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+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #61792 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/61792)
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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of Olympic Victor Monuments and Greek Athletic
-Art, by Walter Woodburn Hyde
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: Olympic Victor Monuments and Greek Athletic Art
-
-Author: Walter Woodburn Hyde
-
-Release Date: April 8, 2020 [EBook #61792]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
-produced from images generously made available by The
-Internet Archive)
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-[Illustration: MARBLE HEAD FROM OLYMPIA. MUSEUM AT OLYMPIA.]
-
-
-
-
- OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS
-
- AND
-
- GREEK ATHLETIC ART
-
- BY
-
- WALTER WOODBURN HYDE
-
- [Illustration]
-
- PUBLISHED BY THE CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON
-
- WASHINGTON, 1921
-
- CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON
- PUBLICATION NO. 268
-
- PRESS OF GIBSON BROTHERS, INC.
- WASHINGTON, D. C.
-
-
-
-
-PREFACE.
-
-
-The purpose of the present work is to study what is known of one of
-the most important genres of Greek sculpture—the monuments erected
-at Olympia and elsewhere in the Greek world in honor of victorious
-athletes at the Olympic games. Since only meagre remnants of these
-monuments have survived, the work is in the main concerned with the
-attempt to reconstruct their various types and poses.
-
-The source-material on which the attempt is based has been indicated
-fully in the text; it is of two kinds, literary and archæological. To
-the former belong the explanatory inscriptions on the bases of victor
-statues found at Olympia and elsewhere, many of which agree verbally
-with epigrams preserved in the _Greek Anthologies_; the incidental
-statements of various kinds and value found in the classical writers
-and their scholiasts; and, above all, the detailed works of the two
-imperial writers, the elder Pliny and Pausanias. Pliny’s account of
-the Greek artists, which is inserted into his _Historia Naturalis_
-as a digression (Books XXXIV-XXXVI)—being artificially joined to the
-history of mineralogy on the pretext of the materials used—is, despite
-its uncritical and often untrustworthy character, one of our chief
-mines of information about Greek sculptors and painters. The portions
-of Pausanias’ _Description of Greece_ which deal with Elis and the
-monuments of Olympia (Books V-VI), although they also evince little
-real understanding of art, are of far more direct importance to our
-subject, since they include a descriptive catalogue, doubtless based
-upon personal observation, of the greater part of the athlete monuments
-set up in the Altis at Olympia, the reconstruction of which is the
-chief purpose of the present work.
-
-To the archæological sources, on the other hand, belong, first and
-foremost, the remnants of victor statues in stone and metal which have
-long been garnered in modern museums or have come to light during the
-excavation of the Altis. To this small number I hope I have added at
-least one marble fragment found at Olympia, the head of a statue by
-Lysippos, the last great sculptor of Greece (Frontispiece and Fig.
-69). To this second kind of sources belong also the statue bases just
-mentioned, on many of which the extant footmarks enable us to determine
-the poses of the statues themselves which once stood upon them.
-Furthermore, an intimate knowledge of Greek athletic sculpture in all
-its periods and phases is, of course, essential in treating a problem
-of this nature. Here, as in the study of Greek sculpture in general,
-where the destruction of original masterpieces, apart from the few
-well-known but splendid exceptions, has been complete, we are almost
-entirely dependent upon second-hand evidence furnished by the numerous
-existing antique copies and adaptations of lost originals executed in
-marble and bronze by more or less skilled workmen for the Roman market.
-
-Finally, not only are the innumerable statuettes and small bronzes
-surviving from antiquity of great value in any attempt to reconstruct
-the pose of a given athlete statue, but also the representations
-of various athlete figures on every sort of sculptured and painted
-work—vase-paintings, wall-paintings, reliefs, gems, coins, etc.
-
-By using all such sources of information, it is possible to attain
-tolerable certainty in reconstructing the various types and poses of
-these lost monuments, and in identifying schools of athletic sculpture,
-masters, and even individual statues. But it must be stated at the
-outset that such identifications, from the very nature of the problem,
-are at best tentative in character. The attempt to see in Roman copies
-certain statues of athletes has often been made by archæologists.
-However probable such identifications may seem, we must not forget the
-simple fact that up to the present time not a single Roman copy has
-been conclusively _proved_ to be that of an Olympic victor statue.
-Only as our knowledge of Greek sculpture is gradually extended by
-discoveries of additional works of art, and by future researches,
-will it be possible to attain an ever greater degree of probability.
-The further identification of these important monuments, as that of
-masterpieces of Greek sculpture generally, will thus remain one of
-the chief problems for the future archæologist. In the present book,
-where the body of material drawn upon is so immense and the scientific
-writings involved are so voluminous, manifestly the author can lay no
-claim to an exhaustive treatment. With due consciousness of the defects
-and shortcomings of the work, he can claim only to have made a small
-selection of such works of art as will best illustrate the various
-types of monuments under discussion.
-
-The plan of the book is easily seen by a glance at the table of
-contents. After a preliminary chapter on the origin and development
-of Greek athletic games in general and on the custom of conferring
-athletic prizes on victors, the more specific subject of the work is
-introduced in Chapter II by brief discussions of the more general
-characteristics common to Olympic victor statues—their size, nudity,
-and hair-fashion, their portrait or non-portrait features, and the
-standard of beauty reached by some of them at least, as shown by the
-æsthetic judgments of certain ancient writers and by the fragmentary
-originals which have survived. The enumeration of these characteristics
-is followed by a brief account of the various canons of proportion
-assumed to have been used and taught by different schools of sculptors.
-The chapter ends with a more extended account of the little-known but
-important subject of the assimilation of this class of monuments to
-athlete types of gods and heroes.
-
-In Chapters III and IV, which are the most important in developing the
-problem of reconstruction, a division has been made into two great
-statuary groups: those in which the victor was represented at rest,
-where the particular contest was indicated, if indicated at all, by
-very general motives or by particular athletic attributes; and those
-in which the victor was represented in movement, _i. e._, in the
-characteristic pose of the contest in which he won his victory.
-
-Chapter V relates chiefly to the monuments of hippodrome victors, those
-in the various chariot-races and horse-races, and ends with a very
-brief notice of non-athlete victor dedications—those of musicians.
-
-Chapter VI gives a stylistic analysis of what are conceived to be
-two original marble heads from lost victor statues, one of which is
-ascribed to Lysippos, the great bronze-founder and art-reformer of
-the fourth century B. C., while the other is regarded as an early
-Hellenistic work of eclectic tendencies. The publication of these
-marble heads and of the oldest-dated victor statue, which is also of
-marble and which is discussed in Chapter VII, reinforced by other
-evidence adduced in the latter chapter, overthrows the belief that all
-victor statues were uniformly made of bronze. The publication of the
-Olympia head also controverts the usual assumption of archæologists
-that Lysippos worked only in metal. The last chapter is concerned with
-a topographical study of the original positions in the Altis of the
-various athlete monuments discussed, and with a list of all the victor
-monuments known to have been erected outside Olympia in various cities
-of the ancient world. These last three chapters are based on papers
-which have already appeared in the _American Journal of Archæology_
-(Chapters VI, VII, and the first half of VIII) and in the _Transactions
-of the American Philological Association_ (the last half of Chapter
-VIII). Permission to use them in the present book has been kindly
-granted to the author by Dr. James A. Paton, former editor-in-chief
-of the _American Journal of Archæology_, and by Professor Clarence P.
-Bill, the secretary of the American Philological Association.
-
-Although it has been my aim throughout to present my own views in
-regard to the various works of art under discussion, I must, of
-course, acknowledge that the book is largely based upon the work and
-conclusions of preceding scholars who have treated various phases of
-the same subject. It would, however, be unnecessary and even impossible
-here to acknowledge all the works laid directly or indirectly under
-contribution in the composition of the book. Most of these have been
-recorded in the footnotes.
-
-But I wish here to express, in a more general way, my indebtedness
-to the standard histories of Greek sculpture, by Brunn, Collignon,
-Gardiner, Lechat, Murray, Overbeck, Richardson, and others, which must
-form the foundation of the knowledge of any one who writes on any phase
-of the subject. Among these, two have been found especially valuable:
-Bulle’s _Der schoene Mensch im Altertum_, which is justly noted for
-its comprehensive views and sound judgments; and Furtwaengler’s _Die
-Meisterwerke der griechischen Plastik_, which, although it has been
-known to English readers in its enlarged edition by Miss Eugénie
-Sellers for over a quarter of a century, is still prized for its
-extensive firsthand knowledge of the monuments and for its brilliant
-inductions, even if the latter at times are carried too far.
-
-Perhaps my greatest debt has been to the excellent volume entitled
-_Greek Athletic Sports and Festivals_, by E. Norman Gardiner, M. A.,
-a scholar whose practical knowledge of modern athletic sports and
-wide familiarity with the ancient source material, both literary and
-monumental, has well fitted him to deal afresh with the subject treated
-so learnedly over three quarters of a century ago in Krause’s _Die
-Gymnastik und Agonistik der Hellenen_. I have also constantly drawn
-upon Gardiner’s collection of vase-paintings which illustrate athletic
-scenes.
-
-I should also note here several other works which have been of great
-assistance in writing this book, such as Juethner’s _Ueber antike
-Turngeraethe_ and edition of Philostratos’ _de Arte gymnastica_,
-Reisch’s _Griechische Weihgeschenke_, Rouse’s _Greek Votive Offerings_,
-and Foerster’s _Die Sieger in den Olympischen Spielen_. The
-chronological list of victors in the latter compilation was, in large
-part, the foundation of my earlier work _de olympionicarum Statuis_.
-
-I have also received most valuable help from the standard catalogues of
-modern museums, _e. g._, those by Amelung, Dickins, Helbig, Kabbadias,
-Lechat, Richter, de Ridder, Staïs, Svoronos, and especially the
-admirable ones of the classical collections in the British Museum. I
-regret that, owing to the recent war, some of the latest catalogues,
-those especially of the smaller foreign museums, have not been
-available.
-
-For illustrative matter, I have made no effort to reproduce merely
-striking works of art, but have, for the most part, presented
-well-known works which readily illustrate the problems treated in the
-text. I have availed myself of collections of photographs kindly placed
-at my disposal by Professors Herbert E. Everett of the School of Fine
-Arts of the University of Pennsylvania, D. M. Robinson of the Johns
-Hopkins University, A. S. Cooley of the Moravian College at Bethlehem,
-Pennsylvania, and Dr. Mary H. Swindler of Bryn Mawr College. The
-various collections of plates and the books and journals from which I
-have taken illustrations are duly noted in the List of Illustrations.
-
-In addition, I wish to thank the following corporations and individuals
-for permission to reproduce plates and text-cuts from the works cited:
-the Council of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies,
-of London, for the use of four plates appearing in the _Journal of
-Hellenic Studies_ (Figs. 44, 54, 55, and 59); the Trustees of the
-British Museum in London for seven plates from _Marbles and Bronzes
-in the British Museum_ (Pls. 7A, 17, 19; Figs. 14, 28, 31, and 35);
-Professor E. A. Gardiner and his publishers, Duckworth and Co., of
-London, for two plates from _Six Greek Sculptors_ (Pl. 30; Fig. 71);
-Mr. H. R. Hall, of the British Museum, and his publisher, Philip Lee
-Warner, of London, for one from _Aegean Archæology_ (Fig. 1); Professor
-Allan Marquand, of Princeton University, for one text-cut from the
-_American Journal of Archæology_ (Fig. 49), and Dr. J. M. Paton,
-former editor-in-chief, for three other text-cuts from the same journal
-(Figs. 70, 72, 79).
-
-To the following I am also indebted for individual photographs: Dr. J.
-N. Svoronos, Director of the Numismatic Museum, Athens, Greece, for
-one of the oldest-dated statues of an Olympic victor (Fig. 79), which
-has already appeared in the _American Journal of Archæology_; Dr. A.
-Fairbanks, of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, for those of the statue
-of a Charioteer (?) and of the fragmentary head of the _Oil-pourer_ (Pl.
-27; Fig. 23); Dr. Edward Robinson, of the Metropolitan Museum of Art,
-New York, for those of the fine Kresilæan and Praxitelian heads (Pls.
-15, 20), and of the bronze statuette of a diskobolos (Fig. 46); Prof.
-Alice Walton, of Wellesley College, for one of the Polykleitan athlete
-(Pl. 13); the Director of the Fogg Art Museum of Cambridge, Mass., for
-that of the so-called _Meleager_ (Fig. 77); Dr. S. B. Luce, recently of
-the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, for photographs of two
-vase-paintings showing athletic scenes (Figs. 50, 56), and Dr. Eleanor
-F. Rambo, formerly of the same Museum, for a copy of the Knossos
-wall-painting (Pl. 1).
-
-A word might be added as to the spelling of Greek proper names. Since
-consistency in this matter seems unattainable, I have adopted the
-method outlined in the _British School Annual_ (XV, 1908-09, p. 402),
-whereby the names of persons, places, buildings, festivals, etc., are
-transliterated from the Greek forms, except those which have become a
-part of the English language. But even here I have sometimes deviated
-from the practice of using familiar English forms.
-
-In abbreviations of the names of journals (see pages XVI-XIX) I have
-largely conformed with the usage long recommended by the _American
-Journal of Archæology._
-
-For convenience in identifying the many works of art, discussed or
-mentioned in the text and foot-notes, I have constantly referred to
-well-known collections of plates, such as those of Brunn-Bruckmann,
-Bulle, Rayet, and von Mach. For further convenience, I have also in
-most cases referred to the outline drawings of statues in Reinach’s
-_Répertoire de la statuaire grecque et romaine_, and in some cases
-to the older ones found in Clarac’s _Musée de sculpture antique et
-moderne_, and in Mueller and Wieseler’s _Denkmaeler der alten Kunst_.
-
-In closing, I have the pleasant duty of thanking generally the many
-friends who have given me valuable suggestions and assistance,
-especially Professor Lane Cooper, of Cornell University, for reading
-the proof-sheets of the entire work, and Professor Alfred Emerson, now
-of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, my former teacher, for revising the list
-of _Corrigenda_.
-
- WALTER WOODBURN HYDE.
-
- UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
- _Philadelphia, October, 1921._
-
-
-
-
-CONTENTS.
-
-
- CHAPTER I.
-
- PAGE
-
- EARLY GREEK GAMES AND PRIZES 1-42
-
- Sports in Crete 1
-
- Athletics in Homer 7
-
- Origin of Greek Games in the Cult of the Dead 9
-
- Early History of the Four National Games 14
-
- Early Prizes for Athletes 18
-
- Dedication of Athlete Prizes 21
-
- Dedication of Statues at Olympia and Elsewhere 24
-
- Honors Paid to Victors by their Native Cities 32
-
- Votive Character of Victor Dedications 37
-
- Miscellaneous Memorials to Victors 40
-
- Honorary Statues 41
-
-
- CHAPTER II.
-
- GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF VICTOR STATUES AT OLYMPIA 43-98
-
- Size of Victor Statues 45
-
- Nudity of Victor Statues 47
-
- The Athletic Hair-fashion 50
-
- Iconic and Aniconic Statues 54
-
- Portrait Statues 55
-
- Aniconic Statues 58
-
- Aesthetic Judgments of Classical Writers 58
-
- Greek Originals of Victor Statues 62
-
- Canons of Proportion 65
-
- Assimilation of Olympic Victor Statues to Types of Gods and Heroes 71
-
- Athlete Statues Assimilated to Types of Hermes 75
-
- Athlete Statues Assimilated to Types of Apollo 88
-
- Athlete Statues Assimilated to Types of Herakles 93
-
- Athletes Represented as the Dioskouroi 96
-
-
- CHAPTER III.
-
- VICTOR STATUES REPRESENTED AT REST 99-172
-
- The Apollo Type 100
-
- The Affiliated Schools of Argos and Sikyon 109
-
- The School of Argos 109
-
- The School of Sikyon 118
-
- Aeginetan Sculptors 122
-
- Attic Sculptors 126
-
- General Motives of Statues at Rest 130
-
- Adoration and Prayer 130
-
- Anointing 133
-
- Oil-scraping 135
-
- Libation-pouring 138
-
- Resting after the Contest 144
-
- Attributes of Victor Statues 147
-
- Primary Attributes of Victor Statues 148
-
- The Victor Fillet 148
-
- Fillet-binders 150
-
- The Crown of Wild Olive 155
-
- The Palm-branch 160
-
- Secondary Attributes of Victor Statues 161
-
- Hoplitodromoi 161
-
- Pentathletes 164
-
- Boxers 165
-
- Wrestlers 165
-
- Caps for Boxers, Pancratiasts, and Wrestlers 165
-
- The Swollen Ear 167
-
-
- CHAPTER IV.
-
- VICTOR STATUES REPRESENTED IN MOTION 173-256
-
- The _Tyrannicides_ 173
-
- Antiquity of Motion Statues in Greece 176
-
- Pythagoras and Myron 178
-
- Motion Statues representing Victors in Various Contests 188
-
- Runners: Stadiodromoi, Diaulodromoi, Dolichodromoi 190
-
- The Statue of the Runner Ladas 196
-
- Statues of Boy Runners 200
-
- Hoplitodromoi 203
-
- Pentathletes 210
-
- Jumpers 214
-
- Diskoboloi 218
-
- Akontistai 222
-
- Wrestlers 228
-
- Boxers 234
-
- Pancratiasts 246
-
-
- CHAPTER V.
