ch. III, pp. 108, 119. - -[634] He won Ol. (?) 80 (= 460 B. C.): P., VI, 4.11; Hyde, 45; -Foerster, 255; _Inschr. v. Ol._ 149. _Cf._ Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 249 f.; -_Mw._, pp. 452 f. - -[635] _Mp._, p. 255; an almost exact copy of the Eleusis statue is in -the Museo Torlonia, no. 37. - -[636] Froehner, _Les medaillons de l’Empire romain_, 1878, p. 123; -Furtw., _Mp._, _l. c._ - -[637] _Mp._, pp. 229 f., especially pp. 233 f.; _Mw._, pp. 422 f., -especially pp. 426 f. - -[638] On an Argive funerary relief: see _A. M._, III, 1878, pp. 287 f. -and Pl. XIII: this free adaptation of the _Doryphoros_ dates from the -middle of the fourth century B. C.; it will be treated later on in our -discussion of the _Doryphoros_. - -[639] _Cf._ Ph., 16, (the palæstra of Hermes, the first known); Babr., -48,5 (παλαιστρίτης θεός). A trainer of professional athletes was called -a γυμνάστης (a term sometimes applied to athletic gods): Xen., _Mem._, -II, 1.20; Plato, _de Leg._, 720 E; etc. - -[640] _E. g._, _Suppl._, 189, 333; _Agam._, 513. - -[641] As in Iliad, XV, 428; XVI, 500; XXIV, 1. Eustathius in a scholion -on the latter passage wrongly says that Aischylos called the ἀγοραῖοι -θεοί “ἀγώνιοι θεοί.” - -[642] As in Hesychios, who says ἀγώνιοι θεοὶ = οἱ τῶν ἀγώνων προεστῶτες. - -[643] 509, ὕπατος χώρας, “lord of Nemea.” - -[644] _Ibid._, ὁ Πύθιος ἄναξ. - -[645] 515. - -[646] _E. g._ Plato, _de Leg._, 783 A; Pindar, _Isthm._, I, 60, _Ol._, -VI, 79, and _Pyth._, II, 10 (of Hermes); Soph., _Trach._, 26 (of Zeus, -the decider of contests); _C. I. G._, II, 1421 (of Hermes); _cf._ also -Simonides, quoted by Athenæus, XI, 90 (p. 490); Aischyl., _fragm._ 384 -(of Hermes); Aristoph., _Plut._, 1161 (of Hermes); _C. I. G._, I, 251; -etc. - -[647] See Preller-Robert, _Griech. Mythol._^4, 1894, p. 415, n. 3. - -[648] _Cf._ Krause, pp. 169 f.; Preller-Robert, _op. cit._, pp. 415 f.; -Urlichs, _Skopas_, p. 42; Nissen, _Pompej. Stud._, p. 168; Roscher, -_Lex._, I, 2, p. 2369; S. Eitrem, in Pauly-Wissowa, VIII, pp. 786-7. - -[649] Pindar, _Nem._, X, 52-3; _Oxy. Pap._, VII, 1015, 8. - -[650] _E. g._, at Messene, P., IV, 32.1 (along with that of Theseus). - -[651] _B. M. Sculpt._, III, 2156; _C. I. G._, I, 250, and Neubauer, -_Hermes_, XI, 1876, p. 146, no. 12; for the dedication of a torch to -Hermes, see _A. G._, VI, 100. - -[652] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1225-6; IV, 2, 1225b; 1226, b, c, d. - -[653] _Inschr. Gr. Insul._, III (Thera), 390; _cf._ Cougny, _Epigr. -Anth. Pal._, III, 1890 (_Appendix nova_), p. 26, no. 168. - -[654] Schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, VI, 134, Boeckh, p. 148. He is -represented as a wrestler in a bronze group from Antioch, with wings in -his hair: R. Foerster, _Jb._, XIII, 1898, pp. 177 f., and Pl. XI (to be -discussed _infra._, p. 233 and note 2). - -[655] Servius on Virgil’s _Aen._, VIII, 138. - -[656] I, 2.5. - -[657] V, 14.9 (Ἑρμοῦ ... Ἐναγωνίου). - -[658] VIII, 14.10. An inscription (_Inschr. v. Ol._, 184) records that -a certain Akestorides of Alexandria Troas (whose name is left out of -the text of Pausanias, VI, 13.7) won a victory at Pheneus, and this was -probably at these games; on this victor, see Hyde, 119, and pp. 49-50. - -[659] V, 7.10. - -[660] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, no. 324; _Guide_, 331; B. B., 131; Bulle, -54; von Mach, 126 b; Baum., I, p. 458, fig. 503; Reinach, _Rép._, I, -526,8; Collignon, II. p. 124, fig. 60; Overbeck, I, pp. 380 f. and -fig. 102; F. W., no. 465; _A. Z._, XXIV, 1866, Pl. CCIX, 1-2, pp. 169 -f. (Kekulé) and Pl. 209, 1, 2; _Annali_, LI, 1879, pp. 207 f. (Brunn); -_Jb._, XIII, 1898, pp. 57 f. and fig. 1 (Habich); _J. H. S._, XXVIII, -1907, p. 25, fig. 13; _A. J. A._, VII, 1903, pp. 445 f. (von Mach); -Springer-Michaelis, p. 268, fig. 482; replicas in the Louvre (photo -Giraudon, no. 1209), London (_B. M. Sculpt._ III, no. 1753), Duncombe -Park, England (Michaelis, p. 295, no. 2), and elsewhere; for series, -see J. Six, _Gaz. arch._, 1888, pp. 291 and Pl. 29, fig. 10 A. - -[661] _Mw._, p. 122; also Smith, _B. M. Sculpt._, III, no. 1753. - -[662] First by Visconti, _Mus. Pio Clem._, III, p. 130; lately by G. -Habich, _l. c._, and others. - -[663] _H. N._, XXXIV, 72; _S. Q._, 826. It was the only bronze work -which the sculptor is known to have made, all his other works being in -marble. - -[664] Kekulé (_l. c._), Furtwaengler (_l. c._), and others make the -identification. - -[665] Long ago Turnebus (_Advers._, 1580, p. 486) explained the word -in the sense of ἔγκρισις ἀθλητῶν, as used by Lucian, _pro Imag._, 11; -_cf._, Cicero’s _probatio_, in his _de Off._, I, 144. Most modern -commentators, however, refer the word to the statue, translating it -“classical” or “chosen”: thus Urlichs, _Chrest. Pl._, 1857, p. 325; O. -Jahn, Ueber die Kunsturteile des Plinius (_Ber. saechs. Ges. d. Wiss._, -1850), p. 125; H. L. von Urlichs, _Blaetter f. d. bayr. Gymnasialsch._, -1894, pp. 609 f., translates it “klassisch” or “mustergueltig,” _i. -e._, serving as a pattern or standard. But the term was too well known -as an athletic one for it ever to have been applied to a statue. The -present participle, instead of the usual aorist (ἐγκριθείς), shows -that Alkamenes’ statue represented an athlete in the act of undergoing -selection. The old emendation into ἐγχριόμενος has been recently -defended by Klein, _Praxiteles_, p. 50, who identifies Pliny’s statue -with the Glyptothek _Oil-pourer_ (Pl. 11); it is discredited by the -occurrence of the epithet _Encrinomenos_ as a Roman proper name, _C. I. -L._, V, 1, 4429, which shows how familiar it was. See Jex-Blake, on the -passage of Pliny. - -[666] _Cf._ Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 345; Helbig, _l. c._ - -[667] It seems to be a Hadrianic copy of an original which stood on the -Athenian Akropolis. - -[668] Now in the Antiquarium, Rome: Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, no. 1030; -noted in _B. Com. Rom._, XXXVIII, 1910, p. 249, and fully discussed, -_ibid._, XXXIX, 1911, pp. 97 f. (L. Mariani), and Pls. VI, VII (three -views), and VIII (head, two views). - -[669] _H. N._, XXXIV, 80: _Naucydes Mercurio et discobolo et immolante -arietem censetur_, etc. - -[670] _Ueber den Diskoswurf bei den Griechen_, 1892, p. 55. However, -von Mach discusses a r.-f. deinos in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, -which resembles the pose of the statue: _A. J. A._, VII, 1903, p. 447, -fig. 1. - -[671] As in a vase by Douris: _A. Z._, 1883, Pl. II; Furtw., _Berliner -Vasen_, no. 2283 A; also on a Hellenistic gem in Berlin: Furtw., -_Gemmen Katalog_, no. 6911. Philostr., _Imag._, I, 24, says that the -left foot was advanced. - -[672] Coin of Amastris: Schlosser, _Numism. Zeitschr._ (Vienna), XXIII, -1891, p. 19, Pl. 2, no. 35; a better reproduction by Imhoof-Blumer, -in Sallet’s _Zeitschr. f. Numism._, XX, 1897, p. 269, Pl. 10, n. 2 (= -Habich, p. 58, fig. 2); another in _B. M. Coins_ (Pontus), Pl. XX, 7, -pp. 87 and 21. On this and the Thracian coin, see also Habich, Hermes -Diskobolos auf Muenzen, in _Journ. internat. d’arch, num._, II, 1898, -pp. 137 f. Habich gives a gem showing the god with a kerykeion in the -left hand, and a diskos in the right and with the right foot advanced: -p. 61, fig. 3. - -[673] _E. g._, Michaelis, _Jb._, XIII, 1898, pp. 175-6. He looks upon -the statue simply as that of a diskobolos. - -[674] In the National Museum, Athens, no. 13399: Staïs, _Marb. et -Bronz._, pp. 353-354 and fig.; _Arch. Eph._, 1902, Pl. 17; Svoronos, -Textbd., I, pp. 42-3; Tafelbd., I, Pl. VIII, no. 1; _J. H. S._, XXI, -1901, p. 351 (Bosanquet). This statuette is 0.25 meter in height and -the base 0.09 meter (Svoronos). - -[675] Svoronos, p. 43, reproduces the coins of Amastris and -Philippopolis. - -[676] Stuart Jones, _Cat. Mus. Capitol._, p. 288, no. 21 and Pl. 71; -Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, no. 858; _Guide_, 509; B. B., 387; Furtw., -_Mp._, p. 303 and n. 7; _Mw._, p. 525 and n. 1; Clarac, II, 859, 2170; -Reinach, _Rép._, I, 525, 1; Lange, _Motiv des aufgestuetzten Fusses_, -1879, pp. 13 f. Helbig speaks of a replica in Paris, but confounds it -with the type of the so-called _Sandal-binder_ of the Louvre (Fig. 8). -The Capitoline statue is 1.845 meters in height (Stuart Jones). - -[677] The motive of the “aufgestuetztes Bein” is more likely Lysippan -than Skopaic, as Furtwaengler wrongly assumed. - -[678] Svoronos, Textbd., I, pp. 18 f. (with bibliography of all the -objects down to 1903, on p. 15, n. 1.); Tafelbd., I, Pls. I and II -(front and back); Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, pp. 302-304 and fig.; -Bulle, 61; von Mach, 290; _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, Pls. VIII (head), -IX (body, three views); H. B. Walters, _Art of the Greeks_, Pl. XVI; -Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. LXXVIII; for bibliographical notice and -discussion, see _A. J. A._, V, 1901, p. 465, and VII, 1903, pp. 464-5; -Springer-Michaelis, p. 297, fig. 531; the best account of the statue in -English is by Dr. A. S. Cooley, in _Record of the Past_, II, 1903, pp. -207-13 (with two illustrations). It is 1.94 meters in height, _i. e._, -slightly over life-size (Svoronos). - -[679] _J. H. S._, XXI, 1901, pp. 205 f; he also briefly described all -the bronzes found in _A. A._, 1901, pp. 17-19, (4 figs.), in _Rev. des -Ét. gr._, XIV, 1901, pp. 122-6 (5 figs.), and in _C. R. Acad. Inscr._, -1901, pp. 58-63 (3 figs.) and 158-9 (3 Pls.). All the bronzes were -published after cleansing in _Arch. Eph._, 1902, pp. 145 f., with Pls. -7-17 and figs. 1-18 in the text; see also Staïs, _Les trouvailles dans -la mer de Cythère_, 1905; the last publication of all the pieces is by -Svoronos, Textbd., I, pp. 1-86; Tafelbd., I, Pls. I-XX. - -[680] In his popular discussion of the bronzes in _Monthly Review_, -June, 1901, pp. 110-127 (with 5 Pls., and 5 figs.). Similar praise is -that of W. Klein, II, p. 403; he calls it _die wundervollste aller uns -erhaltenen Bronzestatuen des Altertums_. - -[681] _London Illustrated News_, June 6, 1903 (with double-page plate). - -[682] _Gaz. d. B.-A._, XXV, Pér. III, 1901, pp. 295-301 (with 3 -figures). - -[683] In a monograph entitled Ὁ Ἔφηβος τῶν Ἀντικυθήρων (pp. 1-42, and -6 figs.), Athens, 1903. - -[684] It was restored by the French sculptor André, who covered it -with putty to conceal the jointures and the rivets which were used in -welding the fragments together. He also colored it to resemble bronze. -The method used in the restoration is certainly open to objection, but -not to the extent asserted by certain scholars, _e. g._, by von Mach, -who asserts that no Greek statue has received such unworthy treatment, -and that the restoration makes it possible to refer the statue to -almost any age or admixture of influences: _Greek Sculpture, Its -Spirit and Principles_, p. 326. Much of the beauty of the statue, to -be sure, is gone, but the style is not obscured. It has been restored -too full, which gives it a sensuous appearance. For the statue, before -restoration, see Svoronos, Textbd., p. 18, fig. 2; Staïs, _Marbres et -Bronzes_, fig. on p. 304. - -[685] _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, pp. 152 f.; _cf._ _Sculpt._, pp. 244 f.; -_Hbk._, pp. 532 f. In Chap. VI of the present work we shall follow the -view which ascribes the _Herakles_ to Lysippos: _infra_, pp. 298, 311. -The Praxitelean and Lysippan influences in the bronze under discussion -are noted by Richardson, p. 276. - -[686] _Ibid._, pp. 217 f. - -[687] For the former, see Amelung, _Fuehrer_, 249; von Mach, 327; -Reinach, I, 452, 2. On the hem of the cloak is an Etruscan dedicatory -inscription to one Metilius by his wife, containing the name of Tenine -Tuthines as the bronze-caster: see Corssen, _Sprache d. Etrusker_, I, -pp. 712 f. (quoted by von Mach). For the latter, see Helbig, _Fuehrer_, -I, no. 5; _Guide_, 5; _Mon. d. I._, VI and VII, 1857-63, Pl. 84, 1; -_Annali_, XXXV, 1863, pp. 432 f. (Koehler); Rayet, II, Pl. 71; B. B., -225; Bernouilli, _Roem. Ikonogr._, II, i, pp. 24 f., fig. 2; etc. - -[688] Text on pp. 115 f.; Klein, _op. cit._, pp. 403 f., believes that -the enigma of its interpretation remains unsolved. He looks upon it as, -perhaps, a pre-Lysippan work, a sort of _Vorstufe_ to the _Apoxyomenos_. - -[689] _Cf._ Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 534. - -[690] On this gesture, see von Mach, _op. cit._, pp. 325-6. - -[691] Textbd., I, figs. 13-14, pp. 26-7. For the gem, see _ibid._, fig. -3, p. 22; Reinach, _Pierres gravées_, Pl. 56, 34. - -[692] _H. N._, XXXIV, 77. So Miss Bieber, _Jb._, XXV, 1910, pp. 159 f., -following the suggestion of Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, ed. I, 1907, -pp. 254 f. (view reiterated in ed. 2, 1910, p. 304), and Loeschke. -Pliny says that the statue of Euphranor displayed every phase of Paris’ -character, in the triple aspect of judge of the goddesses, lover of -Helen, and slayer of Achilles. On this statue, of which we know so -little, _cf._ the very different results reached by Furtwaengler -(_Mp._, pp. 357 f.; _Mw._, pp. 591-2) and Robert (_Hallisches -Winckelmannsprogr._, XIX, 1895, pp. 20 f.). Edw. Vicars, in the _Pall -Mall Magazine_, XIX, 1903, pp. 551 f., followed by Dr. Cooley, believes -that the bronze should be restored as Paris holding the apple of -discord in the right hand. - -[693] _Suppl. de la Gaz. d. B.-A._, 1901, pp. 68 f., and 76 f. - -[694] VI, 100 f.; VIII, 372 f.; in the latter connection it is an -adjunct to the dance. - -[695] Athenæus, I, 44 (p. 24 b), quotes the Pergamene Karystios -(= _F. H. G._, IV, p. 359, fragm. 14) as saying that the women of -Kerkyra played ball in his time. For Rome, _cf._ Hor., _Sat._, II, -2.11; Suetonius, _Octav._, 83; Pliny, _Ep._, III, 1.8; Seneca, _de -Brev. vit._, 13; etc. On ball-playing, see Grasberger, _Erziehung und -Unterricht_, I, 1864, pp. 84 f.; L. Becq de Fouquières, _Les Jeux des -Anciens_,^2 1873, Ch. IX, pp. 176-199. - -[696] Athen., I, 25 (p. 14 d, e). - -[697] Athen., I, 25-26 (pp. 14 f, 15 a). - -[698] In his περὶ τοῦ διὰ σμικρᾶς σφαίρας γυμνασίου. _Cf._ Sidon. -Apoll., V, 17; Martial, IV, 19; etc. - -[699] Athen., I, 34 (p. 19 a). - -[700] Athen., I, 26 (p. 15); _cf._, Eustath., on Od., VI, 115, p. 1553; -only the Milesians were opposed to it: _id._, on Od., VIII, 372, p. -1601. - -[701] Theophr., _Char._, V, 9; Pliny, _Ep._, II, 17.12 and V, 6.27; -Suetonius, _Vit. Vespas._, 20; etc. - -[702] _B. S. A._, X, 1903-4, pp. 63 f; _cf._, XII, 1905-6, p. 387. - -[703] The σφαιρεῖς are mentioned in _C. I. G._, I, 4, 1386, 1432; -P., III, 14.6, mentions a statue of Herakles there, to which these -youths sacrificed. Mueller, _Die Dorier_, 4, 5, §2, classed these -competitions as a sort of football. - -[704] _Rev. des Ét. gr._, XIV, 1901, pp. 445-8. - -[705] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, no. 1299; B. B., 413; Bulle, 44; -Arndt-Amelung, _Einzelaufnahmen_, III, text to no. 1127; F. W., text -to 1630; Rayet, II, text to Pl. 70, fig. on p. 5; Kekulé, _Die griech. -Skulpt._,^2 fig. on p. 349 (the _Germanicus_ on p. 348; _cf._ Bulle, -p. 94, fig. 17); Loewy, _Griech. Plastik_, Pl. 94, fig. 176 a, p. -80. The statue is 1.83 meters high (Bulle). Head alone in Overbeck, -II, p. 446, and _cf._ 456, n. 4; Arndt-Amelung, nos. 270-271. A fine -herma-replica of the head is at Broadlands, England: Michaelis, p. 219, -no. 9; Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 58, fig. 13 (three views). A poorer copy -is in the Uffizi, Florence: Duetschke, III, no. 13; Arndt-Amelung, -_Einzelaufnahmen_, 83-84. - -[706] Graef, _Aus der Anomia_, 1890, p. 69. Bulle finds the head -similar to that of the _Lemnian Athena_ and the body to that of -the _Farnese Anadoumenos_ of the British Museum (= Bulle, no. 49). -Furtwaengler thinks that its relation to the _Lemnia_ is not close -enough to warrant us in assigning it to Pheidias: _Mp._, p. 57; _Mw._, -pp. 86 and 742. On the basis of a Phokaian coin (Berlin example, _Mp._, -Pl. VI, 19; copy in British Museum, _B. M. Coins_, Ionia, IV, 23), -which represents a similar Hermes, he ascribes the statue to an Ionian -artist and conjectures Telephanes mentioned by Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, -68. - -[707] Helbig finds the head Myronian, but the body unconnected with any -of the well-known artistic tendencies of his day. - -[708] As shown in the _Germanicus_ copy; the right arm is wrongly -restored in the Ludovisi statue. In the _Germanicus_ the arm is bowed -more at the elbow, the hand reaching the level of the temples. - -[709] Froehner, pp. 213 f., no. 184 (and bibliography); F. W., 1630; -Rayet, II, Pls. 69 (statue), 70 (head); etc. - -[710] _A. J. A._, XV, 1911, Pl. VI and pp. 215-16 (Caskey); _Jb._, -XXIV, 1909, Pls. I and II (from Munich cast), pp. 1 f. (Sieveking). -For the _Hermes_ of the Boboli gardens, see _ibid._, figs. 1 and 3, -pp. 2 and 4; Arndt-Amelung., _Einzelauf._, 103-105; Duetschke, II, no. -84; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 230, _Mw._, p. 424. Another replica is in the -Hermitage: Kieseritzky, _Kat._, no. 179; Sieveking, figs. 4-5, p. 5; -_Mp._, p. 290, _Mw._, 506; another in the Torlonia Museum in Rome, no. -[475] Sieveking, fig. 6, p. 5. - -[711] _Gaz. d. B.-A._, 1911, p. 251. - -[712] Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 230 and _cf._ p. 290; _Mw._, p. 424 and -_cf._ p. 506. - -[713] See the _Annual Report of the Museum of Fine Arts_, 1898, p. 20. -Mahler, _Polyklet u. seine Schule_, p. 27, no. 34, wrongly thought that -it was a replica of the _Doryphoros_. - -[714] Froehner, no. 183, pp. 210 f. (bibliography on pp. 212-13; later -bibliogr. in Klein, _Praxitel. Stud._, 1899, p. 4, n. 2); B. B., no. -67; von Mach, 238 b; Clarac, Pl. 309, no. 2046. Replica in Munich (with -a head of Apollo not belonging to the torso): Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr. -d. Glypt._^2, 1910, 287 (with list of replicas); von Mach, 238a; -Clarac, V, 814, 2048; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 487, 7; Klein, pp. 4 f.; one -in London, in Lansdowne House: Michaelis, pp. 464f., no. 85 and Pl. -opp. p. 464; Clarac, V, 814, 2048 A; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 487, 6; one -in the Vatican: Reinach, _Rép._, I, 487, 5; head and torso in Athens: -_ibid._, II, i, 153, 10; _A. M._, XI, 1886, Pl. IX (middle), pp. 362 f. -(Studniczka); head in Copenhagen, formerly in the Borghese Coll., Rome: -P. Arndt, _Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, 1912, Pls. 128, 129, and text pp. 177 -f., (fig. 95 = bronze restoration for the municipal Museum in Stettin, -combining the Lansdowne body and the Fagan head in the British Museum; -for the Fagan head see _B. M. Sculpt._, III, 1785). - -[715] See von Mach, 170; R. Kekulé, _Die Reliefs an der Balustrade der -Athena Nike_, with Pls. 1-6. - -[716] From the _Ekphrasis_ of Christodoros, _A. G._, II, _vv._ 297-302. -It was first shown to be a statue of Hermes by Lambeck, _de Mercurii -statua_, Thorn, 1860. - -[717] Pick, _Die antiken Muenzen Nordgriechenlands_, I, Pl. XVI, 25; -_cf._ Froehner, p. 211. - -[718] Duetschke, IV, no. 151; _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, Pl. XVI, pp. 239 -f. (Wace). - -[719] _E. g._, _B. M. Bronzes_, nos. 1200, 1202, 1207; for a herm in -the Braccio Nuovo of the Vatican, after a fourth-century B. C. type, -see Amelung, _Vat._, I, p. 84, no. 65 and Pl. X. - -[720] _B. M. Sculpt._, III, no. 1600 and Pi. III; _Jb._, I, 1886, p. -54, and Pl. 5, and fig. 1 (Wolters); Kalkmann, Proport. d. Gesichts, -pp. 41 and 98; Furtw., _Mp._, Pl. XVIII. opp. p. 346; for a full -discussion of this head, see the note by translator in _Mp._, pp. -346-7. The head is 11-1/2 inches high (_B. M. Sculpt._). - -[721] Nissen, _Pompej. Stud._, p. 166. - -[722] _H. N._, XXXIV, 18. - -[723] _E. g._, one in Paris, in the Cab. des Médailles, no. 3350; -Clarac, 666 D, 1512 F. - -[724] _E. g._, E. von Sacken, _Die ant. Bronzen des k. k. Muenz-und -Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien_, 1871, Pl. 10, 4; a bronze _Mercury_ in -Paris, in the Cab. des Méd., Coll. Oppermann (0.20 m. tall): Furtw., -_Mp._, p. 233, fig. 94, and _Mw._, p. 428, fig. 64; bronze statuette -of Mercury in the British Museum with chlamys over the left shoulder: -_Mp._, p. 232, fig. 93; _Mw._, p. 427, fig. 63. - -[725] _Mp._, p. 231, n. 3. - -[726] _B. M. Bronzes_, no. 1217. - -[727] _Mp._, pp. 288 f.; _Mw._, pp. 502 f. - -[728] _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 165 (renewed); base pictured, _Mp._, p. -288, fig. 123; _Mw._, p. 503; fig. 90. Furtwaengler had ascribed the -statue of Aristion to the younger Polykleitos; this was disproved by -the date of Aristion’s victory, Ol. 82 (= 452 B. C.), given by the -_Oxy. Pap._ - -[729] Michaelis, p. 446, no. 35; Clarac, V, 946, 2436 A; Furtw., _Mp._, -p. 289, fig. 124; _Mw._, p. 504, fig. 91. - -[730] XXIII, 660; _cf._ Od., XIX, 86: “By Apollo’s grace he hath so -goodly a son”—meaning that Apollo gave increase of physical strength to -men, just as Artemis did to women. _Cf._ Hesiod, _Theog._, 346-7. - -[731] V, 7.10. - -[732] _Quaest. conviv._, VIII, 4 (= p. 724 C, D.); here he also -mentions a Gymnasion of Apollo at Athens. - -[733] Told by many writers: _e. g._, Apollod., II, 6.2. - -[734] P., X, 13.7, describes a group at Delphi representing Apollo and -Hermes grasping the tripod before the fight; in VIII, 37.1 he mentions -the same subject on a marble relief at Lykosoura, and in III, 21.8 -says that Gythion was founded by the two after the contest, and that -their images stood in the agora there. The subject was represented in -the gable of the Siphnian Treasury at Delphi: Frazer, V, p. 274 (in -connection with P., X, 11.2). Stephani enumerated 89 existing works of -art which represent this subject, of which 58 appear on black-figured, -18 on red-figured vases, 8 on marble reliefs, 3 on terra-cottas, and 2 -on gems: _Comptes rendus de la comm. impér. archéol._, St. Petersburg, -1868, pp. 31 f.; Overbeck has added to the list: _Griech. Mythol._, -III, Apollon, 1889, pp. 391-415. - -[735] The _Choiseul-Gouffier_ statue: _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 209; -_Marbles and Bronzes_, Pl. III; _Specimens_, II, Pl. V; _Museum -Marbles_, XI, Pl. 32; F. W., no. 221; _J. H. S._, I, 1881, Pl. IV, and -pp. 178 f., and _cf._, II, 1882, pp. 332 f. (Waldstein); von Mach, -Pl. 67; Collignon, I, p. 403, fig. 208; Clarac, III, 482, 931 H, and -p. 213: Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 85, 10; Conze, _Beitr. zur Gesch. d. -gr. Pl._^2, 1869, Pl. VI; Springer-Michaelis, p. 234, fig. 429. The -height of the statue is 5 feet, 10.5 inches (_B. M. Sculpt._). The -_Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_: Kabbadias, 45; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, -pp. 23-24 and fig.; _J. H. S._, I, Pl. V, fig. 3; Collignon, I, p. 405, -fig. 209; B. B., 42; von Mach, 66; F. W., 219; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, -85, 7; Conze, _op. cit._, Pls. III-V, and text, pp. 13 f.; Murray, I, -Pl. VIII, opp. p. 234 (both statues); torso in Munich, Arndt-Amelung, -_Einzelauf._, nos. 849-50; for list of other copies, see _A. M._, IX, -1884, pp. 239-40. - -[736] _Cf._ _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 209 (A. H. Smith). - -[737] See Waldstein, p. 180; F. W., no. 219; _A. M._, IX, 1884, p. 248. - -[738] Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 85, 9; M. D., I, p. 47, no. 179; _cf._ F. -W., 219. Overbeck, _Griech. Kunstmythol._, III. _Apollon_, p. 162, fig. -9. - -[739] _A. M._, I, 1876, Pl. X, and pp. 178 f. (Kekulé); Bulle, 105 -(Left) and p. 208, fig. 47. - -[740] Published in _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, pp. 278-80 (Dickins); here, -on p. 279, we have the fragment photographed with the lower parts -of the _Choiseul-Gouffier_ and _Omphalos_ copies on either side; -Dickins says that with the possible exception of the Athens statue -this fragment shows the best workmanship of all the copies. Helbig, -_Fuehrer_, no. 1268. - -[741] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 211; it shows the _krobylos_ best. - -[742] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 210. - -[743] Braun, _Vorschule d. Kunstmythol._, Pl. V, (quoted by A. H. -Smith). - -[744] _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-78, Pl. 54; discussed in _Annali_, L, 1878, -pp. 61 f. (Brizio). - -[745] _Cf._ Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, no. 859; Beulé, _Monnaies d’Athênes_, -p. 271, quoted in _Jb._, II, 1887, p. 235, n. 54. - -[746] _Jb._, II, pp. 234 f.; on p. 234, the Athens statue and the -figure from the Bologna krater are shown side by side. - -[747] _Fuehrer_, under no. 859 (the Capitoline replica), and especially -under no. 1268. - -[748] _Beitraege zur Gesch. d. gr. Pl._^2, p. 19. - -[749] Roscher, _Lex._, I, p. 456. - -[750] _A. M._, IX, 1884, p. 244. - -[751] Mentioned by P., I, 3.4; this view has been upheld by Conze, -_l.c._; Murray, I, p. 235; _cf._ Furtw., _l. c._, and on the artist, -see his article in _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1907, pp. 160 f. - -[752] _S. Q._, nos. 508-526. - -[753] Furtw., _l. c._; the coin in the British Museum is pictured in -_J. H. S._, XXIV, 1904, p. 205, fig. 2. Conze’s theory of identifying -the type with the _Alexikakos_ has been questioned among others also by -Overbeck: I, n. 226, to pp. 280 (on p. 301). - -[754] Dionys. Halic., _de Isocrate Judicium_, III, p. 542 (ed. Reiske); -_S. Q._, 531. - -[755] _Op. cit._, especially p. 182. - -[756] P., VI, 6.6. He won in the early fifth century, in Ols. 74, 76, -77 (= 484, 476, 472 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, -207. - -[757] F. W., nos. 219 and 221. Clarac, Text, Vol. III, p. 213, leaves -it in doubt whether it be Apollo or an athlete; however, he calls the -Capitoline copy an athlete. - -[758] Published by Miss K. A. McDowall, _J. H. S._, XXIV, 1904, pp. -203-7 and fig. 1. - -[759] The untrustworthy character of the Torlonia copy has been shown -by Overbeck, _Kunstmythologie_, III, _Apollon_, pp. 109 and 162. -The Roman copy in the Capitoline is also inferior, and the legs are -wrongly restored—for at that period in art there was little difference -between the free and the rest leg; see Helbig, _Fuehrer_, no. 859; -Stuart Jones, _Cat. Mus. Capit._, p. 287, no. 20 and Pl. 69; Conze, -_Beitraege zur Gesch. d. gr. Pl._^2, Pl. VII; Clarac, 862, 2189; head -in Arndt-Amelung, _Einzelaufnahmen_, Serie II, 452-4, p. 35. - -[760] Waldstein ascribed the original to Pythagoras, partly because -this artist was famed for the detail of veins, sinews, and hair: see -Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 59. - -[761] _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 223 f.; Tafelbd., Pl. LVII, 3-5. -The original height was 2.60 meters. - -[762] _Strena Helbigiana_, 1900, p. 293; discussed also by Miss -McDowall (_l. c._ and fig. 3, p. 206); a poor replica is in Munich: -Furtw., _Mw._, p. 115, and fig. 21. - -[763] _B. M. Coins, Troas_, etc., Pl. XXXII, 1; McDowall, _l. c._, fig. -4, p. 207. - -[764] Bulle, 50, who gives the height 1.86 meters; von Mach, 115; -Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 547, 9; other references _infra_, on p. 152, n. -5. - -[765] _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, VIII, 1905, pp. 42 f.; IX, 1906, pp. 279 -f.; _cf._, Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkm._, pp. 105-6, n. 1 (Engl. ed., p. -120). - -[766] _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, XII, 1909, pp. 100 f. He thinks that the -original may have been identical with the statue of Ἀπόλλων ἀναδούμενος -standing before the temple of Ares at Athens, P., I, 8.4, and that the -παῖς ἀναδούμενος of Pheidias at Olympia, P. VI, 4.5, also may have -been an Apollo. He also interprets the figure of a charioteer entering -a chariot on an Attic relief (Fig. 63), to be discussed later, as an -Apollo: _Jb._, VII, 1892, pp. 54 f. For the relief, see B. B., 21; von -Mach, 56; F. W., no. 97; _infra_, pp. 269 f. - -[767] _Cf._, Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 18 (_Achilleae_). On these -“Achillean” statues (a generic name for statues of athletes leaning -on their spears, from Achilles, the typical hero of ephebes), see -Furtwaengler, _Jahrbuecher f. cl. Philol._, Supplbd., IX, 1877, p. 47, -n. 11. - -[768] _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, VIII, 1905, pp. 269 f. Miss McDowall, -in the article already cited, p. 204, has also argued that there is no -necessary connection between the quiver slung over the tree-support and -Apollo. - -[769] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 162-3; Loewy, _op. cit._, X, 1907, pp. 326 -f. Studniczka, _ibid._, IX, 1906, pp. 311 f., discusses the base and -believes that the pose of the statue of Pythokles was the same as that -of the _Borghese Ares_ of the Louvre (von Mach, 125; F. W., 1298; -Reinach, _Rép._ I, 133, 1-3; etc.), the weight on the left foot, _i. -e._, essentially different from the Polykleitan pose. - -[770] _R. M._, XXVII, 1912, p. 37. - -[771] Duetschke, IV, no. 52 (= wrongly female); _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, -Pl. XV (three views), and pp. 235 f. (Wace). - -[772] _Mp._, p. 247; _Mw._, pp. 448-449; he assigns it to the third -quarter of the fifth century B. C. - -[773] Amelung, _Rev. arch._, II, 1904, p. 344.1; Wace, _l. c._, p. 237. - -[774] Both Schreiber, _A. M._, VIII, 1883, pp. 246 f., and Studniczka, -_Jb._, XI, 1896, pp. 255 f., have shown that the hair arranged in the -double plait, whether the κρωβύλος or not, is Attic, and that similarly -the mass of locks over the ears is common in Attic works. - -[775] P., V, 7.9. In V, 7.7, the Idæan Herakles is said to have first -crowned his brother as victor there; _cf._ V, 8.3-4. We have already -(p. 10) spoken of the difference of opinion as to whether it was the -Cretan (Idæan) Herakles, or the more famous son of Zeus and Alkmena, -who founded the games. On the traditional connection of the hero with -Olympia, see E. Curtius, _Sitzb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. zu -Berlin_, 1894, pp. 1098 f.; Busolt, _Gr. Gesch._,^2 I, pp. 240 f.; -Krause, _Olympia_, pp. 26 f. - -[776] With the river-god Acheloos, III, 18.16 (the contest pictured -in relief on the throne of Apollo at Amyklai; _cf._ the same scene -represented by the cedar-wood figures inlaid with gold on the treasury -of the Megarians at Olympia, VI, 19, 12); with Antaios, IX, 11.6 -(pictured in the sculptures of the gable of the Herakleion at Thebes); -with Eryx, III, 16.4 and IV, 36.4. - -[777] P., V, 8.4. - -[778] P., V, 21.9; he won in Ol. 178 (= 68 B. C.): Foerster, 570-1. - -[779] V, 21.10. - -[780] These victors were Kapros of Elis, who won in Ol. 124 (= 212 B. -C.): Hyde, 150; Foerster, 474, 475; he had two statues, the remains of -which may have been recovered: see _Bronzen v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pls. II, -III; Aristomenes of Rhodes, who won in Ol. 156 (= 156 B. C.): Foerster, -505-6; Protophanes of Magnesia ad Maiandrum (ad Lethaeum in P., _l. -c._), who won in Ol. 172 (= 92 B. C.): Foerster, 538-9; Marion of -Alexandria, who won in Ol. 182 (= 52 B. C.): Foerster, 579-80; Aristeas -of Stratonikeia, who won in Ol. 198 (= 13 A. D.): Foerster, 609-10; -Nikostratos of Aigeai in Kilikia, who won in Ol. 204 (= 37 A. D.): -Foerster, 621-2. - -[781] Two men entered later, but were disqualified: Sokrates, who won -in wrestling (?) in Ol. 232 (= 149 A. D.): Foerster, 704; and Aurelios -Ailix, or Helix, of Phœnicia, who won the pankration in Ol. 250 (= -221 A. D.): Foerster, 734. See Dio Cassius, LXXIX, 10; Philostr., -_Heroicus_, III, 13 (p. 147, ed. Kayser); _cf._ Ph., 46 and note by -Juethner, _ad loc._ Ailix won in both events on the same day at the -Capitoline games in Rome, which no one had done before: Foerster, _l. -c._ Frazer, III, p. 625. - -[782] Such victors were numbered in two ways; some authorities in the -way mentioned above, _e. g._, Dio Cassius, _l. c._; others numbered -them δεύτερος, τρίτος, κ. τ. λ., _e. g._, Africanus; _cf._ Rutgers, pp. -73 f. and n. 1, and p. 97 and n. 2. - -[783] See F. Kindscher, Die herakleischen Doppelsieger zu Olympia, -_Jahn’s Archiv f. Phil. u. Paedag._, II, 1845, pp. 392-411. - -[784] P., IV, 32.1 (statues of the three in the Gymnasion at Messene). -He mentions, IX, 11.7, a Gymnasion and Stadion of the hero near the -Herakleion in Thebes. - -[785] _B. C. H._, XXIII, 1899, pp. 455-6. - -[786] On the difficulty of distinguishing statues of victors from those -of Herakles, see also Arndt, _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, Text, p. 138, to -Pl. 94. - -[787] P., VI, 2.1. - -[788] Ch. VI, pp. 293 f., especially pp. 298-299. - -[789] _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, Pl. 117 (three views). It was formerly -in the Tyszkiewicz collection. - -[790] See Arndt, _l. c._ Furtwaengler believed the head Praxitelean: -see Roscher, _Lex._, I, 2, p. 2166 ll. 61 f. S. Reinach saw in it a -_mélange_ of Skopaic and Praxitelean elements: _Gaz. d. B.-A._, 3, -Pér., XVI, 1896, II, p. 332 and fig. on p. 328; _Têtes_, Pl. 176, p. -139; he is followed by Arndt. - -[791] _Antichita di Ercolano, Bronzi_, I, Pls. 49 and 50; D. Comparetti -e G. de Petra, _La Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni_, 1883, Pl. VII, 3, p. -261, 4; Rayet, II, Pl. 66; B. B., no. 364; F. W., 1302. Similarly, the -bronze head of a youth in Naples, with a rolled fillet, may be from the -statue of a victor or of the hero: Invent., 5594; B. B., 365. - -[792] For the Naples replica, see Comparetti e de Petra, _Villa -Ercolan._, Pl. XXI, 3; Furtw., _Mp._ p. 234, fig. 95; _Mw._, p. 430, -fig. 65; poorer copy in the Museo Chiaramonti of the Vatican (no. -139): Helbig, _Guide_, 69; B. B., 338; another in Broadlands, England: -Michaelis, p. 220, no. 10; _Mp._, p. 235, fig. 96; _Mw._, p. 431, fig. -66. Graef had already conjectured the type to be that of a Polykleitan -_Herakles: R. M._, IV, 1889, p. 215. He is followed by Furtwaengler, -_Mp._, p. 23. - -[793] Amelung., _Vat._, I, p. 738, no. 636 and Pl. 79; Helbig, -_Fuehrer_, I, no. 108; _Guide_, 113; B. B., no. 609; Furtw., _Mp._, -p. 341, fig. 146 (head, on p. 342, fig. 147); _Mw._, p. 575, fig. 109 -(head, on p. 577, fig. 110). The group is 2.12 meters high (Amelung.). - -[794] Helbig, _Guide_, no. 242. - -[795] Helbig, _ibid._, no. 470; _R. M._, IV, 1889, p. 197, no. 12 -(Skopaic). - -[796] It was found in Genzano: _B. M. Sculpt._, III, no. 1731 and Pl. -V, fig. 2; height, 1 foot, 4-7/8 inches; for references, see _infra_, -p. 169, n. 8. - -[797] _B. M. Sculpt._, III, no. 1732; _Specimens_, I, Pl. 57; _Museum -Marbles_, III, Pl. 12. A similar head, half portrait and half ideal, -appears on coins of Macedonia. Such filleted heads as nos. 1733 and -1740 of _B. M. Sculpt._ are probably from statues of Herakles. The -statuette of a seated Herakles, _ibid._, no. 1726, with the lion-skin -and wearing a laurel wreath tied on with a fillet (= Reinach, _Rép._, -II, 1, p. 227, no. 3; _J. H. S._, III, 1882, Pl. XXV.) and inscribed -as the work of Diogenes (_I. G. B._, 361), recalls the description of -the pose of the _Hermes Epitrapezios_ made by Lysippos for Alexander: -Statius, _Silv._, IV, 6; _cf._ Martial, IX, 44. - -[798] _B. M. Bronz._, nos. 1254, 1276, 1292, etc. - -[799] _B. M. Bronz._, Pl. II (upper right-hand); text, no. 212. - -[800] Friedrichs, _Kleinere Kunst_, 1850; mentioned by Furtw., _Mw._, -p. 525, n. 2. - -[801] III, nos. 9 and 19; no. 19 has swollen ears. - -[802] See Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 234 and 236; _Mw._, pp. 429 and 433. He -gives as an example the Polykleitan ephebe head-type discussed _supra_, -p. 95. - -[803] P., V, 8.4. - -[804] P., V, 15.5. - -[805] P., III, 14.7 (ἀφετήριοι). - -[806] P., II, 34.10. - -[807] Iliad, III, 237 (= Od., XI, 300); Homeric Hymn to the Dioskouroi, -XXXIII, 3; Pindar, _Isthm._, I, 16 f.; _Pyth._, V. 9; etc. Kastor was -famed also for throwing the quoit: Pindar, _Isthm._, I, 25. - -[808] Iliad and Od., _ll. cc._; Simonides, frag. 8 (_P. l. G._, III, p. -390); Apoll. Rhod., _Argon._, II, 1 f. - -[809] Apoll. Rhod., _op. cit._, I, 146; Theokr., XXII, 2-3 and 34; -Pindar, _Pyth._, XI, 61-2; _Nem._, X, 49-50; _Isthm._, V, 32-3; etc.; -various Roman poets: see Bethe, in Pauly-Wissowa, V, I, pp. 1092-4. - -[810] _R. M._, XV, 1900, 1 f. (with illustrations). - -[811] _I. G. A._, 37. - -[812] _B. M. Bronz._, no. 3207; _C. I. G. G. S._, III, 1, 649; _Rev. -arch._, Sér. 3, XVIII, 1891, Pl. 18, and pp. 45 f. (Froehner); -_Wochenschr. f. kl. Phil._, VIII, 1891, p. 859; Gardiner, p. 317, fig. -73. Froehner reads the name “Exotra,” that of a woman victor. - -[813] _I. G. A._, 43 a (p. 173). - -[814] Duetschke, IV, no. 534. Another relief fragment in the Uffizi -shows the upper part of the two with horses, each wearing the chlamys -and pilleus and carrying spears: Duetschke, III, 446. - -[815] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 780; _Museum Marbles_, II, Pl. 11; -_cf._ a similar relief, no. 781. The relief _ibid._, III, no. 2206, -supposedly representing Kastor, has been pronounced a modern forgery by -Treu: see F. W., 1006. - -[816] Ch. I, pp. 27 f. and 37 f. - -[817] This is the usual division of victor monuments: Scherer, pp. 21 -f.; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 530; Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkmaeler griech. -und roem. Skulptur_, Handausgabe^3, 1911, pp. 104 f. (translation by -H. Taylor, 1914, pp. 120 f.) Reisch, p. 40, divides _Siegerbilder -in Motiven von allgemeiner Geltung und Bilder in Motiven, die der -speciellen Veranlassung der Weihung entlehnt sind_—a division -practically amounting to that of rest and motion statues, as we shall -see. - -[818] Discussed _infra_ in Ch. VII, pp. 334 f. - -[819] VIII, 40.1. - -[820] See _infra_, Ch. VII, pp. 327-8. - -[821] We know of one case, at least, where an “Apollo” (draped) was -transferred to a relief—on a column drum of the old Artemision in -Ephesos, now in the British Museum: _J. H. S._, X, 1889, Pl. III, pp. 4 -f., and figs. 4a, 5 (Murray); Overbeck, I, p. 106, fig. 9; Richardson, -p. 53, fig. 16. According to Herodotos, I, 92, most of these columns -were the gifts of Crœsus, who reigned 560-546 B. C. On the whole series -of “Apollos,” see W. Deonna, _Les Apollons archaïques_, 1909; _cf._ -F. W., text to no. 14, pp. 9 f; _B. M. Sculpt._, I, pp. 82-3, with -references; etc. - -[822] See Richardson, pp. 39 f. - -[823] Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, pp. 11-12 and fig.; _B. C. H._, X, -1886, Pl. V (two views) and pp. 98 f. (Holleaux); Collignon, I, p. 117, -fig. 58; Deonna, _op. cit._, p. 161, no. 35; Richardson, p. 44, fig. -12. It is in the National Museum at Athens, where most of the “Apollos” -are to be found. The sanctuary of Apollo Ptoios on Mount Ptoion, -Bœotia, is mentioned by P., IX, 23.6, Hdt., VIII, 135, and other -writers. - -[824] In Athens: Kabbadias, no. 8; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 10; -Deonna, p. 227, no. 129; _A. M._, III, 1878, Pl. VIII; Collignon, I, p. -132, fig. 66; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 131, fig. 16; Richardson, p. 39, fig. -5; B. B., no. 77C; von Mach, 12; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 76, 10; F. W., -14; Springer-Michaelis, p. 172, fig. 336; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 319, -fig. 133. - -[825] Kabbadias, no. 9; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, pp. 9-10 (1.27 -m. high); _Annali_, XXXIII, 1861, pp. 79 f. and Pl. E; Deonna, _op. -cit._, p. 148, no. 26; _B. C. H._, V, 1881, Pl. IV, and pp. 319 f.; -Collignon, I, p. 114, fig. 56; Overbeck, I, fig. 14; Gardner, _Hbk._, -p. 166, fig. 29; Richardson, p. 40, fig. 8; B. B., 77A; von Mach, 11 b; -Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 509, fig. 260; F. W., 43; Reinach, _Rép._, II, -1, 76, 11. - -[826] Kabbadias, no. 10; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 8 (1.30 meters -high); Deonna, p. 153, no. 28; _B. C. H._, X, 1886, Pl. IV, and p. -66 (Holleaux); Collignon, I, p. 196, fig. 92; von Mach, 15a (left); -Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 168, fig. 30; B. B., 12 (left); Reinach, _Rép._, -II, 1, 76, 7. In another found at Mount Ptoion in 1903, the left arm is -almost entirely broken away: _B. C. H._, XXXI, 1907, Pl. XX. - -[827] Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 10, no. 1558; Deonna, p. 217, -no. 114, _B. C. H._, XVI, 1892, Pl. XVI (two views) and pp. 560 f. -(Holleaux); von Mach, no. 13; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 321, fig. 134; -Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 132, fig. 17; Richardson, p. 39, fig. 6; Reinach, -_Rép._, II, 1, 76, 1. - -[828] Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschreib. d. Glypt._,^2 pp. 49 f., no. -47; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 158, fig. 26; Gardiner, p. 87, fig. 7; -Richardson, p. 40, fig. 7; B. B., no. I; Bulle, 37 (right); von Mach, -14; Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkm._, Pl. I, pp. 3 f; _Mon. d. I._, IV, -1847, Pl. XLIV; Baum., I, fig. 340; Collignon, I, p. 202, fig. 96; -Springer-Michaelis, p. 174, fig. 338; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 401, -figs. 187, 188; F. W., 49; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 76, 2. It is 1.53 -meters high (Bulle). - -[829] Left: torso found in 1885: _B. C. H._, XI, 1887, Pl. VIII, and -pp. 185 f. (Holleaux); Collignon, I, p. 198, fig. 49; Richardson, p. -41, fig. 9 (without the head); head found in 1903: _B. C. H._, XXXI, -1907, Pls. XVII-XVIII; entire figure, _ibid._, Pl. XIX; text, pp. 187 -f. (Mendel); Kabbadias, 12; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 9 and fig.; -Deonna, p. 156, no. 30. Right: Staïs, pp. 12-13, no. 20; Deonna, no. -35; Collignon, I, p. 315 and fig. 157 (two views); _B. C. H._, XI, -1887, Pls. XIII and XIV, and pp. 275 f., and X, 1886, fig. VI (without -head) and pp. 269 f.; von Mach, 15b (right); Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 169, -fig. 31; Richardson, p. 42, fig. 10 (two views); Reinach, _Rép._, II, -1, 77, 4 (without head); _cf._ II, 1, 18, 4 and 5. - -[830] See Holleaux, _B. C. H._, XI, p. 186, n. 1. Richardson, p. 41, -wrongly thought that they were of marble, explaining the preservation -of the arms by their presence; the arms, however, were formerly broken -off and have since been readjusted to the statue. - -[831] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 206; _Mon. d. I._, IX, 1869-73, Pl. XLI; -_Annali_, XLIV, 1872, pp. 181 f.; B. B., 51; von Mach, 16; Overbeck, I, -p. 237, fig. 61; F. W., 89; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 81, 6. It is 3 feet -4 inches in height. - -[832] See Holleaux, _B. C. H._, X, 1886, p. 271; XI, p. 186; and _cf._ -Vischer, _Kleine Schriften_, II. pp. 302 f. - -[833] B. B., no. 76. - -[834] See Holleaux, in _B. C. H._, XI, 1887, p. 178. - -[835] From the inscription on its thigh. - -[836] In the Athens Museum; it dates from the middle of the sixth -century B. C.: Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 11, no. 1906 and fig. -(1.78 m. high); Deonna, p. 133, no. 5; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, figs. -189-190; Kabbadias, _Arch. Eph._, 1902, pp. 43 f. and Pls. 3 and 4; -Bulle, no. 37 (left), who gives its height as 1.79 meters. - -[837] See Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkm._, text to Pl. I, p. 4. - -[838] Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkm._, p. 4, ascribe it to the Cretan -sculptors Skyllis and Dipoinos, who worked in Argos, Sikyon, and -Corinth, or to their school. - -[839] Statue A: _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, Pl. I; _B. C. H._, -XXIV, 1900, Pls. XIX-XXI (front, side, and rear) and pp. 445 f. -(Homolle); Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 155, fig. 25; Gardiner, p. 89, fig. 8; -Springer-Michaelis, p. 174, fig. 337; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, Pls. IX, X. -Statue B (fragmentary): _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, p. 7, fig. 7; _B. -C. H._, XXIV, 1900, Pl. XVIII. See also the following: _Gaz. B.-A._, -III Pér., XII, 1894, pp. 444-6; XIII, pp. 32 f.; _C. R. Acad. Inscr._, -1894, p. 585; especially Homolle, _l. c._, pp. 445 f. (he exchanges B -for A); _cf._ _A. J. A._, 1895, p. 115; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 77, 6 -and 7. - -[840] VI, 10.5; the epigram reads: - - Εὐτελίδας καὶ Χρυσόθεμις τάδε ἔργα τέλεσσαν - Ἀργεῖοι, τέχναν εἰδότες ἐκ προτέρων. - -Damaretos of Heraia won two victories in the heavy-armed race in Ols. -65, 66 (= 520, 516 B. C.); Theopompos two in the pentathlon in Ols. (?) -69, 70 (= 504, 500 B. C.). Their monument was one in common: Hyde, nos. -94, 95 and pp. 42 f.; Foerster, 135, 140 and 168, 169. - -[841] P., VI, 15.8; he won in the boys’ wrestling match and in the -pentathlon in Ol. 38 (= 628 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 148; Foerster, 61, 62. - -[842] Hoplite victor in Ol. 68 (= 508 B. C.): Foerster, 151. - -[843] Victor in three running races on the same day (τριαστής) in Ol. -67 (= 512 B. C.): Afr.; Foerster, 144-6. - -[844] They won in boxing in Ol. 59 (= 544 B. C.) and the pankration in -Ol. 61 (= 536 B. C.) respectively: P., VI, 18.7; Hyde, 187, 188, and p. -56; Foerster, 113 and 120. Pausanias, _l. c._, wrongly says that they -were the oldest statues at Olympia. - -[845] He won the double foot-race in Ol. 35 (= 640 B. C.): Afr.; P., I, -28.1; Foerster, 55. - -[846] He won five victories in wrestling at the beginning of the sixth -century B. C.: P., III, 13.9; Foerster, 86-90. The statue of Oibotas -of Dyme, who won the stade-race in Ol. 6 (= 756 B. C.), was set up in -Ol. 80 (= 460 B. C.): Afr.; P., VI, 3.8; Hyde, 29; Foerster, 6; that of -Chionis of Sparta, who won seven running races in Ols. 28-31 (= 668-656 -B. C.), was made by Myron, and consequently was erected in the fifth -century B. C.: P., VI, 13.2; Afr.; Hyde, 111, and p. 48; Foerster, -39, 41-6: these two, therefore, did not necessarily conform with the -“Apollo” type. - -[847] VI, 14.5 f; he won in Ol. (?) 61, and in Ols. 62, 63, 64, 65, 66 -(= 536-516 B. C.): Hyde, 128; Foerster, 116, 122, 126, 131, 136, and -141; Afr. gives the second victory as Ol. 62; see Foerster, 122. - -[848] _Vit. Apoll. Tyan._, IV, 28. - -[849] VI, 14.6-7. - -[850] Frazer, IV, p. 44, believes that this description may be -imaginary, concocted from stories of Milo’s feats of strength; but -Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 601, cite Guttman, _de olympionicis apud -Philostratum_, p. 7, Matz, _de Philostr. in describ. imag. Fide_, p. -33, and Gurlitt, _Ueber Pausanias_, 1890, p. 413, as believing that it -was based on the appearance of the statue. Scherer, pp. 23 f., thought -that Philostratos followed Pausanias in interpreting the attributes of -the statue, and that the latter got his idea of the strength of the -victor from the statue or from a cicerone. Pliny, _H. N._, VII, 19, -says of Milo: _Malum tenenti nemo digitum corrigebat_. Aelian mentions -Milo’s feat with the pomegranate in _Var. Hist._, II, 24 and _de Nat. -anim._, VI, 55. - -[851] _Cf._ Philostr., _l. c._, ll. 27, 28: καὶ τὸ μήπω διεστὼς τῇ -ἀρχαίᾳ ἀγαλματοποιίᾳ προσκείσθω. - -[852] _Op. cit._, p. 31. - -[853] _Cf._ P., VIII, 46.3. - -[854] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 75. - -[855] For the type, see the Payne Knight bronze statuette in the -British Museum: _B. M. Bronz._, no. 209 and Pl. I; Frazer, IV, p. 430, -fig. 45; the same type appears on Milesian coins. _Cf._ Brunn, I, 77. -Frazer is against Scherer’s contention. - -[856] II, 2, pp. 601-2. See P., VI, 9.1 (statue of Theognetos). - -[857] _H. N._, XXXIV, 59. - -[858] _Anachar._, 9; _cf._ _A. G._, IX, 357. - -[859] No. 38; _cf._ for the left-hand figure, p. 83, fig. 11 (side -view). - -[860] _B. C. H._, XVIII, 1894, pp. 44 f., Pls. V, VI (de Ridder); -Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 547, fig. 332; A. de Ridder, no. 740, pp. -268-9, and Pls. III, IV. It is similar in pose to bronzes in the same -museum, nos. 736 (= de Ridder, Pl. II, 1), 737 (= Pl. II, 3), and 738 -(= Pl. II, 2). It is 0.27 meter high (Bulle). - -[861] It will be considered later on in this chapter: p. 119 and n. 3. -It is 0.185 meter high (Bulle). - -[862] This statuette, showing Peloponnesian tendencies, is in the -Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; it is 0.25 meter high (Bulle). - -[863] In the same way the pediment statues from Aegina differ from -Attic works by straighter lines and more compact forms. - -[864] He won a chariot victory some time between Ols. (?) 98 and 101 -(= 388 and 376 B. C.): P., VI, 2.8; Hyde, 17 (= 105 d; P., VI, 1.26); -Foerster, 310. - -[865] He won in chariot-racing some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130 -(= 320 and 260 B. C.): P., VI, 13.11; Hyde, 122; Foerster, 513. The -date is from the lettering on the recovered base: _Inschr. v. Ol._, -177; _cf._ Hyde, p. 51. On such statues, _cf._ Reisch, p. 41. - -[866] The spelling Ηαγελαιδας occurs on two blocks, d, e, from the -Praxiteles bathron at Olympia: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 631 = _I. G. B._, -30; for the whole Praxiteles bathron see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 266. -Dittenberger and Purgold keep the reading Hagelaïdas. Possibly the -spelling Ἁγελαίδα stands for ὁ Ἀγελαίδα; the MSS. of Pliny read -Hagelades; see _I. G. B._, p. xviii, Add. to no. 30; Gardner, _Hbk._, -p. 217, n. 1. On the sculptor, see Lechat, p. 380 and n. 4, and pp. 454 -f.; Collignon, I, pp. 316 f.; Joubin, pp. 14 f., 83 f., 92 f., etc.; -Brunn, pp. 63 f.; Gardner, _Hbk._, pp. 216 f.; and especially Pfuhl, in -Pauly-Wissowa, VII, pp. 2189 f. - -[867] For Myron, see Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 57. Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. -196, _Mw._, 379-80, thinks that the connection is not literally true, -even if considerations of chronology are not against it, and derives -the story of Hagelaïdas teaching Myron from the similarity between -the work of the two. For Polykleitos, see Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 55. -The tradition that Hagelaïdas was the master of Polykleitos has been -unreasonably assailed by many scholars: _e. g._, by Robert, _Arch. -Maerchen_, 1886, p. 97; Mahler, _Polyklet u. s. Sch._, 3912, pp. 6 f.; -Klein, I, p. 340; _cf._ II, p. 143; _cf._ Springer-Michaelis, I, p. -210. Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 196, _Mw._, p. 380, believes it impossible -because of chronological difficulties, and assumes a sculptor of an -intermediate generation as the teacher of Polykleitos; he, followed -by Mahler, _l. c._, and Klein, I, 340, names Argeiadas (mentioned in -_I. G. B._, no. 30) as this intermediate artist. However, he admits -that the statement is true in a general sense, since Polykleitos -developed his canon from that of Hagelaïdas: _cf._ _50stes Berl. -Winckelmannsprogr._, p. 149; Pfuhl, however, p. 2192, has shown that -the relationship is perfectly possible. - -[868] To be mentioned _infra_, p. III and note 2. - -[869] Dio Chrysost., _de Hom. et Socr._, 1; here Mueller amends the -MSS. reading ΗΠΟΥ to ΗΓΙΟΥ; E. A. Gardner, _Class. Rev._, 1894, p. 70, -wrongly reads Ἡγελάδου. - -[870] _Mp._, pp. 53 and 196; _Mw._, pp. 80-81, and 380. - -[871] Wilamowitz has shown that it comes from Apollonios, son of -Chairis, who lived _circa_ 100 B. C., and that it goes back probably -to the _Chronica_ of Apollodoros of Athens, who lived in the middle of -the second century B. C.: _Aus Kydathen_ (Kiessling and Wilamowitz, -_Philolog. Untersuchungen_, I, 1880), pp. 154 f. Kalkmann, in his -_Quellen der Kunstgesch. d. Plinius_, p. 41, believes that the date -which is given by Pliny (XXXIV, 49) for the _floruit_ of Hagelaïdas, -Ol. 87 (= 423-429 B. C.), comes from the same Apollodoros. - -[872] _Op. cit._, pp. 41 and 65 f.; Pfuhl, p. 2194. Brunn, _l. c._, -Overbeck, I, p. 140, and Robert, _l. c._, had assumed an earlier plague -at the beginning of the fifth century B. C.; but the real occasion for -the dedication of the _Herakles_ remains obscure. - -[873] P., IV, 33.2. - -[874] P., VI, 8.6; Hyde, 82; Foerster, 142, 148. - -[875] P., VI, 14.11; Hyde, 132; Foerster, 133, 134. - -[876] P., VI, 10.6 f.; Hyde, 99; Foerster, 143. There is no reason for -following Brunn in his contention that these statues were set up some -time after the victories, as these dates fit the chronology of the -artist outlined above. - -[877] A fifth-century type of statue occurs on these coins, -representing the god standing with the left foot forward, the knee -slightly bent, a thunderbolt held in the extended right hand and an -eagle in the extended left: _B. M. Coins_, Pelop., Pl. XXII, nos. 1 and -6; Hitz.-Bluemn., I, 2, Muenztafel, III, 20 and 12; Springer-Michaelis, -I, p. 211, fig. 393; Collignon, I, p. 318, figs. 158-159. Frickenhaus, -quoted by Pfuhl, p. 2194, believes that the pose is seen also in the -small bronze pictured in _B. S. A._, III, 1896-7, Pl. X, 1. - -[878] P., VII, 24.4. See _B. M. Coins, Pelop._, Pl. IV, nos. 12 and 17, -and _cf._ 14; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 1, Muenztafel, IV, 16-17; Svoronos, -_Journ. int. d’arch. num._, II, 1898, 302, Pl. 14, 11. - -[879] Furtwaengler, _50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1890 (Eine -argivische Bronze), pp. 152-153 and Pl. I (3 views); from which plate -Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 221, fig. 49; Waldstein, _J. H. S._, XXIV, 1904, p. -131, fig. 1; Gardiner, p. 93, fig. 11; von Mach, 17 b; Reinach, _Rép._, -II, 1, 85, 1; _cf._ Frost, _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, pp. 223 f., and -fig. 1, who compares its style and pose with a later bronze statuette -found off Cerigotto (_Arch. Eph._, 1902, Pl. 14). Ligourió is on the -site of the ancient Lessa: Curtius, _Peloponnesos_, II, 1852, p. 418. -The bronze without the base is 135 millimeters high (Furtwaengler). - -[880] B. B., 302; Bulle, 43; Springer-Michaelis, p. 234, fig. 428; -Furtw., _Mp._, p. 52, fig. 10 (upper part); _Mw._, p. 79, fig. 3; -Overbeck, II, p. 473, fig. 228 b. It is 1.60 meters high (Bulle). - -[881] Listed by Furtwaengler, _50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, p. -139, n. 61. For the relation of these copies to each other, _id._, -_Berl. Philol. Wochenschr._, XIV, 1894, pp. 81 f.; he ascribes them to -Hegias. - -[882] B. B., no. 301; Bulle, 41; von Mach, 321; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, -II, 1846; _Guide_, 744; Baum., II, p. 1191, fig. 1391; Collignon, II, -p. 661, fig. 346; Overbeck, II, p. 473, fig. 228, a; Reinach, _Rép._, -II, 2, 588, 9; F. W., 225; _A. Z._, XXXVI, 1878, Pl. XV, and pp. 123 -f.; _Annali_, XXXVIII, 1865, Pl. D and pp. 58 f.; Kekulé, _Gruppe des -Kuenstlers Menelaos in Villa Ludovisi_, 1870, Pl. II, 2, pp. 20 f.; -Joubin, p. 87, fig. 15; Springer-Michaelis, p. 211, fig. 398. The best -copy of the head of the statue by Stephanos is in the Lateran Museum, -Rome: see Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 217, fig. 92; _Mw._, p. 405, fig. -62. The statue is 1.44 meters high (Bulle). For the inscription on the -tree-trunk, see _I. G. B._, no. 374. - -[883] The best example is in Naples, the group being known, and -probably correctly, since Winckelmann’s day, as _Orestes_ and -_Elektra_: B. B., no. 306; Kekulé, _Gruppe d. Menelaos_, Pl. II, 1; -Bulle, 141 (height 1.44 meters); Collignon, II, pp. 662, fig. 347; -Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 557, fig. 151; Clarac, V, 836, 2093; Reinach, -_Rép._, I, 506.4. A sketch of the Naples _Orestes_ and the Ligourió -bronze, showing their great resemblance, is given by Furtwaengler, -_50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, p. 137. A replica of the female -figure is cited by Michaelis as in Marbury Hall, England: p. 503, no. -6; _cf._ Conze, _Beitraege zur Gesch. d. gr._ Pl.^2, p. 25, n. 3. - -[884] _E. g._, the so-called group of _Orestes_ and _Pylades_ in the -Louvre: von Mach, 323; Collignon, II, p. 663, fig. 348; Reinach, -_Rép._, I, 161, 2 (= _Mercury_ and _Vulcan_). - -[885] Kalkmann, _53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1893, pp. 77 -f., thought that the Stephanos figure went back to an original by -Pythagoras, the rival of Myron, which Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 49, -rightly characterizes as “wide of the mark”; Pfuhl, p. 2197, Bulle, -and others regard its ascription to the school of Hagelaïdas as -probable, even if not capable of proof. Furtwaengler, _50stes Berl. -Winckelmannsprogr._, p. 152, believes it was _vermutlich ein Werk des -Meisters_ (_i. e._, _Hagelaïdas_) _selbst_: on pp. 146-7 he pronounces -the life-size marble torso of a statue of a nude man found in a wall -over the ruins of the Palaistra at Olympia (Treu, _A. Z._, XXXVIII, -1880, p. 45)—because of its resemblance in pose to that of the Ligourió -statuette—a Roman school copy of an original bronze victor statue going -back to Hagelaïdas. - -[886] _E. g._, the marble group formerly in the Boncompagni-Ludovisi -collection, now in the Museo delle Terme, Rome: Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, -1314; _Guide_, 887; B. B., no. 309; von Mach, 322; Baum., II, p. 1193, -fig. 1393; Springer-Michaelis, p. 454, fig. 834; Kekulé, _Die Gruppe d. -Menelaos_, Pl. I; Schreiber, _Bildw. d. Villa Ludovisi_, p. 89, no. 69; -Collignon, II, p. 665, fig. 349; F. W., 1560; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 506, -6. - -[887] V, 10.8. - -[888] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 72, and XXXVI, 16. - -[889] See Brunn, pp. 236-7 and 244-5. - -[890] Loeschke (_Dorpaterprogr._, 1887, p. 7, on the basis of an early -suggestion of Furtwaengler in _A. M._, III, 1878, p. 194) and J. -Six (_J. H. S._, X, 1889, pp. 109 f.), assumed two sculptors of the -name of Alkamenes, ascribing the gable statues and that of _Hera_ at -Phaleron (mentioned by P., I, 1.5) to the elder one. Furtwaengler later -retracted the theory of two artists and assumed but one (_Mp._, p. 90, -n. 3; _Mw._, p. 122 and n. 6). Koepp has shown that the _Hera_ is of no -use in dating, since the story of Pausanias that the temple of Hera was -destroyed by the Persians is an invention (_Jb._, V, 1890, p. 277). The -idea of an elder Alkamenes based on the inscription on a herm recently -found in Pergamon (_A. A._, 1904, fig. on p. 76) has also been refuted -by Winter (_A. M._, XXIX, 1904, pp. 208-211, and Pls. XVIII-XXI), who -has shown that the inscription and statue do not go so far back. - -[891] See Baum., pp. 1104 KK. - -[892] P. 243. - -[893] _A. Z._, XLI, 1883, pp. 141 f. - -[894] No. 135. - -[895] _Arch. Stud. H. Brunn dargebr._, pp. 67 f. - -[896] _A. M._, VII, 1882, pp. 206 f. He also found the style of the two -pediments unlike. - -[897] _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, p. 78, n. (= Argive-Sikyonian); _cf._ -_Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 44-95; Tafelbd., Pls. IX-XVII (East -Gable), XXII-XXXI (West Gable). - -[898] _A. M._, XII, 1887, pp. 374-5 (= Argive-Sikyonian); _cf._ _R. -M._, II, 1887, pp. 53 f., where he excepts the four corner figures of -the West Gable as Attic, because they are of Pentelic marble, and not -Parian, like the others. - -[899] I, pp. 460-1. - -[900] I, p. 330 (= Elean). - -[901] For a discussion of the whole question of the artists, see -Hitz.-Bluemn., II, i, pp. 329 f.; Frazer, III, pp. 512 f. For a -restoration of the two groups, see Treu, _Jb._, III, 1888, Pls. 5, -6 (West), and _ibid._, IV, 1889, Pls. 8, 9 (East); whence Gardner, -_Hbk._, p. 246, figs, 57 and 56 respectively; see also _Bildw. v. Ol._, -Tafelbd., Pls. XVIII-XXI; Textbd., pp. 114-137; Overbeck, I, Pl. opp. -p. 309; etc. - -[902] Richardson, p. 101, fig. 49 (side), and p. 154 for the statement; -Lechat, _Au Musée_, Pl. XVI; Bulle, pp. 462-3, figs. 135, 136; B. -B., no. 461 (middle row, bottom); _A. M._, XII, 1887, pp. 372 f. -(Studniczka); de Ridder, no. 467; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 679, fig. -347; it is 0.10 meter high (Graef., _A. M._, XV, 1890, p. 16, n. 1). -For the figure of Apollo, see Bulle, no. 42; _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., -Pl. XXII, and Textbd., p. 69; von Mach, 86 (statue), 446 (head). The -original height was 3.10 meters (Bulle). - -[903] _Mp._, p. 53; _Mw._, p. 80; _50stes Bert. Winckelmannsprogr._, -pp. 140-1 and 148. - -[904] The torso was found in 1865, the head in 1888: torso, _A. M._, -V, 1880, p. 20 and Pl. I, with wrong head (Furtwaengler); head, _Arch. -Eph._, 1888, p. 81 and Pl. III; figure in outline, Collignon, I, pp. -374-5, figs. 191-2; Dickins, no. 698, pp. 264 f.; B. B., 461 b; Bulle, -40 and figs. 15, 14 on pp. 87-8 (from a cast); von Mach, 57; Overbeck, -I, p. 205, fig. 48; Lechat, p. 452, fig. 38; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, -588, 1; Springer-Michaelis, p. 217, fig. 403; Furtwaengler, _A. A._, -1889, p. 147, _Mw._, pp. 76, n. 2, and 81; Wolters, _A. M._, XIII, -1888, p. 226. Bulle dates it toward 480 B. C. - -[905] The same turn appears in the sixth-century Rampin head: -Collignon, I, p. 360, fig. 182. It will be discussed later on, pp. -126-127. - -[906] Furtwaengler, _50stes Bert. Winckelmannsprogr._, pp. 132 and 150; -_Mp._, p. 19; Dickins, p. 265. - -[907] It is a dedication by Euthydikos: Collignon, I, Pl. VI (right), -opp. p. 356; von Mach, no. 26 (right); Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 212, fig. -47; Bulle, 240; Lechat, _Au Musée_, p. 367, fig. 37; Perrot-Chipiez, -VIII, p. 595, fig. 299; Richardson, p. 78, fig. 33; Springer-Michaelis, -p. 207, fig. 390. Bulle gives it as half life-size. - -[908] Dickins, pp. 248 f., no. 689; Bulle, no. 198; B. B., 460; von -Mach, 440 and 443 (left); Collignon, I, p. 362, fig. 184, and bibliog., -note 3, p. 363; Overbeck, I, p. 206, fig. 49; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. -213, fig. 48; Lechat, p. 362 and _Au Musée_, p. 374, fig. 39; Furtw., -_50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, p. 151; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, Pl. -XIV; _Arch. Eph._, III, 1888, Pl. II. It is slightly under life-size. - -[909] Here again Furtwaengler ascribes it to Hegias, whose art he -derives from Hagelaïdas. - -[910] Richter, _Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes in the Metropolitan -Museum_, p. 49, fig. 78; it will be discussed _infra_ in Ch. IV, pp. -220-1. - -[911] See _supra_, p. 105 and n. 3. - -[912] On Chrysothemis, see Robert in Pauly-Wissowa, III, 2, p. -2521; Brunn, pp. 61-2; Overbeck, I, p. 140; Collignon, I, pp. 225 -(= forerunners of Hagelaïdas and Polykleitos), and _cf._ p. 320. On -Eutelidas, see Pauly-Wissowa, VI, 1, p. 1493. - -[913] Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 55; others, _e. g._, P., VI, 6.2, call him -an Argive. He belonged to a family of sculptors, some of whom worked in -Sikyon and others in Argos. - -[914] Kyniskos: P., VI, 4.11; Hyde, 45; Foerster, 255; _Inschr. v. -Ol._, 149; Pythokles: P., VI, 7.10; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 70; Foerster, -295; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 162-3; Aristion: P., VI, 13.6; _Oxy. Pap._; -Hyde, 115; Foerster, 376; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 165 (renewed); _I. G. B._, -92; Thersilochos: P., VI, 13.6; Hyde, 114; Foerster, 369. - -[915] _H. N._, XXXIV, 91. In the same book, § 72, Pliny mentions -another pupil of Polykleitos, Aristeides, as the fashioner of -chariot-groups. Pausanias merely mentions him in connection with -improvements in the hippodrome at Olympia made by Kleoitas: VI, 20.14; -see Pauly-Wissowa, II, pp. 896-7. - -[916] Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 226, makes Naukydes, Daidalos, and -the younger Polykleitos sons of Patrokles, the brother of the great -Polykleitos. Naukydes and Daidalos describe themselves as sons of -Patrokles in two inscriptions: _I. G. B._, 86 and 88. Pausanias, -however, calls Naukydes a brother of Polykleitos and son of Mothon: II, -22.7. - -[917] Cheimon: P., VI, 9.3; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 88; Foerster, 285; -Baukis: P., VI, 8.4; Hyde, 77; Foerster, 318; Eukles: P., VI, 6.2; -Hyde, 52; Foerster, 297; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 159 (renewed). Naukydes’ -activity extended from Ol. 83 to Ol. 95 (= 448-400 B. C.): Hyde, p. 39. - -[918] _H. N._, XXXIV, 49. - -[919] P., VI, 8.1; Hyde, 72; Foerster, 268. - -[920] P., VI, 6.2, expressly distinguishes between the elder and -younger Polykleitos; in speaking of the statue of the boy wrestler -Agenor, he says that Polykleitos, the pupil of Naukydes, “not the one -who made the statue of Hera,” fashioned it. Robert, _O. S._, pp. 186 -f., gives his activity as Ols. 98 to 103 (= 388-368 B. C.). - -[921] Antipatros: P., VI, 2.6; Hyde, 16; Foerster, 309; Agenor: P., -VI, 6.2; Hyde, 53; Foerster, 355; Xenokles: P., VI, 9.2; Hyde, 85; -Foerster, 308; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 164; _I. G. B._, 90; Furtwaengler -wrongly ascribed the statue of Xenokles to the elder Polykleitos and -that of Aristion to the younger: _Mp._, pp. 224-5. Loewy had already -assumed the eider for Aristion, _Strena Helbigiana_, p. 180, n. 4, and -this was confirmed by the early dating of his victory in the _Oxy. Pap._ - -[922] P., VI, 16.7; Hyde, 162; Foerster, 515. On this sculptor, see -Pauly-Wissowa, I, p. 2137; _I. G. B._, 475; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 318; etc. - -[923] Before 600 B. C.; Robert, in Pauly-Wissowa, V, pp. 1159 f.; _cf._ -Collignon, I, pp. 131 and 222 f.; Overbeck, I, pp. 84 f. - -[924] P., VI, 9.1, f. - -[925] Antipatros of Sidon, in _A. Pl._ (XVI), no. 220; on Aristokles, -see Pauly-Wissowa, II, p. 937; Robert, _Arch. Maerch._, pp. 95 ff. - -[926] Longpérier, _Notice des bronzes antiques du Louvre_, I, 1868, -no. 69; de Ridder, _Les bronzes antiques du Louvre_, I, 1913, Pl. -2, 2, and p. 7; B. B., no. 78; Collignon, I, Pl. V, opp. p. 312; -von Mach, 18 (two views); Overbeck, I, p. 235, fig. 60 (two views); -Springer-Michaelis, p. 211, fig. 397; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, Pl. XI; -Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 84, 9. For bibliography, see Deonna, _Les -Apollons archaïques_, p. 274. It is only 3 feet 4 inches tall. The -_Apollo Philesios_, stolen from Miletos at the destruction of the city -by Darius in 493 B. C. (Hdt., VI, 19; but P., VIII, 46.3, and later -writers wrongly say by Xerxes; see E. Meyer, _Gesch. d. Altertums_,^2 -1912, III, p. 309), was restored from Ekbatana in Media in 306 B. C. by -Seleukos Nikator (P., _l. c._, and _cf._ I, 16.3). It is also mentioned -by P., II, 10.5. The genuineness of the Piombino statuette has been -assailed, but Overbeck has proved it genuinely archaic: _Griech. -Kunstmyth._, III, _Apollon_, 1889, pp. 22 f.; _cf._ _Gesch. d. gr. -Pl._, I, pp. 234 f. - -[927] _H. N._, XXXIV, 75; _cf._ Jex-Blake _ad loc._, p. 60. Pausanias -mentions a cedar replica of the _Apollo_ at Thebes: II, 10.5 and IX, -10.2. See p. 336, n. 1. - -[928] P. Gardner, _The Types of Greek Coins_, 1883, Pl. XV, nos. -15-16; Collignon, I, p. 312, figs. 153-155; _cf._ B. Head, _Historia -Nummorum_^2, 1911, p. 586; Overbeck, _Apollon_, pp. 23 f., and -Muenztafel I, nos. 22 f. Also on gems: see M. W., I, Pl. XV, no. 61; -_B. M. Gems_, no. 720; etc. - -[929] _L. c._ - -[930] _B. M. Bronzes_, no. 209 and Pl. I (middle); _Specimens_, Pl. -12; _Annali_, VI, 1834, Pl. D, fig. 4; Overbeck, I, p. 144, fig. -24, and _Apollon_, p. 24, fig. 5; Murray, I, p. 193, fig. 49; Rayet -et Thomas, _Milet et le golfe Latmique_, Pl. 28, 2; Collignon, I, -p. 313, fig. 156; Dar.-Sagl., I, p. 318, fig. 375; von Mach, 17 a; -Springer-Michaelis, p. 183, fig. 350; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 475, -fig. 242; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 80, 9; Fowler and Wheeler, _Hbk. of -Greek Archæology_, 1909, p. 331, fig. 251; Furtwaengler, in Roscher, -_Lex._, I, 1, p. 451; Frazer, IV, p. 430, fig. 45, Bulle, 28 (middle). -A modern copy is in the Antiquarium, Munich: F. W., 51. It is 0.185 -meter high (Bulle). - -[931] _R. M._, II, 1887, pp. 90 f. (Studniczka) and Pls. IV, IV a, V; -Collignon, I, p. 321, fig. 161; Overbeck, I, p. 239, fig. 62; Michaelis -in _A. Z._, XXI, 1863, pp. 122 f. (Anzeiger). It is 1.11 meters in -height. - -[932] Collignon, I, p. 253, fig. 122; Overbeck, _Griech. Kunstmythol._, -III, _Apollon_, p. 36, fig. 8; Fraenkel, in _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, pp. -84-91, and Pl. 7. - -[933] The small bronze also found there, 0.155 meter high, belongs -to the same series: _B. C. H._, X, 1886, pp. 190 f., and Pl. IX. It -greatly resembles the statuette from Naxos. For a list of replicas of -the statue of Kanachos, see Rayet, _Études d’archéologie et d’art_, p. -164; etc. - -[934] On the style of Kanachos and the _Apollo_, see also Kekulé, -_Sitzb. d. preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin_, 1904, I, pp. 786-801; O. -Mueller, _Kleine Schriften_, II, p. 537; F. W., to no. 51; Brunn, pp. -74 f.; Collignon, I, pp. 310 f.; etc. - -[935] P., VI, 1.3 and 8.5; Hyde, 1, 2, 3, and 78; Foerster, 296, 300, -299, 290 and 305; on Alypos, see Pauly-Wissowa, I, p. 1711; Brunn, p. -280; _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, pp. 287 f.; and _cf._ P., X, 9.10. - -[936] P., VI, 13.7; Hyde, 116; Foerster, 291; on the sculptor, see -Brunn, p. 277. - -[937] P., VI, 3.13; Hyde, 34; Foerster, 575; on the sculptor, see -Brunn, pp. 292 and 419; _cf._ Hyde, p. 34. - -[938] Timon and Aigyptos, who won some time between Ols. (?) 98 and -[101] P., VI, 2.8; Hyde, 17, 18; Foerster, 310, 301; Aristodemos, Ol. -[98] P., VI, 3.4; Hyde, 25; Foerster, 312; Eupolemos, Ol. 96: Afr.; P., -VI, 3.7; Hyde, 28; Foerster, 294. On Daidalos, see Pauly-Wissowa, IV, -pp. 2006 f.; Robert, _O. S._, pp. 191 f.; Brunn, pp. 14 f. - -[939] P., VI, 3.5; Hyde, 26; Foerster, 325. On Damokritos, see -Pauly-Wissowa, IV, p. 2070; Brunn, p. 105. - -[940] Deinolochos: P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 5; Foerster, 330; Hysmon: P., -VI, 3.9; Hyde, 31; Foerster, 347; Kritodamos: P., VI, 8.5; Hyde, 80; -Foerster, 337; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 167; _I. G. B._, no. 96; Alketos: P., -VI, 9.2; Hyde, 86; Foerster, 320; Lykinos: P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 100; -Foerster, 336. On Kleon, see Brunn, pp. 285; _I. G. B._, to no. 95. - -[941] Troilos: P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338 and 345; _Inschr. -v. Ol._, 166; the dates of his two victories, Ols. 102, 103, are -known; Philandridas: P., VI, 2.1; Hyde, 10; Foerster, 393; his victory -fell either in Ol. 102 or Ol. 103; Cheilon: P., VI, 4.6-7; Hyde, 41; -Foerster, 384 and 392; P., because of the dating of Lysippos, inferred -that this victor fell either at Chæroneia (338 B. C.) or Lamia (322 -B. C.), both of which dates fall within the working years of the -sculptor; see P. Gardner, _J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, p. 246; Polydamas: -P., VI, 5.1; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279; Africanus gives us the date of -his victory as Ol. 93, though the statue was set up after the victor’s -death; Kallikrates, of Magnesia on the Mæander: P., VI, 17.3; Hyde, -175; Foerster, 390 and 397 (for two victories). Lysippos made two honor -statues for Pythes of Abdera: P., VI, 14.12; Hyde, 134 a. - -[942] Kallon: P., VI, 12.6; Hyde, 106; Foerster, 410; Nikandros: P., -VI, 16.5; Hyde, 157; Foerster, 408 and 413 (two victories). On the -sculptor, see Pauly-Wissowa, IV, p. 2013; Brunn, p. 407. - -[943] P., VI, 17.5; Hyde, 181; Foerster, 401. On Daitondas, see Robert -in Pauly-Wissowa, IV, p. 2015 (who dates the sculptor at the beginning -of the third century B. C., because of an inscribed base found at -Delphi: _I. G. B._, 97; _C. I. G. G. S._, I, 2472); _cf._ Schmidt, _A. -M._, V, 1880, pp. 197-8, no. 58; _cf._ Brunn, p. 418. - -[944] P., VI, 2.6 f.; Hyde, 15; Foerster, 424. - -[945] _H. N._, XXXIV, 51; _cf._ XXXIV, 78 (for his image of the Eurotas -river); XXXV, 141 (as painter). The _Tyche_ is mentioned by P., VI, -2.7. Many copies of this work in marble, bronze, and silver have been -identified, especially a marble statuette in the Vatican: B. B., no. -154; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 362; F. W., 1396; von Mach, 256; etc. For a -list of copies, see R. Foerster, _Jb._, XII, 1897, pp. 145 f.; _cf._ -Amelung, _Fuehrer d. Florenz_, nos. 261-2; and P. Gardner, _J. H. S._, -IX, 1888, pp. 75 f. and Pl. V (silver statuette). On the sculptor, see -Robert in Pauly-Wissowa, VI, pp. 1532-3; Brunn, I, pp. 411 f.; II, p. -157 (painter); Overbeck, II, pp. 172 f.; Collignon II, pp. 485 f.; -Murray^2, II, pp. 354 f. Robert, _l. c._, gives three other sculptors -of the same name; _cf._ _I. G. B._, nos. 143 and 244-9; Homolle, _B. C. -H._, XVIII, 1894, pp. 336 f. - -[946] Kratinos: P., VI, 3.6; Hyde, 27; Foerster, 433; Alexinikos: P., -VI, 17.7; Hyde, 184; Foerster, 438. On the sculptor, see Pliny, XXXIV, -85; Brunn, p. 415. - -[947] P., V, 25.12-13. - -[948] P., V, 27.8 (= joint work of Onatas and Kalliteles). - -[949] P., V, 25.8 f. The base has been found _in situ_ east of the -temple of Zeus: _Ergebn. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., II, Pl. XVII, 12; Textbd., -pp. 145 f. See Plans A and B. - -[950] P., VI, 12.1. Hiero won three victories in Ols. 76, 77, 78 (= -476-468 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._, Hyde, 105; Foerster, 199, 209, 215. The -monument was dedicated in 467 B. C. after the death of the king. For -the sculptor, see Brunn, p. 88. - -[951] P., VI, 9.4-5; Hyde, 90; Foerster, 180; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 143. - -[952] Philon: P., VI, 9.9; Hyde, 91; Foerster, 167 and 179; he won in -Ols. (?) 72 and 73 (= 492 and 488 B. C.); Glaukos (boy boxer): P., VI, -10.1-3; Hyde, 93; Foerster, 137; he won in Ol. 65 (= 520 B. C.), but -his statue was set up by his son at the beginning of the fifth century -B. C.: Hyde, p. 42; Theagenes: P., VI, 11.2 f.; he won in Ols. 75 and -76 (= 480 and 476 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._, Hyde, 104; Foerster, 191, 196. - -[953] For the meaning of the word σκιαμαχεῖν, see _infra_, Ch. IV, p. -243 and n. 4. - -[954] Theognetos: P., VI, 9.1; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 83; Foerster, 193, -193 N; Epikradios: P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 101; Foerster, 228. - -[955] P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 103 and p. 44; Foerster, 519. On the -sculptor, see Brunn, p. 96. - -[956] P., VI, 14.2; Hyde, 133; Foerster, 327. For the sculptor, see -Brunn, p. 96. - -[957] Lechat, _Au Musée_, Pl. XV; _Arch. Eph._, 1887, Pl. III and pp. -43 f.; Bulle, 226 (two views); von Mach, 442, 443 (right); S. Reinach, -_Têtes_, nos. 5 and 6; Overbeck, I, p. 198, fig. 44 (two views); -Collignon, I, p. 304, fig. 151; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, pp. 526-7, figs. -271-2; E. A. Gardner, _J. H. S._, VIII, 1887, p. 191. While Overbeck -and Lechat regard it as Attic, most scholars call it Aeginetan. The -helmet is separately made and fastened on. Bulle dates it in the first -decade of the fifth century B. C. It is 0.27 meter high (Bulle). - -[958] Comparetti e de Petra, _La Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni_, 1883, -Pl. VII, 1, p. 260; Collignon, I, p. 303, fig. 150; _Mon. d. I._, IX, -1869-73, Pl. XVIII; Kekulé, _Annali_, XLII, 1870, pp. 263 f.; von -Mach, 441; F. W., 229; for its style, see Rayet, I, text to Pl. 26. -Studniczka, _R. M._, II, 1887, p. 105, n. 47, believes that the closely -allied colossal marble head in the Museo Torlonia (no. 501) in Rome is -a copy of the colossal _Apollo_ of Onatas at Pergamon, mentioned by P., -VIII, 42.7. The head of the _Zeus_ found at Olympia (_Bronz. v. Ol._, -Pl. I, 1, 1 a) has been regarded as Aeginetan. - -[959] Collignon, I, p. 306; fig. 152 on p. 305. - -[960] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 206; etc. Brunn, _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, -1872, pp. 529 f., referred it to the school of Kallon; _cf._ also -Collignon, I, p. 302. - -[961] Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 169, fig. 31; von Mach, no. 15 (right); etc. - -[962] _Aegina, das Heiligtum der Aphaia_, 1906; see Tafelbd., II, -Pls. 104 (West Gable), 105 (East Gable), (the pediment groups in -colors); whence Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 226, Pls. 50-51; _cf._ also -Springer-Michaelis, pp. 214-15, figs. 400 (West Gable), 401 (East -Gable); fig. 399 gives an older arrangement of the West Gable statues, -as set up in plaster in the Strasbourg Museum. Since Furtwaengler’s -death new attempts at reconstruction have been made, notably by P. -Wolters, _Aeginetische Beitraege_, and D. Mackenzie, in _B. S. A._, XV, -1908-09, pp. 274 f. and PI. XIX (East Gable). For various figures, see -von Mach, nos. 78-83. See Furtwaengler-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glypt._^2, -pp. 95 f. and figs. 74 f. - -[963] While Overbeck dates them about 500 B. C., Furtwaengler, Bulle, -Gardner, and others date them about 480 B. C. - -[964] Hdt., VIII, 93. - -[965] P., X, 13. 10. - -[966] Furtw., _op. cit._, Tafelbd., Pl. 95, no. 82, and Textbd., pp. -248-9, and fig. 178 on p. 23; B. B., no 26; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 229, -fig. 52; it is from the north half of the gable. - -[967] Furtw., fig. 204, p. 248. - -[968] Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glyptothek_,^2 no. 78; Furtw., _op. -cit._, Tafelbd., Pl. 96, no. 32, and Textbd., pp. 223-4; the figure -on our plate to the right = Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr._, no. 77 and -Furtw., _op. cit._, Pl. 96, no. 29, Textbd., p. 221. No. 78 should -stand, however, in front of 77 as arranged by Furtwaengler, _op. cit._, -Tafelbd., Pl. 104, and both should be placed in the south half of the -West Pediment and not in the north. For the two figures in Fig. 21, -see also von Mach, 78 (middle and right). For another figure (armed -with helmet, shield, and spear) from the East Gable, see Bulle, 86 = -Furtw.-Wolters, no. 86 (formerly no. 56). - -[969] Recently these sculptures, and especially the limestone (λίθος -πώρινος) fragments, have been dated from 490 B. C., rather than from -[480] see Svoronos, I, p. 92. The Akropolis was destroyed by Xerxes in -480 B. C., but it is problematical if with the completeness recorded -by Hdt., VIII, 53; see Doerpfeld in _A. M._, XXVII, 1902, pp. 379 f.; -Dickins, pp. 5 f. The next year Mardonios destroyed the city by fire: -Hdt., IX, 13. - -[970] See von Mach, 25 f.; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, pp. 635 f.; -for details, Lechat, _Au Musée_, and Schrader, _Die archaischen -Marmorskulpturen im Akropolis-Museum zu Athen_, 1909. See also Dickins, -_op. cit._; Perrot-Chipiez, pp. 574 f. and p. 577, fig. 289 (= _Au -Musée_, fig. 26), and p. 578, fig. 290 (= _Au Musée_, fig. 8); etc. - -[971] _Mon. gr._, VII, 1878 (publ. in vol. I, 1882), Pl. I and pp. 1-14 -(A. Dumont); _Mon. Piot_, VII, Pl. XIV, and pp. 146-7 (Lechat); Rayet, -I, Pl. 18; Collignon, I, p. 360, fig. 182; Reinach, _Têtes_, 3, 4; -Bulle, 225; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 641, fig. 328. - -[972] So Richardson, p. 83, and others. - -[973] So Bulle; he dates it in the first half of the sixth century B. -C., doubtless a little too early. - -[974] It is now in the National Museum at Athens: Kabbadias, no. 38; -Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 17; _Arch. Eph._, 1874, p. 484 and Pl. -71, Γ, a (Koumanoudis); Sybel, _Kat. d. Skulpt. zu Athen_, 1881, no. -2904; von Mach, 351; Overbeck, I, p. 202, fig. 46; Collignon, I, p. -385, fig. 200; F. W., 99; Conze, _Die attischen Grabreliefs_, I, 1890, -Pl. IV, pp. 5-6; Kirchhoff and Curtius, _Philolog. u. histor. Abh. d. -k. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin_, 1873, pp. 156 f. (and two illustrations, -one of a second fragment); Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 664, fig. 342. - -[975] The breadth of 14 inches at top would become 30 inches at bottom. -A second fragment, apparently belonging to the first, contains a part -of the leg: _Arch. Eph._, 1874, Pl. 71, Γ, b. - -[976] The same motive occurs on vases: _e. g._, Gerhard, I, Pl. XXII, -and IV, Pl. CCLXXII. - -[977] This very low relief is the most perfect of the older Attic -grave-stelæ, and dates from the second half of the sixth century B. C.: -Kabbadias, no. 29; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 15 and fig. (2.40 -m. high); Sybel, _op. cit._, no. 3361; Overbeck, I, p. 200, fig. 45; -Conze, _Die attischen Grabreliefs_, I, Pl. II, 1, p. 4; B. B., no. 41 -A; Baum., I, p. 341, fig. 358; Kekulé, _Die ant. Bildw. im Theseion_, -no. 363; Springer-Michaelis, p. 195, fig. 371; F. W., no. 101. Overbeck -dates it at the beginning of the fifth century B. C.; Richardson, p. 91 -and fig. 43, about 525 B. C. For a duplicate stele from Ikaria, see _A. -J. A._, V, 1889, Pl. I and pp. 9 f. (Buck); Conze, _op. cit._, I, Pl. -II, 2. - -[978] Dickins, no. 692 and fig.; mentioned by Furtwaengler, _A. M._, V, -1880, pp. 25 and 32; discussed by R. Delbrueck, _ibid._, XXV, 1900, pp. -373 f., Pls. XV, XVI (bottom). - -[979] _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, 1896, Pls. 1, 2 (and text by Arndt); -Reinach, _Têtes_, Pls. 1, 2; Rayet, _Mon. gr._, VI, 1877 (publ. in -vol. I, 1882), Pl. I; _id._, _Ét. d’archéol. et d’art_, pp. 1-8 and -Pl. I; Collignon, I, pp. 361, fig. 183; B. B., no. 116; Bulle, 197; -Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 643, fig. 329. - -[980] Collignon, I, p. 376, fig. 193; Bulle, fig. 128 on p. 440. - -[981] Brunn-Arndt, _Gr. und roem. Portraets_, Pls. XXIII-XXIV. - -[982] _Gaz. arch._, 1887, Pl. XI. - -[983] _Cf._ Arndt, _La Glyptothèque Ny-Carlsberg_, text to nos. 1 and 2. - -[984] _Sammlung Sabouroff_, 1883, I, Einleitung, p. 5. - -[985] Found in two fragments in 1822 and 1859-60: Dickins, no. 1342, -pp. 275 ff., and fig.; B. B., 21; von Mach, 56; Overbeck, I, p. 203 and -fig. 47; H. Schrader, _A. M._, XXX, 1905, pp. 305 f., and Pl. XI. Other -references are given _infra_, p. 269, n. 9. - -[986] See Hauser, _Jb._, VII, 1892, pp. 54 f., who discusses the -question of the sex of the figure at length. - -[987] So Hauser, _l. c._; followed by Robinson, _Cat. Museum of Fine -Arts in Boston_, no. 33. - -[988] _E. g._, Gerhard, I, Pls. XX and XXI. - -[989] See _infra_, Ch. V, pp. 269 f. - -[990] While Schrader (_op. cit._, p. 313) dates it in the last quarter -of the sixth century B. C., Dickins finds it earlier than the remnants -of the sculptures of the Hekatompedon and, because of the delicate -carving of the drapery and hair, despite its Attic features, calls it -“typically Ionian in its elaboration of detail.” However, I follow -Overbeck’s date at the beginning of the fifth century B. C. (_op. cit._ -p. 204), and believe that it represents a time near the close of Ionic -influence on Attic art. - -[991] P., VI, 6.1; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208; _Inschr. v. -Ol._, 146. - -[992] Of the Spartan hoplite and chariot victor Lykinos, who won two -victories in Ols. (?) 83 and 84 (= 448 and 444 B. C.): P., VI, 2.1; -Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211 N; of the pancratiast Timanthes of Kleonai, -who won in Ol. 81 (= 456 B. C.): P., VI, 8.4; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 76; -Foerster, 232; of the unknown Arkadian boxer, mentioned by P., VI, 8.5, -who won in Ol. 80 or Ol. 84 (= 460 or 444 B. C.): Hyde, 79, and pp. -39-41; _cf._ Foerster, 222 a, Hyde, 79 a; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 174; of the -Spartan runner Chionis, who won in Ols. 28, 29, 30, 31 (= 668-656 B. -C.), but his statue was erected in Ol. 77 or 78 (= 472 or 468 B. C.): -P., VI, 13.2; Afr.; Hyde, 111 and p. 48; Foerster, 39, 41-6. On two -statues of Lykinos, see _infra_, p. 187, n. 6. - -[993] Of the Elean boxer Satyros, who won two victories in Ols. (?) -102, 103 (= 372, 368 B. C.): P., VI, 4.5; Hyde, 39; Foerster, 342, 348; -of the boy boxers Telestas and Damaretos of Messene, who won some time -between Ols. 102 and 114 (= 372 and 324 B. C.): P., VI, 14.4; Hyde, -127; Foerster, 378; and P., VI, 14.11; Hyde, 130; Foerster, 373. On the -sculptor, see Hyde, p. 35. - -[994] P., VI, 4.5; Hyde, 40; Foerster, 494. - -[995] P., VI, 12.8 f.; Hyde, 109; Foerster, 529; _cf._ Robert, -_Hermes_, XIX, 1884, pp. 306 f. On the artist family of Polykles, his -sons Timokles and Timarchides, Polykles Minor and Timarchides Minor, -see Robert, _l. c._, pp. 300 f.; Hyde, pp. 45-47 and table on p. 46. - -[996] _E. g._, _H. N._, XXXIV, 73 (Boëdas); XXXIV, 78 (Euphranor); -XXXIV, 90 (Sthennis). In XXXIV, 91, he gives a list of artists who made -statues of _sacrificantes_. - -[997] In the Iliad, I, 450; VIII, 347; XV, 371; Aischylos, _Prom._, -1005 (ὑπτιάσμασι χερῶν); etc. On the attitude of prayer in Greek art, -see L. Gurlitt, _A. M._, VI, 1881, pp. 158 f. (who tries to show that -the gestures of prayer and adoration were distinct); Sittl, _Die -Gebaerden der Gr. und Roem._, pp. 305 f.; _cf._ Conze, _Jb._, I, 1886, -pp. 1-13 (on the _Praying Boy_ of Berlin, Pl. 10.) See also Dar.-Sagl., -I, pp. 80 f., _s. v._ _adoratio_. - -[998] V, 25. 5. - -[999] See article by P. Girard and J. Martha in _B. C. H._, II, 1878, -pp. 421 f. (lists of inventories of objects consecrated there). - -[1000] Scherer, p. 33, shows that the gesture in such statues was meant -to invoke victory rather than to pay thanks for one that had been -gained. - -[1001] Scherer agrees with Philostratos, _Vit. Apoll. Tyan._, IV, 28, -that the gesture of the right hand of the statue was one of prayer, and -argues from it that many similar statues existed there: p. 31. Rouse -wrongly assumes that all such statues were votive: p. 170. - -[1002] P., VI, 1.7; he won in Ol. (?) 79 (= 464 B. C.): Hyde, 8; -Foerster, 233. - -[1003] Ol. VII, Argum., Boeckh, p. 158. - -[1004] Fragm. no. 264 (= _F. H. G._, II, p. 183). - -[1005] Fragm. no. 7 (= _F. H. G._, IV, p. 307). - -[1006] Diagoras won in Ol. 79 (= 464 B. C.): P., VI, 7.1 f.; Hyde, 59; -Foerster, 220; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 151 (renewed). For the sculptor of the -statue, Kallikles, see Robert, _O. S._, pp. 194 f. On Diagoras, see van -Gelder, _Gesch. d. alt. Rhodier_, p. 435. Akousilaos won in Ol. 83 (= -448 B. C.): P., _l. c._; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 60; Foerster, 252. - -[1007] _Beschr. d. Skulpt._, Inv. 6306; _A. M._, VI, 1881, p. 158. -Rouse, p. 171, following Scherer, pp. 31 f., doubts if this statue -represents the attitude of any of the Olympic victor statues. - -[1008] She won two victories in Ols. (?) 96, 97 (= 396, 392 B. C.): P., -VI, 1.6 f.; Hyde, 7; Foerster, 326, 333; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 160 (here -the name appears in the uncontracted form Ἀπελλέας). - -[1009] _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, pp. 151-2 (on no. 301 = _Inschr. v. Ol._, -160); he is followed by Foerster, _l. c._ - -[1010] _H. N._, XXXIV, 86. - -[1011] XXXIV, 70. For the motive, see the small bronze in Kassel, -representing Aphrodite: _Jb._, IX, 1894, Pl. IX (two views), and pp. -248-50 (W. Klein), though its connection with Praxiteles must not be -pressed; also bronze statuette in British Museum: Bulle, 1, pp. 332 f., -and fig. 81. - -[1012] Described by R. von Schneider, Die Erzstatue vom Helenenberge, -in _Jahrb. d. Samml. d. oesterr. Kaiserhauses_, XV, 1893; -illustrated by E. von Sacken, _Die ant. Bronz. d. k. k. Muenz.- und -Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien_, 1871, I, Pls. XXI-XXII, pp. 52 f., and -_cf._ _A. M._, VI, 1881 p. 155 (Gurlitt). - -[1013] _Cf._ F. W., 1562. - -[1014] _C. I. L._, III, 2, 4815. - -[1015] _Mp._, p. 290; _Mw._, pp. 506-7. - -[1016] _Beschr. d. ant. Skulpt._, no. 2 (for history and bibliography); -B. B., 283; von Mach, 273; Bulle, 64; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 459, 4; _cf._ -Conze, _Jb._, I, 1886, pp. 1 f.; _ibid._, pp. 217 (Furtwaengler); -_ibid._, pp. 219 f. (Puchstein); Springer-Michaelis, p. 341, fig. 614. -A similar attitude of prayer appears on the figure of Phineus on a -r.-f. Attic amphora in the British Museum: _A. Z._, XXXVIII, 1880, pp. -143 f. and Pl. XII, 1 (Flasch). The statue is 1.28 meters high (Bulle). - -[1017] Loewy, _R. M._, XVI, 1901, pp. 391 f. and Pls. XVI-XVII, by a -comparison with the Vatican _Apoxyomenos_ (Pl. 29), and the Naples -resting _Hermes_ (von Mach, 237; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 367, 1), has shown -its Lysippan character; _cf._ also Mau, _l. c._ in next note, Bulle, -and others, who refer it to the same school; Bulle assigns it possibly -to Boëdas, the pupil of Lysippos, who made a praying figure: Pliny, _H. -N._, XXXIV, 73; similarly Amelung, in Thieme-Becker, _Lex. d. bild. -Kuenstler_, IV, p. 187, Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 452, and others. - -[1018] _R. M._, XVII, 1902, pp. 101 f. - -[1019] _Muenchner Allg. Ztg._, 1902, Nov. 29, Beilage, no. 297; _cf._, -for his restoration of the arms, _ibid._, 1903, Beilage, no. 277, p. -445 (quoted by von Mach and Bulle, respectively). - -[1020] _Jb._, I, 1886, fig. on p. 217; reproduced in _A. A._, 1904, -p. 75 (Conze); also on coins, _Jb._, III, 1888, pp. 286 f. and Pl. IX -(Imhoof-Blumer). - -[1021] _Rev. arch._, Sér. IV, II, 1903, pp. 205-10, 411-12 (Lechat), -and Pl. XV; reproduced in _A. A._, _l. c._ Babelon, _C. R. Acad. -Inscr._, 1904, p. 203, thought that the stele represented a seer in -liturgic attitude as on certain coins of Sikyon; he argued, therefore, -that the Berlin statue did not represent an athlete. - -[1022] _E. g._, Levezow, _de juvenis adorantis Signo_, Berlin, 1808, p. -12; and Welcker, _Das akad. Mus. zu Bonn_, p. 42 (quoted by Gurlitt, -_op. cit._ in the next note, p. 157); _cf._ Scherer, pp. 32-3. - -[1023] _A. M._, VI, 1881, pp. 154 f. (Gurlitt), and Pl. V (from cast in -Berlin): it is 2.18 meters high and 1.11 meters broad. - -[1024] In the National Museum, Athens; discussed by Kekulé, _Die -antiken Bildwerke im Theseion zu Athen_, 1869, no. 151; illustrated in -_Exped. scientifique de Morée_, III, 1838, Pl. XLI (= from Aegina). - -[1025] See O. Jahn in _Annali_, XX, 1848, pp. 213 f. and Pl. K a (= -Orestes); _A. Z._, XXX, 1872, p. 60, Pl. 46 (Heydemann); Gurlitt, _op. -cit._, p. 156; _cf._ Sophokles, _Aias_, 815 f., to explain the scene. - -[1026] See Richter, _Gk., Etrusc., and Rom. Bronz. in the Metropolitan -Museum_, 1918, no. 89 (7 inches high) and fig. on p. 59; _Cat. Class. -Coll._, p. 115, fig. 73; published by Furtwaengler, _Sitzb. Muen. -Akad._, 1905, II, p. 264, fig. 1 and Pl. IV (who considered it Etruscan -and not Greek); Reinach, _Rép._, III, 24, 3. Richter, _op. cit._, no. -79 (11-3/4 inches high), and figs. on p. 53 (two views); _Cat. Class. -Coll._, p. 91, fig. 54; _Burlington Fine Arts Club, Cat. Anc. Gk. Art_, -1904, p. 46, no. 36, and Pl. LIII; Reinach, _Rép._, IV, 370, 6. - -[1027] On the custom of athletes smearing themselves with oil and -dust in the palæstra before entering the wrestling match, see Lucian, -_Anacharsis, sive de exercitationibus_, 28. - -[1028] _H. N._, XXXV, 144. - -[1029] Several cited by L. Bloch, _R. M._, VII, 1892, pp. 88 f.; and -especially one in _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, Pl. IV (red-figured krater -by Euthymides from Capua, now in Berlin); Hartwig, _Die griech. -Meisterschalen_, 1893, p. 570. _Cf._ Furtw., _Mp._, p. 259, _Mw._, p. -466. - -[1030] _Cf._ Brunn, _Annali_, LI, 1879, pp. 201 f. - -[1031] Michaelis, pp. 601-2, no. 9; Bulle, p. 109, fig. 19; Furtw., -_Mp._, p. 257, fig. 107, _Mw._, p. 465, fig. 77. It is 1.68 meters high -(Michaelis). - -[1032] It has the same foot position as that on the base of the statue -of the boxer Kyniskos, by Polykleitos: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 149. - -[1033] _E. g._, by F. W., 462-4. - -[1034] Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glypt._,^2 no. 302; B. B., 132 (= -front view, from cast), 134 (left = back view), 135 (= head, from cast, -two views); Bulle, 55; _Mon. d. I._, XI, 1879-83, Pl. VII; Brunn, -_Annali_, LI, 1879, pp. 201 f. and Pl. ST, 1, 2; F. W., 462; Reinach, -_Rép._, I, 522, 2; Clarac, V, 857, 2174; for replicas, Furtw., _Mw._, -p. 466, n. 4 and _Mp._, p. 259, n. 4; Duetschke, IV, pp. 53 f. on no. -82; etc. It is 1.93 meters high with the plinth, 1.80 meters without -(Furtw.-Wolters). - -[1035] The right arm is wrongly restored in the Munich statue; its -proper restoration is given in a cast in Brunswick: Bulle, p. 112, fig. -20. Bulle, however, says that the Munich statue may be that of a boxer -and not of an oil-pourer (wrestler). - -[1036] Pointed out by Kekulé, _Ueber den Kopf des Praxitelischen -Hermes_, 1881, p. 8. - -[1037] _H. N._, XXXIV, 72; Klein, _Praxiteles_, 1898, p. 50; _id._, -_Arch.-epigr. Mitt. aus Oest._, XIV, 1891, pp. 6-9. We have discussed -it _supra_, p. 77. - -[1038] For the _Marsyas_ in the Lateran Museum in Rome, see Bulle, no. -95, and text, pp. 183 f., and Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, no. 1179. See -Brunn, _op. cit._, p. 204. - -[1039] B. B., 557, text by Sieveking; described also by Furtwaengler, -_Beschr. d. Glypt._,^2 p. 313. - -[1040] F. W., no. 463; _Annali_, LI, 1879, Pl. ST, 3; B. B., 133 (= -front view), 134 (right = back view); Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 259-60, _Mw._, -pp. 467-8; for list of replicas of this torso, see _Mp._, p. 259, n. 9, -_Mw._, p. 467, n. 4. Brunn, _op. cit._, p. 217, thought it a copy of -the Munich statue. - -[1041] One in Turin, F. W., 464; Duetschke, IV, no. 82; two statuettes -in the Vatican (Braccio Nuovo), discussed by Bloch in _R. M._, VII, -1892, pp. 93 f.; Helbig, _Guide_, nos. 42 and 44. - -[1042] Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glypt._,^2 no. 458; Clarac, Pl. 858, -2175; Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 263 f.; _Mw._, pp. 473 f. It is 1.54 meters -high. A replica is in the Vatican: see Furtwaengler, _l. c._; we shall -treat it later in reference to the statue of the pentathlete Pythokles; -Hyde, 70; Foerster, 295; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 162-3; see _infra_, p. 144 -and n. 4. - -[1043] _B. M. Bronzes_, no. 514, on p. 71, and Pl. XVI; _Specimens_, -I, Pl. 15; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 91, 7; _Mon. gr._, II, no. 23, Pl. XV -and p. 1 (ascribing it to the Argive school). It forms the basis for a -mirror. - -[1044] Furtwaengler, _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1897, II, pp. 129 f. and Pl. -6 (influence of Kalamïs). - -[1045] _B. C. H._, X, 1886, pp. 393 f. (S. Reinach) and Pl. XII, -3 (this should be numbered XIV, 4; see text); Pottier et Reinach, -_Nécrop. de Myrina_, Pl. XLI, 3, pp. 450 f. It is 0.205 meter high. - -[1046] _E. g._, F. W., 1798; relief found in 1830 in Hermione, now in -Athens; it is of the second or third century B. C. - -[1047] _E. g._, on the stone of Gnaios: _Jb._, III, 1888, pp. 315 -f., no. 3; Pl. X, no. 12; Furtwaengler, _Die antiken Gemmen_, 1900, Pl. -L, no. 9, and Vol. II, p. 241; also on the gem pictured by Toelken, -_Erklaer. Verzeichn. d. ant. vertieft geschnittenen Steine d. preuss. -Gemmensammlung_, 1835, Klasse VI, 107 (= _Die ant. Gemmen_, Pl. XLIV, -no. 24, and Vol. II, pp. 213); Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 260, n. 6, -and _Mw._, p. 468, n. 4, who mentions it, believes that these gems -correspond more nearly with the Dresden than with the Petworth athlete -type. - -[1048] The strigil was a curved blade hollowed out inside with both -edges sharp; the general form remained largely the same from the sixth -century B. C., down into Roman days, though the curve and the handle -changed. The commonest were of bronze or iron: see Dar.-Sagl., IV, -2, pp. 1532 f., _s. v._ _strigilis_ (S. Dorigny); K. Friederichs, -_Kleinere Kunst und Industrie im Altertum_, 1871, pp. 88 f. Examples -in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, are given by Richter, in _Gk., -Etr. and Rom. Bronzes_, nos. 855 f.; others (strigils and handles) -are in the British Museum: _B. M. Bronzes_, nos. 320-326, 665, and -2420-2454, and figs. 74-75, p. 319; on the operation, see Kuppers, _Der -Apoxyomenos des Lysippos_, 1874. - -[1049] _E. g._, on an amphora in Vienna: Schneider, _Arch.-epigr. Mitt. -aus Oest._, V, 1881, p. 139, Pl. IV; Hoppin, _Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases_, -I. p. 334, no. 25 and Pl. (right-hand fig.); on a kylix formerly in -possession of Lucien Bonaparte, now in the British Museum, E 83: -Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLXXVII, 2 (left-hand figure), and p. 50; Murray, -_Designs from Greek Vases_, no. 58; others on which the athlete is -cleansing the strigil and not the body are given by Hartwig in _Jh. -oest. arch. Inst._, IV, 1901, p. 154 and figs. 178 (Peleus on krater -from Bologna), 179 (athlete on B. M. vase mentioned above, E. 83, third -figure from left, middle row), 180 (cup in Rome, Museo Gregoriano), 181 -(jug, _ibid._); Hartwig, pp. 153-4, mentions an athlete on a cup in the -Museo Papa Giulio, Rome. For the motive of an apoxyomenos on a vase in -the Louvre, see Hartwig, _Die greich. Meisterchalen_, pp. 24 f. and -fig. 2a. - -[1050] _H. N._, XXXIV, 55, 62 and 76, respectively. - -[1051] Pliny, XXXIV, 86 and 87, respectively. - -[1052] A list is given by Furtw., _Mp._, p. 262, n. 2; _Mw._, p. 471, -n. 1; a gem from the Hermitage is shown in _Mp._, p. 262, fig. 109; -_Mw._, p. 471, fig. 79; = _Die antiken Gemmen_, Pl. XLIV, no. 19; _cf._ -also _ibid._, no. 18; Hartwig, in the article cited in note 1 above, -adds two more gems showing an athlete in a similar position, in the -Boston Museum of Fine Arts: p. 155, figs. 183, 184. Here the youth, -as Hartwig against the interpretation of Furtwaengler makes clear, is -cleansing the strigil and not his body. - -[1053] So J. Sieveking, _Die Bronzen der Samml. Loeb_, 1913, Pl. 11, -pp. 27 f.; _cf._ _Burlington Fine Arts Club, Cat. Anc. Gk. Art_, 1904, -Pl. 50, B. 47, and von Duhn, _Sitzb. d. Heidelberger Akad. d. W._, Abt. -6, p. 9. It is 0.09 meter high. - -[1054] Von Mach, 235; F. W., 1264; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 515, 6 and 7; -_cf._ II, 2, 546, 2; etc. - -[1055] _H. N._, XXXIV. 65. - -[1056] _Infra_, pp. 288 f. - -[1057] Amelung, _Fuehrer_, no. 25; Duetschke, III, 72 (1.93 meters -high); B. B., 523-4 (text by Arndt); Bulle, p. 116, fig. 21; _cf._ -Helbig, _Guide_, I, pp. 26 f., on nos. 42 and 44 (statuettes); -Benndorf, _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, 1898, Beiblatt, pp. 66 f.; Klein, -_Praxiteles_, pp. 51 f.; Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 261-2; _Mw._, pp. 469-71; -Bloch, _R. M._, VII, 1892, pp. 81 F., and fig. on p. 83 and Pl. III -(head, two views). The right underarm and hand and the left underarm -and part of the hand, the vase, and the basis, are all modern -restorations. - -[1058] _Die antiken Gemmen_, Pl. XLIV, no. 17, and text, II, p. 212; -_Mp._, p. 261, fig. 108; _Mw._, p. 470, fig. 78; Hartwig, in _Berl. -Phil. Wochenschr._, XVII, Jan. 2, 1897, p. 31, corrects the mistake of -Furtwaengler and Amelung that the athlete on the gem is cleansing the -thigh and not the strigil itself. - -[1059] Arndt dates it about 400 B. C.; Furtwaengler ascribes it and -the Dresden torso of the _Oil-pourer_, already discussed, to an Attic -master of the end of the fifth or beginning of the fourth century B. C. - -[1060] Listed by Furtw., _Mp._, p. 262, n. 1; _Mw._, p. 470, n. 5. -Especially the reduced mediocre copy in the Braccio Nuovo of the -Vatican: Helbig, _Guide_, no. 45; Clarac, 861, 2183; _R. M._, VII, -1892, pp. 92 f., and fig. - -[1061] Bulle, no. 60 (who dates it in the middle of the fourth -century B. C., and considers it a copy of an original statue); -Hauser, _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, V, 1902, pp. 214 f. and fig. 68; -Springer-Michaelis, p. 297, fig. 530; _cf._ _A. J. A._, VII, 1902, pp. -352-3, figs. 1 and 2. It is 1.925 meters high (Bulle). - -[1062] Babelon et Blanchet, _Cat. des bronzes antiques de la Biblioth. -Nat._, 1895, no. 934, p. 411; it is 0.075 meter high. - -[1063] Discussed by P. Hartwig, _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, IV, 1901, pp. -151-9, figs. 176 and 177 (four views of statuette), and Pls. V-VI (two -views of the head). Without its base it is 0.679 meter high. - -[1064] It is in the Hamilton Coll.; see _B. M. Cat. Engraved Gems_, -1888, no. 335; _cf. ibid._, no. 432, a cut scarab from the Blacas -Coll., representing a nude athlete seated on a rock, holding a lekythos -and strigil suspended from the right hand. - -[1065] Bulle, no. 265; B. B., 601 (text by L. Curtius); H. Pomtow, -_Beitr. z. Topogr. v. Delphi_, Pl. XII; Homolle, _Société des -Antiquaires de France_, Centennaire 1804-1904, Pl. XII. The figures are -life-size (Bulle). - -[1066] _H. N._, XXXIV, 59: _Hic primus nervos et venas expressit_. - -[1067] In the Louvre: Longpérier, _Notice des bronzes antiques du -Louvre_, I, 1868 (reprinted 1879), no. 214; de Ridder, _Les bronzes -antiques du Louvre_, I, 1913, Pl. 19, no. 183, and pp. 34 f.; Furtw., -_Mp._, Pl. XIII, and p. 280, fig. 119; text, pp. 279 f.; _Mw._, Pl. -XXVIII, 3 (middle), and text, pp. 492 f.; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 588, -3. It is 0.21 meter high. For the same style and conception, _cf._ a -statuette from Cyprus in the Cesnola Collection, Metropolitan Museum, -New York: Richter, _Gk., Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes_, p. 57, fig. 87 -(two views). Here the left leg is the rest leg. - -[1068] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 164; base reproduced in _Mp._, p. 279, fig. -118; _Mw._, p. 491, fig. 85. - -[1069] See list, Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 281 f.; _Mw._, p. 493; a completer -one by Lippold, _Jb._, XXIII, 1908, pp. 203-8. - -[1070] Amelung, _Vat._, II, pp. 414 f., no. 251, and Pl. 46; Furtw., -_Mp._, p. 281, fig. 120; _Mw._, p. 494, fig. 86; Clarac, 856, 2168. As -the head and torso are of different marbles, we really have parts of -two copies of the same original. In reconstructing the statue, another -copy in the Galleria delle Statue is better: Amelung, _Vat._, II, pp. -583 f., no. 392 and Pl. 56; it has a head of Septimius Severus upon -it; the position of its feet is almost exactly that of the statue of -Xenokles mentioned. - -[1071] Publ. by Miss A. Walton, _A. J. A._, XXII, 1918, pp. 44 f., Pls. -I, II, and figs. 1-5 in the text; Matz-Duhn, _Ant. Bildw. in Rom_, no. -1000; von Duhn doubts whether the head belongs to the trunk. The statue -was acquired by Wellesley College in 1905 from a Roman dealer. - -[1072] Copies of the head-type are listed by Furtw., _Mp._, p. 282; -_Mw._, pp. 494-5. - -[1073] Invent., 5610; _Bronzi d’Ercolano_, I, Pls. 53-54, p. 187; -Comparetti e de Petra, _Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni_, 7, 4; Furtw., -_Mp._, p. 284, figs. 121 a, b; _Mw._, pp. 496-7, figs. 87-8; B. B., 339 -(left). - -[1074] _Mp._, p. 283; _Mw._, p. 495. - -[1075] Amelung, _Vat._, II, p. 416. - -[1076] In the Museo Archeologico: Amelung, _Fuehrer_, no. 268 (and -bibliography); B. B., 274-77; Bulle, 52-53 and 204-5 (head); von Mach, -123 (front and back views); Collignon, I, pp. 479 f. and figs. 247 -(statue), 248 (head); Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 588, 2; Furtw., _Mp._, p. -285, fig. 122 (head); _Mw._, p. 499, fig. 89; Robinson, _Cat. Boston -Museum of Fine Arts_, Suppl., no. 113; Springer-Michaelis, p. 272, fig. -488. It is 1.48 meters high (Bulle). - -[1077] Ueber die Bronzestatue des sog. Idolino (_49stes Berl. -Winckelmannsprogr._, 1889), p. 10. He classed it stylistically with the -_Oil-pourer_ of Munich and the _Standing Diskobolos_ of the Vatican, -which Brunn had called Myronic. He later, however, renounced his -Myronic theory and merely called it Attic, because of its resemblance -to figures on the Parthenon frieze: _Beilage zu den amtlichen Berichten -aus den k. Kunstsamml._, XVIII, no. 5, Juli, 1897, p. 73 (quoted by -Richardson, p. 161, n. 8). - -[1078] _Festschr. f. Benndorf_, p. 175: here he assigns it not to Myron -himself, but to his son. - -[1079] II, p. 30; he also admits its Polykleitan features. - -[1080] _Polyklet u. s. Sch._, pp. 70 f., 1902; he assigns it to an -artist of the master’s circle. - -[1081] _Mp._, 286; _Mw._, p. 500. - -[1082] _Cronaca_, pp. 29-30, fig. 2 (= _Supplemento di Bolletino -d’Arte_, Roma, XII, Fasic. V-VIII) 1918 (Lucia Mariani). _Cf._ review -in _A. J. A._, XXIII, 1919, p. 319 and fig. 2; and also Mariani, _Rend. -della Reale Accad. dei Lincei_, XXVI, 1918, pp. 125-138, and fig. in -text. - -[1083] Matz-Duhn, _Ant. Bildw._, no. 1111; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 287; -_Mw._, p. 502. - -[1084] See material collected by Stephani, _Comptes rendus de la -commiss. impér. archéol._, St. Petersburg, 1873; _cf._ Fritze, _de -Libatione veterum Graecorum_, Berl. Diss., 1893. - -[1085] II, pp. 416 f. - -[1086] No. 2723; Svoronos, Tafelbd., II, Pl. CXXI (CI is a poor copy of -it); Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, pp. 240-242 (0.45 meter high; 0.57 -meter broad). Staïs also regards it as an _ex voto_ to Herakles. - -[1087] It is broken away, but its outline is clear. - -[1088] Kabbadias, 248; Staïs, _op. cit._, p. 86; Arndt-Bruckmann, -_Einzelaufnahmen_, 627 and 628 (head alone); noticed in _A. A._, 1889, -p. 147, and _A. M._, XIII, 1888, p. 231 (Wolters); _ibid._, XXXI, -1906, pp. 352 f. (von Salis); _Jb._, VIII, 1893, pp. 224 f., fig. 3 -(restored), and Pl. IV (Mayer). It may be one of the statues seen by -Pausanias in the temenos: I, 18.6. It is 1.50 meters high without the -plinth (Mayer). - -[1089] Furtwaengler, _Mw._, p. 378, n. 3 (_cf._ _Mp._, p. 196, n. 1), -p. 685, n. 2 and p. 737; he ascribes it to Kalamis or his school. - -[1090] _H. N._, XXXIV, 81; statue also mentioned, _ibid._, XXII, 44. - -[1091] In the National Museum, no. 12; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, pp. -362, 363 and fig. (0.09 meter high); three photographs, _A. M._, XXXI, -Pl. XXII; a poor photograph in Carapanos, _Dodone et ses ruines_, 1878, -Pl. XIV, 3, and p. 186. - -[1092] In the statuette it is bent, but its original horizontal -position is indicated by the position of the hand. - -[1093] Two copies: Hettner, _Die Bildw. d. koenigl. Antikensamml._,^4 -1881, nos. 70, 88; F. W., 1217; Furtw., _Mp._, pp., 310-11, figs. -131-2; _Mw._, pp. 534-5, figs. 97-8; Springer-Michaelis, p. 314, fig. -562; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 139, 5-6; M. W., II, 39, 459; Clarac, IV, -712, 1695. - -[1094] Listed, _Mp._, p. 310, n. 2; _Mw._, p. 533, n. 3; one, formerly -in the Museo Boncompagni-Ludovisi, now in the Museo delle Terme, in -Rome: Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 139, 7; B. B., 376; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, -II, 1308; Collignon, II, p. 265, fig. 131; von Mach, 197. The original -must have been of bronze. - -[1095] _H. N._, XXXIV, 69. For discussion, see F. W., note on p. 421 -(to no. 1217). - -[1096] In the Museo Chiaramonti, no. 297; Amelung, _Vat._, I, p. 509 -and II, Pl. 53; Clarac, 479, 916. - -[1097] _Cf._ _Beschr. d. Skulpt. zu Berlin_, no. 44; a poor torso of -the type is in the Museo Chiaramonti of the Vatican: Amelung, _Vat._, -no. 295 and Pl. 52; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 173, 2. - -[1098] Michaelis, p. 609, no. 24; _Specimens_, I, Pl. 30; _Mp._, p. -163, fig. 65 (front), p. 162, fig. 64 (profile), from an old cast from -the Mengs Collection in Dresden; _Mw._, Pl. XVI; other replicas, _Mp._, -p. 161, n. 3. - -[1099] _Cat. Class. Coll._, pp. 214-17, and fig. 130 on p. 215. - -[1100] _H. N._, XXXIV, 76: _Ctesilaus doryphoron et Amazonem volneratam -(fecit)_. Bergk long ago proposed to alter this name to Kresilas -(_Zeitschr. fuer Alterthumswissensch._, 1845, p. 962), and was -followed by Brunn (I, p. 261)—an emendation accepted by most recent -investigators. The argument derived from the _Amazon_ of Kresilas, -mentioned by Pliny, XXXIV, 53, and apparently repeated in the present -passage, is strong. Jex-Blake, however, finds the name Ktesilaos a good -Greek formation, though uncommon: see his note on p. 62. - -[1101] _Mp._, pp. 161 f.; _Mw._, pp. 332 f. - -[1102] It is plainly visible in the example from Petworth House, and in -the poor one lately in the possession of the Roman dealer Abbati: B. -B., 84 (from cast); _Bull. del. Inst._, 1867, p. 33 (Helbig); _Mon. d. -I._, IX, 1869-73, Pl. XXXVI; _Annali_, XLIII, 1871, pp. 279 f. (Conze); -it is also visible in the New York copy. - -[1103] As on an Attic fifth-century B. C. grave-relief from the -Peiræus: Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 157 (who gives the height as -0.45 meter and the breadth as 0.32 meter); von Sybel, _Kat. d. Skulpt. -zu Athen_, 1881, no. 171; _Annali_, XXXIV, 1862, p. 212; Conze, _Die -Attischen Grabreliefs_, no. 929 and Pl. CLXXX; F. W., 1017; for similar -reliefs, see _Annali_, 1862, Pl. M. - -[1104] Michaelis wrongly dated the original in the fourth century B. -C.; Brunn first recognized its fifth-century character: _Annali_, -XLVII, 1875, p. 31 (_apud_ Leop. Julius). - -[1105] _Ant. Denkm._, I, 1, 1886, Pl. IV; B. B., no. 248; Bulle, 167; -Collignon, II, p. 492, fig. 256; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1350; _Guide_, -1051; Hekler, _Greek and Roman Portraits_, 1912, pp. 85-86; Gardner, -_Hbk._, p. 536, fig. 146; Amelung, _Museums and Ruins of Rome_, I, fig. -156; _Not. Scav._, 1885, p. 223; _Gaz. B.-A._, XXXIII, Pér. 2, I, 1886, -fig. on p. 427; Springer-Michaelis, p. 401, fig. 743; Reinach, _Rép._, -II, 2, 550, 10; Reinach classes it as an athlete or Herakles. It is -1.28 meters high (Bulle). - -[1106] Discussed _infra_, Ch. IV, pp. 254-5. - -[1107] For this reason Helbig wrongly assigned it to about 400 B. C. - -[1108] _Ueber die griech. Portraetkunst_, 1894, pp. 12 f. (and fig.). - -[1109] XXVII, 9. - -[1110] _Philologus_, LVII (N. F., XI), pp. 1 f. and 649 f. Kleitomachos -won in Ols. 141, 142 (= 216, 212 B. C.): P., VI, 15.3; Hyde, 146; -Foerster, 472, 476. _Cf._ Suidas, _s. v._ Κλειτόμαχος. His statue was -set up by his father, and his victory sung by Alkaios of Messenia: _A. -G._, IX, 588. - -[1111] _Cf._ Petersen, _R. M._, XIII, 1898, pp. 93-5; this theory of -Wunderer is also rejected by Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 609. - -[1112] Erected about 477 B. C.; Bulle, 84 (_Aristogeiton_) and 85 -(_Harmodios_); etc. - -[1113] Discussed _infra_, Ch. IV, pp. 220-1 and n. 5 on p. 220. - -[1114] See Stephanos, _Lex._, _s. vv._ ταινία, ταινίδιον, ταινόω. This -victor fillet is mentioned by Lucian in reference to the _Diadoumenos_ -of Polykleitos: _Philops._, 18. - -[1115] Xen., _Symp._, V, 9; Plato, _Symp._, 212 E; it appears often -on statues of Dionysos: _e. g._, on one in Furtwaengler’s _Samml. -Sabouroff_, Pl. XXIII; Dionysos is called Χρυσομίτρης in Soph., _Oed. -Tyr._, 209. The fillet was used as a breast-band for women’s dresses: -Pollux, VII, 65; etc. - -[1116] _J. H. S._, I, 1880, p. 177. In older days the athletic fillet -was called μίτρα (Lat. _mitella_): Pindar, _Ol._, IX, 84; _Isthm._, -V, 62 (of wool); Boeckh, _Explic. ad Pind._, p. 193. In the Iliad -μίτρα was the kilt or apron worn around the waist under the cuirass -(a ζωστήρ being worn outside): IV, 137; IV, 187; V, 857; etc. It was -used also later as a wrestler’s girdle: _A. G._, XV, 44; and for -women’s headbands: Alkm., I; _cf._ Eurip., _Bacchae_, 833. Athletes on -vase-paintings representing palæstra scenes often wear the fillet: _e. -g._, the wrestlers and other athletes on the Philadelphia r.-f. kylix -pictured in Fig. 50, have red bands in their hair. Later the μίτρα -was specially used of women; if of men, it was a sign of effeminacy: -Aristoph., _Thesmophoriazusae_, 163. The home of the μίτρα appears to -have been Asia, as it was commonly worn by Asiatics: see Hdt., I, 195; -VII, 62 (headdress); Virgil, _Aen._, IV, 216. We learn from Alkman -that it came from Lydia to Greece: fragm. 23, verses 67 f. On it, see -Bekker, _Charikles_, II, pp. 393 f., and Pauly-Wissowa, VII, 2, p. 2033 -(Bremer). - -[1117] See F. W., on 322. It appears on the “Apollo” type of early -sculpture, _e. g._, on the “Apollo” of Orchomenos (Fig. 7). - -[1118] _Stud. z. Parthenon_, 1902, pp. 1 f. - -[1119] VI, 2.2; Lichas won the chariot victory in Ol. 90 (= 420 B. C.): -Hyde, 14; Foerster, 270. - -[1120] P., V, 11.1. - -[1121] Bulle, no. 207; Furtw.-Wolters, _Besch._,^2 457; B. B., 8; here -it was inlaid with silver. - -[1122] This may, however, be merely the remains of a wreath of gold: -see Rayet, II, text to no. 67 (J. Martha). - -[1123] Bulle, no. 202; Lechat, p. 482, fig. 44. It is 0.23 meter high -(Bulle). - -[1124] _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LIV; F. W., 322; Wolters thinks -this is scarcely a victor fillet. - -[1125] This head, in the possession of Lord Leconfield, is a replica -of the same original as the one in the Metropolitan Museum (Pl. 15); -Michaelis, p. 609, no. 24. See discussion _supra_, pp. 144-5. - -[1126] Noted by Furtw., _Mp._, p. 161. - -[1127] P., VI, 1.7; he won in Ol. (?) 89 (= 424 B. C.): Hyde, 9; -Foerster, 796. - -[1128] _A. M._, XIX, 1894, pp. 137-9 (J. Ziehen); fig. in text. It is -now in the Museum of the Peiræus Gymnasion. - -[1129] On such representations in art, see Stephani, _Comptes rendus -de la commission impériale archéologique_, St. Petersburg, 1874, pp. -214-16. - -[1130] Παῖς ἀναδούμενος: VI, 4.5; _S. Q._, 757. - -[1131] _Hermes_, XXIII, 1888, pp. 444 f.; P., V, 11.3. Robert is -followed by Kalkmann, _Pausanias der Perieget_, 1886, pp. 90 f. - -[1132] _Cf._ Frazer, IV, p. 11. Figures of athletes appear beneath the -throne on vases: Overbeck, _Griech. Kunstmythol._, Pl. I, 9 and 16; -Gerhard, I, Pl. VII. Flasch has tried to show that the throne figure -did not represent Pantarkes: Baum., II, p. 1099, 2; _cf._ Gurlitt, -_Ueber Pausanias_, 1890, p. 380. - -[1133] VI, 10.6. Pantarkes won the boys’ wrestling match in Ol. 86 (= -436 B. C.): Hyde, 98; Foerster, 254. - -[1134] Amongst others it has been assumed by Loeschke, Der Tod des -Pheidias (in _Histor. Untersuch. zum Schaefer-Jubilaeum_, Bonn, 1882), -p. 36; Schoell, _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1888, I, p. 37 (Der Prozess des -Pheidias). Foerster, p. 19, n. 1, is against the identification. The -παῖς ἀναδούμενος is omitted in my victor lists (_de olympionicarum -Statuis_). - -[1135] The παῖς ἀναδούμενος is mentioned between victors nos. 38 and 39, -_i. e._, in the Zone of the _Eretrian Bull_, while Pantarkes (98) is -mentioned among the statues in the Zone of the _Chariots_: see _infra_, -Ch. VIII, pp. 343 and 345, and Plans A and B. - -[1136] _Cf._ Gurlitt, _Ueber Pausanias_, pp. 378 f. - -[1137] _Cf._ Doerpfeld, _Baudenkmaeler v. Ol._, p. 21 and n. 1; Furtw., -_Mp._, pp. 39-40; Frazer, _l. c._ - -[1138] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 501; _Marbles and Bronzes_, Pl. VI; B. -B., 271; Bulle, 49; von Mach, 117; Springer-Michaelis, p. 259, fig. -461; F. W., 509; _Annali_, L, 1878, Pl. A and pp. 20 f. (two views) -(Michaelis); Clarac, V, 858 C, 2189 A; M. W., I, Pl. 31, fig. 136; -Reinach, _Rép._, I, 524, 2. The palm-trunk shows that the Roman artist -intended to represent a victor in his copy. It is 4 ft. 10.25 in. high -(Smith); 1.48 meters (Bulle). - -[1139] Brunn, following older writers such as Winckelmann, had -pronounced it Polykleitan: _Annali_, LI, 1879, pp. 218 f.; _cf._ -Murray, I, pp. 313 f. and Pl. IX. Kekulé called it Myronian: _49stes -Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1889, p. 12; Gardner, _Sculpt._, p. 128, -finds it unrelated to Polykleitos and defends its Attic origin. -Everything about it—except the mode of tying the fillet—differs from -the copies of Polykleitos’ statue, and especially the pose. Against -Brunn’s view, see Michaelis, _Annali_, LV, 1883, pp. 154 f. - -[1140] So Bulle, Arndt (text to B. B., 271), Furtwaengler (_Mp._, -pp. 244-5; _Mw._, pp. 444-5), Zimmerman (in Knackfuss-Zimmermann, -_Kunstgesch. des Altertums und des Mittelalters_, I, p. 152), and many -others. - -[1141] _Cf._ especially the resemblance of the statue to the youth on -the West frieze: Michaelis, _Der Parthenon_, Pl. V, no. 9. - -[1142] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 55, praises it equally with the -_Doryphoros_, and says that 100 talents were paid for it; in another -passage he says that a like sum was paid by King Attalos for a picture -of Dionysos by the Theban painter Aristeides: _ibid._, VII, 126; _cf._ -XXXV, 24 and 100. A painting by Timomachos of Byzantium brought 80 -talents: _ibid._, XXXV, 136. - -[1143] _H. N._, XXXIV, 56; here he quotes Varro, who was drawing -probably from Xenokrates of Sikyon: see Jex-Blake, pp. xvi f. - -[1144] Listed by Furtwaengler, _Mp._, pp. 239 f.; the torsos, by -Petersen, _B. com. Rom._, 1890, pp. 185 f. - -[1145] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 500; _Marbles and Bronzes_, Pl. IV; B. -B., 272; von Mach, 114; F. W., 508; _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-78, Pl. XLIX -(3 views); Rayet, I, Pl. 30; Collignon I, p. 479, fig. 253; Murray, I, -Pl. X; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 547, 5. Michaelis, by a comparison with -the _Doryphoros_, first showed that it was a copy of the _Diadoumenos_: -_Annali_, L, 1878, pp. 10 f. It is 6 ft. 1 in. tall (Smith). - -[1146] Kabbadias, no. 1826; Bulle, 50; Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. 35; von -Mach, 115; _Mon. Piot_, III, 1896, pp. 137 f. (Couve), and Pls. XIV -and XV; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, pp. 84-85 and fig.; _B. C. H._, -XIX, 1895, pp. 460 f. (account of the Delian excavations by L. Couve) -and Pl. VIII (the statue in its surroundings at the excavations); -Springer-Michaelis, p. 277, fig. 498; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 547, 9. -It is 1.86 meters high without the base (Couve). - -[1147] Discussed _supra_, on pp. 92-3. - -[1148] _Mon. Piot_, IV, Pls. VIII-IX; von Mach, no. 116 a; Furtw., -_Mp._, p. 241, fig. 98; _Mw._, p. 439, fig. 68 (who called it the most -beautiful of all the copies); Reinach, _Rép._, I, 475, 6. The right arm -is wrongly restored. - -[1149] Listed by Furtwaengler, _Mp._, pp. 240-2; _cf._ Gardner, -_Sculpt._, pp. 125 f. - -[1150] Hettner, _Die Bildw. d. Antikensamml. zu Dresden_, pp. 80 and -86; _Annali_, XLIII, 1871, Pl. V, pp. 281 f. (Conze); Furtw., _Mp._, -Pls. X and XI; _Mw._, Pl. XXV; Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. 36 (two views); -F. W., 511. - -[1151] B. B., no. 340; Conze, _Beitraege zur Geschichte d. griech. -Pl._^2, 1869, pp. 3 f., Pl. 2 (two views); F. W., 510. - -[1152] _B. M. Sculpt._, III, no. 2729 (Addenda); _Mon. Piot_, III, p. -145 (Couve); _ibid._, IV, p. 73 (Paris); Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. 37. - -[1153] _J. H. S._, VI, 1885, pp. 243 f. (Murray), and Pl. LXI. - -[1154] _J. H. S._, XXXIX, 1919, pp. 69 f., and Pl. 1 (two views), and -p. 232 (with illustration of the palmette head-band). - -[1155] _Mp._, p. 246, fig. 99 (with original head); _Mw._, p. 447, fig. -69. - -[1156] Michaelis, p. 438, no. 3; Clarac, V, 851, 2180 A (headless); it -is 1.49 meters high (Michaelis). He believes that it originally was an -oil-pourer. - -[1157] _Mp._, p. 246; _Mw._, p. 448. It is 12 centimeters high -(Furtwaengler). - -[1158] κοτίνου στέφανος, P., VIII, 48.2; _cf._ _A. G._, IX, 357; -Aristoph., _Plut._, 586; Theophr., _Hist. Plant._, IV, 13.2. The custom -of using the olive crown is probably very ancient, despite Phlegon’s -statement that it was introduced in Ol. 7 (= 752 B. C.): frag. 1 (= _F. -H. G._, III, p. 604). Pindar says that it was introduced from the land -of the Hyperboreans by Herakles: _Ol._, III, 14 f; Bacchylides calls it -Aetolian: VII, 50 (γλαυκὸν Αἰτωλίδος ἄνδημ’ ἐλαίας). It probably goes -back to some form of popular magic. - -[1159] B. B., no. 324; here small leaves are still remaining over the -forehead. - -[1160] _Bronz. v. Ol._, II, 2 and 2 a. Here the leaves have -disappeared. See pp. 254-5. - -[1161] _B. C. H._, V, 1881, Pl. III, text, pp. 65 f. (Pottier). Here is -listed a number of funerary reliefs representing athletes, which list -could easily be enlarged. - -[1162] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1241; _Guide_, 977. On the motive, see -_Archaeol. Studien H. Brunn dargebr._, 1893, pp. 62 f. - -[1163] The λημνίσκος (Lat. _lemniscus_) was merely the woolen fillet -by which chaplets were fastened on; Hesychios says it is a Syracusan -word; in any case it is used only by Roman writers and Greek writers of -the Roman age; _A. G._, XII, 123; Plut., _Sulla_, 27; Polyb., XVIII, -46 (where στέφανοι and λημνίσκοι are differentiated, though they are -usually interchangeable); _C. I. G._, III, 5361; _C. I. A._, III, 74. -Pliny says that it was of Etruscan origin, _H. N._, XXI, 4, and that -it was at first made of wool or linden-bark and later of gold; _cf._ -XVI, 25. It was used at Rome at feasts, as a sign of special honor to -guests: Plaut., _Pseudolus_, (line 1265); Livy, XXXIII, 33.2; Suet., -_Nero_, 25. For the Roman use of the _lemniscus_ for athletic victors -and poets, _cf._ Cicero, _Or. pro Sext. Roscio Amerino_, 35, 100; -Ausonius, _Epist._, XX, 6; etc. On the _lemniscus_, see Dar.-Sagl., -III, 2, pp. 1099-1100. - -[1164] _R. M._, VI, 1891, p. 304, no. 3. - -[1165] _Mon. Piot_, XVII, 1909, Pls. II, III and pp. 29 f. (Merlin and -Poinssot). - -[1166] _B. M. Sculpt._, III, no. 1754; B. B., 46; _Marbles and -Bronzes_, Pl. XXII; Collignon, I, fig. 255, on p. 500; Furtw., -_Mp._, p. 252, fig. 105; _Mw._, p. 457, fig. 75 (back view); -Springer-Michaelis, p. 275, fig. 495; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 546, 9. -It is 4 ft. 11 in. high (Smith), _i. e._, 1.48 meters. - -[1167] Helbig, _Cat. Coll. Barracco_, no. 99, Pls. 38 and 38 a; _id._, -_Fuehrer_, I, 1083; sketches of the Westmacott and Barracco copies in -Kekulé, _49stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1889, Pl. IV. - -[1168] No. 254; _Arch. Eph._, 1890, pp. 207 f. (Philios) and Pls. X and -XI. Bulle, 51, gives the Westmacott and Barracco examples side by side; -in _J. H. S._, XXXI, 1911, Pl. II, we have the Westmacott, Barracco, -and Eleusis copies together. Furtwaengler, _Mp._, pp. 250 f., _Mw._, -pp. 453 f., Helbig, _Cat. Coll. Barracco_, p. 36, and Petersen, _R. -M._, VIII, 1893, pp. 101 f., have added many more torsos and heads as -copies or variants of the original. - -[1169] See Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 1083. Its soft expression and forms -led Furtwaengler to derive it from the Praxitelean circle, from the -period when Praxiteles was influenced by Polykleitos, and to believe -that it represented a divinity, perhaps Triptolemos: _Mp._, p. 255 and -n. 2. - -[1170] _Burlington Fine Arts Club, Catalogue Anc. Gk. Art_, 1904, no. -45, Pl. XXXIII; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 251, fig. 103; _Mw._, p. 454, fig. -73. It was formerly in the van Branteghem collection. - -[1171] For the Dresden head, see _A. A._, 1900, p. 107, figs. 1 a and 1 -b. - -[1172] Furtw., _Mp._, p. 252, fig. 104; _Mw._, p. 455, fig. 74. - -[1173] First published by F. H. Marshall, _J. H. S._, XXIX, 1909, pp. -151-2 and figs. 1 a, b; more fully by E. A. Gardner, _ibid._, XXXI, -1911, pp. 21 f. and Pl. I and fig. 1. - -[1174] Nelson head: _J. H. S._, XVIII, 1898, pp. 141 f., and Pl. XI; -B. B., 544; Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. XXXIX; Capitoline _Amazon_: _Mp._, -p. 132, fig. 53 (restored); _Mw._, p. 292, fig. 39. A head of the -Capitoline type has been wrongly placed on the Pheidian Mattei torso in -the Vatican: _Mp._, p. 133, fig. 54 (head); _Mw._, Pl. XI; B. B., 350; -von Mach, 121; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 483, 1. - -[1175] B. B., 128 (original and cast). - -[1176] As, _e. g._, in the bronze head of a victor in Naples, already -discussed (Fig. 25); B. B., 339. - -[1177] _E. g._, Furtwaengler and Collignon; the latter, I, pp. 499-500. - -[1178] _Hypnos_, pp. 30 f.; accepted by Wolters (_apud_ Lepsius, -_Griech. Marmorstudien_, p. 83, no. 164), Treu (_A. A._, 1889, p. 57), -Collignon, Petersen, _l. c._, Kekulé (_Idolino_, p. 13), Furtwaengler -(_Mp._, pp. 252-3, _Mw._, pp. 458-9 and 747), and others; see Philios, -_op. cit._ - -[1179] _E. g._, by Philios (_op. cit._), Amelung (_Bert. Phil. -Wochenschr._, XXII, 1902, p. 273). This scraping motive is seen in the -bronze statuette in the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 934. - -[1180] This is inconsistent with the position of the hand in the -Barracco copy, which is too far from the head. This was an older view -of Helbig, _Rendiconti della Reale Accad. dei Lincei_, 1892, pp. 790 -f.; refuted by Furtwaengler, Petersen, Helbig himself later (in the -_Fuehrer_), and others. - -[1181] Quoted by E. A. Gardner, _J. H. S._, XXXI, pp. 25-6, as the -theory of E. N. Gardiner. - -[1182] _H. N._, XXXIV, 55; for this theory, see Mahler, _Polyklet u. s. -Sch._, p. 50. - -[1183] Michaelis, _Der Parthenon_, 1870, Block 131 (from the North -frieze). - -[1184] F. W., 1665; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 256, fig. 106; _Mw._, p. 463, -fig. 76; M. W., Pl. 70, 879; etc. - -[1185] For list, see Furtw., _Mp._, p. 254, n. 2. For a restoration of -the original statue, see _ibid._, p. 250, fig. 102; _Mw._, p. 453, fig. -72. - -[1186] VI, 4.11; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 149; _I. G. B._, 50. - -[1187] Those of the Elean pentathlete Pythokles: _Inschr. v. Ol._, -162-3; _I. G. B._, 91; and the Epidaurian boxer Aristion: _Inschr. v. -Ol._, 165 (renewed); _I. G. B._, 92. The feet of the Aristion were both -flat upon the ground. - -[1188] That of the boy wrestler Xenokles of Mainalos: _Inschr. v. Ol._, -164; _I. G. B._, 90. - -[1189] In one of the Olympia _Zanes_: _I. G. B._, 95. - -[1190] On the Kyniskos basis there are no traces, as on that of -Pythokles, to show that the original had been removed from the Altis -and replaced by a copy long before Pausanias visited Olympia. - -[1191] _O. S._, p. 186, on the basis of the _Oxy. Pap._; followed -by Hyde, 45. Foerster’s date, Ol. (?) 86 (= 436 B. C.), follows the -earlier dating of Polykleitos by Robert, _Arch. Maerchen_, 1886, p. -107, _i. e._, before the discovery of the Oxyrhynchus Papyrus; see -Foerster, 255. Robert later dated the birth of the sculptor about Ol. -75.4 (= 477 B. C.). Thus, even if the _Kyniskos_ were his earliest -statue, it must have been erected some time after the victory. -Furtwaengler dates the original of the _Westmacott Athlete_ about 440 -B. C.: _Mp._, p. 252. - -[1192] Bulle, Furtwaengler, E. A. Gardner, and others find the -assumption of identity not completely convincing. Thus Furtwaengler -looks upon the identification as “no far-fetched theory,” but says: -“Unfortunately, however, absolute certainty can scarcely be attained” -(_Mp._, pp. 249-50). - -[1193] VIII, 48.2; _cf._ Vitruv., _de Arch._, IX, 1 (p. 212). - -[1194] Homer mentions the palm: _e. g._, Od., VI, 163; the various -kinds of palm are given by Theophr., _Hist. Plant._, II, 6.6 and 8.4. -Its fronds (σπάθαι, _cf._ Hdt., VII, 69) were formed into victory -crowns: Plut., _Quaest. conviv._, VIII, 4, p. 723. - -[1195] _H. N._, XXXV, 75. - -[1196] _Arch. Stud. H. Brunn dargehracht_, 1893, pp. 62 f. - -[1197] _Mp._, p. 256 and n. 1; _Mw._, p. 462 and n. 2. - -[1198] _Cf._ Waldstein, _J. H. S._, I, 1880, p. 187, n. 1. - -[1199] _B. C. H._, V, 1881, PI. III. See _supra_, p. 155. - -[1200] So Waldstein, _l. c._, p. 186. - -[1201] _E. g._, on a Panathenaic vase: _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-78, Pl. -48, e, g. - -[1202] Mentioned by Helbig, _Guide_, 977; discussed by Arndt in _La -Glyptothèque Ny-Carlsberg_, text to Pls. XXI-IV. Arndt believes that -the right arm with the palm in the hand is modern, like the head and -left arm; they are of a different marble from the torso. The torso -is a replica of a statue in the Villa Albani, Rome: _op. cit._, fig. -13; _cf._ Furtwaengler, _Mw._, p. 738 (= god type). On representing -athletes in the act of placing wreaths on their heads with the right -hand and holding palm-branches in the left, see Milchhoefer, and -others, in the work already cited, _Arch. Stud. H. Brunn dargebracht_, -pp. 62 f. - -[1203] VI, 10.4. The scholiast on Pindar, _Pyth._, IX, 1, Boeckh, p. -401, says that the hoplites ran with bronze shields. - -[1204] See _supra_, pp. 105, n. 3, and 116. - -[1205] P., VI, 13.7. He won in Ol. 81 (= 456 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, -117; Foerster, 184. - -[1206] Schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._, IX, Inscript. a. Boeckh, p. 401. - -[1207] Head A: _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 29 f.; Tafelbd., Pl. VI, -1-4; _Ausgrab. v. Ol._, V, 1881, pp. 12 f., Pls. XVIII (front), XIX -(side); F. W., 316; Overbeck, I, pp. 198-9 and _cf._ p. 178. Head B: -_Bildw._, pp. 31 f., and Pl. VI, 9-10; _Ausgrab._, p. 13; Overbeck, p. -178; F. W., 315. - -[1208] _Bildw._, Pl. VI, 5-6; fig. 30, on p. 30 in Textbd.; _Ausgrab._, -V, Pl. XIX, 4 and p. 12; F. W., 317. - -[1209] _Bildw._, Textbd., fig. 31, on p. 30. - -[1210] _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., fig. 32, on p. 31. - -[1211] _Ibid._, pp. 31 f., and Pl. VI, 7-8; _Ausgrab. v. Ol._, V, Pl. -XIX, 5 and p. 12; F. W., 319. Both the foot and arm are of Parian -marble, like the head. - -[1212] Hyde, pp. 42-4; _cf_. Foerster, 151, 155; he also won the -stade-race at Delphi: Pindar, _Pyth._, X, 12-16. Robert accepts my -ascription: Pauly-Wissowa, VI, p. 1493. Liddell and Scott, _Lexicon_, -_s. v._ Φρικίας (= “Bristle”), believe this to be the name not of the -victor but of his horse, so called because of his long outstanding -mane; _cf_. Herrmann, _Opuscula_, VII, 166 n. This is also the -interpretation of Sandys, _Odes of Pindar_, Loeb Library, 1915, p. 291, -n. 1. - -[1213] P., VI, 10.4-5; R. Foerster, _Das Portraet in d. gr. Plastik_, -1882, p. 22, n. 5. - -[1214] Treu, A. Z., XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 48 f.; _Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 34 -and n. 2. He explained the shield device of the ram and Phrixos by the -fact that Eperastos traced his descent from that hero. _Cf._ Overbeck, -I, p. 198. - -[1215] VI, 17.5; Hyde, 183 and p. 62; Foerster, 765 (undated). - -[1216] _Preus. Jb._, LI, p. 382; _cf._ _Sammlung Sabouroff_, Einleitung -zu den Skulpturen, p. 5, n. 4; followed by Flasch, Baum., II, p. 1104 U -f. - -[1217] V, 27.7. - -[1218] Textbd., pp. 31-2. - -[1219] Hyde, _l. c._ For the date, see Afr; Foerster, 144-6; he was the -first Olympic τριαστής, _i. e._, he gained victories in three events on -the same day (stade-, double stade- and hoplite-races). - -[1220] Matz-Duhn, _Ant. Bildw._, no. 1097; here it is called a -diskobolos; Clarac, 830, 2085; Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 204; _Mw._, p. -392. - -[1221] Hauser, _Jb._, II, 1887, p. 101, n. 24, points out its -resemblance to the Tuebingen bronze, but because of the tree-trunk does -not regard it as a representation of a hoplitodrome. Furtwaengler, _l. -c._, regards the helmet as belonging to the head, while others believe -it alien thereto. - -[1222] No. 795; _A. Z._, XXXVI, 1878, Pl. XI and pp. 58-71; Gardiner, -p. 105, fig. 17; _cf._ another in Copenhagen: Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLXXXI. - -[1223] P., VI, 3.10; he won the pentathlon some time between Ols. 94 -and 103 (= 404 and 368 B. C.): Hyde, 31; Foerster, 347. - -[1224] P., V, 26.3. - -[1225] V, 27.12. - -[1226] _A. Z._, XLI, 1883, Pl. XIII, 2 and pp. 227-8 (Milchhoefer). - -[1227] _Inventar_, no. 6306; mentioned by L. Gurlitt in _A. M._, VI, -1881, p. 158. - -[1228] Duetschke, II, no. 22; a very similar statue, no. 25, has no -_halteres_; both are poor Roman copies. - -[1229] _Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 217; Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 3. - -[1230] So schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, VII, Argum., Boeckh, p. 158. He -won in Ol. 83 (= 448 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 7.1 f.; Hyde, 60; -Foerster, 252. - -[1231] Matz-Duhn, _Ant. Bildw. in Rom_, no. 1096; _J. H. S._, II, -1881, p. 342, fig. 3. Thongs appear on both forearms of the Polykleitan -statue, copies of which are in Kassel (Furtw., _Mp._, p. 246, fig. -99; _Mw._, p. 447, fig. 69), and on a headless one in Lansdowne House -(Michaelis, p. 438, no. 3; Clarac, 851, 2180 A); similarly on the -Lysippan boxer by Koblanos found at Sorrento, and now in Naples (Fig. -57; Kalkmann, Die Proport, des Gesichts in d. gr. Kunst = _53stes Berl. -Winckelmannsprogr._, 1893, Pl. III); on the bronze statue of a boxer -from Herculaneum in Naples; and on the delle Terme _Seated Boxer_ (Pl. -16); etc. - -[1232] So interpreted, and rightly, by Waldstein (_J. H. S._, I, 1880, -p. 186), and others; Juethner, pp. 68-9, thinks that the object here -represented is a victor fillet, being too short for thongs. - -[1233] P. 26 and n. 2; against him, Reisch, p. 43; Hitz-Bluemn., II, -2, p. 577; etc. Oil-flasks of various kinds—_lekythoi_, _aryballoi_, -_alabastra_, _olpai_—are mentioned repeatedly by Greek writers; -_e. g._, λήκυθος, by Homer, Od., VI, 79; Aristoph., _Plutus_, 810; -ἀρύβαλλος, Aristoph., _Equites_, 1094; Pollux, VII, 166 and X, 63; -ἀλάβαστρον, Theokr., XV. 114; ὄλπη (of leather), Theokr., II, 156; etc. - -[1234] VI, 14.6. - -[1235] VI, 9.1. Theognetos won in the boys’ wrestling match in Ol. 76 -(= 746 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 83; Foerster, 193 and 193 N. - -[1236] We have already in the present chapter mentioned this “Apollo” -in connection with the statuette from Piombino (Fig. 19); Studniczka, -_R. M._, II, 1887, pp. 99-100, believed that it represented a victor. -See _supra_, p. 119. - -[1237] _E. g._, on the bronze statuette from Naxos, now in Berlin: see -_supra_, p. 119 and n. 5. - -[1238] Boy wrestlers especially wore caps in the palæstræ, but not at -the games; we see them on the wrestler group in the palæstra scene on -the r.-f. kylix in Munich (no. 795) already mentioned. - -[1239] Stuart Jones, _Cat._, pp. 65-6, no. 8; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, -I, 769; _Guide_, 418; B. B., 527 (and fig. 6 in text, by Arndt); -Furtw., _Mp._, p. 204, _Mw._, p. 392. Helbig finds it Myronian, while -Furtwaengler considers it Attic, but non-Myronic; for a copy in -Stockholm, see B. B., figs. 7, 8, 9, in the text to no. 527. - -[1240] I, 17.2. Furtw., _Mp._, p. 204, n. 6, shows that the Athens head -bears no resemblance to the Capitoline. Furthermore, heads on coins of -Juba differ from both and show no trace of the complicated head-dress. -A marble head from Shershel (= Cæsarea) seems to be an authentic -portrait of Juba II: see _Annali_, XXIX, 1857, Pl. E, no. 2, and p. -194; and Waille, _de Caesareae Monumentis_, 1891, title page (vignette) -and p. 92 (quoted by Helbig, _Guide_, _l. c._). - -[1241] See B. B., text to no. 527, figs. 1, 2, 3. - -[1242] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 972; _Guide_, 595; _B. Com. Rom._, XII, -1884, Pl. XXIII, pp. 245-253. The meaning is explained by a similar -archaistic Parian marble relief in Wilton House, Wiltshire, England, -where the youth stands before a statue of Zeus, washing his hands -preparatory to making a thank-offering to the god who gave him victory: -see Michaelis, p. 680, no. 48 and wood-cut on p. 681; Arndt, _La Glypt. -Ny-Carlsberg_, text, fig. 33; F. W., 239; its inscription is not -genuine. The same archaistic traits are seen on a votive relief to Zeus -Xenios in the Museo delle Terme: Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1405; Arndt, -_op. cit._, fig. 34; this is to be dated in the first century B. C., or -A. D., because of its inscription: _I. G. Sic. et Ital._, no. 990. - -[1243] See Fabretti, _de Columna Trajani_, p. 267; Gardiner, p. 433, -fig. 149; Schreiber, _Bilderatlas_, Pl. XXIV, no. 8. _Cf._ Krause, I, -pp. 517 f. - -[1244] _Cf._ Reisch, pp. 42-3. - -[1245] _Cf._ Philostr., _Heroicus_, XII b (p. 315); τὰ δὲ ὦτα κατεαγὼς -ἦν οὐχ ὑπὸ πάλης. - -[1246] Thus Furtwaengler calls the Ince-Blundell head that of a boxer -statue: _Mp._, p. 173, and fig. 71 on p. 172; _Mw._, p. 348, and fig. -44 on p. 347. - -[1247] _Cf._ discussion by Gardiner, pp. 425-6. - -[1248] _Gorgias_, 515 E; _Protag._, 342 B. In the latter passage he -says: καὶ οἱ μὲν ὦτά τε κατάγνυνται μιμούμενοι αὐτούς, καὶ ἱμάντας -περιειλίττονται καὶ φιλογυμναστοῦσι καὶ βραχείας ἀναβολὰς φοροῦσιν, -κ. τ. λ. The boxer’s swollen ears are mentioned by Theokritos, XXII, -45. The word ὠτοκάταξις seems to have meant a boxer whose ears were -battered by the gloves: Aristoph., _Fragm._, 72; Pollux, II, 83 -(whence Dindorf corrects the form ὠτοκαταξίας in Poll., IV, 144). For -references, see Krause, I, pp. 516-17; and _cf._ _J. H. S._, XXVI, p. -13. - -[1249] _E. g._, on a fragment of a red-figured kylix in Berlin: _J. -H. S._, XXVI, p. 8, fig. 2; Hartwig, _Die griech. Meisterschalen_, -Textbd., p. 90, fig. 12; Gardiner, p. 438, fig. 153. Here one of the -contestants in the pankration is bleeding at the nose. - -[1250] _B. C. H._, XXIII, 1899, pp. 455; _cf._, p. 457, where he speaks -of _le detail réaliste de l’oreille tuméfiée par les coups_. For the -statue of Agias mentioned, see _infra_, Ch. VI, pp. 286 f., and Pl. -28 and fig. 68. _Cf._ on this subject also Neugebauer, Studien ueber -Skopas (in _Beitraege zur Kunstgesch._, XXXIX, 1913, p. 35, n. 172). - -[1251] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., IV, Pl. II, 2, 2 a; F. W., 323; etc. - -[1252] See _infra_, Ch. VI., pp. 293 f. - -[1253] _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, Pls. LXIII-LXIV. - -[1254] _Ant. Denkm._, I, 1, 1886, Pl. IV. - -[1255] Duetschke, III, no. 72. - -[1256] _Gaz. arch._, VIII, Pl. I, and p. 85 (Rayet); F. W., 461. - -[1257] B. B., no. 8. - -[1258] Bulle, no. 105 (right); and fig. 46 on p. 205. - -[1259] _A. M._, XVI, 1891, Pls. IV, V (two views). - -[1260] F. W., 505; Collignon, I, p. 495, fig. 252. As the swollen ears -do not occur on other copies, they are here doubtless a modification by -a late artist. - -[1261] _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, Pl. XXXVI (= copy of fifth century B. -C.); XCIV (Herakles or athlete, from the Tyszkiewicz coll., Skopasian -in character; = Reinach, _Têtes_, Pls. CL, CLI); XCV (similar to -preceding, though later in style: _Têtes_, Pls. CLVI, CLVII); CXX (copy -of head of athlete of the fourth century B. C.). - -[1262] _Cat. Class. Coll._, pp. 228 f.; fig. 141 on p. 231. Miss -Richter points out its affinity to the _Hermes_ and assigns it to the -immediate influence of Praxiteles. This fragment of a statue appears -to have been trimmed into its present shape in modern times. Miss -Richter’s statement (p. 230) that swollen ears are a characteristic -which applies in representations of heroes to Herakles alone is -contradicted by what we shall say below about heads of Diomedes. - -[1263] Rayet, II, Pls. 64, 65 (head); B. B., 75; von Mach, 286; F. W., -1425; M. W., I, Pl. 48, 216; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 154, 1-4. Rayet calls -the statue that of a hoplitodromos. - -[1264] Brunn, _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1892, pp. 651 f.; Furtw.-Wolters, -_Beschr. d. Glypt._^2, no. 304; B. B., 128 (left = original; right -= cast); Furtw., _Mp._, p. 147, fig. 60 (from a cast with modern -restorations omitted), and p. 150, fig. 61 (head, two views); text, pp. -146 ff.; _Mw._, Pls. XII, XIII; text, pp. 311 f.; Clarac, 871, 2219 -and 633, 1438 A.; Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. XVII (cast). Its Kresilæan -origin has been shown by Brunn (_l. c._, pp. 660 and 673), Flasch -(_Vortraege an der 41sten Philologenversamml._, 1891, p. 9, quoted -by Furtwaengler), Loeschke and Studniczka (quoted by Furtwaengler) -and Furtwaengler. It also shows Myronic traces. It stands 1.86 meters -(without the base). - -[1265] Furtw., _Mp._, p. 151, fig. 62; _Mw._, Pl. XIV and p. 313. This -and a head in private possession in England, B. B., 543 (three views), -are the best and truest copies of the lost original. - -[1266] Froehner, _Notice_, 128; Bouillon, _Musée des antiques_ -(statues), Pls. II and III; Clarac, 314, 1438. - -[1267] Duetschke, II, no. 163; Amelung, _Fuehrer_, 210; B. B., 361; -F. W., 458. It will be discussed further on in Ch. IV, pp. 180 f. The -Berlin replica is given in _Mp._, p. 167, fig. 67; _cf._ text, p. 165, -n. 2. - -[1268] Roscher, _Lex._, I, 2, p. 2163, fig.; Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. -155, n. 2. - -[1269] _R. M._, IV, 1889, P. 197, no. 12 (B. Graef). - -[1270] _B. M. Sculpt._, III, 1731, and Pl. V, fig. 2; _Marbles and -Bronzes_, Pl. XXI; _Museum Marbles_, II, Pl. XLVI; _Specimens_, I, Pl. -LX; Collignon, II, p. 240, fig. 120; Wolters, _Jb._, I, 1886, Pl. V, -fig. 2 and p. 54. Two other copies of the same original are the one -in the Capitoline Museum, Rome, and one found in 1876 on the Quirinal -and now in the Palazzo dei Conservatori there. B. Graef, _R. M._, IV, -1889, p. 189 f, and Pls. VIII (Capitoline bust) and IX (Quirinal bust), -attributes the type to Skopas; he is followed by Collignon, II, p. 240, -n. 1; _cf._ S. Reinach, _Gaz. d. B-A._, 3d Per., III, 1890, pp. 338 and -340. Wolters tried to show that it was Praxitelian. But the similarity -between these heads and that of the _Lansdowne Herakles_ (Pl. 30 and -fig. 71), which we ascribe to Lysippos in Ch. VI, pp. 298, 311, is -easily apparent. - -[1271] Amelung, _Vat._, I, p. 738, no. 636 and II, Pl. 79; Helbig, -_Fuehrer_, I, no. 108; _Guide_, 113; B. B., 609; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 341, -fig. 146; p. 342, fig. 147 (head, two views); _Mw._, p. 575, fig. 109 -and p. 577, fig. 110. - -[1272] Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr., d. Glypt._,^2 no. 245 (the so-called -Lenbach head); Arndt-Bruckmann, _Griech. und roem. Portraets_, Pls. -335-6. See Furtw.-Wolters, for replicas in the Louvre, etc. - -[1273] B. B., 338; Helbig, _Guide_, 69 (= boxer). - -[1274] Comparetti e de Petra, _La Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni_, 1883, -Pl. XXI, 3; Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 234 f. and fig. 95; _Mw._, pp. 428 f. -and fig. 65. Both Furtwaengler (_l. c._) and B. Graef (_R. M._, IV, -1889, pp. 215 and 202) have shown the Polykleitan origin of the type. -The former believes that it may have been copied from a statue of -Herakles by the master, which is mentioned by Pliny (_H. N._, XXXIV, -56) as at Rome. For other replicas of the type, see Furtw., _Mp._, p. -234, n. 1; _Mw._, p. 429, n. 1. - -[1275] _A. A._, 1889, pp. 57-8 (Treu, who referred it to Polykleitos); -Furtw., _Mp._, p. 92 and fig. 40; _Mw._, p. 124 and Pl. VI (he called -it Pheidian). - -[1276] _Museo Torlonia_, Pl. 26, no. 104. - -[1277] Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glypt._,^2 no. 272; Arndt-Amelung, -nos. 832 and 833 (text by Flasch). - -[1278] _Chabrias_, 3: _Ex quo factum est ut postea athletae ceterique -artifices his statibus in statuis ponendis uterentur, in quibus -victoriam essent adepti_; _cf._ Diod., XV, 33, 4 (who speaks of -“statues”). This statue was erected in Athens after his campaign to -aid Thebes against Agesilaos in 378 B. C.: Xen., _Hell._, V, 4.38 f. -(though here Chabrias is not mentioned by name); Diod., XV, 32-33; -Demosth., _Contra Lept._, 75-76 (p. 479); _cf._ Aristotle, _Rhet._, -III, 10.7. Chabrias seems to have been the first to order his troops to -assume a kneeling posture when receiving the charge of the enemy. These -tactics when used against Agesilaos were so favorably regarded by the -Athenians that his statues were represented in the attitude of kneeling. - -[1279] _E. g._, Reisch, p. 43. - -[1280] See Joubin, p. 46. It probably took place under the restored -democracy of Kleisthenes. The assassination of Hipparchos took place in -514 B. C. Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 17, says that the group was set up in -the year in which the kings were expelled from Rome (= 509 B. C.). - -[1281] P., I, 8.5; _cf._ _Marmor Parium_, l. 70 (= _C. I. G._, II, -2374; _F. H. G._, I, pp. 533 f., etc.), and Lucian, _Philopseudes_, 18. - -[1282] Arrian, _Anab._, III, 16.18 (he says it was of bronze); Pliny, -_H. N._, XXXIV, 70; restored by Seleukos: Val. Max., II, 10, Extr. 1; -by Antiochos: P., I, 8.5. - -[1283] B. B., nos. 326 (_Aristogeiton_), 327 (_Harmodios_), and 328 -(head of _Harmodios_, two views); Bulle, 84, 85; von Mach, 58 (both -statues) and 59 (_Aristogeiton_); Collignon, I, pp. 367 f. and figs. -189 (group) and 190 (head of _Harmodios_); relief from Athens showing -the group, _ibid._, p. 369, fig. 88; Overbeck, I, p. 155, fig. 27; -Baum., I. p. 340, fig. 357; Lechat, pp. 444-5, figs. 36, 37 (restored -by Michaelis); _R. M._, XXI, 1906, Pl. XI; F. W., 121-4; Reinach, -_Rép._, I, 530, 3 (_Harmodios_), and 5 (_Aristogeiton_); _cf._ II, -2, 541, 5 (group); Clarac V, 869, 2202 and 870, 2203 A; head of -_Harmodios_, _Annali_, XLVI, 1874, Pl. G. The height is about 2 meters -(Bulle). - -[1284] _A. M._, XV, 1890, pp. 1 f.; followed by Overbeck, I, pp. 152 -f.; Frazer, II, p. 98. The difference is not only noticeable in the -head structure and treatment of the hair, but in the whole character of -the work. While Antenor’s work is stiff and lifeless, the Naples group -is full of vigor. For the statue of Antenor (in the Akropolis Museum), -see _Ant. Denkm._, I, 5, 1890, Pl. 53, and pp. 42 f. (Wolters); -Overbeck, I, Pl. 25, opp. p. 152; _Les Musées d’Athènes_, I, Pl. VI; -_Jb._, II, 1887, pp. 135 f. (Studniczka), and Pl. X, 1 (head); von -Mach, 28; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, Pl. II. - -[1285] However, some archæologists still favor Antenor for this group: -_e. g._, Wachsmuth, _Die Stadt Athen_, I, pp. 170 f.; II, 393-8; -Collignon; Lechat, _op. cit._, and _cf._ _B. C. H._, XVI, 1892, pp. -485-9. - -[1286] _Rhet. praecept._, 9: ἀπεσφιγμένα καὶ νευρώδη καὶ σκληρά, καὶ -ἀκριβῶς ἀποτεταμένα ταῖς γραμμαῖς. See Brunn, pp. 101-5; _cf._ Pliny, -_H. N._, XXXIV, 49. - -[1287] The best restoration is that of Meier in bronzed plaster in -the Ducal Museum in Brunswick: Bulle, p. 172, figs. 38, a, b, c; here -Aristogeiton has received a bearded head. For another restoration, in -the Museum of Strasbourg, see Springer-Michaelis, p. 216, fig. 402, a, -b. - -[1288] _Bulletin of Museum of Fine Arts_, III, 27; _R. M._, XIX, 1904, -p. 163, Pl. VI (Hauser). - -[1289] A vase by Douris shows a warrior similar to _Aristogeiton_, but -his onset is fiercer: Hartwig, _Die griech. Meisterschalen_, 1893, Pl. -XXI, and Textbd., pp. 206 f. For other representations in art of the -_Tyrannicides_, see Frazer, II, pp. 94 f. - -[1290] _Darstellung des Menschen in der aelt. griech. Kunst_, 1899, p. -xi; _cf._ Richardson, p. 120, n. 2. - -[1291] _Cf._ Dickins, p. 265 (quoting the view of Furtwaengler). - -[1292] Furtwaengler, _Sammlung Somzée_, 1897, Pl. III. He ascribes it -to Mikon and identifies it with the statue of the pancratiast Kallias -at Olympia whose base has been found: _Bildw. v. Ol._ 146; Hyde, -50; see _infra_, in the section on _Pancratiasts_, p. 251. For the -_Pelops_, see _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. IX, 2, and XI, 1 (head). - -[1293] I, 23.9. The inscribed base has been found: _C. I. A._, I, 376; -_I. G. B._, 39. - -[1294] P., VI, 10.1-3; Hyde, 93; Foerster, 137. - -[1295] Ols. 72 to 76 (= 492 to 476 B. C.); Hyde, p. 42. - -[1296] _Cf._ Bulle, p. 493, on no. 225. - -[1297] On the origin and early development of motion figures in Greek -art, see Bulle, pp. 157 f., and the works cited on p. 674 (notes to p. -158); especially, J. Langbehn, _Fluegelgestalten der aeltesten griech. -Kunst_, Diss. inaug., 1881; F. Studniczka, _Die Siegesgoettin, Gesch. -einer antiken Idealgestalt_, 1898; E. Curtius, _Die knieenden Figuren -d. alt. griech. Kunst_ (_29stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1869); -Eadweard Muybridge, _Human Figure in Motion_, 1907; _cf._ also J. -Lange, _op. cit._ - -[1298] In the Museo Archeologico, Florence: Bulle, no. 10. - -[1299] _Cf._ the realistic scenes of wrestling, boxing, and running, -in relief on the archaic Attic tripod vase from Tanagra now in Berlin, -dating from the second half of the sixth century B. C.: _A. Z._, XXXIX, -1881, pp. 30 f. (Loeschke) and Pls. 3 and 4. _Cf._ also scenes from -the pentathlon on a Panathenaic amphora of the sixth century B. C. in -Leyden: _ibid._, Pl. 9; etc. - -[1300] _B. C. H._, III, 1879, pp. 393 f. and Pls. VI-VII (Homolle), and -V, 1881, pp. 272 f. (Homolle, on the artist and his father Mikkiades); -von Mach, no. 32 (restored in the text opp. p. 26, fig. 1); Richardson, -p. 51, fig. 15; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, pp. 300-1, figs. 122-3 and -Treu’s restoration, p. 303, fig. 125; restored in Springer-Michaelis, -p. 187, fig. 358; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 389, 5. Though first called -an _Artemis_ by Homolle (because of its resemblance to the so-called -Oriental winged _Artemis_ on a bronze relief from Olympia, von Mach, -text, opp. p. 36, fig. 5), it has generally been called a _Nike_ since -its first ascription by Furtwaengler (_A. Z._, XL, 1882, pp. 324 f.), -and brought into connection with a base in two parts found near the -statue on Delos in 1880 and 1881, inscribed with the names of Archermos -and his father Mikkiades. If the connection with the base were certain, -the statue should be referred to the beginning of the sixth century -B. C.; B. Sauer (_A. M._, XVI, 1891, pp. 182 f.), and others, have -disputed the connection. - -[1301] Now in the National Museum, Athens: Kabbadias, no. 1; von Mach, -20; Springer-Michaelis, p. 174, fig. 340; Richardson, p. 43, fig. 11; -Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 645, 1. Its inscription should date it about -600 B. C. It is over 6 feet in height (including the base: von Mach). - -[1302] Bulle, pp. 157-8, fig. 33; de Ridder, no. 808. It is 0.123 meter -high (Bulle). _Cf._ similar bronzes _ibid._, nos. 799-814, and also -a flying harpy on a sixth-century B. C. Ionic vase in the University -Museum in Wuerzburg: Bulle, pp. 159-160, fig. 34; Furtw.-Reichhold, -_Griech. Vasenmalerei_, I, pp. 209 f. and Pl. 41; _cf._ also the very -similar pose on the small bronze statuette in the British Museum of a -winged _Nike_ represented in violent motion: von Mach, 33; the marble -torso of another in Athens: _id._, text, opp. p. 26, fig. 2; and the -bronze winged _Gorgon_ from Olympia (0.12 meter high): _Bronz. v. Ol._, -Pl. VIII, no. 78, text, p. 25 (and for the type, _cf._ Roscher, _Lex._, -art. Gorgonen in der Kunst, I, 2, p. 1710, ll. 67 f.). - -[1303] _Nike of Archermos_, 1891. - -[1304] Salzmann, _Nécropole de Camiros_, Pl. LIII; Bulle, pp. 161-2, -fig. 35; _cf._ Brunn, _Griech. Kunstgeschichte_, I, p. 142. Its -diameter is 0.385 meter (Bulle). - -[1305] See R. Kekulé and H. Winnefeld, _Bronzen aus Dodona in den -koenigl. Museen zu Berlin_, Pl. II and pp. 13 f.; _A. Z._, XL, 1882, -Pl. I and pp. 23-27 (Engelmann); Rayet, I, Pl. 17 (S. Reinach); Bulle, -83 (right). As the figure is only 0.143 meter tall, it seems to have -decorated the rim of a bronze bowl. It may be later than the Tuebingen -bronze (Fig. 42) and is certainly of a different school. The presence -of a breastplate proves that it is meant for a warrior and not for a -hoplitodrome. - -[1306] For a full discussion of this sculptor, see Lechat, _Pythagoras -de Rhegion_, 1905; _cf._ _S. Q._, §§ 489-507. - -[1307] _H. N._, XXXIV, 59. - -[1308] VI, 4.3; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 38; Foerster, 202, 203. - -[1309] VI, 6.1; Hyde, 48; Foerster, 200. - -[1310] VI, 6.4 f.; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207. - -[1311] VI, 7.10; Hyde, 69; Foerster, 183, 189. - -[1312] VI, 13.1; _Oxy. Pap._; Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 59; Hyde, 110; -Foerster, 176-7; 181-2; 187-8; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 145. - -[1313] VI, 13.7; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 117; Foerster, 184. - -[1314] VI, 18.1; Hyde, 185; Foerster, 193a. - -[1315] Reisch, p. 43, n. 4, wrongly assumed this to be one of the -oldest statues of Pythagoras, since the same sculptor made the statue -of the son Kratisthenes; but the son’s victory was probably only two -Olympiads later than that of the father, as we have seen. - -[1316] VIII, 47; _S. Q._, 507. Diogenes repeats the tradition that -there were two sculptors of the name, one from Rhegion, the other from -Samos; also Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 59-60. - -[1317] _J. H. S._, II, 1881, pp. 332 f.; _cf._ his _Essays on the Art -of Pheidias_, 1885, p. 323. The recovered base of Euthymos’ statue -has no footmarks: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144. Waldstein is followed in his -ascription of the statues to Euthymos by Urlichs, _Arch. Analekt._, -1885, p. 9. - -[1318] B. B., no. 542 (two views); Furtw. _Mp._, p. 171, fig. 70; _A. -M._, XVI, 1891, pp. 313 f. and Pls. IV, and V (two views), (P. Hermann). - -[1319] _Mp._, pp. 171-2; _Mw._, pp. 345-6. - -[1320] _Mon. d. I_., X, 1874-78, Pl. II (head); _Annali_, XLVI, 1874, -Pl. L. Arndt, _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, p. 62, doubts if the head -belongs to the torso. - -[1321] Duetschke, II, no. 77 (= one of two statues); _Mon. d. I._, -VIII, 1864-68, Pl. XLVI, 6-8, and _Annali_, XXXIX, 1867, pp. 304 f. -(Benndorf); Arndt-Amelung, nos. 96-98; _cf._ _A. Z._, XXVII, 1869, pp. -106 f. and Pl. 24, 2 (Benndorf, _Tyrannicides_ on a Panathenaic amphora -in the British Museum, etc.), and XXXII, 1875, pp. 163 f. (Duetschke, -group of two statues); Reinach, _Rép._ II, 2, 541, 6. Both Duetschke -(_A. Z._, _l. c._) and Furtwaengler (_Berl. Philol. Wochenschr._, VIII, -1888, p. 1448) have shown that it represents an athlete. - -[1322] Michaelis, p. 446, no. 36; Clarac, V, 856, 2180. Furtwaengler -believes the statue later in style than the Louvre boxer. - -[1323] _E. g._, P. Hermann, _op. cit._, pp. 332-3; Arndt, text to B. -B., no. 542. - -[1324] B. B., no. 361; Amelung, _Fuehrer_, 210; Duetschke, II, 163; -Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 165 f. and fig. 66 (two views); _Mw._, pp. 339 f. -and Pl. XVII (from a cast); F. W., 458. For three replicas of the -Riccardi type, see Arndt, text to B. B., 542. Furtwaengler believed -this head a prototype of the _Diomedes_ of Kresilas known to us from -copies in Munich (Pl. XXI); _Mw._, pp. 311 f. and Pls. XII, XIII; -_Mp._, pp. 146 f. and figs. 60 (body), and 61 (head, two views); B. B., -128; Brunn, _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1892, pp. 651 f.; in Paris: Froehner, -_Notice_, no. 128; Clarac, 314, 1438; and elsewhere. See _supra_ p. 169. - -[1325] Michaelis, p. 367, no. 152; _Mp._, p. 172, fig. 71; _Mw._, p. -347, fig. 44; A. Z., XXXI, 1874, Pl. III; F. W., 459. Kekulé was the -first to class it as Myronian: _Ueber d. Kopf des Praxitel. Hermes_, p. -12, 1 (quoted by F. W., _l. c._). Graef curiously found it Pheidian: -_Aus d. Anomia_, p. 69, 63. - -[1326] _H. N._, XXXIV, 58; _cf._ _Mp._, p. 173. - -[1327] _La Glypt._ _Ny-Carlsberg_, Pl. XXXVI and p. 60; the other, -unpublished, is mentioned _ibid._ He also adds the cast of a lost -original statue of a boxer in the Royal Academy of Fine Arts in -Copenhagen, whose head belongs stylistically to the same series: -_ibid._, pp. 60-61, and figs. 30 (head), 31-32 (body). If the head and -body belong together it is the only statuary type of the group. - -[1328] Kieseritzky, _Kat. d. Ermitage_, 1901, p. 27, no. 68; Furtw., -_Mp._, p. 177, fig. 74; _Mw._, p. 353 fig. 46 (two views). - -[1329] _Mp._, p. 176, fig. 73; _Mw._, Pl. XX (two views). - -[1330] Text to B. B., no. 542; _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, text to Pl. -XXXVI, p. 60. - -[1331] _B. M. Sculpt._, 1603, Pl. V, fig. 1; B. B., 224; F. W., 460. - -[1332] _A. M._, XXXVI, 1911, pp. 193 f., and Pl. VII (Athleten Kopf in -Athen). - -[1333] _H. N._, XXXIV, 59. - -[1334] Brunn, pp. 133-4, connected _Libyn_ and _puerum_, and believed -that only one statue was meant by Pliny’s sentence, identical with -Pausanias’ statue of Mnaseas. Stuart Jones, _Select Passages from Anc. -Writers Illustrative of the History of Gk. Sculpt._, 1895, p. 57, makes -two alterations in Pliny’s text, inserting _et_ between _Libyn_ and -_puerum_, and replacing _tabellam_ of the MSS. with _flagellum_. The -boy holding the whip, then, is Mnaseas’ son Kratisthenes, the chariot -victor mentioned by P., VI, 18.1. Stuart Jones follows Furtwaengler -(_Jahrbuecher fuer Class. Philol._, 1876, p. 509) in having Pliny -translate παῖδα of his Greek authority by _puerum_ instead of _filium_. - -[1335] P. 44. - -[1336] Cat. no. 51; Benndorf, _Griech. und Sicilische Vasenbilder_, I, -pp. 13 f. and Pl. IX. - -[1337] In his _Chrestomathia Pliniana_, 1857, p. 320. - -[1338] _Rheinisches Museum_, XLIV, 1889, pp. 264 f. - -[1339] Antigonos of Karystos, _apud_ Zen., V, 82 (passage given by -Jex-Blake, p. xxxix and n. 2). - -[1340] Ancient writers differed as to the authorship of the statue. -Thus P. (I, 33.3), Mela (_de Situ orbis_, II, 3.6), Tzetzes (S. Q., -838-9), and Zenobios (_l. c._), say that it was Pheidias, while Pliny -(_H. N._, XXXVI, 17) and Strabo (IX, I. 17, C. 396) say Agorakritos. A -fragment of the colossal head of the statue came to the British Museum -in 1820: _B. M. Sculpt._, I, p. 460; also fragments of the figure on -the base, described by P., I, 33.7, were found in 1890 and are now in -the National Museum in Athens: Kabbadias, 203-14; Frazer, II, p. 457, -fig. 40. - -[1341] See his Ueber einige Werke des Kuenstlers Pythagoras, in -_Verhandl. d. 40sten Versamml. deutscher Philologen u. Schulmaenner in -Goerlitz_, Leipsic, 1890 (pp. 329-336), p. 334. - -[1342] _Archaeolog. Analekten_, 1885, p. 9. Lucian, _Anachar._, 9, says -that apples formed a part of the Delphic prize; Dromeus is also known -to us as a Pythian victor. In _Chrest. Plin._, p. 320, L. von Urlichs -had identified the _nudus_ as Meilanion or Hippomenes with the apples -with which he had beaten Atalanta; see _S. Q._, § 499, note a. - -[1343] _H. N._, XXXIV, 59: _Syracusis autem claudicantem, cuius ulceris -dolorem sentire etiam spectantes videntur_. Gronovius, following -Lessing, _Laokoön_, Ch. 2, identified it with a wounded Philoktetes: -see Bluemner, _Comm. zu Lessing’s Laokoön_, pp. 508 f.; the words -_cuius ... videntur_ seem to have been derived from _A. Pl._, IV, 112, -1.4 (which refers to a bronze statue of Philoktetes): _cf._ Brunn, p. -134 and Jex-Blake, _ad loc._ - -[1344] _Cf._ Benndorf, _Anz. d. Wiener Akad._, 1887, p. 92; von Sybel, -_Weltgesch. d. Kunst_, p. 139. - -[1345] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 146; Kallias won Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): _Oxy. -Pap._; P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208. - -[1346] In the Plinian passage Leontiskos figures rather as an artist, -probably through Pliny’s misunderstanding of some Greek sentence in his -authority; see L. von Urlichs, _Rheinisches Museum_, XLIV, 1889, p. 261. - -[1347] P. 44. - -[1348] L. von Sybel, _Athena und Marsyas, Bronzemuenze des Berliner -Museums_, 1879. - -[1349] This characteristic is expressed by the word αὐτάρκεια; _cf._ -Plato, _Phil._, 67 A; Aristotle, _Eth. Nicom._, 1, 7.5-6 (= 1097 b); -etc. - -[1350] Marble copy of the _Marsyas_ was found in 1823 on the Esquiline -and is now in the Lateran Museum, Rome: Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1179; -Rayet, I, Pl. 33; B. B., 208; Bulle, 95; von Mach, 65a; Baum., II, p. -1002, fig. 1210; Collignon, I, pp. 467 f. and fig. 234; F. W., 454; -Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 15, 6. It is 1.95 meters high (Bulle). It is -wrongly restored and only the head can be considered approximately -faithful to the original. _Cf._ another copy of the head of Parian -marble in the Museo Barracco, Rome: Helbig, I, 1104; Reinach, _Têtes_, -pp. 53 f. and Pls. LXVI-LXVII; F. W., 455. A fourth-century B. C. -bronze statuette from Patras, now in the British Museum, appears also -to give the motive of the original group in Athens mentioned by Pliny, -_H. N._, XXXIV, 57, and P., I, 24. 1: _B. M. Bronzes_, 269; _Gaz. -Arch._, 1879, Pls. XXXIV-V and pp. 241 f.; _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, Pl. -VIII (two views), pp. 91 f.; Rayet, I, Pl. 34; von Mach, 656; Reinach, -_Rép._, II, 1, 51, nos. 5 and 7. It is 0.75 meter high. For other -representations, see G. Hirschfeld, Athena und Marsyas, _32stes Berl. -Winckelmannsprogr._, 1872, Pls. I and II. For a copy of the head of -Athena in Dresden, see B. B., 591 (three views). - -[1351] Walter Pater, in his _Greek Studies_ (in the essay on The Age of -Athletic Prizemen), ed. 1895, pp. 309 f., calls the _Diskobolos_ a work -of _genre_. However, the _Diskobolos_ can hardly be called a decorative -statue, _i. e._, “a work merely imitative of the detail of actual -life.” On p. 313 he rightly classes the _Doryphoros_ as an “academic” -work. - -[1352] It was formerly in the Palazzo Massimi alla Colonna, and hence -is often called the Massimi _Diskobolos_: B. B., no. 567, _cf._ 256 -(head from cast); von Mach, 63; Collignon, I, Pl. XI, opp. p. 472; H. -B. Walters, _The Art of the Greeks_, 1906, Pl. XXX; Gardner, _Sculpt._, -Pl. XIII (head from cast); Overbeck, I, fig. 74, opp. p. 274; Reinach, -_Rép._, I, 527, 1; for description, see M. D., 1098. - -[1353] Furtwaengler, _Mp._, pp. 168 f., _Mw._, pp. 341 f., lists three -other copies of the head: one in Basel (_cf._ Kalkmann, Proport. des. -Gesichts., _53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1893, pp. 73-74); one at -Catajo (_Mp._, fig. 68; _Mw._, fig. 43; Arndt-Amelung, nos. 54-55); and -one in Berlin (_Mp._, fig. 69). - -[1354] H. N., XXXIV, 58: _(Myron) videtur ... capillum quoque et pubem -non emendatius fecisse quam rudis antiquitas instituisset._ - -[1355] B. B., nos. 631, 632 (restored from bronzed cast; text by -Rizzo); Bulle, 98; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1363; _Boll. d’Arte_, I, -1907, pp. 1 f. and Pls. I-III; _cf._ _Zeitschr. fuer bild. Kunst_, -1907, pp. 185 f. It is pieced together from fourteen fragments; the -fragment of the right lower leg was found in 1910. Height to right -shoulder, 1.53 meters (Bulle). - -[1356] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 326; _Guide_, 333; von Mach, 62; -Collignon, I, p. 473, n. 1; F. W., 451; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 545, 5. - -[1357] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 250; von Mach. 61; _Specimens_, I, Pl. -XXIX; _Museum Marbles_, XI, Pl. XLIV; _Marbles and Bronzes of the -British Museum_, Pl. XLVII; F. W., 452; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 525, 5; -Clarac, V, 860, 2194 B. It is 5 feet 5 inches tall (Smith). - -[1358] H. Stuart Jones, _Museo Capitolino Cat._, 1912, no. 50, p. 123, -and Pl. 21; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 788; _Guide_, 446; Clarac, V, 858 A, -2212. It is 1.48 meters high from lower edge of base to the right hand -(Jones). - -[1359] B. B., no. 566; von Mach, 64; Gardner, _Sculpt._, PI. XI; -Gardiner, p. 96, fig. 13 (from a copy of the Munich cast in the -Ashmolean Museum, Oxford). - -[1360] Pl. no. 97; _cf._ Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. XII, and -Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkmaeler_, Pl. XXXIII. - -[1361] _Philopseudes_, 18; _S. Q._, §544; translation of H. Stuart -Jones, _Select Passages from Ancient Writers Illustrative of the -History of Greek Sculpture_, p. 69. - -[1362] For the late Roman one in the Munich Antiquarium, see B. B., -text to Pl. 567, fig. 1; F. W., 453; for the one in Arolsen, see F. W., -1786. - -[1363] _B. M. Gems_, no. 742, Pl. G; also given in _B. M. Sculpt._, I, -p. 91, fig. 5. - -[1364] _Inst. orat._, II, 13.10: _Quid tam distortum et elaboratum -quam est ille discobolos Myronis? si quis tamen, ut parum rectum, -improbet opus, nonne ab intellectu artis abfuerit, in qua vel praecipue -laudabilis est ipsa illa novitas ac difficultas?_ - -[1365] Translation by G. F. Hill, in his _One Hundred Masterpieces of -Sculpture from the Sixth Century B. C. to the Time of Michelangelo_, -1909, p. 10. - -[1366] Enumerated above in Ch. III (Attic Sculptors), p. 129, n. 7. The -Spartan Lykinos had two statues: P., VI, 2.1. As he won in both the -hoplite-race and chariot-race, Foerster, 211 a, assumed that the two -statues represented victor and charioteer, and that they stood upon -the quadriga, which Pausanias does not mention. I follow Robert, _O. -S._, p. 172, however, in assuming that the two statues represented the -victor in the two events. - -[1367] _H. N._, XXXIV, 57. - -[1368] VI, 8.5; Hyde, 79 (Arkadian) and 79a (Philippos), and commentary -on pp. 39 f. - -[1369] The interpretation of Murray, _Class. Rev._, I, 1887, pp. 3-4. - -[1370] The emendation of Loeschke, _Dorpaterprogr._, 1880, p. 9; -accepted by Reisch, p. 44, n. 3, Richardson, p. 151, and others. - -[1371] _Der Dornauszieher und der Knabe mit der Gans_, 1876, p. 89, n. -30. - -[1372] Quoted by Jex-Blake, Add. to p. 46, 1. - -[1373] _Select Passages from Anc. Writers Illustrative of the History -of Gk. Sculpt._, p. 66. - -[1374] Mayer, in _A. M._, XVI, 1891, pp. 246 f., showed that on -vase-paintings of Myron’s time and on coins of Elaia, Aeolis, a woman -is often represented as standing in the chest, while two men, Perseus -and the carpenter, stand beside it. - -[1375] _E. g._, the statue of the boy boxer Athenaios of Ephesos was -represented in motion, _i. e._, in the act of sparring, as we see from -the footprints on the recovered base: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 168; he won -some time between Ols. (?) 93 and 103 (= 384 and 368 B. C.): P., VI, -4.1; Hyde, 36; Foerster, 419. - -[1376] See Grenfell and Hunt, _Oxyrhynchus Papyrus_, II, 1899, pp. 222 -f.; Robert, _O. S._, Beilage, opp. p. 192; Diels, _Hermes_, XXXVI, -1901, pp. 72 f.; Koerte, _ibid._, XXXIX, 1904, pp. 224 f.; Weniger, -_Klio_ (_Beitraege zur alten Gesch._), IV, pp. 125 f.; V, pp. 1 f. and -184 f. - -[1377] Late inscriptions mention “Pythian” and “Isthmian boys”: see F. -M. Mie, _Quaestiones agonisticae ad Olympia pertinentes_, Diss. inaug., -1888, p. 48; Dittenberger, _Sylloge_,^2 II, nos. 677-8; the ἀγένειοι -and ἄνδρες at Nemea are mentioned by Pindar, _Ol._, VIII, 54. The boys -in these contests were probably aged 12-16, the ἀγένειοι, 16-20 (_cf._ -Roberts-Gardner, _Greek Epigraphy_, II, p. 166), and the men over 20 -years old. - -[1378] For Olympia, see P., VI, 2.10; 6.1; 14.1-2; etc. - -[1379] _C. I. G._, I, 1590. - -[1380] Dittenberger, _op. cit._, II, no. 524: ἐφήβων νεωτέρων, μέσων, -πρεσβυτέρων. - -[1381] _I. G._, II, 444. For the _Panathenaia_, see Suidas, _s. v._ -Παναθήναια; Mommsen, _Heortologie_, 1864, p. 141; etc. - -[1382] P., V, 16.2. - -[1383] _De Leg._, VIII, 833 C, D. - -[1384] _C. I. G._, inscriptions relating to ephebes, _e. g._, I, 232; -1590; Dittenberger, _de Ephebis atticis_, 1863, p. 24; Dumont, _Essai -sur l’Ephébie attique_, 1876, pp. 215-16. This classification is -followed by E. Pottier, _B. C. H._, V, 1881, p. 69. - -[1385] Bussemaker, in Dar.-Sagl., I, Pt. 1, _s. v._ _athleta_, p. 517 -(also quoted by Pottier), proposed the division into παῖδες, 12-16 -years old, ἀγένειοι, 16-20, and ἄνδρες, from 20 on. Pollux, VIII, 105, -and Harpokration, _s. v._ ἐπιδιετές, give the ephebe age as 18-20; -Xen., _Cyr._, 1, 2.8, puts the age at 16 or 17 for the Persians. - -[1386] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, 56. On the whole subject, see Krause, pp. -262 f., especially p. 263, n. 3; Gardiner, pp. 271-2. - -[1387] VI, 1.3 to VI, 18.7. We also know of 61 other victors with 63 -monuments from inscribed base fragments recovered at Olympia; these -will be treated _infra_ in Ch. VIII, pp. 353 f. - -[1388] See Ch. VIII, _infra_, p. 339 and notes 3-4. - -[1389] On _Ol._, IX, 150, Boeckh, p. 228; _cf._ _Etym. magn._, _s. v._ -στάδιον, p. 743, 25. - -[1390] Thus Apollo beat Hermes in running at Olympia, P., V, 7.10; -the Idæan Herakles instituted a race among his brothers, P., V, -7.7; and Endymion set his sons to run, and so instituted the boys’ -running race there, P., V, 1.4. The running race appears in the Boread -legend, Ph.,3; pseudo-Dio Chrysost., XXXVII, p. 296 (Dindorf); it was -represented on the Kypselos chest: P., V, 17.10, and appears on many -archaic vases. On the age of the event, see Grasberger, _Erziehung und -Unterricht_, I, 1864, p. 310 and III, 1881, p. 199. The Cretans and the -Lacedæmonians sacrificed to Apollo δρομαῖος: Plut., _Quaest. conviv._, -VIII, 4.4. - -[1391] See Ph., 3, for the four running races; _cf._, Plato, _de Leg._, -833 A, B. - -[1392] Iliad, XXIII, 740 f.; Od., VIII, 120 f. (in l. 121 it is -called δρόμος). In some historic games, the stade-race remained the -only event; _e. g._, at the _Hermaia_ on Salamis: _C. I. G._, I, 108. -For the stade-race, see P., I, 44.1; III, 14.3; IV, 4.5, etc. On its -origin, see Ph., 5. - -[1393] Schol. on Aristoph., _Aves_, 292 (ed. J. W. White, 1914); P., V, -8.6. On its origin, see Ph., 6 and _cf._ Krause, pp. 345 f. - -[1394] Ch. 4. - -[1395] Suidas, _s. v._ δόλιχος; schol. on Aristophanes, _Aves_, 292 (= -seven stadia); Boeckh, _C. I. G._, I, no. 1515, p. 703 (= ordinarily -seven stadia); schol. on Soph., _Electra_, 691. See Krause, I, p. 348, -n. 13; Grasberger, _op. cit._, I, pp. 312 f. - -[1396] Poll., III, 151; schol. on Aristoph., _Acharn._, 214; etc. - -[1397] P., _passim_; _Oxy. Pap._; etc. - -[1398] Ph., 7. For two theories of its origin, see _ibid._ - -[1399] P., X, 7.5; Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen, und Isthmien_, pp. 136 -f. - -[1400] _Cf._ Plato, _de Leg._, I, p. 625 E. Thus the Cretans Ergoteles -and Sotades won the distance race twice each; Ergoteles in Ols. 77 -and 79 (= 472 and 464 B. C.): P., VI, 4.11; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 46; -Foerster, 206, 213; Sotades in Ols. 99, 100 (= 384, 380 B. C.): P., VI, -18.6; Hyde, 186; Foerster, 317, 323. The Cretan Philonides, courier -of Alexander the Great, had an honor statue at Olympia: P., VI, 16.5; -Hyde, 154a. At the games at Trapezous over sixty Cretans entered: Xen., -_Anab._, IV, 8, 27; _cf._ Krause, pp. 352 f. - -[1401] _De Leg._, VIII, 833 C. - -[1402] V, 16.3. - -[1403] V, 8.6; _cf._ IV, 4.5; VIII, 26.4. His statement about the -antiquity of the event is corroborated by Plutarch, _Quaest. conviv._, -V, 2.12, Ph. (= only event until Ol. 14), and Eusebios, _Chronika_, I, -p. 193 (ed. Schoene). Gardiner, p. 52, believes that if the Olympic -games developed from a single event, it was probably not from the -stade-race, but from either the fight in armor or the chariot-race. - -[1404] P., V, 8.6, etc.; Foerster, 1. - -[1405] Discussed by Gardiner, pp. 52 and 272-3. - -[1406] III, 8 (= Dorieus of Rhodes, who won his second victory in Ol. -88 (= 428 B. C.): P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 61; Foerster, 260); V, 49 (= -Androsthenes of Mainalos, who won his first victory in Ol. 90, = 420 B. -C.: P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 51; Foerster, 267). - -[1407] Dittenberger, _Sylloge_^2, I, no. 256 (= Agesidamos of Messenia, -who won in Ol. 140, = 220 B. C.). - -[1408] V, 8.6; confirmed by Ph., 12, and Eusebios, _Chron._, I, p. 193 -(ed. Schoene). - -[1409] _L. c._; corroborated by Ph., 12. - -[1410] P., V, 8.9; Eusebios agrees with Pausanias, but Philostratos -says Ol. 46 (= 596 B. C.), _l. c._ - -[1411] P., V, 8.10; _cf._ III, 14.3. It was introduced at Delphi in 498 -B. C.: see Gardiner, p. 70. - -[1412] On running races, see Krause, I, pp. 337 f.; Gardiner, Ch. XIII, -pp. 270 f.; Dar.-Sagl., I, Pt. 2, pp. 1643 f.; Grasberger, _Erziehung -und Unterricht_, I, pp. 312 f.; etc. - -[1413] Fig. 37 left = _Mon. d. I._, I, 1829-33, Pl. XXII, 6b; _cf. -ibid._, 4b, and X, 1874-78, Pl. XLVIII, f, and Panathenaic amphora -in Dar.-Sagl., I, Pt. 2, p. 1643, fig. 2229. Fig. 36A = Gerhard, IV, -Pl. CCLIX, 1. Also _cf._ a sixth-century B. C. amphora in Munich, -no. 498: _Mon. d. I._, X, Pl. XLVIII, m; Gardiner, p. 281, fig. -52; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 129, fig. 92 (right); a fourth-century -Panathenaic amphora: Gardiner, p. 283, fig. 53, from Stephani, _Comptes -rendus de la comm. impér. archéol._, St. Petersburg, 1876, Atlas, Pl. I. - -[1414] Ph., 32: οἷον πτερούμενοι ὑπο τῶν χειρῶν. - -[1415] The first = _B. M. Vases_, B 609; Gardiner, p. 280, fig. 51; -_Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-78, Pl. XLVIII, e, 4; G. F. Hill, _Illustrations -of School Classics_, 1903, fig. 390; the second (Fig. 37, right) = -_Mon. d. I._, I, 1829-33, Pl. XXII, 7b; Gardiner, p. 279, fig. 50; -Dar.-Sagl., p. 1644, fig. 2230. _Cf._ another in _Mon. d. I._, X, Pl. -XLVIII, f, 6. - -[1416] National Museum, no. 761. - -[1417] _Cf._ Reisch, p. 46. - -[1418] On this mode of representing runners, see Schmidt in _Muenchener -archaeol. Studien zum Andenken A. Furtwaengler dargebracht_, 1909, pp. -249 f. (especially p. 257). - -[1419] See Kalkmann, _Jb._, X, 1895, pp. 56 f, and fig. 4, p. 56 (= -Gerhard, IV, 256; Murray, _Designs from Greek Vases_, V, 18) two -runners; the interior of the same vase also represents such a runner: -p. 61, fig. 7. _Cf._ also p. 58, fig. 5 (= Murray, X, 37; _Mon. d. I._, -IV, 1844-48, Pl. XXXIII), representing Hermes on a r.-f. vase of the -severe style; also p. 59, fig. 6; etc. Also _cf._ Juethner, p. 41, fig. -36a (a later r.-f. kylix in Munich, no. 803 A), showing a pentathlete -running with an _akontion_. The following b.-f. vases, which show -representations of such archaic runners, are taken from Perrot-Chipiez, -X, 1914: the proto-Attic amphora of Nettos, p. 71, fig. 63 (= _Ant. -Denkm._, I, Text, p. 46); cup from Aegina, p. 77, fig. 68 (= _A. Z._, -XL, 1882, Pl. IX); Corinthian amphora, p. 103, fig. 74 (= Pottier, -_Vases antiques_, Pl. LIX, E 855); the Gorgon on the François Vase, -p. 165, fig. 108 (from Furtw.-Reichhold, _Griech. Vasenmalerei_, Pls. -I-III); on neck of an amphora by Pamphaios in the Louvre, p. 388, fig. -233 (= Pottier, _op. cit._, Pl. LXXXVIII). - -[1420] Discussed (wrongly, I think, as Etruscan) by G. H. Chase: _A. J. -A._, XII, 1908, pp. 287 f., Pls. VIII-XVIII (especially XII-XVIII); Pl. -XV = Richardson, p. 69, fig. 27. - -[1421] Richter, _Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes_, no. 46, fig. on -p. 30; _Museum Bull._, 1911 (April), pp. 92 f., and fig. 5 (Richter); -it is 4-5/8 inches tall. - -[1422] No. 1959. It will be discussed in our treatment of hoplitodromes -_infra_, p. 209 and n. 2. - -[1423] Richter, no. 16, fig. on p. 10; _Mus. Bull._, 1909 (May), p. 78 -(Robinson); it is 2-7/8 inches tall. - -[1424] Richter, no. 62, fig. on p. 43; Mus. Bull., 1913 (Dec.), pp. 268 -f. and fig. 7 (Richter); it is 3-1/16 inches tall. - -[1425] _Op. cit._, pp. 65 and 74. - -[1426] _Aegina, das Heiligtum der Aphaia_, Pl. XCVI, nos. 32 and 3; in -the Glyptothek these are nos. 78 and 82; see von Mach, Pl. 78 (middle). - -[1427] The Lapith G and the boy P: Treu, _Jb._, III, 1888, pp. 117 f., -Pl. V (= Q and F in the new arrangement on Pl. VI); Kalkmann, _op. -cit._, p. 75. - -[1428] Bulle, 180; it is 0.79 meter high. - -[1429] _Ant. Denkm._, I, Pt. 5, 1890, Pl. LVI (text, pp. 45-46, by -Winter); B. B., no. 249; Bulle, 92 (two views) and 93; von Mach, 226; -Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, no. 1353; _Guide_, 1063; Collignon, II, p. 361, -fig. 184; Gardiner, _Sculpt._, Pl. LXXIII; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 419, -7. It is 1 meter high (Bulle). - -[1430] _E. g._, Kalkmann, _Jb._, X, 1895, pp. 46 f., Pl. I and fig. I -in text; he defends this view, _ibid._, XI, 1896, pp. 197 f. - -[1431] To the fifth by Kalkmann, Bulle, Furtwaengler (_Sitzb. Muen. -Akad._, 1907, Pt. II, pp. 219-220, = Hadrianic copy), and others; -to the fourth by Winter, Collignon, and von Mach; Collignon, II, -pp. 359 f., connects it stylistically with the so-called _Ilioneus_ -of the Glyptothek, represented in a similar pose (= Furtw.-Wolters, -_Beschr._,^2 270; B. B., 432; F. W., 1263), and with the _Hypnos_ in -the Prado, Madrid (= Huebner, _Die ant. Bildw. in Madrid_, no. 39; -Furtw., _Mw._, pp. 648 f.; Collignon, II, p. 357, fig. 181; F. W., -1287; for small replicas in bronze, see Winnefeld, _Hypnos_, p. 8, n. -2), and assigns all three to the fourth century B. C. and to Skopaic -art. Amelung assigns the Subiaco youth to Hellenistic times: _Mus. and -Ruins of Rome_, I, fig. 60. - -[1432] For a list of ten such interpretations, see de Ridder, _Rev. -arch._, XXXI, Sér. 3, 1897, p. 265, n. 5; and B. Sauer, Der Knabe von -Subiaco, _Festgabe H. Bluemner ueberreicht_, 1914, pp. 143 f., and note -1 on p. 143. - -[1433] _E. g._, by Bulle; Brizio, _Ausonia_, I, 1906, p. 21; _cf._ -Winter, _l. c._; etc. If a Niobid, he was probably wounded in the neck -(_cf._ the one in Milan) and formed part of a group. - -[1434] By Lucas, _Neue Jahrbuecher f. kl. Altertum_, V, 1902, pp. 427 -f; _cf._ _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, IX, 1906, pp. 273 f. - -[1435] Formerly by G. Koerte, _Jb._, XI, 1896, pp. 11 f.; _cf._ the -Pompeian wall-painting, _ibid._, p. 15, fig. 2; he has since given up -this view: see Sauer, _l. c._ - -[1436] De Ridder, _op. cit._, the hands seem to have been placed wrong -for this interpretation, though Helbig and Amelung find it possible. - -[1437] Petersen, _Jb._, XI, 1896, pp. 202 f.; such a motive was unknown -to antiquity and is based on the wrong assumption that a marble hand -holding a rope-like object, which was found in the same excavations, -belongs to the statue: see Helbig, _l. c._ - -[1438] Sauer, in the publication mentioned, believes the riddle best -solved by assuming that the figure formerly was part of a gable group; -see the reconstruction (by Luebke), p. 145, fig. 4. He dates it in the -second half of the fifth century B. C., contemporary with the _Idolino_. - -[1439] The fleetness of Ladas was often extolled, especially by late -Greek and Roman writers: P, III, 21.1; Plut., _Praecip. ger. reip._, -10; Catullus, LV, 25; Juvenal, XIII, 97; Martial, II, LXXXVI, 8, and -XC, 5; Seneca, _Ep._, LXXXV, 4; Solinus, 7; etc. - -[1440] _A. Pl._, IV, no. 53; here line 3 was added by Jacobs, and line -4 by Benndorf, from two parodies of the epigram in _A. G._, XI, 86 -and 119; in the first parody ἄλλος stands for Λάδας and Περικλῆς for -κάμνων. See Benndorf, _de anthologiae Graecae Epigrammatis quae ad -artes spectant_, Diss. inaug., 1862, pp. 13 f., and Kalkmann, _Jb._, -X, 1895, pp. 76-77 and notes. Studniczka (see next note) reads line 4: -Λάδας, οἱ δ’ ἄλλοι δάκτυλον οὐ προέβαν. - -[1441] _A. Pl._, IV, 54. Benndorf corrects the Mss. reading of the -last half of l. 2 as νεῦρα ταθεὶς ὄνυχι; others read the whole line: -θυνὸν [= δρόμον] ἐπ’ ἀκροτάτῳ σκάμματι θεὶς ὄνυχα. On the two epigrams, -see Studniczka, Myron’s Ladas, _Ber. saechs. Gesellsch. d. Wiss., -Philolog.-histor. Cl._, 52, 1900, pp. 329 f. (especially pp. 333 f.). - -[1442] Reading φυσῶν ... θυμόν for φεύγων ... Θῦμον, “flying from -wind-footed Thymos,” of Jacobs. On possible readings, see Studniczka, -_l. c._, pp. 337 f. - -[1443] _Sculpt._, p. 69. - -[1444] See Kalkmann, _op. cit._, pp. 77-8; Reisch, p. 44; _cf._ Gercke, -_Jb._, VIII, 1893, p. 115, on the meaning of the words πνεῦμα and ἆσθμα. - -[1445] _Polyklet u. s. Sch._, p. 17; von Mach, no. 289; B. B., 354. - -[1446] No. 249, 249 a; he fixes his victory in Ol. (?) 85 (= 440 B. -C.), because of the late dating of Myron by Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 49 -(_floruit_ Ol. 90 = 420 B. C.: _cf._ Brunn, I, 142 f.); Furtwaengler -dated his activity within the first half of the fifth century B. C.: -_Mp._, p. 182; Robert provisionally dates the victory of Ladas in -Ol. (?) 76 (= 476 B. C.), though he finds that Ols. 80 and 81 (= 460 -and 456 B. C.) are possible: see _O. S._, p. 184; here he dates the -sculptor (?) 476-444 B. C. - -[1447] _Cf. infra_, Ch. VIII, p. 365, n. 1. - -[1448] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, nos. 913, 914; _Guide_, 573, 574; _B. Com. -Rom._, IV, 1876, Pls. IX-X, pp. 68 f.; B. B., 353 (right and left); -Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 540, 4, and for the torso, see II, 2, 541, 3 (= -_B. Com. Rom._, Pl. XI). - -[1449] Helbig, 914. - -[1450] Helbig, 913. - -[1451] So Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 128, n. 1, _Mw._, p. 285, n. 3, and -Helbig (3d ed.); on the other hand, Reisch (p. 46), B. B., and formerly -Helbig (in the first edition of his _Guide_), have regarded them as -wrestlers. - -[1452] The statuette and relief are pictured in _Mon. ant._, XI, 1901, -Pl. XXVI, 2, and pp. 402 f. The statuette also in Arndt-Amelung, -_Einzelaufnahmen_, no. 552, and Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 540, 6. - -[1453] _Mp._, pp. 126 f., and fig. 51; _Mw._, pp. 284 f., fig. 38; here -the restored parts have been removed and his own restoration is given -in an outline drawing. See also B. B., no. 129; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, -322; Clarac, 837, 2099. - -[1454] Mentioned by P., I, 28.2 and I, 25.1; the inscribed base has -been found (see Lolling, Ἀρχαιολογικὸν Δελτίον, 1889, p. 35, n. 2). -The _Perikles_ is exemplified by two inscribed copies: a terminal bust -in London: _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 549 and fig. 23 on p. 289; _Ancient -Marbles in the British Museum_, 1815, Pl. XXXII; _A. Z._, XXVI, 1868, -Pl. II, fig. 1 and pp. 1 f. (Conze); Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 117 f., Pl. -VII and fig. 46 (profile); _Mw._, Pl. IX and pp. 270 f.; F. W., 481; -a terminal bust in the Vatican: Visconti, _Iconogr. gr._, 1824-26, -I, Pl. XV and p. 178; B. B., no. 156; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 276; -Arndt-Bruckmann, _Griech. u. roem. Portraets_, 413, 414: Bernouilli, -_Griech. Ikonogr._, I, Pl. XI, p. 108; etc. - -[1455] _H. N._, XXXIV, 74; in this passage Pliny also mentions an -_Olympius Pericles_. The Naples statue has been wrongly restored as a -gladiator; it is pictured, minus the restorations, in _Mp._, p. 125, -fig. 50; _Mw._, p. 282, fig. 37; _cf._ Clarac, 870, 2210 and 872, 2210. -Furtwaengler connects this statue with the bronze one of a certain -Diitrephes pierced with arrows, which Pausanias saw on the Akropolis, -I, 23.3; a basis found there, inscribed with the name Kresilas, -supported a votive offering of Hermolykos, the son of Diitrephes, to -Athena: _I. G. B._, 46; _C. I. A._, I, 402 (Kirchhoff, who opposes the -connection); _cf._ p. 373. The base shows that a figure stood upon it -in the pose of another figure, which appears on a white-faced Attic -lekythos in the Cab. des Médailles in Paris (_Mp._, p. 124, fig. 48), -which Furtwaengler believes a free rendering of the Kresilæan statue. - -[1456] In Ols. 83, 84, 85 (= 448-440 B. C.): Afr.; Foerster, 239, 245, -248. Krison is mentioned by Plato, _Protag._, 335 E, and _de Leg._, -VIII, 840 A; Aristophanes of Byzantion (_apud_ Zonaras, I, p. 451, and -_apud_ Hesych., _s. v._ Γρίσων); Plut., _de adul. et amici Discr._, 16; -and _de Tranqu. anim._, 12; etc. - -[1457] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 157. He won Ol. (?) 80 (= 460 B. C.): P. VI, -8.1; Hyde, 71; Foerster, 280. - -[1458] B. B., no. 321; Bulle, 164, and fig. 93 on pp. 361-2 (cast -on round base in Erlangen); von Mach 72; Collignon, I, p. 417, fig. -215; Rayet, I, Pl. 35; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 956; _Guide_, 617; -Zielinski, _Rhein. Mus._, XXXIX, 1884, pp. 116 f. (who refers the -original possibly to Strongylion); F. W., 215. For replicas, see _Gaz. -Arch._, 1881, p. 130; Rayet, text to Pl. 35; and Furtwaengler, _Der -Dornauszieher und der Knabe mit der Gans_, 1876, pp. 7 f; Reinach, -_Rép._, 1, 344, 6. It was called a runner first by Visconti, _Opere -varie_, 1827-31, IV, Pl. XXIII, pp. 163 f., who has been followed by -Collignon, Zielinski, Rayet, Reisch (p. 46), Richardson (p. 144), and -others. It is 0.80 meter high (Bulle). - -[1459] _E. g._, Overbeck, II, pp. 182-185, and notes 10-24 on p. 186. -On p. 183, fig. 186, he gives illustrations of the three principal -copies—the marble one in the British Museum (a), the bronze statuette -in Baron Rothschild’s collection in Paris (b), and the Capitoline -bronze in Rome (c). He brings it into relation with the sculptor -Boëthos, who is known to have made seated _genre_ figures of boys, _e. -g._, one in the Heraion at Olympia, P., V., 17. 4 (= S. Q., 1596). - -[1460] Von Mach, no. 86; _cf._ Kekulé, _A. Z._, XLI, 1883, p. 244, and -F. W., 215. - -[1461] See _B. M. Sculpt._, III, pp. 109-110. - -[1462] See K. Woelke, Dornauszieher-Maedchen, _Jb._, XXIX, 1914, pp. -17-25, figs. 1, 2, etc. - -[1463] _E. g._, bronze statuettes, formerly in the Dreyfus collection -in Paris, dating from the second half of the fifteenth century: Bulle, -p. 364, fig. 94; _Mon. Piot_, XVI, 1909, Pl. XII, 3 (nos. 2, 3 = -Italian bronzes of the same subject in the Louvre and in the collection -of Charles Haviland; see text, by G. Migeon, pp. 95 f.). - -[1464] _B. M. Sculpt._, III, no. 1755 and Pl. VIII; _Mon. d. I._, X, -1874-78, Pl. XXX; _Annali_, XLVIII, 1876, Pl. N (and pp. 124 f); _A. -Z._, XXXV, 1877, p. 127, and XXXVII, 1879, p. 19, Pls. II, III; Rayet, -Pl. 36; von Mach, 284; Bulle, p. 365, fig. 95; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, -144, 2. It is 0.63 meter high (Bulle). - -[1465] _Gaz. arch._, 1881, Pls. IX-XI; Collignon, I, p. 420, fig. 216; -Rayet, text to no. 36; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 143, 7. It is 9.5 inches -tall. - -[1466] See Lange, _Das Motif des aufgestuetzten Fusses_, 1879, pp. 9 -f.; Reisch, p. 46, n. 5; B. B., no. 67 (Paris copy); von Mach, 238a -(Munich copy), 238b (Louvre copy). See _supra_, pp. 86-87. - -[1467] See E. N. Gardiner, _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, p. 281; on the -race, see Gardiner, pp. 285-91, and _J. H. S._, _l. c._, pp. 280 f.; -Krause, I, pp. 353-359; Dar.-Sagl., I, Pt. 2, p. 1644; etc. - -[1468] At Olympia, P., III, 14.3; Plut., _Quaest. conviv._, II, 5; -Artemidoros, _Oneirokritika_, I, 63; Heliod., _Aethiop._, IV., _init._; -_Oxy. Pap._; at Delphi, Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen, und Isthmien_, -1841, p. 26, no. 4; at the _Panathenaia_, Mommsen, _Feste d. Stadt -Athen_, 1898, p. 70. On its origin, see Ph., 7. - -[1469] P., II, 11.8; X, 34.5. In the first passage Pausanias speaks -of a victor who won the _diaulos_ twice—once γυμνός, the second time -σὺν τῇ ἀσπίδι. De Ridder, _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, pp. 211 f., discusses -Hauser’s futile argument (_Jb._, II, 1887, pp. 95 f.) that the -hoplite-runner covered the stadion four times, the first and fourth -with helmet and shield, the second and third without the shield, and -conclusively shows that the race was a _diaulos_. For Athens, see -Aristoph., _Aves_, 291 f., and scholion. The race was four stades long -at Nemea: _cf._ Ph., 7, and Juethner’s note (p. 196). - -[1470] Ph., 8; _cf._ also 24. - -[1471] VI, 10.4. In V, 12.8 he says that 25 shields for this race were -officially kept in the nave of the temple of Zeus. - -[1472] We see shield, helmet, and greaves on the vase pictured in -Dar.-Sagl., I, 2, p. 1644, fig. 2231; Baum., III, p. 2110, fig. 2360; -on the b.-f. vases in Gerhard, IV, Pls. CCLVII, CCLVIII, and CCLXIII; -on the b.-f. vases pictured in Schreiber, _Bilderatlas_, Pl. XXII, -figs. 3 (sixth century B. C., = Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLVIII) and 5 (= -amphora in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_, II, B 608); we see no -greaves on the r.-f. kylix in Berlin (Fig. 41); _cf._ Krause, pp. 354 f. - -[1473] _Jb._, II, 1887, pp. 95 f.; X, 1895, pp. 199 f. - -[1474] P., VI, 10.4. - -[1475] P., X, 34.5. Mnesiboulos won stade- and hoplite-races at Olympia -in Ol. 235 (= 161 A. D.): Afr.; Foerster, 712-713; _cf._ Hitz.-Bluemn., -II, 2, p. 582. He was also περιοδονίκης in both events. - -[1476] _E. g._, by Ph., 7. - -[1477] A bronze helmet found at Olympia, recently in the possession of -the Bishop of Lincoln, is pictured in _J. H. S._, II, 1881, Pl. XI, 1. - -[1478] _E. g._, on the vase in Dar.-Sagl., I, 2, p. 1644, fig. 2231; on -the Panathenaic vase in the British Museum, already mentioned, dating -from the second half of the fourth century B. C.: _B. M. Vases_, II, -B. 608; = Gardiner, p. 290, fig. 58; = _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-78, Pl. -XLVIII, e, 3; = Baum, III, p. 2110, fig. 2361; here the runners are -running with the feet flat on the ground. - -[1479] In the Cabinet des Médailles of the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. -523; Hartwig, _Die griech. Meisterschalen_, 1893, pp. 132-142, Pls. XV, -2 and XVI; Gardiner, p. 286, fig. 54, and _J. H. S._, XXIII, p. 278, -fig. 7; Hoppin, _Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases_, I, p. 427, no. 58. - -[1480] No. 2307; Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLXI; _J. H. S._, XXIII, p. 277, -fig. 6; Gardiner, p. 288, fig. 56; Dar.-Sagl., II, 2, p. 1644, fig. -2232; _Jb._, II, 1887, p. 105; _cf._ similar runners on a r.-f. kylix -in the British Museum, E 22: Murray, _Designs from Greek Vases_, no. -18; Hoppin, _Hbk._, I, p. 372, no. 21. - -[1481] _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, p. 278, fig. 8; Gardiner, p. 287, fig. -55. It was formerly in Berlin. - -[1482] E 818; _J. H. S._, _l. c._, p. 285, fig. 12; Gardiner, p. 289, -fig. 57; noted by Hartwig, _Die griech. Meisterschalen_, p. 373, no. 8; -Hoppin, _Hbk._, I, p. 134, no. 69. - -[1483] For a reconstruction of the various phases of the armed-race -from vase-paintings, see _J. H. S._, _l. c._, p. 279, fig. 9. - -[1484] See Gardiner, p. 291 and _J. H. S._, _l. c._, pp. 284 f. Perhaps -this is the explanation of a kylix in Berlin (no. 4039), reproduced by -Furtwaengler in _Samml. Sabouroff_, I, Pl. LIII. - -[1485] _E. g._, on a r.-f. kylix in Munich (no. 1240); _J. H. S._, -_l. c._, p. 284, fig. 11; Gardiner, p. 292, fig. 59. This painting -represents a palæstra scene, as is shown by the sponges on the wall. - -[1486] 291. - -[1487] _H. N._, XXXV, 71. - -[1488] I, 23.9. In 1838 the inscribed base of this statue was found, -the inscription being: Ἐπι[χ]αρῖνος [ἀνέ]θηκεν ὁ ... Κριτίος καὶ -Νησ[ι]ώτης ἐπο[ιησ]άτην: _C. I. A._, I, 376; Loewy, _I. G. B._, 39. -This shows that Pausanias got his information about the pose from the -statue itself and not from the inscription. It also gives us the right -spelling of the artist’s name. - -[1489] First published, long after it had passed from the possession -of Herr Tux to the University Collection, by Gruneisen in Schorn’s -_Kunstblatt_, 1835, pp. 21 f., and separately the same year. See also -Hauser in _Jb._, II, 1887, pp. 95-107; L. Schwabe, _Jb._, I, 1886, pp. -163 f., Pl. IX (= three views); de Ridder, _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, pp. -211 f. (reviewed in _A. J. A._, II, 1898, pp. 268 f.); Collignon, I, p. -305, fig. 152; Bulle, no. 89 (two views); Springer-Michaelis, p. 217, -fig. 403a; Brunn, _Griech. Kunstgesch._, 1893, II, p. 249 f.; F. W., -90; Rouse, p. 174, n. 1; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 543, 5. - -[1490] Bulle, no. 86. - -[1491] _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, V, 1902, pp. 165-70 and Pl. IV (three -views). It was probably made in Campania. It is 0.07 meter high. - -[1492] M. D., 1097; Clarac, 830, 2085. - -[1493] Furtw., _Mp._, p. 204, and n. 4; _Mw._, p. 392, and n. 4. He -believes that the helmet is not alien to the statue as some think, but -points out that the head, which is much restored and is akin to the -_Perseus_, is wrongly attached to the body. Hauser, _Jb._, II, 1887, p. -101, n. 24, because of the tree-trunk, does not believe that the statue -represents a hoplite-runner; but Furtwaengler shows that the tree-trunk -offers no objection to restoring a shield to the statue. - -[1494] Rayet, II, Pls. 64, 65 (head); B. B., no. 75; Bulle, 88; von -Mach, 286; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 154 1-4; M. W., I, Pl. 48, 216; F. -W., 1425; H. B. Walters, _The Art of the Greeks_, Pl. XLIX; Gardner, -_Hbk._, p. 513, fig. 136; J. Six, _De Beteekenis van het Leelijke in -de Grieksche Kunst_, p. 29; his theory has been contested by Kalkman, -_Jb._, X, 1895, p. 64 and n. 50. The statue is 1.55 meters high (Bulle). - -[1495] Bulle, and also Klein (III, pp. 265 f.), believe that Agasias -was no mere copyist, while Amelung (Becker-Thieme, _Lex. d. bild. -Kuenstler_, I, 113) classes him as one. The inscription on the base of -the statue dates it about 100 B. C. - -[1496] No. 1959; _Arch. Eph._, 1904, pp. 43-56 (Philios) and Pl. I; -Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, pp. 648-51 and fig. 333; Staïs, _Marbres et -Bronzes_, Pl. on p. 20; Svoronos, I, pp. 89-96, and Tafelbd., I, Pl. -XXVI (upper left corner); Bulle, 263; E. Schmidt, _Muenchner archaeol. -Stud. zum Andenken A. Furtwaengler_, p. 254 and fig. 351; Lechat, p. -206, fig. 25. Its dimensions are 1.01 meters high and 0.72 meter broad. -See p. 194. - -[1497] Bulle dates it loosely after the middle of the sixth century B. -C. - -[1498] He shows that a similar type appears on Athenian dekadrachmai, -which were struck soon after the date of the battle of Marathon, in any -case before 480 B. C.; _cf._ Babelon, _Journ. Int. d’arch. Num._, 1905. - -[1499] _A. Pl._, I, 3, v. 2, and _P. l. G._, III, no. 153, p. 500. -_Cf._ also the epigram quoted by Eustathius, in the scholion on the -Iliad, XXIII, 621, p. 1320, and one by Lucilius, _A. G._, XI, no. 84. -The five events are repeatedly mentioned by Greek writers: Ph., 3, -11, etc.; Artemidoros, _Oneir._, I, 55; many scholiasts, _e. g._, on -Pindar, _Isthm._, 1, 35, Boeckh, p. 519, and Soph., _Electra_, 691. -On the event, see P. Gardner, _J. H. S._, I, pp. 210 f.; Gardiner, -Ch. XVII, pp. 359 f.; _id._, _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, pp. 54 f. (The -Method of Deciding the Pentathlon); E. Myers, _J. H. S._, II, 1881, -pp. 217 f.; F. Fedde, _Der Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen_, 1888, and _Ueber -den Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen_, 1889; Heinrich, _Ueber das Pentathlon d. -Griechen_, 1892; Pinder, _Ueber den Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen_, 1867; -Krause, I, pp. 476-497, and 921 f.; Bluemner, in Baum., I, pp. 512 f; -Legrand, in Dar.-Sagl., IV, 1, pp. 804 f., _s. v._ _Quinquertium_. On -the order of events and method of deciding the victory, see Gardiner, -pp. 362 f. - -[1500] _Isthm._, I, 26-27. - -[1501] Od., VIII, 103. In line 129 he mentions the diskos. Boxing was -never a part of the later pentathlon. - -[1502] P., V, 8.7; Philostratos, 12; in Ch. 3 he says that it was -introduced by Jason. - -[1503] P., V, 9.1. - -[1504] Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLIX. See _supra_, p. 192. - -[1505] It represents jumping, javelin-throwing, and diskos-throwing; it -is a Panathenaic vase of the sixth century B. C. in the British Museum: -B 134; _J. H. S._, XXVII, 1907, Pl. XVIII; Gardiner, p. 360, fig. -107; _cf._ these three events pictured on another amphora of similar -date in Leyden: _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, Pl. IX; Gardiner, p. 361, fig. -108. A gymnasium scene (_i. e._, figures of a jumper, diskobolos, and -apparently an akontistes) appears on a r.-f. vase-painting by Douris: -see Pottier, _Douris et les Peintres de Vases grecs_, 1904 (engl. ed. -1909), fig. 6; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 549, fig. 315. - -[1506] In addition to those cited we may add the vase in the British -Museum, B 142 (= diskos-throwing and javelin-throwing); one in Munich, -no. 656 (= javelin-throwing and jumping); two others in the British -Museum, B 136 and 602 (= diskos-throwing); another there, B 605 (= -javelin-throwing); etc. - -[1507] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 162, 163; _I. G. B._, 91; upper surface -outlined in Furtw., _Mp._, p. 263, fig. 110; _Mw._, p. 472, fig. 80. -For the discussion of Pythokles, see _Mp._, pp. 262 f. - -[1508] Furtwaengler believed in the first century B. C.; Dittenberger -and Purgold, in the first century A. D.: _cf._ _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 284. - -[1509] Gatti, _B. Com. Rom._, XIX, 1891, pp. 280 f., Pl. X, 1; _cf._ -Petersen, _R. M._, VI, 1891, pp. 304 f. - -[1510] Statuette in the Braccio Nuovo of the Vatican: Helbig, -_Fuehrer_, I, 32; _Guide_, 43; Amelung, _Vat._, I, no. 101 on p. 116, -and Pls. XVI, XVII; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 264, fig. 111; _Mw._, p. 474, -fig. 81; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 549, 2; Clarac, 861, 2184; a black -marble statue found at Porto d’ Anzio in 1758, now in the Glyptothek: -Furtwaengler-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glypt._,^2 no. 458; Clarac, 858, -2175; it is 1.54 meters high. - -[1511] _Wiener Studien_, XXIV, 1902, pp. 398 f.; he is, therefore, -against the Pythokles ascription; see also Studniczka in _Jh. oest. -arch. Inst._, 1906, p. 131. - -[1512] _Cf._ also Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, pp. 570 f. - -[1513] Hettner, _Die Bildw. d. kgl. Antikensamml. zu Dresden_, no. 90 -(= a doryphoros); Furtw., _Mp._, Pl. XII (whence our plate) and fig. -112 (head from cast, two views), on p. 267; discussion, pp. 265 f; -_Mw._, Pls. XXVI, XXVII (the head from a cast and the restored left -forearm omitted) and text, pp. 475 f.; Clarac, 948, 2437. Furtwaengler -mentions three other copies of the statue and three of the head. - -[1514] On a fourth-century B. C. Panathenaic prize vase we see an -athlete in a similar pose holding a diskos in his left hand: _Mon. d. -I._, X, 1874-78, Pl. XLVIII, g, 10 (quoted by Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. -266, n. 6). - -[1515] Formerly in the Coll. Pourtalès, and then in the Coll. Gréau: W. -Froehner, _Cat. des bronzes antiques de la Collection Gréau_, 1885, Pl. -XXXII, p. 204, no. 964; de Ridder, _Les Bronzes antiques du Louvre_, I, -1913, Pl. 19, no. 184, and p. 34; Mahler, _Polyklet und seine Schule_, -pp. 57 f. and fig. 13; Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 278, _Mw._, p. 490; -Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 546, 3. It is 0.218 meter high. Froehner had -interpreted the statuette as that of an oil-pourer, though the position -of the hands is against it. - -[1516] P., VI, 14.13; Hyde, 139 and pp. 54-55; Foerster, 451, 456; -_Inschr. v. Ol._, 176. - -[1517] Od., VIII, 103 and 128. On jumping, see Krause, I, pp. 383 f.; -Gardiner, Ch. XIV, pp. 295 f.; etc. - -[1518] IV, 465 f. - -[1519] _Cf._ Stesichoros, _apud_ Athenaeum, IV, 72 (pp. 172 f.). - -[1520] _De Incessu animalium_, Ch. 3 (p. 705 a). - -[1521] As, _e. g._, on the statues at Olympia of the Elean pentathlete -Anauchidas (P., V, 27.12) and Hysmon (P., VI, 3.10). See _supra_, p. -164. - -[1522] Juethner, _Antike Turngeraete_, pp. 3-13; Gardiner, Ch. XIV, pp. -295 f. and _J. H. S._, XXIV, 1904, pp. 179 f., (especially pp. 181 f.). -The following section is taken chiefly from these two sources. _Cf._ -also _Bronz. v. Ol._, pp. 180-1; Pinder, _A. A._, 1864, pp. 230 f. - -[1523] National Museum, no. 9075; _Arch. Eph._, 1883, fig. on p. 190; -Juethner, fig. 1; Gardiner, p. 298, fig. 60. The inscription = _C. I. -A._, IV, 422^4. This weight is 4.5 inches long with concave sides and -weighs 4 lbs. 2 oz. - -[1524] _E. g._, one of lead, in the British Museum: _J. H. S._, XXIV, -1904, p. 182; Gardiner, p. 299, fig. 61 c. It weighs 2 lbs. 5 oz. - -[1525] V, 26.3; the group dates from the second half of the fifth -century B. C.: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 267-9. - -[1526] _Arch. Eph._, 1883, fig. on p. 104; Juethner, fig. 8; Gardiner, -p. 300, fig. 62; Schreiber, _Bilderatlas_, Pl. XXII, fig. 10. It is 10 -inches long. (The illustrations show one weight seen from three sides.) - -[1527] _Bronz. v. Ol._, p. 180, fig. 1101; Juethner, fig. 9; Gardiner, -p. 299, fig. 61a (from cast in the British Museum). It is probably of -diorite and is 11.5 inches long, and weighs over 10 pounds. - -[1528] Ch. 55; _cf._ Lucian, _Anach._, 27 (καὶ μολυβδίνας χειροπληθεῖς -ἐν ταῖν χεροῖν ἔχοντες, _i. e._, cylindrical); _Etym. magn._, p. 71, 20. - -[1529] Such is the limestone _halter_ from Kameiros, Rhodes, in the -British Museum; _B. M. Guide to Gk. and Rom. Life_, 1908, fig. 41; -Gardiner, p. 299, fig. 61 b. It is 7.5 inches long. - -[1530] Juethner, fig. 11. - -[1531] Duetschke, II, 22. - -[1532] _Mon. d. I._, VI, VII, 1857-63, Pl. LXXXII; _Annali_, XXXV, -1863, pp. 397 f.; Gardiner, p. 177, fig. 22. - -[1533] See Caelius Aurelianus, _de Morb. acut. et chron._, V, 2.38 -(= of the early ? fifth century A. D.). The imperial physicians -recommended them: see Galen and Antyllos, _apud_ Oribasium, _Coll. -Medicin._, ed. Bussemaker et Daremberg, 1851, VI, 14 and 34, -respectively; see Krause, I, pp. 395 f., and Juethner, p. 16. - -[1534] Ch. 55. - -[1535] _De Incessu anim._, Ch. 3 (p. 705a). - -[1536] Made by E. O. Gourdin, in Cambridge, U. S. A., July 23, 1921. - -[1537] See _J. H. S._, II, 1881, p. 218, n. 1; the jump took place at -Chester in 1854; here is also recorded a standing jump of 13 ft. 7 in. -with 23-lb. weights, at Manchester in 1875. - -[1538] Mentioned by Pinder, _Ueber d. Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen_ (quoted -by Juethner, p. 16). - -[1539] So Fedde, p. 22. A record of 49 ft. 3 in. (hop, skip, and jump) -was made at Harwich in 1861: _J. H. S._, II, p. 281, n. 1. - -[1540] _A. Pl._, 297; _cf._ schol. on Aristophanes, _Acharn._, 213, and -other evidence gathered by Gardiner, in _J. H. S._, XXIV, 1904, pp. 70 -f. - -[1541] Rutgers, p. 11. - -[1542] On the controversy about these jumps, see Gardiner, Fedde, _ll. -cc._, and _A. A._, 1900, pp. 104-6 (Kueppers, Diels, and Stengel). On -Greek jumping, see also Krause, I, pp. 383 f.; Pinder, pp. 108 f.; -Fedde, pp. 14 f.; Grasberger, _Erziehung und Unterricht_, I, pp. 303 -f.; Girard, _L’éducation athénienne_, 1889, pp. 200 f.; etc. - -[1543] See Gardiner’s summary in _J. H. S._, XXIV, 1904, p. 189. - -[1544] _E. g._, on a r.-f. pelike in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_, -E 427; _J. H. S._, XXIV, 1904, p. 185, fig. 6; etc. - -[1545] _E. g._, on a r.-f. krater in Copenhagen (?): _Annali_, XVIII, -1846, Pl. M; Gardiner, p. 303, fig. 64; _J. H. S._, _l. c._, p. 185, -fig. 7 (left-hand figure). - -[1546] _E. g._, on a r.-f. kylix in Bologna: _J. H. S._, _l. c._, p. -186, fig. 8; Gardiner, p. 304, fig. 65; Juethner, fig. 16; on interior -of an early r.-f. vase, signed by Chelis, in the Louvre, G 15: Pottier, -_Vases antiques_, Pl. 89; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 366, fig. 211. - -[1547] _E. g._, on a r.-f. kylix from Orvieto, formerly in the -Bourguignon Coll. in Naples, but now in Boston: _A. Z._, XLII, 1884, p. -243 (Meier), Pl. XVI, 2b; Reinach, _Rép. vases peints_, I, p. 454, 1, -5, 6; _J. H. S._, _l. c._, p. 183, fig. 3; Gardiner, p. 305, fig. 66 -(interior showing diskobolos, _ibid._, p. 326, fig. 80 = _J. H. S._, -XXVII, 1907, p. 20, fig. 9); Juethner, p. 15, fig. 14; Girard, _L’éduc. -athén._, pp. 201, 207, figs. 22 and 27; Hoppin, _Hbk. Attic r.-f. -Vases_, p. 423, no. 44; Dar.-Sagl., III, 1, p. 5, fig. 3691, IV, 2, p. -1055, fig. 6083. - -[1548] _E. g._, on a b.-f. imitation Corinthian amphora in the British -Museum: _B. M. Vases_, B 48; middle figure is given in _J. H. S._, -_l. c._, p. 183, fig. 4; Gardiner, p. 306, fig. 67; Juethner, fig. 15 -(three figures). - -[1549] Inghirami, _Mus. Chius._, Pl. CXXV (quoted by Gardiner). - -[1550] _E. g._, on a Panathenaic amphora in Leyden: _J. H. S._, -XXVII, 1907 p. 260; on a later r.-f. kylix of Euphronios: Klein, -_Euphronios_^2, 1887, p. 306; _J. H. S._, XXIV, 1904, p. 188, fig. 9; -Gardiner, p. 307, fig. 68. - -[1551] _B. M. Bronzes_, 248, p. 26, fig. 10 (right); _Gaz. arch._, -1875, Pl. XXXV, p. 131; Schreiber, _Bilderatlas_, Pl. XXII, no. 15; -Murray, _Hbk. Gk. Archæology_, 1892, p. 123, fig. 53. The diskos is -8.25 inches in diameter and is to be dated about 500 B. C. On the -other side is represented a jumper, with measuring cord in his hands, -measuring his leap. A similar figure appears on a metrological relief -at Oxford: _J. H. S._, IV, 1883, Pl. XXXV, p. 335. - -[1552] Richter, _Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes_, no. 81, fig. on -p. 54 (three views); _Burlington Fine Arts Club, Cat. Anc. Gk. Art_, -1904, p. 46, no. 37; Reinach, _Rép._, IV, 345, 9. - -[1553] Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 543, 7 (quoted by Miss Richter). - -[1554] _E. g._, the jumper with _halteres_ on the British Museum pelike -already mentioned, E 427; see p. 216, n. 10; a still closer resemblance -is found in a jumper without _halteres_ on a r.-f. pelike discussed in -_J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, p. 272; Gardiner, p. 309, fig. 69. - -[1555] Krause, I, pp. 439 f. _E. g._, Apollo unintentionally slays -Hyakinthos while contending with him in diskos-throwing: Euripides, -_Helena_, 1469 f.; etc. - -[1556] Iliad, XXIII, 826 f. Later imitators of Homer use the word also: -_e. g._, Apoll. Rhod., III, 1366. - -[1557] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 717; _I. G. A._, 370; Juethner, pp. 22-23. A -larger block of volcanic rock weighing 480 kilograms has been found at -Santorin with an inscription dating from about 500 B. C. stating that -one Eumastas lifted it from the ground: _I. G._, XIII, no. 449. See _J. -H. S._, XXVII, 1907, p. 2. Such a scene is depicted on the interior of -a r.-f. kylix in the Louvre, G 96; _J. H. S._, _l. c._, fig. 1. - -[1558] Od., IV, 626 and VIII, 186 f. The diskos-throw was well known -as a measure: _e. g._, Il., XXIII, 431. Scholiasts tried to show the -difference between the _solos_ and the diskos: see Juethner, pp. 19 f. - -[1559] _Ol._, X, 72; _Isthm._, I, 25. - -[1560] _E. g._, on a b.-f. amphora in the British Museum: _B. M. -Vases_, B 271; _J. H. S._, XXVII, Pl. I; Gardiner, p. 314, fig. 71; -_cf._ the Panathenaic amphora, B 134 (= Fig. 44); _J. H. S._, XXVII, -Pl. XVIII. - -[1561] _B. M. Bronzes_, no. 3207; Gardiner, p. 317, fig. 73; _Rev. -arch._, XVIII, 1891, Pl. XVIII, p. 45. It is 6.5 inches in diameter. -The inscription is written retrograde. - -[1562] See list of fifteen in _J. H. S._, XXVII, p. 6; Gardiner, p. -316; eight of these are from Olympia. - -[1563] I, 35.5. - -[1564] Furtwaengler shows that there are numerous representations of -Myron’s _Diskobolos_ on gems: _Die antiken Gemmen_, _e. g._, Pls. XLIV, -nos. 26, 27, and LXVI, 8; _cf._ also a gem in the British Museum: _B. -M. Gems_, 742 and Pl. 11. - -[1565] _J. H. S._, XXVII, 1907, pp. 1 f., Pls. I-III, summary on p. 36; -_Greek Athl. Sports_, Ch. XV, pp. 313 f. _Cf._ also E. Pernice, _Jb._, -XXIII, 1908, Zum Diskoswurf, pp. 94 f., who corrects and augments the -evidence furnished by Gardiner’s article in the _J. H. S._ On the -diskos and mode of casting, see also Juethner, pp. 18-36; Krause, I, -pp. 442 f.; Grasberger, _Erziehung und Unterricht_, I, pp. 321 f.; -_Gaz. arch._, 1888, pp. 291 f. (J. Six); Dar.-Sagl., II, 1, pp. 277 -f.; Fedde, _Der Fuenfkampf der Hellenen_, pp. 37 f.; Girard, _L’éduc. -athén._, pp. 201 f.; Kietz, _Der Diskoswurf bei den Griechen_, 1892, -pp. 15 f. - -[1566] _E. g._, on a lekythos from Eretria: _J. H. S._, XXVII, p. 23, -fig. 12. - -[1567] _E. g._, on a b.-f. Attic lekythos in the British Museum: _B. M. -Vases_, B 576; _J. H. S._, _l. c._, Pl. II; Gardiner, p. 328, fig. 82; -on a r.-f. kylix: _J. H. S._, p. 26, fig. 15; Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCXCIV, -no. 6. - -[1568] _E. g._, on the reverse of a r.-f. kylix in the British Museum -signed by Pheidippos: _B. M. Vases_, III, Pl. I, E 6; _J. H. S._, _l. -c._, p. 13, fig. 3; Gardiner, p. 323, fig. 76; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. -368, fig. 214; on a b.-f. kelebe in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_, -E 361; Gardiner, p. 324, fig. 77; on an Attic b.-f. panel-amphora in -the University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia: _Museum Journal_, -VI, No. 4 (Dec., 1915), fig. 90, p. 170; _A. J. A._, XX, 1916, p. 440, -fig. 4; (the obverse of this vase, representing a boxing scene, is -given in our Fig. 56); on a b.-f. amphora pictured by Gerhard, IV, Pl. -CCLX., and Pernice, _l. c._, fig. on p. 98. The left foot is generally -forward in this position: _e. g._, on a r.-f. kylix in Munich, no. 795; -_J. H. S._, _l. c._, p. 26, fig. 14; the right is forward on two b.-f. -vases: Gerhard, Pls. CCLIX, 2 (= our Pl. 36 B), and CCLX. On a r.-f. -amphora in Naples (Pernice, fig. on p. 96), a youth is represented -holding the diskos with the right hand on the shoulder, against which -his face is silhouetted as in the famous archaic relief from the -Dipylon gate discussed _supra_, Ch. III, p. 127. - -[1569] _E. g._, on the amphora pictured by Pernice, p. 99. - -[1570] The left is forward on a r.-f. krater of Amasis from -Corneto: _J. H. S._, XXVII, p. 16, fig. 5; Hartwig, _Die griech. -Meisterschalen_, p. 416, fig. 56a; Gardiner, p. 324, fig. 78; the right -is forward on a r.-f. pelike in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_, E -395; _J. H. S._, _l. c._, Pl. III; Gardiner, p. 325, fig. 79. The left -is drawn back in a fifth-century B. C. bronze: _J. H. S._, _l. c._, p. -18, fig. 7; _Burlington Fine Arts Club, Cat. Anc. Gk. Art_, 1904, Pl. -L. Another example is found on a r.-f. kylix in Paris: _J. H. S._, _l. -c._, p. 27, fig. 17; Hartwig, _Die griech. Meisterschalen_, Pl. LXIII, -2; Gardiner, p. 331, fig. 85. - -[1571] For variations, see early fifth-century B. C. coins of Kos in -the British Museum: _J. H. S._, _l. c._, p. 30, fig. 19; Gardiner, p. -332, fig. 86. - -[1572] _E. g._, on a Panathenaic amphora in Naples: _J. H. S._, XXVII, -1907, p. 32, fig. 20; Juethner, fig. 31; Gardiner, p. 333, fig. 87; on -a b.-f. hydria in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_, E 164; _J. H. S._, -_l. c._, p. 32, fig. 21; Gardiner, p. 334, fig. 88. - -[1573] _E. g._, on a r.-f. kylix in Boulogne: _J. H. S._, _l. c._, -p. 34, fig. 23; Gardiner, p. 335, fig. 89; Hoppin, _Hbk. Attic r.-f. -Vases_, I, p. 370, no. 11; _cf._ Beazley, _Attic r.-f. Vases in Amer. -Mus._, 1918, no. 19 (= ascribed to Euergides). - -[1574] _E. g._, on the kylix just mentioned (the figure to the right). - -[1575] _E. g._, the archaic Pourtalès bronze: Panofka, _Cabinet -Pourtalès_, Pl. XIII, 3; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 545, 3; _cf._ also -another in the Antiquarium in Berlin: _Inventar_, no. 8570; _A. A._, -1904, p. 36, n. 7 and fig. on p. 35. The latter is 0.10 meter high. - -[1576] _Mus. Bull._, III, Feb., 1908, pp. 31-36; Richter, _Greek, -Roman, and Etruscan Bronzes_, no. 78, p. 49 (three views); _Cat. Class. -Coll._, pp. 89-90, figs. 52 and 53 (side views); Gardiner, p. 329, fig. -83. It is 9.25 inches tall. - -[1577] _E. g._, on a r.-f. krater in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, no. -561; on another in Munich: _cf._ J. D. Beazley, _J. H. S._, XXXI, 1911, -Pl. VIII, 2; both quoted by Miss Richter, _l. c._ - -[1578] In the National Museum, no. 7412; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, -p. 321 and fig. on p. 270. It was found in the sanctuary of the -Kabeiroi in Bœotia and is 0.19 meter high. _Cf._ a similar position -on a r.-f. amphora in Munich painted by Euthymides: no. 374; -published by Hoppin, _Euthymides and his Fellows_, 1917, Pl. II; -Furtwaengler-Reichhold, _Griech. Vasenmalerei_, Pl. LXXXI. - -[1579] _B. M. Bronzes_, no. 675; _J. H. S._, XXVII, p. 22, fig. 11; -Murray^2, 1, p. 274, fig. 59; Gardiner, p. 330, fig. 84; Reinach, -_Rép._, II, 2, 544, 10. It is 6.5 inches tall. - -[1580] _Cf._ also two very rude bronzes in the British Museum -representing diskoboloi: _B. M. Bronzes_, nos. 502 (diskos held up in -right hand), 504 (diskos in right hand), the first 3.37 inches tall, -the other 4.87 inches; the latter has a fillet in the hair and so -represents a victor. - -[1581] _B. M. Bronzes_, no. 559; _J. H. S._, _l. c._, p. 17, fig. 6. As -the whole lebes is only 18.5 inches tall, this lid figure is very small. - -[1582] _A. A._, 1904, p. 36, fig. 8. _Inventar_, no. 8569. It is 0.115 -meter high. - -[1583] Published by H. G. E. White in _J. H. S._, XXXVI, 1916, pp. 16 -f., Pls. I, II and 3 figs, in text. Pl. I is the more archaic: Museum -no. 6615; _Arch. Eph._, 1883, p. 86; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. -267; de Ridder, pp. 281-2, no. 757, and fig. 265. Pl. II is the less -archaic: Museum no. 6614; _Arch. Eph._, 1883, p. 46; _J. H. S._, X, -1889, pp. 268-9 (E. A. Gardiner); Staïs, _op. cit._, p. 267; de Ridder, -pp. 275-7, no. 750, and fig. 257. - -[1584] Pliny, _H. N._, VII, 201, traces its origin to Aetolus, son of -Mars. Phrastor won a victory in such a contest at Olympia: Pindar, -_Ol._, X, 71. See Krause, pp. 465 f.; Juethner, pp. 36 f.; Gardiner, -Ch. XVI, pp. 338 f.; _id._, _J. H. S._, XXVII, 1907, pp. 258 f.; -Dar-Sagl., I, 1, pp. 226 f.; Pauly-Wissowa, I, pp. 1183 f. (Reisch); -Girard, _L’éduc. athén._, pp. 203 f.; Grasberger, _Erziehung und -Unterricht_, I, pp. 327 f., and III, pp. 168 f.; etc. In the following -account we are chiefly indebted to Juethner and Gardiner. - -[1585] See Stassoff _apud_ Stephani, _Comptes rendus de la comm. impér. -archaéol._, St. Petersburg, 1872, p. 302. _Cf._ Juethner, _Ph._, p. 64. - -[1586] Iliad, XXIII, 884 f.; _cf._ 637. - -[1587] The athletic style appears on many vases, especially on r.-f. -ones; see _infra_, pp. 223-4 and notes. - -[1588] The javelin is held horizontally by the warrior on the interior -of a b.-f. kylix in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_, B 380; _J. H. -S._, XXVII, p. 252, fig. 2; Gardiner, p. 342, fig. 93. It was commonly -held slopingly over the shoulder level with the head in representations -of the athletic style; _e. g._, the second athlete from the left in the -sixth-century B. C. b.-f. Panathenaic amphora in the British Museum -(Fig. 44): _B. M. Vases_, B 134; _cf._ also a similar figure on the -sixth-century B. C. amphora in Leyden: _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, Pl. IX; -Gardiner, p. 361, fig. 108. - -[1589] At Athens as early as the fifth century B. C. there were -practical javelin contests from horseback with a target, and such -contests kept up in Thessaly to the time of Hadrian: Gardiner, pp. -356-8. Throwing the javelin at a target from horseback is seen on a -Panathenaic amphora in the British Museum: Gardiner, p. 357, fig. 106; -_J. H. S._, XXVII, Pl. XX. Pindar mentions javelin-throwing three -times, and in each case the throw was for distance: _Nem._, VII, 70-1; -_Isthm._, II, 35; _Pyth._, I, 44. Lucian, in a passage referring to -the pentathlon at Olympia, says that athletes competed for distance: -_Anacharsis_, 27. On this question, see Juethner, pp. 54 f. - -[1590] Hesychios calls it ἀποτομάς, _s. v._; see also Pollux, X, 64. - -[1591] _A. Z._, XLI, 1883, Pl. XIII, 2, and _cf._ p. 228 (Milchhoefer). - -[1592] See Juethner, figs. 34, 35, 36 on pp. 40-41 (representing -akontistai holding the javelin in one hand and the _amentum_ in the -other). Fastening the thong is commonly depicted on vases: _e. g._, a -youth seated on the ground attaching the _amentum_ is pictured on a -r.