-
- MONUMENTS OF HIPPODROME AND MUSICAL VICTORS 257-285
-
- Programme of Hippodrome Events 259
-
- Representations of the Chariot-race 262
-
- Chariot-groups at Olympia 264
-
- Remains of Chariot-groups 269
-
- The _Apobates_ Chariot-race 272
-
- Statues of Charioteers 274
-
- Dedications of Victors in the Horse-race at Olympia and Elsewhere 278
-
- Monuments Illustrating the Horse-race 280
-
- The _Apobates_ Horse-race 282
-
- Dedications of Musical Victors at Olympia and Elsewhere 283
-
-
- CHAPTER VI.
-
- TWO MARBLE HEADS FROM VICTOR STATUES 286-320
-
- The Group of Daochos at Delphi, and Lysippos 286
-
- The _Apoxyomenos_ of the Vatican, and Lysippos 288
-
- The _Agios_ and the _Apoxyomenos_ compared, and the Style
- of Lysippos 289
-
- The Head from Olympia 293
-
- The Olympia Head and that of the _Agias_ 294
-
- Identification of the Olympia Head 298
-
- The Dates of Philandridas and Lysippos 300
-
- Lysippos as a Worker in Marble, and Statue “Doubles” 302
-
- The Head of a Statue of a Boy from Sparta, and the Art
- of Skopas 303
-
- Comparison of the Tegea Heads and the Head from Sparta 308
-
- The Styles of Skopas and Lysippos Compared 311
-
- The Sparta Head Compared with that of the _Philandridas_ 316
-
- The Sparta Head an Eclectic Work and an Example of Assimilation 318
-
-
- CHAPTER VII.
-
- THE MATERIALS OF OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS, AND THE OLDEST-DATED
- VICTOR STATUE 321-338
-
- The Case for Bronze 321
-
- The Case for Stone 323
-
- The Statue of Arrhachion at Phigalia 326
-
- Egyptian Influence on Early Greek Sculpture 328
-
- Early Victor Statues and the “Apollo” Type 334
-
-
- CHAPTER VIII.
-
- POSITIONS OF VICTOR STATUES IN THE ALTIS; OLYMPIC VICTOR
- MONUMENTS ERECTED OUTSIDE OLYMPIA; STATISTICS OF OLYMPIC
- VICTOR STATUARIES 339-375
-
- Statues Mentioned by Pausanias 339
-
- The First Ephodos of Pausanias 341
-
- The Second Ephodos of Pausanias 348
-
- Summary of Results 352
-
- Statues not Mentioned by Pausanias, but known from Recovered
- Bases 353
-
- Olympic Victor Monuments Erected Outside Olympia 361
-
- Summary of Results 374
-
- Statistics of Olympic Victor Statuaries 375
-
-
-
-
-LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
-
-
- PLATES.
- FACING
- PAGE
-
- Marble Head, from Olympia. Front view. Museum of Olympia.
- After _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LIV, 3 _Frontispiece._
-
- 1. Bull-grappling Scene. Wall-painting, from Knossos. Museum
- of Candia. After Photograph from copy in watercolor
- by Gilliéron in the Museum of Liverpool 2
-
- 2. Marble Statue of a Girl Runner. Vatican Museum, Rome. After
- Photograph by Anderson 50
-
- 3. Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor. Glyptothek, Munich. After
- B. B., No. 8 62
-
- 4. Statue of the _Doryphoros_, from Pompeii, after Polykleitos.
- Museum of Naples. After Photograph by Alinari 70
-
- 5. Statue of _Hermes_, from Andros. National Museum, Athens.
- After Photograph by Rhomaïdes 72
-
- 6. Statue of the _Standing Diskobolos_, after Naukydes (?).
- Vatican Museum, Rome. After Photograph 76
-
- 7 A and B. Statues of so-called _Apollos_. A. The _Apollo
- Choiseul-Gouffier_. British Museum, London. After _Marbles
- and Bronzes in the British Museum_, Pl. III B.
- The _Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_. National Museum, Athens.
- After Photograph by Merlin 90
-
- 8 A and B. Statues of so-called _Apollos_. A. The _Apollo
- of Tenea_. Glyptothek, Munich. After Photograph by Bruckmann.
- B. _Argive Apollo_, from Delphi. Museum of Delphi. After
- _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, 1904, Pl. I 102
-
- 9. Statue of an Athlete, by Stephanos. Villa Albani, Rome.
- After Photograph 114
-
- 10. Bronze statue of the _Praying Boy_. Museum of Berlin. After
- Photograph 132
-
- 11. Statue of so-called _Oil-pourer_. Glyptothek, Munich. After
- Photograph by Bruckmann 134
-
- 12. Statue of an _Apoxyomenos_. Uffizi Gallery, Florence. After
- B. B., No. 523 136
-
- 13. Statue of an Athlete, after Polykleitos. Farnsworth Museum,
- Wellesley College, U. S. A. After Photograph 138
-
- 14. Bronze Statue known as the _Idolino_. Museo Archeologico,
- Florence. After B. B., No. 274 142
-
- 15. Marble Head of an Athlete, after Kresilas (?). Metropolitan
- Museum, New York. After Photograph 144
-
- 16. Bronze Statue of the _Seated Boxer_. Museo delle Terme,
- Rome. After _Ant. Denkm._, I, <f>1</f>, 1886, Pl. IV 146
-
- 17. Statue known as the _Farnese Diadoumenos_. British Museum,
- London. After _Marbles and Bronzes in the British Museum_,
- Pl. VI 150
-
- 18. Statue of the _Diadoumenos_, from Delos. After Polykleitos.
- National Museum, Athens. After Photograph by Alinari 152
-
- 19. Statue known as the _Westmacott Athlete_. British Museum,
- London. After _Marbles and Bronzes in the British Museum_,
- Pl. XXII 156
-
- 20. Head of an Athlete, School of Praxiteles. Metropolitan Museum,
- New York. After Photograph 168
-
- 21. Statue of _Diomedes with the Palladion_. Glyptothek, Munich.
- After Photograph 170
-
- 22. Statue of the _Diskobolos_, from Castel Porziano, after
- Myron. Museo delle Terme, Rome. After Photograph by
- Anderson 184
-
- 23. Statue of the _Diskobolos_, after Myron. A bronzed Cast from
- the Statue in the Vatican and Head from the Statue in the
- Palazzo Lancellotti, Rome. After B. B., No. 566 186
-
- 24. Statue of a Kneeling Youth, from Subiaco. Museo delle Terme,
- Rome. After Photograph by Anderson 196
-
- 25. Marble Group of Pancratiasts. Uffizi Gallery, Florence.
- After Photo, by Alinari 252
-
- 26. Racing Chariot and Horses. From an archaic b.-f. Hydria.
- Museum of Berlin. After Gerhard, IV, Pls. CCXLIX-CCL 262
-
- 27. Statue of a Charioteer (?). Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.
- After Photo. by Coolidge 276
-
- 28. Statue of the Pancratiast Agias, from Delphi. Museum
- of Delphi. After _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, Pl. LXIII 286
-
- 29. Statue of the _Apoxyomenos_. After Lysippos or his School.
- Vatican Museum, Rome. After B. B., No. 381 288
-
- 30. Statue of _Herakles_. Lansdowne House, London. After Gardner,
- _Sculpt._, Pl. LVI 298
-
-
-
-
- PLANS.
-
- FACING
- PAGE
-
- A. The Altis at Olympia in the Greek Period (Third Century
- B. C.). After Doerpfeld, in _Ergebnisse von Olympia,
- Karten und Plaene_, No. III 376
-
- B. The Altis at Olympia in the Roman Period (Second Century
- A. D.). After Doerpfeld, in _Ergebnisse von Olympia,
- Karten und Plaene_, No. IV 376
-
-
-
-
- TEXT-FIGURES.
- PAGE
-
- 1. So-called _Boxer Vase_, from Hagia Triada. From a Cast
- (with handle restored) in the Museum of Candia. After
- H. R. Hall, Aegean Archæology, Pl. XVI 6
-
- 2. Bronze Statuette of a Victor, from Olympia. Museum of Olympia.
- After _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. VIII, No. 57 28
-
- 3. Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor, from Beneventum. Louvre,
- Paris. After Photograph 64
-
- 4. Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor, from Herculaneum. Museum
- of Naples. After B. B., No. 323 (Right) 65
-
- 5. Bronze Portrait-statue of a Hellenistic Prince. Museo delle
- Terme, Rome. After Photograph by Alinari 73
-
- 6. Bronze Statuette of _Hermes-Diskobolos_, found in the Sea
- off Antikythera. National Museum, Athens. After Photograph
- by Rhomaïdes 79
-
- 7. Bronze Statue of a Youth, found in the Sea off Antikythera.
- National Museum, Athens. After Photograph by Rhomaïdes 80
-
- 8. Statue of the so-called _Jason_ (_Sandal-binder_). Louvre,
- Paris. After Photograph by Giraudon 86
-
- 9. Statue of so-called _Apollo of Thera_. National Museum,
- Athens. After Photograph 101
-
- 10. Statue of so-called _Apollo of Orchomenos_. National Museum,
- Athens. After Photograph 102
-
- 11. Statue of so-called _Apollo_, from Mount Ptoion, Bœotia.
- National Museum, Athens. After Photograph 102
-
- 12. Statue of so-called _Apollo of Melos_. National Museum,
- Athens. After Photograph 103
-
- 13. Statues of so-called _Apollos_, from Mount Ptoion. National
- Museum, Athens. After Photograph 104
-
- 14. Statue known as the _Strangford Apollo_. British Museum,
- London. After _Marbles and Bronzes in the British Museum_,
- Pl. II 105
-
- 15. Bronze Statuette of a Palæstra Victor, from the Akropolis.
- Akropolis Museum, Athens. After Photograph 108
-
- 16. Bronze Statuette, from Ligourió. Museum of Berlin. After
- _50stes Berliner Winckelmannsprogramm_, 1890, Pl. I
- (Center and Left) 112
-
- 17. Statue of an Ephebe, from the Akropolis. Akropolis Museum,
- Athens. After Photograph 115
-
- 18. Head of an Ephebe, from the Akropolis. Akropolis Museum,
- Athens. After Photograph by Rhomaïdes 116
-
- 19. Bronze Statuette of Apollo, found in the Sea off Piombino.
- Louvre, Paris. After Photograph by Giraudon 119
-
- 20. Figure, from the East Pediment of the Temple on Aegina.
- Glypothek, Munich. After Photograph by Bruckmann 124
-
- 21. Two Figures, from the West Pediment of the Temple on Aegina.
- Glyptothek, Munich. After Photograph by Bruckmann 125
-
- 22. Archaic Marble Head of a Youth. Jacobsen Collection,
- Ny-Carlsberg Museum, Copenhagen. After Arndt,
- _La Glyplothèque Ny-Carlsberg_, 1896, Pl. I 128
-
- 23. Head of so-called _Oil-pourer_. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.
- After Photograph 134
-
- 24. Bronze Statuette of an Athlete. Louvre, Paris. After
- Furtwaengler, _Masterpieces_, Pl. XIII 139
-
- 25. Bronze Head of an Athlete, from Herculaneum. Museum of Naples.
- After B. B., No. 339 (Left) 140
-
- 26. Marble Statue of an Athlete (?). National Museum, Athens.
- After Photograph 143
-
- 27. Head from Statue of the _Seated Boxer_ (Pl. 16). Museo delle
- Terme, Rome. After Photograph by Anderson 146
-
- 28. Statue of the _Diadoumenos_, from Vaison, after Polykleitos.
- British Museum, London. After _Marbles and Bronzes in the
- British Museum_, Pl. IV 153
-
- 29. Head of the _Diadoumenos_, after Polykleitos. Albertinum,
- Dresden. After Furtwaengler, _Masterpieces_, Pl. X 154
-
- 30. Marble Heads of two Hoplitodromoi, from Olympia. Museum of
- Olympia. After _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. VI, 1-2
- and 9-10 162
-
- 31. Head of Herakles, from Genzano. British Museum, London. After
- _Marbles and Bronzes in the British Museum_, Pl. XXI 170
-
- 32. Statue of _Harmodios_. Museum of Naples. After B. B., No. 327 174
-
- 33. Head of an Athlete, from Perinthos. Albertinum, Dresden.
- After B. B., No. 542 (Right) 180
-
- 34. Statue of the _Diskobolos_, after Myron. Vatican Museum,
- Rome. After Photograph 185
-
- 35. Statue of the _Diskobolos_, after Myron. British Museum,
- London. After _Marbles and Bronzes in the British Museum_,
- Pl. XLVII 186
-
- 36. A and B. Athletic Scenes from a Bacchic Amphora in Rome.
- A. Stadiodromoi and Leaper. B. Diskobolos and Akontistai.
- After Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLIX 192
-
- 37. Athletic Scenes from a Sixth-century B. C. Panathenaic
- Amphora. Stadiodromoi (Left) and Dolichodromoi (Right).
- After _Mon. d. I._, I, 1829-33, Pl. XXII, 6 b, 7 b 193
-
- 38. Statue of a Runner. Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome. After
- Photograph by Anderson 198
-
- 39. Statue of a Runner. Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome. After
- Photograph by Anderson 198
-
- 40. Statue of the so-called _Thorn-puller_ (the _Spinario_).
- Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome. After B. B., No. 321 200
-
- 41. Hoplitodromes. Scenes from a r.-f. Kylix. Museum of Berlin.
- After Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLXI 205
-
- 42. Bronze Statuette of a Hoplitodrome (?). University Museum,
- Tuebingen. After _Jb._, I, 1886, Pl. IX (Right) 206
-
- 43. Statue of the so-called _Borghese Warrior_. Louvre, Paris.
- After Photograph 208
-
- 44. Pentathletes. Scene from a Panathenaic Amphora in the
- British Museum, London. After _J. H. S._, XXVII, 1907,
- Pl. XVIII 211
-
- 45. Statue of a Boy Victor (the _Dresden Boy_). Albertinum,
- Dresden. After Furtwaengler, _Masterpieces_, Pl. XII 213
-
- 46. Bronze Statuette of a _Diskobolos_. Metropolitan Museum,
- New York. After Photograph 220
-
- 47. Bust of the _Doryphoros_, after Polykleitos, by Apollonios.
- Museum of Naples. After Photograph by Alinari 224
-
- 48. Statue of the _Doryphoros_, after Polykleitos. Vatican
- Museum, Rome. After Photograph by Anderson 225
-
- 49. Wrestling Scenes. From Obverse of an Amphora, by Andokides.
- Museum of Berlin. After _A. J. A._, XI, 1896, P. 11,
- Fig. 9 230
-
- 50. Wrestling and Boxing Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix. University
- of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia. After Photograph 231
-
- 51. Bronze Statues of Wrestlers. Museum of Naples. After B. B.,
- No. 354 232
-
- 52. Bronze Arm of Statue of a Boxer, found in the Sea off
- Antikythera. National Museum, Athens. After Svoronos,
- Pl. V, No. 4 237
-
- 53. Forearm with Glove. From the Statue of the _Seated Boxer_
- (Pl. 16). Museo delle Terme, Rome. After Juethner, Fig. 62 238
-
- 54. Boxing Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix by Douris. British Museum,
- London. After _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, Pl. XII 240
-
- 55. Boxing and Pankration Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix. British
- Museum, London. After _J. H. S._, XXVI, Pl. XIII 241
-
- 56. Boxing Scene. From a b.-f. Panathenaic Panel-amphora.
- University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia. After
- Photograph 242
-
- 57. Statue of a Boxer, from Sorrento. By Koblanos of Aphrodisias.
- Museum of Naples. After B. B., No. 614 242
-
- 58. Statue known as _Pollux_. Louvre, Paris. After Photograph
- by Giraudon 245
-
- 59. Pankration Scene. From a Panathenaic Amphora by Kittos.
- British Museum, London. After _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906,
- Pl. III 248
-
- 60. Bronze Statuette of a Pancratiast (?), from Autun, France.
- Louvre, Paris. After Bulle, Pl. 96 (Right) 250
-
- 61. Bronze Head of a Boxer(?), from Olympia. A (Profile);
- B (Front). National Museum, Athens. After _Bronz. v. Ol._,
- Tafelbd., Pl. II, 2a and 2 254
-
- 62. Bronze Foot of a Victor Statue, from Olympia. Museum
- of Olympia. After _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. III, 3 253
-
- 63. Charioteer Mounting a Chariot. Bas-relief from the Akropolis.
- Akropolis Museum, Athens. After Photograph 270
-
- 64. _Apobates_ and Chariot. Relief from the North Frieze of
- the Parthenon, Athens. After Photograph 273
-
- 65. Charioteer. Relief from the small Frieze of the Mausoleion,
- Halikarnassos. British Museum, London. After Photograph 274
-
- 66. Bronze Statue of the Delphi _Charioteer_. Museum of Delphi.
- After _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, Pl. L 277
-
- 67. Horse-racer. From a Sixth-century B. C. b.-f. Panathenaic
- Vase. British Museum, London. After Gerhard, IV, Pl.
- CCLVII (Bottom). 280
-
- 68. Head from the Statue of Agias (Pl. 28). Museum of Delphi.
- After _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, Pl. LXIV 287
-
- 69. Marble Head, from Olympia. Three-quarters Front View
- (_Cf._ Frontispiece). Museum of Olympia. After _Bildw.
- v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LIV, 4 293
-
- 70. Profile Drawings of the Heads of the _Agias_ and the
- _Philandridas_. After _A. J. A._, XI, 1907, p. 403,
- Fig. 6 295
-
- 71. Head of the Statue of Herakles (Pl. 30). Lansdowne House,
- London. After Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. LVII 298
-
- 72. Marble Head of a Boy, found near the Akropolis, Sparta. In
- Private Possession in Philadelphia, U. S. A. After
- Photograph 305
-
- 73. So-called Head of Herakles from Tegea, by Skopas. National
- Museum, Athens. After _B. C. H._, XXV, 1901, Pl. VII 307
-
- 74. Attic Grave-relief, found in the Bed of the Ilissos, Athens.
- National Museum, Athens. After A. Conze, _Attische
- Grabreliefs_, Pl. CCXI 312
-
- 75. Statue of the so-called _Meleager_. Vatican Museum, Rome.
- After Photograph 313
-
- 76. Head of the so-called _Meleager_. Villa Medici, Rome. After
- _Ant. Denkm._, I, Pl. XI, 2a 314
-
- 77. Torso of the so-called _Meleager_. Fogg Art Museum, Cambridge,
- Mass. After Photograph 315
-
- 78. Small Marble Torso of a Boy Victor, from Olympia. Museum
- of Olympia. After _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 2 325
-
- 79. Stone Statue of the Olympic Victor, Arrhachion, from
- Phigalia. In the Guards’ House at Bassai (Phigalia). After
- Photograph 327
-
- 80. Statues of Ra-nefer and Tepemankh, from Sakkarah. Museum
- of Cairo. After Bulle, Pl. 5 331
-
-
-
-
-THE MOST COMMON ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE NOTES.
-
-
- _A. A._
-
- _Archaeologischer Anzeiger_, Beiblatt zum Jahrbuch, 1889-.
-
- _Afr._
-
- S. Iulii Africani Ὀλυμπιάδων ἀναγραφή, _apud_ Euseb., _Chron._, ed.
- A. Schoene, I, pp. 194-220. Berlin, 1875. See also Rutgers.
-
- _A. G._
-
- _Anthologia Graeca_, cur. F. Jacobs, I-III. Leipsic, 1813-1817.
-
- _A. Pl._
-
- _Anthologia Planudea_, in _A. G._, II, 1814.
-
- _A. J. A._
-
- _American Journal of Archæology_, 1st series, 1885-1896; 2d series,
- 1897-.
-
- _A. M._
-
- _Mitteilungen des kaiserlich deutschen archaeologischen Instituts_,
- Athenische Abteilung. Athens, 1876-.
-
- Amelung, _Fuehrer_
-
- W. Amelung, _Fuehrer durch die Antiken in Florenz_. Munich, 1897.
-
- Amelung, _Vat._
-
- W. Amelung, _Die Skulpturen des Vatikanischen Museums_, Textbd.,
- I-II: Tafelbd., I-II. Berlin, 1903, 1908.
-
- _Annali_
-
- _Annali dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica._ Rome,
- 1829-1885.
-
- _Ant. Denkm._
-
- _Antike Denkmaeler_, herausgegeben vom kaiserlich deutschen
- archaeologischen Institut. Berlin, 1886-.
-
- _Arch. Eph._
-
- Ἀρχαιολογικὴ Ἐφημερίς. Athens, 3d Per., 1883-. (The title before 1910 was
- Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολογική.)
-
- Arndt-Amelung
-
- _Photographische Einzelaufnahmen antiker Skulpturen_ (with text).
- Munich, 1893-1902. Cited in German publications as _Einzelverkauf_.
-
- _A. Z._
-
- _Archaeologische Zeitung._ Berlin, 1843-1885.
-
- Baum.
-
- A. Baumeister, _Denkmaeler des klassischen Altertums_, I-III. Munich
- and Leipsic, 1889.
-
- B. B.
-
- Brunn-Bruckmann, _Denkmaeler griechischer und roemischer Skulptur_.
- Munich, 1888. Text from No. 500 (1897-) by F. Arndt. (Plates cited by
- number).
-
- _B. C. H._
-
- _Bulletin de Correspondance hellénique._ Paris, 1877-.
-
- _Bildw. v. Ol._
-
- _Olympia, Die Ergebnisse_, Text- und Tafelbd., III, _Die Bildwerke
- von Olympia in Stein und Thon_. By G. Treu. Berlin, 1897.
-
- _B. M. Bronz._
-
- _Catalogue of the Bronzes, Greek, Roman, and Etruscan, in the British
- Museum._ By H. B. Walters. London, 1899.
-
- _B. M. Sculpt._
-
- _Catalogue of Sculpture in the British Museum_, I-III. By A. H.
- Smith. London, 1892-1904.
-
- _B. M. Vases_
-
- _Catalogue of the Greek and Etruscan Vases in the British Museum._ I,
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-
- Boeckh
-
- A. Boeckh, _Pindari Opera_, II, _Scholia_. Leipsic, 1819.
-
- _Bronz. v. Ol._
-
- _Olympia, Die Ergebnisse_, Text- und Tafelbd., IV, _Die Bronzen
- und die uebrigen kleineren Funde von Olympia_. By A. Furtwaengler.
- Berlin, 1890.
-
- Brunn
-
- H. Brunn, _Geschichte der griechischen Kuenstler_, I (Bildhauer).
- Brunswick, 1853. (Reprinted, Stuttgart, 1889).
-
- _B. S. A._
-
- _Annual of the British School at Athens._ London, 1894-1895-.
-
- Bulle
-
- H. Bulle, _Der schoene Mensch im Altertum_. Second edition, Munich
- and Leipsic, 1912. (= Vol. I of G. Hirth’s _Der Stil_.)
-
- _B. Com. Rom._
-
- _Bulletino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale di Roma._ Rome,
- 1872-.
-
- _Bull. d. Inst._
-
- _Bulletino dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica._ Rome,
- 1829-1885.
-
- _C. I. A._
-
- _Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum_, I-IV. Berlin, 1873-1897. (I, ed. A.
- Kirchhoff; II, Pts. 1-4, and IV, Pts. 1-2, ed. U. Koehler; III, Pts.
- 1-2, ed. W. Dittenberger).
-
- _C. I. G._
-
- _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_, I-IV. Berlin, 1828-1877. (I-II, ed.
- A. Boeckh; III, ed. J. Franz: IV, ed. E. Curtius and A. Kirchhoff.)
-
- Clarac
-
- F. de Clarac, _Musée de sculpture antique et moderne_. Text, I-VI:
- Plates, I-VI. Paris, 1826-1853. See also Reinach, _Rép._
-
- Collignon
-
- M. Collignon, _Histoire de la sculpture grecque_, I-II. Paris, 1892,
- 1897.
-
- _C. R. Acad. Inscr._
-
- _Comptes-Rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres._
- Paris, 1857-.
-
- Dar.-Sagl.
-
- C. Daremberg, E. Saglio, et E. Pottier, _Dictionnaire des antiquités
- grecques et romaines_. Paris, 1877-1918.
-
- Dickins
-
- G. Dickins, _Catalogue of the Akropolis Museum_, I (Archaic
- Sculpture). Cambridge, 1912.
-
- Duetschke
-
- H. Duetschke, _Antike Bildwerke in Oberitalien_, I-IV. Leipsic,
- 1874-1880. (Works of art cited by number.)
-
- _F. H. G._
-
- _Fragmenta historiorum Graecorum_, coll. C. Muellerus, I-IV. Paris,
- 1841-1851.
-
- Foerster
-
- H. Foerster, _Die Sieger in den Olympischen Spielen_.
- Wissenschaftliche Beilage zum Programm des Gymnasiums zu Zwickau,
- 1891, 1892. (The numbers refer to victors in chronological order.)
-
- Frazer
-
- Sir J. G. Frazer, _Pausanias’s Description of Greece_, I-VI. London,
- 1898.
-
- Froehner, _Notice_
-
- W. Froehner, _Notice de la sculpture ant. du musée impérial du
- Louvre_. Paris, 1869.
-
- Furtw., _Mp._
-
- A. Furtwaengler, _Masterpieces of Greek Sculpture_. Translated and
- enlarged from the following work, by Miss Eugénie Sellers (now Mrs.
- Strong). London, 1895.
-
- Furtw., _Mw._
-
- A. Furtwaengler, _Meisterwerke der griechischen Plastik_. Leipsic and
- Berlin, 1893.
-
- F. W.
-
- C. Friederichs, _Bausteine zur Geschichte d. griech.-roem. Plastik_,
- 1868. Revised edition, entitled Die Gipsabguesse antiker Bildwerke,
- by P. Wolters. Berlin, 1885.
-
- Gardiner
-
- E. Norman Gardiner, _Greek Athletic Sports and Festivals_. London,
- 1910.
-
- Gardner, _Hbk._
-
- E. A. Gardner, _A Handbook of Greek Sculpture_. Second edition
- revised. London, 1915.
-
- Gardner, _Sculpt._
-
- E. A. Gardner, _Six Greek Sculptors_. London, 1910.
-
- _Gaz. arch._
-
- _Gazette archéologique_. Paris, 1875—.
-
- _Gaz. B.-A._
-
- _Gazette des Beaux-Arts._ Paris, Pér. I, 1859-1868; II, 1869-1888;
- III, 1889—.
-
- Gerhard
-
- E. Gerhard, _Auserlesene Vasenbilder_, Vol. IV (_Alltagsleben_).
- Berlin, 1840.
-
- Helbig, _Fuehrer_
-
- W. Helbig, and others, _Fuehrer durch die oeffentlichen Sammlungen
- klassischer Altertuemer in Rom_. Third edition, I-II. Leipsic, 1912,
- 1913.
-
- Helbig, _Guide_
-
- _Guide to the Public Collections of Classical Antiquities in Rome._
- Translation from the preceding work (1st ed.) by J. F. and F.
- Muirhead, I-II. Leipsic, 1895, 1896.
-
- Hitz.-Bluemn.
-
- H. Hitzig et H. Bluemner, _Pausaniae Graeciae Descriptio_. I-III
- (Each in 2 Parts). Leipsic, 1896-1907.
-
- Hyde
-
- Gualterus (= Walter Woodburn) Hyde, _de olympionicarum Statuis a
- Pausania commemoratis_. Halle, 1902; enlarged, 1903. Numbers cited
- refer to victors in the order given by Pausanias.
-
- _I. G._
-
- _Inscriptiones Graecae_ (for contents and numbering of volumes, see
- _A. J. A._, IX, 1905, pp. 96-97).
-
- _I. G. A._
-
- _Inscriptiones Graecae antiquissimae praeter Atticas in Attica
- repertas._ Ed. H. Roehl. Berlin, 1882.
-
- _I. G. B._
-
- _Inschriften griechischer Bildhauer._ Ed. E. Loewy. Leipsic, 1885.
-
- _Inschr. v. Ol._
-
- _Olympia, Die Ergebnisse_, Textbd., V, _Die Inschriften von Olympia_.
- By W. Dittenberger and K. Purgold. Berlin, 1896.
-
- _Jb._
-
- _Jahrbuch des kaiserlich deutschen archaeologischen Instituts._
- Berlin, 1886—.
-
- Jex-Blake
-
- K. Jex-Blake and E. Sellers, _The Elder Pliny’s Chapters on
- the History of Art_ (chiefly Bks. XXXIV-XXXVI of the _Historia
- Naturalis_, cited as _H. N._). London and New York, 1896.
-
- _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._
-
- _Jahreshefte des oesterreichischen archaeologischen Institutes in
- Wien._ Vienna, 1898—.
-
- _J. H. S._
-
- _Journal of Hellenic Studies._ London, 1880—.
-
- Joubin
-
- A. Joubin, _La Sculpture grecque entre les Guerres Médiques et
- l’Époque de Périclès_. Paris, 1901.
-
- Juethner
-
- J. Juethner, _Ueber antike Turngeraethe_. Vienna, 1896.
-
- Juethner, _Ph._
-
- J. Juethner, _Philostratos ueber Gymnastik_. Leipsic and Berlin, 1909.
-
- Kabbadias
-
- P. Kabbadias, Γλυπτὰ τοῦ Ἐθνικοῦ Μουσείου. Athens, 1890-1892.
-
- Klein
-
- W. Klein, _Geschichte der griechischen Kunst_, I-III. Leipsic,
- 1904-1907.
-
- Krause
-
- J. H. Krause, _Die Gymnastik und Agonistik der Hellenen_, I-II.
- Leipsic, 1841.
-
- Lechat
-
- H. Lechat, _La Sculpture attique avant Phidias_. Paris, 1904.
-
- Lechat, _Au Musée_
-
- H. Lechat, _Au Musée de l’Acropole d’Athènes_. Lyon, 1903.
-
- Mach, von
-
- E. von Mach, _A Handbook of Greek and Roman Sculpture_, I-II (Text
- and University Prints). Boston, 1914.
-
- M. D.
-
- F. Matz and F. von Duhn, _Antike Bildwerke in Rom_., I-III. Leipsic,
- 1881-1882.
-
- Michaelis
-
- A. Michaelis, _Ancient Marbles in Great Britain_. Translated from the
- German by C. A. M. Fennell. Cambridge, 1882.
-
- _Mon. d. I._
-
- _Monumenti inediti dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica._
- Rome, 1829-1885.
-
- _Mon. ant._
-
- _Monumenti antichi publicati per cura della Reale Accademia dei
- Lincei._ Rome, 1889—.
-
- _Mon. gr._
-
- _Monuments grecs publiés par l’Association pour l’Encouragement des
- Études grecques en France_, 1872—. (Vol. I, containing reprints of
- articles from 1872, appeared in 1881).
-
- _Mon. Piot._
-
- _Monuments et Mémoires publiés par l’Académie des Inscriptions et
- Belles-Lettres._ Fondation Eugène Piot. Paris, 1894—.
-
- Murray
-
- A. S. Murray, _A History of Greek Sculpture_. Second edition, I-II.
- London, 1890.
-
- _Museum Marbles_
-
- _A Description of the Ancient Marbles in the British Museum_, Pts.
- I-XI. London, 1812-1861.
-
- M. W.
-
- K. O. Mueller and F. Wieseler, _Denkmaeler der alten Kunst_.
- Goettingen, 1854-1877.
-
- _Not. Scav._
-
- _Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità comunicate alla Reale Accademia dei
- Lincei._ Rome, 1876—.
-
- Overbeck
-
- J. Overbeck, _Geschichte der griech. Plastik_. Fourth edition, I-II.
- Leipsic, 1893-1898.
-
- _Oxy. Pap._
-
- _The Oxyrhynchus Papyri_, ed. by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, II,
- pp. 22 f. London, 1899.
-
- P.
-
- _Pausaniae Graeciae descriptio_, rec. F. Spiro, I-III. Leipsic, 1903.
-
- Pauly-Wissowa
-
- G. Wissowa and W. Kroll, _Pauly’s Real-encyclopaedie der classischen
- Altertumswissenschaft_. Stuttgart, 1894—.
-
- Perrot-Chipiez
-
- G. Perrot and Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’art dans l’antiquité_: VI
- (_La Grèce primitive_); VIII, _La Grèce archaïque_. Paris, 1894, 1903.
-
- Ph.
-
- Philostratos, _de Arte gymnastica_, ed. Juethner, 1909 (see Juethner,
- _Ph._).
-
- Pliny, _H. N._
-
- See Jex-Blake.
-
- _P. l. G._
-
- _Poetae lyrici Graeci_, rec. Th. Bergk. Fourth edition, I-III.
- Leipsic, 1878-1882. I, Pt. 1 = ed. 5, rec. O. Schroeder, 1900.
-
- Rayet
-
- O. Rayet, ed. _Monuments de l’Art antique_, I-II. Paris, 1884.
-
- Reinach, _Rép._
-
- S. Reinach, _Répertoire de la statuaire grecque et romaine_, I,
- second edition; II, Pts. 1, 2, second edition; 111-IV, first edition.
- Paris 1904-1910. I = Reprint of Clarac = _Clarac de poche_.
-
- Reinach, _Têtes_
-
- S. Reinach, _Recueil de têtes antiques ideales et idealisées_. Paris,
- 1903.
-
- Reisch
-
- E. Reisch, _Griechische Weihgeschenke_. Vienna, 1890.
-
- _R. Arch._
-
- _Revue Archéologique._ Paris, Sér. 1, 1844-1860; II, 1860-1882; III,
- 1883-1902; IV, 1903—.
-
- _R. Ét. Gr._
-
- _Revue des Études grecques._ Paris, 1888—.
-
- Richardson
-
- R. B. Richardson, _A History of Greek Sculpture_. New York, 1911.
-
- Ridder, de
-
- A. de Ridder, _Catalogue des bronzes trouves sur l’acropole
- d’Athenes_. Paris, 1896.
-
- _R. M._
-
- _Mitteilungen des kaiserlich deutschen archaeologischen Instituts_,
- Roemische Abteilung. Rome, 1886—.
-
- Robert, _O. S._
-
- C. Robert, Die Ordnung der Olympischen Spiele und die Sieger der
- 75.-83. Olympiade: _Hermes_, XXXV, 1900, pp. 141 f.
-
- Roscher, _Lex._
-
- W. H. Roscher, _Lexikon der griechischen und roemischen Mythologie_.
- Leipsic, 1884—.
-
- Rouse
-
- W. D. Rouse, _Greek Votive Offerings_. Cambridge, 1902.
-
- Rutgers
-
- J. R. Rutgers, _S. Julii Africani_ Ὀλυμπιάδων ἀναγραφή. Leyden, 1862.
-
- Scherer
-
- Chr. Scherer, _de olympionicarum Statuis_, Diss. inaug., Goettingen,
- 1885.
-
- _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._
-
- _Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-philologischen und der
- historischen Klasse der koeniglich Bayerischen Akademie der
- Wissenschaften zu Muenchen._ Munich, 1871—.