-f. hydria in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_, E 164; _J. H. S._, -XXVII, p. 32, fig. 25; Gardiner, p. 334, fig. 88; _B. C. H._, XXIII, -1899, p. 164, fig. 3; on a r.-f. kylix in Wuerzburg (no. 432), a youth -is seen winding the _amentum_ around the akontion, drawing one end -of the thong tight by means of his left foot: Juethner, p. 42, fig. -37; Gardiner, p. 340, fig. 91; Dar.-Sagl., III, 1, p. 599, fig. 4116; -Hoppin, _Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases_, I, p. 93, no. 7. On a r.-f. amphora -from Vulci attributed to Euthymides, and now in the British Museum, we -see an akontistes holding the spear pointed to the ground and drawing -the _amentum_ tight preparatory to the throw: _B. M. Vases_, E 256; _J. -H. S._, XXVII, Pl. XIX; Gardiner, p. 348, fig. 99; Hoppin, _Euthymides -and his Fellows_, p. 49, Pls. IX, XI; _id._, _Hbk._, I, pp. 442-3, no. -19. For the various methods of attaching the _amentum_, see collection -of drawings from vases in Gardiner, p. 341, fig. 92 = _J. H. S._, -XXVII, p. 250, fig. 1. - -[1593] See _J. H. S._, XXVII, pp. 262 f.; Gardiner, pp. 350 f. - -[1594] _E. g._, on a r.-f. kylix in Rome: _J. H. S._, XXVII, p. 266, -fig. 14; Gardiner, p. 354, fig. 104; Juethner, p. 48, fig. 43. - -[1595] Downwards in the r.-f. amphora in the British Museum, mentioned -above, E 256. - -[1596] No. 2667 (Jahn, no. 562 A); _J. H. S._, XXVII, 1907, p. 262, -fig. 9; Gardiner, p. 349, fig. 100; Juethner, p. 47, fig. 41; Hoppin, -_Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases_, p. 198, no. 8. - -[1597] _E. g._, on a r.-f. kylix in the Torlonia collection: _J. H. -S._, XXVII, p. 264, fig. 11; Gardiner, p. 351, fig. 102; Juethner, p. -58, fig. 49. - -[1598] _E. g._, badly done on the Munich kylix mentioned, no. 2667; -also on a r.-f. kylix of Panaitios from Vulci in Munich, no. 2637 -(Jahn, no. 795): _A. Z._, XXXVI, 1878, p. 66, Pl. XI (= Reinach, _Rép. -vases peints_, I, p. 422, 2); _J. H. S._, XXVII, p. 264, fig. 12; -Gardiner, p. 105, fig. 17; Schreiber, _Bilderatlas_, Pl. XXI, 3; Baum., -I, p. 613, fig. 672; Hoppin, _Hbk._, p. 426, no. 54; Dar.-Sagl., II, 2, -p. 1452, fig. 3478; IV, 2, p. 1056, fig. 6086; on a r.-f. amphora in -Munich (Jahn, no. 408): _J. H. S._, XXVII, p. 265, fig. 13; Gardiner, -p. 353, fig. 103; Furtwaengler-Reichhold, _Griech. Vasenmalerei_, Pl. -XLV. - -[1599] P. 48. - -[1600] See _23stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._ - -[1601] B. B., no. 273; Bulle, 47, and pp. 97-102 and fig. 18; von Mach, -113; Collignon, I, pp. 488 f. and Pl. XII; Rayet, I, Pl. 29; Gardner, -_Sculpt._, Pl. XXXIV; Springer-Michaelis, p. 276, fig. 496; F. W., 503. - -[1602] _Polyklet u. s. Schule_, 1902. For the Apollonios bust, see B. -B., no. 336; F. W., 505. An almost identical bust—except for a wide -fillet around the locks and shoulders—was found in the _tablinum_ of -the same villa (_Invent._, no. 6164). Many of these heads doubtless -come from busts or statues which decorated gymnasia and palæstræ. - -[1603] Duetschke, III, no. 535 (0.81 meter high). - -[1604] F. W., 507; _cf._ Rayet, I, text to Pl. 29. - -[1605] No. 293; Amelung, _Museums and Ruins of Rome_, I, pp. 7 f.; -_id._, _Vat._, I, no. 126 on p. 151 and Pl. 19; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, -45; _Guide_, I, 58; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 545, 10. It is 2.11 meters -high (Amelung). _Cf._ Loewy, _Lysipp und Seine Stellung in der gr. -Plastik_, pp. 5-7 and 23-4; Hauser, _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, XII, 1909, -pp. 104-14. For other replicas, see Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 228 f.; _Mw._, -pp. 421 f. - -[1606] Mahler, _op. cit._, p. 29. - -[1607] As we see from the careful copy on a Berlin gem: Helbig, -_Fuehrer_, I, p. 31, fig. 3; _Guide_, I, p. 35, fig. 4; and on a -funerary relief in Argos: _A. M._, III, 1878, pp. 287 f. and Pl. XIII -(Furtwaengler); B. B., 279A; Collignon, I, p. 491, fig. 250; F. W., -504; _cf._ _Annali_, LI, 1879, p. 219 (Brunn); Mitchell, _Hist. Anc. -Sculpt._, 1883, p. 386 and fig. 176. - -[1608] The _uno crure insistere_ of Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 56. Here -Pliny quotes Varro to the effect that Polykleitos’ statues were almost -exactly after the same type (_paene ad unum exemplum_). - -[1609] See _Mp._, pp. 212 f. and figs. 90 and 91 (head, two views); -_Mw._, pp. 403 f., and Pls. XXIV, XXV. For the statue, see also -Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glypt._^2, no. 295 (= god or athlete); -Kekulé, _Jb._, III, 1888, p. 37 and Pl. 1 (= Polykleitan and Zeus); B. -B., 122. - -[1610] _De instit. Orat._, V, 12.21. - -[1611] _H. N._, XXXIV, 18. - -[1612] _A. M._, III, 1878, p. 292, n. 2. - -[1613] _Mp._, pp. 163 and 228; _Mw._, p. 420. - -[1614] _E. g._, that of Ktesilaos (= Kresilas; see below) in _H. N._, -XXXIV, 76; of Polykleitos, _ibid._, 55, and of Aristodemos, _ibid._, 86. - -[1615] This torso is of Pentelic marble, like many of the later victor -statues at Olympia, and is fleshier than the Naples and Vatican copies: -_Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., p. 250 and fig. 284 (back view); Tafelbd., -Pl. LXII, I; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 228, _Mw._, p. 420. It is in the Museum -at Olympia. - -[1616] The Naples copy is 1.99 meters high; see Kalkmann, Die Proport. -des Gesichts in d. gr. Kunst, _53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1893, -p. 53; the Olympia torso is 1.10 meters high for the preserved part -(Treu). - -[1617] _Pro Imag._, 11. - -[1618] _E. g._, the statue of Polydamas, P., VI, 5.1; the base of the -statue of Kallias, _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 146; of Eukles, _ibid._, no. -159; etc. - -[1619] Collignon, I, p. 490; he believed that the original statue by -Polykleitos stood in a Gymnasion at Argos. - -[1620] _Cf. infra_, Ch. VIII, p. 342 and n. 2. - -[1621] Richter, _Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes_, nos. 87 (pp. 56 -f., and fig., showing front and back, on p. 57; _cf._ _Cat. Class. -Coll._, p. 114, fig. 72; it is from Cyprus), and 88 (fig. on p. 58; -_Mus. Bull._, Dec., 1913, p. 270, Richter). No. 87 is 6.25 inches tall; -88 is 5.56 inches. - -[1622] _Mp._, pp. 279 f. Furtwaengler wrongly ascribed the statue of -Xenokles to the elder Polykleitos. - -[1623] See the fine drawings of these and other groups from tomb no. -17 (of Khety) in Champollion, _Monuments de l’Égypte et de la Nubie_, -1845, IV, Pls. CCCLXXII-CCCLXXVIII; Pl. CCCLXXIII, 3 = Perrot-Chipiez, -I, p. 793, fig. 521; CCCLXXIV, 4 = _ibid._, p. 792, fig. 520. -Another scene from the tomb of Nevothph is pictured in Champollion, -Pl. CCCLXIV, I. See also _Arch. Survey of Egypt, Beni Hasan_, Pt. -II, 1894, Pl. XV; _cf._ a poor reproduction of several scenes in -Springer-Michaelis, p. 27, fig. 68. - -[1624] _De Leg._, VII, 796 A, B, C. - -[1625] Philostr., _Imag._, II, 32 (p. 857), ascribes its origin to -Hermes’ daughter Palaistra; Apollodoros, II, 4.9, says that the same -god’s son Autolykos was the teacher of Herakles. Pausanias, I, 39.3, -says that the systematic instruction in the art began with Theseus. -Eustathius, schol. on _Il._, XXIII, p. 1327, says that Kerkyon -discovered it. In a scholion on Pindar, _Nem._, V, 49, Boeckh, p. 465, -Pherekydes and Polemon are quoted as saying that Theseus’ charioteer -Phorbas invented the art, and Istros is quoted as saying that Athena -taught Theseus. At Olympia Herakles was a victor in wrestling: P., V, -8.4. - -[1626] Ajax (Telamon) and Odysseus contended in a wrestling bout -which ended in a draw: Il., XXIII, 710-734; in line 701, and in Od., -VIII, 126, it is called παλαισμοσύνη ἀλεγεινή; it appears among the -Phaiakians in Od., VIII, 103, 246. It was pictured along with boxing on -the shield of Herakles by Hesiod: _Scut._, 302 (= ἑλκηδόν). - -[1627] P., V, 8.7; Ph., 12. - -[1628] P., V, 8.9. - -[1629] On rules and representations of wrestling in literature and -art, see especially E. N. Gardiner, _J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, pp. 14-31; -pp. 263-293, and Pls. XI and XII; _id._, _Greek Athl. Sports_, Ch. -XVIII, pp. 372-401; _cf._ Krause, I, pp. 400 f; Grasberger, _Erziehung -u. Unterricht_, I, pp. 345 f. An excellent account of a wrestling -match is found in the oldest Greek prose romance, the _Aethiopica_ of -Heliodoros, X, 31 f.; _cf._ also the fine account of a bout between -Diomedes and Aias in Quintus Smyrnæus: IV, 215 f.; etc. - -[1630] Grenfell and Hunt, _Oxy. Pap._, III, 466; discussed by Juethner, -with part of the text and translation, in his edition of the _de Arte -gymn._ of Philostratos, p. 26. On the method of selecting antagonists -at Olympia, the number engaged, byes, etc., see Gardiner, pp. 374-5. - -[1631] For coins in the British Museum, see Gardiner, p. 373, fig. -109, a, b, c (from Aspendos, of the fifth and fourth centuries B. C.), -d (from Herakleia in Lucania, of the fourth), e, f (from Syracuse, of -about 400 B. C.), g (from Alexandria of the time of Antoninus Pius); -see also _id._, _J. H. S._, XXV, p. 271, fig. 9. - -[1632] See especially, Gardiner, _ll. cc._ - -[1633] Described by Lucian, _Anach._, 24. - -[1634] Described by Quintus Smyrnæus, IV, 215 f. and Nonnos, XXXVII, -553 f.; discussed in _J. H. S._, XXV, pp. 25 f. - -[1635] No. 2159; _A. J. A._, XI, 1896, p. 11, fig. 9; _J. H. S._, XXV, -p. 270, fig. 8; Gardiner, p. 386, fig. 116; Furtwaengler-Reichhold, -_Die griech. Vasenmalerei_, III, pp. 73 f., and Pl. CXXXIII; Gerhard, -_Trinkschalen und Gefaesse des k. Museums zu Berlin und anderer -Sammlungen_, 1848-50, Pls. XIX, XX; Overbeck, _Griech. Kunstmythol._, -III, _Apollon_, p. 400, n. 1 and Pl. XXIV, 2; W. Klein, _Die griech. -Vasen mit Meistersignaturen_^2, 1886, no. 4; Hoppin, _Hbk. Attic r.-f. -Vases_, I, p. 32, Pl. on p. 33. - -[1636] No. 2444; _Trans. Univ. Penn. Mus._, II, 1906-1907, Pl. XXXV, -a, and pp. 140 f. (W. N. Bates); J. D. Beazley, _Attic r.-f. Vases -in Amer. Museums_, 1918, p. 111 (Lysis, Laches, and Lykos group); -Gardiner, p. 392, fig. 122. - -[1637] _Invent._, 5626-5627; B. B., 354; Comparetti e de Petra, _La -Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni_, 1883, Pl. XV, 2 and 3; Bulle, 91; -Gardiner, p. 378, fig. 110 (= one statue); von Mach, 289; Reinach, -_Rép._, II, 2, 541 (= one statue); etc. They appear to be boys of about -sixteen, and consequently may represent contestants in the πάλη παίδων. -The statues are 1.18 meters high (Bulle). The advanced foot in no. 5626 -is wrongly restored. - -[1638] Kalkmann, _Jb._, X, 1895, p. 64, n. 49 (dolichodromoi). - -[1639] _Cf._ Gardiner, p. 382. - -[1640] _Jb._, IV, 1889, pp. 116, n. 8; _cf._ Benndorf, _Jh. oest. arch. -Inst._, IV, 1901, pp. 172-3 and n. 12. Mahler wrongly thought that the -heads were different: _Polyklet u. s. Schule_, p. 18; he assigned one -to the fifth century B. C., the other to the influence of Praxiteles. -Benndorf believed the two figures to be copies of one statue, later -used to make a group. - -[1641] Bulle, no, 90; in the Landesmuseum of Darmstadt: see Adamy, -_Archaeol. Samml. des grossherz. Hess. Museums_, 1897, p. 21, no. 19. -The figures are only 0.075 meter high. - -[1642] Bulle, p. 179, fig. 40; Reinach, _Rép._, IV, 318, 2; for other -similar ones, _cf. ibid._, II, 2, 539, 2 (cover of a cista from -Praeneste), 5 (in the Louvre), 6 (in Vienna = E. von Sacken, _Die ant. -Bronz. d. k. k. Muenz-und Ant.-Cabinetes in Wien_, 1871, Pl. XLV, 7), -and III, 155, 3 (in Forman Collection, London). - -[1643] Richter, _Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes_, no. 124 and fig. -on p. 79; it is 4.5 inches high. - -[1644] _E. g._, Walters, _B. M. Bronzes_, no. 639; _Mon. d. I._, X, -1877, Pl. XLV, 1 a.; Babelon et Blanchet, _Cat. des bronzes antiques de -la Bibl. Nationale_, 1895, no. 935. - -[1645] Παναθήναια, II, Plates. - -[1646] Gardiner, p. 395, fig. 126; _J. H. S._, XXV, p. 286, fig. 23; -Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 328, fig. 81. - -[1647] Gardiner, p. 396, fig. 127; Clarac, 802, 2014. - -[1648] J. Sieveking, _Die Bronzen der Samml. Loeb_, 1913, pp. 52-4 and -Pl. XXI; it is 0.165 meter high. Others there listed include one in -the British Museum: _J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, Pl. XI, b (front and back), -and text on p. 288; Gardiner p. 398, fig. 129; another from Vienne -in Bonn; two in Paris, in the de Clercq and Warrocqué collections -respectively; and a fifth, whose location is unknown. All are of rough -Roman workmanship, either of the second or first centuries B. C. - -[1649] See Petersen in _R. M._, XV, 1900, pp. 158 f.; Klein, III, pp. -309 f.; Sieveking, _op. cit._, p. 53, n. 1. The copies are in Florence -(_Galleria di Firenze_, III, Pl. 123, 2; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 538, -5); in St. Petersburg (_Comptes rendus de la comm. impér. archéol._, -St. Petersburg, 1867, Pl. I, pp. 5 f., text by Stephani; _J. H. S._, -XXV, 1905, p. 290, fig. 25; Gardiner, p. 399, fig. 130; Reinach, -_Rép._, II, 2, 538, 1 and 3); in Constantinople, from Antioch (_Jb._, -XIII, 1898, Pl. XI and pp. 177 f., Foerster; _Rev. arch._, XXXV, 1899, -Pl. XVIII, pp. 207 f., Joubin; _J. H. S._, 1905, p. 291, fig. 26; -Gardiner, p. 400, fig. 131); in the Louvre, from Egypt (no. 361; _Jb._, -XVI, 1901, fig. on p. 51; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 234, 2); and in the -British Museum (_B. M. Bronzes_, 853 and Pl. XXVII, middle one below). -In the St. Petersburg copy the arms of the victor are changed around. - -[1650] Duetschke, III, 547; Bulle, 184; von Mach, 288; F. W., 1426; -Reinach, _Rép._, I, 523, 1. - -[1651] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1382 (= Attic); _Jb._, XXV, 1910, Pl. -VII, and pp. 171 f. (Bieber = Euphranor); _cf._ _R. M._, VI, 1891, p. -304, n. 2 (Petersen = Skopaic); Furtw., _Mw._, p. 515, n. 4 (= Skopaic). - -[1652] _H. N._, XXXIV, 80. - -[1653] _H. N._, XXXV, 71; so Reisch, p. 45, n. 5. See _supra_, p. 206. - -[1654] _H. N._, XXXV, 130. It was probably votive in character. - -[1655] Ol. 141 (= 216 B. C.): P., VI, 16.9; Hyde, 167; Foerster, 471; -_Inschr. v. Ol._, 179. - -[1656] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 164; drawing of the base also in Furtw., -_Mp._, p. 279, fig. 118; _Mw._, p. 491, fig. 85. The inscription dates -from the end of the fifth or beginning of the fourth century B. C., -which shows that the statue was the work of the younger Polykleitos. -Xenokles won sometime between Ols. (?) 94 and 100 (= 404 and 380 B. -C.): P., VI,9.2; Hyde, 85 and p. 41; Foerster, 308. - -[1657] Pp. 45-6; he won in Ol. 83 (= 448 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, -9.3; Hyde, 88; Foerster, 285. - -[1658] _Cf._ Lucretius, V, 1282: _arma antiqua manus ungues dentesque -fuerunt_; Hor., _Sat._, I, 3.101; etc. - -[1659] Between Epeios and Euryalos, Il., XXIII, 653 f.; Odysseus and -Iros, Od., XVIII, 1 f.; _cf._ the match between Entellus and Dares in -Virgil, _Aen._, V, 362 f.; Polydeukes and Amykos in Theokr., XXII, -80 f.; and in Apollon. Rhod., _Argon._, II, 67 f. For the Homeric -and Virgilian matches, see _Fencing, Boxing, and Wrestling_, 1889 -(Badminton Library), pp. 125 f. - -[1660] Il., XXIII, 653; he uses the same epithet of wrestling, _ibid._, -701, and Od., VIII, 126. Eustath. _ad_ Il., XXIII, p. 1322, speaks of -the πύκτης τλησίπονος. - -[1661] πυκτοσύνη ἀλγινόεσσα: frag. 19, l. 4 (= _Philos. Fragm._, ed. -Didot, I, p. 104 = Athen., X, 6, p. 414a). Apollon. Rhod. calls it -ἀπηνέα πυγμαχίην, II, 76-7. The parts injured were especially the nose, -ears, cheeks, chin, and teeth; _cf._ Krause, p. 516 and n. 18. - -[1662] See Orsi, _Museo Ital. di antich. class._, II, Pl. V, p. 808; -_cf._ Juethner, pp. 65-6, and Frothingham, _A. J. A._, IV, 1888, P. 444. - -[1663] See Krause, pp. 497 f. Ph., 9, says that it was an invention of -the Spartans and was first used among the Bebrykes. - -[1664] P., V, 7.10; _cf._ Plut., _Quaest. conviv._, VIII, 4.4 (which -speaks of victories of Apollo in boxing). - -[1665] P., V, 8.4. - -[1666] XXIII, 660. - -[1667] Plut., _l. c._ - -[1668] The schol. on Pindar, _Nem._, V, 89, Boeckh, p. 465, says that -Theseus instituted the art of boxing. - -[1669] P., V, 8. 7; Afr., _s. v._ Onomastos; Ph., 12; _Homeric Hymn to -Apollo_, 149; _cf._ Foerster, 28. The date is also given by Ph., _l. c._ - -[1670] P., V. 8. 9; Ph., 13. - -[1671] See K. T. Frost, _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, pp. 213f; Gardiner, Ch. -XIX, pp. 402 f.; Krause, pp. 497 f. - -[1672] See Krause, I, pp. 502 f.; Juethner, pp. 65 f.; Gardiner, pp. -403 f. - -[1673] Mosso, _The Palaces of Crete_, 1907, p. 339, and fig. 160 on p. -341. Orsi, _l. c._, believes the object over the fists in the bronze -shield fragment from Mount Ida to be part of a glove, though Juethner -rejects this view, interpreting it merely as an ornament. - -[1674] Schol. on Plato, _de Leg._, VIII, 796 A; Clem. Alexandr., -Strom., I, 16.76. - -[1675] ἱμάντας ἐϋτμήτους βοὸς ἀγραύλοιο: Il., XXIII, 684. In the -Odyssey Iros and Odysseus fight with bare fists. - -[1676] _E. g._, P., VI, 23.4 and VIII, 40. 3; Apoll. Rhod., _Argon._, -II, 52-53; _cf._ Plato, _de Leg._, VIII, 830 B. - -[1677] _E. g._, on a r.-f. kylix in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_, -E 63, and Pl. III; Juethner, p. 68, fig. 54; Gardiner, p. 403, fig. -132; it represents boxers with bundles of thongs in their hands -standing before an official. - -[1678] _B. M. Vases_, E 39; _J. H. S._, XXVI, Pl. XII; Gardiner, p. -404, fig. 133; Juethner, p. 66, fig. 53; Hoppin, _Hbk. Attic r.-f. -Vases_, p. 237, Pl. On the interior of another a youth is seen, thongs -in hand, standing before an altar: Murray, _Designs from Gk. Vases in -the British Museum_, Pl. VI, 24. - -[1679] Museum no. 2444; _Trans. Univ. Penn. Mus._, II, 1906-1907, Pl. -XXXV, b. and p. 142 (text by W. N. Bates). - -[1680] IX, 116. A similar game is mentioned by Plato, _Theaet._, XXVII -(= 181 A). On both games, see Krause, pp. 323 f. - -[1681] Juethner, pp. 69 f., rightly explains such objects as boxing -thongs. - -[1682] Ch. 10; _cf._ P., VIII, 40.3. - -[1683] _E. g._, on the kylix just mentioned, E 39; on a r.-f. amphora -in Munich (Jahn, no. 411B): Hartwig, _Die griech. Meisterschalen_, p. -410. fig. 55; on the interior of a r.-f. kylix in Munich, no. 1156: -Juethner, p. 70, fig. 56; and on the interior of the r.-f. kylix in -the British Museum to be discussed, E 78 (= Fig. 55): Murray, _Designs -from Gr. Vases in the B. M._, Pl. XIV, 55; Juethner, p. 72, fig. 58; -Gardiner, p. 406, fig. 134; on a r.-f. amphora in the Hofmuseum in -Vienna by Epiktetos we see (figure at the left) a boxer who is just -finishing tying the thongs on his left hand and wrist: Dar-Sagl., IV, -1, p. 755, fig. 5854; Schneider, _Arch.-epigr. Mitt. aus Oesterr._, V, -1881, pp. 139 f., and Pl. IV; Hoppin, _Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases_, p. 334, -no. 25, and Pl. on p. 335. - -[1684] Tafelbd., Pl. V, no. 4; Textbd., p. 35. - -[1685] P., VIII, 40.5; _cf._ II, 20. 1. - -[1686] VIII, 40.3. _Cf._ the statues of Damoxenos and Kreugas by Canova -in the Gabinetto di Canova of the Vatican, to see in how exaggerated a -way a modern sculptor has interpreted the boxing bout of these famous -athletes: Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, nos. 136, 137; _Guide_, 139, 140; -Pistolesi, _Il Vaticano Descritto_, IV, 91. - -[1687] _De Leg._, VIII, 830 B; Plut., _de Profectibus in virtute_, IX -(80 B); Pollux, III, 150; Bekker, _Anecd. gr._, 1814-1821, I, P. 62, l. -25. - -[1688] _E. g._, on an amphora in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_, -B 607; _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-78, Pl. XLVIII, e 2; Gardiner, p. 407, -fig. 135; Juethner, p. 83, fig. 67; on the Ficoroni Cista in the Museo -Kircheriano, Rome: Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1752; _Guide_, 437; Juethner, -p. 82, fig. 66, a, c. On this cista, see F. Behn, Die ficoronische -Cista, _Arch. Studie_, 1907; O. Jahn, _Die ficoronische Cista_, 1852; -etc. - -[1689] Late writers generally use the terms σφαῖραι and ἱμάντες ὀξεῖς -interchangeably. - -[1690] _E. g._, ἐπίσφαιρα in Plut., _Praecept. ger. resp._, 32 (= 825 -e). - -[1691] Juethner, p. 78, fig. 63; Gardiner, p. 409, fig. 137. For this -and the delle Terme glove, see Huelsen, _R. M._, IV, 1889, pp. 175 f. - -[1692] Juethner, p. 79, fig. 54.; _Antichi di Ercolano_, Bronzi, II, -pp. 411 f. - -[1693] In the Museo Civico there; mentioned by Juethner, p. 78. - -[1694] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1145; _Guide_, 625; Baum., I, p. 524, -fig. 566; Juethner, p. 85, fig. 68. - -[1695] The word μύρμηκες, _A. G._, XI, 78, may be merely a comic -name for the gloves—certain protuberances (“metal studs” or “nails” -= Liddell and Scott, _s. v._ looking like warts (μυρμηκίαι); _cf._ -Pollux, III, 150. - -[1696] _Aen._, V, 404-5; 468-71. - -[1697] _B. M. Vases_, E 39; _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, Pl. XII. - -[1698] _B. M. Vases_, E 78; _J. H. S._, XXVI, Pl. XIII; Gardiner, p. -436, fig. 151. - -[1699] _Mus. Journ._, VI, no. 4 (Dec., 1915), p. 169, fig. 89; text by -Dr. S. B. Luce, who believes this class of vases to be a prototype of -the “Nolan” vases; another “Nolan” amphora is given, _ibid._, fig. 90 -(also published in _A. J. A._, XX, 1916, p. 440, fig. 4), which shows a -diskobolos, who is holding a diskos in a way similar to that on a r.-f. -kelebe in the British Museum (_B. M. Vases_, B 361; Gardiner, p. 324, -fig. 77). On the division of Attic b.-f. amphoræ into “panel-amphoræ” -and “red-bodied amphoræ,” see H. B. Walters, _Hist. Anc. Pottery, -Greek, Etruscan, and Roman_, 1905, I, pp. 160-62. - -[1700] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 149. - -[1701] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 155 (renewed); the date of the victory is -given by P., VI, 7.8; Hyde, 65; Foerster, 263. - -[1702] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 147, 148. The statue stood equally on both -feet, the left being slightly advanced. He won in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. -C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237. - -[1703] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 165 (renewed); base drawn in outline in -Furtw., _Mp._, p. 288, fig. 123; _Mw._, p. 503, fig. 90. He won in Ol. -82 (= 452 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 13.6; Hyde, 115; Foerster, 376. -Here the body weight rested upon the left foot, the right being flat -on the ground and turned to one side, _i. e._, in the old scheme of -Hagelaïdas and his school. - -[1704] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 159 (renewed); _I. G. B._, 86. This statue -was in the same attitude as that of Aristion and was slightly over -life-size. He won some time between Ols. (?) 90 and 93 (= 420 and 408 -B. C.): P., VI, 6.2; Hyde, 52; Foerster, 297. - -[1705] Michaelis, p. 446, no. 35; Clarac V, 946, 2436 A (wrongly = -Antinous). See Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 288 f. (and fig. 124); _Mw._, pp. 503 -f. (and fig. 91). Height 1.75 meters (Michaelis). - -[1706] Furtw., _Mp._, p. 246, fig. 99; _Mw._, p. 447, fig. 69; a -headless copy in Lansdowne House: Michaelis, p. 438, 3; Clarac, V, 851, -2180 A. Here the present head is of different marble from the torso and -does not belong to it; the body forms recall those of the _Doryphoros_. -It is 1.49 meters high. - -[1707] _Not. Scav._, 1888, pp. 289 f. (Barracco); _Atti dell’ Accad. -di Napoli_, 1889, pp. 35 f. (Sogliano); _R. M._, IV, 1889, pp. 179 f. -(Huelsen); Kalkmann, Die Proport. d. Gesichts in d. gr. Kunst, _53stes -Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1893, Pl. III (profile and front views), and -fig. on p. 68 (head); B. B., no. 614 (statue), 615 (head, two views); -Juethner, p. 84; etc. - -[1708] Furtwaengler (_Statuenkopien im Altertum_) and Sogliano (_l. -c._) date the statue in the period of Augustus. - -[1709] B. B., no. 613; Kalkmann, Die Prop. des Gesichts, Pls. I -(statue) and II (head, two views). - -[1710] B. B., nos. 132, 134-5; F. W., 462. - -[1711] Pl., _H. N._, XXXIV, 50 and 79. For this view, see text to B. -B., no. 614. Furtwaengler had suggested Lykios as the sculptor of the -_Oil-pourer_: _Mp._, p. 259. - -[1712] Though winning in Ol. 65 (= 520 B. C.), his statue was set -up later by his son: P., VI, 10.1-3; Hyde, 93 and p. 42; Foerster, -137. The word σκιαμαχεῖν (lit. “to fight in the shade,” and hence to -practice in the gymnasium) is used synonymously with χειρονομεῖν in the -sense “to spar:” Plato, _de Leg._, VIII, 830 C; P., VI, 10.3; Pollux, -III, 150; etc. _Cf._ Paul’s phrase in _I Corinthians_, 9, 26. A derived -meaning is “to fight with a shadow”: _e. g._, Plato, _Apol._, 18 D; -etc. Dio Chrysostom, _Or._, XXXII (367 M), speaks of χειρονομοῦντες as -gymnasium practisers. See Krause, pp. 510 f. - -[1713] The κώρυκος was such a bag used by athletes: _cf._ the -proverb, πρὸς κώρυκον γυμνάζεσθαι, “to labor in vain”: Diog., 7, 54. -The Ficoroni cista has been mentioned _supra_, p. 237, n. 4. The -description and use of the bag are given by Ph., 57. - -[1714] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 704; _Guide_, II, 207. - -[1715] Amelung, _Vat._, I, 372 B, pp. 554-5 and Pl. LVIII; Clarac, 883, -2256. It is 0.535 meter high. - -[1716] _Beschr._, no. 469; Overbeck, _Griech. Kunstmyth._, III, -_Apollon_, pp. 218 f. and fig. 14 (restored), interpreted the torso as -that of an Apollo; but the Phrygian coin there pictured (Muenztafel, -IV, 31), of the time of Lucius Verus, may merely show that the motive -later was transferred to the god. - -[1717] _Bronzen v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 21-2; Tafelbd., Pl. VIII, no. 57. -It is only 0.112 meter high. - -[1718] _E. g._, _Bronzen v. Ol._, Pl. VIII, nos. 51-54 (statuettes); -Pl. VI, nos. 59 and 63 (arm and right lower leg respectively); _cf._ -Reisch, p. 39. - -[1719] _J. H. S._, I, 1880, p. 199. See B. B., no. 51; F. W., 89; etc. -Theagenes won in Ols. 75, 76 (= 480, 476 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, -11.2 f.; Hyde, 104; Foerster, 191, 196. - -[1720] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 168. He won some time between Ols. (?) 99 and -103 (= 384 and 368 B. C.): P., VI, 4.1; Hyde, 36; Foerster, 419. - -[1721] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 158; _I. G. B._, 98; he won some time between -Ols. (?) 95 and 100 (= 400 and 380 B. C.): P., VI, 6.3; Hyde, 54; -Foerster, 319. - -[1722] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 186; _I. G. B._, 176. He won two victories -in boxing some time between Ols. (?) 144 and 147 (= 204 and 192, B. -C.): P., VI, 15.6; Hyde, 147; Foerster, 510, 512 (who dates the artist -toward the middle of the second century B. C.; but I have followed the -earlier dating of Hiller von Gaertringen, _Woch. f. kl. Philol._, X, -1893, p. 856, which date has been accepted by Dittenberger). - -[1723] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 174. - -[1724] VI., 8.5. - -[1725] See Hyde, _de olymp. Stat._, pp. 39-41. There Ol. 80 or 84 (= -460 or 444 B. C.) has been suggested for the original victory. - -[1726] Philippos won some time between Ols. (?) 119 and 125 (= 304 and -280 B. C.): Hyde, 79 a. - -[1727] Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 575, in discussing my solution of the -difficulty, call it “_sinnreich, aber doch ungemein kompliziert_,” and -the assumption that a victor would use an older statue of a fellow -countryman to celebrate his own victory “_sehr bedenklich_.” - -[1728] _Cf._ Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 296. - -[1729] _Op. cit._, p. 41. See also _supra_, p. 188. - -[1730] _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-78, Pl. II (head, two views); _Annali_, -XLVI, 1874, Pl. L and pp. 51 f. (Brizio); Photo. Giraudon, no. 1207. - -[1731] Furtwaengler sees in this statue a work by Pythagoras: _Mp._, p. -171 f.; _Mw._, pp. 345 f.; Brizio, _l. c._, ascribes it to Hagelaïdas. - -[1732] _Supra_, pp. 180-1. - -[1733] On the pankration, see Gardiner, Ch. XX, pp. 435 f.; _id._, _J. -H. S._, XXVI, 1906, pp. 4 f. and Pls. III-V; Krause, I, pp. 534 f.; etc. - -[1734] For the etymology, see Plato, _Euthydem._, 271 C, D; definition, -Pollux III, 150; Plut., _Quaest. conviv._, II, 4 (containing also -fanciful etymologies of πάλη); _cf._ Philostr., _Imag._, II, 6 -(containing a full account of the contest in the description of the -death of Arrhachion); _cf._ schol. on Plato, _de Rep._, I, 338 C, D. - -[1735] _Vita Demonactis_, 49 (against biting). - -[1736] _L. c._ (against biting and gouging). - -[1737] _Aves_, 442-3; _Pax_, 898-9. - -[1738] E 78; another example is seen on a r.-f. kylix in Baltimore: -Gardiner, p. 437, fig. 152; _J. H. S._, XXVI, p. 9, fig. 3; Hartwig, -_Die griech. Meisterschalen_, Pl. LXIV; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 629, fig. -350. - -[1739] _Nem._, II, III, V; _Isthm._, IV, V, VI, VII, VIII. - -[1740] Frag. 19, l. 5 (_ap._ Athenæum, X, 6 = 414 a). - -[1741] _E. g._, Mahaffy, in his _Old Greek Life_, 1886, p. 56; see -Gardiner, pp. 435-7, in refutation of such an exaggerated view. - -[1742] _De Leg._, VIII, 832 E; 834 A. - -[1743] Older writers, _e. g._, Faber, _Agonisticon_ (published in -1592), I, 9, p. 1828, thought that the glove was used, an opinion long -ago refuted by Krause, I, p. 539, n. 2. Waldstein, _J. H. S._, I, -1880, p. 185, wrongly says that the pancratiast sometimes wore gloves. -Pausanias does not mention them, nor do we see them on any of the -vase-paintings. - -[1744] VI, 6.5. - -[1745] VI, 15.5. _Cf._ also V, 17.10, where, in describing the -boxing match between Admetos and Mopsos represented on the chest -of Kypselos, he says οἱ δὲ ἀποτετολμηκότες πυκτεύειν—a hint of the -dangerous character of boxing. - -[1746] _Oneir._, 1, 62. This, at best, seems to be an exaggeration. - -[1747] Philostr., _l. c._ - -[1748] VIII, 40.3-5. - -[1749] To Theseus: schol. on Pindar, _Nem._, V, 89, Boeckh, p. 465; -_cf._ schol. on _Nem._, III, 27, Boeckh, p. 442; to Herakles: P., V, -8.4. - -[1750] P., V, 8.8; Ph., 12; and Afr. - -[1751] P., V, 8.11; Ph., 13. - -[1752] _E. g._, at Nemea; Pindar composed _Nem._, V, in honor of the -boy Pytheas of Aegina, who won in (?) 485 B. C.; it was introduced at -Delphi in the 61st Pythiad: P., X, 7.8; at the Isthmus in mythical -times: P., V, 2.4. - -[1753] Collected by Gardiner, _op. cit._ - -[1754] Described by Lucian, _Anachar._, I. - -[1755] This throw is depicted on the walls of the tombs of Beni-Hasan -on the Nile and is practised to-day by the Japanese; it is described by -Dio Cassius, LXXI, 7. - -[1756] Κλιμακισμός: described by Soph., _Trachiniae_, 520 f., and the -schol.; see also Ovid, _Met._, IX, 51. _Cf._ _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, -pp. 15-16. - -[1757] _E. g._, on four Græco-Roman gems in the British Museum pictured -in _J. H. S._, XXVI, p. 10, fig. 4; Gardiner, p. 447, fig. 162. - -[1758] _B. M. Vases_, B 604; _J. H. S._, XXVI, Pl. III; Gardiner, p. -442, fig. 157. - -[1759] E 78. - -[1760] Mentioned by Plato, _Alcibiades_, I, 107 E; Ph., 50; Pollux, -III, 150; Suidas, _s. v._ ἀκροχειρίζεσθαι and _s. v._ Σώστρατος; -Lucian, _Lexiphanes_, 5; _de Saltatione_, 10; Reisch, _ap._ -Pauly-Wissowa, I, p. 1197; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 548; Grasberger, -_Erziehung und Unterricht_, I, pp. 349-50; Krause, I, pp. 421 f., 510 -f.; _J. H. S._, XXVI, pp. 13-15, where Gardiner discusses the word in -ancient writers and concludes that it had nothing to do with wrestling, -but only with boxing (both the separate event and part of the -pankration), and meant “to spar lightly with an opponent for practice.” - -[1761] He won three victories in Ols. (?) 104, (?) 105, and 106 (= -364-356 B. C.): P., VI, 4.1; Hyde, 37; Foerster, 349, 353, 359. -This explanation of Pausanias has been accepted by Krause and most -modern authorities, but is found untenable by Gardiner, who bases his -interpretation, not on Pausanias, but on the accurate definition of -Suidas. - -[1762] _B. C. H._, VI, 1882, pp. 446 f. - -[1763] He won in Ols. 81 and 82 (= 456 and 452 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., -VI, 4.3; Hyde, 38; Foerster, 202, 203; _cf._ Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, -59. He was probably merely represented in the preliminary tactics of -getting a grip. - -[1764] See Reisch, p. 46; _I. G. B._, 120. - -[1765] _Anz. d. Wiener Akad._, 1887, pp. 86 f. (Benndorf); Reisch, _l. -c._ - -[1766] A. de Ridder, _Les bronzes antiques du Louvre_, I, 1913, Pl. -63, no. 1067, and p. 131 (= pancratiast); _Rev. arch._, 1869, II, p. -292; Bulle, no. 96 (right); Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 543, 4. It is 0.275 -meter high. - -[1767] See _supra_, p. 167. - -[1768] _H. N._, XXXIV, 55. Hauser, _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, XII, 1909, -pp. 116 f. His reasoning is accepted by Bulle. - -[1769] _Ges. Stud. zur Kunstgesch._, Festschr. fuer A. Springer, 1885, -pp. 260. - -[1770] See _S. Q._, 1463-67. - -[1771] _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LV, 4-5; Textbd., pp. 212 f., -and fig. 239; F. W., no. 336; _cf._ Immerwahr, _Kulte und Mythen -Arkadiens_, I, 1891, p. 288. - -[1772] _Archiv fuer lateinische Lexikographie u. Grammatik_, IX, 1894, -1, pp. 109 f. - -[1773] _Mp._, p. 249, n. 2; _Mw._, pp. 451-2; he adduced two passages -from Ovid’s _Met._, XIV, 402 (_saevisque parant incessere telis_), and -XIII, 566-7 (_telorum lapidumque incessere iactu coepit_). - -[1774] This explanation has been followed by Treu, _Bildw. v. Ol._, _l. -c._; Sittl, _Parerga zur alten Kunstgesch._, p. 24; Klein, II, pp. 362 -f.; Jex-Blake, p. 235; and others. - -[1775] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 146; _I. G. B._, 41. He won in Ol. 77 (= 472 -B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208. - -[1776] _Collection Somzée_, 1897, Pls. 3-5; see Hyde, to no. 50, on p. -8. Its quiet and reserved pose recalls that of the _Pelops_ of the East -gable of the temple of Zeus at Olympia (_Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. -IX, 2; Textbd., pp. 46 f.). Because of its archaic grace, though it -shows no trace of archaic stiffness, it might even be referred to the -school of Kritios and Nesiotes. - -[1777] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 153; _I. G. B._, 29. He won the pankration in -Ols. 87, 88, 89 (= 432-424 B. C.); P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 61; Foerster, -258, 260, 262. - -[1778] VI, 2.1; to be discussed _infra_, Ch. VI, pp. 293 f. - -[1779] _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, pp. 592 f. Agias was not only a victor at -Delphi three times, at Nemea five times, and at the Isthmus five times, -but was also an Olympic victor in the pankration, Ol. (?) 80 (= 460 B. -C.): see inscription, _B. C. H._, _l. c._, p. 593, and for the date of -the Olympic victory, K. K. Smith, in _Class. Philol._, V, 1910, pp. 169 -f.; _cf._ _A. J. A._, XIII, 1909, pp. 447 f. - -[1780] Duetschke, III, no. 547; Amelung, _Fuehrer_, 66; B. B., 431; -Bulle, 184; von Mach, 288; F. W., 1426; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 523, I; -Clarac, V, 858 A, 2176; M. W., I, XXXVI, 149; _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, -p. 19; Gardiner, p. 449, fig. 163. The group is 0.98 meter high and -0.71 meter broad (Duetschke). - -[1781] Bulle dates it at the beginning of the third century B. C.; both -he and Amelung believe it to be the work of a follower of Lysippos; -see also B. Graef, _Jb._, IX, 1894, pp. 119 f., who believes that -the original heads of the group are preserved, the one still on the -under pancratiast, the other on the statue of a Niobid in the Uffizi -(Duetschke, III, no. 253), the head now on the upper pancratiast being -a modern copy of it. See Amelung’s reply in _A. A._, 1894, pp. 192 f. - -[1782] _E. g._, von Mach, Pls. 265 f. - -[1783] _H. N._, XXXVI, 24; see note _ad loc._ by Jex-Blake. - -[1784] _Aeth._, X, 31, 32; quoted in full by Krause, II, pp. 912 f. - -[1785] Duetschke, Wolters, von Mach, and Lucas (the latter in _Jb._, -XIX, 1904, pp. 127 f. and figs.) thought that the wrestling groups on -the Roman mosaic of the Imperial period found in Tusculum in 1862 were -influenced by the Florence group: _Mon. d. I._, VI, VII, 1857-63, Pl. -LXXXII; _Annali_, XXXV, 1863, pp. 397 f.; Schreiber, _Bilderatlas_, Pl. -XXIII, 10; Gardiner, p. 177, fig. 22. - -[1786] _J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, p. 30. - -[1787] He won in Ol. 142 (= 212 B. C.): P., VI, 15.10; _cf._ V., 21.10; -Hyde, 150; Foerster, 474, 475. - -[1788] _E. g._, by Gardiner, p. 146. - -[1789] Bulle, no. 72; B. B., 285; von Mach, 236; Collignon, II, p. 427, -fig. 222; Overbeck, II, p. 448, fig. 221; F. W., 1265; M. W., 1, Pl. -XXXVIII, 152; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 465, 1, 2, 3; Clarac, V, 789, 1978; -Gardiner, p. 147, fig. 21; etc. It is 3.17 meters high (Bulle). - -[1790] An excellent one is in the Uffizi: Amelung, _Fuehrer_, 40; -Reinach, _Rép._, I, 474, 1; a colossal replica was found in the sea off -Antikythera: _Arch. Eph._, 1902, Suppl., Pl. B, 7; one in the Pitti -Gallery will be mentioned immediately. - -[1791] _I. G. B._, 345. - -[1792] Duetschke, II, no. 36; Amelung, _Fuehrer_, p. 134; B. B., -284; M. W., XXXVIII, 151; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 210, 5. For the -inscription, see _I. G. B._, 506; it has been needlessly attacked -as a forgery—an ancient one by Winckelmann, _Mon. Inediti_, pp. -LXXVI f., and a modern one by Maffei, _Ars critica_, III, 1, p. 76 -(both quoted by Duetschke), and more recently by Stephani, _Der -ausruhende Herakles_, pp. 164 f. The inscription is at least as old -as the sixteenth century, as it is mentioned by Flaminius Vacca (see -Duetschke). - -[1793] _Numism. Chron._, Sér. 3, III, 1883, Pl. I, 5, p. 9. - -[1794] Mentioned by Strabo, VI, 3.1 (= C. 278), and described by the -late writer Niketas, _Chron. de signis Constant._, 5 (who wrongly calls -Lysippos Lysimachos). - -[1795] _Gesch. d. bild. Kuenste_, II^2, PP. 245 f. - -[1796] P. 234. - -[1797] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. II, 2a and 2; Textbd., pp. 10-11; -F. W., 323. - -[1798] _De olymp. Stat._, p. 56. - -[1799] On the “_finsterer Blick_” of this class of victor monuments, -see Furtw., _Mp._, p. 173; _Mw._, p. 348; and _Bronz. v. Ol._, Text, -pp. 10-11. - -[1800] Thus Furtwaengler assigns it to the statue of the Akarnanian -pancratiast (Philandridas) mentioned by Pausanias, VI, 2.1; see _Bronz. -v. Ol._, p. 11. I have assigned an earlier marble head to Philandridas, -_infra_, pp. 293 f. - -[1801] So Overbeck, II, p. 168; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 534; F. W., -_l. c._; etc. - -[1802] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. III, 3, 3a; Textbd., pp. 11-12; -F. W., no. 324. - -[1803] _De olymp. Stat._, p. 56. - -[1804] _Cf._ P., VI, 20, 13: ἐπίδειξις ἐπιστήμης τε ἡνιόχων καὶ ἵππων -ὠκύτητος; Pindar, _Ol._, III, 36 f.: θαητὸν ἀγῶνα ... ἀνδρῶν τ’ ἀρετᾶς -πέρι καὶ ῥιμφαρμάτου διφρηλασίας. - -[1805] On the hippodrome and its events at Olympia and elsewhere, -see A. Martin, in Dar.-Sagl., III, 1, 1900, pp. 193 f. (art. -_Hippodromos_); on the chariot, Saglio, _ibid._, I, 2, pp. 1633 f. -(art. _Currus_); K. Schneider, in Pauly-Wissowa, VIII, pp. 1735 f.; -Julius, in Baum., I, pp. 692 f.; Pollack, _Hippodromica_, Diss. inaug., -1890; Gardiner, Ch. XXI, pp. 451 f.; Krause, I, pp. 557 f.; etc. - -[1806] See Isokrates, XVI (_de Bigis_), 33 (p. 353 c); Xenophon, _de Re -equestr._, II, 1; Aristotle, _Politics_, VI, 3.2 (= 1289 b 35), VIII, -7.1 (= 1321 a 11); Plut., _de Adul. et Amic._, Chs. 7 and 16 (latter -quoting Karneades). On the expense of horse-breeding (ἱπποτροφία), see -also Xen., _Ages._, I, 23; _id._, _Oecon._, II, 6; Plut., _Ages._, XX, -1; Pindar, _Isthm._, II, 38; IV, 29; etc. - -[1807] The first, second, and fourth, according to Thukyd., VI, 16; the -first, second and third, according to Eurip., _fragm._ 3 (= _P. l. G._, -II, p. 266), and Isokr., _de Bigis_, 34 (p. 353 d). See Foerster, 275. - -[1808] See _Oxy. Pap._, II, p. 222. - -[1809] Besides 24 victories of both in various running races. The older -part of the inscription (with a chariot-group in relief) was discovered -by Leake: see _Travels in the Morea_, 1830, II, p. 521, and Pl. 71 (at -the end of III); better reproduction by Dressler and Milchhoefer, _A. -M._, II, 1877, pp. 318 f.; _I. G. A._, 79; Tod, _Sparta Museum Cat._, -no. 440. The newer portion is discussed in _B. S. A._, XIII, 1906-07, -pp. 174 f. - -[1810] See Hill, _Coins of Sicily_, pp. 43 f. - -[1811] VIII, 38.5; see _Exped. scientif. en Morée_, 1831-1838, II, p. -37, and Pls. XXXIII, XXXIV. It was 240 by 105 meters in extent, though -the actual course was probably only a stade long. - -[1812] See list in Pauly-Wissowa, VIII, pp. 1743-4. - -[1813] Described by P., V, 15.5 f., and VI, 20.10 f. For its position, -see Doerpfeld, _Ergebn. v. Ol._, I, p. 78; Curtius u. Adler, _Olympia -und Umgegend_, 1882, p. 30; Boetticher, _Olympia: Das Fest u. seine -Staette_^2, 1886, p. 119; G. Herrmann, _de Hippodromo olympiaco_, 1839 -(= _Opusc._, VII, pp. 388). Five attempts at reconstruction are given -by Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, pp. 643 f., and Pl. VI: those of Visconti -(1796); A. Hirt (_Gesch. d. Baukunst bei d. Alten_, 1827, III, pp. -148 f., and Pl. XX, 8; reproduced in Baum., I, p. 693, fig. 750; -Smith, _Dict. Antiq._^3, 1890, I, p. 963; Frazer, IV, p. 83, fig. 6); -Lehndorff (_Hippodromos_, 1876); Pollack (_op cit._, p. 52); Wernicke -(_Jb._, IX, 1894, p. 199). To these should be added those of A. Martin -(_op. cit._, p. 198, fig. 3844); Weniger (_Klio_, IX, 1909, p. 303, the -_aphesis_ transcribed by Gardiner, p. 453, fig. 164). See also Guhl u. -Koner, _Das Leben d. Gr. u. Roem._^6, 1893, pp. 233 f. and Fig. 271 (= -restoration of Pollack), and _cf._ Krause, I, p. 150, n. 9. - -[1814] See Blass, in _Hermes_, XXIII, 1888, p. 222 (n. 1); R. Schoene, -_A. A._, 1897, pp. 77-8; _id._, _Jb._, XII, 1897, pp. 150 f. (Neue -Angaben ueber den Hippodrom zu Olympia); Gaspar, in article on -_Olympia_ in Dar.-Sagl., IV, 1, p. 177 and n. 5; Frazer, V, p. 617; etc. - -[1815] VI, 20.8. - -[1816] Il., XXIII, 262-650. The four-horse chariot-race fills more -than one and one-half times as many verses as the seven other contests -combined (vv. 651-897). Homer’s description was often imitated by later -poets, especially by Sophokles, _Electra_, 698-763 (race at Delphi); -Nonnos, _Dionys._, XXXVII, 103-484; Quintus Smyrnæus, IV, 500-595; -Statius, _Theb._, VI, 274-527; etc. Hesiod describes a race as wrought -on Herakles’ shield: _Scut._, 305 f. - -[1817] P., V, 10.6-7; VI, 21.6-7; VIII, 14.10-11; etc.; Pindar, _Ol._, -I, 67 f. - -[1818] Diod., IV, 73.3. - -[1819] VIII, 4.5. - -[1820] _E. g._, Nestor won at the games of Amarynkeus, Iliad, XXIII, -630 f. On such myths, see Krause, I, pp. 558 f. - -[1821] _E. g._, the race between Pelops and Oinomaos was represented -on the chest of Kypselos, P., V, 17.7, and in the sculptures on the -East gable of the temple of Zeus at Olympia, P., V, 10.6-7. It appears -also on many early vases: _e. g._, on the François vase in Florence and -the Amphiaraos vase in Berlin. For the latter, see _Mon. d. I._, X, -1874-78, Pls. IV-V; _Annali_, XLVI, 1874, pp. 82 f. (Robert); Gardiner, -p. 29, fig. 3. - -[1822] V, 8.7. - -[1823] See Plato, _de Rep._, III, 19 (= 412 B); Isokr., _de Bigis_, -33 (p. 353 c); Dio Cassius, LII, 30; Hdt., I, 167; Andok., 4, 26 -(_Contra Alcib._); Soph., _Electra_, 698; etc. - -[1824] VI, 2.2; he won in the hoplite-race and chariot-race in Ols. (?) -83, 84 (= 448, 444 B. C.): Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211 A. - -[1825] Foerster thinks that the story arose from the small size of one -of the horses in the monument of Lykidas. - -[1826] These and the following figures are given in the Constantinople -MS. The length of the four-horse chariot-race there given agrees with -passages in Pindar (_Ol._, II, 50; III, 33; VI, 75; _cf._ _Pyth._, V, -33, for Delphi) and the scholiasts (on _Ol._, III, 59, Boeckh, p. 102, -and _Pyth._, V, 39, Boeckh, p. 380). See also Pollack, _Hippodromica_, -pp. 103 f., and Gardiner, p. 457. - -[1827] P., V, 8.10. - -[1828] Length stated by the MS. and by a scholiast on Pindar, _Pyth._, -V, 39, Boeckh, p. 380. - -[1829] Those of Troilos of Elis, who won in Ol. 103 (= 368 B. C.): -P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 6; Foerster, 345; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 166; and of -Akestorides of Alexandria in the Troad, who won between Ols. 142 and -144 (= 212 and 204 B. C.): P., VI, 13.7; Hyde, 119 and pp. 49-50; -Foerster, 501; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 184. - -[1830] For the date, see P., V, 8.10; Xen., _Hell._, I, 2.1; for the -event, Krause, I, pp. 567 f. - -[1831] Troilos, already mentioned, who won in Ol. 102 (= 372 B. C.) and -had a statue by Lysippos: P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338. - -[1832] Euryleonis: P., III, 17.6; Foerster, 344. - -[1833] The συνωρίς was introduced at Delphi in 398 B. C., while the -ἅρμα τέλειον was introduced there in 582 B. C.: see Dar.-Sagl., III, 1, -p. 202, for these and other dates of equestrian events at the Pythian -games. - -[1834] _B. M. Vases_, B 130. - -[1835] The date is given in the Armenian version of Afr.; _cf._ also -P., V, 8.11. - -[1836] P., V, 8.8. - -[1837] P., V, 8.11. - -[1838] XV, 679-84; Hesiod, _Scut._, 285 f. On myths relating to it, -see Krause, I, p. 582, n. 1. We read of _equi desultorii_ at the games -inaugurated by Cæsar in Rome: Sueton., _Julius_, 39. See _supra_, p. 3. - -[1839] VI, 13.9. - -[1840] P., V, 9.1. Polemon, frag. 21 (= _F. H. G._, III, p. 122), -_apud_ schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, V, Argum. (Boeckh, p. 117), says -that the κάλπη ceased in Ol. 84 (= 444 B. C.), if we accept Boeckh’s -correction πδʹ for οδʹ. A scholiast on Pindar, _Ol._, V, lines 6 and 19 -(Boeckh, pp. 119 and 122) says Ol. 85 (= 440 B. C.); another on _Ol._, -VI, Argum. (Boeckh, p. 129), says Ol. 85 or Ol. 86. But Ol. 85 may be -reconciled with Pausanias’ and Polemon’s date by assuming that the -proclamation of abolition fell in Ol. 84, but that the event was first -omitted in Ol. 85; see Bentley, _Diss. upon the Epistles of Phalaris_, -p. 200 (ed. W. Wagner). - -[1841] VI, 9.2; Hyde, 84. - -[1842] V, 9.1; he won Ol. 70 (= 500 B. C.); Foerster, 157. - -[1843] Anaxilas of Rhegion, whose victory fell sometime between Ols. -(?) 70 and 76 (= 500 and 476 B. C.), and was celebrated by Simonides, -frag. 7 (= _P. l. G._, III, p. 390); Agesias of Syracuse, whose victory -fell Ol. (?) 77 (= 472 B. C.), and was celebrated by Pindar, _Ol._, -VI; and Psaumis of Kamarina, whose victory, falling Ol. (?) 81 (= 456 -B. C.), was sung by the pseudo-Pindar, _Ol._, V (= _P. l. G._, I, pp. -109 f.); he also won in the chariot-race in Ol. (?) 82 (= 452 B. C.), a -victory sung by Pindar in _Ol._, IV. See Foerster, nos. 173, 210, 234, -and 238. - -[1844] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 220, 221; Foerster, 601. - -[1845] The corrupt text of Africanus is here corrected by Gelzer, _S. -Jul. Afr. und die byzant. Chronographie_, 1880, I, pp. 168 f. Gardiner, -p. 165, n. 3, wrongly gives the victory of Germanicus as Ol. 194, thus -confusing it with that of Tiberius. - -[1846] Foerster, 642-647. - -[1847] Ol. 208 (= 53 A. D.); Foerster, 634. - -[1848] Most of the gems representing such contests, however, refer to -the Roman circus. - -[1849] For illustrations of the two, see Dar.-Sagl., I, 2, pp. 1636 -f., figs. 2203 f., and _cf._ Gardiner, pp. 458 f.; an excellent -illustration of a four-horse chariot and driver is seen on an -Attic-Corinthian goblet (dinos) in the Louvre: Perrot-Chipiez, X, Pl. -II, opp. p. 116; also several at rest and racing on the _François -Vase_: Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 141, fig. 93, p. 154, fig. 101 (= -Furtw.-Reichhold, _Griech. Vasenmalerei_, 1904-1912, Pls. III, 10, and -XI-XII.). - -[1850] Von Mach, no. 5. - -[1851] See, _e. g._, P. Gardner, _Sculptured Tombs of Hellas_, 1896, -figs. 18-20. - -[1852] C. Smith, _B. S. A._, III, 1896-7, pp. 183 f., dates these -prize amphoræ from the middle of the sixth to the close of the fourth -centuries B. C., as the last of the series is dated 313 B. C. In this -article he publishes a mosaic found on Delos (Pl. XVI, a) and dating -from the early second century B. C., which reproduces a Panathenaic -amphora with an illustration of a chariot-race—the latest date at which -either a prize-amphora (or picture of one) can be proved to have been -used. He believes (p. 187) that it is the representation of an amphora -won long before by the ancestor of the owner of the mosaic, carefully -preserved in his family. - -[1853] _B. M. Guide to Greek and Roman Life_, 1908, p. 200. - -[1854] _E. g._, on a Panathenaic amphora in the British Museum, dating -from the sixth century B. C.: _B. M. Vases_, B 132; Gardiner, p. 458, -fig. 166; _cf._ also a silver tetradrachm from Rhegion in the British -Museum, from the early fifth century B. C.: Gardiner, p. 460, fig. 168. - -[1855] Philip won κέλητι in Ol. 106 (= 356 B. C.): Plut., _Alex._, -3 and 4; _cf._ Justin, XII, 16, 6; ἅρματι twice at unknown dates: -Foerster, 360, 364, 370. As we have no record of a victory by him -υνωρίδι], the two-horse chariot appearing on his coins (_e. g._, a -gold stater in the British Museum, Gardiner, p. 459, fig. 167, right) -may refer to unrecorded victories, or else may be interpreted (with -Gardiner) as a pun on his name. - -[1856] _E. g._, on a silver tetradrachm of Rhegion in the British -Museum: Gardiner, p. 460, fig. 168. This and other coins commemorate -the victory in this event of the Rhegion prince Anaxilas, already -mentioned: Aristotle, frag. 228a, _ap._ Pollux, V, 73 (= _F. H. G._, -II, p. 173); Foerster, 173. - -[1857] _E. g._, a decadrachm of Akragas (dating from the end of the -fifth century B. C.) and another of Syracuse (from the beginning of the -fourth century B. C.) in the British Museum; reproduced by Gardiner, p. -465, fig. 172. - -[1858] _B. S. A._, XIII, 1906-7, Pl. V; Gardner, p. 456, fig. 165. - -[1859] Gerhard, IV, Pls. CCXLIX and CCL; Dar.-Sagl., _l. c._, fig. -2219. It was formerly in Lucien Bonaparte’s collection. - -[1860] _A. V._, Pls. CCLI-CCLIV. - -[1861] B. B., 586-7 and figs. 1-14 (text by Furtwaengler); Richter, -_Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes in the Metropolitan Museum_, 1915, -pp. 17 f., no. 40, and figs.; P. Ducati, _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, -XII, 1909, pp. 74 f.; J. Offord, _R. Arch._, Sér. IV, III, 1904, pp. -305-7 and Pls. VII-IX, etc. Closely allied in style to its decorative -designs are fragments of another chariot found at Perugia and now -distributed among the Perugia, Munich, and British Museums: Petersen, -_A. M._, X, 1894, pp. 253 f.; B. B., 588-589. _Cf._ also fragments of -similar technique from Capua: Froehner, _Cat. de la Collection Dutuit_, -1897-1901, II, p. 199, no. 250, and Pls. 190-195. - -[1862] _A. J. A._, XII, 1908, pp. 312 f., with plates and figures. - -[1863] _H. N._, XXXVI, 31. - -[1864] Vitruv., _de Arch._, VII (Praef.), §§ 12-13. - -[1865] See _B. M. Sculpt._, II, nos. 1000-1005 and Pl. XVI; for -discussion of the group, _J. H. S._, XXX, 1910, pp. 133-162 (J. B. K. -Preedy). - -[1866] _E. g._, XXXIV, 71 (_Calamis et alias quadrigas bigasque fecit -se impari, equis sine aemulo expressis_); XXXV, 99 (_Aristides ... -pinxit et currentes quadrigas_); XXXIV, 78 (Euphranor); 64 (_Lysippus -... fecit et quadrigas multorum generum_); 66 (Euthykrates); 80 -(Pyromachos); 88 (Menogenes); 86 (Aristodemos). - -[1867] P., VI, 12.1; to be mentioned _infra_, p. 279. - -[1868] P., VI, 9.4-5. - -[1869] P., V, 27.2. - -[1870] P., VI, 14.12. - -[1871] P., VI, 10.8 and 19.6, and _cf._ 10.8; Hdt., VI, 36; Hyde, 99a -and p. 44; Foerster, 105. Pausanias here confuses this elder Miltiades -with the son of Kimon, as does also the pseudo-Andok., IV, 33. - -[1872] P., VI, 10.8; _cf._ Hdt., VI, 103; Hyde, 99b and p. 44; -Foerster, 77-79. - -[1873] Some time between Ols. (?) 68 and 70 (= 508 and 500 B. C.): P., -VI, 16.6; Hyde, 160 and pp. 58-9; Foerster, 797 (undated). - -[1874] Kalliteles won some time between Ols. (?) 66 and 68 (= 516 and -508 B. C.): _Inschr. v. Ol._, 632; Hyde, 161; Foerster, 774 (undated). - -[1875] Pindar, _Pyth._, V, 34 f.; date given by schol. on _Pyth._, -IV, Argum., Boeckh, p. 342. Pindar’s _Pyth._, IV and V celebrate this -victory. The same scholiast also records a chariot-victory of Arkesilas -at Olympia in Ol. 80 (= 460 B. C.); Foerster, 229. - -[1876] P., V, 12.5; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 634; _I. G. B._, 100. Kyniska won -two chariot-victories in Ols. (?) 96, 97 (= 396, 392 B. C.), and for -them also had an equestrian group set up in the Altis, the work of the -Megarian artist Apellas, which we shall discuss later: P., VI, 1.6 f.; -Hyde, 7; Foerster, 326, 333; see _infra_, p. 267. - -[1877] P., VI, 12.7; Hyde, 108; Foerster, 801 (undated). - -[1878] He won some time between Ols. (?) 128 and 137 (= 268 and 232 B. -C.): P., VI, 1.9; Hyde, 169; Foerster, 446; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 178. - -[1879] P., VI, 17.5; _cf._ 10.6-8. In the latter passage (§8) -Pausanias says that Kleosthenes, who won in Ol. 66, was the first to -dedicate his statue together with a chariot and horses and the statue -of a charioteer. Foerster, 38, following Westermann, believes that -Archidamas is the name which has fallen out of Phlegon, fragm. 4 (= _F. -H. G._, III, p. 605), that of a victor from Dyspontion in Elis, and -therefore wrongly gives the date of the victory as Ol. 27 (= 672 B. -C.); for a refutation of this view and an indeterminate date, see Hyde, -182 and p. 62. - -[1880] He won Ol. (?) 79 (= 464 B. C.): P., VI, 1.7; Hyde, 8; Foerster, -233. - -[1881] He won in two events, the hoplite-race and charioteering, -in Ols. (?) 83, 84 (= 448, 444 B. C.): P., VI, 2.1-2; Hyde, 12; -Foerster, 211A. Perhaps one of his two statues by Myron represented -his charioteer (so Foerster), though more probably the two statues -represented the victor for his two victories. - -[1882] He won some time between Ols. (?) 98 and 101 (= 388 and 376 B. -C.): P., VI, 2.8; Hyde, 17; Foerster, 310; his statue stood beside that -of his son Aigyptos on horseback; the latter won κέλητι about the date -of his father’s victory: P., VI, 2.8; Hyde 18; Foerster, 301. The two -monuments were by the Sikyonian Daidalos. - -[1883] He won συνωρίδι καὶ τεθρίππῳ in Ols. 102, 103 (= 372, 368 B. -C.): P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338, 345. - -[1884] He won some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130 (= 320 and 260 B. -C.): P., VI, 13.11; Hyde, 122; Foerster, 513: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 177. - -[1885] Polykles won in Ol. (?) 89 (= 424 B. C.): P., VI, 1.7; Hyde, -9; Foerster, 796 (undated). For this athletic _genre_ group, see -Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 534. On children’s hoops (τρόχοι) see L. Becq -de Fouquières, _Les Jeux des Anciens_^2, 1873, Ch. VIII, pp. 159 f. - -[1886] 1, 96 (quoting Ephoros, fragm. 106 = _F. H. G._, 1, pp. 262-3). -Periandros won a chariot victory at Olympia at the end of the seventh -or beginning of the sixth century B. C.: Foerster, 80, who assumes that -it was a statue of Zeus, and not of Periandros. - -[1887] Gelo won in Ol. 73 (= 488 B. C.): P., VI, 9.4; Hyde, 90; -Foerster, 180; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 143. This inscription on the recovered -base and another from the base of the monument of Pantarkes, who won -apparently in the chariot-race at the end of the sixth century B. C. -(_Inschr. v. Ol._, 142; Foerster, 149), are the two oldest inscriptions -known of chariot victors at Olympia. - -[1888] He won Ol. 66 (= 516 B. C.): P., VI, 10.6-7; Hyde, 99; Foerster, -143. - -[1889] P., VI, 10.7. - -[1890] We have mentioned the inscribed relief _supra_, pp. 257 and 258, -and n. 1 on p. 258. - -[1891] Line 15. - -[1892] Pindar, _Pyth._, V, 26. For the above examples, see also -Gardiner, p. 463. - -[1893] P., VI, 2.8; he was represented on horseback. - -[1894] P., III, 8.1; _cf._ VI, 1.6. - -[1895] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 160; Loewy, _I. G. B._, 99; see _A. G._, XIII, -16. - -[1896] _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, p. 151. - -[1897] Noted in _A. J. A._, XV, 1911, p. 60. - -[1898] _H. N._, XXXIV, 86: _et adornantes se feminas_. For the five -larger bronze figures, see Inv., 5604-5, 5619-21; for the smaller sixth -figure, usually known as the _Praying Child_, see Inv., 5603. All six -are pictured in E. R. Barker’s _Buried Herculaneum_, 1908, Figs. 18-19. - -[1899] P., VI, 12.1; _cf._ VIII, 42.9-10; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 105; -Foerster, 199, 209, and 215. Pindar celebrates the victory of 476 B. C. -in his first _Olympian ode_. - -[1900] P., V, 27.2. See _supra_, pp. 28, 62, and 163. - -[1901] P., VI, 14.12. - -[1902] _H. N._, XXXIV, 71. On the basis of this and other references, -Reisch built up a theory that there was also a fourth-century B. C. -Kalamis, the contemporary of the younger Praxiteles: _Jh. oest. arch. -Inst._, IX, 1906, pp. 199 f. He was followed by Amelung (_R. M._, XXI, -1906, pp. 285 and 287) and Studniczka (_Abh. d. k. saechs. Gesellsch. -d. Wiss., philolog.-histor. Klasse_, XXV, no. IV, 1907, pp. 5 f.). -Furtwaengler has shown the weakness of such an argument and has rightly -referred the monument mentioned by Pliny to the great Kalamis and his -younger contemporary, the elder Praxiteles: _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1907, -pp. 160 f. - -[1903] P., VI, 18.1. Kratisthenes won Ol. (?) 83 (= 448 B. C.): Hyde, -185; Foerster, 193 A. - -[1904] P., VI, 12.6; Hyde, 105d. The same Timon is mentioned again: -P., VI, 2.8; Hyde, 17. This monument may have been set up for a -second victory or even for the victory mentioned by Pausanias, VI, -2.8; however, I have classed it as an honor dedication, assuming two -monuments: Hyde, p. 45. - -[1905] Lampos won some time after Ol. (?) 105 (= 360 B. C.): P., VI, -4.10; Hyde, 44; Foerster, 420. Philippi, the native city of Lampos, was -founded in Ol. 105 by Philip, father of Alexander, on the site of an -older town, Krenides. - -[1906] _H. N._, XXXIV, 89; it was by the statuary Piston. - -[1907] Reisch, p. 49, believes that she represented a _Nike apteros_; -Rouse, p. 164, also believes that such figures were Victories. - -[1908] _H. N._, XXXV, 108. - -[1909] _Ant. Denkm._, I, 4, 1889, Pl. XLIV. - -[1910] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, 814; _Museum Marbles_, IX, Pl. XXXVIII, -fig. 2. A. H. Smith (_op. cit._, no. 814; _cf._ _Guide to Græco-Roman -Sculpt._, I, no. 176) also mentions another similar votive tablet in -the British Museum. It is mounted on a pilaster and represents the -visit of Dionysos to Ikarios. Such tablets seem to have been commonly -dedicated by agonistic victors. - -[1911] Schoene, _Griech. Reliefs_, 1872, Pl. XVIII, fig. 80; F. W., -1142; von Sybel, _Kat. d. Skulpt. zu Athen_, 1881, no. 7014. Here only -the arms and wings of Nike are left. - -[1912] E. Huebner, _Die antiken Bildw. in Madrid_, 1862, 241, 559; -_Annali_, XXXIV, 1862, Pl. G., and p. 103; Reisch, p. 51. - -[1913] _Arch. Eph._, 1893, pp. 128 f. (Kabbadias) and Pl. IX; Rouse, p. -177. - -[1914] _Cf._ Reisch, pp. 49-50; Rouse, p. 176. - -[1915] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1752; _Guide_, I, 437. - -[1916] P., V, 17.8. - -[1917] Frazer, III, p. 609, fig. 77; etc. See _supra_, p. 13 and n. 1. - -[1918] We have already discussed the style and date of this relief -in Ch. III, pp. 128-9. For the relief, see Dickins, no. 1342 and -illustration on p. 275; von Sybel, _Kat. d. Skulpt. zu Athen_, no. -5039; Baum., I, p. 342, fig. 359; Studniczka, _Jb._, XI, 1896, p. 265, -fig. 7; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 664, fig. 342; B. B., 21; von Mach, -56; Collignon, I, pp. 378 f. and fig. 194; Overbeck, I, p. 203 and fig. -47; Le Bas, _Voyage archeol._ (Reinach’s ed.), pp. 50-51 and Pl. I; F. -W., 97; cast in British Museum, _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 155. A small -piece of the adjacent slab to the right (found on the eastern slope -of the Akropolis in 1859-1860), fitting the main block exactly, shows -two horses’ tails and one hind leg and proves that the chariot was -represented at rest. - -[1919] This fragment contains a head whose pointed beard and petasos -have been thought to indicate the god: Dickins, no. 1343; Collignon, I, -p. 378, fig. 195; von Mach, fig. 11, opp. p. 58; Conze, _Nuove Memorie -dell’ Instituto_, II, pp. 408 f. and Pl. XIII A; F. W., 96. - -[1920] So O. Hauser, _Jb._, VII, 1892, pp. 54 f.; he is followed by -Robinson, _Cat. of Museum of Fine Arts, Boston_, no. 33. J. Braun, -_Gesch. d. Kunst_, 1858, II, pp. 188 and 549 (quoted by F. W.), Conze, -_op. cit._, Michaelis, _Der Parthenon_, 1870, p. 123, Helbig, _Das -homerische Epos_^2, 1887, p. 179 and n. 11, Springer-Michaelis, pp. -207-8 (and fig. 389), Dickins, and many others, also interpret the -figure as male. - -[1921] This coiffure, however, appears on several female heads: -_e. g._, on the Harpy monument, F. W., 127 f. Knapp (_Nike in d. -Vasenmalerei_, p. 10), Brunn (_Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1870, II, pp. 213 -f.), W. Mueller (_Quaestiones vestiariae_, 1890, p. 44), Collignon, -Overbeck, Friedrichs-Wolters, Reisch (p. 49), and many others call the -figure of the charioteer female. - -[1922] _E. g._, the headless draped statue, resembling the _Korai_, in -the Akropolis Museum: B. B., 551. - -[1923] _A. M._, XXX, 1905, pp. 305 f. (especially 321) and Pls. XI, XII -(the rebuilding of the temple referred to the time of Peisistratos). He -also (p. 320) favors the well-known view of Doerpfeld (_A. M._, XII, -1887, pp. 25-61, 190-211; XV, 1890, pp. 420-439) that the Hekatompedon -or Old Temple of Athena, rebuilt by the Athenians shortly after the -Persian wars, existed not only down to 406 B. C., when Xenophon says -that it was burnt (_Hell._, I, 6), but down at least to the time of -Pausanias. This view is held by J. Harrison, _Mythology and Monuments -of Ancient Athens_, 1890, pp. 505 f., Dickins, _l. c._, and many -archæologists. It has been rejected by many others, _e. g._, Petersen -(_A. M._, XII, pp. 62-72), Wernicke (_ibid._, pp. 184-189), and _in -extenso_ Frazer (_J. H. S._, XIII, 1892-1893, pp. 153-187; reprinted -in his edition of Pausanias, II, pp. 553-82). Murray, I, p. 143 and -fig. 35, referred the relief to one of the metopes of the Old Temple of -Athena. - -[1924] _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1906, II, pp. 147 f.; _cf._ also _ibid._, -1905, pp. 433 f. - -[1925] Springer-Michaelis (_l. c._) think that it may represent a -chariot victor; similarly Purgold (_Arch. Eph._, 1885, p. 251). -Boetticher (_Die Akropolis_, 1888, pp. 85-6) believes that it -represents a Panathenaic victor. - -[1926] In the British Museum: _B. M. Sculpt._, II, 951 and Pl. XIII; -Sir Charles Fellows, _An Account of Discoveries in Lycia_, 1841, p. -166. The Chimæra may be introduced as a heraldic device of the owner -of the tomb (Smith). Bellerophon appears on Pegasos on a relief from a -rock tomb of Pinara: _B. M. Sculpt._, I, 760. We should also compare -with these the reliefs found by Fellows at Xanthos and now in the -British Museum. They show a two-horse chariot with a seated charioteer -(F. W., 131; Murray, I, Pl. IV), a two-horse chariot with a charioteer -and a seated man (F. W., 133; Murray, Pl. III), and a young rider (F. -W., 134). See Fellows, pp. 172, 176; Murray, I, pp. 124 f. - -[1927] Michaelis, _Der Parthenon_, 1870, slabs XI-XXIII; _B. M. -Sculpt._, I, no. 325. The charioteers on slabs XII and XIV have long, -close-fitting tunics. - -[1928] Michaelis, _op. cit._, slabs XXIV-XXXIV; _B. M. Sculpt._, no. -327. - -[1929] Theophrastos, _ap._ Harpokr., _s. v._ ἀποβάτης), says that -it was peculiar to Athens and Bœotia, but there is evidence of its -existence elsewhere, _e. g._, at Aphrodisias in Karia (_C. I. G._, II, -no. 2758, G. col. IV, line 3, p. 507, and C. col. IV, l. 3), Naples -(_ibid._, no. 5807, l. 4), Rome (_C. I. L._, VI, 2, 10047, b, line 8 -= _pedibus ad quadrigam_), etc. On the race at the _Panathenaia_, see -Michaelis, _op. cit._, pp. 324 f.; Mommsen, _Heortologie_, 1864, pp. -153 f., and _Die Feste d. Stadt Athen im Altertum_, 1898, pp. 89 f.; -and for the race in general, Pauly-Wissowa, I, pp. 2814 f. - -[1930] For a description of the race, see Bekker, _Anecd. gr._, I, -pp. 425-6 and _Dionys. Halikarn._, VII, 73, 2-3; the former account -says that the _apobates_ mounted the chariot in full course by setting -his foot on the wheel and dismounted again; the latter only that he -dismounted in the last lap; the two are apparently describing different -moments of the same race. - -[1931] National Museum, no. 1391; Svoronos, II, pp. 340-1, Tafelbd., -Pl. LVI (right); noted in _A. M._, XII, 1887, p. 146, no. 1; Staïs, -_Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 237 and fig.; _Arch. Eph._, 1910, pp. 251 f.; -Reisch, p. 51. Staïs gives the measurements as 0.60 meter high and 0.36 -meter broad. - -[1932] _A. M._, III, 1878, pp. 410-14, no. 193 (Koerte); _Mon. d. -I._, IV, 1844-48, Pl. 5; _Annali_, Pl. XVI, 1844, pp. 166 f. (F. J. -Welcker), and Pl. E. - -[1933] A third relief from Oropos, showing the same subject, is in -Berlin (no. 725): see Furtwaengler, _Samml. Sabouroff_, I, Pl. XXVI -(and text, on the subject of the race). - -[1934] _B. C. H._, VII, 1883, Pl. XVII and pp. 458 f. (Collignon); -Gardiner, p. 238, fig. 34; F. W., 1836. - -[1935] Its antiquity has been questioned by Kekulé, who is quoted by F. -W.; see on no. 1838. - -[1936] _B. M. Sculpt._, II, 1037, Pl. XVIII; von Mach, 231; _Ant. -Denkm._, II, 2, 1893-4, Pl. XVIII, 0; Collignon, II, p. 327, fig. 165; -Newton, _Travels and Discoveries in the Levant_, 1865, II, p. 133, Pl. -XVI; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 430, fig. 111. It is 2 feet 1.5 inches high. - -[1937] For the sarcophagus, see the work of Hamdy Bey and Th. Reinach, -_Une nécropole royale à Sidon_, 1892; Text, pp. 272 f., and Pls. -XXIII-XXVIII, XXX-XXXI, XXXIV-XXXVII; also Studniczka, _Jb._, IX, 1894, -pp. 211 f. (who assigned it to Lysippos’ pupil, Eutychides); Judeich, -_ibid._, X, 1895, pp. 165 f. and figs. 1-6; _J. H. S._, XIX, 1899, -pp. 273 f.; Gardner, _Hbk._, pp. 466 f. and fig. 124 (= Hamdy-Bey et -Reinach, Pl. XXIX); von Mach, 379-83; Richardson, p. 242, fig. 116; -Springer-Michaelis, p. 348, fig. 627; etc. - -[1938] We see it, _e. g._, on the cuirass of the statue of _Augustus_ -in the Vatican: von Mach, no. 418. - -[1939] Von Mach, no. 232; Robinson, _Report of the Trustees of the -Museum of Fine Arts_, 1897, pp. 18-19; Klein, _Praxitelische Studien_ -(= Suppl. to his _Praxiteles_), 1899, p. 1; in n. 1 Klein says that the -statue was found in the Tiber. - -[1940] _Griech. Kunstmythol._, III, _Apollon_, pp. 149 f. - -[1941] Noted by Klein, _op. cit._, figs. 5 and 7. - -[1942] _E. g._, on the vase in the British Museum, discussed in _Guide -to Greek and Roman Life_, 1908, p. 200. Here the driver stands clothed -in the regular chiton like that on the _Charioteer_ from Delphi. (Fig. -66.) We see similarly clothed charioteers on various r.-f. vases: _e. -g._, on those pictured by Gerhard, IV, Pls. CCLI-CCLIII; on those -enumerated by Hauser, _Jb._, VII, 1892, p. 60 (including some r.-f. -ones, _e. g._, the fifth-century B. C. one from Corneto by Euxithoos -and Oltos = Baum., III, Pl. XCIII, 2 and p. 2141). Hauser also adds the -draped charioteer in the _Helios_ group from the Great Pergamene Altar -relief (pictured in Baum., II, Pl. XXXIX, and pp. 1255-6). The general -statement of W. Mueller (_Quaestiones vestiariae_, Goettingen, 1880, p. -44), _nam aurigae semper fere longa tunica sola vestiti sunt_, is, of -course, correct. - -[1943] _E. g._, the statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori to be -mentioned _infra_, p. 276; also other examples in Reinach, _Rép._, -II, 2, 536, 6 (in Rome: _B. Com. Rom._, I, 1888, Pl. XV) and 7 (in -Athens: _Jb._, I, 1886, p. 173; Staïs, _op. cit._, p. 221). We see nude -charioteers entering two four-horse chariots on a r.-f. lebes, formerly -in the collection of Lucien Bonaparte, now in Munich: Gerhard, IV, Pl. -CCLIV (below). - -[1944] Von Mach, no. 274; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 488, 7: _A. Z._, -XVIII, 1860, pp. 1 f. (Friedrichs) and Pls. CXXXIII, CXXXIV; _Bonner -Jb._, XXVI, Pl. IV. It is 4 ft. 7 in. tall and represents a boy of -about 14. - -[1945] Friedrichs, though at first, because of the crown on the hair, -interpreting it as a _Bonus Eventus_ (_A. Z._, XVIII, 1860, pp. 1 f.), -later (_Beschr. d. Skulpt._, no. 4, pp. 5-6) called it a charioteer. - -[1946] _B. Com. Rom._, XVI, 1888, Pls. XV, XVI, 1, 2 (pp. 335 f.); -Joubin, pp. 134 f., and fig. 40; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 973 (restored on -p. 557, fig. 29); _Guide_, 597 (restored on p. 442, fig. 28); Furtw., -_Mp._, pp. 81-82; _Mw._, pp. 115-116; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 536, 6. -Mentioned _supra_, p. 275, n. 7. - -[1947] Hamdy Bey and Th. Reinach, _Une nécropole royale à Sidon_, Pl. -XXII, 2. - -[1948] Including the _Hestia Giustiniani_ in the Museo Torlonia, Rome: -B. B., 491; von Mach, 75; the so-called _Aspasia_ head, with copies -in Paris (Photo Giraudon, no. 1219) and Berlin (_A. Z._, XXXV, 1877, -Pl. VIII, two views), and the _Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_ in Athens (Pl. -7B); he assigns the later related _Athena_ in the Villa Albani to -Praxias, the pupil of Kalamis and contemporary of Pheidias: F. W., -524; _Mp._, p. 78, figs. 29 and 30 (head); _Mw._, pp. 112-113, figs. -19 and 20 (head). However, as Richardson points out, pp. 137 and 207, -the _Hestia_ bears a strong resemblance to the East gable figures at -Olympia, especially to those of _Sterope_ and _Hippodameia_, and to -several female statues in Copenhagen: Arndt, _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, -Pls. VII (= Joubin, p. 161, fig. 53), XXXVIII, and fig. 3 on p. 13. - -[1949] _C. R. Acad. Inscr._, 1896, pp. 178, 186, 362, 388, and Pls. I, -II; _A. A._, 1896, pp. 173 f. (with fig.); Homolle, in _Mon. Piot_, IV, -1897, Pls. XV, XVI, pp. 169 f.; _id._, _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, pp. 579, -581-3; _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, 1904, Pls. XLIX, L (4 views); Bulle, -199 and fig. 134 on p. 460; von Mach, 60; H. B. Walters, _Art of the -Anc. Greeks_, 1906, Pl. XXVIII; Gardner, _Sculpt._, pp. 49 f. and Pls. -VIII, IX; G. F. Hill, _One Hundred Masterpieces of Sculpture_, 1909, -pp. 7-8 and Pl. V; Springer-Michaelis, p. 225, fig. 482; Robinson, -_Cat. Mus. Fine Arts in Boston_, Suppl., pp. 1 f., no. 85; cast in -British Museum, _B. M. Sculpt._, III, 2688; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, -536, 1. It is 5 feet 10.75 inches high (A. H. Smith) or 1.80 meters -(Bulle). - -[1950] See Svoronos, p. 131, n. 3. - -[1951] O. M. Washburn, _Berl. Philol. Wochenschr._, XXV, 1905, cols. -1358 f.; _A. J. A._, X, 1906, pp. 151-3; XII, 1908, pp. 198-208. - -[1952] P., X, 15.6. - -[1953] _L. c._, and _Berl. Philol. Wochenschr._, 1905, col. 1549. - -[1954] Lechat, _Rev. Arch._, XI, 1908, pp. 126 f., Furtw., _Sitzb. -Muen. Akad._, 1907, II, pp. 157 f., Studniczka, _Jb._, XXII, 1907, pp. -133 f., and others, support Washburn’s view. - -[1955] P., X, 9.7-8; _cf._ VI, 3.5, where Amphion is called the pupil -of Ptolichos, the pupil of Kritios. - -[1956] So von Duhn, _A. M._, XXXI, 1906, pp. 421 f.; a conclusion also -reached independently by E. A. Gardner, _Sculpt._, p. 51. - -[1957] So von Duhn, Gardner, and Mahler; the latter in _Jh. oest. arch. -Inst._, III, 1900, pp. 142 f. Furtwaengler, _l. c._, found von Duhn’s -view that the _Charioteer_ is an original work of Pythagoras untenable. -He also combated his interpretation of πολύζαλος as a proper name, -preferring the suggestion of Washburn that it might be an adjective. -However, in a former article (_Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1897, pp. 129 -f.) he had emphasized the similarity between the statue and a bronze -statuette in London (_B. M. Bronzes_, 515 and Pl. XVI; _Sitzb._, _l. -c._, Pl. V, two views) which he believed was almost certainly a product -of Magna Græcia. He found the style of the _Charioteer_ Ionic-Attic -without Peloponnesian affiliations, and referred it to Amphion or -to some unknown artist of the circle of Kritios and Nesiotes. For a -similar view, see Homolle, _Mon. Piot_, IV, 1897, p. 207. Pottier -(_ap._ Homolle, _l. c._) assigned it to Kalamis. _Cf._ also Lechat, -_Pythagoras de Rhegion_, 1905, p. 100. - -[1958] A. D. Keramopoullos, _A. M._, XXXIV, 1909, pp. 33 f. Homolle, -_op. cit._, pp. 176 f., and O. Schroeder, _A. A._, 1902, pp. 12 f., had -also referred it to Gelo’s dedication. - -[1959] P. 152. - -[1960] See G. F. Hill, _l. c._ - -[1961] Besides the Olympic victories already recorded, Hiero also -won the chariot-race at Delphi in Pythiad 29 (= 470 B. C.), and the -horse-race there twice in Pythiads 26 and 27 (= 482 and 478 B. C.); he -also won a chariot-race probably at the Theban _Iolaia_ in (?) 