-
- _Specimens_
-
- _Specimens of Ancient Sculpture ... Selected from different
- Collections in Great Britain by the Society of Dilettanti_, I-III.
- London, 1809-1835.
-
- Springer-Michaelis
-
- A. Springer and A. Michaelis, _Handbuch der Kunstgeschichte_, I. _Das
- Altertum_. Ninth edition. Leipsic, 1911.
-
- _S. Q._
-
- _Die Antiken Schriftquellen zur Geschichte der bildenden Kuenste bei
- den Griechen_, ed. J. Overbeck. Leipsic, 1868.
-
- Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_
-
- V. Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes du Musée National d’Athènes_. Second
- edition. Athens, 1910.
-
- Svoronos
-
- J. N. Svoronos, _Das Athener National Museum_. Text and Plates,
- I-III. Athens, 1908-1911.
-
-Other abbreviations will be readily understood.
-
-
-
-
-_CORRIGENDA._
-
-Besides the following, there are a few other corrections which are so
-obvious that they scarcely need to be listed.
-
- Page 2, note 1, _for_ ragmentary _read_ fragmentary.
-
- 10, line 2, (and Index), _for_ Archermoros _read_ Archemoros.
-
- 14, note 2, _after_ 202f. _add_ Dar.-Sagl., IV, i, pp. 194 f., list
- 34 local _Olympia_.
-
- 15, line 6, _for_ Dorian Eleans _read_ Dorian allies, the Eleans.
-
- 24, line 27, _for_ 173 A. D. _read_ 173 or 174 A. D. 26, line 27,
- _for_ archaistic _read_ archaic.
-
- 31, lines 8-9, _for Papyrus_ read _Papyri_; line 20, _for_ Aigira
- _read_ Aigeira.
-
- 46, note 1, line 2, _add_ The Solonian cubit of 444 mm. gives 17.53
- inches, the finger .73 inch, which makes Diagoros’ statue 6 feet 1.75
- inches tall.
-
- 58, note 2, _for_ statues of all _read_ statues by all.
-
- 60, note 1, for _Vespes_ read _Vespae_; note 5, for Koponios _read_
- Coponius.
-
- 77, line 18, _for_ staute _read_ statue; note 3, line 11, _for_
- Encrinomenos _read_ Encrinomenus.
-
- 82, lines 14-15, _for_ in and not outside _read_ outside and not
- inside.
-
- 83, line 15, _for_ Svonoros _read_ Svoronos.
-
- 84, line 2 (and Index, _s. v._ Ball-playing), for φανίνδα _read_
- φαινίνδα.
-
- 96, note 1, line 6, for _Hermes_ read _Herakles_.
-
- 110, line 20, and note 1, line 9 (and Index), _for_ Argeidas _read_
- Argeiadas.
-
- 128, note 4, for _Glyptothek_ read _Glyptothèque_.
-
- 131, line 12 (and Index, _s. v._ Praxiteles), _for_ ψελιομένη _read_
- ψελιουμένη.
-
- 149, note 2, _for_ ξωστήρ _read_ ζωστήρ.
-
- 153, line 3, _for_ arms _read_ hands.
-
- 166, line 17, _for_ Stronganoff _read_ Stroganoff.
-
- 185, lines 4 and 8, and 186, line 3, _for_ Lancelotti _read_
- Lancellotti.
-
- 188, note 8, line 3, _for_ Perseus _read_ Akrisios.
-
- 189, note 1, for _Papyrus_ read _Papyri_; _for_ Beilage _read_ Beilag.
-
- 191, line 21, _for_ eponymous _read_ eponymus.
-
- 196, line 25, and 197, note 2, _for_ Θῦμον _read_ Θυμόν.
-
- 210, line 5, _for_ αλμα _read_ ἅλμα.
-
- 235, note 1, line 2, _omit_ as.
-
- 253, line 27, _for_ 1202 _read_ 1204.
-
- 265, line 14, _for_ Paunasias _read_ Pausanias.
-
- 268, line 26 (and Index, _s. v._ Nikomachos and _Victoria_), for
- _sublimine_ read _sublime_.
-
- 288, line 10 (and Index), _for_ Tenerari _read_ Tenerani.
-
- 321, line 29, _for_ inventors _read_ so-called inventors.
-
- 327, line 3, _for_ stautes _read_ statues.
-
- 341, line 33, _last word of line should be_ δεξιᾷ.
-
- 348, line 28, for _prothusis_ read _prothysis_.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER I.
-
-EARLY GREEK GAMES AND PRIZES.
-
-PLATE 1 AND FIGURES 1 AND 2.
-
-
-Before attempting to trace historically the development of monuments
-of victors in the gymnic and hippic contests at Olympia, and before
-attempting to reconstruct their different types, it will be useful to
-devote a preliminary chapter to the early history of Greek athletics
-and victor prizes in general.
-
-It is a truism that the origin of Greek athletics is not to be found in
-the recently discovered Aegean civilization of Crete, nor in the latest
-phase of the same culture on Mycenæan sites of the mainland of Greece.
-Their origin is not to be sought in the indigenous Mediterranean stock
-which produced that culture, but rather among the northern invaders of
-Greece, the fair-haired Achæans of the Homeric poems, and especially
-among the later Dorians in the Peloponnesus. It was to the physical
-vigor of these strangers rather than to the more artistic nature of the
-Mediterraneans that the later Greeks owed their interest in sports.
-As these invaders settled themselves most firmly in the Peloponnesus,
-Greek athletics may be said to be chiefly the product of South Greece.
-It was here that three of the four national festivals grew up—at
-Olympia, Nemea, and on the Corinthian Isthmus. It was in the schools of
-Argos and Sikyon that athletic sculpture flourished best and in later
-Greek history physical exercise was most fully developed among the
-Dorian Spartans.[1]
-
-
-SPORTS IN CRETE.
-
-Centuries before the Achæan civilization of Greece had bloomed, there
-developed among the Minoans of Crete a passion for certain acrobatic
-performances and for gymnastics. These Cretans, though strongly
-influenced by Egypt and the East, did not borrow their love of sport
-from outside any more than did the later Achæans. On the walls of the
-tombs of Beni-Hasan on the Nile are pictured many athletic sports,
-including a series of several hundred wrestling groups,[2] but these
-sports did not influence, so far as we know, Cretan athletics. At
-Knossos bull-grappling seems to have been the national sport, as we
-see from the frescoes on the palace walls. In the absence of the
-horse, which did not appear in early Aegean times in Crete, it is
-not difficult to understand the development of gymnastic sports with
-bulls. At Knossos a seal has been found which shows the rude drawing
-of a vessel with rowers seated under a canopy, superimposed on which
-is drawn the greater portion of a huge horse. In this design, dating
-from about 1600 B. C. and synchronizing with the earlier part of
-the eighteenth Egyptian dynasty, we doubtless see a graphic way of
-indicating the cargo, and consequently a contemporary record, it may
-be, of the first importation of horses from Libya into Crete.[3]
-
-The Cretan bull seems to have been a much larger animal than the
-species found upon the island to-day.[4] Bull-grappling at Knossos
-was the sport of female as well as male toreadors. A fragmentary
-rectangular fresco, dating from about 1500 B. C. (Pl. 1), was
-discovered there by Sir Arthur Evans in 1901 and is now in the Candia
-museum. It is executed with extraordinary spirit and shows a huge bull
-rushing forward with lowered head and tail straight out. A man is in
-the act of turning a somersault on its back, his legs in the air, his
-arms grasping the bull’s body and his head raised, looking back to the
-rear of the animal, where a cowgirl is standing, holding out her arms
-to catch his flying figure as soon as his feat is concluded. Another
-cowgirl, at the extreme left, seems to be suspended from the bull’s
-horns, which pass under her armpits, while she catches hold further up.
-However, she is not being tossed, but is taking position preliminary to
-leaping over the bull’s back. Both the man and the women wear striped
-boots and bracelets; the women are apparently distinguished by their
-white skin, short drawers, yellow sashes embroidered with red, and the
-red-and-blue diadems around their brows.[5] On the opposite wall a
-similar scene was pictured; among its stucco fragments was found the
-representation of the arm and shoulder of a woman grasping a bull by
-the horns. The fragmentary representation of another woman and man was
-also found.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 1
-
-Bull-grappling Scene. Wall-painting from Knossos. Museum of Candia.]
-
-A very similar scene has long been known from a fresco painting from
-Tiryns, now in Athens.[6] A bull is represented galloping to the left,
-while a man[7] clings to its horns with his right hand and is swept
-along with one foot lightly touching the bull’s back and the other
-swung aloft. Most early writers interpreted this scene as a bull-hunt,
-the artist having drawn the hunter above the bull through ignorance
-of perspective. The execution is very inferior, three attempts of the
-bungling painter being visible in the painting of the tail and the
-front legs. Others saw in it the representation of an acrobat showing
-his dexterity by leaping upon the back of an animal in full career,
-recalling the description of such a trick in the Iliad, where Ajax is
-represented as rushing over the plain like a man who, while driving
-four horses, leaps from horse to horse.[8] But this figure must take
-its place side by side with the one from Knossos just described as
-another bull-grappling scene. That such sports were not held in the
-open air, but in an enclosed courtyard, is shown by the seal from
-Praisos now in the Candia Museum, which depicts a man vaulting on
-the back of a gigantic ox within a paved enclosure.[9] Doubtless the
-theatral areas discovered at Phaistos by the Italian Archæological
-Mission[10] and at Knossos by Sir Arthur Evans in 1903[11] were not
-large enough for bull scenes and were used merely for ceremonial
-dancing and perhaps for the boxing matches to be described.[12] Similar
-acrobats are doubtless to be recognized in the two beautiful ivory
-statuettes, only 11.5 inches in height, of so-called leapers, found
-by Dr. Evans at Knossos in 1901.[13] These masterpieces of the late
-Minoan II period represent acrobats (one is probably a woman) darting
-through the air. “The life, the freedom, the _élan_ of these figures is
-nothing short of marvellous,” writes Dr. Evans, who calls attention to
-the careful physical training shown in their slender legs and in the
-muscles, even the veins on the back of the hands and the finger-nails
-being plainly indicated as well as the details of the skinfolds at the
-joints. They doubtless formed a part of an ivory model of the bull-ring
-and are meant for miniature toreadors, who were hung in the air by
-fine gold wires[14] over the backs of ivory bulls who stood on the
-solid ground. The heads of the figures are thrown backwards, a posture
-suitable for such vaulters, but not for leapers or divers. Minoan art
-culminated in these statuettes and in certain stucco figures in half
-relief found also at Knossos. Only a few fragments of these reliefs
-have survived, most of which were decorative or architectonic in
-character, though among them were also found human _disjecta membra_
-in high relief, such as the fragment of a left forearm holding a horn,
-and not a pointed vase, as Dr. Evans thought. Here the muscles are well
-indicated, though the veins are exaggerated.[15] This fragment may well
-be a part of the same bull-grappling scenes as those in the frescoes,
-as also the life-like image of a bull, the details of whose head,
-mouth, eyes, and nostrils are full of expression, and whose muscles are
-perfectly indicated.
-
-When compared with the monuments described, the similarity of details
-on the design of the Vapheio cups ornamented in repoussé, the “most
-splendid specimens known of the work of the Minoan goldsmith,”[16]
-never again equalled until the Italian Renaissance, makes it more than
-possible that here again we have scenes of bull-grappling rather than
-of bull-hunting. On one cup is represented a quiet pastoral scene—a man
-tying the legs of a bull with a rope, while two other bulls stand near,
-amicably licking one another, and a third is quietly grazing. On the
-other, however, are represented scenes of a very different character.
-In the centre is a furious bull entangled in a net, which is fastened
-to a tree; to the left a figure, doubtless a woman, is holding on to a
-bull’s head, while a man has fallen on his head beside the animal, both
-man and woman being dressed in the Cretan fashion. A third bull rushes
-furiously by to the right. Most commentators have seen bull-hunting
-scenes on both these cups. Thus, on the first cup were represented
-three scenes in the drama of trapping a bull by means of a tame decoy
-cow; to the right the bull is starting to go to the rendezvous, while
-in the center the bull stands by the cow’s side and to the left he is
-finally trapped and tied.[17] On the other cup the furious animal at
-the left was supposed to have thrown one hunter and to have caught
-another on its horns. But Mosso’s interpretation of this design seems
-to be the right one.[18] The two persons struggling with the bull have
-no lasso and so can hardly be hunters; besides, if the bull had impaled
-a hunter with its horns, the hunter would have been represented with
-his head up and not down. The figure is, however, uninjured and holds
-on with its knee bent over one horn and its shoulder against the other;
-it is merely, therefore, intended for a woman acrobat. The net shown
-in the centre was never used for hunting wild bulls; more probably it
-was intended as an obstacle in racing. The fallen man has been standing
-on the netted bull, which, with the gymnast on its back, was expected
-to have leaped over the net, but has not succeeded; consequently, the
-acrobat has been tumbled over the bull’s head.
-
-This ancient Cretan sport seems to have been similar to that known in
-Thessaly and elsewhere in historical days as τὰ ταυροκαθάψια.[19] A
-survival of it still persists to our day in certain parts of Italy, as,
-_e. g._, in the province of Viterbo.[20]
-
-Acrobatic feats of various sorts were attractive to the later Greeks
-from the time of Homer down. We have already mentioned one passage
-from the Iliad in which a driver of four horses leaps from horse to
-horse in motion. On the shield of Achilles tumblers appeared among the
-dancers on the dancing-place.[21] Patroklos ironically remarks over
-the body of Kebriones, as the charioteer falls headlong like a diver
-from his chariot when hit by a missile, that there are tumblers also
-among the Trojans.[22] In later centuries the Athenians evinced a great
-attraction to acrobatic feats. The story told of Hippokleides[23]
-reveals that high-born Athenians did not disdain to practice them. They
-appear to have formed a sort of side-show attraction at the Panathenaic
-festival, as such scenes occur frequently on Attic vases. Thus on an
-early (imitation?) Panathenaic vase from Kameiros in the Bibliothèque
-Nationale in Paris,[24] there is represented behind the driver a man
-standing on the back of a horse, armed with a helmet and two shields,
-while in front another appears to be balancing himself on a pole.
-
-But such acrobatic scenes as those of Crete and later Greece can
-not properly be classed as athletic. They betoken more the love
-of excitement than of true sport. The only form of real athletics
-represented on Minoan monuments, one which was classed in later Greece
-as one of the national sports, was that of boxing, which seems to have
-been the favorite gymnastic contest of the Cretans, as it always was
-of the later Greeks. Boxing scenes appear on seals,[25] on a steatite
-fragment of a pyxis found in 1901 at Knossos and, in conjunction with
-a bull-grappling scene, on the so-called _Boxer Vase_ found by the
-Italians at Hagia Triada (Fig. 1). The vase is a cone-shaped rhyton
-of steatite, 18 inches high, originally overlaid with gold foil. It
-belongs to the best period of Cretan art, late Minoan I.[26] This
-vase alone, if no other monumental evidence were at hand, would
-suffice to show the physical prowess and love of sport of the Minoans.
-Because of its scenes of boxing and bull-grappling Mosso calls it
-“the most complete monument that we have of gymnastic exercise in the
-Mediterranean civilization.”[27] The later Greek tradition of the high
-degree of physical development attained by the Cretans is proved by
-this monument.[28]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 1.—So-called _Boxer Vase_, from Hagia Triada
-(Cast). Museum of Candia.]
-
-The reliefs are arranged in four horizontal zones.[29] One of these,
-the second from the top, represents a bull-grappling scene, showing
-two racing bulls, upon the head and horns of one of which a gymnast
-has vaulted (not being tossed and helpless, as most interpreters
-think).[30] The other three represent boxers in all attitudes of
-the prize-ring, hitting, guarding, falling, and even kicking, as in
-the later Greek pankration. Some are victorious, the left arm being
-extended on guard and the right drawn back to strike; one (in the
-top zone) is ready to spring, just as Hector was ready to spring on
-Achilles;[31] others are prostrate on the ground with their feet in
-the air. The violence of the action recalls the boast of Epeios in the
-famous match in the Iliad that he will break his adversary’s bones.[32]
-
-The method of attack by the right arm and defense by the left is the
-same as that formerly used by English pugilists. In the topmost zone
-the combatants wear helmets with visors, cheek-pieces, and horse-hair
-plumes, and also shoes; in the third zone down the pugilists also wear
-helmets, though of a different pattern, while the bottom zone shows
-figures, perhaps youths, with bare heads. Some of the boxers appear to
-wear boxing-gloves. In the lowest zone we see the well-known feat of
-swinging the antagonist up by the legs and throwing him—if we may so
-conclude from the contorted position of the vanquished, whose legs are
-in the air.
-
-A similar figure appears in relief on the fragment of a pyxis found at
-Knossos.[33] A youth with clenched fists stands with left arm extended
-as if to ward off a blow, while his right arm is drawn back and rests
-on his hip; below we see the bent knee of a prostrate figure, evidently
-that of his vanquished opponent. The boxer has a wasp-like waist and
-wears a metal girdle. His left leg is well modeled, the muscles not
-being exaggerated.
-
-
-ATHLETICS IN HOMER.
-
-We have evidence, therefore, that the love of sport existed in Crete
-as it has existed in all countries since. But the comparatively
-unathletic character of the Aegean culture is shown by the complete
-absence of athletic representations—apart from bull-grappling scenes—in
-the art of its last phase at Mycenæ and Tiryns on the mainland.
-This is an independent argument for the view that the civilization
-of the mainland was chiefly the product of the old Mediterranean
-stock, which was finally conquered by the invading Achæans, who are
-represented in Homer as skilled gymnasts. In Homer we are immediately
-conscious of being in another world, for here we are in an atmosphere
-of true athletics, which are fully developed and quite secular in
-character.[34] They are, however, wholly spontaneous, for there are as
-yet neither meets nor organized training, neither stadia, gymnasia,
-nor palæstræ; for such an organization of athletics did not exist
-until the sixth century B. C. But Homer’s account of the funeral games
-of Patroklos is pervaded by a spirit of true athletics and has a
-perennial attraction for every lover of sport. Walter Leaf says of the
-chariot-race, which is the culminating feature of the description,
-that it is “a piece of narrative as truthful in its characters as
-it is dramatic and masterly in description.”[35] Such a description
-could have been composed only by a poet who belonged to a people long
-acquainted with athletics and intensely interested in them. Nestor
-often speaks of a remoter past, when the gods and heroes contended.
-Odysseus says he could not have fought with Herakles nor Eurytos,
-heroes of the olden time, “who contended with the immortal gods.” The
-Homeric warrior was distinguished from the merchant by his knowledge
-of sport. Thus Euryalos of the Phaiakians says in no complimentary
-tone to Odysseus: “No truly, stranger, nor do I think thee at all like
-one that is skilled in games ... rather art thou such an one as comes
-and goes in a benched ship, a master of sailors that are merchantmen,
-one with a memory for his freight, or that hath charge of a cargo
-homeward bound, and of greedily gotten gains.”[36] It is beside the
-point whether the chief passages in the poems which relate to sports
-are late in origin or not, even if they are later than 776 B. C., the
-traditional first Olympiad. In any case the later poet merely followed
-an older tradition. At the funeral games of Patroklos all the events
-are practical in character, the natural amusements of men chiefly
-interested in war. They are, however, not merely military, but are
-truly athletic. The oldest and most aristocratic of all the events
-described is the chariot-race—in which the war-chariot is used—the
-monopoly of the nobles then, as it was always later the sport of kings
-and the rich.[37] Boxing and wrestling come next in importance, already
-occupying the position of preëminence which they hold in the poems of
-Pindar. The foot-race between Ajax, the son of Oileus, and Odysseus
-follows. Of the last four events, three—the single combat between
-Ajax and Diomedes, the throwing of the _solos_, and the contest in
-archery—are admitted to be late additions. The last event of all, the
-casting of the spear, may be earlier, but we know little about it,
-as the contest did not take place, Achilles yielding the first prize
-to Agamemnon. Most of these later events are described in a lifeless
-manner and have not the vim and compelling interest of the earlier
-ones. Indeed the contest in archery seems to be treated with a certain
-amount of ridicule, which shows the contempt of the great nobles for
-so plebeian a sport. The armed contest, though it is pictured in
-art certainly as early as the sixth century B. C.,[38] never had a
-place in the later Greek games.[39] Jumping, an important part of the
-later pentathlon, is mentioned but once in the poems, as a feature of
-the sports of the Phaiakians. But the later pentathlon, as Gardiner
-says, is certainly not suggested in Homer’s account, though many have
-assumed it,[40] merely because Nestor mentions his former contests at
-Bouprasion in boxing, in running, in hurling the spear, and in the
-chariot-race.[41] This, however, is not the combination of contests
-known much later as the pentathlon, in which the same contestants
-had to compete in the series of events—running, jumping, wrestling,
-diskos-throwing, and javelin-throwing.
-
-
-ORIGIN OF GREEK GAMES IN THE CULT OF THE DEAD.
-
-In these games described in the Iliad we see an example of the origin
-of the later athletic festivals in the cult of the dead. Homer knows
-only of funeral games[42] and there is no trace in the poems of the
-later athletic meetings held in honor of a god.[43] However, the
-association of the later games with religious festivals held at stated
-times can be traced to the games with which the funeral of the Homeric
-chief was celebrated. The oldest example of periodic funeral games in
-Greece of which we have knowledge were those held in Arkadia in honor
-of the dead Azan, the father of Kleitor and son of Arkas, at which
-prizes were offered at least for horse-racing.[44]
-
-Though the origin of the four national religious festivals in Greece—at
-Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, and on the Isthmus—is buried in a mass of
-conflicting legend, certain writers agree in saying that all of them
-were founded on funeral games, though they were later dedicated to
-gods.[45] Thus the Isthmian were instituted in honor of the dead
-Melikertes,[46] the Nemean in honor of Opheltes or Archemoros,[47] the
-Pythian in honor of the slain Python,[48] the Olympian in honor of the
-hero Pelops.[49] To both Pindar and Bacchylides the Olympian games
-were associated with the tomb of Pelops; Pausanias, on the other hand,
-records that the ancient Elean writers ascribed their origin to the
-Idæan Herakles of Crete.[50] It was a common tradition that Herakles
-founded the games, some writers saying that it was the Cretan, others
-that it was the Greek hero, the son of Zeus and Alkmena.[51]
-
-Despite the variation in legends relative to the institution of the
-four national games, we should not doubt the universal tradition that
-all were funerary in origin. The tradition is confirmed by many lines
-of argument: by the survival of funeral customs in their later rituals,
-by the later custom of instituting funeral games in honor of dead
-warriors both in antiquity and in modern times, and by the testimony of
-early athletic art in Greece.[52] We shall now briefly consider these
-arguments.
-
-As an example of the survival of funeral customs in later ritual,
-Pausanias says that the annual officers at Olympia, even in his day,
-sacrificed a black ram to Pelops.[53] The fact that a black victim was
-offered over a trench instead of on an altar proves that Pelops was
-still worshipped as a hero and not as a god. The scholiast on Pindar,
-_Ol._, I, 146, says that all Peloponnesian lads each year lashed
-themselves on the grave of Pelops until the blood ran down their backs
-as a libation to the hero. Furthermore, all the contestants at Olympia
-sacrificed first to Pelops and then to Zeus.[54]
-
-Funeral games were held in honor of departed warriors and eminent
-men all over the Greek world and at all periods, from the legendary
-games of Patroklos and Pelias and others to those celebrated at
-Thessalonika in Valerian’s time.[55] Thus Miltiades was honored by
-games on the Thracian Chersonesus,[56] Leonidas and Pausanias at
-Sparta,[57] Brasidas at Amphipolis,[58] Timoleon at Syracuse,[59] and
-Mausolos at Halikarnassos.[60] Alexander instituted games in honor
-of the dead Hephaistion[61] and the conqueror himself was honored
-in a similar way.[62] The _Eleutheria_ were celebrated at Platæa at
-stated times in honor of the soldiers who fell there against the
-Medes in 479 B. C.,[63] and in the Academy a festival was held under
-the direction of the polemarch in honor of the Athenian soldiers who
-had died for their country and were buried in the Kerameikos.[64]
-Funeral games were also common in Italy. We find athletic scenes
-decorating Etruscan tombs—including boxing, wrestling, horse-racing,
-and chariot-racing.[65] The Romans borrowed their funeral games from
-Etruria as well as their gladiatorial shows, which were doubtless
-also funerary in origin.[66] Frazer cites examples of the custom of
-instituting games in honor of dead warriors among many modern peoples,
-Circassians, Chewsurs of the Caucasus, Siamese, Kirghiz, in India, and
-among the North American Indian tribes. Gardiner notes the Irish fairs
-in honor of a departed chief, which existed from pagan days down to the
-last century.[67]
-
-The testimony of early Greek athletic art also points to the same
-funerary origin of the games. The funeral games of Pelias and those
-held by Akastos in honor of his father were depicted respectively
-on the two most famous monuments of early Greek decorative art, on
-the chest of Kypselos dedicated in the Heraion at Olympia and on
-the throne of Apollo at Amyklai in Lakonia, the latter being the
-work of the Ionian sculptor Bathykles. Though both these works are
-lost, the description of one of them at least, that of the chest, by
-Pausanias,[68] is so detailed and precise that the scenes represented
-upon it have been paralleled figure for figure on early Ionian
-(especially Chalkidian) and Corinthian vases, contemporary or later,
-and on Corinthian and Argive decorative bronze reliefs. Many attempts
-have been made, therefore, to restore the chest, and as more monuments
-become known, which throw light on the composition and types, these
-attempts are constantly growing in certainty, even though conjecture
-may continue to enter in.[69]
-
-The figures were wrought in relief, partly in ivory and gold and partly
-in the cedar wood itself, deployed on its surface in a series of bands,
-such as we commonly see on early vases. This use of gold and ivory is
-the first example in Greek art of the custom employed by Pheidias and
-other sculptors of the great age of Greek sculpture. We have already
-noted its use in the ivory acrobats from Crete, which were made,
-perhaps, a thousand years before the chest.[70] Out of the thirty-three
-scenes depicted on its surface all but two or three were mythological,
-and among these were scenes from the funeral games of Pelias, including
-a two-horse chariot-race (P., §9), a boxing and wrestling match (§10),
-a foot-race, quoit-throwing, and a victor represented as being crowned
-(§10), and prize tripods (§11).
-
-The most valuable parallel to some of the scenes described by Pausanias
-is found on the Amphiaraos vase in Berlin,[71] dating from the sixth
-century B. C., on which the wrestling match and chariot-race correspond
-surprisingly well with the descriptions of Pausanias, despite certain
-differences in detail. Another archaic vase depicts a two-horse
-chariot-race and the parting of Amphiaraos and Eriphyle.[72] The scenes
-on this latter vase appear to have been copied from those on the chest,
-and it is possible that the scenes on the Berlin vase had the same
-origin.
-
-Funeral games are commonly pictured on early vases. Thus on a
-proto-Attic amphora, discovered by the British School of Athens in
-excavating the Gymnasion of Kynosarges, there are groups of wrestlers
-and chariot-racers. The wrestling bout here, however, seems to be to
-the death, as the victor has his adversary by the throat with both
-hands. It may be a mythological scene, perhaps representing the bout
-between Herakles and Antaios. A still earlier representation of funeral
-games is shown by a Dipylon geometric vase from the Akropolis now in
-Copenhagen, dating back possibly to the eighth century B. C.[73] On
-one side two nude men, who have grasped each other by the arms, are
-ready to stab one another with swords. This may represent, however,
-as Gardiner suggests, only a mimic contest. On the other side are two
-boxers standing between groups of warriors and dancers. A similar
-scene in repoussé appears on a Cypriote silver vase from Etruria now
-in the Uffizi in Florence.[74] We should also, in this connection,
-note again the reliefs representing funeral games, which appear on
-the sixth-century sarcophagus from Klazomenai already mentioned.[75]
-Here is represented a combat of armed men; amid chariots stand groups
-of men armed with helmets, shields, and spears, while flute-players
-stand between them; at either end is a pillar with a prize vase upon
-it; against one leans a naked man with a staff, doubtless intended to
-represent the spirit of the deceased in whose honor the games are being
-held.
-
-Games in honor of the dead tended to become periodic. The tomb of the
-honored warriors became a rallying-point for neighboring people,
-who would convene to see the games. While some of these games were
-destined never to transcend local importance, others developed
-into the Panhellenic festivals. As the worship of ancestors became
-metamorphosed into that of heroes, the games became part of hero cults,
-which antedated those of the Olympian gods. But as the gods gradually
-superseded the heroes in the popular religion, they usurped the
-sanctuaries and the games held there, which had long been a part of the
-earlier worship. We are not here concerned, however, with the difficult
-question of the origin of funeral games. They may have taken the place
-of earlier human sacrifices, which would explain the armed fight at the
-games of Patroklos and its appearance on archaic vases and sarcophagi;
-or they may have commemorated early contests of succession, which
-would explain many mythical contests like the chariot-race between
-Pelops and Oinomaos for Hippodameia, or the wrestling match between
-Zeus and Kronos. In any case such games would never have attained the
-importance which they did attain in Greece, if it had not been for
-the athletic spirit and love of competition so characteristic of the
-Hellenic race. Whatever their origin, therefore, there is little doubt
-that out of them developed the great games of historic Greece. The
-constant relationship between Greek religion and Greek athletics can be
-explained in no other way.[76]
-
-
-EARLY HISTORY OF THE FOUR NATIONAL GAMES.
-
-By the beginning of the sixth century B. C. the athletic spirit
-displayed in the Homeric poems had given rise to the four national
-festivals—at Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, and on the Isthmus. On these
-four, many lesser games were modeled.[77] The origin of all these, as
-we have already remarked, is lost in a mass of legend. The myths of
-the origin of Olympia are particularly conflicting. We are practically
-certain, however, that Olympia as a sanctuary preceded the advent of
-the Achæans into the Peloponnesus, and that the foundation of the games
-preceded the coming of the Dorians, but was probably later than that
-of the Achæans. The importance of the games dates from the time after
-the Dorian invasion of the Peloponnesus, when the warring peoples
-finally became pacified.[78] For centuries Olympia was overshadowed by
-Delphi and the Ionian festival on Delos. The importance of the latter
-festival in the eighth and seventh centuries B. C. is shown by the
-Homeric Hymn to the Delian Apollo. Only by the beginning of the seventh
-century had Olympia begun to gain its prestige. The pre-Dorian Pisatai,
-in whose territory the sanctuary was situated, probably controlled
-it early. The Dorian allies, the Eleans, whom legend had King Oxylos
-lead into the Peloponnesus from Aitolia,[79] tried to wrest this
-control from the Pisatai, who, however, aided by religious reverence
-for the sanctuary, were able to maintain their rights. On account of
-the conflict the games languished, until finally a truce was made by
-the two factions and the games were re-established under their common
-management. This work was ascribed to Iphitos and Kleosthenes, kings
-respectively of Elis and Pisa, and to Lykourgos of Sparta.[80] The dual
-control was not successful, as the jealous Pisatai constantly tried
-to regain their old honor; but the Eleans, supported by the Spartans,
-prevailed and finally, after the Persian wars, destroyed Pisa and the
-other revolting cities of Triphylia and henceforth remained in sole
-control. The restoration of the games under Iphitos and his colleagues
-took place in 776 B. C., from which date the festival was celebrated
-every fourth year, until it was finally abolished by the Roman emperor
-Theodosius at the end of the fourth century A. D. In 776 Koroibos of
-Elis won the foot-race and this was the first dated Olympiad in the
-Olympian register,[81] and from it, as Pausanias says,[82] the unbroken
-tradition of the Olympiads began. This history of Olympia is very
-different from the orthodox mythical story told by Pausanias and Strabo
-and based on the “ancient writings of the Eleans.”[83] According to it
-the games were originally instituted by the Eleans under Oxylos and
-refounded by Iphitos, his descendant, together with Lykourgos, still
-under the management of the Eleans. In Ol. 8 the Pisatans invoked the
-aid of the Argive king Pheidon and dispossessed the Eleans, but they
-lost the control of Olympia in the next Olympiad. In Ol. 28 Elis,
-during a war with Dyme, allowed the Pisatans to celebrate the games.
-Six Olympiads later the king of Pisa came to Olympia with an army
-and took charge. The story leaves the Pisatans in control from about
-Olympiads 30 to 51, but some time between Ols. 48 and 52 the Eleans
-defeated Pisa and destroyed it, and henceforth controlled the games.
-Such a story was manifestly a contrivance by the later priests of
-Elis to justify their control of the games through a prior claim. It
-is contradicted by all the evidence.[84] The antiquity of Olympia is
-known to us from the results of excavations and from its religious
-history. The latest excavations on the site have disclosed the remains
-of six prehistoric buildings with apsidal endings, below the geometric
-stratum, upon the site of what used to be considered the remnants of
-the great altar of Zeus.[85] Such an inference is borne out by many
-primitive features in the religious history of the sanctuary. The altar
-of Kronos on the hill to the north of the Altis was earlier than that
-of Zeus; an earth altar antedated that of Zeus, while a survival of the
-earlier worship of the powers of the underworld is seen in the custom,
-lasting through later centuries, of allowing only one woman, the
-priestess of Demeter Chamyne, to witness the games. We also know that
-the worship of the Pelasgian Hera antedated that of the Hellenic Zeus;
-her temple, the Heraion, is the most ancient of which the foundations
-still stand, a temple built of stone, wood, and sun-dried bricks, whose
-origin is to be referred to the tenth, if not to the eleventh, century
-B. C.[86] We have already remarked that the worship of the hero Pelops
-preceded that of the god Zeus.[87] All such indications attest the high
-antiquity of Olympia. That it is not mentioned in Homer, while Delphi
-and Dodona are, only proves that in the poet’s time it was still merely
-a local shrine. Not until the beginning of the sixth century B. C. did
-it attain the distinction, which it retained ever afterwards, of being
-the foremost national festival of Hellas.[88]
-
-The periodical celebration of the three other national festivals was
-not dated—except in legend—before the early years of the sixth century
-B. C., though local festivals must have existed also on these sites
-long before.[89] The old music festival at Delphi, which finally was
-held every eight years,[90] was changed in 586 B. C., in consequence of
-the Sacred War,[91] into a Panhellenic festival celebrated thereafter
-every four years (_pentaëteris_). It was under the presidency of the
-Amphiktyonic League, which introduced athletic and equestrian events
-copied from those at Olympia[92] and replaced the older money prizes
-with the simple bay wreath. About the same time the Nemean and Isthmian
-games were instituted. The local games at Nemea, said to have been
-founded by Adrastos in honor of a child, were reorganized some time
-before 573 B. C., the first Nemead.[93] Thereafter they were celebrated
-every two years, in the second and fourth of the corresponding
-Olympiads.[94] They were administered in honor of Zeus by the small
-town of Kleonai under Argive influence. The games were transferred to
-Argos some time between 460 B. C. and the close of the third century B.