475 B. -C.; Pindar celebrates the four victories in _Pyth._, I-III; Bergk, _P. -l. G._,^5 I, pp. 175 f. - -[1962] P., VI, 14.4; he won either before Ol. 67 (= 512 B. C.) or in -Ols. 69 or 70 (= 504 or 500 B. C.): Hyde, 126 and p. 52; Foerster, 778 -(undated). - -[1963] He won κέλητι in Ols. 66 or 67 (= 516 or 512 B. C.): P., VI, -13.9; Hyde, 120; Foerster, 129, 149a (two victories). - -[1964] They won in Ol. 68 (= 508 B. C.): P., VI, 13.10; Hyde, 121; -Foerster, 152. - -[1965] So Hyde, pp. 50-1. - -[1966] So Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 598. - -[1967] P., VI, 12.1. - -[1968] P., VI, 2.8. - -[1969] Xenombrotos won in Ol. (?) 83 (= 448 B. C.): Hyde, 133 -(following Robert, _O. S._, pp. 180-181); Foerster, 327; Xenodikos in -Ol. (?) 84 (= 444 B. C.): Hyde, 134; Foerster, 332. - -[1970] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 154; _I. G. A._, 552a; Robert, _O. S._, -pp. 179-81. However, Kirchhoff referred this base to the statue -of a runner: _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, p. 84; and Dittenberger to the -victor D[amasi]ppos, who won in some running race at an unknown -date: Foerster, 812. Robert read the mutilated inscription ἐλάσιππος -(“horse-driving”) instead of the proper name Δαμάσιππος. - -[1971] _H. N._, XXXIV, 75 and 78 (_celetizontes pueri_). - -[1972] Pliny, XXXIV, 71. - -[1973] _B. M. Vases_, B 133; Gardiner, p. 461, fig. 169; see also a -Panathenaic amphora pictured in Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 129, fig. 92 -(left). - -[1974] Gardiner, p. 459, fig. 167 (left). He won κέλητι in Ol. 106 (= -356 B. C.): Plut., _Alex._, 3; Foerster, 360. _Cf._ a similar jockey on -horseback on a coin of Tarentum: Head, _Guide to the Principal Gold and -Silver Coins ... in the British Museum_, Pl. XXIV, 7. - -[1975] _B. M. Vases_, B 144; Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCXLVII (lower half); -Gardiner, p. 243, fig. 37. - -[1976] See _supra_, p. 13 and n. 1. - -[1977] Mentioned in _J. H. S._, XIV, 1894, p. 66 (H. Stuart Jones). - -[1978] III, i, p. 200, fig. 3846 (from Dubois-Maisonneuve, _Introd. à -l’Étude des vases_, Pl. XLIII); others are there mentioned, _e. g._, -_Mon. d. I._, I, 1829-33, Pl. XXII, 3b and II, 1834-38, Pl. XXXII -(bottom). - -[1979] _B. C. H._, V, 1881, pp. 436 f., with figure (Collignon). This -and the following three reliefs are mentioned by Rouse, p. 176. - -[1980] F. W., 1206, formerly interpreted as Alexander and Boukephalos. - -[1981] Von Sybel, _Kat. d. Skulpt. zu Athen_, 1881, no. 307. - -[1982] Von Duhn, in _A. Z._, XXXV, 1877, pp. 167, no. 89 (_cf._ no. 88). - -[1983] On the North frieze, Michaelis, _Der Parthenon_, 1870, Tafelbd., -slabs XXIV-XLII; _B. M. Sculpt._, I, 325, pp. 175 f.; West frieze, -Michaelis, slabs II, IV, VI-VII, IX-XI; _B. M. Sculpt._, 326, pp. -179-80; South frieze, Michaelis, slabs I, III, X-XVI, XXII-XXIII; _B. -M. Sculpt._, 327, pp. 181-85. - -[1984] _C. I. A._, IV, 2, 373, line 99; _cf._ Studniczka, _Arch. Eph._, -1887, p. 146. - -[1985] _Vit. X Orat._, 42 (p. 839b); he says that it stood in the -ball-court of the maidens known as _arrephoroi_. Pausanias, I, 18.8, -also mentions a statuette of Isokrates on a column near the Olympieion. - -[1986] Carapanos, _Dodone et ses ruines_, 1877, p. 183 and Pl. XIII, 1; -Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 527, 1. - -[1987] Arndt-Amelung, _Einzelaufnahmen_, no. 242. - -[1988] Dickins, nos. 700, found in 1887 (height 1.12 meters, length of -fragment 0.76 meter) and 697 (height 1.13 meters); Winter, Archaische -Reiterbilder von der Akropolis, _Jb._, VIII, 1893, pp. 135-156, figs. -13a and b, 14a and b; Collignon, I, pp. 358-9, figs. 180 and 181; -Schrader, _Arch. Marmor-Skulpt. im Akropolis-Museum zu Athen_, 1909, p. -81, figs. 72-3 (assuming a Chian sculptor for no. 700); B. B., 459; no. -700 = Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 639, fig. 327; 697 = _ibid._, p. 637, -fig. 326. Winter, in the article cited, gives fourteen cuts of such -archaic horse monuments. - -[1989] See preliminary account by Th. Reinach in _C. R. Acad. Inscr._, -1919, (Jan.-Feb.), pp. 56-59 and fig. on p. 58. It is 49 centimeters -high. - -[1990] J. Sieveking, _Die Bronz. d. Samml. Loeb_, 1913, p. 70, Pl. 29; -it is 0.12 meter high. An exact copy is in the Cabinet des Médailles in -Paris; Babelon et Blanchet, _Cat. des bronzes ant. de la Bibliothèque -Nationale_, 1893, no. 893. For further examples of horsemen in bronze -and marble, see Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, pp. 527-533. - -[1991] The race is described by P., V, 9.2; _cf._ Plutarch, _Quaest. -conviv._, V, 2 (675 C.) For possible examples in sculpture, see -Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, pp. 532-3. - -[1992] _E. g._, on a silver stater of the early third century B. C. -from Tarentum in the British Museum: Gardiner, p. 462, fig. 170 (right). - -[1993] _Les_ ἱππεῖς _athéniens_, 1902 (_Extrait des Mémoires de l’Acad. -des Inscr. et Belles-Lettres_, Vol. XXXVII). _Cf._ Gardiner, pp. 71-2. - -[1994] _Heralds_ (κήρυκες), trumpeters (σαλπισταί), flutists -(αὐληταί), cithara-players (κιθαρισταί), and those who sang with them -(κιθαρῳδοί), are mentioned as victors in many inscriptions: _e. g._, -at Oropos, _C. I. G. G. S._, I, nos. 419-20; at Tanagra, _ibid._, 540; -at Plataiai, _ibid._, 1667; at Thespiai, _ibid._, 1760 and 1773; on -Mt. Helikon, _ibid._, 1776; at Akraiphia, _ibid._, 2727; at Koroneia, -_ibid._, 2871; etc. _Cf._ Frazer, III, p. 628. Also on Samos: see -inscription discussed in _J. H. S._, VII, 1886, p. 150. - -[1995] Afr.; Foerster, nos. 302 (Timaios) and 303 (Krates); they are -not mentioned by Pausanias in his account of the introduction of -various contests at Olympia, V, 8.6 f. Lucian mentions the contests of -heralds at Olympia: _de morte Peregrini_, 32. - -[1996] V, 22.1. - -[1997] Nestor (_F. H. G._, II, p. 485^*, quoted by Athenæus, X, 7, p. -415a) says that he was _periodonikes_ ten times, while Pollux (IV, 89) -says seven times. For the dates of the victories, which fell some time -between Ols. (?) 113 and 122 (= 328 and 292 B. C.), see Foerster, nos. -395, 399, 402, 404, 406, 411, 415, 422, 425, and 428. - -[1998] Athen., X, 7 (p. 414e). - -[1999] Amarantos of Alexandria, _apud_ Athen., _l. c._, says that he -was 3.5 ells in height; Pollux, _l. c._, four ells. Athenæus relates -examples of his voracity. - -[2000] For the inscribed basis of his statue at Olympia, see _Inschr. -v. Ol._, 232; _cf._ Foerster, 815-19 (undated). The inscription appears -to belong to the first century A. D. - -[2001] _B. S. A._, XIII, 1906-7, pp. 146-7 (Dickins) and fig. 3; _cf._ -_A. J. A._, XIII, 1909, p. 83 and fig. 6. It is 0.131 meter high. - -[2002] _B. M. Bronzes_, 223 (quoted by Dickins, _l. c._). - -[2003] See P., X, 9.2. - -[2004] Fragm. 65 (= _F. H. G._, I, 207, quoted by Strabo, VI, 1.9, C. -260). For the story about his victory, see Timaios, Strabo, _l. c._, -Clemens Alexandr., _Protrept._, I, p. 2, and poetically in _A. G._, VI, -54 (Paulus Silentiarius), and IX, 584. - -[2005] _Cf._ Reisch, p. 52. - -[2006] IX, 30. 2 f. - -[2007] In another passage, X, 7. 2, Pausanias says that Thamyris won a -prize for singing at the Pythian games; he also mentions a painting of -him by Polygnotos: X, 30. 8. On Thamyris, _cf._ also P., IV, 33. 3 and -7. - -[2008] For the story of the poet Arion and the dolphin, see P. III, 25. -7. - -[2009] In X, 7. 4, Pausanias says that Sakadas won in flute-playing at -Delphi three times, the first in the third year of Ol. 48 (= 585 B. -C.). In another passage, II, 22.8, he says that Sakadas was the first -to play the “Pythian tune” on the flute. For a description of this -tune, see Pollux, IV, 84, and Strabo, IX, 3.10 (C. 421). - -[2010] XIV, 24 (p. 629a). - -[2011] _C. I. A._, I, 357. - -[2012] Froehner, _Notice_, no. 16; Clarac, 122, 342; M. W., I, Pl. 13, -46; etc. - -[2013] _A. M._, XII, 1887, pp. 378 f. (Wolters) and Pl. XII. - -[2014] V, 7.10; _cf._ Plutarch, _de Musica_, 26. Athenæus, IV, 39 (p. -154a), quotes from the first book of the catalogue of Olympic victors -by Eratosthenes to the effect that the Etruscans used to box to the -music of the flute. - -[2015] P., V, 17. 10. - -[2016] Ph., 55. - -[2017] Plut., _l. c._ - -[2018] See Pinder, _Ueber den Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen_, 1867, pp. 97 f. - -[2019] He won sometime between Ols. (?) 58 and 62 (= 548 and 532 B. -C.): P., VI, 14.9-10; Hyde, 128b and p. 52. He also won six victories -at Delphi and fluted at the pentathlon: _cf._ P., _l. c._ and Ph., 55. - -[2020] So Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 604. An example, on the other hand, -of a very small man erecting a large statue is that of the poet Lucius -Accius, whose statue was set up in the temple of the Camenae in Rome: -Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 19; _cf._ Bernouilli, _Roem. Ikonogr._, I, p. 289. - -[2021] _E. g._, to Aristotle of Stagira: P., VI, 4.8; Hyde, 41b; to -Gorgias of Leontini: P., VI, 17.7; Hyde, 184a; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 293; -etc. - -[2022] The first part of the present chapter appeared under the -caption, Lysippus as a Worker in Marble, in _A. J. A._, 2d Series, XI, -1907, pp. 396-416, and figs. 1-6; the second part, entitled, The Head -of a Youthful Heracles from Sparta, appeared _ibid._, XVIII, 1914, -pp. 462-478, and fig. 1. Both parts have been rewritten. The author -is indebted to the former editor-in-chief, Dr. James M. Paton, for -permission to use the original papers in writing the present chapter. - -[2023] First noted by Homolle, _Gaz. B.-A._, XII, 1894, III Sér., pp. -452 f.; _id._, _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, pp. 592 f.; _id._, _ibid._, -XXIII, 1899, pp. 421 f.; _id._, _Rev. Arch._, 1900, p. 383; P. Gardner, -_J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, pp. 234 f. (The Apoxyomenos of Lysippos). For -a good summary and a new identification of the figures of the group -(without discussing the style), see Miss E. M. Gardner and K. K. Smith, -_A. J. A._, XIII, 1909, pp. 447 f. (Pl. XIV and 21 text-cuts). - -[2024] The group was composed of nine statues: three of athletes, those -of the brothers Agias, a pancratiast, Telemachos, a wrestler, and -Agelaos, a boy runner; four statesmen, and the son of the dedicator, -and one unknown: _B. C. H._, XXI, pp. 592 f.; _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, -1913, III, no. 4, pp. 45-46. - -[2025] _Gaz. B.-A._, XII, 1894, p. 452: “_un des meilleures exemples de -la manière de Lysippe_.” - -[2026] _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, p. 598. - -[2027] _B. C. H._, XXIII, 1899, pp. 470-1: “_L’auteur de la statue -d’Agias ... ne peut être cherché que dans l’école de Lysippe ou dans -sa dépendance immédiate...._” On p. 472 he says that in the _Agias_ we -have a statue “_qui approche aussi près que possible d’un original de -Lysippe_.” - -[2028] _Ein delphisches Weihgeschenck_, 1900; for the inscription -referring to the statue of Agias, see _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, pp. -592-593. Preuner’s ingenious theory was based on a combination of the -inscriptions on the bases of the group. - -[2029] _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, 1904, Pls. LXIII (full length), LXIV -(head); statue of Sisyphos I, Pl. LXV; Sisyphos II, LXVIII (= _B. C. -H._, XXIII, Pl. IX); Agelaos (= _B. C. H._, XXIII, Pl. IX). For the -_Agias_, see also _B. C. H._, XXIII, 1899, Pls. X (head, two views) -and XI (statue); von Mach, 234; Springer-Michaelis, p. 336, fig. 596; -Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 549, 11 (before the discovery of the lower -legs). The name is to be spelled either Agias or Hagias; the former has -now become usual. - -[2030] Baron Otto Magnus von Stackelberg (1760-1836) visited Pharsalos -in September 1811. - -[2031] In the Braccio Nuovo: Amelung, _Vat._, I, p. 86, no. 67 and Pl. -XI; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, no. 23; _Guide_, I, no. 31; B. B., 281 (head -= 487); Bulle, 62 (head = 213); and reconstruction in a bronzed cast on -a high pedestal in the Museum of the University of Erlangen, _ibid._, -pp. 117-18, fig. 22, a, b, c (_cf._ _Muenchner Jb. f. bild. Kunst._, -1906, p. 36); von Mach, 235; Baum., II, p. 843, fig. 925; _Mon. d. I._, -V, 1849-53, Pl. XIII; Rayet, II, Pl. 47 (text by Collignon); Overbeck, -II, p. 157, fig. 182; Collignon, II, p. 415, fig. 218; Furtw.-Urlichs, -_Denkm._, Pl. XXXIV and pp. 107-10; Springer-Michaelis, p. 337, fig. -603; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 546, 2; Clarac, V, 848B, 2168A; F. W., -1264; etc. - -[2032] _Cf._ F. W., p. 449, paragraph 2 of the notes. E. Braun -(_Annali_, L, 1850, pp. 223 f.) first identified the statue with -Lysippos’ _Apoxyomenos_; _cf._ also Brunn (_Bulletino d. Inst._, 1851, -p. 91). - -[2033] _Cf._ Becker, _Gallus_,^3 III, p. 108; and especially J. -Kueppers, Der Apoxyomenos des Lysippos, in _Progr. des Bonner Gymnas._, -1869. - -[2034] _H. N._, XXXIV, 62. - -[2035] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 65. - -[2036] Especially its surface modeling was supposed to confirm Pliny’s -criticism of the master: _op. cit._, XXXIV, 65. - -[2037] _One Hundred Masterpieces of Sculpture_, 1909, p. 39. - -[2038] Unless we except the Athenian torso to be mentioned _infra_, p. -290, n. 4. - -[2039] _Cf._ Tarbell, _Congress of Arts and Sciences_, St. Louis, 1904, -III, p. 614. - -[2040] _De Alex. Magn. fort. aut virt._, _Orat._ II, 2 (p. 335, b, c); -_S. Q._, no. 1479. - -[2041] _J. H. S._, XXIII, p. 130, n. 28; it is also quoted by Gardner, -_Sculpt._, pp. 220-1. - -[2042] See Ada Maviglia, _L’attività artistica di Lisippo ricostruita -su nuova base_, 1914. For the Uffizi statue, see _supra_, pp. 136-137. - -[2043] In his discussion of the Athenian torso, which he believed was -another copy of the original of the Vatican statue: _A. M._, II, 1877, -pp. 57-8, Pl. IV; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 819, 1. This torso had the -left leg free, while the Vatican one had the right one free; it is also -dry and hard in its technique. - -[2044] That of Emil Braun, in _Annali_, L, 1850, p. 249. - -[2045] _E. g._, Loewy, _R. M._, XVI, 1901, p. 392. Furtwaengler, -_Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1904, II, p. 379, n. 1, says that the _Agias_ -“_dem Lysipp gaenzlich ferne steht_,” and assigns it to an Athenian -artist. - -[2046] Especially the Gardner brothers: P. Gardner, _J. H. S._, -XXIII, 1903, pp. 130-131 (where he identifies the _Apoxyomenos_ with -the _Perixyomenos_ of Daïppos, the son or pupil of Lysippos, a work -mentioned by Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 87); _ibid._, XXV, 1905, pp. 234 -f., especially p. 236 (on pp. 255 f. he dates the _Apoxyomenos_ just -after 300 B. C., though ultimately deriving it from the school of -Lysippos); _id._, _Class. Rev._, 1913, p. 56; E. A. Gardner, _Sculpt._, -p. 222; _Hbk._, p. 443. T. L. Shear, _A. J. A._, XX, 1916, p. 292, -makes the _Agias_ the centre of his treatment of Lysippos. Still others -who think that the two statues can not be by the same sculptor are -cited by Wolters, _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1913, III, no. 4, p. 44, n. 3. -See also F. Paulson, _Delphi_, 1920, pp. 288-289. - -[2047] _E. g._, Collignon, _Lysippe_, p. 31; Amelung, _R. M._, XX, -1905, pp. 144 f.; _id._, _Vat._, I, p. 87 (where he says that the -_Agias_ offers the closest analogies in style to the _Apoxyomenos_); -Michaelis, _Die archaeol. Entdeckungen des 19ten Jahrh._, 1906, p. 276; -_A Century of Archæological Discoveries_ (transl. of preceding, by -Bettina Kahnweiler, 1908), p. 323; _id._, Springer-Michaelis, p. 335; -for others, _cf._ Wolters, _l. c._, n. 2. - -[2048] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 61 (= S. Q. no. 1444), quotes Douris -as saying that Lysippos was the pupil of no artist. He tells how -the painter Eupompos advised the sculptor as a boy _naturam ipsam -imitandam, esse non artificem_. Such a judgment, of course, can not be -literally true, as every artist is to a large extent a child of his age -and circumstances. _Cf._ Jex-Blake, pp. xlviii f., for the anecdotal -character of Pliny’s statement. That the statement comes, perhaps, from -Eupompos is the view of Kalkmann, _Quellen der Kunstgeschichte des -Plinius_, 1898, p. 165. - -[2049] _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, p. 598; _id._, XXIII, 1899, p. 471; _cf._ -T. L. Shear, _A. J. A._, _l. c._ On the relation of Skopas to Lysippos, -see P. Gardner, _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, pp. 126 f., and E. A. Gardner, -_Sculpt._, p. 198. The influence of Skopas is especially observable -in Lysippos’ treatment of forehead and eyes and in the consequent -intensity of expression. - -[2050] _Jb._, XXV, 1910, pp. 172-3. - -[2051] See Wolters, _l. c._, pp. 45 f. Most scholars have followed the -contention of Preuner that the statue at Pharsalos was the older: _e. -g._, Kern, _I. G._, IX, 2, 249. - -[2052] _Cf._ Hill, _op. cit._, p. 39. - -[2053] _Mp._, p. 364 and n. 2; _Mw._, p. 597 and n. 3; for the Berlin -athlete, see _Beschr. d. ant. Skulpt._, no. 471; for a copy of the -Berlin head in the Museo delle Terme, Rome, see Helbig, _Fuehrer_, -II, 1380 _bis_; _Jb._, XXVI, 1911, p. 278, n. 1; and _cf._ _R. -M._, XX, 1905, pp. 147 f., figs. 5-7; for the Dresden statues, see -Hettner, _Bildw. d. kgl. Antiken-samml._, nos. 245-6; one of these -has a beardless head, which is analogous to a more beautiful head in -Copenhagen: _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, no. 1072. Of this head, which -is earlier than that of the _Apoxyomenos_, Furtwaengler says that it -is “one of the finest and most purely Lysippan works in existence.” -In _Mp._, p. 338, he mentions a bronze statuette of Hermes from -Athens now in Berlin (Invent. 6305) “in the swinging posture of the -_Apoxyomenos_,” and says that it is of the purest Lysippan style. - -[2054] _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, pp. 239-40 and Pl. XVI; Duetschke, IV, -151. - -[2055] _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, no. 240; Mahler ascribes this work to -Lysippos: _Polykl. u. s. Sch._, 1902, p. 153, n. 1. - -[2056] _B. M. Sculpt._, 1747, p. 102; _Mp._, p. 298 and fig. 126; -_Mw._, pp. 515 and 517 and fig. 93; _cf._ Mrs. Strong, in _Strena -Helbigiana_, 1900, p. 297. It is 6 ft. 8 in. high without the plinth -(Smith). - -[2057] A better copy is the torso in the Louvre, _Photo Giraudon_, no. -1289; a head is in the Lateran, no. 891. - -[2058] _De olymp. Stat._, Halle, 1902, and enlarged, 1903, pp. 27 f. - -[2059] _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LIV, 3-4, and Textbd., p. 209, -fig. 237; _Ausgr. v. Ol._, V, 1881, Pl. XX. - -[2060] VI, 2.1. - -[2061] The head is still exhibited at Olympia in the same room as the -_Hermes_. - -[2062] _A. Z._, XXXVIII, 1880, p. 114; _cf._, _Ausgr. v. Ol._, V, pp. -13-14. - -[2063] _Olympia_^2, 1886, pp. 343 f. and Pl. XVI (right). - -[2064] _Restauration d’Olympie_, 1889, p. 137. - -[2065] In Roscher, _Lex._, I, 2, _s. v._ Herakles, p. 2166. - -[2066] _E. g._, Graef, _R. M._, IV, 1889, pp. 189-226, especially p. -217; von Sybel, in _Luetzow’s Zeitschr. fuer bild. Kunst_, N. F., II, -pp. 253 f. - -[2067] _Bildw. v. Ol._, pp. 209 and n. 1. - -[2068] _B. C. H._, XXIII, 1899, pp. 456-7. - -[2069] _Polyklet u. seine Schule_, p. 149. - -[2070] Preuner (_op. cit._, p. 12) dates the dedication -339-331 B. C.; Homolle (B. C. H., XVIII, 1899, p. 440) more closely, -338-334 B. C. Preuner dates Agias’ victory about 450 B. C. - -[2071] Treu, _Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 208, gives these measurements: height -with neck, 0.270 meter; height of head alone, 0.215 meter; breadth of -face, 0.127 meter; height of face, 0.155 meter. - -[2072] _H. N._, XXXIV, 65. - -[2073] The hair, however, of the _Apoxyomenos_ is an exception, for, -even if worked out with some care, it is devoid of expression. - -[2074] The use of the drill is seen in the Praxitelian _Hermes_, but is -not seen in the Tegea heads, nor is it common in the first half of the -fourth century B. C.: _cf._ Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 309. - -[2075] So Treu, _Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 208 (though formerly in _A. Z._, -XXXVIII, 1880, p. 114, he called it a pancratiast with Herakles -features); Reisch, p. 43, n. 1; Flasch, in Baum., p. 1104 00; -Furtwaengler, in Roscher’s _Lex._, _s. v._ Herakles, I, 2, p. 2166; etc. - -[2076] See pp. 75 and 94. - -[2077] _E. g._, Treu, _Bildw. v. Ol._, pp. 208 f. - -[2078] _Supra_, pp. 167 f. - -[2079] Michaelis, pp. 451 f., no. 61; _Specimens_, I, Pl. XL; -Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 297, fig. 125, _Mw._, p. 516, fig. 92; Graef, -_R. M._, IV, 1889, pp. 189 f., and Pls. VIII-IX; Springer-Michaelis, p. -336, fig. 600; Clarac, V, 788, 1973; etc. It was found in 1790 in the -ruins of Hadrian’s villa at Tivoli. - -[2080] VI, 1.4. - -[2081] VI, 2.1. - -[2082] VI, 5.1. - -[2083] VI, 4.6. - -[2084] VI, 17.3. - -[2085] East of the temple of Zeus; see _infra_, Ch. VIII, p. 342, n. 4. - -[2086] See list in Hyde, pp. 3 f. Here nos. 91 and 136 refer to the -same victor. - -[2087] VI, 1.3. - -[2088] _Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 209. See Plans A and B. - -[2089] P., VI, 1.4. - -[2090] P., VI, 1.6. - -[2091] P., VI, 3.2. - -[2092] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 166 (Troilos), 160 (Kyniska), 172 -(Sophios). See Plans A and B. - -[2093] This fact, together with its place of finding not far from the -Great Gymnasion, led Treu to believe that the statue once adorned the -interior of the exercise-place of the athletes: _Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 209. - -[2094] The Praxitelian _Hermes_ similarly shows an unfinished treatment -of the back hair; in fact the entire back of the statue is carelessly -done (_Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 203, fig. 233), though chisel-rasps show -a subsequent attempt to better it. This condition led Treu at first -(_Ausgrab. v. Ol._, V, p. 10; followed by Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. -308, n. 7; _Mw._, p. 531, n. 3) to believe that the statue was made -at Olympia with regard to its position in the Heraion. Later (_Bildw. -v. Ol._, pp. 204-5) Treu believed that this merely indicated that the -statue was intended to stand against a wall; and since the present -base is not the original one (see Bulle, _apud_ Purgold, _Ergebnisse -v. Ol._, II, pp. 157 f.), that the statue was not originally meant for -the temple, but was moved thither, perhaps in Nero’s day; _cf._ also -Wernicke, _Jb._, IX, 1894, pp. 108 f. For the _Hermes_, mentioned by -P., V, 17.3, and found in the cella of the Heraion on May 8, 1877, see -_Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pls. XLIX-LIII; Textbd., pp. 194 f. and -figs. 225-234. - -[2095] However, Lysippos made the statue of Polydamas of Skotoussa, -who won the pankration in Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.), many years after the -victory: see P., VI, 5.1; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279; H. L. von Urlichs, -_Ueber Griech. Kunstschriftsteller_, Diss. inaug., 1887, p. 26. - -[2096] P. 27. - -[2097] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 166; _cf._ P., VI, 1. 4 (both victories -wrongly in Ol. 102); Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338 and 345. - -[2098] Date given by P., VI, 4.2. See Hyde, 37; Foerster, 349, 353, 359. - -[2099] For the earlier dating of Lysippos, see Winter, _Jb._, VII, -1892, p. 169 (who begins the artist’s activity with the seventies), -Treu, _Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 211, and Milchhoefer, _Arch. Stud. fuer H. -Brunn_, p. 66, n. 2; see also Hyde, pp. 26-7, (who gives the sculptor’s -artistic activity as Ols. 103-115 = 368-320 B. C.); E. A. Gardner, -_Sculpt._, pp. 216-217, who dates his activity 366-316 B. C.; P. -Gardner, _infra_, next note. - -[2100] _J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, pp. 243-249; on p. 245 he says: “There is -some evidence for work by Lysippos at a later date than B. C. 320. And -if he were born, as seems probable, about B. C. 390, he may well have -accepted commissions, to be executed mainly by his pupils, for several -years after 320.” - -[2101] P., VI, 4, 6-7; Hyde, 41; Foerster, 384 and 392, who, on the -basis of _I. G. B._, p. 75, to no. 93b, dates the victories Ols. (?) -112 and 113 (= 332 and 328 B. C.). - -[2102] _L. c._, p. 246. - -[2103] P., VI, 17, 3; Hyde, 175; Foerster, 390 and 397 (= Ols. ? 113 -and 114, = 328 and 324 B. C. on the basis of _I. G. B._, p. 75). - -[2104] _E. g._, Furtwaengler, who gives 350-300 B. C. as the period of -his artistic activity: _Mw._, p. 523, n. 3. - -[2105] _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, p. 598 (and copied in XXIII, 1899, p. -422). The _Agias_ is but slightly later than the _Hermes_, if we -accept Furtwaengler’s dating for the latter, about 343 B. C.: _Mp._, -pp. 307-308; _Mw._, pp. 529-531. Brunn had regarded the _Hermes_ as -a youthful work of Praxiteles: _Deutsche Rundschau_, VIII, 1882, pp. -188 f. Purgold, _Aufsaetze E. Curtius gewidmet_, pp. 233 f., and S. -Reinach, _Gaz. Arch._, 1887, p. 282, n. 9, had assigned it to the year -363 B. C. - -[2106] _H. N._, XXXIV, 37. - -[2107] _Ibid._, 61 f. - -[2108] The two are contrasted in XXXV, 156: _[Varro] laudat et -Pasitelen qui plasticen matrem caela turae et statuariae scalpturaeque -(= sculpturae) dixit_, etc. _Cf. infra_, Ch. VII, p. 324, n. 4. They -are also contrasted in XXXVI, 15. _Sculptura_ is the modern title of -Bk. XXXVI. - -[2109] II, p. 150. See also Bulle, p. 137. Amongst recent writers who -oppose this view are Koepp, _Ueber d. Bildnisse Alex. d. Gr._, p. 29, -and Preuner, _op. cit._, pp. 46-7. - -[2110] Thus the Sikyonian Kanachos worked in marble, bronze, gold and -ivory, and cedar-wood: Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 50 and 75; XXXVI, 41; P., -II, 10.5; IX, 10.2; etc. - -[2111] F. Spiro, _Woch. f. kl. Philologie_, XXI, 1904, col. 792 (in his -review of my _de olymp. Stat. a Paus. commem._). - -[2112] See _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LV, 1-3; Textbd., pp. 209 f. - -[2113] This is substantially Preuner’s view: _op. cit._, pp. 39-40 and -46-47; the later view of P. Wolters that the Delphi group was older -than the statue at Pharsalos has already been mentioned _supra_, p. -292; see _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1913, III, no. 4, pp. 44-45. - -[2114] In _A. J. A._, XI, 1907, pp. 414-16, I argued that the statue of -Agias was an original and not a copy; in the present work this view is -somewhat modified. - -[2115] So Homolle, _B. C. H._, XXIII, 1899, pp. 445 and 459; S. -Reinach, _C. R. Acad. Inscr._, 1900, pp. 8 f.; H. Lechat, _Rev. des -Études anciennes_, II, 1900, pp. 195 f.; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 441; -P. Gardner, _J. H. S._, XXIII, p. 127; _cf._ Preuner, _op. cit._, -p. 38; etc. Homolle, _l. c._, p. 471, says that if the _Agias_ is a -copy, “_c’est celui d’une copie authentique immédiate, contemporaine -du modèle_.” The view that the Delphi group was not original is well -expressed by P. Wolters, _l. c._, p. 50, who says that “_niemand die -delphischen Statuen fuer Originale des Lysippos erklaeren wird_.” - -[2116] _Hbk._, p. 441, n. 2; only two small marble props, reaching to -the calves, support the ankles. - -[2117] This treatment gives the impression of texture and profusion; -see Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 309. - -[2118] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 69-71 (list of bronze works). - -[2119] Mechanically exact copies were unknown in the fourth century -B. C. Furtwaengler has shown that such copies began to be made in the -second century B. C., or possibly at the end of the third, and became -common only in the first: _Ueber Statuencopien im Altertum_, 1896. - -[2120] It is mentioned by Pausanias, IX, 35.3, and the Surname -“_Oulios_” by Strabo, XIV, 1.6 (C. 635); it is described by Plutarch, -_de Musica_, 14 (= 1136 A), and Macrobius, _Sat._, I, 1713. - -[2121] Schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, XIV, 16, Boeckh, p. 293. - -[2122] Bekker, _Anecd. gr._, p. 299, 8-9; _cf._ Athen., X, 24 (p. 424 -f.). It appears on Athenian coins also: see Frazer, V, p. 174, figs. -8-9. - -[2123] P., VIII, 46.3; Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 75. _Cf._ Brunn, I, pp. -74 f. - -[2124] P., IX, 10.2. - -[2125] _Op. cit._ The transference to the minor arts—reliefs, coins, -gems and vase-paintings—was, of course, especially common at all times. -See also F. Hauser, _Die neu-attischen Reliefs_, 1889, and Flasch, _A. -Z._, XXXVI, 1878, p. 119. - -[2126] P., VI, 8.5 and VII, 27.5. He won the pankration in Ol. 94 (= -404 B. C.): Hyde, 81; Foerster, 286. - -[2127] _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, pp. 616-20 (Homolle). - -[2128] See Amelung, _R. M._, IX, 1894, pp. 162 f. and Pl. VII. _Cf._, -Treu, _Bildw. v. Ol._, pp. 190-191, and fig. 222 B, on pp. 188-189. - -[2129] _J. H. S._, XXIX, 1909, pp. 151-2, fig. 1 a and b (F. H. -Marshall). - -[2130] XIII, 1909, pp. 151-7, with Pl. IV and figs. 1-3 (A head of -Heracles in the style of Scopas.) - -[2131] _Ibid._, pp. 156 and 157. - -[2132] _Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin_, VIII, no. 46 (Aug., 1910), p. 26. - -[2133] II, 10.1. - -[2134] F. Imhoof-Blumer and P. Gardner, p. 30 (reprinted from articles -which appeared in the _J. H. S._, VI-VIII, 1885-1887). - -[2135] Discussed by Graef, _R. M._, IV, 1889, pp. 189-226. For the -coin, see _ibid._, pp. 212-14. - -[2136] For the two heads of heroes, see Kabbadias, pp. 154 f., nos. -179, 180; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 33; B. B., no. 44; Collignon, -II, pp. 239, figs. 118 and 119; _Ant. Denkm._, I, 3, 1888, Pl. XXXV, -2-3, 4-5 (from casts); Milchhoefer, _A. M._, IV, 1879, pp. 133-4, nos. -24-25; G. Treu, _A. Z._, XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 98 f.; Luetzow, _Zeitschr. -f. bild. Kunst_, XVII, 1882, pp. 322 f.; Baum., III, pp. 1667 f. and -figs. 1733 and 1734; von Sybel, _Weltgesch. d. Kunst_, pp. 255 f.; -Springer-Michaelis, p. 306, figs. 544, a, b; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 412, -fig. 105; von Mach, 469. - -[2137] VIII, 45.6-7; see Mendel, _B. C. H._, XXV, 1901, pp. 257 f., -and Pls. IV, V (= head of Atalanta?), VI (= torso of Atalanta?), VII, -VIII (= heads of Herakles); Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 416, fig. 106, has -reconstructed the _Atalanta_ from Pls. IV and VI just mentioned. - -[2138] _L. c._, p. 259. The head has been restored by a German -sculptor, and the chin appears to have been made too retreating: see -_Encyl. Brit._, 11th ed., vol. XII, _s. v._ “Greek Art,” Pl. III, fig. -63. - -[2139] From his Atalanta of Tegea, in _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, pp. -172-3, quoted in part by Dr. Bates, _l. c._, pp. 155-6. - -[2140] It was chiefly the preponderance of the lower part of the face -over the upper, in consequence of the large chin and strongly marked -cheek-bones, that led Treu to predicate Peloponnesian rather than Attic -influence in the Tegea heads: _A. M._, VI, 1881, p. 408. He found -them Polykleitan in character, as did also Graef, _l. c._, p. 210, -Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 523, and Collignon, II, p. 238. L. R. Farnell, -however, long ago combated the theory of Peloponnesian influence, and -found analogies in fifth-century Attic works of the time of Pheidias, -as well as in works from the beginning of the fourth century B. C.: see -_J. H. S._, VII, 1886, pp. 114 f. - -[2141] _Descriptiones stat._, B (in _Philostrati opera_, ed. Kayser, -p. 891). He also says (_ibid._) that Skopas ὥσπερ ἔκ τινος ἐπιπνοίας -κινηθεὶς εἰς τὴν τοῦ ἀγάλματος δημιουργίαν τὴν θεοφορίαν ἐφῆκε. -The words with which Diodoros (Fragm. 1, Bk. XXVI) characterized -Praxiteles, as ὁ καταμίξας ἄκρως τοῖς λιθίνοις ἔργοις τὰ τῆς ψυχῆς -πάθη, apply much better to Skopas, for Praxiteles’ “emotions of the -soul” are mood and temperament rather than emotion and passion. - -[2142] _B. C. H._, XXV, 1901, Pls. IV-V. - -[2143] The same overhanging masses of flesh, which we see in the male -heads, are, however, visible in several other female heads attributed -to Skopas: _e. g._, in the colossal one called _Artemisia_ from the -Eastern pediment of the Mausoleion: Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. LIX; in the -head of an _Aphrodite_ found in the sea off Laurion: _J. H. S._, XV, -1895, pp. 194f. and fig. (Aphrodite?); in the head of a goddess found -south of the Akropolis (and in the copy of it in Berlin): Gardner, -_Hbk._, p. 457, fig. 119; and in the Dresden statuette of a _Mænad_: -Treu, _Mélanges Perrot_, Pl. V; Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. LII; etc.; -they are also plainly visible in the _Demeter of Knidos_: Gardner, -_Sculpt._, Pl. LIII; etc. These heads are discussed by Gardner, -_Sculpt._, pp. 190f., and are ascribed by him to Skopas. - -[2144] _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, p. 174. Gardner (_ibid._) does not -explain this contrast in expression between the _Atalanta_ and the -surrounding heroes on the analogy of the contrast in the calmness of -_Apollo_ among the struggling _Lapiths_ from the Olympia pediment, -since the action in the torso of _Atalanta_ shows that she was no mere -spectator. He finds the explanation rather in the sex and youth of the -heroine; for this reason he thinks that the sculptor did not represent -her as sharing equally with the others the passion of the combat. He -finds a truer analogy in the contrast between calm and passion in the -_Lapiths_ and _Centaurs_ of the Parthenon metopes, where the human and -bestial are thus distinguished; just so the heroine-goddess is here -distinguished from her human companions. He also supposes that Skopas -was not ready thus early in his career (just after 395 B. C., when the -temple of Athena Alea was destroyed by fire) to apply his new extreme -of expression to female heads. However, it must not be overlooked that -these male heads—because of their marked individuality—presuppose -a more mature genius, and so can just as well be assigned to the -period of the Arkadian revival of 370 B. C. It has recently been -seriously disputed whether the _Atalanta_ should be assigned at all -to the Eastern pediment, where the French excavators placed it; thus -Cultrera has looked upon it as an akroterion figure, while Thiersch -and Neugebauer have identified it with a single figure representing -_Nike_. See Cultrera, _Atti dell’ Accad. dei Lincei_, 1910, pp. 22f.; -H. Thiersch, Zum Problem des Tegeatempels, _Jb._, XXVIII, 1913, p. -270; Neugebauer, _Studien ueber Skopas_, Leipsic, 1913; the latter has -argued that the head and torso do not belong together, while Dugas has -maintained the older view, that the turn and position of the neck fit -the torso: _Rev. de l’art anc. et mod._, 1911, pp. 9f. - -[2145] The effect in the Tegea heads is heightened by the abrupt -transition from the brow to the socket—the outer end of the upper lid -being almost hidden. - -[2146] Kabbadias, I, p. 416, no. 869; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, -pp. 168 f. and fig.; Conze, _Griech. Grabreliefs_, IX, 1897, no. 1055 -and Pl. CCXI; B. B., 469; Bulle, 267; von Mach, 369; P. Gardner, -_Sculptured Tombs of Hellas_, 1896, Pl. XIV and p. 152; Gardner, -_Sculpt._, Pl. LXV and p. 208; Graef, _R. M._, IV, 1889, pp. 199 f.; -von Sybel, _Weltgesch. d. Kunst_, fig. 204; _id._, _Zeitschr. f. bild. -Kunst_, N. F., II, p. 293; _cf._ Wolters, _A. M._, XVIII, 1893, p. 6. -It is 1.68 meters in height and 1.07 in breadth (Staïs). The likeness -of the head of the athlete in this relief to that of the _Agias_ is -striking. - -[2147] It was formerly in the Sala di Meleagro, but was later removed -to the Sala degli animali; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 128, and Nachtrag; -_Guide_, I, p. 78, no. 133; Amelung, _Vat._, II, p. 33, no. 10, and -Pls. II and XII; B. B., 386; von Mach, 216; _id._, _Greek Sculpture, -Its Spirit and Principles_, 1903, pp. 279 f.; Bulle, p. 484, fig. 145; -_Ant. Denkm._, I, 4, 1889, Pl. XL, 1a, 1b (head); Graef, _R. M._, IV, -pp. 218 f.; Reinach, _Rép._, 1, 479, 2; Clarac, 805, 2021. It is 2.10 -meters high (Amelung). - -[2148] _De olymp. Stat._, p. 28. - -[2149] _Mp._, 296 f.; _cf._ Homolle, _B. C. H._, XXIII, 1899, p. -450, n. 2. Furtwaengler thought that the head was Attic and believed -that it was the direct successor of the Munich _Oil-pourer_ (Pl. -11), the _Standing Diskobolos_ of the Vatican (Pl. 6), the Florence -_Apoxyomenos_ (Pl. 12), and analogous to the Ilissos relief (Fig. 74), -two bronze heads from Herculaneum (a = F. W., 1302, and Comparetti e de -Petra, _La Villa Ercol._, Pl. VII, 3; b = _ibid._, Pl. X, 2), and other -works; Graef, _op. cit._, p. 199, and Gardner, _Sculpt._, pp. 198-9, -regard it as Skopasian; Kalkmann, Die Proport. d. Gesichts in d. gr. -Kunst, _53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, p. 60, n. 3, believes that it -shows Polykleitan influence. - -[2150] _Ancient Marbles in Great Britain_, p. 451. - -[2151] P. Gardner, _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, p. 128 (_cf._ XXV, 1895, p. -240), has called it “definitely a Lysippic work”; similarly Cultrera, -Una Statua di Ercole, _Mem. della R. Accad. dei Lincei_, p. 188; -recently, T. L. Shear, _A. J. A._, XX, 1916, pp. 297-298. - -[2152] _Op. cit._, pp. 219 f. - -[2153] Von Mach, 214; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 484, 1; another in -Copenhagen: Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkm._, Pl. XXXII (opp. p. 98); a head is -also in the Ny-Carlsberg collection there: _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, -no. 362 and Pl. 100. - -[2154] _Ant. Denkm._, I, 4, 1889, Pl. XL, 2a, 2b, p. 29 (Petersen); -Collignon, II, p. 250, fig. 127; Bulle, 212 and fig. 144, on p. 481; -Furtw., _Mp._, Pl. XV. For the _Apollo_ torso, see M. D., I, no. 215. - -[2155] Mentioned in _Not. Scav._, 1895, p. 196, and figs. 1-2, and in -_R. M._, X, p. 92 (Petersen); briefly described by R. Norton, _Harvard -Graduates’ Magazine_, VIII, 1900 (June), pp. 485 f.; von Mach, 215; -Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 555, 6. _Cf._ _A. J. A._, IV, 1900, p. 275 -and V, 1901, pp. 29 f. (latter = abstract of paper by von Mach). The -Cambridge copy was found about 300 feet from the spot where the Berlin -copy was discovered. - -[2156] _H. N._, XXXIV, 66; in the text, _et Alexandrum Thespiis -venatorem_, it is best to understand _venatorem_ as an appositive, -therefore indicating a statue of Alexander as hunter. As the boar (in -the bronze original no support was necessary) is a Roman accessory -like the chlamys, it is best to call the work under discussion not -_Meleager_, but merely hunter and dog (so Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkm._, _l. -c._). It was probably dedicated by a successful hunter to Artemis, or -else it was a grave-monument, as such figures are common on sarcophagi: -see Robert, _Ant. Sarcoph. Reliefs_, IV, Pls. XLVII, 154, and XLIX, -155, pp. 188 f.; and also on Attic grave-reliefs: _e. g._, on the -Ilissos relief mentioned above (Fig. 74). - -[2157] Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 304-5; Furtw.-Urlichs, Amelung, Helbig, von -Mach, Arndt, E. Sellers-Strong (see introduction to Furtw., _Mp._, p. -XIII), etc. - -[2158] _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, pp. 128-129. - -[2159] _Sculpt._, p. 219. - -[2160] _Cf._ P. Gardner, _Types of Greek Coins_, 1883, Pl. XII, 16. - -[2161] Pl. LXIX in _Six Greek Sculptors_. E. A. Gardner (p. 226) is -doubtless right in believing that this form of brow was a personal -peculiarity of Alexander, as it recurs so often in his portraits. It -is seen in the head of Alexander on the sarcophagus from Sidon (either -by a pupil of Lysippos or by some sculptor under his influence), the -reliefs from which portray the same subject as the bronze group by -Lysippos in Delphi mentioned by Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 64, dedicated -by Krateros on the occasion narrated by Plutarch, _Vita Alex. Magni_, -40, who states that the group was executed conjointly with Leochares: -see Hamdy Bey et Th. Reinach, _Une nécropole royale à Sidon_, 1892, -Pl. XXXIII, no. 6 (reproduced by Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. LXXI). So -far as I know, it occurs in Lysippan work to a prominent degree -only in likenesses of Alexander. We know that Lysippos created the -Alexander-type of head, as he alone could reproduce his manly and -leonine air (_cf._ Plut., _de Alex. M. fortuna aut virtute_, _oratio_ -II, 2, = p. 335). It is, to a less extent, present in the Azara -head in the Louvre, which, owing to its likeness to the head of the -_Apoxyomenos_, used to be taken as the nearest copy of the original by -Lysippos. - -[2162] It should be observed that the axis of the right eye in the head -from Sparta droops slightly, which causes the eyeball to turn in. This -seems to me to be merely the result of imperfect skill in modeling. It -has a tendency to give to the face a look of greater intensity. - -[2163] See _supra_, pp. 295-6. - -[2164] _B. C. H._ XXIII, 1899, p. 455. Furtwaengler, _Bronz. v. Ol._, -pp. 10 f., has shown that it was a favorite device to represent boxers -and pancratiasts with a sombre look (“_der finstere Blick_”). - -[2165] 1102: κοὐδεὶς τροπαῖ’ ἔστησε τῶν ἐμῶν χερῶν. - -[2166] In the passage already cited from _de Alex. Magn. fort. aut -virtute_, Orat. II, 2, (= p. 385c); ... καὶ τῶν ὀμμάτων τὴν διάχυσιν -καὶ ὑγρότητα, κ. τ. λ.; _cf._ also his _Vita Alex. Magni_, IV (= p. -666), ... τὴν ὑγρότητα τῶν ὀμμάτων. - -[2167] The hair of the head from Sparta, like that of the _Agias_ and -the _Philandridas_, has not the expression displayed in some Lysippan -heads (notably in portraits of Alexander), nor the detail which we -should expect from Pliny’s statement that Lysippos excelled in his -treatment of hair (_H. N._, XXXIV, 65; see next note). But the _Agias_ -and the _Philandridas_ represent pancratiasts, and here we should not -expect such expression. In the _Agias_, the hair, even if lacking in -detail, is treated carefully and with variety. - -[2168] _H. N._, XXXIV, 65: _propriae huius videntur esse argutiae -operum custoditae in minimis quoque rebus_. Here the word _argutiae_ -means “subtlety,” rather than “animation,” as given in Harper’s Latin -Dictionary. - -[2169] I need hardly add that such an idealizing tendency should be -carefully distinguished from the deification of mortals which came into -prominence after the time of Alexander, but existed in Greece from the -early fifth century B. C., at least. The case of heroizing the Thasian -Theagenes, who won at Olympia in boxing and the pankration in Ols. 75 -and 76 (= 480 and 475 B. C.), has been discussed with similar ones in -Ch. I, p. 35. But the fact that a victor wanted his statue to be more -or less assimilated to the ideal type of the hero, whom he regarded as -his athletic prototype and ideal, does not mean that he had any idea of -looking upon himself as a god. - -[2170] This would explain the simple, even sketchy, treatment of the -closely cropped hair, just as in the _Agias_ and the _Philandridas_. -The similarly parted lips of the Sparta head are certainly more -appropriate to an athlete represented as weary with his toil than -to a youthful Herakles. The slightly fierce expression of the face, -augmented by the already noted imperfection in the modeling of the -right eyeball, recalls the γοργόν look characteristic of boxers and -pancratiasts; _cf. supra_, p. 317, n. 2. On the threatening eyes -of contestants in general, see Xenophon, _Mem._, III, 10, 6-8, and -_supra_, p. 59. - -The head appears to me to be that of a boy of about sixteen years; -its style is too early for a victor in the boys’ pankration, as this -event was not introduced at Olympia until the 145th Olympiad (= 200 B. -C.): see Paus., V, 8.11 and Ph., 13. The wrestling match for boys was -introduced in 01. 37 (= 632 B. C.): see Paus., V, 8.9, and Afr. Boys -were first allowed to box in Ol. 41 (= 616 B. C.): see Paus., _ibid._ -(though Philostratos, 13, gives two traditions, Ols. 41 and 60). - -[2171] We have record of only one statue of a victor set up in Sparta, -that of the wrestler Hetoimokles, who won at the beginning of the sixth -century B. C.: see Paus., III, 13.9, and _cf. infra_, Ch. VIII, p. 362, -no. 4. - -[2172] In the present chapter I have partly rewritten two articles -which have appeared in the _A. J. A._; the first, entitled, Were -Olympic Victor Statues Exclusively of Bronze?, in vol. XIX, 2d Ser., -1915, pp. 57-62; the second, The Oldest Dated Victor Statue, in vol. -XVIII, 2d Ser., 1914, pp. 156-164 and Fig. I. I am indebted to Dr. J. -M. Paton, former editor-in-chief, for permission to use them in the -present work. - -[2173] On p. 16 he says: _id unum dubitari non potest quin -Olympionicarum statuae posteriorum temporum omnes ad unam aeneae -fuerint_; on p. 17 he again says: _fieri non potest quin existimemus -illas statuas omnes ex aere factas fuisse_. - -[2174] _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 235. - -[2175] II, 2, p. 530 (note on P., VI, 1.1). - -[2176] F. W., under no. 213, p. 101. - -[2177] _Denkm._^3, p. 101; Engl. ed., p. 117. - -[2178] VI, 1.1-18.7. - -[2179] Pauly-Wissowa, VII, pp. 2189 f.; and _cf._ Brunn, I, p. 72. See -_supra_, Ch. III, School of Argos, pp. 109-110. - -[2180] Brunn, I, p. 34; etc. - -[2181] The inscription gives a fragmentary enumeration of various -victories: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 234, p. 346; see _infra_, Ch. VIII, p. 360 -and n. 3. - -[2182] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 235, pp. 346-347; see _infra_, Ch. VIII, p. -360 and n. 4. - -[2183] Ch. IV, pp. 254-5; _Bronz. v. Ol._, pp. 10-11; Tafelbd., Pl. II, -2, 2a; F. W., 322; etc. - -[2184] _Bronz. v. Ol._, pp. 11-12; Tafelbd., Pl. III, 3, 3a; F. W., -324. See _supra_, p. 255. - -[2185] _Bronz. v. Ol._, p. 12; Tafelbd., Pl. IV, 5, 5a. Furtwaengler -assigned it to a statue “_freien Stiles_.” _Cf._ F. W., 325. - -[2186] _Bronz. v. Ol._, p. 22; Tafelbd., Pl. VI, no. 63. Even the veins -are here indicated. - -[2187] _Bronz. v. Ol._, pp. 12-13; Tafelbd., Pl. IV, nos. 6, 7, 8, 10, -11, etc., and see text on p. 16. In this connection we have omitted -bronze fragments in modern museums known to have once stood in the -Altis, _e. g._, the head from Beneventum (Fig. 3) in the Louvre: B. B., -324; von Mach, 481. These have been already discussed in Ch. II, pp. 62 -f. - -[2188] E. Curtius, _Peloponnesos_, 1851-2, I, p. 85; II, pp. 16 and 96, -n. 14; F. Dahn, Die Germanen in Griechenland, in _A. Z._, XL, 1882, pp. -128 f. Of course, long before the barbarians entered Greece many of the -best of these statues had been removed to Italy by Roman generals and -emperors, especially Nero, and others were destroyed in various ways. - -[2189] He won in Ol. 59 (= 544 B. C.): P., VI, 18.7; Hyde, 187; -Foerster, 113. - -[2190] He won in Ol. 61 (= 536 B. C.): P., _l. c._; Hyde, 188; -Foerster, 120. - -[2191] That of Rhexibios was of fig-wood and that of Praxidamas -of cypress, and consequently less decayed than the other. We know -that cypress-wood was largely used for the early ξόανα because of -its hardness and durability: _e. g._, the gilded statue in Ephesos, -mentioned by Xenophon, _Anab._, V, 3.12. Theophrastos speaks of the -durability of this wood: _de Plant. hist._, V, 4.2 (χρονιώτατα δοκεῖ τὰ -κυπαρίττινα εἶναι). _Cf._ Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere_^6, 1894, -pp. 276 f.; H. Bluemner, _Technologie und Terminologie d. Gewerbe und -Kuenste bei Griechen und Roemern_, 1879, II, pp. 257 f.; Hitz.-Bluemn., -II, 2, p. 625. - -[2192] VII, 27.5. Scherer also, p. 18, n. 4, adduces a passage from -the work of the second-century A. D. rhetorician Aristeides, κατὰ -τῶν ἐξορχ., II, p. 544 (ed. Dindorf), which he thinks points to the -exclusive use of metal for victor statues: τοὺς ἐπὶ στεφανιτῶν ἀγώνων -σκεψώμεθα, οἷον τὸν Δωριέα ... καὶ πάντας, ὧν εἰκόνες χαλκαί; he also -refers to a passage in Dio Chrysost., _Orat._, XXVIII, A, p. 531 R (289 -M). - -[2193] F. W., no. 213, p. 101; Scherer, p. 18, n. 3; Vischer, -_Aesthetik_, III, §607, p. 377; and _cf._ S. Reinach, _R. Ét. Gr._, XX, -p. 413. - -[2194] See Koehler, _Gesam. Schriften_ (ed. Stephani), VI, p. 345. - -[2195] VI, 1.2. - -[2196] See Hyde, _op. cit._, Catalogue, pp. 3-24. There 188 victors are -listed, Philon of Corcyra appearing twice, nos. 91 and 136. - -[2197] _H. N._, XXXIV, 16. - -[2198] P., VI, 1.1, says that not all victors set up statues. This has -been discussed in Ch. I, p. 27. - -[2199] Pliny differentiates carefully between _ars sculptura_ (_i. -e._, sculpture in stone) and _ars statuaria_ (_i. e._, in bronze): -thus Bk. XXXIV of the _H. N._ is concerned with the latter, Bk. XXXVI -with the former. In XXXVI, 15, he says that _sculptura_ is the older, -and that both bronze statuary and painting began with Pheidias in Ol. -83 (= 448-445 B. C.), a statement which is inconsistent with XXXIV, -83, where he speaks of Theodoros (of the middle or second half of the -sixth century B. C.) as casting a likeness of himself in bronze. But -it is well known that Pliny in his long work quotes from a variety of -sources, without any attempt to reconcile them. - -[2200] Gurlitt, _Ueber Pausanias_, p. 414, says, less correctly, -one-sixth. Forty inscribed bases may be referred to victor statues -mentioned by Pausanias, while 63 others have been referred to victor -statues not mentioned by him: see _infra_, Ch. VIII, pp. 340 f., 353 f. - -[2201] Taken from Treu’s account in _Bildw. v. Ol._, pp. 29-34 and -216-218. - -[2202] Chapter III, _supra_, pp. 162-3; _a_ = _Bildw. v. Ol._, -Tafelbd., Pl. VI, 1-4 (with fragments, _ibid._, 5-6, 7-8, and figs. -30-32 in the text); _b_ = _ibid._, Pl. VI, 9-10. - -[2203] Textbd., p. 216, fig. 241; Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 2. Furtwaengler, -despite the size and material of this torso, ascribed it to the statue -of a boy victor: _50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1890, pp. 147-148; -similarly Treu, _l. c._; both refer it to the fifth century B. C. and -to a Peloponnesian sculptor. - -[2204] Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 3; F. W., 330. - -[2205] Tafelbd., Pl. LVI. 4. - -[2206] P. 216, n. 4 and fig. 242; _a_ = buttocks; _b_ = right upper -leg; _c_ = bent upper leg with knee; _d_ = upper arm bent at elbow. - -[2207] V, 17.3; here he enumerates images of ivory and gold, the marble -_Hermes_ of Praxiteles, an _Aphrodite_ in bronze. Similarly, in II, -17.6, he mentions dedications, of different materials, in the Heraion -of Argos; in I, 26.3, he mentions a bronze statue of Olympiodoros at -Delphi dedicated by the Phokians, but says nothing of the material of -two statues at Athens, where most of the offerings were marble; in I, -28.1, he speaks of a bronze statue of Kylon on the Akropolis; etc. - -[2208] P., VIII, 40.1; to be discussed in the second part of the -present chapter, pp. 326 f. - -[2209] _R. Ét. Anc._, X, 1908, pp. 161 f. - -[2210] _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pls. XLVI-XLVIII; Textbd., pp. 182 -f. and Figs. 210 f.; and _Ergebnisse_, II (_Baudenkmaeler_), Pl. XCIII -(basis) and pp. 153-5; _cf._ P., V, 26.1. - -[2211] P., V, 17.3 (already mentioned on p. 325, n. 3). - -[2212] See Treu, _Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 216. To-day marble is far commoner -than bronze for artistic work; the reverse was true in antiquity. -Many varieties of bronze—a combination of copper and tin in varying -proportions—were named from places where it was manufactured: _e. g._, -Corinthian, Delian (the favorite with Myron), Aeginetan (the favorite -with Polykleitos), etc. - -[2213] _Cf._ Furtwaengler, _Bronz. v. Ol._, pp. 21-2; _50stes Berl. -Winckelmannsprogr._, p. 147; Reisch, p. 39. Good examples are the -Tuebingen bronze hoplitodrome discussed in Ch. IV, pp. 206 f. (Fig. 42) -and the παῖς κέλης from Dodona (Carapanos, _Dodone et ses Ruines_, Pl. -XIII. 1). For diskoboloi, see E. von Sacken, _Die ant. Bronzen des k. -k. Muenz- und Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien_, 1871, Pls, XXXV, 1, XXXVII, 4. - -[2214] VIII, 40.1: Φιγαλεῦσι δὲ ἀνδριάς ἐστιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς Ἀρ<ρα>χίωνος -τοῦ παγκρατιαστοῦ, τά τε ἄλλα ἀρχαῖος καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα ἐπὶ τῷ σχήματι· οὐ -διεστᾶσι μὲν πολὺ οἱ πόδες, καθεῖνται δὲ παρὰ πλευρὰν αἱ χεῖρες ἄχρι -τῶν γλουτῶν. πεποίηται μὲν δὴ ἡ εἰκὼν λίθου, λέγουσι δὲ καὶ ἐπίγραμμα -ἐπ’ αὐτὴν γραφῆναι. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἠφάνιστο ὑπὸ τοῦ χρόνου, κ. τ. λ. - -On the various spellings of the name, Arrhachion, Arrhachon, -Arrhichion, etc., see critical note in Rutgers, p. 19, and Foerster, -no. 103. - -[2215] Both Africanus (see Rutgers, _l. c._), and Pausanias (_l. c._) -date the third victory. Pausanias and Philostratos, 21, place the other -two victories in the Ols. just preceding. _Cf._ Rutgers, p. 20, n. -1, and Foerster, nos. 98, 101, 103. The story how Arrhachion expired -at the moment of victory, throttled by his adversary, whose toe he -succeeded in putting out of joint, is told by Africanus, Pausanias -(VIII, 40.2), and Philostratos (_Imag._, II, 6 = p. 411); Pausanias -also mentions that the body was crowned. - -[2216] Frazer, IV, pp. 391-2; III, pp. 40-1. The statue has otherwise -not been published. In all probability it is the same one listed by -Waldemar Deonna, in his _Les Apollons archaïques_, Geneva, 1909, p. -187, no. 79. This was seen at Phigalia in 1891 by M. Chamonard and -notices of it are to be found in the following works: _B. C. H._, XV, -1891, pp. 440 and 448; _Chroniques d’Orient_, II, p. 36; _R. Ét. gr._, -1892, p. 127; Mueller, _Nacktheit und Entbloessung in d. altoriental. -und aelteren griech. Kunst_, Diss. inaug., 1906, p. 100; Rouse, p. 307. - -Pausanias’ description of Arrhachion’s statue is discussed by the -following: Scherer, pp. 16 and 23; Iwan v. Mueller, _Handbuch_, VI, -p. 530: Dumont, _Mélanges d’ Arch._, p. 53; Lange, _Darstellung -des Menschen in der aelteren griech. Kunst_, 1899; Brunn, _Griech. -Kunstgesch._, II, p. 73; Overbeck, _Griech. Kunstmythol._, III, -_Apollon_, p. 12, no. 9; Klein, p. 146; Reisch, p. 40; Collignon, I, p. -117, n. 1, and _B. C. H._, V, 1881, p. 321; _cf._ Deonna, _op. cit._, -p. 13, n. 4. - -[2217] See Lange, _op. cit._, pp. XI f., who states the formula, which -we have already given _supra_, Ch. IV, p. 175, _cf._ Loewy, _Die -Naturwiedergabe in der aelteren griech. Kunst_, 1900, pp. 25, 27; -_id._, _Lysipp und seine Stellung in der griech. Kunst_, pp. 17-18. On -the pose, _cf._ S. Reinach, _Manuel de Philologie classique_ (ed. 2), -1907, II, p. 91 n. 2. - -[2218] Deonna, _op. cit._, p. 85, says that the size of the αἰδοῖα is -an indication of archaism, as the earlier artists exaggerated them in -order to show the sex better. Figs. 7 (example from the Kerameikos) and -72 (example from Delphi), on pp. 132 and 179 respectively of his work, -resemble our statue in this feature. - -[2219] I, pp. 21 f.; _cf._ _Rhein. Mus._, N. F., X, 1856, pp. 153 f. - -[2220] See bibliography in Collignon, I, pp. 117-18; _cf._ G. -Kieseritzky, _Jb._, VII, 1892, pp. 182 f. - -[2221] _A. Z._, XL, 1882, pp. 55 f. - -[2222] _Mw._, p. 712. - -[2223] I, pp. 117-19; more fully in _Gaz. Arch._, 1886, pp. 235 f.; -_cf._ also his later treatment in _Mon. Piot_, XX, 1913, pp. 5 f.; he -assumes less influence in the corresponding archaic draped female type. -_Cf._ also, for a similar view, F. W., p. 11 (to no. 14); von Sybel, -_Weltgesch. d. Kunst_, p. 114; Kieseritzky, _l. c._; Loewy, _Jh. oest. -arch. Inst._, XII, 1909, pp. 243 f.; _cf._ _id._, _ibid._, XIV, 1911, -pp. 1 f,; _id._, _Griech. Plastik_, 1911, p. 5. While Loewy believes -Egyptian influence reached Greece via Crete, Poulson believes that it -came via Phœnicia: see the latter’s _Der Orient u. d. fruehgriech. -Kunst_, 1912, and _cf._ his article in _Berl. Philol. Wochenschr._, -XXXIV, 1914, cols. 61 f.; Richardson, p. 39; E. Kroker, _Jb._, I, 1886, -pp. 114 f.; etc. - -[2224] _Gaz. B.-A._, XXI, 1899, pp. 177 f.; 313 f.; for a similar view, -see also Overbeck, I, pp. 37 f. - -[2225] _Les Apollons archaïques_, pp. 21 f.; _id._, _L’Archéologie, sa -valeur, ses methodes_, II, pp. 193 f.; _id._, L’influence égyptienne -sur l’attitude du type statuaire debout dans l’archaïsme grec, in -_Festgabe H. Bluemner ueberreicht_, 1914, pp. 102-142. - -[2226] _Greek Sculpture, Its Spirit and Principles_, 1903, p. 84. On -p. 324, however, he admits Oriental influence on the Greek minor arts, -especially that of Assyria on early vases. - -[2227] So Pottier, _B. C. H._, XVIII, 1894, pp. 408 f.; _cf._ Gardner, -_Hbk._, pp. 47 f.; _Sculpt._, pp. 17 f.; etc. - -[2228] Schliemann, _Orchomenos_, Pl. I (restored); Perrot-Chipiez, -VIII, p. 543, fig. 220 (fragment), (restored on p. 544, fig. 221, from -Schliemann); Springer-Michaelis, p. 115, fig. 246; etc. - -[2229] _E. g._, I, 42.5; II, 19.3; VII, 5.5; _cf._ IV, 32.1. - -[2230] I, 98. - -[2231] Bulle dates the Old Kingdom from the 30th to the 25th centuries -B. C. But early Egyptian dates are too unsettled to be discussed here. -For a tabular view of the chronology of the Egyptian dynasties as given -by different scholars—Sethe, Meyer, Petrie, Breasted, Maspero, etc., -see _Encycl. Brit._, eleventh ed., vol. IX, p. 79 (in the article on -Egypt, Chronology and History, by R. S. Poole and F. Ll. Griffith). -Breasted, _A History of Egypt_^2, 1916, chart on p. 21, dates dynasties -I-VI, 3400-2475 B. C.; XI-XVII, 2160-1580 B. C.; XVIII-(part of) XX, -1580-1150 B. C. - -[2232] Both are given by Bulle, Pl. 5; _cf._ _id._, Pl. 37 (“Apollos” -of Tenea and Volomandra); Ra-nefer, in Maspero, _Art in Egypt_, 1912, -p. 82, fig. 148; Perrot-Chipiez, I, 1882, p. 655, fig. 436; Tepemankh, -in Maspero, p. 84, fig. 155, and in Perrot-Chipiez, p. 678, fig. 461. -The statue of Ra-nefer is 1.73 meters tall, that of Tepemankh 1.66 -meters. - -[2233] Ka-aper in Bulle, Pls. 6 and 7 (two views of the head); von -Bissing, _Denkm. aegypt. Skulpt._, I, 1914, Pl. XI; Perrot-Chipiez, -I, p. 11, fig. 7; Maspero, _op. cit._, p. 83, figs. 151, 152; _id._, -_Manual of Egyptian Archæology_, 1895, p. 218, fig. 188, and p. 221, -fig. 191. The “wife,” in Bulle, Pl. 9 (two views); Maspero, p. 83, fig. -154; _id._, _Manual_, p. 222, fig. 192. - -[2234] Breasted, _A History of Egypt_^2, _l. c._, dates dynasties -XI-XII, 2160-1788 B. C.; the Hyksos, dynasties XIII-XVII, 1788-1580 B. -C. - -[2235] Bulle. Pls. 11 (two views) and 12 (head); von Bissing, _op. -cit._, I, Pl. XL, A (left); Maspero, _Art in Egypt_, p. 110, figs. -203-204. - -[2236] We should add to the New Empire the Deltaic dynasties, from the -twenty-first on. Breasted, _l. c._, assigns to the New Empire dynasties -XVIII-XIX and part of XX, 1580-1150 B. C. - -[2237] Bulle, Pl. 17 (left); Maspero, _Hist. anc. des peuples de -l’Orient classique_, II, p. 531; _id._, _Art in Egypt_, p. 201, fig. -390 (= the Lady Naï); _Mon. Piot_, II, 1895, Pls. II-IV. - -[2238] Bulle, Pl. 17 (right); von Bissing, II, Pl. LXIV; Maspero, -_Hist._, III, pp. 503-504 and Pl. II; _id._, _Art in Egypt_, p. 238, -fig. 455; Perrot-Chipiez, I, p. 714, fig. 481 (profile). Though the -face is lifeless, the bust and lower trunk are delicately modeled. - -[2239] We see the Egyptian treatment of the hair especially marked -in the upper part of a stone “Apollo” discovered at Eleutherna in -Crete, which is now in the Candia Museum: _Rendiconti della R. Accad. -dei Lincei_, 1891, p. 599 (Loewy); _Rev. Arch._, 1893, Pls. III-IV -(Joubin); Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 147, fig. 21; Perrot-Chipiez, p. 431, -fig. 208; etc. - -[2240] _E. g._, in the statue of Ra-nefer. - -[2241] _E. g._, in the statue of the _Sheik-el-Beled_. - -[2242] High-placed ears are common to many archaic Greek works other -than the “Apollos.” They persist even in some of the figures on the -Parthenon frieze. - -[2243] On these common characteristics, see Richardson, p. 39; _cf._ H. -N. Fowler, _History of Sculpture_, 1916, pp. 59-60; etc. - -[2244] Pottier, _op. cit._, p. 414, assumes a religious reason for -the left foot being advanced in both types. For another, natural -explanation, see Homolle, _de antiquiss. Dianae Simul._, p. 95, quoted -by Collignon, I, p. 118, n. 3. - -[2245] The Greeks first copied the type in statuettes: _e. g._, -alabaster figurines from Naukratis: W. Flinders Petrie, _Naukratis_^2, -1888, I, Pls. 1, 3, 4; G. Kieseritzky, _Jb._, VII, 1892, Pl. VI (with -head, three views); _ibid._ p. 189 (figure in Boston). Pottier, _op. -cit._, p. 409, cites two alabaster examples from Egypt (probably -from Naukratis) which are nude, and on Pl. XVII, he reproduces four -terra-cotta draped figurines in the Louvre, of Phœnician manufacture, -similar to Egyptian works. The nudity of the “Apollos” marks the -distinction between Greek and barbarian art. - -[2246] Brunn, in his _Kunst bei Homer_, 1868, quoted by Gardner, -_Hbk._, p. 47, showed by a very true analogy the way in which the Greek -artist became an imitator. The Greeks borrowed their alphabet from -Phœnicia, but wrote Greek and not Phœnician with it; just so the Greek -artist borrowed the alphabet of art from Egypt, but with it wrote his -own language of art. - -[2247] _Gesch. des Materialismus_,^3 I, p. 127 (quoted by F. W., on p. -12). - -[2248] This is the view of K. Kouroniotis, who carefully examined them. -I quote his words incorporated in Dr. Svoronos’ letter to me of Dec. -29, 1911: τὰ γράμματα ἐπὶ τοῦ κορμοῦ, νομίζω ὅτι δὲ ἔχουσι καμμίαν -σημασίαν, ἴσως δὲ μάλιστα εἶνε τὰ χαράγματα νέου τινός. - -The inscriptions on the great majority of victor monuments found at -Olympia were engraved upon the horizontal upper face of the base in -front of the feet—at least down to the fourth century B. C.: see -_Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 235. Dittenberger and Purgold have referred two -inscribed convex bronze fragments found in the Altis to the flanks of -victor statues set up in imperial times: _ibid._, nos. 234-5. - -[2249] Only one other victor from Phigalia is known, Narykidas, who -won πάλῃ some time in the first half of the fourth century B. C., as -the mutilated epigram and artist’s name found upon fragments of the -pedestal of his statue at Olympia attest, a date out of the question -for our statue: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 161: _cf._ P., VI, 6, 1; -Foerster, no. 324. - -[2250] P., VI, 15.8; Hyde, 148; Foerster, 61, 62. - -[2251] P., I, 28.1; _cf._ for the date, Foerster, no. 55. See _infra_, -p. 362. - -[2252] P., III, 13.9; Foerster, nos. 86-90. See _infra_, p. 362. - -[2253] P., VI, 3.8; Hyde, 29; Foerster, 6. - -[2254] P., VI, 13.2; it was accordingly set up about Ols. 77-8 (= -472-468 B. C.): see Hyde, no. 111, and _cf._ p. 48; Foerster, 39, -41-46. See _infra_, p. 362. - -[2255] The god was so described in the Homeric Hymn to the Delian -Apollo, v. 134, and that to the Pythian Apollo, v. 272. On the -grounds of long hair and nudity G. Koerte identified the example from -Orchomenos: see his article, Die Antiken Skulpturen aus Boeotien, _A. -M._, III, 1878, pp. 305 f. - -[2256] So Vitet, _Gaz. B.-A._, XII, 1862, p. 29. - -[2257] See list in Deonna, _Les Apollons archaïques_, p. 13, n. 1. - -[2258] _E. g._, on an amphora from Vienne: see _Annali_, XXI, 1849, Pl. -D., and pp. 159 f.; on another from Nola, now in the British Museum: -_B. M. Vases_, III, p. 230, E 336; _cf._ also _ibid._, E 313; on a -wall-painting from Pompeii: _A. Z._, XL, 1882, p. 58; on a marble -bas-relief in the Palazzo Corsini in Florence: Duetschke, II, p. 114, -no. 283. These examples represent the god only. - -[2259] I, 98. _Cf._ Brunn, _Griech. Kunstgesch._, II, p. 76, and -_Griech. Kuenstler_, I, pp. 36-37, no. 11; Mueller, _Nacktheit und -Entbloessung in d. altorient. und aelteren griech. Kunst_, Diss. -inaug., 1906, pp. 112 and 122; Roscher, _Lex._, I, _s. v._ Apollon, p. -450; Overbeck, I, pp. 38 and 78. - -[2260] P., VIII, 53. 7-8. - -[2261] P., II, 32. 5; _cf._ IX, 35. 3; described by Plut., _de Musica_, -14 (p. 1136); _cf._ _Annali_, XXXVI, 1864, p. 254; etc. Discussed -_infra_, p. 335 and n. 7. - -[2262] See list in _B. M. Sculpt._, I, pp. 81 f. (from which we have -taken some of the following examples). - -[2263] Petrie, _Naukratis_, I, Pl. 1, fig. 4. - -[2264] _A. Z._, XL, 1882, p. 323. - -[2265] Deonna, _op. cit._, nos. 1, 2; _cf._ _Gaz. Arch._, 1886, p. 235. - -[2266] See Deonna, nos. 28 f.; _B. C. H._, X, 1886, pp. 66 f.; B. B., -12; etc. - -[2267] _B. M. Sculpt._, no. 210. - -[2268] _B. M. Sculpt._, nos. 202 (torso = Petrie, _Naukratis_, I, Pl. -I, fig. 9) and 204 (torso = _Naukratis_, I, Pl. I, fig. 3). - -[2269] _Ibid._, no. 203 (= _Naukratis_, II, Pl. XIV, fig. 13). - -[2270] See _A. M._, IV, 1879, p. 304. - -[2271] _See_ Rapporto d’un viaggio nella Grecia nel 1860, in _Annali_, -XXXIII, 1861, p. 80. - -[2272] _J. H. S._, I, 1880, pp. 168 f., already quoted. For the -monument of Dermys and Kitylos, see _Gaz. Arch._, 1878, Pl. 29; _A. -M._, III, 1878, Pl. XIV; F. W., 44. - -[2273] On the subject of hair on “Apollo” statues, see Overbeck, -_Griech. Kunstmythol._, III, _Apollon_, p. 14 (_cf._ note f); and _cf._ -Milchhoefer, _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, p. 54, who discards this feature as -a criterion. - -[2274] For examples, see Deonna, _Les Apollons archaïques_, p. 12, n. 4 -and n. 5. - -[2275] _Cf._ the colossal bearded statue of Dionysos found in the -quarries on Naxos (Komiaki), described by Deonna, p. 221. In a -preceding note (p. 334, n. 4) we have already listed examples of the -type of Apollo appearing on vases, etc.; see _B. M. Sculpt._, I, p. 82. - -[2276] The date of these sculptors is fixed by that of their pupil, -the Aeginetan Kallon, who lived at the beginning of the fifth century -B. C.; _cf._ Akropolis inscription, _I. G. B._, no. 27. This statue -is mentioned by P., IX, 35. 3, as holding the _Graces_ in one hand. -Plutarch, who cites Antikles and Istros as his authorities, gives a -better description of it in _de Musica_, 14; he says that it held the -bow in the right hand and the _Graces_ playing on musical instruments -in the left. A scholion on Pindar, _Ol._, XIV, 16, Boeckh, p. 293, -mentions such an image of Apollo in Delphi, manifestly a copy of the -Delian one. Both the scholiast and Macrobius, _Saturnalia_, 1, 17. -13, place the bow in the left hand and the _Graces_ in the right, an -arrangement confirmed by Athenian coins which are copied from the -replica of the statue in Athens (Bekker, _Anecdota gr._, I, p. 299, ll. -8-9). Frazer, V, p. 174, figs. 8-9, reproduces two of these coins. - -[2277] This image, known as the _Philesian Apollo_, already discussed -on pp. 118f., is described by Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 75. It was made -between 494 and 479 B. C.: see Frazer, IV, pp. 429-30. It is copied on -Milesian coins, which represent the god nude, holding a stag in the -right hand and a bow in the left: see Overbeck, _Griech. Mythol._, -III, _Apollon_, Muenztafel I, 22 f. P., IX, 10.2, mentions a cedar -replica of the statue in Thebes. In the British Museum is a bronze, the -so-called Payne Knight statuette, a copy of the one on the coins; it is -reproduced by Frazer, _l. c._, p. 430, fig. 45 (= _B. M. Bronzes_, no. -209); Frazer mentions as other copies a statuette in Berlin, described -in _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, pp. 84-91, and one from the Ptoian sanctuary, -described in _B. C. H._, X, 1886, pp. 190-6, and Pl. IX. On Milesian -reliefs, see one published by Kekulé von Stradonitz, Ueber d. Apoll. -des Kanachos, _Sitzb. Berl. Akad. d. Wiss._, 1904, I, fig. on p. 787, -and p. 797, and another by Th. Wiegand, Siebenter vorlaeufiger Bericht -ueber Ausgrabungen in Milet und Didyma (_Abh. Berl. Akad. d. Wiss., -Philosoph.-histor. Cl._, 1911), p. 21. - -[2278] Mentioned by P., X, 24. 5, and Philochoros, in _F. H. G._, I, -fragm. 22 on p. 387. Imperial Delphic coins from the time of Hadrian on -represent the god nude with outstretched arms; such coin-types may be -copies of this statue; _cf._ Frazer, V, p. 352. - -[2279] See _B. C. H._, XII, 1888, p. 468. - -[2280] In the Ottoman Museum, Invent. no. 374; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, -78, 2. It is described by Mendel, in _B. C. H._, XXVI, 1902, pp. 467 -f.; _cf._ Deonna, _Les Apollons archaïques_, p. 226, no. 127. - -[2281] See Deonna, pp. 191 f., no. 81 and figs. 84-90; _cf._ Annali, -XXXVI, 1864, p. 253 (Michaelis). - -[2282] _Ibid._, pp. 185 f., no. 77 and fig. 82. - -[2283] _E. g._, the two colossal statues from Cape Sounion discovered -by Staïs in 1906 in front of the ruins of the temple of Poseidon, and -now in Athens, possibly meant for the Dioskouroi: see Deonna, pp. -135-8, nos. 7-8 and figs. 14-17; for one, see _A. M._, XXXI, 1906, pp. -363-4; Deonna, no. 7, pp. 135 and 347; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, -no. 2720, pp. 6-7 and fig.; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 197, fig. 40; it is -3.05 meters high (Staïs); two from Delphi, called either Kleobis and -Biton, or the Dioskouroi by Homolle, _B. C. H._, XXIV, 1900, pp. 445 = -B) and 446 (= A), and 450 f.; Homolle here has the letters changed; his -B = _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, 1 (= our A, = Pl. 8B); see Deonna, pp. -176-8, nos. 65-6, figs. 66-9; see list of statues from sanctuaries of -Apollo and other gods, _ibid._, pp. 18-19. - -[2284] See Milchhoefer, _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, pp. 54-55. - -[2285] See Loeschke, _A. M._, IV, 1879, p. 304; _cf._ Furtwaengler, _A. -Z._, XL, 1882, p. 57; Hiller von Gaertringen, _Thera_, III, 1904, p. -285; Ross, _Reisen auf d. griech. Inseln des Aegaeischen Meeres_, I, -1840, p. 8. - -[2286] See Deonna, _Les Apollons archaïques_, pp. 238-9, no. 141; _B. -M. Sculpt._, 207 (= torso). - -[2287] Deonna, p. 247, no. 155. This is one of the most recent of the -series and belongs to the end of the sixth or beginning of the fifth -century B. C.: Orsi, _Monumenti antichi_, I, pp. 789 f. - -[2288] Bulle, 37 (left). - -[2289] _Vit. Apoll. Tyan._, IV, 28; see _supra_, pp. 106-7. Scherer, -_op. cit._, pp. 23 ff., thought that this statue conformed with the -type of the _Apollo_ of Kanachos already mentioned. Reisch, p. 40, -rightly believes that it had “_noch geschlossene Beine, aber geloeste -Arme_,” _i. e._, like the _Apollo_ of Tektaios and Angelion already -discussed. - -[2290] Arndt, _La Glyptothèque Ny-Carlsberg_, pp. 1-2 and Pls. I-II; -Deonna, pp. 143-4, no. 21. It has been ascribed to different artists -of the last quarter of the sixth century B. C.: Lechat, _Au Musée de -l’Acropole_, pp. 359-60; Klein, I, p. 246 f.; we have already discussed -it on pp. 127-8. E. A. Gardner, _J. H. S._, VIII, 1887, p. 190, refers -some of the statues found at the Ptoian sanctuary to athletes, but -Holleaux believes that these statues represent Apollo: _B. C. H._, X, -1886, p. 68; _cf._ also Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 8. W. Vischer, -_Kleine Schriften_, II, 1878, p. 307, admits that some of the “Apollos” -can be athletes, as Conze and Michaelis had done: _Annali_, XXXIII, -861, p. 80. - -[2291] See Deonna, p. 253. - -[2292] Thus Scherer, p. 22, n. 3, and Reisch, p. 40, leave the question -unsettled; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 98, n. 1, thinks that the material for -a decision as to a given statue, whether of this god or that, or of a -worshiper or athlete, hardly exists; Collignon, _Mythol. figurée de la -Grèce_, p. 84, recognizes that these statues stood for both gods and -athletes; Hitz.