-C. Centuries later, Hadrian revived the prestige of the games at Argos.
-The games held on the Isthmus also originated as an old local festival,
-which was revived in 586 or 582 B. C. We are not sure whether they
-were refounded in Poseidon’s honor by Periandros or after the death of
-Psammetichos in commemoration of the ending of the tyranny at Corinth.
-The geographical location of Corinth, the meeting-place of East and
-West, involved it in many wars, and therefore the Isthmian games never
-attained the prestige of the other national festivals; they were held
-every two years in the spring of the second and fourth years of the
-corresponding Olympiads and were administered by Corinth.[95]
-
-Besides the four national games, many Greek cities had purely local
-ones, some of which originated in prehistoric days in honor of hero
-cults, while others were founded at historical dates. Athens was
-particularly favored in having many such local festivals. The most
-important of these were the _Panathenaic_ games in honor of Athena,
-which developed from earlier annual _Athenaia_ or _Panathenaia_. The
-festival was remodeled, or perhaps founded, just before Peisistratos
-seized the tyranny (561-560 B. C.), possibly by Solon, who died 560-559
-B. C. The name certainly points to the unity of Athens promoted by
-Solon, if not to the earlier unification of the village communities
-of Attika ascribed to Theseus. In any case, under Peisistratos it
-became something more than a local festival, as the recitation of Homer
-became a feature of it. Following the games at Delphi and Olympia,
-the _Great Panathenaia_ were held every four years (the third year of
-each Olympiad) in the month of Hekatombaion (July), while the more
-ancient annual festival continued yearly under the name of the _Little
-Panathenaia_. There were musical, literary, and athletic contests. The
-central feature of the festival was the procession which ascended from
-the lower city to the Parthenon on the Akropolis to offer the goddess a
-robe woven by noble Athenian maidens and matrons.[96] This procession
-is known to us in detail from the great Parthenon frieze. The _Theseia_
-exemplify a festival whose origin can be definitely dated. Kimon, the
-son of the hero of Marathon, in 469 B. C., discovered the supposed
-bones of the national hero Theseus on the island of Skyros. The
-Delphic oracle counseled the Athenians to place them in an honorable
-resting-place. Perhaps there was a legend that the hero was buried on
-Skyros; in any case a grave was found there which contained the corpse
-of a warrior of great size, and this was brought back to Athens as the
-actual remains of Theseus. Thereafter an annual festival was celebrated
-by the Athenian _epheboi_, comprising military contests and athletic
-events—stade, dolichos, and diaulos running races, wrestling, boxing,
-pankration, hoplite running, etc. It began on the sixth of Pyanepsion
-(October), and was followed by the _Epitaphia_, a funeral festival
-in honor of national heroes and youths who had fallen fighting for
-Athens.[97] Athletic games were held at the _Herakleia_ in honor of
-Herakles at Marathon in the month of Metageitnion, and had attained
-great popularity by the time of Pindar.[98] The _Eleusinia_, in honor
-of Demeter, took place annually in Athens in the month of Boëdromion,
-when horse-races and musical and other contests were held. This Attic
-festival claimed a greater antiquity even than Olympia. The great
-national festivals encouraged these smaller local ones, so that they
-attracted competitors from the whole Greek world.
-
-
-EARLY PRIZES FOR ATHLETES.
-
-The prizes which were offered at the early games in Greece were
-uniformly articles of value. Their value, however, was regarded not so
-much in the light of rewards to the victors as proofs of the generous
-spirit of the holders of the games, who thereby celebrated the dead in
-whose honor the contest was held. In Homer’s account of the funeral
-games of Patroklos, each contestant, whether victorious or not,
-received a prize. In one case a prize was given where the contest was
-not held. In the chariot-race five prizes were offered: for the winner
-a slave girl and a tripod; for the second best a six-year-old mare in
-foal; for the third a cauldron; for the fourth two talents of gold; and
-for the last a two-handled cup.[99] For the wrestling match the winner
-received a tripod worth twelve oxen, while the vanquished received a
-skilled slave woman worth four oxen.[100] For the boxing match a mule
-was the first prize and a two-handled cup the second.[101] For the
-foot-race a silver bowl of Sidonian make, an ox, and half a talent of
-gold were the prizes.[102]
-
-Hesiod records his winning a tripod for a victory gained in singing at
-the games of Amphidamas at Chalkis.[103] Tripods were the commonest
-prizes at all early games and it was not till later that they became
-connected especially with Apollo’s worship. They were presented for
-all sorts of contests, for chariot-racing,[104] horse-racing,[105] the
-foot-race,[106] boxing,[107] and wrestling.[108] They were presented at
-various games in honor of different gods and heroes: _e. g._, those in
-honor of Apollo at the _Triopia_[109] and _Panionia_ of Mykale;[110]
-of Dionysos at Athens and Rhodes;[111] of Herakles at the _Herakleia_
-of Thebes and elsewhere;[112] of Pelias;[113] of Patroklos.[114] They
-were kept in temples dedicated to various gods: _e. g._, in those of
-Apollo at Delphi, at Amyklai,[115] and on Delos,[116] at the Ptoian
-sanctuary[117] and in the Ismenion at Thebes;[118] in the temples
-of Zeus at Olympia and Dodona;[119] of Herakles at Thebes;[120] at
-the Hierothesion in Messene,[121] etc. Later, because it served the
-Pythian priestess, the tripod became a part of the Apolline cult and
-the special attribute of that god.[122] Gold and silver vessels and
-articles of bronze were everywhere used as prizes. In early days
-bronze was very valuable. Pindar proves this for games held in Achaia
-and Arkadia;[123] and it continued to be used in later times, as,
-_e. g._, at the _Panathenaia_, where a hydria of bronze was a prize
-in the torch-race.[124] At the lesser games all sorts of articles
-were offered, merely for their value. Thus a shield was offered at
-the Argive _Heraia_,[125] a bowl at the games in honor of Aiakos on
-Aegina,[126] silver cups at the Marathonian _Herakleia_[127] and at
-the Sikyonian _Pythia_,[128] a cloak at Pellene,[129] apparently
-a cuirass at Argos,[130] and jars of oil from sacred trees at the
-_Panathenaia_.[131] A kettle is mentioned in the Anthology;[132] an
-inscribed cauldron from Cumae, which was a prize at the games there in
-honor of Onomastos, is in the British Museum,[133] while measures of
-barley and corn were prizes at the _Eleusinia_.[134] While presents of
-value continued to be given at the local games,[135] a simple wreath
-of leaves gradually came to be the prize offered the victor at the
-great national festivals. Pausanias[136] says that this was composed
-of wild olive (κότινος) at Olympia, of laurel (δάφνη) at Delphi, of
-pine (πίτυς) at the Isthmus, and of celery (σέλινον) at Nemea. Phlegon
-says that the olive wreath was first used by Iphitos in Ol. 7 (= 752
-B. C.), when it was given to the Messenian runner Daïkles,[137] and
-that for the preceding Olympiads there was no crown.[138] Probably
-before that date tripods and other articles of value were the prizes
-at Olympia, as we know they were elsewhere. Pausanias says that the
-wild olive came from the land of the Hyperboreans.[139] Pindar calls it
-merely olive (ἐλαία), and not wild olive.[140] The Athenian tradition
-was that the olive which Herakles planted at Olympia was a shoot of
-a sacred tree which grew on the banks of the Ilissos in Attica.[141]
-Phlegon also says that the first crown came from Attika. In later days
-the Olympic wreaths were cut from the “Olive of the Faircrown”;[142]
-its branches were cut with a golden sickle by a boy whose parents
-must be living;[143] it grew at Olympia in a spot near the so-called
-Pantheion,[144] which was probably a grove behind the temple of
-Zeus.[145] The laurel prize at the Pythian games replaced the older
-articles of value or money in 582 B. C.[146] It came from Tempe and
-was plucked by a boy whose parents must be living.[147] The wreath
-is seen on late Delphian coins of the imperial age.[148] Lucian also
-states that apples were given as prizes at Delphi.[149] Wild celery was
-the prize at the Isthmus in the time of Pindar.[150] It was dried or
-withered to differentiate it from the fresh celery used at Nemea.[151]
-Later writers say that the wreath was of the leaves of the pine,[152]
-which was the tree sacred to Poseidon. Probably pine leaves composed
-the older wreath, a practice certainly revived again in later Roman
-imperial days;[153] for while on coins of Augustus and Nero celery is
-represented, those of Antoninus Pius and Lucius Verus show pine.[154] A
-row of pine trees lined the approach to Poseidon’s sanctuary.[155] The
-prize at Nemea was celery and not parsley, as many wrongly interpret
-the wreath appearing on Selinuntian coins.[156] Pausanias also states
-that at most Greek games a palm wreath was placed in the victor’s right
-hand.[157] The palm as a symbol of victory occurs first toward the end
-of the fifth century B. C.[158]
-
-
-DEDICATION OF ATHLETE PRIZES.
-
-Just as soldiers on returning from successful campaigns might dedicate
-their spoils of victory, victors in athletic contests might consecrate
-to the gods their prizes. In the Homeric poems we have no certain
-evidence of such a custom. A Delphic tripod was ascribed to Diomedes
-and possibly this was a prize won at the funeral games in honor of
-Patroklos.[159] The first literary example of such a dedication of
-which we are certain is the prize tripod dedicated to the Helikonian
-Muses by Hesiod.[160] Frequently such dedications were tripods; thus
-a Pythian tripod was dedicated to Herakles at Thebes by the Arkadian
-musician Echembrotos in 586 B. C.;[161] a tripod was dedicated in the
-sixth century B. C. or perhaps earlier at Athens for some acrobatic or
-juggling trick;[162] a victorious boxer dedicated one at Thebes.[163]
-It became customary by the fifth century B. C. for victors at the
-_Triopia_ to offer prize tripods to Apollo.[164] Tripods or fragments
-of them have been found at Olympia[165] and elsewhere. Many other
-objects were also offered.[166] Sometimes a victor would dedicate the
-object by which he won his victory instead of his prize, just as a
-soldier might dedicate his arms instead of his spoils of war. Certain
-types of victors, _e. g._, those especially in running, the race in
-armor, singing, etc., would be excluded from making such dedications
-owing to the nature of the contest. Pausanias[167] tells us, for
-instance, that twenty-five bronze shields were kept in the temple
-of Zeus at Olympia for the use of hoplite runners, which shows that
-these runners did not use all at least of their own armor. In some
-cases diskoi were lent to pentathletes. Pausanias[168] says that three
-quoits were kept in the treasury of the Sikyonians at Olympia for use
-in the pentathlon. There are, however, as we shall see, instances of
-quoits being dedicated by victors. The pentathlete might consecrate
-either his diskos, javelin, or jumping-weights.[169] Perhaps the huge
-red-sandstone block of the sixth century B. C., weighing 315 pounds and
-inscribed with the name and feat of Bybon, may have been such an _ex
-voto_,[170] since Pausanias says the contestants at Olympia originally
-used stones for quoits.[171] A stone, weighing 480 kilograms (about
-1,056 pounds), was found on Thera, inscribed “Eumastos raised me from
-the ground.”[172] Poplios (Publius) Asklepiades, who won the pentathlon
-at Olympia in the third century A. D.,[173] dedicated a bronze diskos
-to Zeus, showing the old custom was kept up till late. Many bronze
-diskoi have been found in the excavations of the Altis.[174] We have
-instances of the dedication of jumping-weights (ἁλτῆρες).[175] Examples
-of dedicated strigils have been found at Olympia.[176] Torches were
-dedicated at Athens.[177] Actors dedicated their masks,[178] while
-some of the ivory lyres and plectra conserved in the Parthenon were
-probably offerings of musical victors at the Panathenaic games.[179]
-Equestrian victors dedicated their chariots, or models of them, and
-their horses. These models might be large or small. We have notices of
-large chariot-groups at Olympia of Kleosthenes,[180] Gelo,[181] and
-Hiero of Syracuse;[182] of small ones of Euagoras,[183] Glaukon,[184]
-Kyniska,[185] and Polypeithes.[186] A large number of miniature models
-of chariots and horses in bronze and terra cotta have been found at
-Olympia,[187] some of which have no wheels. Many very thin foil wheels
-have also been found.[188] Furtwaengler[189] believes that these
-wheels are conventional reductions of whole chariots. Some of them
-are cast[190] and they are generally four-spoked, but two mule-car
-wheels are five-spoked.[191] These various models are so common and of
-so little value, however, that they may have had nothing to do with
-chariot-races.[192]
-
-Many great artists, _e. g._, Kalamis,[193] Euphranor,[194] and
-Lysippos,[195] are known to have made chariot-groups and it is
-reasonable to assume that some of these were votive in character.
-Besides dedications of chariot victors, we find at Olympia also those
-of horse-racers. These were similarly both large and small, with and
-without jockeys. Thus jockeys on horseback by Kalamis stood on either
-side of Hiero’s chariot.[196] Krokon of Eretria, who won the horse-race
-at the end of the sixth century B. C.,[197] dedicated a small bronze
-horse at Olympia.[198] The monument of the sons of Pheidolas of
-Corinth,[199] representing a horse on the top of a column, must have
-been small. Pausanias, in mentioning the two statues of the Spartan
-chariot victor Lykinos by Myron,[200] says that one of the horses which
-the victor brought to Olympia was not allowed to enter the foal-race,
-and therefore was entered in the horse-race. This story was probably
-told Pausanias by the Olympia guides and may have arisen from the
-smallness of one of the horses in the monument.[201] The sculptors
-Kalamis,[202] Kanachos,[203] and Hegias[204] are known to have made
-groups representing horse-victors, and Pliny derives the whole _genre_
-of equestrian monuments from the Greeks.[205] Great numbers of small
-figures of horses and riders have been excavated at Olympia[206] and
-elsewhere.[207] Equestrian groups of various kinds were also known
-outside Olympia. Thus Arkesilas IV of Kyrene offered a chariot model at
-Delphi for a victory in 466 B. C;[208] the base found on the Akropolis
-of Athens and inscribed with the name Onatas probably upheld such a
-group;[209] the equestrian statue of Isokrates on the Akropolis was
-also probably a dedication for a victory in horse-racing.[210]
-
-
-DEDICATION OF STATUES AT OLYMPIA AND ELSEWHERE.
-
-Not only did equestrian contests and the pentathlon give the victor
-an opportunity to represent the means by which he gained his prize,
-but any victorious athlete could set up a statue of himself in his own
-honor, which might either represent him in the characteristic attitude
-of his contest (perhaps with its distinguishing attributes) or might be
-a simple monument showing neither action nor attribute. This brings us
-to the main subject of the present work—the discussion of the different
-types of victor statues at Olympia.
-
-Of all the national games of Hellas, our knowledge of Olympia is
-fullest, both because of the detailed account of its monuments by
-Pausanias, who visited Elis in 173 or 174 A. D., and because of the
-systematic excavation of the Altis by the German government in the
-seventies of the last century. We shall not be concerned, except
-incidentally, with monuments set up at the other national games, which
-are known to us in no such degree as those of Olympia. The interest
-of Pausanias in Delphi was almost entirely of a religious nature,
-and the lesser renown of both Nemea and the Isthmus caused him to
-treat their topography and monuments in a most summary manner. Though
-the _Pythia_ as a festival were second only to the _Olympia_, as an
-athletic meet they scarcely equalled the _Nemea_ or the _Isthmia_.
-From the earliest days music was the chief competition at Delphi;
-the oldest and most important event in the musical programme there
-all through Greek history was the Hymn to Apollo, sung with the
-accompaniment of the lyre, in which was celebrated the victory of the
-god over the Python. By 582 B. C. singing to the flute (αὐλῳδία) was
-also added, but was almost immediately discontinued. In the same year
-a flute solo was also inaugurated.[211] In 558 B. C. lyre-playing was
-introduced. Under the Roman Empire poetic and dramatic competitions
-were prominent, but the date of their introduction is not known.
-Pliny mentions contests in painting.[212] After music the equestrian
-contests were the most important, even rivalling those of Olympia.
-By 586 B. C., as we have seen, athletic events were inaugurated. The
-athletic importance of the games on the Isthmus was inferior to that
-of Olympia and its religious character to that of Delphi, though these
-games were the most frequented of all the great national ones, because
-of the accessibility of the place and its nearness to Corinth.[213]
-The inferiority of the athletics here may be judged by the fact that
-Solon assigned only 100 drachmæ to an Isthmian victor, while 500 were
-given to one from Olympia.[214] We have little knowledge of these games
-through the great period of Greek history, only a reference here and
-there to a victor.[215] We know much more of them under the Romans,
-when the prosperity of Corinth was revived; at that time, however,
-there was little true interest in athletics. Corinth then spent great
-sums in procuring wild animals for the arena.[216] Excavations have
-added little to our knowledge of these games.[217] The interest at
-Nemea in athletics was second only to that of Olympia.[218] While music
-was the most important feature at Delphi, and the Isthmian games were
-attended chiefly for the attractions of the neighboring Corinth, there
-was nothing but the games themselves to attract people to the retired
-valley of Nemea. Athletic contests were the only feature here until
-late times and great attention was paid to those of boys.[219] The
-records of the victors at these games are very scanty.[220]
-
-At all these three games victor monuments were set up, though in no
-such profusion as at Olympia.