-Bluemn., III, 1, p. 262, think that the type passes -equally well for gods and sepulchral statues; Overbeck, I, pp. 114-115, -and F. W., p. 11, believe that it represents a general scheme for -athletes, sepulchral statues, and Apollos. - -[2293] The first part of this chapter appeared, under the title The -Positions of Victor Statues at Olympia, in _A. J. A._, XVI, 2d Ser., -1912, pp. 203-229, with Plan; the second part, entitled, Greek Literary -Notices of Olympic Victor Monuments outside Olympia, appeared in -_Trans. Amer. Philol. Assn._, XLII, 1912, pp. 53-67. I am indebted -to Dr. J. M. Paton, former editor-in-chief of the _A. J. A._, for -permission to use the former, and to Prof. Clarence Bill, the present -secretary of the American Philological Association, for permission to -use the latter. Only slight changes have been made in the original -articles for the present work. The summary of the last section, -Statistics of Olympic Victor Statuaries, is revised from my note -published in _Proceedings of the American Philological Association_, -XLIV, 1913, pp. xxx-xxxi. I am also indebted to Professor Bill for -permission to use it in the present work. - -[2294] ἵππων ἀγωνιστῶν ... καὶ ἀνδρῶν ἀθλητῶν τε καὶ ἰδιωτῶν ὁμοίως (VI, 1.1). - -[2295] VI, Chs. 1-16. 169 in my _de olympionicarum Statuis_: Philon of -Kerkyra, who had two statues, is there named twice, under nos. 91 and -136. - -[2296] VI, Chs. 17-18. - -[2297] See _Ergebn. v. Ol._, Karten u. Plaene, 1899, III, IV -(Doerpfeld); _cf._ also H. Luckenbach, _Olympia und Delphi_, 1904, p. -11, fig. 5 (= _A. J. A._, XVI, 1912, p. 204, fig. 1). - -[2298] _A. Z._, XL, 1882, pp. 119 f. (and Sketch-plan). - -[2299] Pp. 45 f. - -[2300] In Baum., II, pp. 1094 f. - -[2301] _Olympia, Ergebnisse_, Textbd., I (_Topographie und -Geschichte_), pp. 87 f.; _cf._ _A. M._, XIII, 1888, pp. 335 f. - -[2302] _De olymp. Stat._, Ch. III, pp. 63 f. The outline therein forms -the basis of the present treatment. The numbers of the victors from the -catalogue of that work, showing the order of presentation by Pausanias, -are here retained in parentheses: _e. g._, Telemachos (122). A letter -after the number indicates either that an adjacent “honor” statue, -_e. g._, Philonides (154a), stood next to a victor statue, _e. g._, -Menalkeas (154), or that no statue is mentioned. - -[2303] _E. g._, Kalkmann, _Pausanias der Perieget_, 1886, p. 88. - -[2304] _E. g._, nos. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6 were Eleans; 7-9 and 11-14 were -Spartans; 17-18 and 23-26 were Eleans; 45 and 48-49, 51, 54, 57 were -Arkadians; 6-9 and 11-14 were victors in chariot-races; 30, 34, 37, 40 -were pancratiasts; 25-28 had statues by Sikyonian artists; 39-40 had -statues by Athenian artists; 59-63 formed a family group; etc. - -[2305] _Ueber Pausanias_, 1890, p. 393. - -[2306] The lack of continuity in describing the altars led R. Heberdey, -_Eranos Vindobonensis_, 1893, pp. 39 f., (Die Olympische Altarperiegese -des Pausanias), to conclude wrongly that Pausanias took over bodily -from an earlier work his enumeration of the altars, only here and -there interposing a remark of his own, as _e. g._, V, 15. 2, where he -parenthetically describes the Leonidaion. - -[2307] _E. g._, the statue of the Akarnanian boxer (10) stood among -those of Spartan victors (7-14); Eukles (52), a grandson of Diagoras, -had his statue away from his family group (59-63); the two statues of -Timon (17 and 105 d) stood in different parts of the Altis. - -[2308] VI, 1.3. - -[2309] So Furtwaengler, _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, p. 146; Treu, _ibid._, -p. 207; Flasch, Hirschfeld, and Scherer, in the works already cited. - -[2310] So Doerpfeld, _l. c._, p. 88; Michaelis, _A. Z._, XXXIV, 1876, -p. 164; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 531; etc. - -[2311] Hyde, p. 64. I here append three such passages: in V, 24.3, in -speaking of the statue of the _Zeus_ of the Lacedæmonians, he says -that it τοῦ ναοῦ δέ ἐστιν ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ μεγάλου Ζεὺς πρὸς ἀνατολὰς -ἡλίου, _i. e._, at the southeast corner of the temple near where -the pedestal was found (_cf._ _Inschr. v. Ol._, 252, and _Olympia, -Ergebn._, Textbd., I, p. 86); in V, 26.2, in speaking of the offerings -of Mikythos, he says that they stood παρὰ δὲ τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ μεγάλου τὴν -ἐν ἀριστερᾷ πλεύραν, _i. e._, on the northern side of the temple of -Zeus, where most authorities find their foundations (_cf._ _Inschr. v. -Ol._, 267-269, and Flasch, _op. cit._, p. 1093); in VIII, 38.2, he says -that Mount Lykaion is ἐν ἀριστερᾷ δὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τῆς Δεσποίνης, _i. e._, -to the north of that temple. _Cf._ also V, 21.2. Professor Bluemner, -reviewing my monograph _de olymp. Stat._, in the _Berl. Philol. -Wochenschr._, XXIV, 1904, col. 1382, objects to my interpretation of ἐν -δεξιᾷ, and admits not one but three possibilities: (_a_) of the temple -_pro persona_, _i. e._, its south side; (_b_) of a spectator facing -the chief, _i. e._, east front, the northern half of the space before -it; (_c_) of a spectator with his back to this front, _i. e._, the -southern half of this space. But if Pausanias had meant either of the -two latter, he would have said πρὸ τοῦ ναοῦ, as in VIII, 37.2, κατὰ τὸν -ναόν, _cf._ V, 15.3, or ἀντικρὺ τοῦ ναοῦ, _cf._ V, 27.1. - -[2312] For locations of bases, see _Insch. v. Ol._, nos. 166 (Troilos), -160 (Kyniska), 172 (Sophios). Because of the finds in the Prytaneion -both Hirschfeld and Scherer started this ἔφοδος west of the Heraion. - -[2313] From the unfinished condition of the back of the Lysippan marble -head from the statue of Philandridas (10), as well as its excellent -surface preservation (Frontispiece and Fig. 69), we have already argued -that some of these early statues may have stood along the southern -steps of the temple against the columns of the peristyle: _supra_, p. -300. - -[2314] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 248; _cf._ P., V, 27.9. - -[2315] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 161 (Narykdas); 146 (Kallias); 159 -(Eukles); 144 (Euthymos); 156 (Charmides); 155 (Hellanikos). Other -bases of statues which must have stood in this vicinity have also been -found, far from their original positions: _i. e._, those of Athenaios -(36), 56 meters west of the Leonidaion; of Polydamas (47), fragments -26 meters southeast of the Echo Hall; of Diagoras (59), five fragments -near the Metroon; of Damagetos (62), in the Leonidaion; of Dorieus -(61), near the _Victory_ of Paionios; of Kyniskos (45), inside the -Byzantine church; of Damoxenidas (54), near the Heraion. See _Inschr. -v. Ol._, nos. 168 (Athenaios), 151 (Diagoras), 152 (Damagetos), 153 -(Dorieus), 149 (Kyniskos), 158 (Damoxenidas); for the sculptured base -of Polydamas (47), see _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., PI. LV, 1-3; Textbd., -pp. 209 f. - -[2316] Argum., Boeckh, pp. 157-8. Pausanias names them in the order: -Diagoras, Akousilaos, Dorieus, Damagetos, Peisirhodos. The scholiast -names them in the order: Diagoras, Damagetos, Dorieus, Akousilaos, -Eukles, Peisirhodos. - -[2317] See for Aristotle, _F. H. G._, II, p. 183, fragm. 264. Apollas -Ponticus is little known: _cf._ _F. H. G._, IV, p. 307, fragm. 7; he -probably copied from Aristotle’s work. - -[2318] This is Dittenberger’s explanation, _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 151 -and 159; and also that of Robert, _O. S._, p. 195, Scherer, p. 49, and -Gurlitt, _op. cit._, p. 411; Purgold, however, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. -262, has tried to reconcile the two accounts on the theory of no change. - -[2319] However, Kalkmann, _Pausanias der Perieget_, p. 90, thinks that -the two groups of Diagoras and Alkainetos stood apart. - -[2320] The base of the statue of Pythokles was found between the -Heraion and the Pelopion: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 162-163. - -[2321] Gurlitt, _Ueber Pausanias_, p. 412, assumed the possibility of -the existence of two different statues of Lysandros, one 35 a, and the -other somewhere after Charmides (58) in the family group of Diagoras; -Kalkmann, _op. cit._, p. 105 and note 4, explains the discrepancy -between the scholiast and Pausanias on the theory that the latter -borrowed from older lists; Purgold, _Aufsaetze E. Curtius gewidmet_, -pp. 238 f., assumed but one statue of Lysandros. - -[2322] Scherer, p. 51 (_cf._ Plan opposite p. 56), and Flasch, _l. c._, -p. 1095, note 1, proposed a route south from the Heraion to the west of -the so-called Great Altar site, while Hirschfeld, _l. c._, p. 119, made -it run to the east of it. Doerpfeld, _op. cit._, p. 88, starting east -of the Heraion, made the route run first to the west along the south -side of the temple, and thence around the western side of the Pelopion, -and so across to the _Eretrian Bull_; Michaelis, _l. c._, p. 164, with -the same starting-point, had it bear first to the east parallel with -the Treasury Terrace, and thence south. See Plans A and B. - -[2323] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 259, and _Ol., Ergebn._, Textbd., II, -pp. 153-155, etc.; _cf._ P., V, 26.1. - -[2324] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 157 (So[si]krates; for the -restoration of the name, see Hyde, p. 37); 167 (Kritodamos); 164 -(Xenokles). The plate from the pedestal of the statue of the unknown -Arkadian victor (79) was found far away from this point, in the -Palaistra. We have shown (_supra_, pp. 244-5,) that the statue of -Philippos (79a), mentioned by Pausanias as the work of Myron (_cf._ VI, -8.5), was probably only that of this older unknown Arkadian, later used -for Philippos, who won some time between Ols. (?) 119 and 125 (= 304 -and 280 B. C.); see _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 174; _cf._ Hyde, _op. cit._, -pp. 39-41. - -[2325] On the name, see Hyde, p. 42. - -[2326] See _Ol., Ergebn._, Textbd., I, p. 86, and _cf._ II, p. 78. A -slit in the lower step of the base of the _Zeus_ may have contained the -tablet mentioned by P., V, 23.4. Three of the four inscribed blocks -of Gelo’s chariot base were found in the Palaistra: _Inschr. v. Ol._, -under no. 143. - -For Doerpfeld’s identification of the Council-house (Bouleuterion) with -the tripartite building south of the temple of Zeus just outside the -South Altis wall, see _Ausgrab. zu Ol._, IV, 1878-1879, pp. 40-46, and -_Olympia, Ergebn._, Textbd., II, pp. 76-79. Others, on the basis of a -passage in Xenophon’s _Hell._, VII, 4.31, wrongly place it near the -Prytaneion in the northwestern part of the Altis. _Cf._ Frazer, III, -pp. 636 f., and Doerpfeld, _l. c._, pp. 78 f. See Plans A and B. - -[2327] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 177. It stands on the south edge of -the South Terrace wall between its gateway and the later East Byzantine -wall of the Altis. - -[2328] Hyde, pp. 49 f., where I assume that the passage VI, 13.8 is a -digression, and that the name of a victor has dropped out at the end -of 13.7. There I have inserted, from a recovered inscription, the name -of Akestorides of Alexandria Troas, placing his statue next to that of -Agemachos (118) of similar date, the only other Asiatic in this part -of the Altis. Foerster, 501, dates Akestorides wrongly in the second -century B. C. (on the basis of Furtwaengler, _A. M._, V, 1880, p. 30, -n. 2, end), although the inscription from the base is referred by -Dittenberger to the end of the third; Agemachos won in Ol. 147 (= 192 -B. C.); I have therefore dated Akestorides tentatively between Ol. (?) -142 and Ol. (?) 144 (= 212 and 204 B. C.). - -[2329] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, 147, 148 (Tellon, inscription renewed in -the first century B. C.); 165 (Aristion); 184 (Akestorides). - -Roehl (_I. G. A._, no. 355 and Add., p. 182) referred an inscription -on two marble fragments found in 1879 (_cf._ _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, p. -161, no. 312), one found near the Heraion, the other east of the temple -of Zeus, to the victor Agiadas (103); Dittenberger (_cf._ _Inschr. -v. Ol._, no. 150) and others have rightly rejected this ascription. -Similarly the inscribed base of the statue of Areus (105 b), son of -Akrotatos, King of Sparta, found in the Heraion (see _Inschr. v. -Ol._, no. 308), belongs rather to the second statue of Areus (148 a) -dedicated by Ptolemy Philadelphus; _cf._ Hyde, pp. 44-45. I have also -referred the second inscription of the artist Pythagoras (_Inschr. v. -Ol._, no. 145) found in the Leonidaion, to the statue of Astylos (110), -because of its similarity to that on the base of the statue of Euthymos -(56) likewise by Pythagoras: _ibid._, pp. 47-48. - -[2330] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 169 (Aristophon), 154 (Xenombrotos -and Xenodikos), following Robert’s ascription, _O. S._, 1900, pp. -179 f.; a second epigram referring to Xenombrotos alone (_Inschr. v. -Olymp._, no. 170) must belong to a second monument not mentioned by -Pausanias; _cf._ Hyde, p. 53. - -[2331] _E. g._, Furtwaengler, _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, p. 140 (quoted by -Dittenberger); Frazer, IV, p. 43. - -[2332] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 176 (Aischines; see Foerster, no. -451), 173 (Archippos), 186 (Epitherses), 304 (Antigonos); [a fragment -of the base of the statue of Demetrios (147 e) was also found, the -exact location not being recorded, no. 305]; 276 (Philonides; a second -mutilated copy of this inscription was found nearby built into a late -wall north of the Byzantine church; see no. 277); Pausanias (VI, 15.10) -mentions two statues of Kapros. For the bronze foot (Fig. 62) of one of -them, see _supra_, p. 255 and n. 3. - -[2333] VI, 18.7. He gives this honor to Praxidamas and Rhexibios -(187-188), who won in Ols. 59 and 61 (= 544 and 536 B. C.) -respectively. We have already pointed out that the statue of Oibotas -(29), who won in Ol. 6 (= 756 B. C.), was set up in Ol. 80 (= 460 B. -C.) by the Achæans (VI, 3.8). - -[2334] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 294 (Leonidas; _cf._ _A. M._, XIII, -1888, p. 322, note 1, Treu); 183 (Seleadas; this is my own ascription; -see Hyde, p. 58; Dittenberger wrongly restored the name as Σέλευκος); -632 (Polypeithes and Kalliteles); 171 (Deinosthenes); 178 (Glaukon; -his monument was a little bronze chariot, not a statue, thus imitating -earlier sixth-century victor dedications, like that of Kyniska (7); -no. 296 is another inscription from a statue of Glaukon dedicated by -Ptolemy Euergetes). - -The pedestal of the statue of Paianios (167) was found behind the south -side of the Echo Colonnade and therefore far removed (_Inschr. v. Ol._, -no. 179); Pausanias again mentions Paianios in VI, 15.10. Another -pedestal (no. 632), found south of the west end of the Byzantine -church, has been referred by Purgold to the statue of Lysippos (162): -_cf._ _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, pp. 85 f., no. 387. Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, -p. 615, and others have rejected the ascription. - -[2335] Διέστηκε δὲ ἀγυιὰν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐσόδου τῆς πομπικῆς, τοὺς γὰρ δὴ ὑπὸ -Ἀθηναίων καλουμένους στενωποὺς ἀγυιὰς ὀνομάζουσιν οἱ Ἠλεῖοι. - -[2336] See _A. M._, XIII, 1888, pp. 327-336 and Pl. VII (Die Altis -Mauer in Olympia). On the west of the Altis are the ruins of two -parallel walls, the inner Greek, the outer Roman; the original South -wall of the Altis ran along the line of the South Terrace wall, the -later Roman wall (dating from Nero’s time) to the south of it. Thus -in Pausanias’ day, the ἔσοδος πομπική was opposite the Leonidaion. -In two other passages, however, it appears to be at the southeast -corner of the Altis (V, 15.7; VI, 20.7). R. Heberdey (in _Eranos -Vindobonensis_, 1893, pp. 34-47) explains this discrepancy by saying -that Pausanias, in mentioning the southwestern entrance, is writing -from his own observation after the Roman extension, and in the other -passages is copying from other writers who wrote before that extension. -Doerpfeld’s explanation, however, is better: in the Roman extension a -gate was built at the southwest corner of the new West wall superseding -the older southeast entrance. Processions still passed along the same -way, but were now _inside_ the Altis, the great gateway of Nero at the -southeast corner being given up after his death. _Cf._ Frazer, III, pp. -570-572; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, pp. 375-6. - -[2337] P., VI, 17.1. - -[2338] _A. M._, XIII, 1888, pp. 317-326 (Die Bauinschrift des -Leonidaions zu Olympia); and _cf._ _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 651, and -_Olympia, Ergebn._, Textbd., II, _Die Baudenkmaeler_, pp. 83-93, and -Tafelbd., Pls. LXII-LXVI (R. Borrmann). - -[2339] _E. g._, K. Lange, _Haus und Halle_, 1885, pp. 331 f; -Hirschfeld, _A. Z._, XL, 1882, p. 121; Flasch, in Baum., II, pp. -1095 and 1104 K. Others placed it elsewhere: _e. g._, Curtius-Adler, -_Olympia und Umgegend_, 1882, pp. 23 f.; Scherer, _op. cit._, pp. 55 f. -(and Plan), identified it with the “_South-east Building_,” where he -had this second ἔφοδος begin. - -[2340] V, 13.9. For full account of the altar, see V, 13.8-11. - -[2341] Thus Curtius, Altaere v. Ol., _Abhandl. d. k. Preuss. Akad. -d. Wiss. zu Berlin_, 1882, p. 4 (= _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, 1894, -II, pp. 42 f.); Adler, _A. A_., 1894, p. 85; _ibid._, 1895, pp. 108 -f. (_cf._ his reconstruction in _Olympia, Ergebn._, Tafelbd., II, -Pl. CXXXII and Textbd., II, pp. 210 f.); Curtius-Adler, _Olympia u. -Umgegend_, p. 35; Flasch, _op. cit._, p. 1067 (_cf._ _Funde v. Ol._, -pp. 238-239); Boetticher, _Olympia_^2, 1886, pp. 190 f. (and Plan); -Furtwaengler, _Bronzen v. Olympia_, p. 4; Hirschfeld, _op. cit._, p. -119 (= Plan); Scherer, _op. cit._, p. 56 (with Plan); Trendelenburg, -_Der grosse Altar des Zeus in Olympia_, 1902, pp. 17 f.; Doerpfeld, -_Olympia, Ergebn._, Textbd., II (_Baudenkmaeler_) p. 162, (_cf._ I, -p. 82, where he admits the possibility that it may have stood further -northwest, nearer the Heraion); Frazer, III, p. 556; etc. - -[2342] See _A. M._, XXXIII, 1908, pp. 185-192 (Olympia in -praehistorischer Zeit); _cf._ _Year’s Work in Classical Studies_, III, -1908, p. 12. - -[2343] For Puchstein’s location and form of the altar of Zeus, see _A. -A._, 1893, p. 22; _ibid._, 1895, p. 107; _Jb._, XI, 1896, pp. 53 f. -(with “oblong” reconstruction by Koldewey, pp. 76-77); for Wernicke’s -view, see _Jb._, IX, 1894, pp. 93 f. This view was already refuted -by Adler, _A. A._, 1895, p. 108, and Doerpfeld, _Ergebn. v. Ol._, -Textbd., II, pp. 162 f. Doerpfeld later referred these remains also to -prehistoric houses (_cf._ preceding note) - -[2344] V, 13.8. The exact site of the Pelopion is given in V, 13.1 (see -Plans A and B). Wernicke, (_l. c._, pp. 94 f.) placed the older altar -of Zeus (who was at first worshiped in common with Hera) between the -Heraion and Pelopion (as Puchstein also did). He believed that later, -however, after the building of the temple of Zeus and the Pelopion, -the altar was moved east of both and stood somewhere northwest of the -elliptical depression, where Pausanias saw it. He explained the lack -of remains on the theory that the Christians would completely destroy -this, the chief pagan altar. But it is difficult to see why the few -Christian settlers in this out of the way place should have shown any -such anger. Doerpfeld (_Ergebn. v. Ol._, Textbd., II, _Baudenkmaeler_, -p. 163) suggested that it may have stood south of the _Exedra_ of -Herodes Attikos, where its site must certainly be sought. - -[2345] Hitz.-Bluemn., II, i, p. 359, rightly say that the words of -Pausanias point to a place in the Altis where there are neither -foundations nor ashes. Since it is incredible that the Christians -should have destroyed it so completely, they assume that Pausanias -made a mistake in his directions. Their conclusion that the elliptical -depression best fits the conditions is untenable now. - -[2346] _Op. cit._, p. 164. - -[2347] See _A. M._, XIII, 1888, pp. 335-336, and _Ergebn._, Textbd., I, -p. 88. In the latter he says: “_Zu unserer Verwunderung sehen wir, dass -der zweite Teil die ununterbrochene Fortsetzung des ersten Teiles ist, -also in Wirklichkeit nur eine Ephodos, nur ein einziger Rundgang._” - -[2348] This pillar stood between the Great Altar and the temple of -Zeus: P., V, 20. 6. - -[2349] Ἀνδριάντας δὲ ἀναμεμιγμένους οὐκ ἐπιφα<νέ>σιν ἄγαν ἀναθήμασιν, -κ. τ. λ., (VI, 17.7); again in VI, 18.2 he says that he discovered the -statue of Anaximenes “by searching” (ἀνευρών). - -[2350] Similarly, on arriving at the statue of Telemachos, he -moved first to the east and then returned (passing the chariot of -Kleosthenes) before proceeding west, without mentioning it: see -_supra_, p. 345. - -[2351] On analogy with V, 15.1. See Hyde, p. 68. - -[2352] The Terrace wall can still be traced before the western front -of the temple and also to the north-east of it; _cf._ Treu, _A. Z._, -XXXVI, 1878, p. 36: “_So umgab denn vermutlich einst den ganzen Tempel -eine statuenbekroente Terrasse._” Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 619, suppose -such a road to the west and north of the temple, but would interpret it -as being ἐν ἀριστερᾷ. - -[2353] _Cf._ Hyde, p. 70. Hitz.-Bluemn. (see preceding note) rejected -this textual change of mine as unnecessary, and followed Hirschfeld and -Doerpfeld in having Pausanias return along the south side of the temple -of Zeus. I proposed this change by analogy with the text of V, 24.1, V, -21.2, and other passages. - -[2354] The bronze tablet of Demokrates (170), found south of the -southwest corner of the temple of Zeus, did not belong to his victor -statue, but to a base which stood probably inside the temple: _Inschr. -v. Ol._ no. 39. Also the archaic marble helmeted head and arm with -the remains of a shield attached (see _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. -VI, 1-4, and 5-6), the head being found west of the temple and the -arm before the gate of the Pelopion, wrongly ascribed by Treu (_A. -Z._, XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 48 f., and _Bildw. v. Ol._, III, pp. 33-34) -and Overbeck (I, pp. 198 f., and p. 178) to Eperastos (183), I have -referred to an older hoplite, Phrikias of Pelinna (Foerster, nos. 151, -155): see Hyde, p. 43, and _supra_, Ch. III, pp. 162-3 and Fig. 30a, b. - -[2355] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 293. - -[2356] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 267-269. The supposed foundation was -found thirty feet north of the temple; _cf._ Frazer, III, pp. 646 f.; -etc. - -[2357] V, 20.6 f. A large foundation, between the pedestal of Dropion, -King of the Paionians, _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 303, (see Plans A and B), -and the pedestal of the _Eretrian Bull_, may have formed part of the -house of Oinomaos (_cf._ Curtius-Adler, _op. cit._, p. 40; Flasch, _l. -c._, p. 1074). Wernicke, (_Jb._, IX, 1894, p. 95), however, refers it -to the oval depression called the Great Altar site. Doerpfeld (_Ergebn. -v. Ol._, Textbd., I, p. 82) is opposed to this view and places it -further north, near the Metroon. - -[2358] This is Kalkmann’s theory (_op. cit._, p. 89), who calls this -section (VI, 18.7) the “_letzter Trumpf_,” an addition having no -connection with the second ἔφοδος. He compares it with V, 24.9, where -Pausanias, after ending the _periegesis_ of the altars, adds one more, -that of “Zeus Horkios,” which stood in the Council House, though he had -already passed this point twice without mentioning the fact. Kalkmann -also compares it with V, 27.12 (the transition to the account of the -victor statues). Gurlitt (_op. cit._, p. 392) explains this last -section, _i. e._, V, 27.12, as due to a later revision of Pausanias’ -work. - -[2359] VI, 19.1. - -[2360] See the Catalogue in my _de olymp. Stat._, (pp. 3 f.) for dates; -and _cf. ibid._, Ch. IV, pp. 72 f., for results. The summaries are -made only on the basis of the 153 monuments which can be exactly or -approximately dated. - -[2361] Eutelidas (148), Praxidamas (18), Rhexibios (188), Polypeithes -and Kalliteles (160-161). - -[2362] On the date of the temple of Zeus (?468-456 B. C.), _cf._ -Doerpfeld, _Ol., Ergebn._, Textbd., II, pp. 19. f. - -[2363] Enation (176) is simply called an Arkadian by P., VI, 17.3. - -[2364] VI, 1.2, and _cf._ his words in VI, 17.1. - -[2365] The last dated victor statue at Olympia, known from -inscriptions, is that of Valerios Eklektos of Sinope, four times victor -as herald, winning in Ols. 256, 258, 259, 260 (= 245, 253-261 A. -D.): Foerster, 741-744. Philoumenos of Philadelphia in Lydia, victor -in wrestling (?) in Ol. (?) 288 (= 373 A. D.), Foerster, 750, had a -statue, as we learn from the conclusion of an epigram preserved by -Panodoros in Cramer’s _Anecd. gr. Parisiensia_, 1839-41, II, p. 155, 17 -f.; _cf._ _Inscr. Graecae metricae_, ed. Preger, 1891, no. 133. It may -have been in Olympia. - -[2366] On his use of older lists of victors and especially of the Elean -register, see P. Hirt, _de Fontibus Pausaniae in Eliacis_ (Greifswald, -1878), pp. 12 f.; Mie, _Quaestiones agonisticae_ (Rostock, 1888), -pp. 17 f.; Kalkmann, _Pausanias der Perieget_, pp. 72 f. and 103 f.; -Gurlitt, _Ueber Pausanias_, p. 426, note 43; Robert, _Hermes_, XXIII, -1888, pp. 444 f.; Hirschfeld, _A. Z._, XL, 1882, pp. 105 and 111; J. -Juethner, _Philostratos ueber Gymnastik_, pp. 60-74 (Elean register), -and 109 f.; Gardiner, p. 50. Pausanias frequently mentions such -sources himself, especially the Elean register: _e. g._, III, 21.1; V, -2.19; VI, 2.3. Hirschfeld (_l. c._, pp. 105 and 113) and others have -unreasonably doubted whether Pausanias ever visited Olympia at all. - -[2367] Hyde, 146; Foerster, 472, 476; P., VI, 15.3 f. - -[2368] Hyde, 150; Foerster, 474, 475; P., VI, 15.10 (two statues). - -[2369] Hyde, 119 and pp. 49-50; Foerster, 501; P., VI, 13.7, and -_Inschr. v. Ol._, 184. - -[2370] Hyde, 42; Foerster, 800; P., VI, 4.9. - -[2371] Hyde, 40; Foerster, 494; P., VI, 4.5. - -[2372] Hyde, 152; Foerster, 391; P., VI, 16.2. - -[2373] Hyde, 162; Foerster, 515; P., VI, 6.7. - -[2374] Hyde, 125a; Foerster, 651; P., VI, 14.2. - -[2375] Hyde, 111b; Foerster, 648-650; P., VI, 13.3. - -[2376] Hyde, 111a; Foerster, 654-6, 659, 660, 662-664; P., VI, 13.3. - -[2377] _H. N._, XXXIV, 16. See _supra_, pp. 27 and 54. - -[2378] _Cf._ _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 235. P., VI, 1.1, distinctly states -that not all victors had statues, adding that some of the most -distinguished had none. - -[2379] Thus the epigram on the base of a monument of Xenombrotos (133; -_cf._ P., VI, 14.12) states that it was a portrait of the victor: -_Inschr. v. Ol._, 170. We have, however, aside from this inscription, -no record that he was a victor more than once. See _supra_, pp. 54-5. -On the basis of three or more victories, several victors should have -had portrait statues: _e. g._, Foerster, 60, 86, 144, 351, 358, 495, -603, 741, 815. - -[2380] Discussed _supra_, Ch. II, p. 58. - -[2381] For dates, places of finding, and contests, references are -constantly made by number to Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._; the number -of each victor is given also from Foerster’s lists, which, though -incomplete, are the best that have yet appeared. Where the exact dates -are known they are cited from Foerster; otherwise, the probable dating -of the inscription as given by Dittenberger is followed. See Plans A -and B. - -[2382] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, 142 (Pantares, son of Menekrates of Gela); -Foerster, 149, = Ol. (?) 67 (= 572 B. C.); Gelo won in Ol. 73 (= 488 B. -C.): Foerster, 180. - -[2383] Phrikias won twice, in Ols. 68 and 69 (= 508 and 504 B. C.): -Foerster, 151 and 155. Phanas was three times victor on the same day -(τριαστής), in the στάδιον, δίαυλος and as ὁπλίτης, in Ol. 67 (= 512 B. -C.): Foerster, 144-146. For the ascriptions, see _supra_, pp. 162-3. - -[2384] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 150. Roehl (_I. G. A._, 355 and Add., p. 182) -wrongly ascribed it to Agiadas (103), boy boxer of Elis, whose statue -was by the Aeginetan Serambos (P., VI, 10.9). His victory should fall -between Ols. 72 and 74 inclusive (= 492 and 484 B. C.): Hyde, p. 44. -Foerster, 519, following Roehl and Gurlitt (_op. cit._, pp. 369 and -419), who placed Serambos in the second century B. C., referred the -victory of Agiadas to Ol. (?) 161 (= 136 B. C.). Robert, _O. S._, p. -181, identifies the inscription with Epitimiadas mentioned in the _Oxy. -Pap._ as victor in παγκράτιον in Ol. 78 (= 468 B. C.). Dittenberger and -Loewy (latter in _I. G. B._, 416) refer the inscription to the first -half or middle of the fifth century B. C. - -[2385] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 170; _cf._ Hyde, p. 53. - -[2386] _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 175; Foerster, 375. Foerster’s proposed -dating of this victor, Ol. 110 (= 340 B. C.), is wrong. - -[2387] _Ibid._, no. 180. - -[2388] _Ibid._, no. 181. - -[2389] _Ibid._, no. 182. - -[2390] _Ibid._, no. 185. - -[2391] _Ibid._, no. 187. - -[2392] _Ibid._, no. 188. - -[2393] _Ibid._, no. 189. - -[2394] This Greek building dates from the first half of the fifth -century B. C. _Cf._ F. Adler, _Ol., Ergebn._, Textbd., II (_Die -Baudenkmaeler_), pp. 93-105 (especially 98 f.), and Flasch, in Baum., -pp. 1070-1 and 1104 M f., both of whom identify it with the workshop of -Pheidias (P., V, 15.1); Curtius, Die Altaere v. Ol., _Abhandl. d. k. -Preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin_, 1882, p. 20 (= _Gesamm. Abhandl._, -1894, II, pp. 57 f.), refers it to the Theekoleon, generally identified -with the easternmost of the two buildings further north. See Plans A -and B. - -[2395] _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 190. - -[2396] _Ibid._, no. 192. - -[2397] _Ibid._, no. 193. - -[2398] _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 194; Foerster, 484. - -[2399] _Ibid._, no. 195. - -[2400] _Ibid._, no. 196. - -[2401] _Ibid._, no. 197; Foerster, 808 (undated). - -[2402] _Ibid._, no. 191; Foerster, 807 (undated). - -[2403] _Ibid._, nos. 198-204; see Foerster, 542-547; one of the group, -Telemachos, son of Leon, had another statue at Olympia: _Inschr. v. -Ol._, 406. - -[2404] _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 205; Foerster, 822 (undated). - -[2405] _Ibid._, no. 206; Foerster, 828 (undated). - -[2406] _Ibid._, no. 207. - -[2407] _Ibid._, no. 208. - -[2408] _Ibid._, no. 209; Foerster, 482. - -[2409] _Ibid._, no. 210. - -[2410] _Ibid._, no. 211. - -[2411] _Ibid._, no. 212. - -[2412] _Ibid._, no. 213; Foerster, 614, 619. - -[2413] _Ibid._, nos. 214, 215. - -[2414] _Ibid._, nos. 216, 217; Foerster, 550. - -[2415] _Ibid._, no. 218; Foerster, 535 (= Ol. ? 171 = 96 B. C.). - -[2416] _Ibid._, no. 219; Foerster, 593; he won in Ol. 190 (= 20 B. C.). - -[2417] _Ibid._, no. 220; Foerster, 601, who dates the victory in Ol. -(?) 194 (= 4 B. C.). - -[2418] _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 221; Foerster, 612. He won τεθρίππῳ in Ol. -199 (= 17 A. D.); his statue was set up by M. Antonios Peisanos. - -[2419] _Ibid._, no. 222; Foerster, 585, 587. He won two victories -(perhaps after 17 A. D.) in an unknown contest; Foerster dates them -Ols. (?) 184 and 185 (= 44 and 40 B. C.). - -[2420] _Ibid._, no. 223; Foerster, 568; his statue was erected by his -mother, Klaudia Kleodike. - -[2421] _Ibid._, no. 224; Foerster, 823 (undated); his statue was set up -by his native state. - -[2422] _Ibid._, no. 225; Foerster,632. The base contained two epigrams -by T. Klaudios Thessalos, of Kos: E. Cougny, _Epigramm. Anth. Pal._, -III, 1890 (_Appendix nova_), p. 26, no. 169. - -[2423] _Ibid._, 226; Foerster, 634. His statue was erected by L. -Betilenos Phloros, of Elis. - -[2424] _Ibid._, no. 227; Foerster, 666; he won Ol. 217 (= 89 A. D.). -His brother Diodoros set up the statue. The victor was an ἔφεδρος; see -A. E. J. Holwerda, _A. Z._, XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 171 f. - -[2425] _Ibid._, 228; Foerster, 671. - -[2426] _Ibid._, nos. 229, 230 (newer inscription); _I. G. B._, 125; -Foerster, 624-625. He was a περιοδονίκης and won in Ols. (?) 205 and -207 (= 41 and 49 A. D.). - -[2427] _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 231; Foerster, 595 and 597. Foerster dates -his two Olympic victories in Ols. (?) 191 and 192 (= 16 and 12 B. C.). -Hermas was περιοδονίκης twice, and also gained victories besides at the -Nemean and other games. - -[2428] _Ibid._, no. 232; Foerster, 815-819 (undated). He was twice -περιοδονίκης and won besides at the Isthmus, Nemea, and at other -games—eighty victories in all. - -[2429] _Ibid._, no. 234 and p. 346; he won in either πάλη or παγκράτιον. - -[2430] _Ibid._, no. 235 and pp. 346-347. These bronze fragments have -been noted in our list of surviving fragments of victor statues, Ch. -VII, p. 322. - -[2431] _Ibid._, no. 233 (name restored from no. 440, line 4). On her -father, see Foerster, under no. 634. - -[2432] _Ibid._, 236; Foerster, 686. Both Gurlitt, _op. cit._, p. 421, -and Foerster think that this monument is mentioned by P., V, 20.8 (that -of a Roman senator). Dittenberger is against this view, and the place -of finding also is against it. On the victor’s full name and that of -his father, see Foerster, _l. c._ - -[2433] _Ibid._, no. 237; Foerster, 692. He won at Olympia in Ol. 229 (= -137 A. D.), and the inscription names many other victories elsewhere. - -[2434] _Ibid._, no. 238; Foerster, 679 and 681, who dates the victories -in Ols. (?) 224 and 225 (= 117 and 121 A. D.), while Dittenberger dates -them in the next century. He was twice περιοδονίκης: see Foerster, _l. -c._ - -[2435] _Ibid._, no. 239; Foerster, 746 (date = end of second or third -centuries B. C.). For the epigram, see also Cougny, Epigramm. Anth. -Pal., III (_Appendix nova_), p. 46, n. 284. - -[2436] _Ibid._, nos. 242-243; Foerster, 741-744. He was a τρισπερίοδος, -_i. e._, three times περιοδονίκης. For his other victories outside -Olympia, see Foerster, _l. c._ - -[2437] _Ibid._, nos. 240-241; Foerster, 739. Asklepiades won the -πένταθλον in Ol. 255 (= 241 A. D.). - -[2438] Philinos, son of Hegepolis of Kos (173), won 24 victories, 5 -at Olympia, 4 at Delphi, 4 at Nemea, 11 at the Isthmus, mostly in the -στάδιον, he was, therefore, four times περιοδονίκης. He won in Ols. 129 -and 130 (= 264 and 260 B. C.): _cf._ P., VI, 17.2 and Foerster, 441 and -442; Leonidas of Rhodes (111c) was τριαστής in the four different Ols. -154-157 (= 164-152 B. C.), winning 12 races: _cf._ P., VI, 13.4, and -Foerster, 495-497, 498-500, 502-504, 507-509. - -[2439] Omitting the votive bronze diskos of the victor P. Asklepiades -of Corinth mentioned above. - -[2440] Foerster, pp. 26-30, records the names of 634 Olympic victors -who are known to us from all available sources. - -[2441] Sepulchral monuments are either entirely excluded or mentioned -only incidentally. The tombs of nine Olympic victors are known from -various sources. - -[2442] The dating of victories in the present section will necessitate -certain repetitions of dates already given elsewhere in this work. -While heretofore dates have been referred usually to the compilations -of Foerster and Hyde, the original authorities for them will be cited -in this section. - -[2443] Chionis, (= Charmis in Afr.), according to P., III, 14.3, won -seven victories at Olympia: four in the στάδιον, in Ols. 28 to 31 (= -668 to 656 B. C.); 1-4 = Afr.; 1 = P., IV, 23.4; 2 = IV, 23.10; 3 = -VIII, 39.3; three in the δίαυλος, probably in Ols. (?) 29-31: see -Rutgers, p. 11, n. 4, and pp. 10-11; Hyde, 111 and p. 48; Foerster, 39, -41-46. - -[2444] Kylon won the δίαυλος in Ol. 35 (= 640 B. C.): Afr.; _cf._ -Rutgers p. 13; Foerster, 55. - -[2445] Hdt., V, 71; Thukyd., I, 126; Plut., _Solon_, 12. - -[2446] _A. M._, V, 1880, p. 27 and n. 1. Kuhnert, _Jahrb. f. classische -Philol._, Supplbd., XIV, 1885, pp. 278 f., and n. 2, agrees with -Furtwaengler, and thinks that it was set up long after the death of -Kylon, and that it is possible that the name of the conspirator became -mixed with that of an Athenian victor of the same name, but of later -date. - -[2447] _A. Z._, XXIV, 1866, pp. 183 f.; he is followed by Frazer, II, -p. 348. - -[2448] Thukyd., I, 134. - -[2449] Loeschke, _A. M._, IV, 1879, p. 295, n. 1. - -[2450] See also Hitz.-Bluemn., I, 1, pp. 299-300. - -[2451] His six victories in πάλη are mentioned by P., III, 13.9; he won -πάλη παίδων in Ol. 37 (= 632 B. C.): P., V, 8.9; Afr.; πάλη ἀνδρῶν in -Ols. 39-43 (= 624-608 B. C.): Afr.; Foerster, 60, 64, 66, 68, 71, 73. -He is mentioned by Ph., I. - -[2452] See Wide, _Lakonische Kulte_, 1893, pp. 38 f.; Hitz.-Bluemn., I, -2, pp. 792-3. - -[2453] Pausanias, III, 13.9, mentions his five victories in πάλη. He -must have won after his father’s victories, and so at the beginning of -the sixth century B. C. Rutgers, pp. 109 f., conjectures that the first -victory was πάλη παίδων; Foerster, 86-90. - -[2454] Arrhachion (on various spellings of the name, _cf._ Rutgers, p. -19) won thrice in the παγκράτιον in Ols. 52-54 (= 572-564 B. C.). The -third victory is recorded by Afr. and P., VIII, 40.1; the first two by -P., _l. c._ _Cf._ also Ph., 21. Foerster, 98, 101, 103. See _supra_, -pp. 326 f. - -[2455] He had the nickname _Koalemos_: Plut., _Cimon_, 4. He won two -victories τεθρίππῳ in Ols. 62 and 64 (= 532 and 524 B. C.); his horses, -under the name of Peisistratos, won in the same event in Ol. 63 (= 528 -B. C.): Hdt., VI, 103; they were buried in front of the city beyond -the so-called “Hollow Way,” opposite the tomb of Kimon; Hdt., _l. c._; -Plutarch, _Cato Major_, 5. _Cf._ Aelian, _de Animal._, XII, 40, where -he says that the mares of Miltiades—meaning Kimon—were buried in the -Kerameikos. See Foerster, 124, 128 and 132. - -[2456] _Var. Hist._, IX, 32. - -[2457] Hdt., VI, 103. - -[2458] IV, 33. - -[2459] On _Nubes_, 64. - -[2460] Foerster, 85. - -[2461] He won in an unknown contest. He accompanied Dorieus, the -younger brother of Kleomenes I of Sparta, on his futile expedition to -Sicily, and died there: Hdt., V, 47. Kleomenes began to reign in 519 -B. C., and the Sicilian expedition occurred about 510 B. C.; Foerster, -138, therefore dates the victory of Philippos about Ol. 65 (= 520 B. -C.). - -[2462] Hdt., V, 47; Eustath., on Iliad, Bk. III (p. 383, 43). - -[2463] Astylos (on variations of the name, see Rutgers, pp. 32 f.) won -victories in στάδιον and δίαυλος in three successive Ols.: P., VI, -13.1: στάδιον in Ols. 73-75 (= 488-480 B. C.): 1 = Afr., and Dionys. -Hal., VIII, 1; 2 = Afr., and Dionys., VIII, 77; 3 = Afr., Dionys., IX, -1, and Diod. Sic., XI, 1. So the victories in δίαυλος, 1, 2, 3, must -have been in the same Ols. The _Oxy. Pap._ also names Astylos a victor -twice as ὁπλίτης, in Ols. 75 and 76 (= 480 and 476 B. C.). So Grenfell -and Hunt thought that P. had mixed the victories in δίαυλος and as -ὁπλίτης; Robert, _O. S._, pp. 163 f., however, supports P., and thinks -that Astylos won eight victories, the victories in δίαυλος and στάδιον -all preceding Ol. 76, as other names appear here in the _Oxy. Pap._ -Astylos, therefore, won three victories in Ol. 75, one in Ol. 76, and -the other four in Ols. 73-74. _Cf._ Rutgers, pp. 32, 34-35; Foerster, -176-177, 181-182, 187-188; Hyde, 110. - -[2464] Rutgers, p. 34, n. 1 (_cf._ Robert, _O. S._, p. 164) -has shown that the tyrant named Hiero by Pausanias should be Gelo; -_cf._ Hertzberg, _Gesch. v. Hellas u. Rom_, I, 1879, p. 181; Foerster, -181-2. - -[2465] I, pp. 409-410; Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 59, calls the statue of -Astylos that of a _stadiodromos_. - -[2466] Euthymos won πύξ three times in Ols. 74, 76, and 77 (= 484, 476, -and 472 B. C.): 1 = P., VI, 6.5; 2 and 3 = P., VI, 6.6 and _Oxy. Pap._ -_Cf._ Rutgers, pp. 34, 38, 41; Foerster, 185, 195, 207; Robert, _O. -S._, pp. 167, 184 f.; Hyde, 56. - -[2467] Inscribed base found: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144; _I. G. B._, 23; -_I. G. A._, 1882, 388. - -[2468] See Kallimachos, _apud_ Plin., _H. N._, VII, 152. - -[2469] Strabo, VI, 1.5 (= C. 255); Aelian, _Var. Hist._, VIII, 18; -Suidas, _s. v._ Εὔθυμος; P., VI, 6. 7-11. _Cf._ also E. Curtius on the -Olympia base, _A. Z._, XXXVI, 1878, p. 83, no. 127. On the legend of -the statue, see Eusebios, _Praep. evang._, V, 34.7. - -[2470] Theagenes won πύξ in Ol. 75 (= 480 B. C.): P., VI, 6.5; -_Oxy.Pap._; and παγκράτιον in Ol. 76 (= 476 B. C.): P., VI, 11.4; _Oxy. -Pap._; he was twice περιοδονίκης and won many victories elsewhere, -carrying off 1400 crowns, according to P., VI, 11.5, and 1200, -according to Plut., _Praec. reipub. ger._, 15, p. 811 D. _Cf._ Rutgers, -pp. 36, 38; Foerster, 191, 196; Hyde, 104. Dio Chrys., _Orat._, XXXI, -p. 339 M, wrongly mentions three Olympic victories. - -[2471] _Op. cit._, p. 340 M. - -[2472] _Praep. evang._, V, 34.7. - -[2473] _Deor. Conc._, 12; _cf._ P., VI, 11.9. - -[2474] _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1900, p. 332, n. 2. - -[2475] Ladas won δόλιχος in Ol. (?) 76 (= 476 B. C.): Robert, _O. -S._, p. 165, because of an older dating for Myron, 480-444 B. C., -necessitated by the _Oxy. Pap._ (see also _ibid._, p. 184). Foerster, -249, has given Ol. (?) 85 (= 440 B. C.) as the date of the victory, on -the basis of the earlier dating of Myron, 460-420 B. C.; _cf._, _e. g._, -Brunn, 1, p. 142; Bergk, _P. l. G._, III, p. 473, no 125 and note, and -Rutgers p. 107. - -[2476] _A. Pl._, nos. 53, 54; see _supra_, Ch. IV, pp. 196-197. - -[2477] Foerster assumed that the statue by Myron stood in -Olympia. Against this view, see Furtwaengler (_Mw._, p. 379, n. 5), -Kalkmann (_Jb._, X, 1895, p. 56, and XI, 1896, p. 197), Studniczka -(article cited in note on Theagenes preceding), Brunn (_Sitzb. Muen. -Akad._, 1880, pp. 474 f.). Benndorf (_de anthol. Gr. Epigram._, 1862, -15, n. 1) thought it more probable that the statue stood formerly at -Olympia, but in the time of Pausanias was in Rome. Thus it is best -to assume two statues, the one in Argos not by Myron. Brunn (p. 475) -showed that Ladas was a Spartan because of P., III, 21. I and VIII, -12.5; Benndorf (_op. cit._, p. 13) thought that he was an Argive. -Kuhnert (_Jahrbuecher f. cl. Philol._, Supplbd., XIV, p. 269 n. 13) -argued that the Argive statue was set up by the Argive state, an -improbable assumption if Ladas were a Spartan. A different Ladas is the -stade runner from Aigion, mentioned by P., III, 21.1, and X, 23.14. - -[2478] Kallias won παγκράτιον in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): P. V, 9.3. -He was περιοδονίκης: _C. I. A._, I, 419. _Cf._ Foerster, 208; Hyde, -50. Three other Athenian victors at Olympia named Kallias are known: -Kallias, son of Pheinippos, won κέλητι in Ol. 54 (= 564 B. C.): -Foerster, 104; Rutgers, p. 21; Kallias, son of Hipponikos, grandson of -preceding, won τεθρίππῳ thrice in Ol. (?) 74, and Ols. 83, 84 (= 484, -448, 444 B. C.): Foerster, 186 a, 242, 247; Rutgers, p. 142; Kallias, -mentioned by Polyb., XXVIII, 16, won παγκράτιον in the second century -B. C.: _cf._ Foerster, under no. 208. - -[2479] Inscribed base found: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 146; _I. G. B._, 41. - -[2480] _C. I. A._, I, 419. The painter Mikon, mentioned by Pliny, _H. -N._, XXXV, 59, is also named by him as a sculptor of athlete statues: -_op. cit._, XXXIV, 88; he is also known from an inscription found on -the Akropolis at Athens: _C. I. A._, I, 418; _I. G. B._, 42. - -[2481] Diagoras won πύξ in Ol. 79 (= 464 B. C.): schol. on Pindar, -_Ol._, VII, Argum., Boeckh, p. 157, and _Oxy. Pap._ He was -περιοδονίκης, and his other victories are mentioned by Pindar and the -scholiast on the ode cited. On Diagoras, see H. van Gelder, _Geschichte -der alten Rhodier_, 1900, p. 435; on Kallikles, see Robert, _O. S._, -pp. 194 f. _Cf._ Rutgers, p. 43; Foerster, 220; Hyde, 59. - -[2482] Boeckh, p. 157 and _cf._ p. 159; _F. H. G._, IV, p. 410 (= -Gorgon, fragm. 3). - -[2483] Agias was περιοδονίκης. The date of his victory in the -παγκράτιον at Olympia can not be determined exactly. Although the -dedication of Daochos occurred in the latter half of the fourth century -B. C., the time of Lysippos (Preuner = between 339 and 331 B. C.: see -_Ein delphisches Weihgeschenk_, 1900, p. 12; Homolle dates it more -closely between 338 and 334 B. C.; _B. C. H._, XXIII, 1899, 440), the -victory of Agias fell over a century earlier. Homolle proposed 428 -B. C. as the _floruit_ of Agias, but gave no date for his victory at -Olympia; Preuner (p. 17) sets the victory before the middle of the -fifth century B. C.; K. K. Smith (_Class. Phil._, 1910, pp. 169-174) -has proposed Ol. 80 (= 460 B. C.), the only lacuna for παγκράτιον in -the _Oxy. Pap._; however, Robert (_O. S._, p. 183) has placed Timodemos -of Acharnai in that place. Foerster, 214, dates Timodemos Ol. (?) 78 (= -468 B. C.). - -[2484] _Pharsalos_, p. 28. See _supra_, pp. 286-287. - -[2485] Cheimon won πάλη in Ol. 83 (= 448 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; _cf._ -Robert, _O. S._, pp. 171 and 191; Hyde, no. 88. Foerster, 285, had -proposed Ol. (?) 94 (= 404 B. C.), on the basis of the older dating of -Naukydes = 423-390 B. C. (see Robert, _Arch. Maerchen_, 1886, p. 107). -Kalkmann, _Pausanias der Perieget_, 1886, p. 192, n. 1, thought that -the statue at Olympia and the one at Rome were identical; Gurlitt, -_Ueber Pausanias_, 1890, pp. 374 and 423, n. 38 a, has shown that the -assumption is unfounded. - -[2486] The temple of Peace was built by Vespasian (between A. D. 70 and -75) east of the _Forum Augusti_. Pliny (_H. N._, XXXIV, 84, and XXXV, -102) mentions works of art in it; Josephus (_de Bell. Judaico_, VII, -5.7) also describes it. - -[2487] Leon, according to Eustathius, on Iliad, II, 851 (= p. 361, -10), won τεθρίππῳ in Ol. 85 (= 440 B. C.). This date is followed by -Schubart, Pausanias und seine Anklaeger, _Jb. f. cl. Philol._, XXX, -1884, p. 99, and Preger, _Inscript. Gr. metricae ex scriptoribus -praeter anthologiam collectae_, (Lipsiae, 1891), on no. 128. He won -in Ol. 89 (= 424 B. C.), according to Polemon (fragm. 22), the date -followed by Foerster, 264 and 264 N. Foerster places Arkesilaos of -Sparta (= 250) as victor τεθρίππῳ in Ol. (?) 85; Hyde (13) places -Arkesilaos either in Ol. 86 or Ol. 87, leaving Ol. 85 free for Leon. -Polemon (fragm. 22) calls Leon the “father of Antikleidas”; Preger, -_op. cit._, p. 49, proposes the “son of Antikleidas,” thus having Leon -win with his father’s chariot. Bergk, _P. l. G._, III, p. 40, note, -changed the name to Antalkidas. - -[2488] Fragm., 22 (= schol. on Euripides, _Hippolytus_, 230); see _F. -H. G._, III, p. 122; _cf._ _P. l. G._, _l. c._ - -[2489] Eubotas (on the name, _cf._ Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, pp. 573-574) -won στάδιον in Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.): Afr.; Xen., _Hell._, I, 2.10; -Diodoros, XIII, 68.1; and τεθρίππῳ in Ol. 104 (= 304 B. C.): P., VI, -8.3 and _cf._ VI, 4.2; Foerster, 277, 350; Hyde, 75. Pausanias (VI, -8.3) says that his Olympia statue was made before his victory. Ol. 104 -was a non-Olympiad; see on no. 28 _infra_ (Xenodamos), p. 369 and notes. - -[2490] Aelian, _Var. Hist._, X, 2. - -[2491] Promachos won παγκράτιον in Ol. 94 (= 404 B. C.): see Rutgers, -p. 56, n. 4, who gives this date on the basis of P., VII, 27.6, and -Ph., 22. _Cf._ Foerster, 286; Hyde, 81. - -[2492] He won in an unknown contest, either in the fifth or the -fourth century B. C.: Preger, _op. cit._, no. 144, on the basis of -the epigram. _Cf._ Foerster, 293a; Foerster, in another place, under -no. 159, wrongly refers this same epigram (which he there ascribes to -Simonides) to another unknown victor of Argos who won in some gymnic -contest, some time between Ols. 65 and 76 (= 527 and 476 B. C.), the -dates of Simonides’ sojourn in Greece (_cf._ K. Sittl, _Gesch. d. -griech. Litt._, 1884-1887, III, pp. 59 f.). It can, however, refer to -but one victor. - -[2493] I, 7, p. 1365a and I, 9, p. 1367b. - -[2494] _Ap._ Eustath., on Od., XIV, 350 (= p. 1761, 25). - -[2495] See G. Kaibel, Quaestiones Simonideae, _Rhein. Mus._, XXVIII, -1873, pp. 452-3. _Cf._ _P. l. G._, III, p. 503; fragm. 163 (Simonides). - -[2496] Kyniska won τεθρίππῳ twice in Ols. (?) 96 and 97 (= 396 and 392 -B. C.): see Hyde, 7, on the basis of Robert, _O. S._, p. 195; Foerster, -326 and 333, proposed Ols. (?) 100 and 101 (= 380 and 376 B. C.) on the -basis of the inscription found at Olympia (_Inschr. v. Ol._, 160; _I. -G. B._, no. 99 and p. XXI). _Cf._ Rutgers, pp. 143-144. - -[2497] She won συνωρίδι some time near the middle of the fourth century -B. C.; Foerster, 344, dates the victory Ol. (?) 103 (= 368 B. C.). - -[2498] Curtius, _Peloponnesos_, II, 1852, p. 313, n. 29; for King -Pausanias, see Thukyd., I, 134. - -[2499] Archias won as κῆρυξ in three successive Olympiads: Pollux, IV, -92; the epigram says (ὃς τρὶς ἐκάρυξεν). Foerster, 351, 356, 361; he -proposes (see under no. 351) Ols. (?) 104-106 (= 364-356 B. C.). - -[2500] _A. Pl._, 372; also in Pollux, IV, 92. - -[2501] [Phil]okrates won συνωρίδι about the middle of the fourth -century B. C. (see Koehler on the inscription cited in the following -note). Foerster, 365, proposes Ol. (?) 107 (= 352 B. C.) - -[2502] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1303; see L. Ross, _Die Demen von Attika_, -1846, pp. 80 and 111. - -[2503] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1319; Le Bas, _Voyage archéologique_, I, -_Attique_, no. 595. The inscription appears to belong to the fourth -century B. C. - -[2504] Phorystas won as κῆρυξ some time toward the end of the fourth -century B. C., _i. e._, in the time of the artist Kaphisias: see Loewy, -on the inscription cited in the following note. Foerster, 405, proposes -Ol. (?) 117 (= 312 B. C.). - -[2505] _C. I. G._, I, 1582; Kaibel, _Epigr. Gr. ex lapid. conlecta_, -1878, no. 938; Loewy, _I. G. B._, 119; Collitz and Bechtel, _Samml. d. -gr. Dialekt-Inschr._, 1883-90, no. 945. - -[2506] _I. G. B._, 120. See Foerster, under no. 405. - -[2507] Aristophon won παγκράτιον some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130 -(= 320 and 260 B. C.), as we infer from the date of the inscription -from the base of his statue at Olympia: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 169. -_Cf._ Hyde, 123 and p. 51. Foerster, 758 (following Rutgers, p. 122) -had left the victory undated. - -[2508] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1475. See Ross, _Die Demen von Attika_, no. -70; Le Bas, _Attique_, no. 115. - -[2509] Strabo, XII, 4.2 (= C. 624). - -[2510] Attalos won ἅρματι πώλων some time during the reign of his older -brother Philetairos, founder of the Attalid dynasty, _i. e._, between -Ols. 124 and 129 (= 284 and 264 B. C.): see Foerster, 436. An epigram -of the philosopher Arkesilaos of Pitane (mentioned by Foerster), -celebrating the chariot-race of this Attalos, is preserved by Diog. -Laert., IV, 6.30; _cf._ Fraenkel on the inscription, no. 10 (see next -note). - -[2511] _Inschr v. Pergamon_ (ed. Fraenkel), 1890, I, nos. 10-12; _cf._ -_I. G. B._, no. 157. - -[2512] He won παγκράτιον ἀνδρῶν in Ol. 211 (= 67 A. D.): P., X, 36.9. - -[2513] _A. Z._, XL, 1882, p. 110. - -[2514] P., VI, 22.2. - -[2515] _Ibid._ - -[2516] P., VI, 22.3; 4.2; _cf._ 8.3 (where Eubotas won τεθρίππῳ, no. 17 -_supra_). - -[2517] V, pp. 454-455; _cf._ Hitz.-Bluemn., III, 2, p. 829. - -[2518] _Vit. Apoll. Tyan._, V, 7. - -[2519] Suetonius, _Nero_, 24; Dio Cassius, LXIII, 14. Foerster, 642-647. - -[2520] _Cf._ also Schubart, Pausanias u. seine Anklaeger, _Jb. f. cl. -Philologie_, XXIX, 1883, pp. 472 f.; Brunn, _ibid._, XXX, 1884, p. 24; -and Foerster, 641 and under no. 638. - -[2521] T. Phlabios Artemidoros won παγκράτιον twice. He was also -περιοδονίκης. The _Magna Capitolia_, in which he was also victor, were -instituted by Domitian in 86 A. D.; Foerster, 657, 661, proposes Ols. -(?) 215 and 216 (= 81 and 85 A. D.) for the two victories. - -[2522] _C. I. G._, III, 5806; Kaibel, _Inscript. Gr. Sicil. et Ital._, -1890, no. 746. - -[2523] T. Phlabios Metrobios won δόλιχος, first of his countrymen, in -Ol. 217 (= 89 A. D.): _cf._ Boeckh on the inscription (see next note) -and Rutgers, p. 91, n. 2; Foerster, 665. He was also περιοδονίκης and -won δόλιχος at the _Capitolia_ in Rome, as “first of all men.” - -[2524] _C. I. G._, II, 2682. - -[2525] Sarapion won πὺξ παίδων in Ol. 217 (= 89 A. D.): P., VI, 23.6. -_Cf._ Foerster, 667; Rutgers, p. 91, n. 3, who doubts whether Sarapion -was an Olympic victor, though Pausanias says that he was. - -[2526] _I. e._, Sarapion, from Alexandria, who won στάδιον in Ol. 204 -(= 37 A. D.): Afr.; Foerster, 620; Rutgers, p. 86; another Sarapion, -from Alexandria, who, Pausanias (V. 21.18) says, came to Olympia in -Ol. 201 (= 25 A. D.) to enter the παγκράτιον, but ran away the day -before the contest and was fined for cowardice; Sarapion of Magnesia -ad Sipylum, victor in an unknown contest and at an unknown date, known -from an inscription from Tralles: _C. I. G._, II, 2933; Foerster, 824; -Rutgers, p. 156. - -[2527] M. Aurelios Demetrios won παγκράτιον some time before his son’s -victory in the same contest in Ol. 240 (= 181 A. D.), as we learn from -the inscription mentioned in the next note; _cf._ Rutgers, p. 96; -Foerster, 719. Foerster, 682, therefore proposes Ol. (?) 225 (= 121 A. -D.) for the father’s victory; _cf._ Rutgers, p. 122. Both father and -son were περιοδονῖκαι. The father was called ὁ παράδοξος. - -[2528] _C. I. G._, III, 5912, 5913, and 5914; Kaibel, _Inscript. Gr. -Sicil. et Ital._, 1102-1104. - -[2529] This victor won πάλη ἀνδρῶν, first of his countrymen, in Ol. 229 -(= 137 A. D.); date from the inscription (see next note); Foerster, 691. - -[2530] _B. C. H._, XI, 1887, pp. 80 f. (P. Foucart). - -[2531] Kranaos won στάδιον in Ol. 231 (= 145 A. D.): Afr.; and -πένταθλον twice, δίαυλος once, and as ὁπλίτης once, according to -Pausanias (II, 11.8), but in unknown Olympiads: Foerster, 697, 702-703, -707-708. He dates the four last victories in Ols. (?) 232 and 233 (= -149 and 153 A. D.). - -Most writers have identified the Granianos of Pausanias with Kranaos -of Africanus, as both are from Sikyon; _cf._ Rutgers, p. 94 and n. 1. -Kalkmann, _Pausanias der Perieget_, p. 74, note 6, however, is doubtful -of the identification. - -[2532] T. Ailios Aurelios Apollonios won as κῆρυξ during the reign of -Antoninus Pius (= 138-161 A. D.): _cf._ Dittenberger on the inscription -(see next note). Foerster, 700, proposes Ol. (?) 231 (= 145 A. D.). He -was περιοδονίκης. - -[2533] _C. I. A._, III, 120 (Dittenberger). - -[2534] Mnasiboulos won στάδιον in Ol. 235 (= 161 A. D.): Afr., and P., -X, 34.5; and as ὁπλίτης in Ol. 235: P., _ibid._ He was περιοδονίκης -in both events: Foerster, nos. 712-713. His son of the same name had -a statue in the temple of Athena Kranaia at Elateia, whose marble -inscribed plate has been recovered: see _B. C. H._, XI, 1887, p. 342, -no. 13 (P. Paris). - -[2535] Aurelios Toalios won (?) παγκράτιον twice in the time of -Alexander Severus (= 222-235 A. D.): see Holleaux and Paris on the -inscription (see next note). Foerster, 735-736, proposes Ols. (?) 251 -and 252 (= 225 and 229 A. D.). - -[2536] _B. C. H._, X, 1886, pp. 233 f., no. 13. - -[2537] Aurelios Metrodorus won παγκράτιον about the time of Alexander -Severus (see Boeckh, on the inscription mentioned in the next note). -Foerster, 737, proposes Ol. (?) 253 (= 233 A. D.). - -[2538] _C. I. G._, III, 3676. - -[2539] Valerios Eklektos won as κῆρυξ four times in Ols. 256, 258, 259, -and 260 (= 245, 253, 257, and 261 A. D.): see inscription mentioned -in the next note; Foerster, 741-744. He was περιοδονίκης thrice (= -τρισπερίοδος), and won 80 crowns in various games. - -[2540] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 242-243; _A. Z._, XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 164 f., -no. 369. - -[2541] _C. I. A._, III, 129 (Dittenberger). - -[2542] Klaudios Rhouphos won (?) πάλη or (?) πύξ or (?) παγκράτιον -near the beginning of the fourth century A. D. (see Kaibel and the -inscription mentioned in the next note); Foerster, 748-749, and -Rutgers, p. 154. He was twice περιοδονίκης. - -[2543] _C. I. G._, III, 5910; Kaibel, _Inscript. Gr. Sicil. et Ital._, -no. 1107, p. 299. - -[2544] Philoumenos won (?) πάλη, according to Rutgers, p. 98, n. 3, -either in Ol. 288 (= 373 A. D.) or _certe non multo prius_ (on the -basis of the passage in Panodoros cited in the following note). He -is also mentioned in a Roman inscription given by Rutgers, _ibid._ -Foerster, 750. - -[2545] _Ap._ Cramer, _Anecd. gr. Parisiensia_, 1839-41, II, p. 155, 17 -(quoted by Foerster); Preger, _Inscr. Gr. metricae_, no. 133. - -[2546] Ainetos was victor in πένταθλον. _Cf._ Rutgers, p. 112; -Foerster, 754, who wrongly gives the contest as πύξ. - -[2547] Nikokles, according to Pausanias, _l. c._, won five prizes -in running δρόμος in two Olympiads. Foerster, under nos. 788-792, -explains these words by arranging victories in δίαυλος, δόλιχος, and as -ὁπλίτης in one Olympiad, and two of these contests in the next; none -of them could have been in στάδιον, since his name does not appear in -Africanus. _Cf._ Rutgers, pp. 105-106, 107, and 126. Le Bas long ago -(_R. arch._, II, 1845, p. 220) connected a restored inscription with -this victor. - -[2548] Aigistratos won πάλη παίδων: Foerster, 806. - -[2549] _C. I. G._, II, 2527. - -[2550] He won in an unknown contest and was three times περιοδονίκης, -gaining 35 crowns at various games. _Cf._ Foerster, 825-827. - -[2551] _C. I. G._, I, 1715. - -[2552] Ross, _Arch. Aufsaetze_, 1855-1861, I, pp. 163 f; _C. I. A._, -I, 376; _I. G. B._, 39; E. S. Roberts, _An Introduction to Greek -Epigraphy_, I, 1887, 68a. - -[2553] _Rhein. Mus._, XVI, 1861, p. 224. - -[2554] _Hermes_, XII, 1877, p. 345 and n. 29. - -[2555] _E. g._, by R. Schoell, _Hermes_, XIII, 1878, p. 437; _cf._ -Gurlitt, _Ueber Pausanias_, pp. 158 f., Loewy on the inscription, and -Hitz.-Bluemn., I, 1, p. 261. - -[2556] IX, 105. - -[2557] _C. I. A._, I, 402; _I. G. B._, 46; Ross, _Arch. Aufsaetze_, -I, pp 168 f. This is possibly to be connected with the statue of the -_Volneratus deficiens_ mentioned by Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 74. See -_supra_, p. 199. However, the lettering is not later than 444 B. C., -while Diitrephes is known to have been living as late as 411: Thukyd., -VIII, 64. - -[2558] Th. Bergk, _Zeitschr. f. d. Altertumswissensch._, III, 1845, -pp. 961 f.; Wilamowitz, _Hermes_, XII, 1877, p. 346; Furtwaengler, _A. -M._, V, 1880, p. 28 and n. 2; _cf._, however, Gurlitt, _op. cit._, -pp. 159 f.; Robert, Die Marathonschlacht in der Poikile und Weiteres -ueber Polygnot, _18stes Hallisches Winckelmannsprogr._, 1895, p. 22; -Hitz.-Bluemn., I, I, pp. 255 f. and 262 f. - -[2559] II, p. 289; _cf. ibid._, pp. 275 f. - -[2560] _Jb._, VII, 1892, pp. 185 f. _Cf._ the remarks of Gercke, -_ibid._, VIII, 1893, pp. 113 f. - -[2561] III, 75; IV, 119 and 129. - -[2562] _Mw._, pp. 278 f. - -[2563] _Vit. X Orat._, IV (Isokrates), 42, (p. 839 c.) It was in the -ball-court of the Arrephoroi. The same author, IV, 41, (839b), also -mentions a bronze statue (with inscription) of Isokrates set up by the -orator’s adopted son Aphareus. See _supra_, pp. 24 and 281. I assume -that these two passages refer to one and the same monument. - -[2564] Three victors, Ladas (no. 11), Agias (no. 14), and Sarapion (no. -30), had two statues each. Theagenes (no. 10) had several, according to -Pausanias, who, however, mentions only one definitely. We have omitted -from our total the statue set up by T. Phlabios Artemidoros (28a) to -his father. - -[2565] We have here included the tablet of Chionis at Sparta (no. 1), -a victor of the seventh century B. C., whose monument, however, was -erected in the fifth century B. C. - -[2566] Including the two Lysippan statues of Agias, a victor of the -fifth century, B. C. - -[2567] Of the 192 monuments referred to 187 victors mentioned by -Pausanias in his victor _periegesis_ at Olympia, only 153, belonging -to 148 victors, can be exactly or approximately dated. Of these, 33 -monuments (referred to 32 victors) belong to the epoch prior to the -approximate date of the founding of the temple of Zeus, _i. e._, prior -to Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.); 51 monuments (referred to 50 victors) from -this date on, to the approximate date of the battle of Aigospotamoi -(B. C. 404), _i. e._, down to Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.); 36 monuments -(referred to 34 victors) from then on, to about the time of the birth -of Alexander the Great, _i. e._, to Ol. 106 (= 356 B. C.); and 33 -monuments (referred to 32 victors) from that date, to the close of the -description of the athlete _periegesis_, i_. e._, from Ols. 107 to 149 -(= 352 to 184 B. C.). See Hyde, _op. cit._, Ch. IV, pp. 72 sq., and -_supra_, pp. 352-3. (In my victor lists, _op. cit._, pp. 3-24, I have -enumerated 188 victors; however, Philon of Kerkyra is listed twice, -nos. 91 and 136, for two different statues.) Of these 153 monuments, -nearly one-half (_i. e._, 74) belong properly to the fifth century -(Ols. 70 to 94 = 500 to 404 B. C.). - -[2568] Pausanias mentions 192 (referred to 187 victors, as above); -we have found in the present chapter that 63 others (referred to 61 -victors) are known from inscribed base fragments found at Olympia; and -that 47 (referred to 44 victors) are known from literary sources as -having stood elsewhere. If we deduct 10 victors who had monuments both -at Olympia and elsewhere, we have a grand total of 282 victors, in -whose honor these 302 monuments of various kinds were erected. - -[2569] See Hyde, pp. v-vi, for an alphabetic list of sculptors -mentioned by Pausanias, or known from the recovered bases of statues at -Olympia. See _supra_, p. 339, n. 1, end. - -[2570] Lysippos made two statues _honoris causa_ for Pythes, son of -Andromachos, of Abdera: P., VI, 14.12; Hyde, 134a. Mikon made two -statues for King Hiero of Syracuse, one represented on foot and the -other on horseback, which I have classed as “honor” statues: P., VI, -12.2; Hyde, 105a. All the “honor” statues at Olympia named by Pausanias -are listed in the work cited, on p. v. - -[2571] _H. N._, Bk. XXXIV, _passim_. One other sculptor, Kratinos, -named by Pausanias, is noted by Pliny as a painter only: _ibid._, XXXV, -140 and 147. - - - - -INDEX. - - - Aberdeen head, 87. - - Academy, festival in honor of Athenian soldiers at the, 11. - - Achæans, games among, 20; - in Homer, 1, 7; - origin of sports among, 1. - - Achaia, erects victor statue at Olympia, 30; - Pausanias’ account of, 323. - - _Achilleae_, definition of, 92, note 6; - statues, 87, 226. - - Achilles, casts _solos_ at games of Patroklos, 218; - fights with Telephos, on Tegea pediment, 306, 307; - shield of, 5; - yields prize to Agamemnon, 8. - - Acrobats, among Athenians, 5; - in Crete, 2, 3; - in Homer, 5; - in modern Italy, 5; - in Thessaly, 5; - at Tiryns, 2, 3; - on Vapheio cups, 5. - - Actors, statues of victorious, at Olympia, 285. - - _Adlocutio_, gesture of, 132. - - Admetos, boxing match with Mopsos, on chest of Kypselos, 285. - - Adonis(?), statue of, 74. - - _Adorantes se feminae_, statues by Apellas, 131. - - Adoration and prayer, as athletic motives, 130f. - - Aegean civilization, 1f.; - unathletic character of, 7. - - Aegina, games on, 20; - date of gable statues from temple of Aphaia, 125; - gable statues from temple of Aphaia, 123f.; - influence of sculptors on “Apollo” statues, 102; - kneeling Herakles, from East gable, 195; - movement in gable statues, 176; - observation of nature in, 244; - runners, from West gable, 195; - sculptors from, 122f.; - sculptors in favor at Olympia, 264; - temple of Aphaia on, 123f. - - Aeginetans, at battle of Salamis, 125. - - Aelian, on bronze horses of Kimon, 363. - - Aesthetic judgments of classical writers, 58. - - Africanus, list of stade victors in, 191; - on omission of 211th Olympiad, 369. - - Agamemnon, prize of, 8; - the _Agamemnon_ of Aischylos, 75. - - Agasias, sculptor, 208. - - Agathinos, statue at Olympia, 345. - - Age, classification of Greek athletes by, 189; - in Plato’s _Republic_, 189. - - Ageladas; see Hagelaïdas, 190. - - Agenor, statue at Olympia, 30, 118. - - Agesarchos, statue at Olympia, 129. - - Agiadas, statue at Olympia, 123. - - Agias, statue at Delphi, 46, 365, 366; - statue at Pharsalos, 366; - careless finish of Delphian statue, 304; - compared with _Apoxyomenos_ of Vatican, 289; - compared with _Farnese Herakles_, 253; - epigram on base of statue, 328; - as example of assimilation, 94; - fillet on, 150; - as statue “double,” 304; - as statue of a pancratiast, 292; - supplants _Apoxyomenos_ as norm of Lysippos, 290, 291f.; - swollen ear of, 168; - why considered copy, 303f., 316. - - Agids, tomb in Sparta, 362. - - Agilochos, statue at Olympia, 357. - - _Agon_ (_Contest_), figure in group of Mikythos, 164, 215. - - Agorakritos, sculptor, 182. - - Agrippa, M., removes the _Apoxyomenos_ to Rome, 289. - - Aiakos, games in honor of, 20. - - Aigion, boy from, chosen as priest for his beauty, 57. - - Aigistratos, Olympic victor statue at Lindos, 372. - - Aigospotamoi, battle of, 352; - memorial at Delphi, 278. - - Aigyptos, equestrian monument at Olympia, 120, 267, 279. - - Ainetos, statue at Amyklai, 371. - - Aischines, statue at Olympia, 29, 214, 346. - - Aischylos, on ἀγώνιοι θεοί, 75; - _Agamemnon_ of, 75. - - Aischylos, victor relief, in honor of the Dioskouroi, 96, 97. - - Ajax, acrobatic feat of, 3; - combat with Diomedes, 8; - on r.-f. Etruscan stamnos, 132. - - Akarnania, 318. - - Akastos, games of, depicted on chest of Kypselos and on throne - of Apollo at Amyklai, 12. - - Akestorides, statue at Olympia, 345, 354. - - Akontistai; see Javelin-throwers. - - Akousilaos, statue at Olympia, 130, 165. - - Akragas, bronze statue dedicated at Olympia by people of, 130; - decadrachm of, 48. - - Akropolis at Athens, Aeginetan bronze head from, 123; - Argive bronze head from, 114, 115; - athlete statue from, 115, 127; - chariot-race relief from, 128; - ephebe head, yellow-haired, from, 116; - excavations of, 126; - Hermes relief from, 270; - Korai from, 115, 126; - _la petite boudeuse_ from, 115; - pre-Persian sculptures from, 126f.; - Old Temple of Athena on, 128, 271. - - _Akroteria_, winged figures as, 177. - - Aktion, “Apollos” from, 103, 334. - - Alabastron, on statue of Milo at Olympia, 107. - - Alexander the Great, bust of, from Alexandria, 316; - coin of, showing Herakles, 253; - funeral games in honor of, 11; - head of, in Copenhagen, from sarcophagus, 95; - institutes funeral games for Hephaistion, 11; - portraits of, 56; - portraits of, by Lysippos, 290, 311, 316; - pensiveness in portraits of, 318; - statue of, by Lysippos, 73. - - _Alexander Sarcophagus_, so-called, in Constantinople, 275. - - Alexinikos, statue at Olympia, 122. - - Alkainetos, statue at Olympia, 343, 352. - - Alkamenes, and _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ type, 89; - _Enkrinomenos_ of, 134; - and Olympia gable statues, 113; - and _Standing Diskobolos_, 76. - - Alkandridas, P. Ailios, statue at Olympia, 360. - - Alketos, statue at Olympia, 120, 344. - - Alki, temple of Apollo at, 336. - - Alkibiades, victor at Olympia, 257; - so-called _Alkibiades_ of the Vatican, 199. - - Alkibios, base of statue of, from Akropolis, 284. - - Alkinoos, King of Scheria, 210. - - Alkmena, 10. - - Alpheios, river at Olympia, 49, 258. - - Altars, at Olympia: of Aphrodite, 351; - near Stadion, 283; - of Nymphs, 351; - of Seasons, 351; - scattered positions of, 341; - of Zeus; see Great Altar of Zeus. - - Altis at Olympia, East Byzantine wall of, 345, 357; - erection of statues in, 27, 99; - excavation of, 24; - honor statues in, 339; - location of earliest statues in, 299; - North Byzantine wall of, 359; - _periegesis_ of Pausanias in, 151, 298; - positions of victor statues in, 339f.; - processional entrance of, 347; - processional way of, 348; - Roman enlargement of, 348; - routes (ἔφοδοι) of Pausanias in, 339f.; - South Terrace wall of, 346; - South wall of, 339, 341, 345, 347, 352, 357; - Southwest gate of, 360; - statues “within,” 347; - topography of, 339; - West Byzantine wall of, 358; - West wall of, 347, 355f. - - Alypos, sculptor, 120. - - Amaltheia, ivory horn of, at Olympia, 264, 265. - - Amastris, coin of, showing figure of Hermes, 78. - - Amazon, of Polykleitos, 159; - torso of Atalanta from Tegea pediment, draped as, 306. - - Ambrakia, 105. - - Amelung, W., on supposed absence of libation-pouring in athletic art, - 140; - on head in Turin, 93; - on statuette in Vatican, 212, 244. - - Amenartas; see Amenerdis. - - Amenerdis, Egyptian queen, statue of, 331. - - Amenemhat III, co-regent of Horfuabra, 330. - - Amentum; see Thong. - - Amertas, statue of, at Olympia, 117. - - Amphiaraos vase, in Berlin, 13, 269, 280; - Amphiaraos, on chest of Kypselos, 269; - reliefs in honor of, 273. - - Amphiareion, at Oropos, 272, 273. - - Amphidamas, games of, 19. - - Amphiktyonic League, 17. - - Amphion, sculptor, 277. - - Amphipolis, games at, 11. - - Amyklai, temple of Apollo at, 19. - - Amykos, boxing match of, with Polydeukes, 269; - invention of boxing-gloves ascribed to, 236. - - Amyntas, statue at Olympia, 129, 354. - - Analogy, in Greek art, 66. - - Anatomy, knowledge of, in Greek sculpture, 56; - in Aeginetan gable statues, 124; - in Ligourió bronze, 111; - studied in Alexandria, 289. - - Anauchidas, statue at Olympia, 341. - - Anaxandros, statue at Olympia, 130, 266. - - Anaxilas, as dedicator of Delphi _Charioteer_, 278. - - Ancestors, worship of, in Greece, 14. - - Ancient writings of the Eleans, 15. - - Andokides, vase-painter, 229, 230. - - Andreas, sculptor, 118. - - Angelion, sculptor, 122, 304, 334. - See also Tektaios. - - Aniconic statues, 58. - - Anochos, statue at Olympia, 110, 111. - - Anointing, as athletic motive, 133f. - - Antaios, bout with Herakles, on proto-Attic amphora, 13. - - Antenor, sculptor, 174, 175. - - Anthologies, Greek, 43, 239, 368. - - Anthropometry in Greek sculpture, 68. - - Antidotos, painter, 29, 233. - - Antigenes, statue at Olympia, 357. - - Antignotos, sculptor, 136. - - Antigonos, statue at Olympia, 346. - - Antikythera, bronze statue of youth from sea near, 80f.; - statuette from sea near, 78, 79. - - Antioch, date of founding of, 121. - - Antipatros, statue at Olympia, 118; - father of, bribed by Syracuse, 33. - - Antoninus Pius, coins of, showing pine, 21. - - Apellas, sculptor, 131, 267, 367. - - Aphaia, temple of, on Aegina, 123f. - - Aphrodeisios, Tiberios Klaudios, statue at Olympia, 359; - victor in horse-race, 262. - - Aphrodite, altar at Olympia, 351; - statue in Heraion at Olympia, 326; - temple at Naukratis, 334. - - _Apobates_, chariot-race, 272f.; - armor worn in, 272, 273; - known at Athens and in Bœotia, 273; - preserves tradition of Homeric warfare, 272; - on reliefs, 272; - _apobates_, horse-race, at Olympia, 282f. - - Apollas, lost work of, on Olympic victors, 45, 130, 343. - - Apollo, as athlete, 88; - beaten in running, 76; - beats Ares in boxing, 88, 235, 285; - beats Hermes in running, 88, 285; - as charioteer, 129, 270; - combat with Herakles, 88, 89; - cult statue of, represented on vases, 335; - as god of boxing at Delphi, 235; - as god of boxing in Homer, 235; - as god of contests, 75; - as god of youth, 88; - hymn to, 25; - on coins of Athens, 90; - on relief in Capitoline, 89; - on relief with Artemis and Leto, in Louvre, 284; - tripods in worship of, 19. - - Statues: _Apollo Alexikakos_, by Kalamis, 90; - from temple of Apollo at Alki, 336; - from Delos, 334, 335; - colossal, from Delos, 336; - from Mausoleion, 311; - colossal, from Olympia, 91; - _Philesian Apollo_, by elder Kanachos, 107, 118, 336; - from Porto d’Anzio, 144; - Praxitelian, in Medici Gardens, Rome, 313; - from West gable, Olympia, 114-116. - - Statuettes: bronze from Naxos, in Berlin, 74, 119; - Payne Knight bronze, British Museum, 108, 119; - bronze, from Piombino, Louvre, 118; - Sciarra bronze, Rome, 119. - - Temples: of Apollo Lykios, 364; - at Bassai, 327; - at Naukratis, 334. - - “Apollo,” type of, in sculpture, 100f.; - Aeginetan influence on, 102; - _Choiseul-Gouffier_, 89f., 91, 148; - funerary in character, 336, 337; - “grinning” and “stolid” groups, 100; - name “Apollo,” 337; - name rightly applied to statues found in sanctuaries of Apollo, 334-336; - nudity of, 48; - represents early victor statues, 334f.; - _on-the-Omphalos_, 89f., 168. - - Statues of: from Aktion, 103, 334; - from Cyprus, 337; - from Delphi, 148; - colossal, from Megara, 336; - from Melos, 100f.; - from Mount Ptoion, 100-103, 120, 123, 334; - from Naukratis, 334; - from Naxos, 328, 334; - from Orchomenos, 100, 101, 103, 328, 334; - from Pompeii, 111; - from Tenea, 100f., 127, 148, 327, 328, 336; - from Thera, 100f., 327, 337; - from Volomandra, 100, 104, 337. - - Apollonia, head from, 157. - - Apollonios, sculptor, 168, 224; - quoted by Philostratos, 107. - - Apollonios, T. Ailios Aurelios, Olympic victor, statue at Athens, 370. - - Apollonios, victor at Olympia, fined by the umpires, 34. - - _Apoxyomenos_, the, after Lysippos, 74; - statue in Vatican, 136, 288f.; - pose of, 81, 99; - regarded formerly as center of stylistic treatment of Lysippos, 288; - so regarded by some scholars now, 291; - present doubts of, 290; - display of anatomical knowledge in, 289; - compared with the _Agias_, 289f.; - as work of Lysippos’ school, 292; - of third century B. C., 292; - _Apoxyomenos_ of Polykleitos, 136; - statue in Uffizi as, 136, 137, 168. - - Apples, prizes at Delphi, 21, 107, 182. - - Aratos, statesman, honor statue at Olympia, 42. - - Aratos, victor, painting of, 29. - - Archaism, break with, in the statue of the ephebe from the Akropolis, - 115. - - Archedamos, statue at Olympia, 120. - - Archemoros, 10. - - Archery, in Homer, 8. - - Archiadas, statue at Olympia, 358. - - Archias, victor statue at Delphi, 368. - - Archidamas, chariot victor, statue at Olympia, 265. - - Archidamas III, King of Sparta, statues at Olympia, 42. - - Archippos, statue at Olympia, 346. - - Ares, beaten by Apollo in boxing, 235, 285; - _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos converted into Ares, 74; - head of, in Munich, 170; - helmeted head of, in Louvre, 170; - Ludovisi statue of, 170; - swollen ears on heads of, 170. - - Argeiadas, sculptor, 110. - - Argive “Apollos” from Delphi, 104, 106; - Argive and Sikyonian canons, 68. - - Argos, canon of early sculptors of, 68; - characteristics of sculptors of, 116; - Nemean games held at, 17; - prizes at, 20; - public chariot of, victorious at Olympia, 31, 257; - public horse of, victorious at Olympia, 31, 257; - school of sculptors from, 58, 109f., 105; - schools of Argos and Sikyon, 109f.; - square shoulders of canon of sculptors from, 112. - - Arion, victor statue on Helikon, 284. - - Aristarchos, statue at Olympia, 358. - - Aristeides, the Elder, painter, 29. - - Aristeus, statue, at Olympia, 344. - - Aristion, statue at Olympia, 46, 88, 117, 159 and note 3, 240, 345. - - Aristion, stele of, 124, 127. - See Aristokles. - - Aristodamos, statue at Olympia, 356. - - Aristodemos, statue at Olympia, 120. - - Aristogeiton, statue of, 173f. - See also Harmodios and _Tyrannicides_. - - Aristokles, Cretan sculptor of Sikyon, 118, 120. - - Aristokles, sculptor of Aristion stele, 127. - - Ariston, of Rhegion, kitharoidos, 284. - - Ariston, P. Kornelios, statue at Olympia, 359. - - Aristonikos of Egypt, beaten at Olympia, 147. - - Aristonikos of Karystos, ball-player, 84. - - Aristophanes, 36, 246; - scholia on, 110, 363. - - Aristophanes, of Byzantion, 367. - - Aristophon, statue at Olympia, 31, 345, 368; - at Athens, 368. - - Aristotimos, 42. - - Aristotle, honor statue at Olympia, 42; - lost work of, on Olympic victors, 45, 130, 343; - on inscribed base of statue of unknown Olympic victor, 367; - on jumping, 214; - on jumping-weights, 216; - in praise of “mimetic” arts, 58. - - Arkadia, funeral games in, 9, 20; - Pausanias’ description of, 326; - statue of unnamed boxer from, at Olympia, 245. - - Arkas, father of Azan, 9. - - Arkesilaos, of Sparta, statue at Olympia, 29. - - Arkesilas IV, of Kyrene, chariot victor at Olympia 257; - chariot model at Delphi, 24, 265, 267; - as dedicator of the Delphi _Charioteer_, 277. - - Arm, right, of boy victor, from Olympia, 46; - bronze right arm from statue of Olympic victor, 322. - - Armed contest, in early Greek art, 8-9. - - Armor, race in; see Hoplite-race. - - Arndt, P., on so-called _Jason_, of Louvre, 87; - on the Perinthos and allied heads, 180. - - Arolsen, statuette of diskobolos in, 187. - - Arrhachion, crowned after death, 247; - statue at Phigalia, 100, 325, 326f., 328, 335, 337, 363; - inscription on, 333; - one of oldest victor statues, 327, 333; - three victories of 327; - throttled by adversary, 247. - - _Ars statuaria_, defined by Pliny, 302. - - Artemas, P. Ailios, statue at Olympia, 360. - - Artemidoros, Olympic victor, 354. - - Artemidoros, T. Phlabios, statue in Naples, 369. - - Artemis, on Sparta relief, 284. - - Artemisia, chariot-group of, 264. - - Artists, statues of, at Olympia, 285. - - Arvanitopoullos, A. S., on bronze statue of youth found in sea off - Antikythera, 81, 84. - - Aryballos, 74, 119, 137, 138, 212; - on vase-paintings, 133; - wrongly as wrestler attribute, 165. - - Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, head of _Diadoumenos_ in, 154. - - Asiatics, wear loin-cloth, 48. - - Asios, fragment of, 52. - - Asklepiades, M. Aurelios, dedicates statue in Rome to father, 370. - - Asklepiades, P., dedicates bronze diskos at Olympia, 22, 360. - - Asklepieion, the, at Athens, statues in, 130. - - Asklepios, temple at Sikyon, 370. - - Assimilation of statues of men to god and hero types, 71f.; - of Olympic victor statues, 71f.; - to types of Apollo, 88f.; - of the Dioskouroi, 96f.; - of Herakles, 93f., 319; - of Hermes, 75f. - - Assurbanipal, reliefs from palace of, at Nineveh, 330. - - Assyro-Babylonian art, reliefs of, represented in motion, 177; - influence on early Greek art, 329. - - Astragalos, base in form of, at Olympia, 240. - - Astylos, bribed by Hiero of Syracuse, 33; - statue at Kroton, 33, 363; - at Olympia, 179, 363. - - Asymmetry, example of, 70. - - Atalanta, soul of, chooses body of athlete, in Plato’s myth of Er, 36; - statue of, from Tegea, 306, 310, 316. - - Athena, Alea, temple at Tegea, 306; - Chalkioikos, hieron of, in Sparta, 283; - helmeted heads of, 53; - _Lemnia_, 53; - Old Temple of, on Akropolis, 128, 271; - on relief from Tarentum, 96. - - Athenæus, 57, 284. - - _Athenaia_; see _Panathenaia_. - - Athenaios, statue at Olympia, 244, 343, 353. - - Athens, athletes at, divided into two classes according to age, 189; - coins of, showing Apollo, 90; - statues of victors in, 26-27; - Gymnasion of Ptolemy at, 166. - - Athletes: bare-foot and bare-headed, 48; - head of, in Capitoline called Juba II, 166; - head of, in Metropolitan Museum, showing swollen ears, 168; - statue of, in Copenhagen resembling the _Agias_, 293; - statue found at Ephesos, 137, 138; - two statues in lunging attitude, in Dresden, 292; - statue from Palazzo Farnese, now in London, 293; - statue of late style in Lansdowne House, London, 180; - statues of, adorn palæstræ and gymnasia, 297; - statues of, assimilated to types of Apollo, 88f.; - of the Dioskouroi, 96-97; - of Herakles, 93f.; - of Hermes, 75f.; - bronze statuette in Louvre, 213, 214; etc. - - Athletics, origin and early history of Greek, 1f.; - in Crete, 1f.; - at Delphi, 25; - in Homer, 7f.; - athletics and Greek religion, 14; - influence on sculpture, 64; - athletic funeral scene on a Cypriote silver vase from Etruria, 13; - Argive-Sikyonian school of athletic sculptors, 1, 109f. - - Attalos, base of victor statue of Attalos, father of Attalos I, at - Pergamon, 368; - Portico of, in Athens, 368. - - Attic sculptors, 126f.; - characteristics of, 128; - examples of pre-Persian sculptures, 281; - influence on Polykleitos, 152, 153; - old Attic canon of proportions, 68. - - Attributes of victor statues, 147f.; - primary, 148f.; - secondary 161f. - - Augustus, coins of, showing celery, 21; - enlarges privileges of athletes in Rome, 33; - statue from Primaporta, 82. - - Aura, victorious mare of Pheidolas, 279. - - Aurelius, M. Antoninus, 43. - - Authors; see Poets, Prose-writers. - - Autolykos, statue in Athens, 27. - - Autun, statuette of pancratiast from, in Louvre, 167, 250. - - _Aves_, the, of Aristophanes, quoted, 206. - - Azan, games of, in Arkadia, 9, 259. - - - Bacchiadas, flutist, statue on Helikon, 284. - - Bacchylides, 10, 36. - - Ball-playing (σφαιρίζειν), in antiquity, 83, 84; - game known as φανίνδα, 84; - Spartan origin of, 84. - - Barbarians, invade Greece in Middle Ages, 322; - destroy victor statues at Olympia, 43. - - Barberini Palace, Rome, statue in, 142; - estate of the Barberini, 50. - - Barracco Collection, Rome, athlete statue in, 156. - - Bases; see Victor statue bases. - - Bassai, temple of Apollo Epikourios at, 327. - - Bates, W. N., on interpretation of head of boy statue from Sparta, 305. - - Bathykles, sculptor, 12. - - Battos of Kyrene, group of, dedicated at Delphi, 277. - - Baukis, statue at Olympia, 117. - - Beauty, contest of, among women, in Arkadia, 57; - in Elis, 57; - on Lesbos, 57; - at Panathenaic games, Athens, 57; - on Tenedos, 57; - games in honor of, 57; - Greek worship of, 57; - youth chosen for, at Tanagra, 57. - - Bellerophon, on Chimæra tomb, Xanthos, 271. - - _Belvedere Hermes_, statue in Vatican, 72. - - Beneventum, head from, in Louvre, 63. - - Beni-Hasan, Egypt, wall-paintings at, 1, 228. - - Benndorf, on Boboli athlete in Florence, 180; - on epigram relative to Ladas, 197; - on Pliny’s _nudus talo incessens_ of Polykleitos, 250. - - Bieber, Fräulein, on various artistic tendencies in the Daochos group, - 291. - - _Bigae_ and _quadrigae_, mentioned by Pliny, 264. - - Biting, prohibited in pankration, 246. - - Biton (?), statue of, from Delphi, 105. - - Bloch, on the Uffizi _Apoxyomenos_, 137. - - Boboli athlete in Florence, 180; - _Hermes_, 85. - - Boeckh, on division of athletes according to age at Athens, 189. - - Boëdromion, month of, 18. - - Bœotian games in Thebes, statues erected for, 26. - - Boetticher, on Praxitelian origin of head from Olympia, 294. - - Bologna, r.-f. krater in, 90. - - _Bonus Eventus_ (?), statue found in Rhine, 276. - - Boreas, winged, on relief in Metropolitan Museum, 194. - - _Borghese Warrior_ (_Gladiator_), statue by Agasias, 169, 208, 209, - 290. - - Borsdorf, bronze bowl from, 231. - - Bosanquet, R. C., on bronze statuette found in sea off Antikythera, 79. - - _Boudeuse, la petite_, statue from Akropolis, 115. - - Bouleuterion; see Council-house. - - Bouprasion, Nestor contends at, 9. - - Bow, attribute of _Philesian Apollo_, 119. - - _Boxer Vase_, from Hagia Triada, 6, 7, 235. - - Boxers, bases of statues of, at Olympia, 240, 241; - bearded, on University of Pennsylvania Panathenaic amphora, 239; - between groups of warriors and dancers on an eighth century B. C. - vase, 13; - boxer known as “man with crushed ear,” 167; - on _Boxer Vase_, 6, 7; - bronze head of boxer or pancratiast, from Olympia, 146, 254, 255, - 322; - on bronze shield from Mount Ida, 235; - caps of, 165f.; - head in Munich, with swollen ears, 63, 168; - positions of, on vases, 239; - _pyctae_ (?), by Myron, 188; - on pyxis, from Knossos, 7; - on r.-f. kylix in the British Museum, 239; - on r.-f. kylix of Douris, 239; - _Seated Boxer_, of Museo delle Terme, 145f.; - statues of, represented in motion, 243; - statue of, with _Diadoumenos_ motive, 155; - statue in Kassel, 242; - statue in Lansdowne House, London, 155; - statue in Palazzo Albani, Rome, 165; - statue from Sorrento, 242; - statuette of, from Olympia, 28, 244; - swollen ear of, 240, 241. - - Boxing, 234f.; - antiquity of, 235; - in Crete, 3, 5, 6, 7, 235; - in Homer, 8, 234; - invented by Theseus, 235; - more dangerous than pankration, 246; - most popular sport at Olympia, 235; - one of oldest sports, 234; - when introduced at Olympia, 235; - boys’ contest, when introduced at Olympia, 235; - painful character of, 234f.; - two periods of, 235; - at Sparta, 167; - on vases, 239. - - Boxing-gloves, 235f.; - on _Boxer Vase_, 7, 235; - in Crete, 235; - in Homer, 235; - described by Pausanias and Philostratos, 236; - forms of, 236; - heavy (σφαῖραι or ἱμάντες ὀξεῖς), 235f.; - soft (ἱμάντες λεπτοί or μειλίχαι) 235f.; - method of putting on, 236; - not used in pankration, 246; - soft, on bronze arm found in sea off Antikythera, 236; - on fist from Verona, 238; - on forearms of _Seated Boxer_ of the Museo delle Terme, 237, 238; - on statue from Herculaneum, 238; - on statue from Sorrento, 238. - - _Boy Binding on a Fillet_ (ἀναδούμενος), by Pheidias, 150. - - _Boy Crowning Himself_, copies of statue of, identified with statue - of Kyniskos at Olympia, 156; - on funerary relief, 155. - - Boy victors, statues of, at Olympia, 31; - fragments of, 324, 325; - less than life-size, 46; - boy victor (?) from Sparta, head from statue of, 305f.; - as case of assimilation, 319f.; - as an eclectic work, 37, 38; - chiefly Lysippan, 311, 318; - compared with head of Philandridas, 316; - surface modeling of, 318. - - Branchidai, 304, 336. - - Brasidas, games in honor of, 11. - - Bribery, of Olympic victors, 33; - at Epidauros, the Isthmus, etc., 34. - - Brimias, statue at Olympia, 346. - - Bronze, used for victor statues, 321f.; - more expensive than marble, 323, 326; - bronze and stone monuments together, 323. - - Brunn, on Aeginetan art, 124; - on archaic Attic art, 124; - on Daidalian ξόανα, 328; - on the _Oil-pourer_ in Munich, 134; - on Olympia pediment groups, 114; - on _Standing Diskobolos_, 76; - on symmetry and rhythm, 66; - on Tux bronze, 207; - on the Vaison and Farnese types of the _Diadoumenos_, 154. - - _Brutus_, the, of Cicero, 60. - - Brygos, r.-f. kylix in style of, 204. - - Bull, in Crete, 1f.; - zone of the, at Olympia, 355. - - Bulle, on boxer head from Olympia, 255; - on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, 82; - on the Polykleitan _Diadoumenos_, 151; - on _Doryphoros_, 227; - on dying hoplite relief, 209; - on Egyptian influence on early Greek sculpture, 330; - on ephebe statue from Akropolis, 115; - on _Farnese Herakles_, 253; - on hair technique of Greek sculptors, 53; - on the _Idolino_, 141, 142; - on the _Oil-pourer_, 134; - on Tux bronze, 207; - on statues of two wrestlers, from Herculaneum, 231. - - Bull-grappling, in Crete, 2f.; - in Tiryns, 2, 3; - on Vapheio cups, 355; - in Thessaly, 5; - in Viterbo, 5. - - Bull-ring, ivory model of, from Knossos, 3. - - Burgon vase, 260. - - Bybon, inscribed _solos_ of, from Olympia, 22, 218. - - Bykelos, statue at Olympia, 120. - - Byzantine church, the, at Olympia, 347, 356f. - - Byzantine walls, at Olympia, 345, 357, 358, 359. - - - Caere (Cerveteri), Amphiaraos vase from, 13 and note 1; - hydrias from, 52. - - Candia, Museum at, 2, 3. - - Canina, discovers the _Apoxyomenos_ of the Vatican, 288. - - Canon, of Polykleitos, 69. - - Canons of proportions, 65f. - - Cap, of boxers and pancratiasts, 165f.; - on athlete head called Juba II, 166; - on relief in Rome, 166; - on Munich kylix, 166-167; - on statuette from Autun, 167. - - Capua, bronze statuette from, 207. - - Caracalla, baths of, 252. - - Caricature, Theban law against, 57. - - Casa Buonarroti, Florence, arm of _Diskobolos_ from, 186. - - Caskey, L. D., on Sparta head of boy athlete, 305, 306, 310, 319. - - Castel Porziano, copy of _Diskobolos_ from, 184. - - Castellani copy of _Spinario_, 202. - - Catania, coins of, showing _Nike_, 182. - - Cauldron, as early prize, from Cumae, 20. - - Celery, fresh, used for wreaths at Nemea, 20, 21; - wild, used for wreaths at the Isthmus, 21. - - _Celetizontes pueri_, of Kanachos, 120. - - Cerveteri; see Caere. - - Cestus, described by Virgil, 239; - metal, invented by Romans, 238, 239; - not mentioned by late Greek writers, 239; - not used in Greek contests, 235. - - Chabrias, general, statue of, 173. - - Chæroneia, battle of, 301. - - Chalkis, 19. - - _Champion_, the, of East gable of temple on Aegina, 207; - of West gable, 126. - - Chamyne; see Demeter. - - Chancery, hold in pankration, 247, 248. - - Chaplet, as victor attribute, 148. - - Chariots, Athenian type on vases, 262; - on Cretan relief, 262; - war-chariot in Crete and at Mycenæ, 262; - on Mycenæan tombstones, 262; - dedication of, 22; - descendant of Homeric war-chariot, 260; - four-horse, 262; - four-horse, on vases, 263; - four-horse, on marble relief, 268, 269; - miniature models of, at Olympia, 23; - war-chariot from Monteleone, in Metropolitan Museum, 263; - two-horse, on vases, 263; - two types of Greek racing-chariot, 262; - on eighth century B. C. vase, 263; - zone of, at Olympia, 345, 346, 352. - - Charioteers, statues of, 274f.; - close-fitting chiton of, 275; - long chiton of, 48, 263, 273, 274; - nude, 48, 275, 276; - statue of, in Boston, 275; - statue of, at Delphi, 48, 81, 90, 276f.; - inscription on, 277; - part of a group, 277; - copies of, 277; - deficiencies of, 278; - Gelo as dedicator of, 278; - as Aeginetan, 278; - as Attic work, 278; - assigned to Pythagoras, 278; - statue of, from Esquiline, 276; - statue of (?) found in Rhine near Xanten, 276; - relief of, mounting chariot, from Akropolis, 128, 269. - - Chariot-groups, at Olympia, 264f.; - remains of, 269. - - Chariot-race, antiquity at Olympia, 259; - common in Greece, 257f.; - most brilliant event at Olympia and elsewhere, 257; - one of earliest events at Olympia, 259; - with two colts (συνωρὶς πώλων), at Olympia, 260; - harnessing of two horses, on b.-f. hydria, 263; - groups, remains at Olympia, 269; - with four colts (πώλων ἅρμα), at Olympia, when introduced, 260; - with four horses (τέθριππον or ἵππων τελείων δρόμος), when introduced - at Olympia, 259, 260; - four-horse (τέθριππον), on Panathenaic vase from Sparta, 263; - length of race with four colts at Olympia, 260; - length of race with four full-grown horses at Olympia, 260; - with mules (ἀπήνη), when introduced at Olympia, 261; - at oldest funeral games, in Arkadia, 259; - oldest monument of, at Olympia, 264, 265; - origin of in mythical times, 259; - originally with two horses, 260; - when stopped at Olympia, 261; - sport of wealthy, 257; - representations, common on vases, 262f.; - trotting-race with mares (κάλπη), 261, 282. - See _Apobates_, chariot-race. - - Chariot victors, dedicate chariot-groups at Olympia, 264f.; - dedicate models of chariots at Olympia, 265; - dedicate statues at Olympia, 265; - act as own charioteers, 266-267. - - Charmides, statue at Olympia, 342. - - Charops, statue at Olympia, 358. - - Chase, G. H., on bronze tripods in Loeb collection, 194, note 7; - on Monteleone chariot, 264. - - Cheilon, ephor of Sparta, died of joy at Olympia, 36. - - Cheilon, date of second victory of, 301; - fights at Lamia, 301; - statue at Olympia, 32, 121, 298. - - Cheimon, statue at Argos, 366; - at Olympia, 117, 234, 344, 366. - - Cheirisophos, sculptor, 334. - - Chewsurs, of the Caucasus, funeral games among, 11. - - Chimæra tomb, so-called, at Xanthos, 271. - - Chinnery _Hermes_, head, 181. - - Chionis, statue at Olympia, 32, 333, 352, 362; - tablet of, at Sparta, 362; - record jump of, at Olympia, 216. - - Chios, early sculpture of, 177; games on, 189. - - Chisel, used in hair of the _Agias_ and _Philandridas_, 297. - - Chiton, conventional dress of charioteers, 275. - - Chiusi, wall-painting from, 217. - - Chlamys, on statues of Meleager, 313. - - _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_, statue known as, 89f.; - replica of head in British Museum, 91; - replica of head, from Kyrene 334; - thongs on tree-trunk nearby, 165. - - Chorus, of boys and girls, in honor of victors, 34. - - Christodoros, description of statue of Hermes by, 87. - - Chrysippos, quoted by Galen, 70. - - Chrysothemis, sculptor, 105, 116. - - Cicero, as art critic, 60. - - Cincinnatus, 87. - - Circassians, funeral games among, 11. - - Circus, Roman, hair-fashion of athletes at, 52; - finally supersedes equestrian contests of Olympia, 261. - - Cloak, prize at Pellene, 20. - - Club, on Cretan grave-relief, 199; - on statuette from Palermo, 199. - - Cockerell, on dedication from Delphi, 372. - - Coins: of Antoninus Pius, showing pine, 21; - of Alexander the Great, showing Herakles, 253; - of Athens, showing Apollo, 90; - of Augustus, showing celery, 21; - of Catania, showing Nike, 182; - of Commodus as Hercules, 74; - of Delphi, showing Apollo, 92, 336; - of Euagoras I, King of Salamis in Cyprus, showing swollen ears, 169; - of Geta, 306; - of Lucius Verus, 21; - of Markianopolis, 87; - of Messana, showing mule-car, 263; - of Messene, 111; - of Miletos, 74, 118, 119, 336; - of Nero, 21; - of Philip II, King of Macedon, showing victorious jockey with - palm-branch, 280; - of Philippopolis, 78; - of Rhegion, showing mule-car, 263; - of Selinos, showing celery wreath, 21; - of Sicily, showing racing chariots, 262, 263; - of Syracuse, showing Nike with tablet, 182; - of Tarentum, showing _apobates_ horse-race, 282; - showing poses of Olympic victor statues, 44; - showing scenes of wrestling, 228. - - Collignon, M., on statue of Astylos, at Kroton, 364; - on so-called _Borghese Warrior_, 209; - on the _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos, 227; - on Egyptian influence on early Greek sculpture, 329; - on identification of the statue of Kyniskos, 159; - on the Olympia gable sculptures, 114; - on Tux bronze, 207. - - Color, on early Attic sculpture, 126. - - Commodus, statue in Mantua, 72; - coins of, showing him as Hercules, 74. - - Concentration (αὐτάρκεια), in Greek statues, 82; - in Myron’s statues, 183; - in the _Diskobolos_, 137, 201. - - Concord, temple of, Rome, 234. - - Constantinople, sack of, by Franks, 253. - - _Contest_ (_Agon_), figure of, in Mikythos group at Olympia, 164, 215. - - Conversion of athlete statues into those of gods, 74. - - Conze, A., on “Apollo” type as representing victors, 335; - on _Choiseul-Gouffier_ statue type, 90; - on statue of Commodus at Mantua, 72. - - Copenhagen, heads in Ny-Carlsberg collection at, with swollen ears, - 168. - - Corfu, bronze from, 96. - - Corinth, clay tablets from, 52, 182; - festival at Isthmus of, 1; - meeting-place of East and West, 17; - near Isthmian games, 25; - end of tyranny at, 17. - - Corn-grinding slave woman, Egyptian statuette of, 177. - - Council-house (Bouleuterion), at Olympia, 227, 344, 346, 349, 350, 355, - 357, 358. - - Cow, sacrificed to Hera at the _Heraia_, Olympia, 49. - - Cowardice, case of, at Olympia, 34. - - Crete, acrobats of, 2; - center of Aegean civilization, 1; - costumes of men and women acrobats, 2, 4; - Cretan youths dedicate offerings to Eros, 57; - Cretan youths sacrifice to Apollo, the runner, 88; - famed in the long race, 191; - motion figures from, 3; - origin of sports in, 1; - physical development in, 6; - sports in, 1f. - - Crœsus, fall of empire of, 126. - - Cross-buttocks, throw in wrestling, 229; - shown in small bronze group in the Loeb Collection, 232, 233. - - Crown of wild olive, as temporary reward for victor, 37, 155f. - - Cuirass (?), prize at Argos, 20. - - Cumae, inscribed cauldron from, as prize, 20. - - Cures, effected by victor statues, 35. - - Curtius, E., on the Σκήνωμα in Sparta, 367. - - Cypriote silver vase in repoussé from Etruria, in Florence, 13. - - - Daidalian ξόανα, 328. - - Daidalos, of Crete, mythical sculptor, 118. - - Daidalos, of Sikyon, sculptor, 109, 120, 138, 266, 279; - Daidalos and canon of Polykleitos, 69; - statues of _destringentes se_ by, 136; - leg position of statues of, 159. - - Daïkles, victor, 20. - - Daïppos, sculptor, statues at Olympia, 121; - _perixyomenoi_ by, 136. - - Daitondas, sculptor, 121. - - Dalecampius, on Myron’s _pristae_, 188. - - Damagetos, statue at Olympia, 36, 46, 355. - - Damaithidas, statue at Olympia, 358. - - Damaretos, statue at Olympia, 105, 116, 117, 161, 203. - - Dameas, sculptor, 116. - - Damokritos, sculptor, 120. - - Damonon, hippodrome victories of, in and near Lakonia, 257; - acts as own charioteer, 266. - - Damoxenidas, statue at Olympia, 44. - - Damoxenos, slays Kreugas in pankration at Nemea, 237, 247. - - Danaë and Perseus, in a chest, 188. - - Dancers, bronze, from Herculaneum, identified with statue of Kyniska, - 267; - ceremonial of, at Knossos, 3; - on shield of Achilles, 5. - - Daochos, dedicates statuary group at Pharsalos and Delphi, 286f. - - Dead, cult of, as origin of Greek games, 9f. - - Dedication, of athletic prizes, 21f.; - formulæ at Olympia, 37. - - Deida, M., statue at Olympia, 359. - - Deinolochos, statue at Olympia, 120. - - Deinosthenes, statue at Olympia, 347. - - _Delian Apollo_, of Angelion and Tektaios, 304; - “doubles” of, in Athens and Delphi, 304. - - Delos, Apollo from, 334; - colossal Apollo from, 336; - copy of _Diadoumenos_ from, 92f., 152, 153; - Ionian festival on, 15; - contests of Theseus in honor of Apollo on, 160; - tripods in temple of Apollo on, 9. - - Delphi, “Apollos” from, 104; - athletes divided into three classes according to age, 189; - coins of, showing Apollo, 92, 336; - coins of, showing laurel wreath, 21; - contests at, 25; - athletic, 25; - dramatic, 25; - equestrian, 25; - flute solo, 25; - lyre-playing, 25; - music, as chief contest at, 25; - painting, 25; - poetry, 25; - singing, 25; - decrees of, to athletes, 26; - Delphians sacrifice to Apollo the boxer, 88; - festival at, 9; - inscribed bases of victor monuments from, 26; - mentioned by Homer, 9; - oracle at, 18, 30, 34; - religious interest of Pausanias in, 24; - statue of pancratiast at, 26; - statuette of victor from, 28; - temple of Apollo at, 336; - tripods in temple of Apollo at, 19; - victor monuments at, 26; - victor grave-relief from, 138. - - Demeter, the _Eleusinia_ in honor of, 18; - Chamyne, priestess of, admitted to Olympia, 16; - of Knidos, statue of, 311. - - Demetrios, M. Aurelios, Olympic victor statue in Rome, 370. - - Demetrios of Phaleron, honor statues in Athens, 41. - - Demetrios, sculptor, 56. - - Demokrates, statue at Olympia, 358. - - Deonna, W., against Egyptian influence on early Greek sculpture, 329. - - Dermys and Kitylos, grave-figures of, from Tanagra, 335. - - _Destringentes se_, statues mentioned by Pliny, 136. - - Diadoumenoi, or fillet-binders, 150f. - - _Diadoumenos_, of Pheidias, 150f.; - older than that of Polykleitos, 151; - motive of, 151; - Farnese copy, 151; - of Polykleitos, 152f.; - as example of rest statue, 99; - as example of “ethical grace,” 63; - leg position of, 159; - copy of, from Delos, 92f., 152, 153; - other copies of, 152f.; - head-style of, 152; - British Museum head of, 153, 154; - Dresden head of, 153; - Kassel head of, 153; - statuette from Smyrna, 154; - on throne of Zeus at Olympia, 150; - pose of Vaison and Farnese copies, 155. - - Diagoras, most famous Greek boxer, 365; - statue at Olympia, 130, 365; - size of, 45; - family group of, 342, 343, 352. - - Diaulodromos, or double sprinter, 193; - on Athens inscribed vase, 194. - - Dickins, G., on _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, 90; - on statuette of trumpeter from Sparta, 283. - - Didymaion, near Miletos, 108; - statues at, 26. - - Diitrephes, statue on Akropolis, 199 and note 5, 373. - - Dikon, three statues at Olympia, 29, 55; - bribed by Syracuse, 33. - - Dio Chrysostom, on art, 61; - on confusing athlete and hero statues, 71; - on difference between victor and honor statues, 41; - on Theagenes’ statue at Thasos, 364. - - Diodoros, on Egyptian influence on early Greek sculpture, 330; - on proportion in Egyptian statuary, 67, note 4; - on family of the artist Rhoikos of Samos, 330; - on _Pythian Apollo_ by Telekles and Theodoros, 334. - - Diogenes, five times victor in trumpeting, at Olympia, 283; - base of statue at Olympia, 360. - - Diogenes Laertios, on gold statue vowed by Periandros, 266; - on Pythagoras, 67, 179. - - Diomedes, as boxer, 169; - Delphic tripod ascribed to, 21; - single combat of, with Ajax, 8; - statue known as, in Munich, 157, 169; - statue known as, in Palazzo Valentini, Rome, 163, 207. - - _Dionysia_, games at the, in Kyrene, 50; - at Sparta, 50; - statue of victor at, in Athens, 27. - - Dionysios, sculptor, 268. - - Dionysios, tyrant of Syracuse, 33. - - Dionysos, bearded type of, 335; - short hair of, on Parthenon frieze, 53; - statue of, in group, 144; - statue of (?), found in Rhine near Xanten, 276; - tripods in honor of, at Athens and Rhodes, 19. - - Diophanes, statue at the Isthmus, 27. - - Diophon, pentathlete, epigram on, 210. - - Dioskouroi, athlete statues assimilated to, 96, 97; - diskos dedicated to, by Exoïdas, 218; - on grave-relief in Verona, 97; - relief of, from Tarentum, 96; - on votive relief in London, 97. - - Dipoinos, sculptor, 118, 122, 334. - See also Skyllis. - - Dipylon geometric vase from Akropolis, in Copenhagen, showing funeral - games, 13. - - Diskoboloi, statuettes of, 28, 218f.; - bronze statuette in London, 221; - bronze statuette in Metropolitan Museum, 116, 148, 220, 221; - on cover of lebes in London, 221. - - _Diskobolos_, the, of Myron, 184f.; - cast of, from various copies, 186; - concentration of (αὐτάρκεια) 137, 183, 201; - copies of 184f.; - copy of, in Capitoline, 185; - from Castel Porziano, 184; - in Lancellotti Palace, Rome, 184; - Græco-Roman copy from Tivoli, in London, 184, 185; - in Vatican, from Tivoli, 184; - on a gem, 187; - as example of a diskos-thrower, 164; - as example of rhythm, 66; - Lucian’s description of, 186, 187; - moment chosen by Myron in, 187; - pose of, 219, 220; - predecessors of, 222; - Quintilian on, 187; - relief of, from Dipylon, 127; - represents trained athlete, 183, 184; - right arm of, from Casa Buonarroti, Florence, 186; - short hair of, 52; - small bronze in Berlin, 221; - statuettes in Munich and Arolsen, 187; - compared with _Tyrannicides_, 183. - See also _Standing Diskobolos_. - - Diskoi, bronze, from the Altis, 22, 218; - dedication of bronze, 22; - kept in Sikyonian treasury at Olympia, for use of pentathletes, 22; - on r.-f. vase in Munich, 164; - diskos, as attribute of pentathlete statues, 164; - bronze, from Sicily, 217; - inscribed, of Asklepiades, 40; - inscribed, of Exoïdas, from Kephallenia (?), 97, 218; - known to Homer, 218; - lighter for boys than for men, 218. - - Diskos-throwing (δισκοβολία), goes back to mythology, 218; - shown by statues, statuettes, reliefs, vase-paintings, etc., 164, - 218; - seven positions of, given by Gardiner, 218f.; - record throw of Phaÿllos in, discussed, 216. - - Dittenberger, W., on division of athletes at Athens, according to age, - 189; - on Pliny, 27; - on votive character of inscriptions on victor statue-bases, - at Olympia, 39; - Dittenberger and Purgold, on exclusive use of bronze for Olympic - victor statues, 321. - - Diver (?), statuette of, from Perugia, 217. - - Dodona, bronze statuette from, 143; - bronze statuette of ephebe on horse-back from, 28, 281; - bronze statuette of warrior from, 126, 178; - mentioned by Homer, 16; - tripods in temple of Zeus at, 19. - - Doerpfeld, W., on base of the Platæan _Zeus_ at Olympia, 344; - on bases of victors found in South wall of Altis, 347; - on beginning of Pausanias’ first route in the Altis, 341; - on excavations at site so-called of Great Altar of Zeus at Olympia, - 349; - on positions of victor statues in the Altis, 340; - on second route of Pausanias in the Altis, 351; - on statues, ἐν τῇ Ἄλτει, 350. - - Dolichodromos, endurance runner, 193. - - Domitian, stadion at Rome, 50. - - Dorians, the, 1. - - Dorieus, prisoner at Athens, 36; - victor statue at Olympia, 355. - - Dorykleidas, victor dedication to Herakles and Hermes by, 75, 76. - - Doryphoroi, mentioned by Pliny, 226. - - _Doryphoros_, of Kresilas, 145; - of Polykleitos, 77, 224f.; - as an _Achilles_, 92; - converted into god-type, 74; - converted into Hermes, 87, 88; - compared with _Diadoumenos_, 152; - copy at Olympia, 227; - green basalt torso in Florence, 225; - marble torso formerly in Pourtalès Collection, 225; - from Pompeii, its measurements, 70; - copy in Vatican, 225; - etymology and use of word, 225, 226; - head from Herculaneum, by Apollonios, 168; - as highest ideal of manly beauty, 141; - as example of javelin-thrower, 164; - leg position of, 159; - as master of Lysippos, 70, 301; - as norm of proportions, 58, 68, 69, 70; - original as pentathlete victor statue, 227; - pose of, 225; - style of head of, 152; - as victor statue, 226, 227. - - Double foot-race (δίαυλος), 190; - date of introduction at Olympia, 191. - - “Doubles” of statues, 304, 305. - - Douris, on Lysippos, 69. - - Douris, vase-painter, r.-f. kylix by, 239. - - Dramatic contests, at Delphi, 25. - - _Dresden Boy_, the, statue in Dresden, 213. - - Dromeus, statue at Olympia, 179, 343; - identified with _mala ferens nudus_, of Pliny, 182. - - _Drunkenness_, statue of, 144. - - Duerer, Albrecht, on proportions, 68. - - Duetschke, on the Mantuan _Commodus_, 72. - - Dumont, on division of athletes at Athens by age, 189. - - Dying hoplite runner, relief of, in Athens, 194, 209. - - Dying Gaul statues, 255. - - Dyneiketos, victor, represented on r.-f. Panathenaic vase, 280. - - - Ear, swollen, as attribute of victor statues, 167f.; - as professional characteristic of athlete and god statues, 168; - on various heads, 168; - on heads of gods and heroes, 169f. - - Ear-lappets (ἀμφωτίδες, ἐπωτίδες), on marble head, 167; - worn by boys in the palæstra, 167. - - Echembrotos, musician, dedicates a tripod to Herakles 22. - - Echo Colonnade, at Olympia, 343, 345, 352, 358, 360. - - Egesta, Sicily, 35; - honors Philippos, victor, with a heroön, 57. - - Egypt, division of, into Old and Middle Kingdoms, and New Empire, - 330-331. - - Egyptian art, proportions in, 67 and note 4; - adopted by Greeks, 330; - becomes fixed, 331; - influence of, on early Greek art, 328f., 332; - Egyptian statues, characteristics of, 332; - compared with Greek, 332. - - Eklektos, Valerios, statue at Athens, 371; - at Olympia, 359, 360, 371. - - Elean register, 31; - school of sculpture, 114; - umpires, 94. - - Eleans, led by Oxylos from Aitolia, 15. - - _Electra_, of Sophokles, quoted, 267. - - _Eleusinia_, the, 18; - prizes at, 20; - statue of victor in Athens, 27. - - Eleusis, copy of statue of Kyniskos (?) from, 74, 156. - - _Eleutheria_, games at Platæa, 11, 203. - - Emerson, A., on statue of Kyniska, 267. - - Energy, as characteristic of Myron’s statues, 152. - - _Enkrinomenos_, statue by Alkamenes, 77, 134. - - Enymakratidas, hippodrome victories of, in Lakonia, 257. - - Epainetos, inscribed jumping-weight of, from Eleusis, 215. - - Epeios, boxing-match with Euryalos, 7, 88. - - Epeirote singer, pummelled by order of Nero, 34. - - Eperastos, victor at Olympia, 163. - - Ephebe, head of, with yellow hair, from Akropolis, 116; - statue from Akropolis, 115, 175; - statue from Hadrian’s villa, assimilated to Hermes, 80; - victorious ephebes leading horses, on Athenian relief, 281; - ephebes (ἀγένειοι), 189. - - _Ephodoi_ (ἔφοδοι), or routes of Pausanias, in the Altis, 339, 341f., - 348f. - - Epicharinos, statue on Akropolis, 27, 176, 179, 206, 372. - - Epidauros, inscription from, 34. - - Epigonos, erects monument to Attalos, 368. - - Epigrams, on Olympic victor statue bases, 43. - - Epikradios, statue at Olympia, 122, 352. - - _Epitaphia_, festival at Athens, 18. - - Epitherses, statue at Olympia, 31, 244, 346. - - Eponymus victor, at Olympia, 191. - - Equestrian contests, at Delphi, 25; - at Olympia, replaced by amusements of Roman circus, 261; - revived at Olympia under Empire, 261. - See also Chariot-race, Horse-race. - - Er, myth of, in Plato’s _Republic_, 36. - - Erasistratos, physician at Alexandria, 290. - - _Eretrian Bull_, the, at Olympia, 342, 352, 357, 358, 359; - zone of, at Olympia, 343. - - Eriphyle, on archaic vase, 13. - - Eros, offerings to, 57; - bronze statue from Tunis, 156, 158. - - _Erotidia_, division of athletes at the Bœotian, according to age, 189. - - Etruria, funeral games of, borrowed by Romans, 11; - athletic scenes from tombs of, 11. - - _Etruscan Orator_, statue in Florence, 82. - - Euagoras I, King of Salamis, in Cyprus, coins of, showing swollen ears, - 169. - - Euagoras of Sparta, chariot-group of, at Olympia, 23, 37, 265. - - Eubotas, statue at Kyrene, 366; - at Olympia, 31, 352, 366. - - Eudelos, of Rhodes, adversary of Straton, at Olympia, 34. - - Eukles, statue at Olympia, 45, 117, 241, 342, 343. - - Eumastas, inscribed stone of, from Thera, 218, note 3. - - Eunomos, kitharoidos, statue in honor of Pythian victory, 284. - - Euphorbos, on painted terra-cotta plate, 178. - - Euphranor, sculptor, 23, 36, 69; - books of, on symmetry, 69; - canon of, 69; - head of athlete statue from circle of, 233. - - Euphronios, r.-f. kylix by, 204. - - Eupolemos, statue at Olympia, 120, 342. - - Eupolos, bribes three adversaries at Olympia and all four are fined, - 33. - - Eupompos, painter, 29, 69, 160. - - Euripides, protests against professionalism in athletics, 36. - - Euryalos, 8, 88. - - Eurybates, pentathlete, 59. - - Euryleonis, victress, statue at Sparta, 367. - - Eurytos, 8. - - Eusebios, on statue of Theagenes, 364. - - Eutelidas, sculptor, 105, 116. - - Eutelidas, victor statue at Olympia, 106, 333, 337, 346. - - Euthykrates, sculptor, 314. - - Euthymenes, statue at Olympia, 120, 344, 352. - - Euthymos, boxing match with Theagenes, 247; - son of river god Kaikinos, 35; - statue at Lokroi Epizephyrioi, 364; - statue at Olympia, 55, 62, 90, 179, 183, 342, 352; - inscribed base from, 38; - statue at Olympia identified by Waldstein with _Choiseul-Gouffier - Apollo_ type, 179. - - Eutychides, sculptor and painter, 121, 324. - - Evans, A., on ivory statuettes from Knossos, 3; - on stucco reliefs from Knossos, 4. - - Exainetos, victor, drawn into native city by fellow-citizens, 35. - - _Exhortation to the Arts_, work by Galen cited, 37. - - Exoïdas, bronze diskos of, 97, 218. - - Eye, almond-shaped, in archaic art, 127; - in the _Agias_, 315; - in Skopaic heads, 308, 311f.; - treatment of, by Lysippos, 311f. - - - Fabius Maximus, carries off colossal Herakles from Tarentum to Rome, - 253. - - Fagan head, the, in British Museum, 87. - - _Farnese Diadoumenos_, statue in British Museum, 151f., 154; - compared with _Diadoumenos_ from Vaison, 154. - - _Farnese Herakles_, statue in Naples, 252, 253; - of Lysippan origin, 253; - as realistic work, 289. - - _Farnese Hermes_, statue in British Museum, 72. - - Farnsworth Museum, Wellesley, Mass., statue of athlete in, 139. - - Fawn, as attribute of _Philesian Apollo_, 119. - - Fellows, C., discovers Chimæra tomb at Xanthos, 271. - - Fevers, cured by victor statues, 364. - - Ficoroni cista, in Rome, 243, 269. - - Fierce expression (γοργόν), of Philandridas head from Olympia, 294, - 297; - threatening look of athletes mentioned by Sokrates, 59. - - File, use of, on Philandridas head, 295. - - Fillet, victor, 168f.; - on victor statues, 149f.; - on statue from Piræus, 150; - in hand of victor, 150; - on heads, 96; - as symposium attribute, 149; - rolled, on heads of Herakles, 170. - See _Tainia_. - - Fillet-binders, or diadoumenoi, 150f. - - Fine, paid by Theagenes, 247. - - Finger, as common measure in proportions, 68. - - Flasch, A. F., on bronze head of a boxer from Olympia, 255; - on the Olympia gable sculptures, 114; - on positions of victor statues in Altis, 340. - - Flaxman, John, sculptor, on proportions, 68. - - Flute-playing, at Delphi, 25; - accompanies pentathlon, at Olympia, 284; - on vases, 285. - - Flutists, statues of victorious, 284; - honor statue of, 42; - on chest of Kypselos, 285. - - Flying mare, throw in pankration, 247; - throw in wrestling, 229. - - Foal-race, at Olympia, 260. - - Foerster, H., on location of statue of Ladas, 197; - on statue of Leon, 366. - - Foerster, R., on head of hoplitodrome, from Olympia, 163. - - Foot, as common measure in proportions, 68; - bronze, from victor statue at Olympia, 255, 322; - left, forward in Egyptian and early Greek statues, 332. - - Footmarks, on bases of victor statues, at Olympia, 43. - - Foot-race, the, at games of Patroklos, 8; - at the _Heraia_, at Olympia, 49. - See Stade-race. - - Forearm, fragment of, with horn, in relief, 4. - - Fragments, bronze, of victor statues, from Olympia, 322; - marble, from Olympia, 324; - bronze, of boy victor statues from Olympia, 322; - marble, of boy victor statues from Olympia, 324, 325. - - Frascati, statuette from, in Boston, 138. - - Frazer, J. G., on Arrhachion’s statue, 327; - on funeral games, 11; - on omission of Olympiad 211 from Elean register, 369; - on statue of Diitrephes, Athens, 373. - - “Free” leg, motive in sculpture, 109, 226. - - Friedrichs, K., on identifying _Doryphoros_ from Pompeii, 224. - - Friedrichs-Wolters, on Olympia gable sculptures, 114. - - Fritsch, G., on body proportions in Greek sculpture, 67. - - Froehner, W., on the _Jason_ of the Louvre, 87. - - “Frontality,” law of, formulated, 175, 328. - - Frost, K. T., on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, - 82; - on differences between the _Agias_ and _Apoxyomenos_, 290; - on Ligourió bronze, 111. - - Funeral games, on archaic vases, 13; - attested by early Greek art, 12; - on Dipylon vase, in Copenhagen, 13; - in honor of Azan, 9; in honor of eminent men, 11; - in honor of Patroklos, 8, 9; - origin of, 14; - periodic, 13, 14; - on sarcophagus from Klazomenai, 13; - funeral customs survive in later ritual, 11. - - Funerary reliefs, Attic, 66. - - Furtwaengler, A., on Akropolis chariot relief, 271; - on the _Alkibiades_ of Vatican, 199, 200; - on the _Apoxyomenos_ of Uffizi, 137; - on the _Apoxyomenos_ of Vatican, 136; - on Aristion’s statue, 88, 241; - on athlete head in Copenhagen, 95; - on athlete statue in British Museum, 293; - on bronze head of a boxer in Glyptothek, 63; - on bronze head of a boxer from Olympia, 255; - on bronze foot from Olympia, 255; - on bronze head from Akropolis, 115; - on bronze statuette in Louvre, 139; - on _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ type, 90; - on statue of Diitrephes, on Akropolis, 373; - on so-called _Diomedes_, of Palazzo Valentini, Rome, 207; - on doryphoroi of Pliny, 226; - on term doryphoros, 226; - on Dresden athlete statues, 292; - on _Dresden Boy_, 213; - on Egyptian influence on “Apollo” type, 329; - on ephebe statue from Akropolis, 115; - on erecting statues of victors at Olympia, 38; - on Esquiline charioteer, 276; - on Eupompos’ painting of Olympic victor, 160; - on excavations at Aegina, 124; - on Hagelaïdas, 110; - on _Idolino_, 141, 142; - on influence of athletics on Greek art, 64; - on Kassel boxer, 155; - on Kassel head of Polykleitos’ _Diadoumenos_, 153; - on kneeling figures from West gable at Olympia, 195; - on Kresilæan athlete head, 145; - on statue of Kylon, on Akropolis, 362; - on statue of Kyniska, at Olympia, 131; - on Kyniska’s victor group at Olympia, 267; - on Kyniskos’ statue, 74; - on _Lansdowne Herakles_, 313; - on libation-pouring, 139; - on Ligourió bronze, 111; - on marble head in Turin, 93; - on Monteleone chariot in Metropolitan Museum, 264; - on motive of Pheidias’ _Diadoumenos_, 151; - on Munich _Oil-pourer_, 134; - on _Munich King_, (?), 226; - on Myron’s _pristae_, 188; - on _nudus talo incessens_ of Polykleitos, 250, 251; - on Olympia gable sculptures, 114; - on Petworth ephebe, 133; - on Pheidias’ hair treatment in goddess heads, 53; - on Philandridas head, 294; - on Pythagoras, 179, 180; - on Pythokles’ statue, 212; - on Rayet head, 128; - on Riccardi bust in Florence, 180; - on right arm of boy victor, from Olympia, 46; - on rolled fillet, 96; - on short and long hair of god heads, 52; - on Somzée athlete, 251; - on sparring motive in Berlin torso, 244; - on _Standing Diskobolos_, 76; - on statue from Carinthia, 131; - on statue “doubles,” 304; - on statue of youth in Berlin, 292; - on tin-foil wheels, from Olympia, 23; - on two heads of hoplitodromes from Olympia, 163; - on use of marble in Olympic victor statues, 324; - on “Vatican athlete at rest,” 140; - Furtwaengler and Urlichs, on use of bronze for Olympic victor - statues, 321. - - - Galen, on ball-playing, 84; - on the _Doryphoros_, 70; - protests against professionalism in athletics, 36, 37. - - Games, early Greek, 1f.; - origin of, in cult of dead, 9f.; - origin of four national, 9; - early history of, 14f.; - local, 17f. - - Ganymedes, identified with statue of youth from Subiaco, 195. - - Gardiner, E. N., on _apobates_ horse-race, 282; - on colossal _Farnese Herakles_, 252; - on diskos-throwing, 218f.; - on earliest event at Olympia, 37; - on Irish fairs, 12; - on origin of four-horse chariot-race at Olympia, 259; - on positions in javelin-throwing, 223; - on rules of pankration, 246; - on shapes of jumping-weights, 214; - on Uffizi pancratiast group, 252. - - Gardner, E. A., on the _Agias_, 303; - on artist school at Olympia, 58; - on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, 81; - on contrast between the _Atalanta_ and other Tegea heads, 310, - note 3; - on epigram from statue of Ladas, 197; - on eye treatment in the _Agias_, 315; - on eye treatment in the _Atalanta_ from Tegea, 310; - on honors paid to victors, 36; - on helmeted head from Tegea, 308. - - Gardner, P., on date of Lysippos 300, 301; - on Greek portraiture, 55; - on head of _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos, in Oxford, 154, 155; - on the _Meleager_ and _Lansdowne Herakles_ as Lysippan, 315; - quotes K. T. Frost on the _Agias_ and the _Apoxyomenos_, 290; - on symmetry, 66. - - Gelados; see Hagelaïdas. - - Gelo, chariot-group at Olympia, 23, 122, 257, 264, 266, 344, 355; - as dedicator of Delphi _Charioteer_, 278. - - Gem, showing _Apoxyomenos_ of Polykleitos, 136; - showing _Diskobolos_, 187; - showing Perseus and Gorgon’s head, 83; - showing poses of Olympic victor statues, 214. - - Genzano, bust of Herakles from, 169, 170. - - Geraistos, Euboea, 373. - - Gerhard, E., on vases showing four-horse chariots, 263. - - _Germanicus_, statue so-called, 85. - - Germanicus Caesar, victor in chariot race at Olympia, 257, 261, 357, - 358, 359. - - Germans, excavations of Olympia by, 43. - - Gestures, “transitory” and “stationary,” 83. - - Geta, coin of, 306. - - Girl runner, statue in Vatican, 49, 50; - statuette from Dodona, 28. - - Gladiatorial shows, borrowed from Etruria by Romans, 11. - - Glaukias, sculptor, 32, 122, 125, 176, 243, 244, 264, 266, 278. - - Glaukon, chariot-group at Olympia, 23, 265, 347. - - Glaukos, statue at Olympia, 32, 122, 125, 176, 243. - - Glykon, sculptor, 252, 253. - - Gods, statues of, dedicated to other gods and goddesses, 335; - worship of, supersedes that of heroes, 14. - - Goldsmiths, in Crete, 4. - - Gorgias, honor statue at Olympia, 42, 351. - - Gorgon, on Pindar’s VIIth Olympic ode, 365. - - Gorgos, statue at Olympia, 55, 59. - - Gouging, prohibited in pankration, 246; - shown on r.-f. kylix, 246. - - Graef, B., on Antenor’s female statue from Akropolis, 174; - on copies of original of _Lansdowne Herakles_, 313; - Skopaic group of, 315. - - Grain, as prize at the _Eleusinia_, 20. - - Grained-hair technique, 53. - - Granianos; see Kranaos. - - Grave-relief, fragment from Dipylon, 127. - - Great Altar; see Zeus, Great Altar of. - - Greaves, early attribute of hoplitodromoi, 161; - later discarded, 203. - - Greece, dependent on outside peoples in early art, 329; - debt to Orient, 330; - Roman conquest of, 261. - - Greek anthologies, see Anthologies, Greek. - - Greek and Egyptian statues compared, 332. - - “Grinning” group, of so-called “Apollo” statues, 100. - - Guillaume, E., on measurements of _Doryphoros_, 70. - - Gurlitt, W., on Pausanias’ routes in Altis, 340. - - Gymnasia, absent in Homer, 7; - statues of athletes in, 297; - statues of athletic gods in, 75, 94. - - Gymnasiarch, Hermes as, 78. - - Gymnasion, Great, at Olympia, 297, 299, 356. - - Gymnasium, scene from, on r.-f. kylix, 164. - - Gythion, statue of Herakles, at, 319. - - - Habich, G., on _Standing Diskobolos_, 78. - - Hadrian, revives Nemean games at Argos, 17; - villa of, at Tivoli, 80, 174. - - Hagelaïdas. sculptor, 36; - canon of, 68, 148, 159; - chariot-group of Kleosthenes, at Olympia, by, 266; - date of, 61, 321; - teacher of Myron and Polykleitos, 61, 110; - teacher of Pheidias, 110; - called Gelados by scholiast on Aristophanes’ _Ranae_, 110. - - Hair-fashion, athletic, 50f.; - Bulle on hair, 53; - ephebes dedicate hair to a god, 51; - grained style, 53; - on Hellenistic heads, 296. - Long, at Athens, after Persian Wars, 51; - long, on athletes, before Persian Wars, 335; - braided, by boxers and pancratiasts, 51; - discarded in wrestling, 51; - in Homer, 50, 51; - on monuments, 52; - on old Attic vases, 52; - as sign of effeminacy, 51; - at Sparta, 51; - at Thermopylæ, 51; - worn by knights, 51; - long and short, on god statues, 52; - pearl-string style of, 53; - pictorial treatment of, 53. - Short hair, on “Apollo” statues, 335; - short, on athletes, after Persian Wars, 51, 335; - on children, at Sparta, 51; - on early vases, 52; - on monuments, 52; - not characteristic of athletes, 50, 51; - as sign of mourning, at Athens, 51; - of slaves, 51; - sketchy treatment, on _Hermes_ of Praxiteles, 303; - snail-volute style of, 53. - See _Krobylos_. - - Halikarnassos, funeral games at, 11; - chariot-group from Mausoleion at, 244. - - Halimous, grave-relief from Attic deme of, 249. - - _Halteres_; see Jumping-weights. - - Hamilton, Gavin, 76. - - Harmodios, statue of, 148, 173f. - See also Aristogeiton and _Tyrannicides_. - - Hartwig, P., on bronze statuette from Capua, 207. - - Hauser, F., on Autun statuette of pancratiast, 249-251; - on armor worn in hoplite-race, 203; - on bronze athlete statue from Ephesos, 138; - on bronze wrestlers from Herculaneum, 231; - on Delian _Diadoumenos_, 92; - on Tux bronze, 207. - - Head-dress, artificial, on charioteers, 275, 276. - - “Healer,” epithet of the _Delian Apollo_, 304. - - Heave, in wrestling, 229; - bronze wrestler-group in Paris, showing, 232; - on metope of Theseion, 232; - on r.-f. kylix, 230. - - Hegestratos, statue at Athens, 27. - - Hegias, sculptor, 110, 126, 175, 279; - compared with Kallon, 122; - criticism of, by Lucian, 60. - - Hekatompedon, the, on Akropolis, 128. - - Hektor, 7. - - Helbig, W., on Barracco athlete statue, 157, 159; - on _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_, 90; - on _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos, 226; - on funerary relief, from Dipylon, 156; - on Greek knights, 282; - on head of _Standing Diskobolos_, 77, 78; - on _Spinario_, 201; - on Vatican statuette, 212. - - Helikon, Mount, statues of poets and musicians on, 284; - tripod on, dedicated by Hesiod, 21, 22. - - Heliodoros, description of wrestling-match by, 252. - - Hellanikos, statue at Olympia, 240, 342, 343. - - Hellanodikai, the, at Olympia, 27 and n. 20, 29, 45, 227, 259. - - Hellenistic Prince, statue of a, 73; - assimilated to type of Alexander, 73. - - Helmets, on _Boxer Vase_ from Crete, 7; - as early attributes of hoplite runners, 161; - of hoplite runners, 48. - - _Hemerodromoi_, institution of, 190. - - Hephaistion, funeral games in honor of, 11. - - Hera, temple of Lakinian, near Kroton, 363; - worship of, at Olympia, earlier than that of Zeus, 16. - See _Heraion_. - - _Heraia_, the, games at Argos, 20; - games at Olympia, 49; - girls at, divided into three classes, 189; - reliefs vowed by girl runners at, 29; - running race for girls at, 191. - - Heraion, the, at Olympia, 16, 259, 299, 341, 342, 343, 349, 352, 353, - 358; - monuments inside of, 325. - - _Herakleia_, the, at Marathon, 18, 20; - at Thebes and elsewhere, 19, 27. - - Herakleides Ponticus, on the _krobylos_ hair-fashion, 52. - - Herakleion, the, at Sparta, 319. - - Herakles, as boxer, 169, 235; - of Crete, 10; - destroys statue of self at Elis, 178; - as father of athlete Theagenes, 35; - first to win pankration and wrestling on same day, 252; - as founder of Olympic games, 10, 93; - Herakles and Hermes, as protectors of contests, 75; - as inventor of pankration, 247; - at Marathon, 18; - in Odyssey, 8; - plants olive at Olympia, 20; - son of Zeus and Alkmena, 10; - in Sophokles’ _Trachiniae_, 318; - tripods in honor of, 19, 22; - as wrestler, 13, 93, 228. - - Herakles, heads of: beardless, in British Museum, 96; - of boy athlete from Sparta so interpreted, 305; - boyish, in British Museum, 319; - bust from Genzano, 95; - bust from Herculaneum, 170; - colossal filleted, in Vatican, 95; - from Tegea pediment, 306-311; - marble, in Munich, 170; - Philandridas head so interpreted, 297; - showing swollen ears, 169; - with rolled fillets, 96. - - Statues of: _Alexikakos_, by Hagelaïdas, 110; - colossal, by Lysippos, 253; - colossal, by Onatas, 122; - in group with Telephos, in Vatican, 70, 95; - in gymnasia and palæstræ, 94, 297; - kneeling, from East gable from Aegina, 195; - as knee-runner, bronze in Metropolitan Museum, 195; - Kyniskos, converted into type of, 74; - in Lakonia, 319; - in Palazzo Altemps, Rome, 243; - by Skopas, 306; - victor statues assimilated to, 354f. - - Heralds, contests of, when introduced at Olympia, 283; - statues of, at Olympia, 283. - - Herculaneum, bronze head from, in Naples, 63, 140. - - Hercules, guild of athletes of, in Rome, 371. - - _Hermaia_, the, games at Pheneus, 76. - - Hermann, G., on Perinthos head, 180. - - Hermas, base of statue of, at Olympia, 359. - - Hermes, altar of, ἐναγώνιος, at Olympia, 76; - beaten by Apollo in running at Olympia, 285; - founder of wrestling, 76; - god of youth and sports, 75; - gymnasion of, at Athens, 76; - one of athletic gods, 75; - “presider over contests,” 36; - head, in Boston, 85; - bearded herma, by Alkamenes, 77; - bearded type, 335; - compared with Philandridas head, 293, 294; - hair-treatment of, 303; - on relief fragment from Athens, 270. - - Statues: from Andros, 71f.; - in gymnasia and palæstræ, 94; - in Lansdowne House, 88, 241; - Logios or Agoraios, 80, 82, 84, 131; - Ludovisi, 84; - by Onatas, at Olympia, 122; - by Praxiteles, at Olympia, 72, 144; - victor statues assimilated to type of, 181, 354; - statuette of, in Boston, 108; - bronze, in British Museum, 88. - - _Hermes-Diskobolos_, statue by Naukydes, 78. - - Hermes Kriophoros, festival at Tanagra, 57. - - Hermesianax, statue at Olympia, 30. - - Hermione, stadion at, 96. - - Hermitage, copy of head of boy athlete in, 157. - - Hermogenes, victor at Olympia, 354. - - Hermokrates, statue at Athens, 27. - - Hermolykos, statue on Akropolis, 27, 372, 373. - - Herodoros, trumpeter at Olympia, 283. - - Herodotos, historian, on Hermolykos, pancratiast, 373; - style of, imitated by Pausanias, 61. - - Herodotos, of Klazomenai, statue at Olympia, 30. - - Herodotos, of Thebes, as his own charioteer, 266, 267. - - Heroes, nine Greek, on curved base at Olympia, 122. - - Heroizing, custom of, in sculpture, 71. - - Herophilos, physician at Alexandria, 290. - - Hertz, Miss, copy of head of _Nike_ by Paionios in collection of, Rome, - 304. - - Hesiod, wins tripod at Chalkis, 19; - dedicates tripod to muses on Helikon, 21, 22; - victor statue of, on Helikon, 284. - - Hetoimokles, statue at Sparta, 106, 333, 337, 362. - - Hiero, chariot-group at Olympia, 23, 122, 257, 264, 267, 278, 279; - Pythian victory of, 278; - tyrant of Syracuse, 362. - - Hierothesion, the, at Messene, 19. - - Hill, G. F., on _Apoxyomenos_ and Lysippos, 288, 289. - - Hipparchos, tyrant of Athens, 173. - - Hippodameia, 14, 259. - - Hippodrome races, at Olympia, non-athletic, 257; - programme of, 259f.; - horses and colts distinguished in, 259. - See Chariot-race and Horse-race. - - Hippodromes, common in Greece, 257f.; - at Constantinople, 253; - at Olympia, 258. - - Hippokleides, 5. - - Hippos, statue at Olympia, 120. - - Hipposthenes, victor, temple dedicated to, at Sparta, 362. - - Hirschfeld, G., on locations of victor statues in Altis, 340; - on omission of Olympiad 211 from Elean register, 369. - - Hirt, A., on Pliny’s “iconic” (iconicus = εἰκονικός) statues, 54; - on Tux bronze, 207. - - _Historia Naturalis_, of Pliny, 60, 321, and _passim_. - - Hitzig-Bluemner, on exclusive use of bronze in Olympic victor statues, - 321; - on statue of Milo, at Olympia, 107. - - Holleaux, M., on “Apollo” torso from Mount Ptoion, 119, 120. - - Home-coming of Olympic victors, 34, 35. - - Homer, athletics in, 7f.; - does not mention Olympia, 16; - κελετίζειν in, 3, 261; - makes men and gods shriek, 57; - on painful character of boxing, 234; - warrior in, 8. - - Homolle, Th., on appellation “Apollo,” 336; - on artistic influences in the _Agias_, 291, 301; - assigns the _Agias_ to Lysippos, 292, 311; - on expression of face of the _Agias_, 317; - on group of Daochos at Delphi, 286; - on resemblance between Philandridas head and that of the _Agias_, - 294; - on small heads outside school of Lysippos, 294; - on differentiating statues of Herakles and victors, 94; - on swollen ears of athlete statues, 168. - - Honor statues, at Olympia, 41, 42, 339f. - - Honors, extraordinary, paid to victors, 32f., 71. - - Hoplite-race (ὁπλίτης), 190f.; - belongs to mixed athletics, 203; - called ἀσπίς, 190, 204; - date of introduction at Olympia, 191; - as diaulos at Olympia and Athens, 203; - finish of, on a r.-f. kylix, 204; - in full armor at the _Eleutheria_, at Platæa, 203; - last in gymnic contests at Olympia and elsewhere, 203; - most complete representation of, on a r.-f. kylix in Berlin, 204; - preparations for, on a r.-f. kylix by Euphronios, 204; - racers in, turning central post, on r.-f. kylix in Berlin, 204; - round shields and Attic helmets used in, 204; - semi-comic character of, on vases, 205; - start of, on a r.-f. kylix in Berlin, 204; - weapons used in, 203. - - Hoplitodromoi, attributes of, 161 f.; - so-called dying hoplite runner on grave-relief from Athens, 149, 209; - statues of, in motion, 203f.; - two heads from statues of, 46, 162f., 324; - paintings of, by Parrhasios, 206; - Tux bronze of, 206f. - - Horarios, inscribed votive relief of, 75. - - Horfuabra, statue from Dahshur, Egypt, 330. - - Horse, crowned by Nike, on votive relief from Athens, 269; - imported into Crete from Libya, 1; - models of miniature horses at Olympia, 23. - - Horse-race (ἵππος κέλης): common in Greece, 257f.; - horses and colts distinguished in, 259; - length of course at Olympia, 261; - monuments, illustrating, 280f.; - sport of the rich, 257; - when introduced at Olympia, 260; - race known as the _apobates_, at Olympia, 282f. - - Horse-racers: bronze statuette of, from Dodona, 281; - bronze statuette of, in Loeb collection, 282; - bronze statuette of, from Volubilis, Morocco, 281; - dedications of, at Olympia, 23, 278f.; - on funerary relief, from Sicily, 281; - on galloping horse, on terra-cotta relief from Thera, 281; - mounted, on Athens relief, 281; - nude, on vases, 281; - small figures of, from Olympia, 24; - statue of, in Florence, 281; - two fragments of statues of, from Akropolis, 281; - victorious racer leading-horse, on Athenian relief, 281. - - Human sacrifice, as origin of funerary games, 14. - - Hunter, honor statue at Olympia, 42. - - Hyblæans, the _Zeus_ of the, at Olympia, 344. - - Hydriæ, from Caere (Cerveteri), 52; - bronze, as prize at the _Panathenaia_, 20. - - Hylas, identified with statue of youth from Subiaco, 196. - - Hyperboreans, home of wild olive among, 20. - - Hysmon, statue at Olympia, 120, 164. - - - Iapygians, King of the, 125. - - Iconic and aniconic statues, 54f. - - Ida, Mount, grotto of Zeus in, 235. - - Idealism, in Greek art, 56, 71; - idealism and realism, 57. - - Identification of athlete statues in Roman copies, 44. - - _Idolino_, the, statue in Florence, 131, 139, 141f.; - as highest ideal of boyish beauty, 141; - interpretation of, 142f. - - Ikkos, slain by Kleomedes, 35; - as teacher of gymnastics, 59. - - Ildefonso group, in Madrid, 158. - - Iliad, games of Patroklos in, 9. - - Ilissos, river in Attica, 20; - relief from, 312. - - Impressionism, in hair technique, by Greek artists, 53; - by Lysippos, 69. - - Ince Blundell head of athlete, 167, note 4, 168, 180, 181. - - Indians, the, of North America, funeral games among, 12. - - Information, sources of, in reconstruction of Olympic victor statues, - 43. - - Inscriptions, earliest, using pankration for dates, 191; - on pillars, in honor of victors, 34; - on victor statue bases at Olympia, 43. - - Iolaos, hurls stone diskos, 218. - - Ionia, passes Egyptian influence to Greek sculptors, 332; - school of sculpture from, 114; - women of, witness games, 49. - - Ionians, short hair with, 52. - - Ionism, in Greek art, 115f., 126, 129, 175; - reaction against, 116, 126. - - Iphitos, restores Olympic games, 15. - - _Ismenian Apollo_, the, statue in Thebes, 304. - - Ismenion, the, at Thebes, tripods in, 19. - - Isokrates, statue on Akropolis, 24, 27, 281, 373. - - Isthmian festival, athletes divided into three classes according to age - at, 189; - beast contests at, 25; - excavations on site of, 25; - famed in Roman days, 25; - funerary origin of, 9; - history and administration of, 17; - inferior to Olympia, 25; - later in honor of a god, 9; - in honor of Melikertes, 10; - most frequented, 25; - statue of victor at, in Athens, 27; - statues of victors at, on Isthmus, 26. - - Italian Archæological Mission, 3. - - Italy, funeral games, in ancient, 11. - - - Jahn, O., on symmetry, 66; - on the _Wounded Amazon_ of Capitoline, 157. - - _Jason_, statue so-called, of Louvre, 86. - - Javelin (ἀκόντιον), 164, 165; - as athletic attribute, 108, 164; - Greek names for, 223; - size of, 223; - on vase-paintings, 164, 223. - - Javelin-throwers (ἀκοντισταί), 222f.; - two bronze statuettes of, 227, 228; - on Spartan relief, 223. - - Javelin-throwing, 222f.; - athletic type of, 223; - for distance, 223; - from horseback, on vase-paintings, 223; - at games of Patroklos, 222; - origin of, mythical, 222; - positions in, 223f.; - positions, given by E. N. Gardiner, 223; - practical, in war and the chase, 223; - in sculpture, 224; - two types of, 222, 223. - - Jockey, nude, on vase-paintings, 280; - in short-sleeved chiton, on b.-f. Panathenaic vase, 280. - - Jones, H. Stuart, on Pliny’s _Perseus et pristae of Myron_, 188. - - Joubin, A., on Delphi _Charioteer_, 278; - on Olympia gable sculptures, 114. - - Juba II, King of Numidia, 166. - - Juethner, J., on Greek origin of javelin-throwing, 222; - on shapes of jumping-weights, 214f.; - on _Standing Diskobolos_, 220; - on statue of boxer from Sorrento, 243. - - Jumping, 214f.; - adapted to painter and not to sculptor, 217; - ancient records in, 216; - modern records in, with and without weights, 216; - modern record in, front spring-board, 216; - most difficult feature of pentathlon, 216; - most representative feature of pentathlon, 214; - in Odyssey, 9, 214; - as part of pentathlon, 214; - popularity of, 216; - spring-board not used in Greece in, 216; - various moments in, depicted on vases, 216, 217; - with weights, 216, 217. - - Jumping-weights (ἁλτῆρες), 214f.; - as attribute of pentathletes, 164; - on bronze statue in Berlin, 164; - dedications of, 22; - forms of, 214f.; - club-like form, 215; - semispherical, 215; - forms of, divided by Philostratos, 215; - shown on vases, 215; - on mosaic in Lateran, 215; - not in Homer, 214; - on r.