-
-Of those set up at Delphi, Pausanias shows his disdain by these
-words: “As to the athletes and musical competitors who have attracted
-no notice from the majority of mankind, I hold them hardly worthy
-of attention; and the athletes who have made themselves a name
-have already been set forth by me in my account of Elis.”[221] He
-mentions the statue of only one victor, that of Phaÿllos, who won
-at Delphi twice in the pentathlon and once in running. A score or
-more of inscriptions in honor of these men whom Pausanias treats so
-contemptuously have been recovered. Some of them record offerings
-dedicated for victories, though most of them record decrees passed by
-the Delphians, who voted the victors not only wreaths of laurel, but
-seats of honor at the games and other privileges.[222] Victor statues
-seem to have stood outside the sacred precinct at Delphi and not
-within it, as at Olympia, since Pausanias mentions the sanctuary after
-mentioning the statue of Phaÿllos.[223] Other Greek and Roman writers
-give us stray hints of these statues. Thus, Pliny mentions a statue
-at Delphi of a _pancratiastes_ by Pythagoras of Rhegion[224] and says
-that Myron made _Delphicos pentathlos, pancratiastas_.[225] A scholion
-on Pindar[226] mentions the helmeted statue of the hoplite runner
-Telisikrates as standing in the precinct. Justin, in speaking of the
-Gallic invasion of Delphi, mentions _statuasque cum quadrigis, quarum
-ingens copia procul visebatur_, thus referring to large chariot-groups,
-which would be very sightly on the slope of the precinct.[227] An idea
-of the beauty of such groups may be gathered from the remnant of one,
-the bronze _Charioteer_ discovered by the French excavators, which
-is one of the most important archaic sculptures from antiquity (Fig.
-66).[228]
-
-We know from the words of Pausanias[229] that victor statues also stood
-on the Isthmus, and we should assume the same for Nemea, though in
-both places they must have been few in number. At the various local
-games it was customary for victors to erect statues of themselves. Thus
-we know of such dedications at the Bœotian games in Thebes,[230]
-at the Didymaion,[231] and at the _Lykaia_ in Arkadia.[232] Many
-such victor statues decorated different localities of Athens. Thus,
-on the Akropolis, we know of the statues of the hoplite runner
-Epicharinos,[233] of the pancratiast Hermolykos,[234] of a helmeted
-man by the sculptor Kleoitas,[235] of a παῖς κελητίζων representing
-Isokrates;[236] in the Prytaneion, of the statue of the pancratiast
-Autolykos.[237] Lykourgos, the rhetor, mentions victor statues in the
-agora of Athens.[238] Some of these Athenian statues may have been
-those of Olympic victors;[239] and of victors certainly Olympic we
-know of the statues of Kallias the pancratiast,[240] of the charioteer
-Hermokrates,[241] and of the bronze mares of Kimon.[242] Of the statues
-of Nemean victors at Athens we know of that of Hegestratos, victor in
-an unknown contest.[243] Of Isthmian victors there we know of that of
-the pancratiast Diophanes,[244] and of other examples.[245] We have
-inscriptional record of the statues at Athens of a boy victor at the
-_Panathenaia_ and the _Thargelia_ in chariot-racing,[246] of a victor
-at the _Pythia_, _Isthmia_, _Nemea_, and the _Panathenaia_,[247] of
-one at the _Nemea_ and _Herakleia_ at Thebes,[248] of one at the
-_Eleusinia_,[249] of one at the _Panathenaia_ and _Dionysia_,[250] and
-of others at several games.[251]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 2.—Bronze Statuette of a Victor, from Olympia.
-Museum of Olympia.]
-
-The erection of a statue in the Altis at Olympia was an honor which the
-Elean officers in charge of the games[252] gave to victors to glorify
-their victory.[253] Pliny, in a well-known passage of the _Historia
-Naturalis_,[254] says it was customary for all victors to set up
-statues, while Pausanias[255] says not all athletes did this, for “some
-of those who specially distinguished themselves in the games ... have
-had no statues.” This apparent contradiction in the statements of the
-two writers is to be explained, as Dittenberger[256] and others have
-pointed out, on the ground that Pliny states the general privilege
-extended to the victor, while Pausanias states its practical working
-out, since the setting up of a statue was an undertaking which would
-be limited by the early death, poverty, or some other disability of
-the victorious athlete. The cost of making, transporting, and setting
-up a statue was considerable, and very often a victor must have
-been too poor to do it. In such a case he would often be contented
-to set up merely a statuette or small figure in bronze or marble.
-Several such bronze figures have been unearthed at Olympia,[257] one
-of which we reproduce in Fig. 2, and we have many examples found
-outside the Altis: _e. g._, a group of wrestlers,[258] a boxer,[259]
-and the arm of a quoit-thrower[260] from the Athenian Akropolis,
-an archaic girl runner from Dodona,[261] an archaic statuette from
-Delphi with a loin-cloth,[262] a bronze quoit-thrower dedicated in the
-Kabeirion,[263] the Tuebingen bronze hoplite runner[264] (Fig. 42),
-and the statuette of a παῖς κέλης from Dodona.[265] We should also
-mention the great number of statuettes of diskos-throwers in modern
-museums.[266] Boy victors especially would use the less expensive
-marble for such statuettes and we have the remnants of many such found
-in the excavations of the Altis.[267] Pausanias mentions several
-monuments which were less than life-size, _e. g._, a horse among the
-offerings of Phormis, which he says was “much inferior in size and
-shape to all other statues of horses in the Altis,”[268] and the
-equestrian monuments already discussed. Even reliefs and paintings,
-in some cases, were offered in lieu of larger monuments, not only for
-reasons of economy, but also because they gave a better representation
-of the contest. This custom was common at the lesser games, especially
-at the _Panathenaia_.[269] Pausanias mentions painted iconic reliefs
-vowed by girl runners at the games in honor of Hera at Olympia.[270] On
-an Attic vase in Munich a victor is represented as holding an iconic
-votive _pinax_ in his hands.[271] Pausanias speaks of a painting by
-Timainetos at Athens, which represented a boy carrying hydriæ,[272]
-and one of a wrestler by the same artist in the Pinakotheke on the
-Akropolis. Pliny mentions paintings, the works of great masters,
-representing victors: thus the _currentes quadrigae_ by the elder
-Aristeides of Thebes,[273] a _victor certamine gymnico palmam tenens_
-by Eupompos,[274] an athlete by Zeuxis,[275] the victor Aratos with a
-trophy by Leontiskos,[276] an athlete by Protogenes,[277] two hoplite
-runners by Parrhasios,[278] a _luctator tubicenque_ by Antidotos and
-a warrior by the same artist, in Athens,[279] which represented a man
-fighting with a shield, and a man anointing himself, the work of the
-painter Theoros.[280]
-
-Apparently the Hellanodikai allowed but one statue for each victory.
-Aischines the Elean had two victories and two statues.[281] Dikon of
-Kaulonia and Syracuse had three victories and three statues.[282]
-The Spartan Lykinos had two victories and two statues by Myron, but
-we have already said that the second statue was probably that of his
-charioteer, the two forming part of an equestrian group.[283] Kapros
-of Elis won two victories and had as many statues.[284] On the other
-hand Troilos of Elis, who won in two events, had only one statue.[285]
-Similarly Arkesilaos of Sparta had two victories in the chariot-race
-and only one statue.[286] Xenombrotos of Cos, who appears to have won
-once only, had, however, two monuments, one mentioned by Pausanias and
-the other known to us from the recovered inscription.[287] But this
-last case seems to be the only known exception.
-
-When the victor was unable to set up his monument, whether because of
-youth, poverty, early death, or other reason, sometimes the privilege
-was utilized by a relative, a friend, or by his native city. In any
-case it was a private affair with which the Elean officials had no
-concern. We have examples, consequently, of the statue being set up
-by the son,[288] father (especially in recovered inscriptions after
-the time of Augustus),[289] mother,[290] and brother;[291] also
-several examples of statues reared in honor of athletes by fellow
-citizens.[292] There are cases in which the trainer set up the
-statue.[293] Frequently the native city performed the duty, dedicating
-the statue either at Olympia or in the victor’s city. Thus Oibotas,
-who won the stade-race in Ol. 6 (= 756 B. C.), had a statue at Olympia
-which was erected by the Achæan state out of deference to a command of
-the Delphian oracle in Ol. 80 (= 460 B. C.).[294] The statue of Agenor,
-by Polykleitos the Younger, a boy wrestler from Thebes, was dedicated
-by the confederacy of Phokis, because his father was a public friend of
-the nation.[295] The boy runner Herodotos of Klazomenai had a statue
-erected by his native town at Olympia because he was the first victor
-from there.[296] Philinos of Kos had a statue set up by the people of
-Kos at Olympia “because of glory won,” for he was victor five times in
-running at Olympia, four at Delphi, four at Nemea, and eleven at the
-Isthmus.[297] Hermesianax of Kolophon had a statue at Olympia erected
-by his city.[298] The pancratiast Promachos of Pellene had two statues
-erected to him by his fellow citizens, one at Olympia, the other in
-Pellene.[299] We know of three state dedications of statues at Olympia
-from inscriptions, those of Aristophon of Athens,[300] of Epitherses of
-Erythrai,[301] and of Polyxenos by the people of Zakynthos.[302] Lichas
-of Sparta, at a date when the Spartans were excluded from the games,
-entered his chariot in the name of the Theban people, and Pausanias
-says that his victory was so entered on the Elean register.[303] We
-learn from the _OxyrhynchusPapyri_ that the public horse of the Argives
-won at Olympia in Ol. 75 (= 480 _B. C._) and the public chariot in
-Ol. 77 (= 472 _B. C._).[304] In these latter two cases the public
-was directly interested, and had there been monuments erected to
-commemorate the victories they would naturally have been set up by the
-state.
-
-It has been wrongly assumed that monuments of boy victors were
-dedicated in the name of their parents or relatives.[305] On the
-contrary, we have examples dating back to the fifth century B. C. of
-boys setting up statues at Olympia. Thus the inscription from the
-base of the statue of Tellon, who won in the boys’ boxing match in
-Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.), states that he dedicated his own statue.[306]
-Pausanias says that the Eleans allowed the boy wrestler Kratinos from
-Aigeira to erect a statue of his trainer.[307] Of course the boy might
-need assistance in the undertaking, but this again was no concern of
-the Elean officials, who granted the privilege to the victor and not
-to his relatives. Usually the statue of a victor was erected soon
-after the victory. We have some examples of the statue being erected
-immediately after the victory, especially in the case of men victors.
-Thus Pausanias says that the victor Eubotas of Kyrene, in consequence
-of a Libyan oracle foretelling his victory in the foot-race, had
-his statue made before coming to Olympia and erected it “the very day
-on which he was proclaimed victor.”[308] The famous Milo of Kroton
-spectacularly carried his statue into the Altis on his back before he
-entered the contest.[309] There are also examples of statues being
-erected long after the victory, sometimes centuries later. We have
-already mentioned that a statue was erected to Oibotas in Ol. 80,
-though his victory was won in Ol. 6. Chionis, who won in running races
-in Ols. 28-31 (= 668-656 B. C.) had a statue by Myron erected to his
-memory Ol. 77 or 78 (= 472 or 468 B. C.).[310] Cheilon of Patrai, twice
-victor in wrestling between Ols. (?) 103 and 115 (= 368 and 320 B. C.),
-had his statue set up after his death.[311] Polydamas of Skotoussa won
-his victory in the pankration in Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.), but his statue
-by Lysippos could not have been erected until many years later.[312]
-Glaukos, who won the boys’ boxing-match in Ol. 65 (= 520 B. C.), had a
-statue by the Aeginetan sculptor Glaukias much later.[313] In the case
-of boy victors, the time between boyhood and coming of age was often so
-short that in many cases we may assume that the statue was set up some
-time after the victory.[314]
-
-
-HONORS PAID TO VICTORS BY THEIR NATIVE CITIES.
-
-Since the victor was deemed the representative of the state, he often
-received a more substantial reward than a statue erected at the cost of
-his fellow citizens. The herald, in proclaiming his victory, proclaimed
-also the name of his town, which thus shared in his success. At Athens
-it was customary for a victor at the great games to receive a reward of
-money. To encourage an interest in athletics there, Solon established
-money prizes for victorious athletes. We have already said that 100
-drachmæ were given to a victor at the Isthmus, while 500 were allotted
-to one at Olympia. Solon further ordained that victors should eat at
-the Prytaneion at the public expense.[315] Probably other Greek states
-followed the Athenian custom. We know from an inscription that the
-Panathenaic victors in the stade-race received 50 amphoræ of oil, the
-pancratiast 40, and others 30.[316] Later, in Rome, victors had special
-privileges granted them, including maintenance at the public expense,
-a privilege which Mæcenas advised the emperor Augustus to limit to
-victors at Olympia, Delphi, and Rome.[317] Augustus in other ways
-enlarged the privileges of athletes.[318] When we consider the intimate
-connection between religion and athletics and the Panhellenic fame of a
-victor at the great games, we can easily understand the indignation of
-the native town when its athletes did anything dishonorable. Sometimes
-a victor was bribed to appear as the citizen of some other state. Thus
-Astylos of Kroton, who won in running races in Ols. 73-76 (= 488-476
-B. C.), had himself proclaimed in his last two contests a Syracusan to
-please King Hiero. The citizens of his native town burned his house and
-pulled down his statue, which had been placed there in the temple of
-Hera.[319] The Cretan Sotades, who won the long running race in Ol. 99
-(= 384 B. C.), was bribed at the next Olympiad by the city of Ephesos
-to proclaim himself an Ephesian, and was in consequence exiled.[320]
-Dikon, a victor in running races at the beginning of the fourth century
-B. C., proclaimed himself first a citizen of Kaulonia, but later,
-“for a sum of money,” entered the men’s contest as a Syracusan.[321]
-Sometimes such attempts at bribery proved unsuccessful. Thus the
-father of the boy boxer Antipatros of Miletos, who won in Ol. 98 (=
-388 B. C.), accepted a bribe from some Syracusans, who were bringing
-an offering to Olympia from Dionysios, to let the boy be proclaimed
-a Syracusan. But the boy himself refused the bribe and had inscribed
-on his statue by the younger Polykleitos that he was a Milesian, the
-first Ionian to dedicate a statue at Olympia.[322] The Spartan chariot
-victor Lichas has already been mentioned as having entered his chariot
-in the name of Thebes. The reason was that at the time the Spartans
-were excluded from entering the games at Olympia. He won, and in his
-excitement tied a ribbon on his charioteer with his own hands, thereby
-showing that the horses belonged to him and not to Thebes. For this
-infraction of the rules he, though an aged man, was punished by the
-umpires by scourging.[323] A more disgraceful act was selling out, of
-which we have two examples at Olympia. The Thessalian Eupolos bribed
-his three adversaries in boxing to let him win. All four were fined
-and from the money six bronze statues of Zeus, known as _Zanes_, were
-erected at the entrance to the stadion, inscribed with elegiac verses
-which warned future athletes against repeating such attempts.[324]
-More than fifty years later Kallippos, a pentathlete of Athens, bribed
-his opponents and, being detected, all were fined and from the money,
-finally collected from the recalcitrant Athenians through the influence
-of the oracle at Delphi, six more _Zanes_ were erected.[325] Straton
-(or Stratonikos), of Alexandria, won in wrestling and the pankration on
-the same day in Ol. 178 (= 68 B. C.). In the wrestling match he had two
-adversaries, Eudelos and Philostratos of Rhodes. The latter had bribed
-Eudelos to sell out and, being detected, had to pay a fine. Out of this
-money another _Zan_ was set up and still another at the cost of the
-Rhodians.[326] In Ol. 192 (= 12 B. C.) and in Ol. 226 (= 125 A. D.), we
-hear of fines for such corruption out of which additional _Zanes_ were
-erected.[327] In Ol. 201 (= 25 A. D.) Sarapion, a pancratiast from
-Alexandria, became so afraid of his antagonist that he fled the day
-before the contest and was fined—the only case recorded of an athlete
-being fined for cowardice at Olympia.[328] In Ol. 218 (= 93 A. D.)
-another Alexandrine, named Apollonios, was fined for arriving too late
-for the games at Olympia. His excuse of being detained by winds was
-found to be false, and it was discovered that he had been making money
-on the games in Ionia.[329]
-
-Cases of bribery were known at other games. A third-century B. C.
-inscription from Epidauros records how three athletes were fined one
-thousand staters each διὰ τὸ φθείρειν τοὺς ἀγῶνας.[330] The venality of
-Isthmian victors is shown by the account of a competitor who promised
-a rival three thousand drachmæ to let him win and then, on winning on
-his merits, refused to pay, though the defeated contestant swore on
-the altar of Poseidon that he had been promised the amount.[331] The
-emperor Nero, in order to win in singing at the Isthmus, had to resort
-to force. A certain Epeirote singer refused to withdraw unless he
-received ten talents. Nero, to save himself from defeat, sent a band of
-men who pummelled his antagonist so that he could not sing.[332]
-
-Often the home-coming of a victor at one of the national games was the
-occasion for a public celebration. Sometimes the whole city turned
-out to meet the hero.[333] The victory was recorded on pillars, and
-poets composed songs in its honor which were sung by choruses of
-girls and boys. Sometimes a statue was set up in the agora or on the
-Akropolis. In the cities of Magna Græcia and Sicily such adulation
-of Olympic victors became at times very extravagant. Thus Exainetos
-of Akragas, who won the stade-race in Ols. 91 and 92 (= 416-412 B.