-f. kylix in Munich, 164; - on relief from Sparta, 164; - on Roman copies of Greek athlete statues, 215; - on statue of Hysmon, at Olympia, 164; - on statues in Dresden and Florence, 215; - stone, from Corinth and Olympia, 215; - on tree-trunk beside statue, 164; - use of, according to Aristotle and Philostratos, 216; - use of, in medical gymnastics, 21; - use of, according to vase-paintings, 216. - - Justin, on chariot-groups at Delphi, 26. - - - Ka-aper, wood statue of, in Cairo, 330; - statue of “wife” of, so-called, in Cairo, 330. - - Kabbadias, P., on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, - 81. - - Kabeirion, statuette from, 28. - - Kalamis, sculptor, 36, 324; - Kalamis and _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ type, 89; - characterized, 90, 279; - chariot-groups by, 23; - criticism of, by Cicero, 60; - horse-groups by, 24, 279; - horses by, characterized by Pliny, 62; - jockeys on horseback by, 23; - Kalamis and nude charioteer from Esquiline, 276; - Kalamis and Onatas, 219, 264, 267, 268; - Kalamis and Praxiteles, 268; - as predecessor of Pheidias, 279; - statues at Olympia by, set up by the Akragantines, 130; - Kalamis as unrivalled sculptor of horses, 279. - - Kalkmann, A., on _Herakles Alexikakos_ of Hagelaïdas, 110; - on kneeling figures from West gable of temple on Aegina, 195; - on proportions of face in Greek sculpture, 67. - - Kallias, statue at Athens, 27, 182, 183, 365; - statue at Olympia, 45, 129, 251, 352, 365. - - Kallikles, sculptor, 365. - - Kallikrates, dates of victories of, at Olympia, 301; - statue at Olympia, 121, 298. - - Kallimachos, on statues of Euthymos being struck by lightning, 364. - - Kallippos, bribes opponents and is fined, 34. - - Kallistratos, characterizes Skopas, 309. - - Kalliteles, statue at Olympia, 265, 347. - - Kallon, sculptor, 122, 125. - - Kallon, victor, statue at Olympia, 121. - - Kalydonian boar hunt, represented in Tegea pediment group, 307. - - Kanachos, the Elder, sculptor, 24, 118, 120, 279, 324, 336; - _celetizontes pueri_, by, 120; - compared with Kallon, 122; - criticism of, by Cicero, 60. - - Kanachos, the Younger, sculptor, 120. - - Kantharos, sculptor, 122. - - Kaphisias, sculptor, 368, 375. - - Kapros, boxing-match with Kleitomachos, 247; - bronze foot from statue of, 255, 346; - first to win pankration and wrestling at Olympia on same day, 252; - Kapros and bronze boxer head from Olympia, 254; - two statues at Olympia, 29, 342, 354. - - Karrhotos, charioteer, 267. - - Kasia Mnasithea, statue base at Olympia, 360. - - Kassel, statue of Apollo in, 360; - statue of boxer in, 46, 155; - head of _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos in, 153, 154. - - Kastor, victor in foot-race at Olympia, 96; - as horse-racer, 96; - hurls stone diskos, 218. - - Kebriones, 5. - - Kekulé, on the _Idolino_, 141, 142; - on Olympia gable sculptures, 114; - on the _Spinario_, 201; - on the _Standing Diskobolos_, 76. - - Kephisodotos, sculptor, 252. - - Kerameikos, Athens, 11. - - Keramopoullos, A. D., on the Delphi _Charioteer_, 278. - - Kerykeion, symbol of Hermes, 71, 72, 78, 82, 88, etc. - - Kettle, prize at early games, 20. - - Kicking, allowed in pankration, 246, 247. - - Kietz, on the _Standing Diskobolos_, 78. - - Kimon, son of Miltiades, 18. - - Kimon, son of Stesagoras, bronze mares of, at Athens, 27, 363. - - Kirchhoff, A., on statue of Hermolykos on Akropolis, 373. - - Kirghiz, the, of India, funeral games among, 12. - - Kittos, boxing and wrestling scenes on Panathenaic amphora of, 248. - - Kitylos and Dermys, grave-figures of, from Tanagra, 335. - - Kladeos, the, river at Olympia, 299, 342, 357, 358. - - Klazomenai, paintings from, 52; - reliefs from, 264, 268. - - Klein, W., on the Boston _Charioteer_ (?), 275; - on the _Idolino_, 141; - on the _Jason_ of Louvre, 86; - on the _Oil-pourer_ of Munich, 134. - - Kleito; see Polykleitos. - - Kleitomachos, statue at Olympia, 353; - identified wrongly with the _Seated Boxer_ of Museo delle Terme, - Rome, 253; - story of, from Polybios, 147, 247. - - Kleitor, son of Azan, 9. - - Kleitor, relief from, 132. - - Kleobis (?), statue of, from Delphi, 105. - - Kleoitas, sculptor, 27. - - Kleomedes, heroized at death, 35. - - Kleomenes, sculptor, 85. - - Kleon, sculptor, 69, 120, 121, 164; - leg position of statues by, 159. - - Kleonai, 17. - - Kleosthenes, King of Pisa, 15. - - Kleosthenes, of Epidamnos, chariot-group of, at Olympia, 23, 266, 344, - 345. - - Knee-runners, on bronze tripod reliefs, 194; - on small bronze relief in Metropolitan Museum, 194; - on marble relief of dying hoplite runner, 194; - on small bronzes, 195; - on vases, 194; - statue of kneeling youth from Subiaco, 195. - - Knights, Helbig on Greek, 282; - Homeric method of, fighting from chariot, 272, 282; - on Parthenon frieze, 281. - - Knossos, bull-grappling at, 1, 2; - ivory statuettes from, 3; - paved inclosure at, 3; - reliefs from, 3, 4; - seal from, showing huge horse, 1; - theatral area at, 3; - toreadors on wall-paintings from, 1, 3. - - Koblanos, sculptor, 242. - - Kodias (Κῳδίας), jumping-weight of, 40. - - Koehler, U., on the _Apoxyomenos_ of Vatican, 290. - - Koerte, on name “Apollo” for early statues, 335. - - _Korai_, statues of, on Akropolis, 53, 115. - - Koroibos, victor in first recorded Olympiad, 15, 191. - - Kostobokoi, barbarian invaders of Greece, 370, 371. - - Kouroniotis, K., letter of, quoted 327. - - Kranaos, or Granianos, statue near Sikyon, 370. - - Krates, victor as herald at Olympia, 283. - - Kratinos, statue at Olympia, 122; - set up by trainer of, 31. - - Kratisthenes, chariot-group of, at Olympia, 179, 268. - - Kresilas, sculptor, 36, 93; - the _Alkibiades_ of Vatican ascribed to, by Furtwaengler, 199; - _Doryphoros_ by, 145; - portrait of Perikles by, 56; - statue of the _Wounded Amazon_ by, 157. - - Kresilæan athlete head, five copies of, 144, 145. - - Kreugas, crowned after death, 247; - killed in boxing match, 236, 247; - statue at Argos, 236, 237. - - Krison, statue ascribed to, by Furtwaengler, 200. - - Kritios, sculptor, 115, 126, 173, 174; - criticism of, by Lucian, 60; - Kritios and Tux bronze 207. - - Kritodamos, statue at Olympia, 120, 344, 352. - - _Krobylos_, old Attic hair-fashion, 51, 52, 89, 128, 135, 270. - - Krokon, dedicates small bronze horse at Olympia, 23, 279. - - Kronos, altar of, at Olympia, 16; - wrestling match of, with Zeus, 14. - - Krotonians, famed as pentathletes, 60. - - Ktesibios, philosopher, on ball-playing, 84. - - Kylon, conspiracy of, in Athens, 362; - statue on Akropolis, 106, 333, 337, 362. - - Kylon, of Elis, honor statue at Olympia, 42. - - Kyniska, bronze horses of, at Olympia, 265, 267; - chariot-group of, at Olympia, 23, 131, 267, 299, 342, 367; - first woman to enter and win chariot-race at Olympia, 267, 367; - shrine in honor of, at Sparta, 367. - - Kyniskos, statue at Olympia, 74, 117, 239; - copies of (?), 156f., 159; - foot position on base of statue of, 239; - date of victory, 160. - - Kynosarges, Attic amphora from Gymnasion of, 13. - - Kypselos, chest of, at Olympia, 12, 13. - - Kypselos, King of Arkadia, 57. - - Kyrene, the _Dionysia_ at, 50; - head from, 89; - personified as charioteer in Delphi group, 277, 278; - statue found in baths of, 141. - - Kyrnos, battle of, 373. - - - Ladas, of Sparta, fleetness of, 364; - grave of, 365; - stadion in honor of, 365; - statue in Argos, 364; - statue of, by Myron, 196f., 364; - compared with that of girl runner of Vatican, 197; - epigrams on statue of, 196, 197; - pose of, 197; - story of death of, 196. - - Lakonia, statues of Herakles in, 319. - - Laloux and Monceaux, on Philandridas head, 294. - - Lamia, date of battle of, 301; - relief from, 132. - - Lampos, chariot-group at Olympia, 268. - - _Lancellotti_ (or _Massimi_) _Diskobolos_, 184 and note 2. - - Lange, F. A., on Egyptian influence on early Greek culture, 332. - - Lange, J., on law of “frontality,” 175, 328; - on Olympia gable sculptures, 114. - - _Lansdowne Herakles_, statue, 81, 82; - ascribed to Myron, 181; - head of, compared with that of Philandridas, 298; - regarded as Lysippan, 298, 311; - regarded as Skopaic, 313. - - _Laokoön_, the, group, Pliny’s praise of, 61; - as realistic work, 289; - of Lessing, 54, 187. - - Las, statue of Herakles near, 319. - - Lasso, boy throwing, wrongly identified with statue of kneeling youth - from Subiaco, 196. - - Lateran, athlete mosaic in, 215; - boxers on relief in, 238. - - Laurel, as prize at Delphi, 20, 21. - - Laurentum, now Castel Porziano, 184. - - Leaf, W., on chariot-race in the Iliad, 8. - - Leaping-weights; see Jumping-weights. - - Lechat, on bronze statue found in sea off Antikythera, 84; - on evolution of Greek sculpture, 329; - on the housing of stone statues, 325. - - Leg, right lower, fragment of victor statue, 322; - leg holds in pankration, 247; - “free” and “rest” legs, as motives in sculpture, 109, 226. - - Lekythion, athletic attribute, 84. - - Lekythos, 137, 138. - - _Lemnian Athena_, the, statue in Dresden, 53. - - _Lemniskos_, 155, 156. - - Leon, statue of, 366. - - Leonidaion, the, (_Suedwestbau_), at Olympia, 339, 340, 346, 347, 348, - 350, 353, 355, 356. - - Leonidas, at Thermopylae, 51; - funeral games in honor of, 11. - - Leonidas, of Naxos, statue at Olympia, 346, 347. - - Leontiskos, painter, 29. - - Leontiskos, of Sicily, statue at Olympia, 62, 179, 183, 249. - - Lessing, characterization of _Diadoumenos_ and _Doryphoros_ by, 152; - on most fruitful moment to be chosen by artist, 178. - See _Laokoön_. - - Libation-pourer, statue of, 143, 144. - - Libation-pouring, 138f. - - Libya, figure in Delphi group, 277; - oracle of, 31. - - Lichas, statue at Olympia, 31, 342; - scourged by umpires, 33, 149. - - Life, athlete, happy, 36. - - Lifelike statues, 59. - - Life-size statues at Olympia, 46. - - Ligourió, bronze statuette from, 105, 111, 114. - - _Limping Man_, the, statue at Syracuse, 182. - - Lindos, temple of Athena at, 345. - - Loeb collection, Munich, bronze group of wrestlers in, 232, 233; - bronze statuette in, 136; - bronze statuette of boy-rider in, 282; - three bronze tripods in, 194, 264. - - Loeschke, G. L., on appellation “Apollo” for early statues, 335; - on statue of Kylon on Akropolis, 362 and note 7. - - Loewy, E., on Delian _Diadoumenos_, 92; - on group of Kyniska, at Olympia, 267; - on style of statue of Pythokles, at Olympia, 213. - - Loin-cloth, of athletes, 47; - absence of, on Cretan frescoes, 47; - worn by Asiatics, 48; - in Homer, 47; - on early vases, 47, 48; - dropped first by Orsippos of Megara, 47; - Plato on, 48; - used by boxers and wrestlers, 48. - - Lokroi, Ozolian, colonization of the, 201. - - Lokros, ancestor of the Ozolian Lokroi, 201. - - Longpérier, H. A., on bronze statuette in Paris, 142. - - Long race (δόλιχος), at Olympia, 190; - boys admitted to, at Delphi, 190; - men admitted to, at Olympia, 190. - - Lucian, on apples as prizes at Delphi, 21, 107; - on art criticism, 60; - criticism of Hegias, Kritios, and Nesiotes, by, 175; - description of _Diskobolos_ by, 186, 187; - ideal statue of, 60; - on life-size victor statues, 45, 227; - on prohibition against biting and gouging in pankration, 246; - on statue of Pelichos, 56; - on statue of Theagenes on Thasos, 364. - - Lucius Verus, coins of, 21. - - _Luctator anhelans_, painting of, by Naukeros, 233. - - _Lykaia_, the, statues at the games of, 26. - - Lykaios, Mount, in Arkadia, hippodrome on, 258. - - Lykidas, of Sparta, enters colts as full-grown horses at Olympia, 259. - - Lykinos, of Elis, statue at Olympia, 343. - - Lykinos, of Heraia, statue at Olympia, 121. - - Lykinos, of Sparta, two statues at Olympia, 24, 29, 265, 266. - - Lykios, sculptor, 134, 243. - - Lykomedes, bases of two statues at Olympia, 358. - - Lykourgos, of Sparta, 15, 51. - - Lykourgos, rhetorician, 27. - - Lyre-playing, at Delphi, 25. - - Lyres, in Parthenon, 23. - - Lysandros, statue at Olympia, 343. - - Lysippos, of Elis, victor statue of, by Andreas, 118, 354. - - Lysippos, sculptor, 36, 375; - as art reformer, 301; - borrows from other sculptors, 291; - canon of, 68, 69, 136, 288; - characteristics of, 311; - chariot-groups by, 23; - circle of, 131, 255; - as court sculptor of Alexander, 296, 318; - criticism of, by Pliny, 61; - date of, 300f.; - dates of Lysippos, Skopas, and Praxiteles, 301; - divergent style of, 253; - follows _Doryphoros_ and nature, 301; - improvements in hair technique by, 53, 296; - influence of, on realism, 56; - influenced by Skopas, 291, 301; - inscription on base of statue in Pharsalos by, 287; - _Lansdowne Herakles_ ascribed to, 313; - Lysippos and Skopas compared, 311f.; - Lysippos and type of weary Herakles, 253; - makes 1500 statues, 302; - Philandridas head at Olympia, by, 298; - portraiture after time of, 54; - poses of statues of, 44; - regarded exclusively as bronze founder, 302; - statue of Agias by, 286, 366; - statues of _destringentes se_, by, 136; - statues of, at Olympia, 121, 266; - surpasses earlier artists in symmetry, 66; - as worker in marble, 302f. - - Lysistratos, sculptor, first to make plaster moulds from face, 56, 255, - 304. - - - Macedon, coins of, showing racing chariots, 262; - kings of, 73; - princes of, as horse-racers, 357. - - Mach, E. von, against oriental influence on Greek sculpture, 329; - on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, 84; - on the _Charioteer_ (?) in Boston, 275, 276; - on original of _Farnese Herakles_, 253. - - Madrid, copy of _Diadoumenos_ in, 153; - Ildefonso group in, 153. - - Mæcenas, and victor privileges in Rome, 33. - - Magna Græcia, cities of, honor victors, 35; - fond of hippodrome contests, 258. - - Magnesia ad Sipylum, victor statue base from, 370. - - Mahler, A., on copies of _Doryphoros_, 224; - on identifying statue of Ladas, 197; - on the _Idolino_, 141; - on resemblance between head of the _Agias_ and Philandridas, 294. - - Maiden, figure of, in chariot-groups, 268. - - Maltho, gymnasium in Elis, 370. - - Manetho, Egyptian dynasties of, 330. - - Mantua, statue of Apollo in, 111. - - Marathon, battle of, 18, 209; - _Herakleia_, the, at, 18. - - Marble, less expensive than bronze, 28; - some victor statues made of, at Olympia, 324. - - Markianopolis, coin of, 87. - - Markios, Gnaios, base of statue at Olympia, 359. - - _Marsyas_, the, statue by Myron, 134, 183, 184. - - Masks, dedication of, 22. - - _Massimi Diskobolos_; see _Lancellotti Diskobolos_. - - Materials of Olympic victor statues, 321f. - - Matz and von Duhn, on so-called _Diomedes_, in Palazzo Valentini, - Rome, 207. - - Mau, A., on the _Praying Boy_ of Berlin, 132. - - Mausoleion, Halikarnassos, chariot frieze from, 271, 289; - chariot-group from, 264; - small chariot frieze from, 274, 275. - - Mausolos, games in honor of, 11. - - Maviglia, Ada, on _Diadoumenos_ of Delos, 93; - rejects the _Apoxyomenos_ and the _Agias_ as evidence of style - of Lysippos, 290. - - Mayer, M., on athlete (?) statue from Olympieion, 143; - on Myron’s _pristae_, 188. - - Medes, the, 11. - - Mediterranean culture, 1; - gymnastic exercises in, 6; - origin of Greek athletics in, 7. - - Megakles, victor at Olympia, 363. - - Megara, colossal torso of “Apollo” from, 336. - - Megara Hyblaia, Sicily, necropolis in, 337; - statue of Zeus of, at Olympia, 344. - - Meleager, head of, on Praxitelian trunk in Medici Gardens, Rome, 313; - statue of, in Fogg Museum, Boston, 314; - statue of, in Vatican, 312; - statue of Kyniskos converted into, 74. - - Melikertes, 10. - - Melite, deme of, 110. - - Melos, “Apollo” from, 100, 101, 103, 104. - - Memorials, miscellaneous, of victors, 40, 41. - - Memphis, motion statuettes from, 177; - art of, 330. - - Mende, offering of people of, at Olympia, 164, 341. - - Mendel, M., excavations of, at Tegea, 306; - on head of Herakles, from Tegea, 306, 307. - - Menedemos, bases of two statues at Olympia, 358. - - Menelaos, sculptor, 113. - - Mengs, Raphael, painter, cast from collection of, showing swollen ears, - 169; - on proportions, 68. - - Messana, coins of, showing mule-car, 263. - - Messene, coins of, 111; - hierothesion at, 19. - - Messenians, of Naupaktos, 110. - - Metageitnion, month of, 18. - - Metellus Macedonicus, base of statue at Olympia, 348. - - Metrobios, T. Phlabios (Flavius), base of statue at Iasos, 369. - - Metrodoros, Aurelios, base of statue at Kyzikos, 371. - - Michaelis, A., on _apobates_ chariot-race on Parthenon frieze, 272; - on base of statue of Epicharinos, on Akropolis, 372; - on use of ἐν δεξιᾷ and ἐν ἀριστερᾷ by Pausanias, 349; - on _Lansdowne Herakles_, 298, 313; - on Petworth ephebe statue, 133; - on the _Standing Diskobolos_, 76; - Michaelis, A., and Conze, A., on “Apollo” type as victor statues, - 335. - - Middle Kingdom, Egypt, dates of, 330 and note 6; - sculptures of, 330. - - Mikon, of Athens, sculptor, 61, 62, 129. - - Mikon, of Syracuse, sculptor, 375. - - Mikythos, or Smikythos, group dedicated at Olympia by, 215, 351. - - Milchhoefer, A., on painting by Eupompos, 160. - - Miletos, coins of, 74, 118, 119, 336. - - Military runner (δρομοκῆρυξ), 209. - - Milo, statue at Olympia, 31, 106f., 130, 165, 337. - - Miltiades, games in honor of, on Thracian Chersonesos, 11. - - Miltiades, son of Kypselos, votive offering at Olympia, 264, 265. - - Minoans, the, of Crete, 1; - influenced by Orient, 1; - love of sports among, 6. - See Crete. - - Mnaseas, statue at Olympia, 161, 179, 181. - - Mnesiboulos, statue in Elateia, 204, 371. - - Monceaux; see Laloux and Monceaux. - - Mopsos, boxing match with Admetos, 285. - - Mosaic, athlete, in Lateran, Rome, 215. - - Mosso, A., on _Boxer Vase_, 6; - on origin of Greek boxing-glove, 235; - on Vapheio cups, 4. - - Motion statues, antiquity of, in Greece, 176f.; - in Assyro-Babylonian art, 177; - in Cretan art, 177; - in Egyptian art, 176, 177; - in Greece, not developed out of “Apollo” statue type, 177; - on early vases, 177; - victor statues in, 173f.; - victor statues in various contests, 188f. - - Motives, general, of statues in motion, 188f.; - at rest, 130f. - - Mounot, Étienne, sculptor, 185. - - Mueller, K. O., on common features of victor statues, 44. - - Mule-car, on Rhegian and Messanian coins, 263. - - Mule-race (ἀπήνη); see Chariot-race with mules. - - _Munich King_, statue so-called, 226. - - Muscles, in Cretan art, 3, 4. - - Muses, group of, by Hagelaïdas, Arostokles and Kanachos, 118. - - Musical contests, dedications for, at Olympia and elsewhere, 283f.; - at Delphi, 25; - honor dedications for, at Olympia, 285; - monuments for, victor or votive in character, 284; - at Olympia, non-athletic, 283, 285, represented on imitation - Panathenaic vases, 284; - on reliefs, 284; - victors in, at Delphi, 284; - victor statues for musicians, on Helikon, 284. - - Mussius, L., gravestone of, 72. - - Mycenæ, 1, 7; - lack of athletic scenes at, 8; - no Egyptian influence on art of, 332. - - Mykale, battle of, 373. - - Myrina, terra-cotta statuettes from, 135. - - Myron, sculptor, 183f., 324, 353, 375; - αὐτάρκεια of, 183; - criticism of, by Cicero, 60; - by Pliny, 180, 184; - dated by Pliny, 61; - love of movement of, 183; - Myron and _Hermes Ludovisi_, 85; - Myron and Pythagoras, difficulty of separating works of, 181, 245; - Myron and _Standing Diskobolos_, 76; - Olympic victor statues by, 129, 187f., 245, 333; - poses of victor statues by, 44; - pupil of Hagelaïdas, 110; - as realist, 188; - statue of Ladas by, 196f.; - surpasses Polykleitos in rhythm and symmetry, 66; - versatility of, 188; - victor statues at Delphi by, 26, 188. - - Myron, tyrant of Sikyon, dedicates bronze chapel at Olympia, 41. - - Mytilene, statue from, 92. - - - Narkissos, 158. - - Narykidas, base of statue at Olympia, 342. - - Natalis, L. Minikios (Minicius), equestrian monument at Olympia, 37. - - _Natural History_, of Pliny; see _Historia Naturalis_. - - Naturalism, in Greek Art, 44. - - Naukratis, Egypt, 105, 329, 334. - - Naukydes, sculptor, 76, 117, 120; - leg position of statues by, 159; - Naukydes and _Standing Diskobolos_, 76f.; - Naukydes and canon of Polykleitos, 69; - statue of Cheimon by, characterized by Pausanias, 62. - - Naupaktos, 110. - - Nausikaa, 83. - - Naxos, “Apollo” from, 328, 334; - bronze statuette from, 74, 119; - statue of Nikandre from, 177. - - Nelson, Philip, head in collection of, 157. - - Nemea, athletes at, divided into three classes, by ages, 189; - athletic contests at, 25; - athletic interest of, secondary to that of Olympia, 25; - boy contests at, 25; - festival at, 1; - founded by Adrastos, 17; - held every two years, 17; - in honor of Opheltes or Archermoros, 10; - later in honor of a god, 9; - origin of, 9; - records of victors at, 21; - relief from, 132; - retired valley of, 25; - revived by Hadrian, 17; - statues of victors at, 26; - statues of victors at, in Athens, 27; - summarily treated by Pausanias, 24; - transferred to Argos, 17; - under Argive influence, 17; - the _Nemea_ of Thebes, 27. - - Nemead, first dated, 17. - - _Nemesis_, statue by Agorakritos at Rhamnous, 182. - - Neolaïdas, statue at Olympia, 120. - - Nepos, on first date of representing athlete statues in motion, 173. - - Nero, coins of, 21; - uses force to win at the _Isthmia_, 34; - villa of, at Subiaco, 195; - wins chariot-races at Olympia, 257, 262, 369. - - Nesiotes, sculptor, criticism of, by Lucian, 60. - - Nestor, 8; - contests at Bouprasion, 9; - statue at Olympia, by Onatas, 122. - - Net, on Vapheio cup, 5. - - New Empire, Egypt, dates of, 331 and note 2; - sculptures of, 331. - - Nida-Haddernheim, terra-cotta statuette from, 202. - - Nikandre, statue of, 177. - - Nikandros, statue at Olympia, 121. - - Nikanor, fragment of base of statue at Olympia, 359. - - Nikarchos, base of statue at Olympia, 356. - - _Nike_, the, of Archermos, 177; - bronze figurine from Akropolis, 177; - as charioteer, 268; - on Ficoroni cista, 269; - on hand of statue of Olympian Zeus, at Olympia, 149; - on Nike balustrade from Akropolis, 86; - on relief in Madrid, 269; - on relief from Phaleron, 269; - on sarcophagus from Klazomenai, 268. - See also Paionios, the _Nike_ of. - - Nikeratos, date of archonship of, 194. - - Nikeus, casts stone diskos, 218. - - Nikodamos, sculptor, 244. - - Nikokles, victor monument at Akriai, 372. - - Nikomachos, painter, 268; - _Victoria quadrigam in sublime rapiens_ by, 268. - - Nineveh, reliefs from, 330. - - Niobid, identified with statue of youth from Subiaco, 195. - - _Nordostgraben_, the, at Olympia, 358. - - _Nordwestgraben_, the, at Olympia, 356. - - North Greek-Thracian school of sculpture, 114. - - Noses, bloody, on vase-paintings, 167. - - _Novus Annus_ (?), nude statue found in Rhine identified as, 276. - - Nudity, characteristic of archaic statues, 335; - as essential difference between Greek and foreigner, 48; - not observed by charioteers, 48; - of victor statues, 47f. - - _Nudus talo incessens_, statue by Polykleitos, 158, 249, 250; - statuette from Autun showing the Polykleitan motive, 249, 250. - - Numismatic commentary on Pausanias, 306. - - Ny-Carlsberg Museum, Copenhagen, archaic head of youth in, 128; - two heads in, 180, 181; etc. - - Nymphs, altar at Olympia, 351. - - - Odysseus, 8. - - Oibotas, statue at Olympia, 30, 32, 333, 343, 351. - - Oil, used in wrestling, 165. - - Oil-flask, on r.-f. kylix in Munich, 164. - - _Oil-pourer_, bronze statuette of, from South Italy, 135; - statue so-called, in Munich, 99, 133f., 137; - as Attic work, 137; - head in Boston, copy of original of, 134; - pose of, 158; - torso in Dresden as variant of, 134, 135. - - Oil-pouring, on gems, reliefs and terra-cotta statuettes, 135. - - Oil-scraping, as athletic motive, 135f. - - Oinoanda, base of victor statue from, 371. - - Oinomaos, chariot-race with Pelops, 14, 259; - column at Olympia, 323, 350, 351. - - Olaidas, honor statue at Olympia, 42. - - Old Kingdom, Egypt, dates of, 330 and note 3; - sculptures of, 330. - - Olive, crown of, as prize at Olympia, 155f.; - of “Fair Crown,” at Olympia, 20, 351; - wild, 20. - - Olympia, account of monuments at, by Pausanias, 24; - age of boy victors at, 189; - antiquity of, from excavations and religious history, 16; - athletes at, divided into two classes, by ages, 189; - boxer head from, 62; - celebrated every four years, 15; - controlled by Eleans alone after Persian wars, 15; - early controlled by Pisa, 15; - early overshadowed by Delphi and Delos, 14, 15; - founded before Dorian invasion, 14; - funeral origin of, 9; - German excavations at, 43; - history of, 14; - held in honor of a god, 9; - held in honor of Pelops, 10; - importance of, from seventh century B. C., 15; - later controlled by Pisa and Elis, 15; - prehistoric buildings at, 16, 349; - sacrifices at, to Pelops and Zeus, 11; - as sanctuary prior to advent of Achæans, 14; - style of head of athlete (Philandridas) from, 293f.; - style of gable statues from, 113, 114; - traditional history of, by Pausanias and Strabo, 15; - two figures from West gable of temple of Zeus from, 195; - victor statues in Altis at, 26; etc. - - Olympia register, 15. - - Olympiad, first dated, 15; - traditional first, 8; - the 8th, 34th, 104th, 211th, omitted from Elean register, 369. - - Olympieion, statue from ruins of, 143. - - Olympos, sculptor, 120. - - _Omphalos_, from Athens, 89. - - Onatas, sculptor, 122; - group of Opis at Delphi by, 125; - inscribed base from Akropolis, 24, 281; - Onatas and East gable statues from temple on Aegina, 125; - Onatas and Kalamis, 129, 264; - works of, at Olympia, 122, 267. - - Onomastos, games of, at Cumae, 20. - - Onomastos, of Smyrna, institutes boxing rules at Olympia, 235. - - Opheltes, 10. - - Opis, group of, at Delphi, by Onatas, 125. - - _Opportunity_ (Καιρός), altar at Olympia, 76; - statue by Lysippos, 250. - - Orchomenos, “Apollo” from, 100, 101, 103, 328, 334; - ceiling of treasury of, 329. - - Orestes, as his own charioteer, 267. - - Oriental influence on early Greek art, 328f. - - Originals of victor statues at Olympia, 62f., 322. - - Orpheus and Telete, victor group on Helikon, 284. - - Orsippos, first athlete to drop the loin-cloth, 47. - - _Osthalle_, the, at Olympia, 358. - - Overbeck, J., on _Farnese Herakles_, 253; - on head of hoplitodromos from Olympia, 163; - on heads of Apollo, 275; - on Lysippos as exclusively a bronze founder, 302; - on Olympia sculptures, 114; - on Piombino statuette, 119; - _Schriftquellen_ of, 61; - on _Standing Diskobolos_, 76. - - Oxylos, King of Dorian Eleans, 15. - - _Oxyrhynchus Papyri_, the, 31; - order of contestants at Olympia in, 189. - - - Paianios, statue at Olympia, 234. - - Paidotribes, or trainer of athletes, 229, 236, 248. - - Paint, used on sculptures, 326. - - Painting, competition in, at Delphi, 25. - - Paintings, as victor monuments, 28. - - Paionios, sculptor, 113; - the _Nike_ of, at Olympia, 326, 343, 344, 352, 360; - replica of, at Delphi, 304; - replica of head of, in Rome, 304. - - Palæstra, absent in Homer, 7; - palæstra gymnast, statuette of, 108; - origin of name, 228; - statues of athletes in, 297; - statues of athletic gods in, 75, 94. - - Palaistra, the, at Olympia, 347, 355, 356, 359, 360, etc.; - at Pompeii, 224. - - Palatine, the, at Rome, 50; - fragment of leg of statue from, 89. - - Palladion, carried off by Diomedes, 169. - - Palm, the, as common measure in proportions, 68. - - Palm-branch, on so-called _Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_ and _Apollo - Choiseul-Gouffier_, 161; - in hand of victorious jockey on coin of Philip II, 280; - on statue from Formiae, 161; - on statue of girl runner in Vatican, 161; - on stele from Dipylon, 161; - on unfinished statue of athlete in Athens, 160; - on vases, 161; - as victor attribute, 50, 160f. - - Palm-wreath, common to many games, 21, 160. - - Pammachos, statue at Thebes, 368. - - Pamphilos, grave-relief of, in Vienna, 97. - - Pan, _Doryphoros_ converted into, 74. - - _Panathenaia_, the; see Panathenaic games. - - Panathenaic amphoræ, runners on, 106, 194; - four-horse chariot on, from Sparta, 263; - Dyneiketos, victor, on, 280; etc. - - Panathenaic games, Great, Athens, acrobatic feats at, 20; - contest of beauty at, 57; - dedication of victor in chariot-race at, 129; - held every fourth year, 18; - hydria as prize at, 20; - jars of oil as prizes at, 20; - money as prizes at, 33; - origin of, 17; - paintings dedicated by victors at, 29; - remodeled by Solon, 17; - statue of boy victor at, in Athens, 27.[s/b ;] - Little, annual Athenian festival, 18. - - Pancratiasts, 246f.; - bronze statuette of, from Autun, 249; - cap of, 165f.; - ear of, as no criterion of athlete statues, 95; - group of, in Florence, 99, 233, 251f.; - head of, from Olympia, 254, 255; - in sculpture, 170, 248. - - Pan-hellenic fame of victors at four national games, 33. - - _Panionia_, the, festival at Mykale, 19. - - Pankration (παγκράτιον), Artemidoros on, 247; - biting and gouging allowed at Sparta in, 246; - boys’ contest introduced at Olympia, 247; - boys’ contests outside Olympia, 247; - as combination of boxing and wrestling, 246; - contrasted with wrestling, 246; - as dangerous sport, 246; - eight Pindaric odes in honor of, 246; - etymology of word, 246; - “fairest” of contests, 246; - fight on ground, 248; - grips and throws shown on vases, 247; - introduced at Olympia, 247; - invented by Theseus or Herakles, 247; - not in Homer, 247; - not so brutal as popularly believed, 246; - often ended with preliminary sparring, 249; - often resulted in death, 247; - pankration and wrestling on same day, 93, 94; - popularity of, at Olympia, 247; - rules of, 246. - - Panodoros, 371. - - Pantares, statue at Olympia, 354. - - Pantarkes, favorite of Pheidias, 150. - - Pantarkes, victor statue at Olympia, 150, 151. - - Pantheion, the, at Olympia, 21. - - Pantias, sculptor, 268, 279. - - Papyrus, containing wrestling instructions, 229. - - Paris, statue by Euphranor, 83. - - Parnon, Mount, statue of Herakles on, 319. - - Paros, torso of ephebe from Akropolis, work of sculptor from, 127. - - Parrhasios, painter, 29, 67, 206. - - Parsley, not used as prize wreath at Nemea, 21. - - Parthenon, frieze of the, 18, 53, 86, 151; - Athenian knights on, 281; - chariot scenes on, 271; - representing _apobates_ race, 272; - youth crowning self on, 158; - metopes of, 149. - - Pasiteles, sculptor, 60, 112; - Pasiteles and _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, 89; - Pasiteles and _Spinario_, 201, 202. - - Patrokles, sculptor, 117, 120, 131, 138, 141. - - Patroklos, contests at funeral games of, 8; - funeral games of, in Iliad, 7f., 11, 51; - tripods in honor of, 19. - - Pausanias, King of Sparta, flees from ephors, 367; - funeral games in honor of, at Sparta, 11. - - Pausanias, the _Periegete_, on art, 61; - description of Greece by, 43; - description of victor statues in Altis by, 339; - on girl runners at the _Heraia_ at Olympia, 49, 50; - on honor and victor statues, 39; - mentions only part of victor statues in Altis, 324; - on origin of Olympic games, 15; - _periegesis_ of Altis by, 190; - on reason for Pythian air being played at pankration, 284, 285; - routes (ἔφοδοι) of, in Altis, 339, 341f., 348f.; - on similarity between Greek and Egyptian sculptures, 330; - on statue of Euthymos, at Olympia, 183; - use of words ἐν ἀριστερᾷ and ἐν δεξιᾷ by, 299; - on victor statues of poets and musicians on Helikon, 284; - on votive character of victor statues at Athens and Olympia, 38; etc. - - Payne Knight bronze statuette, so-called, in British Museum, 108, 119. - - Peace, temple of, in Rome, 366. - - Pearl-string hair technique, 53. - - Peisanos, M. Antonios Kallippos, statue at Olympia, 359. - - Peisirhodos, victor at Olympia, 47, 49. - - Peisistratidai, 128. - - Peisistratos, tyrant, 363; - head of, so-called, 181. - - Peisthetairos, in _Aves_ of Aristophanes, 206. - - Pelias, funeral games of, 11; - on chest of Kypselos, 12; - tripods in honor of, 19. - - Pelichos, statue of, 56. - - Pelopion, the, at Olympia, 348, 349, 350, 357. - - Peloponnesian sculptors, 109f., 114. - - Pelops, chariot-race with Oinomaos, 14, 259; - contestants at Olympia sacrifice to, 11; - Olympian games in honor of, 10; - Peloponnesian boys lashed at altar of, 11; - statue of, in East gable, temple of Zeus at Olympia, 176; - worship of, at Olympia, preceded that of Zeus, 16. - - Pensive expression, in portraits of Alexander, 296. - - _Pentaëteris_, or four-year festival, 17. - - Pentathletes, attributes of, 164, 165; - statues in motion, 210f.; - statues at rest, 164; - on vases, 164. - - Pentathlon, the, accompanied by flute, 284; - all-round development from, 59, 211; - boys’, introduced at Olympia, 210; - events in, on r.-f. vases, 210; - five events of, 9, 210; - diskos throwing, 218f.; - javelin throwing, 222f.; - jumping, 214f.; - jumping most difficult part of, 216; - jumping-weights used in, 214; - men’s introduced at Olympia, 210; - not in Homer, 9, 210; - Pythian air played at, 285. - - Pergamon, dying Gaul statues from, 255; - frieze of Great Altar at, 252; - small frieze from, 253. - - Periandros, tyrant, gold statue vowed by, 266; - refounds Isthmian games, 17. - - _Periboëtos_, statue of satyr known as the, 144. - - Perikles, 52, 362; - portrait of, by Kresilas, 56, 199; - statue of slave of, 143. - - Perinthos, head from, 179, 180, 181; - prototype of Riccardi and Ince Blundell heads, 181. - - Peripatetics, criticism of Greek sculpture by the, 58. - - _Perixyomenoi_, statues of, 136. - - Perrot and Chipiez, on so-called dying hoplite relief, 209. - - Perseus and head of Medusa, on engraved gem, 83; - Perseus and Danaë, in a chest, 188. - - Persian Wars, 51; - sack of Akropolis during, 126. - - Perugia, statuette of diver (?) from, 217. - - Pesaro, the _Idolino_ found at, 141. - - Petasos, as attribute of Hermes, 108, 207, note 1, etc. - - Peter cista, the, in Vatican, 243. - - Petersen, E., on Kyniskos’ statue, 159; - on Pythokles’ statue base, 212. - - Petrograd, head of athlete in, 180; etc. - - Petworth House, Sussex, Kresilæan head of athlete in, 145; - statue of ephebe in, 133. - - Phaistos, theatral area at, 3. - - Phanas, head ascribed to, 163; - statue at Olympia, 106, 355. - - Pharsalos, home of Daochos, 286; - statue base of the _Agias_ at, 303. - - Phaÿllos, record diskos-throw of, 216; - record jump of, 216; - statue at Delphi, 26. - - Pheidias, 36, 110; - goddess types of, 53; - ideal tendency of, 152; - relation of, to _Diadoumenos Farnese_, 151; - relation of, to _Hermes Ludovisi_, 85; - statue of boy crowning himself at Olympia by, 150f. - - Pheidippides, runner, 209. - - Pheidolas, sons of, monument at Olympia, 23, 279. - - Pheidon, king of Argos, 15. - - Pheneus, games at, 76. - - Pherenike, mother of Peisirhodos, 47, 49. - - Phigalia, victor statue of Arrhachion in market-place of, 326. - - Philandridas, date of victory of, 300; - head from statue of, at Olympia, by Lysippos, identified, 293f.; - head called youthful Herakles by some, 297; - compared with head of boy athlete from Sparta, 316f.; - crushed ear of, 168; - location of, in Altis, 300; - under life-size, 46. - - _Philesian Apollo_, of elder Kanachos, 74, 107, 108, 118-120, 336 and - note 1; - “double” of, in Thebes, 304. - - Philinos, statue at Olympia, 30, 55. - - Philios, D., on dying hoplite relief, so-called, 209. - - Philip II, king of Macedon, coin of, showing victorious jockey with - palm-branch, 280; - coins of, showing Athenian type of chariot, 263; - equestrian victor at Olympia, 257, 263. - - Philippeion, the, at Olympia, 353, 355, 356, 357, 358. - - Philippopolis, coin of, 78. - - Philippos, of Kroton, Olympic victor, heroön of, at Egesta, 35, 57, - 363. - - Philippos, of Pellene, inscribed bronze plate from victor statue base - at Olympia, 244f. - - Philistos, monument base at Olympia, 357. - - Phillen, or Philys, statue at Olympia, 344. - - Philon, statue at Olympia, 122. - - Philonides, courier of Alexander, honor statue at Olympia, 42, 346, 356, - 359. - - Philonides, sculptor, 109, 266. - - Philonikos, base of statue at Olympia, 358. - - Philokrates, base of statue at Olympia, 368. - - Philoktetes, in Sophokles’ drama, the _Philoctetes_, 59. - - Philostratos, of Rhodes, adversary of Straton at Olympia, 34. - - Philostratos, on athletes wearing coarse mantle, 47; - on Eleans allowing strangling in pankration, 246; - on jumping-weights, 215, 216; - on method of putting on boxing thongs, 236; - on omitted 211th Olympiad, 369; - on pankration as “fairest of contests,” 246; - on prohibition against biting and gouging in pankration, 246; - on reason for nudity of Olympic athletes, 47; - on Spartans allowing biting and gouging in pankration, 246; - on statue of Milo, 106, 337; - on style of long race, 194; - on reason for Pythian air being played at pentathlon, 285. - - Philotimos, sculptor, 123, 264, 268, 279. - - Philoumenos, inscription from base of statue of, 371. - - Philys; see Phillen. - - Phlegon, on olive crown, 20. - - Phœnicians, the, transmit Assyrian and Egyptian designs to Greece, 330. - - Phokis, confederacy of, sets up statue at Olympia, 30. - - Phormis, offering at Olympia, 28, 62, 163, 264. - - Phorystas, base of statue from Tanagra, 368. - - Phradmon, sculptor, 117. - - Phrikias, head ascribed to, 162, 163, 353; - statue at Olympia, 106. - - Phrixos, on shield relief, 162. - - Physical differences, in athletes, 59. - - Piankhi, King of Aethiopia and invader of Egypt, 331. - - Pictorial hair technique, 53. - - Pinakotheke, the, at Athens, 29. - - Pinax, of victresses at the _Heraia_, at Olympia, 49; - votive on Attic vase, 29; - πινάκιον, iconic, 182. - - Pindar, on boxing and wrestling, 8; - on connection of Pelops with Olympia, 10; - on early value of bronze, 19; - on non-existence of the pentathlon in heroic days, 210; - ode on flutist Sakadas, 284; - scholia on, 26, 130, 190; - seventh Olympic ode of, 343; - sings praises of victors, 36; - sixth Pythian ode of, 267; - writes eight odes in praise of pankration, 246. - - Pine, the, at the Isthmus, 21; - wreath of, at the Isthmus, 20; - at Nemea, 21. - - Piombino, bronze statuette from, 118. - - Pison, sculptor, 278. - - Plane-tree Grove, Sparta, 319, 367. - - Plastic hair technique, 53. - - Platæa, the _Eleutheria_ at, 11. - - Platæan _Zeus_, the, statue at Olympia, 344. - - Plato, on boys’ stade-race, 191; - divides athletes into three classes, 189; - on Egyptian art, 60; - on happy life of victors, 36; - on length of stade-race for boys, 191; - on length of stade-race for ephebes, 191; - on loin-cloth, 48; - mentions σφαῖραι, 237; - on mythical origin of wrestling, 228; - omits pankration in his ideal state, 246; - protests against competition in athletics, 36; - on swollen ear of athletes, 167. - - Plectra, in Parthenon, 23. - - Pliny, on Alkamenes’ _Enkrinomenos_, 77; - on the _Apoxyomenos_ of Lysippos, 289; - on art, 60, 61; - on custom of setting up statues of victors at Olympia, 27, 324, 354; - on Euphranor’s canon, 69; - on Eutychides, sculptor, 121; - on Greek origin of equestrian monuments, 24; - _Historia Naturalis_ of, 43, 321; - on iconic statues, 54, 55; - on Kanachos’ statue of the _Philesian Apollo_, 118; - on Kanachos’ _celetizontes pueri_, 120; - on Kresilas’ portrait of Perikles, 56; - on Lysippos’ proportions, 46; - on Lysistratos making portraits from plaster moulds, 56; - on monotony in the art of Polykleitos, 152, 226; - on Myron, 184; - on nudity of athletes, 47; - on the _nudus talo incessens_ of Polykleitos, 249, 250; - on representing victors by paintings, 29; - on the sculptor Apellas, 267; - on the _Splanchnoptes_ of Styphax, 143; - on statue of pancratiast at Delphi by Pythagoras, 26; - on statue represented in prayer, 130; - on statue of victors by Myron at Delphi, 26; - on symmetry, 66; etc. - - Plutarch, on Apollo as boxer, 88; - on art, 61; - on portraits of Alexander by Lysippos, 290, 328. - - _Plutus_, the, of Aristophanes, quoted, 36. - - Poetic competitions at Delphi, 25. - - Poets, statues on Helikon, 284; - statues at Olympia, 285. - - Polemon, on statue of Leon, 366; - on statue of Epicharinos, 372. - - Polites, victor at Olympia, 354. - - Pollux, describes game of σκαπέρδη, 236. - - Pollux; see Polydeukes. - - _Pollux_, the statue in Louvre, so-called, 180, 181, 188, 245. - - Polybios, on Kleitomachos, boxer of Thebes, 147. - - _Polychalchos_, surname of Spartan victor Polykles, 266. - - Polydamas, relief from base of statue of, 303; - statue of, at Olympia, by Lysippos, 32, 45, 121, 298, 299; - statue of, cures fevers, 364. - - Polydeukes, boxing-match with Amykos on Ficoroni cista, 269; - as famed boxer, 235; - wins boxing match at Olympia, 96, 235. - - Polykleitos, the Elder, sculptor, 117, 118; - _Apoxyomenos_ of, 136; - called Kleito by Sokrates, in Xenophon’s _Memorabilia_, 59; - canon of, 68, 111, 136, 148, 288; - characteristics of, 152; - date of, by Pliny, 61; - _destringentesse_ of, 136, 288; - _Diadoumenos_ of, 152, 154; - _Doryphoros_ of, 211, 224f.; - as idealist, 188; - influence of, on Lysippos, 291; - influenced by Attic art, 152; - innovation of, in statue poses, 226; - monotony of, 152, 226; - poses of victor statues of, 44; - pupil of Hagelaïdas, 110; - pupils of, 139; - victor statues of, 36. - - Polykleitos, the Younger, sculptor, statues of victors at Olympia by, - 30, 117, 118. - - Polykles, the Elder, sculptor, 129, 324. - - Polykles, victor group at Olympia, 150, 266. - - Polymedes, sculptor, 105. - - Polypeithes, chariot-group at Olympia, 23, 265, 347. - - Polyxenos, statue at Olympia, 359. - - Polyzalos, brother of Gelo, 278. - - Pomegranate, attribute of victor statues, 107, 165. - - Pompeii, _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos found at, 70; - Palaistra at, 87. - - Poros sculptures, 53, 128. - - Porto d’Anzio, statue from, 135, 144. - - Portraiture, Greek, 54, 55f.; - privilege of erecting portrait statues at Olympia, 57, 354; - privilege rarely given, 57; - realistic, 56, 57. - - Poseidon, altar at Isthmus, 259; - god of contests, 75; - pine sacred to, 21; - sanctuary at Isthmus, 21; - statue from Melos, 73, 74; - surnamed ἵππιος, at Sparta, 362. - - Poses, of victor statues, found on various sculptured and painted - works, 44; - general, of victor statues at rest, 130f.; - general, of victor statues in motion, 188f. - - Poulsen, F., on the _Agias_, 291, note 2. - - Prado, copy of _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos in the, Madrid, 153. - - Praisos, seal from, 3. - - Praxidamas, wood statue at Olympia, 106, 322, 326, 333, 337, 351. - - Praxiteles, sculptor, 36, 80; - the _Agias_ of Lysippos influenced by, 291; - art of, rooted in fifth century B. C., 134; - as bronze worker, 303; - delicate male types of, 297; - hair technique of, 53; - head-type of, 77, 309; - Praxiteles and boy athlete head from Sparta, 305, 311; - Praxiteles and Kalamis, chariot-group by, 268; - Praxiteles and Philandridas head from Olympia, 293; - Praxiteles and Skopas differentiated, 311; - statue of a ψελιουμένη by, 131. - - Prayer, as motive in votive monuments, 130; - position of hands in Greek, 132; - statue of youth represented in, from Carinthia, 131; - statue of youth represented in, Berlin, 131; - statuette of youth represented in, Metropolitan Museum, 132, 133. - - _Praying Boy_, the, statue so-called, in Berlin, 131, 132. - - Preuner, E., on inscription from statue base in Pharsalos, 286, 317, - 318, 363. - - _Pristae_, by Myron, 188. - - Prizes, on chest of Kypselos, 13; - at contests of beauty, 57; - early athlete, 18f.; - at games of Azan, 9; - at games of Patroklos, 19. - - Processional entrance, the, of the Altis, 347. - - Processional way, the, of the Altis, 348, 349, 350. - - Professionalism in athletics, at Olympia, 361; - protests against, 36, 37. - - Profile, first example of Greek, 116. - - Prokles, statue at Olympia, 345, 346. - - Promachos, statues at Olympia and Pellene, 31, 304, 323, 325, 326, 367. - - _Proportio_, in Greek art, 66. - - Proportions, canons of, 65f.; - in Egyptian art, 67; - Fritsch on, of body, 67; - Kalkmann on, of face, 67. - - Prose writers, statues at Olympia, 285. - - Protogenes, athlete painted by, 29. - - Protolaos, statue at Olympia, 179, 352. - - Prytaneion, the, in Athens, victors eat at public expense at, 32; - the, in Olympia, 299, 342, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360. - - Psammetichos, tyrant of Corinth, 17. - - Pseudo-Andokides, 363. - - Pseudo-Plutarch, on statue of Isokrates at Athens, 24 and note 11, 27 - and note 4, 281, 373. - - Ptoion, Mount, statues of “Apollo” from, 100, 101, 102, 103, 334; - tripods in temple of Apollo on, 19. - - Ptolemy, Gymnasion at Athens, 166. - - Ptolichos, sculptor, 61, 122. - - Puchstein, O., on location of Great Altar of Zeus at Olympia, 349. - - Pummeling, allowed in pankration, 246. - - Pyanepsion, month of, 18. - - Pyrilampes, statue at Olympia, 343, 346, 353. - - Pythagoras, sculptor, 138, 178f., 364, 375; - dated by Pliny, 61; - first to aim at rhythm and symmetry, 67, 179; - first to express sinews and veins, 138; - Pythagoras and _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, 89; - Pythagoras and Delphi _Charioteer_, 278; - Pythagoras and Myron, 181, 245; - Pythagoras and Tux bronze, 207; - statue of Delphic pancratiast by, 26, 178, 182; - statue of _mala ferens nudus_ by, 107; - style of, 179; - victor statues at Olympia, by, 36, 62, 161, 178f., 268. - - Pytheos, see Pythis. - - Pythes, honor statue at Olympia, 42. - - _Pythia_, the, festival at Delphi, 16, 17; - as athletic meet, inferior to Nemea and Isthmia, 24, 25; - as festival, second to Olympia, 24; - in honor of the Python, 10; - statue of victor at, in Athens, 27. - See Delphi. - - Pythian air, played at pentathlon, 88, 285. - - _Pythian Apollo_, the, statue of, 330, 334. - - Pythis, or Pytheos, architect, 264. - - Python, the, at Delphi, 10, 25. - - Pythokles, replicas of statues of, 212f.; - statue of, at Olympia, 93, 117, 159 and note 3, 211, 212, 343. - - Pythokritos, flutist, honor statue at Olympia, 42, 285, 352. - - Pythokritos, sculptor, 244. - - Pyxis, from Knossos, 7. - - - _Quadrigae_, mentioned by Pliny, 264. - See Chariot-race. - - Quatremère de Quincy, on _Borghese Warrior_, 208. - - “Quiet grandeur” (_stille Grosse_) of Greek Art, 57. - - Quintilian, on art, 61; - on the _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos, 70, 226; - on the _Diskobolos_ of Myron, 187. - - Quintus Smyrnæus, on jumping among the Trojans, 214. - - Quiver, on Torlonia copy of the _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, - 89. - - Quoit; see Diskos. - - - _Ram-offerer_, statue by Naukydes, 78. - - Rampin head, of Louvre, 126, 128, 176; - hair technique of, 53. - - Ra-nefer, limestone statue in Cairo, 330. - - Rayet, on _Borghese Warrior_, 208. - - Rayet-Jacobsen head, so-called, in Copenhagen, 127, 128, 167, 337. - - Realism in Greek art, 56, 57, 146f.; - in Greek portraiture, 56, 57. - - Reconstruction of Olympic victor statues, 43f. - - Reinach, S., on bronze statue of youth from Antikythera, 83; - on stone statues being placed under cover, 325. - - Reinach, Th., on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, - 81. - - Reisch, E., on javelin-throwers in sculpture, 224; - on Pliny’s _puer tenens tabellam_ and _malaferens nudus_, 181; - on statue of Euthymos at Olympia, 183; - on votive character of Olympic victor statues, 39. - - Reliefs, of akontistai, from Sparta, 223; - Amphiaraos, 273; - _apobates_ chariot race, 272; - Apollo, Artemis, and Leto, in Louvre, 284; - Aristion, 124, 127; - Boreas, in Metropolitan Museum, 194; - boxers, in Lateran, 238; - boy crowning self, 155; - boxer, on bronze shield, from Mount Ida, Crete, 235; - cap, in Rome, 166; - charioteer, from Akropolis, 128; - charioteer mounting chariot, 269; - chariots, from Crete, 262; - Dermys and Kitylos, from Tanagra, 335; - Dioskouroi, set up by Aischylos, 96, 97; - Dioskouroi, in London, 97; - from Dipylon, 156; - diskobolos, from Dipylon, 127; - dying hoplite, from Athens, 194, 209; - four-horse chariot, 268, 269; - funerary, from Tanagra, 72; - funerary, from Athens, 66; - from Halimous, 249; - Hermes, fragment from Athens, 270; - hoplite runners, from Tarentum, 96; - horse crowned by Nike, from Athens, 269; - horseman, from Athens, 281; - horse-racer, from Sicily, 281; - horse-racer from Thera, 281; - horse-racer leading horse, from Athens, 281; - jumping-weights, from Sparta, 164; - from Klazomenai, 264, 268; - from Kleitor, 132; - from Knossos, 3, 4; - from Lamia, 132; - from Loeb collection, Munich, 194; - from Nemea, 132; - palæstra victor, from Delphi, 138; - in honor of Pamphilos and Alexandros, in Verona, 97; - showing poses of victor statues, 44; - as victor monuments, 28; - war-chariots, from Mycenæ, 262. - - Religion and Greek athletics, 14. - - Remnants of victor statues at Olympia, 43. - - Renaissance, the, 4; - bronze copies of _Spinario_ from period of, 202. - - “Repose” of Greek art, 57. - - “Rest” leg, motive in sculpture, 109. - - Resting after contest, athletic motive, 144. - - Rewards, money, of victors at Athens, 32. - - Rhamnous, the _Nemesis_ of Agorakritos at, 182. - - Rhegion, Anaxilas, tyrant of, 278; - coins of, showing mule-car, 263. - - _Rhetoric_, the, of Aristotle, 58; - inscribed base of Olympic victor mentioned in, 367. - - Rhexibios, wood statue at Olympia, 106, 332, 326, 337, 351; - wrongly called oldest at Olympia by Pausanias, 333. - - Rhodes, scene of fighting combatants, in art of, 178; - tripods in honor of Dionysos at, 19; - _Zan_ at Olympia, set up by, 34. - - Rhoikos, bronze founder, date of, 321; - family of, 330. - See also Telekles and Theodoros. - - Rhouphos, Klaudios (Rufus, Claudius), statue in Rome, 371. - - Rhythm, definition of, 66; - in Greek Art, 66. - - Riccardi head, 169, 180, 181, 183. - - Richardson, R. B., on bronze head from Akropolis, 114; - on _Farnese Herakles_, 253, 254. - - Richter, G., on statuette of diskobolos in Metropolitan Museum, 220 and - note 5. - - Ridder, A. de, on Tux bronze, 207; - on two statuettes of diskoboloi from Akropolis, 221, 222. - - Robert, C., on _Diadoumenos_ of Pheidias, 150f.; - on date of victor Kyniskos, 160. - - Robinson, D. M., 267. - - Robinson, E., on _Charioteer_ (?), in Boston, 275; - on head of Hermes, in Boston, 85; etc. - - Roehl, H., on inscription referred to statue of Milo, 38. - - Roman copies of victor statues, on, 44; - no copy proved to be of victor statue, 160; - on Roman patrons of art, 44. - - Ross, L., on inscribed base from statue of Epicharinos, 372. - - Rothschild, E. de, bronze copy of _Spinario_, in Paris collection of, - 202. - - Rouse, W. D., on votive character of victor statues at Olympia, 39, 40. - - Routes, of Pausanias in the Altis; see _Ephodoi_. - - Runners, difference in style of various, shown by vase-paintings, 193, - 194; - on Panathenaic amphoræ, 106, 194; - represented as running with bent knee, 194; - statues of boy, 200f.; - statues of, from Velletri, in Rome, 198, 199; - statues of, without special attributes, 170. - - Running race (δρόμος), various kinds of, 190f.; - in mythology, 190; - number of victors in, named by Pausanias, 193; - origin of, at Eleusis, 190; - part of all Greek games and exercises, 190. - See Double foot-race, Hoplite-race, Long race, Stade-race. - - - Sabouroff collection, head from, 128. - - Sacred war, the, 17. - - Sakadas, flutist, statue of, 284. - - Salamis, Aeginetans at battle of, 125; - date of battle of, 125. - - Salis, A. von, on statue from Olympieion, 143. - - Salutation, attitude of, to a divinity, in statuette in Metropolitan - Museum, 133. - - _Sandal-binder_, statue of, so-called, with copies, 86, 87, 202, 203. - - Sandal-binding, motive of, originates with Lysippos, 86. - - Sandals, worn by charioteers, 48. - - Santa Marinella, statue from, in Fogg Art Museum, Cambridge, Mass., 314. - - Sarapion, flees adversary and is fined, 34; - two statues in Elis, 370. - - _Satrap Sarcophagus_, so-called, in Constantinople, 276. - - _Satyr_, of Praxiteles, called _Periboëtos_, 144; - statue of, in Dresden, 144. - - Sawyers (?) (_pristae_), group by Myron, 188. - - Scarab, chalcedony, in British Museum, 138. - - Schaefer, A., on statue of Kylon on Akropolis, 362. - - Scherer, Chr., on exclusive use of bronze in Olympic victor statues, - 321; - on “iconic” statues of Pliny, 54; - on Milo’s statue at Olympia, 107; - on positions of victor statues at Olympia, 340. - - Scheria, games on, 210. - - Schnaase, on _Farnese Herakles_, 253. - - Schober, A., on Perinthos and allied heads, 181. - - Schoell, R., on votive character of victor monuments, 39. - - Scholiasts, statements of, on victor statues at Olympia, 43. - - Schrader, H., on Attic relief from the Akropolis, 271. - - Schreiber, T., on _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, 90. - - Schwabe, L., on Tux bronze, 207. - - Sciarra bronze, statuette so-called, in Rome, 119. - - Scraper; see Strigil. - - Sculptors, of Olympic victor statues, 36; - statistics of, 375. - - _Sculptura_, definition of, from Pliny, 302. - - Sculpture, Greek, after Persian Wars, 278; - ancient criticism of, 58f.; - evolution of, on traditional lines, 67; - knowledge of, necessary in reconstructing Olympic victor statues, 44. - - Sea-monsters (?) (_pristes_), group by Myron, 188. - - Seasons, altar at Olympia, 351. - - _Seated Boxer_, statue of the, in Museo delle Terme, Rome, 145f., 168; - realism of, 57, 254. - - See-saw (?) (_pristae_?), group by Myron, 188. - - Seleados, base of statue at Olympia, 346. - - Seleukos I, date of founding Antioch by, 121. - - Selinos, coins of, showing celery wreath, 21; - temple E at, 114. - - Sellers, Eugénie; see Strong, Mrs. Eugénie. - - Selling out, examples at Olympia, 33. - - Seraglio, Old, manuscript from the, 258. - - Serambos, sculptor, 123. - - Shadow-fighting; see Sparring. - - _Sheik-el-Beled_, the; see Ka-aper, statue of. - - Shield, as attribute of hoplitodromoi, 161; - as prize at Argive _Heraia_, 21; - 25 bronze ones kept in temple of Zeus for Olympic hoplite runners, - 22. - - Siamese, funeral games among, 12. - - Sicily, cities of, honor victors, 35; - coins of, showing racing chariots, 262, 263; - Greeks of, fond of hippodrome contests, 258; - princes of, as victors at Olympia, 357; - school of sculpture of, 114. - - Sidon, _Alexander Sarcophagus_ from, in Constantinople, 275; - _Satrap Sarcophagus_ from, in Constantinople, 276. - - Sikyon, athletic school of sculptors from, 58, 118f. - - Sikyonians, treasury of, at Olympia, 41, 265. - - Silanion, sculptor, 129. - - Silver bowl, as prize at games of Patroklos, 19; - silver cups, as prizes at Sikyonian Pythian games, 20. - - Simon, sculptor, 264, 268. - - Simonides, of Keos, 36, 47, 210. - - Singing, competition in, at Delphi, 25. - - Single-combat, between Ajax and Diomedes, in Iliad, 8. - - Six, J., on _Borghese Warrior_, 208; - on statue of Hermolykos on Akropolis, 373. - - Size of victor statues, 45f. - - _Skenoma_ (Σκήνωμα), the, at Sparta, 367. - - Skopas, sculptor, 36; - characteristics of, 311; - head in style of, in Capitoline Museum, Rome, 169; - head-type of, 77; - influence on the _Agias_, 291; - intense expression of, 307; - Kallistratos on, 309; - knowledge of, recently augmented, 286; - as master of expression of passion, 309; - Philandridas head wrongly ascribed to, 293; - Skopas and boy athlete head from Sparta, 305; - Skopas and Lysippos compared, 311f., 315; - style of, from Tegea heads, 306. - - Skripou, convent of, 334. - - Skyllis, sculptor, 122, 334. - See also Dipoinos. - - Skyros, 18. - - Slings for diskoi, on r.-f. vase, 164. - - Smikythos; see Mikythos. - - Smile, in archaic sculpture, 100, 126. - - Smith, A. H., on _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, 89, 90; - on athlete statue from Palazzo Farnese, Rome, in British Museum, 293. - - Snail-volute, hair technique, 53. - - _Snatcher_, the, from East gable, temple of Aegina, 125. - - Sodamas, statue at Olympia, 354. - - Sogliano, A., on boxer statue from Sorrento, 243. - - Sokrates, philosopher, condemns “mimetic” arts, 58; - on physical development of runners and boxers, 59; - visit of, to sculptor Kleito, 59. - - Sokrates, victor; see Sosikrates. - - Solon, assigns money prizes to Olympic and Isthmian victors, 25, 32. - - _Solos_, throwing of, in Iliad, 8; - as type of diskos, 218. - - Somzée Collection, athlete from the, 176, 251. - - Songs, in honor of victors, 34. - - Sophios, statue at Olympia, 299, 342. - - Sophokles, _Trachiniae_ of, 318. - - Sorrento, statue of boxer from, by Koblanos, 242. - - Sosikrates (or Sokrates), victor statue of, at Olympia, 200, 344. - - Sostratos, dates of Olympic victories of, 300; - inscribed base from statue, at Delphi, 249; - statue at Olympia, 55; - surnamed ἀκροχερσίτης, 248, 249. - - Sotades, Olympic victor, bribed and exiled, 33. - - Southeast Building, the, at Olympia, 344. - - Sparring, preliminary, called ἀκροχερισμός in boxing and pankration, - 248 and note 4; - depicted on Ficoroni cista in Rome, 243; - depicted on Peter cista in Rome, 243; - as motive of boxer statues, 243; - as motive of statuette of boxer in Vatican, 243; - as motive of marble torso in Berlin, 243; - preliminary in pankration, 248; - called σκιαμαχεῖν (to shadow-fight), in boxing, 122, 243 and note 4. - - Sparta, Akropolis, of, 305; - _Dionysia_ at, 50; - Δρόμος at, 309; - funeral games at, in honor of Leonidas and Pausanias, 11; - head of statue of boy from, 305f.; - Σκήνωμα at, 367. - - Spartans, allow biting and gouging in pankration, 246; - ball-playing among, 84; - as boxers, 167; - boxing of, in Plato, 167; - excluded from Olympia on certain Olympiads, 31; - girls contest with boys, 49; - physical exercise among, 1; - sacrifice to Apollo the Runner, 88; - youths dedicate offerings to Eros in contest of beauty, 57. - - Spear, casting of, at games of Patroklos, 8. - - Sphairians (σφαιρεῖς), title of Spartan youths, 84, 319. - - _Spinario_, the, statue in Rome, 201f.; - as example of asymmetry, 70; - imitations of original of, 202. - - _Splanchnoptes_, statue of, by Styphax, 143. - - Sponges, shown on r.-f. kylix, 164. - - Spring-board, not used in Greek jumping, 216. - - Stackelberg, O. von, traveling journal of, 286, 366. - - Stade-race (δρόμος, στάδιον), 190f.; - first event at Olympia and at the _Panathenaia_, 191; - for boys, introduced at Olympia, 191; - the oldest (?) event at Olympia, 191; - victor in, eponymus at Olympia, 37; - wrongly regarded as chief event at Olympia, 191. - - Stadia, absent in Homer, 7. - - Stadion, the, at Olympia, 258, 359, 360. - - Staïs, V., on _Hermes of Andros_, 71; - on two statuettes of diskoboloi from Akropolis, 221, 222. - - Stamnos, r.-f., from Etruria, in Vienna, 132. - - Standard of physical development uniform in fifth century B. C., 147f. - - _Standing Diskobolos_, the statue in Vatican, 76f.; - pose of, 219, 220; - replica of, 77. - - _Standing Hermes_, the, statue in Vatican, 72. - - “_Stand-motif_,” Polykleitan, 82. - - “Starters of the race,” epithets of Kastor and Polydeukes at Sparta, 96. - - Stassoff, on supposed Oriental origin of javelin-throwing, 222. - - Statuettes, of ivory acrobats, from Knossos, 3; - akontistai, two bronze, 227, 228; - Apollo, from Naxos, in Berlin, 74, 119; - Apollo (Payne Knight), in British Museum, 108, 119; - Apollo, from Piombino, in Louvre, 118; - Apollo, from Palazzo Sciarra, Rome, 119; - apoxyomenos, in Loeb collection, Munich, 136; - athlete, archaic, from Delphi, 28; - athlete, from Ligourió, 105, 111, 114; - athlete, in Louvre, 213, 214; - boxer, from Akropolis, 28; - boxer, from Corfu, in British Museum, 96; - boxer, from Olympia, 28, 244; - boxer, in Vatican Museum, 243; - diadoumenos, terra cotta from Smyrna, in London, 154; - diadoumenos, from Akropolis, 155; - diskoboloi, 28, 218f.; - diskoboloi, two bronze, from Akropolis, 222; - diskoboloi, group in Loeb collection, Munich 232, 233; - diskobolos, in Berlin, 221; - diskobolos, in British Museum, 221; - diskobolos, from cover of lebes, in British Museum, 221; - diskobolos, from the Kabeirion, 28; - diskobolos, in Metropolitan Museum, 220, 221; - girl runner, from Dodona, 28; - girl extracting thorn, terra cotta from Nida-Haddernheim, 202; - Herakles or victor, in Berlin, 96; - Herakles, or victors, in British Museum, 96; - _Hermes Diskobolos_, from sea off Antikythera, 78, 79; - hoplitodrome, from Capua, in Vienna, 207; - hoplitodrome, Tux bronze, in Tuebingen, 28; - horse-racer, from Dodona, 28, 281; - horse-racer, in Loeb collection, Munich, 282; - horse-racer, from Volubilis, 281; - horse-racers, from Olympia, 24; - oil-pourer, from S. Italy, in British Museum, 135; - oil-pourers, terra cottas from Myrina, 135; - pancratiast, from Autun, in Louvre, 249f.; - praying boys, two bronze, in Metropolitan Museum, 132, 133; - sacrificer, from Dodona, 143; - trumpeter, from Sparta, 283; - warrior, from Dodona, 126; - wrestlers, group from Akropolis, 28; - wrestlers, group in Loeb Collection, Munich, 232; - statuettes in motion, from Egyptian art, 177; - in Paris and Rome, showing motive of statue of Xenokles, 138, 139. - - Stelæ, in honor of victors, 40. - - Stephanos, sculptor, statue by, 111f. - - “Stolid” group of so-called “Apollo” statues, 100. - - Stomach throw, in pankration, 247. - - Stomios, famous pentathlete, 59; - statue of, at Olympia, 42. - - Stone, used in Olympic victor statues, 323f. - - Strabo, on origin of Olympic games, 15. - - _Strangford Apollo_, the, statue in British Museum, 102, 103, 123, 244. - - Strangling, allowed in pankration, 246, 247. - - Straton, Olympic victor, 34, 93. - - Strigil, or scraper (στλεγγίς), used by athletes as a common palæstra - attribute, 135, 138, 288. - - Stroganoff, statuette formerly in Collection, 166. - - Strong, Mrs. Eugénie (_née_ Sellers), on Apollo head, in British - Museum, 92; - on Beneventum head, in Louvre, 63. - - Studniczka, F., on the gable statues from Olympia, 114; - on the _Idolino_, 141; - on statues of Theagenes, 364. - - Styphax (or Styppax), sculptor, 143. - - Subiaco, statue of kneeling youth from, 195; - date and interpretation of, 195, 196. - - Succession, contests of, as explanation of funerary games, 14. - - _Suedwestbau_; see Leonidaion. - - Svoronos, J. N., on bronze arm found in sea off Antikythera, 236; - on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, 83; - on bronze statuette found in sea off Antikythera, 79; - on Delphi _Charioteer_, 277; - on dying hoplite relief, from Athens, 209; - on the _Idolino_, 142. - - Swollen ear, as attribute of victor statues, 167f.; - not a determining distinction between heads of athletes and Herakles, - 297, 319, 320; - on various heads of athletes, gods, and heroes, 168f. - - Symmachos, statue at Olympia, 120, 342. - - Symmetry, in Greek art, 65, 66; - Pliny and Vitruvius on, 66. - - _Symplegma_, group representing a, by Kephisodotos, 252. - - _Symposium_, of Xenophon, 59. - - Syracuse, coins of, representing Nike with tablet, 182; - funeral games at, in honor of Timoleon, 11; - Hiero and Gelo, kings of, 257. - - - _Tainia_, or fillet, as victor attribute, 148f. - - Tanagra, ephebe chosen at, for his beauty, 57; - grave-stele from, 72. - - Tarentum (Taras), captured by Q. Fabius Maximus, 253; - coins of, showing _apobates_ horse-racers, 282. - - Tarsos, athlete head from, 168. - - Tegea, excavations at temple of Athena at, 306; - heads from gable of temple at, 306; - heads from, compared with small frieze from Mausoleion, 275; - heads from, compared with boy athlete head from Sparta, 305; - torso of the _Amazon_ from, 306. - - Teisikrates, chariot victor, at Delphi, 268. - - Teisikrates, pancratiast, inscribed base of statue of, from Delphi, 249. - - Teisikrates, Theban sculptor, 368. - - Tektaios, sculptor, 122, 304, 334, 335. - See also Angelion. - - Telekles, sculptor, 330, 334. - See also Rhoikos and Theodoros. - - Telemachos, base of statue at Olympia, 346, 348, 355; - statue at Olympia, 109, 266, 339, 345; - zone of, at Olympia, 345, 346. - - Telephos, battle with Achilles, in Tegea pediment, 306; - in group, on small frieze from Pergamon, 253; - in group, in Vatican, 95. - - Telesikrates, hoplite victor, statue at Delphi, 26, 162. - - Tellon, base of statue at Olympia, 240, 345; - statue at Olympia, 31, 352. - - Temessa, Black Spirit of, 35. - - Tempe, vale of, as home of laurel, 21. - - Temple, spoken of as _pro persona_, 299. - - Tenea, “Apollo” of, 100, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 127, 327, 336; - “Apollo” of, as runner, 148; - necropolis of, 337. - - Tenerani, sculptor, 288. - - Tepemankh, wood statue in Cairo, 330. - - Terrace wall, South, at Olympia, 346, 348, 357, 358. - - Tetradrachm, silver, in honor of Olympic victory of Philip II, 280. - - Thaliarchos, base of statue of, 358; - oldest prose inscription making an Olympic victor statue votive, 39. - - Thamyris, victor statue on Helikon, 284. - - _Thargelia_, the, statue of boy victor at, 27. - - Thasos, statue of Theagenes on, 364; - temple of Apollo at Alki on, 336. - - Theagenes, Olympic victor, boxing match with Euthymos, 247; - heroized after death, 35; - statue at Olympia, 122, 244, 364; - story of statue on Thasos, 364; - too wearied by boxing to enter pankration, 247; - wrestling match with Aethiopian, 252. - - Theekoleon, the, at Olympia, 353, 355, 357. - - Theochrestos, chariot dedicated at Olympia, 265. - - Theodoros, bronze founder, 321, 330, 334. - See also Rhoikos and Telekles. - - Theodosius, Roman emperor, abolishes Olympic games, 15. - - Theognetos, statue at Olympia, 61, 165, 352. - - Theopompos, statue at Olympia, 161. - - Theopropos, base of statue at Olympia, 360. - - Theoros, painter, 29, 133. - - Theotimos, statue at Olympia, 121. - - Thera, “Apollo” of, 100, 101, 103, 104, 327, 337. - - Thermæ, the, of M. Agrippa, Rome, 289. - - Thermopylæ, battle of, 51. - - Thersias, first victor in mule-race at Olympia, 261. - - Thersilochos, statue at Olympia, 117. - - Thersonides, base of statue from Olympia, 356. - - _Theseia_, the, 18; - boys at, divided into three classes, 189. - - Theseus, 18; - contest of, on Delos, in honor of Apollo, 160; - as inventor of boxing, 235; - as inventor of pankration, 247; - statues of, in gymnasia and palæstræ, 94; - Theseus and Kerkyon, on metope of Theseion, 232. - - Thessalonika, funeral games at, 11. - - Thessaly, bull-grappling sport in, 5. - - Thong (ἀγκύλη, _amentum_), of javelin, 223. - - _Thorn-puller_; see _Spinario_. - - Thorwaldsen, sculptor, restores Aegina gable statues, 123. - - Thracian Chersonesos, games on, 11. - - Thrasyboulos, drives father’s car at Delphi, 267. - - Thrasymachos (or Thrasymedes), base of statue at Olympia, 358. - - Threatening look of victor statues, 59. - - Thukydides, on Diitrephes, 373; - on _krobylos_ hair-fashion, 52; - on loin-cloth of athletes, 48; - on refuge of King Pausanias, 367; - uses pancratiasts for dating, 191. - - Tiberius, Roman emperor, base of statue at Olympia, 357, 358; - chariot victor at Olympia, 261; - enamored of the _Apoxyomenos_ of Lysippos, 289. - - Tilting, hold in pankration, 247. - - Timainetos, painter, 29. - - Timaios, first victor in trumpeting at Olympia, 283. - - Timaios, historian, 284. - - Timarchides, sculptor, 129, 324. - - Timasitheos, statue at Olympia, 111, 355. - - Timokles, sculptor, 129. - - Timoleon, funeral games in honor of, at Syracuse, 11. - - Timon, chariot victor, statue in equestrian group, 120, 266, 268, 279. - - Timon, pentathlete, statue at Olympia, 109, 354. - - Timoptolis, honor statue at Olympia, 42. - - Timosthenes, statue at Olympia, 121, 342. - - Tiryns, fresco from, 2, 3; - lack of athletic scenes at, 8. - - Titus, baths at Rome, 371. - - Toalios, Aurelios, base of victor statue at Oinoanda, 371. - - Torches, dedications of, 22. - - Toreadors, paintings of, male and female, at Knossos, 1, 3. - - Torlonia, Palazzo, Rome, copy of _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type - in, 89; - head of _Ares_ in, 170. - - _Trachiniae_, of Sophokles, 318. - - Trainers at Olympia, nude, 49. - - Treasuries, the, at Olympia, 351. - - Treu, G., on colossal Apollo from Olympia, 92; - on copy of _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos, at Olympia, 227; - on gable statues from temple of Zeus, Olympia, 114; - on head of hoplite runner from Olympia, 163; - identifies Leonidaion, at Olympia, 348; - on Philandridas head, 293, 294; - on use of marble in Olympic victor statues, 324, 326. - - _Triopia_, the, at Mykale, 19. - - Triphylia, 15. - - Tripods, as early prizes, 19; - found at Olympia and elsewhere, 22; - in honor of various gods and heroes, 19; - reliefs on bronze, in Loeb collection, Munich, 194. - - Tripping, in wrestling, 229; - shown by five bronze groups, 233. - - Triptolemos (?), statue of Kyniskos converted into, 74. - - Troilos, dates of victories at Olympia, 300, 301; - statue at Olympia, 29, 121, 266, 298; - tablet from base of statue of, 299, 342. - - Trotting-race with mares (κάλπη), introduced at Olympia, 261; - why introduced, 282. - - Trumpeters, on Attic vases, 284; - bronze statuette of, from Sparta, 283; - contests of, introduced at Olympia, 283; - statues at Olympia, 283. - - Tuebingen bronze; see Tux bronze. - - Tui, wood statue of, in Louvre, 331. - - Tumblers, among Athenians, 5; - among Trojans, 5; - on shield of Achilles, 5. - - Turin, head of athlete in, 87; - marble head of Apollo in, 93; - Roman grave-stone from, 72. - - Tux bronze, statuette of hoplitodromos (?), in University Museum, - Tuebingen, 28, 123, 164, 206, 207. - - _Tyche_, statue by Eutychides, at Antioch, 121. - - Types, various, of Olympic victor statues, 44, 99f., 173f.; etc. - - _Tyrannicides_, the, group by Kritios and Nesiotes, 60, 148, 173f.; - break with law of “frontality,” 175; - as first examples of honor statues, 41; - group of, returned from Susa by Alexander, 173; - reconstruction of, from reliefs, vase-paintings, etc., 174; - represented on oinochoe in Boston, 175; - sculptors of, 173f., 372; - _Tyrannicides_ and _Diskobolos_ compared, 183. - - - Umpires, at Olympia, 149. - See also Hellanodikai. - - Uncritical judgments of ancient writers on art, 58. - - Uniformity, standard of, in physical development in fifth century - B. C., 147f. - - Urlichs, H. L. von, on _pristae_ of Myron, 188; - on _puer tenens tabellam_ of Pythagoras, 182. - - Urlichs, L. von, on _mala ferens nudus_, mentioned by Pliny, 182; - on _puer tenens tabellam_ of Pythagoras, 182. - - - Vaison _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos, 152. - - Valerian, Roman emperor, 11. - - Vapheio, cups from, 4. - - Varro, opinions of, on art, 60. - - Vase-paintings, showing poses of Olympic victor statues, 44. - - “Vatican athlete standing at rest,” so-called, 140. - - Veins, shown in Cretan art, 3, 4. - - _Venator_, statue of, by Euthykrates, 314. - - Ventnor head in British Museum, 89. - - Verona, grave-relief in, 72. - - Victor fillets, 52. - - Victor statues, assimilated to types of gods and heroes, 71f.; - bases of, from Altis, 43, 353f.; - carried off to Italy, 43; - dedication of, an old Greek custom, 99; - dedication at Olympia and elsewhere, 24f.; - distinguished from statues of gods and heroes, 71; - general characteristics of, 43f.; - groups of, in Altis, 300, 340; - hair-fashion of, 50f.; - life-size, examples of, 46; - materials of, 321f.; - in motion, 173f.; - nudity of, 47f.; - _periegesis_ of, in the Altis, by Pausanias, 321; - positions of, in Altis, 339f., 352; - remnants of, 43, 62f.; - at rest, 99f.; - set up at Olympia, long after victory, 32; - set up at Olympia, soon after victory, 31; - set up at Olympia by relatives of victor, by native city of victor, - by fellow-citizens of victor, 30; - set up by trainers, 30; - set up outside Olympia, 361f.; - size of, 45f.; - statuaries of, 375; - two classes of, 99; - zones of, at Olympia, 340. - - Victor statuettes, set up at Olympia, 27, 28; - on Akropolis, 28. - - _Victoria quadrigam in sublime rapiens_, painting by Nikomachos, 268. - - Victors, special privileges of, at Rome, 33; - _Victor certamine gymnico palmam tenens_, painting of, by Eupompos, - 160; - victor, represented as crowned, on chest of Kypselos, 13; - victor in wrestling and pankration on same day, called παράδοξος or - παραδοξονίκης, 94; - victors at four national games, called περιοδονῖκαι, 361. - - _Victory_, of Paionios; see Paionios, _Nike_ of; - zone of, at Olympia, 344, 355. - - Vincent, Edgar, head of athlete in Collection of, 156. - - Vinci, Leonardo da, on body proportions, 68. - - Visconti, on so-called _Borghese Warrior_, 209; - on Pliny’s “iconic” statues, 54. - - Viterbo, bull-grappling in province of, 5. - - Vitruvius, on analogy, rhythm, and symmetry, in Greek art, 66. - - _Volneratus deficiens_, the, statue by Kresilas, 199. - - Volomandra, “Apollo” from, 100, 104, 337. - - Volubilis, Morocco, French excavations at, 281. - - Votive offerings (ἀναθήματα), mentioned by Pausanias, 339; - victor monuments as, 37. - - - Wace, A. J. B., on Parian marble male head in Turin, of athlete or - Apollo, 93; - on Roman male head in Turin, resembling the _Apoxyomenos_ of Lysippan - school, 292. - - Waldstein (Walston), C., on appellation “Apollo” for early athlete - statues, 335; - on bronze - - statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, 81; - on _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, 90, 179; - on the _Strangford Apollo_, 244; - on victor fillet, 149. - - Walking motive in sculpture, not Polykleitan in origin, 226. - - Walston, C.; see Waldstein, C. - - Warrior, or hoplitodromos, bronze head from Akropolis, 123. - - Washburn, O. M., on Delphi _Charioteer_, 277, 278. - - Wernicke, K., on Great Altar of Zeus at Olympia, 349. - - _Westgraben_, the, at Olympia, 358. - - _Westmacott Athlete_, the, 156f., 158, 305. - - Wheels, four-spoked, one dedicated at Argos, 97; - tin-foil, dedicated at Olympia, 23. - - White, H. G. E., on two statuettes of diskoboloi from Akropolis, 221, - 222. - - Wilamowitz, U. von (Wilamowitz-Moellendorf), on inscribed base of - statue of Epicharinos on Akropolis, 372. - - Winckelmann, J., on character of Greek Art, 57; - on _Jason_ of Louvre, 87. - - Wine-pourers, statues of, 144. - - Winged figures, represented in motion before sixth century B. C., 176f. - - Winnefeld, H., on _Westmacott Athlete_ statue type, 158. - - Winter, F., on _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, 90; - on the _Seated Boxer_ of Museo delle Terme, 147. - - Woelfflin, E., on _nudus talo incessens_ of Polykleitos, 250, 251. - - Wolters, P., on bronze foot from Olympia, 255; - on _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, 90, 91; - on head of hoplitodrome, from Olympia, 163; - on inscribed base of the _Agias_, 292; - on _Spinario_, 201; - on Tux bronze, 207; - on use of bronze in Olympic victor statues, 321. - - Woman, statue of Muse type, from Andros, 71; - head in Louvre, 128. - - Women, admitted to chariot-race at Olympia, 49; - excluded from Olympia, 49; - victress statues of, draped, 48; - admitted to the _Heraia_, Olympia, 49. - - Worship of victors after death, 35. - - _Wounded Amazon_, statue in Capitoline Museum, 151. - - _Wounded Man_, the, statue of; see _Volneratus deficiens_. - - Wreath of leaves, as prize at various games. - - Wrestlers, attributes of statues of, 165; - bronze group of, in Paris, 232; - bronze statue in Naples, 99; - five copies of bronze group of, showing tripping, 233; - group of, on bronze bowl from Borsdorf, showing hand grip, 231, 232; - groups of, on cista handles, 232; - groups of, on Etruscan cista in Metropolitan Museum, 231; - group of, at Olympia (?), 233f.; - paintings of wrestlers by Naukeros, and by Antidotos, 233; - part of group of, found - - in sea off Antikythera, 232; - small bronze group of, in Loeb Collection, showing cross-buttocks, - 232; - statues of, at Olympia, 234; - statues of, without special attributes, 170; - two bronze statues of, from Herculaneum showing front hold, 230, 231; - two groups of, on rim of bronze bowl, in Boston, 232. - - Wrestling (πάλη), 228f.; - bout between Theseus and Kerkyon, on metope of Theseion, 232; - cap used in, 166; - depicted on proto-Attic amphora, 13; - for boys, introduced at Olympia, 228; - at games of Patroklos, 8; - ground wrestling, on gems and vases, 248; - holds in, on vases (arm, body, front, neck, side, wrist), 229; - introduced at Olympia, 228; - oldest(?) of athletic sports, 228; - one of most popular sports, 228; - positions in, on various monuments, 229; - on r.-f. kylix, in Philadelphia, 230; - scenes in, on r.-f. vase, by Andokides, 230; - throws in, on vases (buttocks, cross-buttocks, flying mare, heave, - tripping), 229; - two kinds of, upright (ὀρθὴ πάλη), ground (κύλισις), 228, 229; - victors in wrestling and pankration on same day, 93, 94; - on wall-paintings at Beni-Hasan, Egypt, 1, 228; - wrestling and boxing on Panathenaic amphora of Kittos, 248; - wrestling and boxing in pankration, 247; - wrestling and pankration contrasted, 246. - - Wunderer, C., on the _Seated Boxer_ of Museo delle Terme, 147. - - - Xanten, bronze statue of boy found in Rhine near, 276. - - Xanthos, Chimæra tomb at, 271. - - Xenodamos, statue at Antikythera, 369. - - Xenodikos, statue at Olympia, 279, 345. - - Xenokles, base of statue at Olympia, 234, 344; - copies of statue of, 228, 234; - motive of statue of, 138, 139; - statue at Olympia, by Polykleitos the Younger, 118. - - Xenokrates, of Akragas, chariot victor at Delphi, 267. - - Xenokrates, sculptor, 61. - - Xenombrotos, base of statue at Olympia, 345; - base of second statue at Olympia, 355; - portrait statue of, at Olympia, 54; - statue at Olympia, by Philotimos, 122, 264, 279; - two monuments of, at Olympia, 29. - - Xenophanes, philosopher, on dangerous character of pankration, 246; - on painful character of boxing, 235; - protest of, against reverencing victors, 36. - - Xenophon, historian, on athletics, 58, 59; - _Symposium_ of, 59. - - Xenophon, of Aigion, statue at Olympia, 120, 343. - - Xerxes, carries off the _Tyrannicides_ to Susa, 173; - sacks Akropolis, 271. - - Xoana (ξόανα), Daidalian, 328. - - - Youth, bronze head of, from Akropolis, 114; - bronze head of, from Herculaneum, 95; - bronze statue of, found in sea off Antikythera, 80f., 82f.; - Polykleitan statue of, crowning himself, 155; - youth with tablet, on Munich vase, 182. - - - _Zanes_, statues of Zeus, so-called, near entrance to Stadion, - at Olympia, 33, 34. - - Zenobios, 182. - - Zeus, contestants at Olympia sacrifice to, 11; - diadoumenos on throne of, at Olympia, 150, 151; - father of Herakles, 10; - games in honor of, at Argos, 285; - Great Altar of, at Olympia, 339, 349, 350, 351, 355; - Nemean games in honor of, 17; - as one of the gods presiding over contests, 75; - sculptures from pediments of temple of, at Olympia, 53, 113, 114; - site of Great Altar of, at Olympia, 348f.; - statues of Hyblæan, at Olympia, 344; - of Megarian, at Olympia, 344; - of Olympian, by Pheidias, 52; - of Platæan, at Olympia, 344; - of Zeus Ithomatas, 110, 111; - of Zeus παῖς, at Aigion, 111; - with short hair, 52; - temple of, at Olympia, 342, 344, 346, 347, 350, 351, 352, 353, 355, - 356, 358, 359, 360; - throne of, at Olympia, described by Pausanias, 61; - worship of, at Olympia, later than that of Hera, 16; - wrestling match of, with Kronos, 14. - - Zeuxis, painter, 29. - - Zones, of victor statues at Olympia, 340; - of the _Chariots_, 345, 346; - of the (_Eretrian_) _Bull_, 343, 346; - of _Telemachos_, 345, 346; - of the _Victory_, 344, 346. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Olympic Victor Monuments and Greek -Athletic Art, by Walter Woodburn Hyde - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS *** - -***** This file should be named 61792-0.txt or 61792-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/1/7/9/61792/ - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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