-C.), was brought into the city in a four-horse chariot drawn by his
-fellow-citizens, and was escorted by 300 men in two-horse chariots
-drawn by white horses.[334] It is also in the West that we first hear
-of victors being worshipped as heroes or gods, though the custom soon
-took root in Greece. It was but natural to account for the great
-strength of famous athletes by assigning to them divine origin and by
-worshipping them after death.[335] Philippos of Kroton, who won in an
-unknown contest about Ol. 65 (= 520 B. C.), had a _heroön_ erected in
-his honor by the people of Egesta in Sicily on account of his beauty,
-in which he surpassed all his contemporaries, and he was worshipped
-after his death as a hero.[336] The famous boxer Euthymos of Lokroi
-Epizephyrioi, who won in Ols. 74, 76, 77 (= 484, 476, 472 B. C.), was
-worshipped even before his death and was looked upon as the son of no
-earthly father, but of the river-god Kaikinos.[337] Fabulous feats
-were ascribed to him, _e. g._, the expulsion of the Black Spirit from
-Temessa.[338] During and after his lifetime sacrifices were offered
-in his honor.[339] The equally famed boxer and pancratiast Theagenes
-of Thasos, the opponent of Euthymos, who won in Ols. 75 and 76 (=
-480 and 476 B. C.), was heroized after his death.[340] The Thasians
-maintained that his father was Herakles.[341] The boxer Kleomedes of
-Astypalaia, who won in Ol. 71 (= 496 B. C.), was honored as a hero
-after death.[342] Having killed Ikkos, his opponent, he became crazed
-with grief. Pausanias recounts his curious death.[343] The worship of
-such athletes was supposed to bestow physical strength on their adorers
-and consequently statues were erected to them in many places and were
-thought to be able to cure illnesses.[344] The life of a successful
-athlete was looked upon as especially happy. In Aristophanes’ _Plutus_,
-Hermes deserts the gods and serves Plutus “the presider over contests,”
-thinking no service more profitable to the god of wealth than holding
-contests in music and athletics.[345] Plato thought an Olympic victor’s
-life was the most blessed of all from a material point of view.[346]
-In the myth of Er the soul of Atalanta chooses the body of an athlete,
-on seeing “the great rewards bestowed on an athlete.”[347] The great
-Rhodian pancratiast Dorieus, who won in Ols. 87, 88, 89 (= 432-424
-B. C.), was taken prisoner by Athens during the Peloponnesian war,
-but was freed because of his exploits at Olympia.[348] The honor in
-which a victor was held may also be judged by the story of the Spartan
-ephor Cheilon, who died of joy while embracing his victorious son
-Damagetos.[349] To quote from Ernest Gardner: “The extraordinary,
-almost super-human honours paid to the victors at the great national
-contests made them a theme for the sculptor hardly less noble than
-gods and heroes, and more adapted for the display of his skill,
-as trained by the observation of those exercises which led to the
-victory.”[350] Some of the greatest artists were employed, and great
-poets from Simonides of Keos down, including such names as Bacchylides
-and Pindar, were employed in singing their praises. Although it must
-be confessed that the majority of the artists of victor statues at
-Olympia are little known or wholly unknown masters, Pausanias mentions
-among them such renowned names as Hagelaïdas, Pythagoras, Kalamis,
-Myron, Polykleitos, Lysippos, and possibly Pheidias. Certain other
-great names, however, are absent from his lists, _e. g._, Euphranor,
-Kresilas, Praxiteles, and Skopas. Such extravagant reverence of Olympic
-and other victors as we have outlined met, of course, with violent
-protests all through Greek history, just as the excessive popularity
-of athletics has in our time. The philosopher Xenophanes of Kolophon,
-who died 480 B. C., was scandalized at the offering of divine honors
-to athletes.[351] While he denounced the popularity of athletics,
-Euripides later denounced the professionalism which had begun to creep
-in after the middle of the fifth century B. C.[352] Plato, though a
-strong advocate of practical physical training for war, was opposed
-to the vain spirit of competition in the athletics of his day. He
-complained that professional athletes paid excessive attention to diet,
-slept their lives away, and were in danger of becoming brutalized.[353]
-The last attack on professional athletics in point of time was made
-in the second century A. D. by Galen, in his _Exhortation to the
-Arts_.[354] In this essay the eminent physician contended that the
-athlete was a benefit neither to himself nor to the state. When we
-study the brutal portraits of prize-fighters on the contemporary
-mosaics of the Baths of Caracalla at Rome, we can see to what depths
-the old athletic ideal had sunk, and the justness of his rebuke.[355]
-
-
-VOTIVE CHARACTER OF VICTOR DEDICATIONS.
-
-That chariot and hippic monuments were votive in character can
-scarcely be doubted. Pausanias distinguishes between gymnic victors
-and equestrian ones.[356] All authorities agree that equestrian
-monuments were different in origin and character from those of other
-victors.[357] Gardiner believes that if the Olympic games developed
-out of a single event, it was not the stade-race, but the chariot-race
-or heavy-armed-race. He shows that the custom of making the stade
-runner eponymous for the Olympiad is not earlier than the third century
-B. C., and did not arise from the importance of that event, but from
-the accident of its coming first on the program and first on the list
-of victors.[358] Equestrian monuments were dedicated at Olympia all
-through antiquity, from the sixth century B. C. to the second A. D. The
-oldest was that of the Spartan Euagoras already mentioned, who won in
-the chariot-race three times in Ols. (?) 58-60 (= 548-540 B. C.).[359]
-The latest dated example is that of L. Minicius Natalis of Rome, who
-won in Ol. 227 (= 129 A .D.).[360] Some of the inscriptions pertaining
-to equestrian groups are in verse,[361] while others are in prose.[362]
-Most of them have the usual dedicatory word ἀνέθηκε,[363] or the
-formula Διὶ Ὀλυμπίῳ,[364] while others have the word ἔστησε[365] and a
-few have no dedicatory word at all.[366]
-
-The question arises, then, whether ordinary victor monuments in the
-Altis were votive in the sense that these equestrian ones were, or
-merely honors granted to the victors. The crown of wild olive was
-merely a temporary reward suiting the occasion of the victory. The
-privilege of setting up a statue was granted in order to perpetuate
-the fame of that occasion. In a well-known passage Pausanias makes a
-sweeping generalization about monuments at Athens and Olympia.[367] He
-says that all objects on the Akropolis—including statues—were ἀναθήματα
-or votive offerings, while some of those at Olympia were dedicated to
-the god, but that the statues of athletes were mere prizes of victory.
-In another passage[368] also, in distinguishing the various sorts of
-monuments at Olympia, he expressly says that the statues of athletes
-were not devoted to Zeus, but were marks of honor (ἐν ἄθλου λόγῳ)
-bestowed on the victors. These statements of the Periegete have given
-rise to a good deal of fruitless discussion. Furtwaengler follows
-Pausanias in saying that the right of setting up statues was _ein
-wesentlicher Theil des Siegespreises_.[369] That such erections at
-Olympia were considered as high honors is implied by the wording of
-many of the inscriptions which have been recovered from the bases of
-the statues. Thus on that of the boxer Euthymos are the words εἰκόνα
-δ’ ἔστησεν τήνδε βροτοῖς ἐσορᾶν.[370] Furtwaengler, therefore, has
-promulgated the theory that the victor statues at Olympia were in no
-sense votive, though they were considered to be the property of the god
-in whose grove they stood. He cites the fact that the inscribed bases
-of such monuments down to the first century B. C., with the exception
-of a few metrical epigrams, make no mention of dedications, and that in
-these exceptions the word ἀνέθηκε was added for metrical reasons,[371]
-while during the same centuries regular votive offerings (ἀναθῆματα)
-invariably have the word ἀνέθηκε.[372] One inscription, that from the
-base of the statue of Euthymos of Lokroi, is both metrical and in
-prose;[373] but it seems to have been changed later in two places, the
-second line originally ending in a pentameter, and the third line, with
-ἀνέθηκε, being added afterwards.[374] Also the prose inscription[375]
-referred by Roehl to the statue of the wrestler Milo is rejected
-by Dittenberger. The oldest prose inscription which makes a votive
-offering out of a victor statue at Olympia is that of Thaliarchos,
-who won his second victory in boxing some time between 40 and 30 B.
-C.[376] Then follow certain prose inscriptions of imperial times.[377]
-Dittenberger concludes that for four hundred years there is no case
-of such a dedication.[378] From the evidence of the inscriptions
-from statue bases, therefore, it is clear that the distinction made
-by Pausanias between honor and victor statues did not hold good
-in his day, since the words ἀνάθημα and ἀνέθηκε were then used on
-victor monuments at Olympia, as the inscriptions of the imperial age
-just cited show, but that it did hold good for centuries before the
-Roman period. Pausanias must have based his statement, therefore,
-not on observation, but on the words of some earlier writer.[379]
-Furtwaengler’s reasoning has been followed pretty generally by
-archæologists.[380] While some, however, leave the question in
-doubt,[381] others are opposed to the idea that these statues were not
-votive. Thus R. Schoell believes that the victor monuments were as
-truly ἀναθήματα as the olive crowns.[382] Reisch, who has discussed the
-question at length,[383] believes, in opposition to the earlier view of
-Furtwaengler, that everything within the Altis must always _ipso facto_
-have been regarded as dedications to the god. This would explain the
-frequent omission of the name of the god, which would be superfluous,
-the victor being content with inscribing his own name and the contest
-in which he was victorious. Even the name of the contest does not
-always appear.[384] Reisch explains the omission of the formula ἀνέθηκε
-in earlier inscriptions on the ground of epigrammatic brevity.[385]
-
-The truth must lie somewhere between the extremes represented by
-the views of Furtwaengler and Reisch. Some athlete statues may have
-been votive, while others were not. Thus Rouse argues[386] that
-originally all victor statues at Olympia were as truly votive as
-equestrian groups, and as truly as those athlete statues continued to
-be, which were dedicated in the victors’ native towns. Those inscribed
-with ἀνέθηκε at Olympia must have been votive, for we should take
-the dedicator at his word, instead of believing the formula to be
-added merely to make the verse scan.[387] There is no reason why an
-athlete should not dedicate a statue of himself, representing himself
-as forever standing in the presence of the god, as well as a diskos
-or jumping-weights; for it was customary to make votive offerings
-representative of the events, and this could be done best by presenting
-the athlete in a statue which showed the characteristic attitude or the
-appropriate attributes. Rouse furthermore believes that a change was
-slowly wrought in the course of centuries, by which the original votive
-offering became a means of self-glorification. Equestrian victors owed
-their victories not to themselves, but to their horses, cars, drivers,
-and jockeys; in such cases the group was a thing apart from the owner.
-Only seldom did such victors dedicate statues of themselves alone. Even
-when the victor added a statue of himself to the group, still it was
-the chariot and not the statue which was emphasized.[388] On the other
-hand the ordinary gymnic victor relied on himself—on his strength,
-endurance, courage, and other qualities; and in representing the
-contest the victor himself had to be represented. Consequently, by the
-fifth century B. C., if not earlier, the statues of athletes had become
-memorials of personal glory.
-
-
-MISCELLANEOUS MEMORIALS TO VICTORS.
-
-A statue was not the only memorial erected in honor of an Olympic
-victor, though it was by far the commonest. We have already mentioned
-the bronze inscribed diskos dedicated by the pentathlete P. Asklepiades
-in the third century A. D.[389] A green stone leaping-weight inscribed
-with the name Κῳδίας appears to have been dedicated by a victor.[390]
-In two cases stelæ were set up in honor of victors.[391] A curious
-dedication was a bronze chapel, which the Sikyonian tyrant Myron
-dedicated to Apollo at Olympia.[392] In later days it became part of
-the treasury of the Sikyonians.[393] Outside Olympia various monuments
-commemorating Olympic victors were set up. These will be discussed in
-Chapter VIII.
-
-
-HONORARY STATUES.
-
-At Olympia, as elsewhere in Greece, statues were set up to men
-_honoris causa_. Such statues would be dedicated by admirers, either
-individuals or states. They were in no sense intended to honor the god,
-though at Olympia they might be classed as ἀναθήματα, just as victor
-statues, merely because they were erected in the sacred precinct. They
-were granted to individuals not as a privilege, as victor statues
-were, but as free gifts. Dio Chrysostom gives the difference between
-victor statues—which he classes as ἀναθήματα—and such honor statues
-in these words: ταῦτα (_i. e._, victor statues) γάρ ἐστιν ἀναθήματα·
-αἱ δ’ εἰκόνες τιμαί· κἀκεῖνα (victor statues) δέδοται τοῖς θεοῖς,
-ταῦτα δὲ (honor statues) τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν οἵπερ εἰσὶν ἔγγιστα
-αὐτῶν.[394] Pliny records that the Athenians inaugurated the custom
-of a state setting up statues in honor of men at the public expense
-with the statues of the tyrannicides Harmodios and Aristogeiton by the
-sculptor Antenor, which were erected in 509 B. C., the year in which
-the tyrants were expelled.[395] He adds that a “refined ambition” led
-to a universal adoption of the custom and that statues began to adorn
-public places everywhere and later on even private houses. The custom
-grew apace in the later history of Greece. Demetrios of Phaleron is
-said to have had over three hundred statues erected in his honor during
-his short régime of about a year in Athens. The Diadochoi and the Roman
-emperors enthusiastically took over the custom. Pliny gives several
-Roman examples of it.[396]
-
-At Olympia Pausanias mentions honorary statues erected to thirty-five
-men for various reasons.[397] To several of these men more than one
-statue was erected.[398] The greater number of these statues were
-erected to kings and princes, to those of Sparta,[399] Athens,[400]
-Epeiros,[401] Sicily,[402] Macedonia, and Alexander’s Empire.[403]
-One was erected in honor of the philosopher Aristotle,[404] one in
-honor of the rhetorician Gorgias of Leontini,[405] one in honor of a
-hunter,[406] another in honor of a flute-player,[407] and many others
-in honor of public and private men. These statues were set up for
-various reasons. Archidamas III of Sparta had his statues erected
-to his memory because he was the only Spartan king who died abroad
-and did not receive a formal burial. Kylon had a statue erected
-by the Aitolians because he freed the Eleans from the tyranny of
-Aristotimos.[408] Pythes of Abdera was thus honored by his soldiers
-because of his military prowess.[409] Philonides of Crete was, as
-we learn from the recovered inscription on his statue base, the
-courier of Alexander the Great.[410] Pythokritos was honored for his
-flute-playing, though he does not appear to have been a victor.[411]
-The Palaians of Kephallenia honored Timoptolis of Elis,[412] and the
-Aitolians honored the Elean Olaidas[413] for unknown reasons. At least
-seven, if not eight, of those thus honored with statues were Eleans.
-Some of the men who had honor statues were also victors at Olympia, a
-fact which would appear on the inscribed base. Thus Aratos, the son
-of Kleinias of Sikyon, the statesman, had a statue erected to him by
-the Corinthians. This was doubtless an honor statue, though Pausanias
-also says he was a chariot-victor.[414] On the other hand, the statue
-erected in honor of the pentathlete Stomios was probably a victor
-monument, though Pausanias says that its inscription records that he
-was an Elean cavalry general who challenged the enemy to a duel, in
-which he was slain.[415] In some cases it is hard to decide whether the
-statue is honorary or victor in character. In the course of time honor
-statues multiplied, while those of athletes decreased. The recovered
-inscriptions on the latter decrease steadily in the fourth and third
-centuries B. C., revive again in the second and first, and decrease
-in the first Christian century. They cease almost entirely after the
-middle of the second century A. D.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER II.
-
-GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF VICTOR STATUES AT OLYMPIA.
-
-PLATES 2-7 AND FIGURES 3-8.
-
-
-Only a few insignificant remnants of the forest of victor statues
-which once stood in the Altis at Olympia were unearthed by the German
-excavators. Most of these statues already in antiquity had been carried
-off to Italy,[416] while those which escaped the spoliation of the
-Roman masters of Greece were destroyed at the hands of the invading
-hordes of barbarians in the early Dark Ages. Consequently only here and
-there in modern museums can isolated fragments of these originals be
-discovered, which have accidentally survived the ravages of time and
-man.
-
-In the almost complete absence of originals, therefore, we depend
-for our knowledge of them on a variety of sources. In attempting to
-reconstruct them we have two main sources of information to aid us,
-the literary and the archæological. To the former belong the many
-inscriptions found on the statue bases recovered at Olympia, which
-contain the name and native city of the victor, the athletic contest
-in which his victory was won, and frequently some account of his
-former athletic history; epigrams preserved in the Greek anthologies
-and elsewhere, some of which agree with those inscribed on the statue
-bases; more or less definite statements of scholiasts and the classical
-writers in general, especially the detailed account of the monuments
-of Olympia contained in the fifth and sixth books of the Ἑλλάδος
-περιήγησις of Pausanias, who visited the Altis during the reign of
-Marcus Aurelius Antoninus,[417] and also the somewhat systematic
-treatment of Greek sculptors and their works in the elder Pliny’s
-chapters on the History of Art.[418] To the latter source belong the
-remnants of statues in bronze and marble found at Olympia, as well as
-the recovered bases, on many of which the extant footmarks enable us
-to recover the pose of the statues which formerly stood upon them.
-Finally, in reconstructing these athlete statues, an intimate knowledge
-of Greek sculpture in all its phases and periods is essential. Here,
-as in the general study of Greek sculpture, where the destruction of
-originals has been almost complete, we are largely dependent on Roman
-copies which were executed by more or less skilled workmen, chiefly
-for wealthy Roman patrons of art who wished to use them to decorate
-the public buildings, baths, palaces, and villas of Rome and other
-Italian cities. A careful study of these copies has evolved a series
-of groups, which have been assigned with more or less probability to
-this or that artist.[419] Representations of the various poses of the
-athlete statues of Olympia and elsewhere are found also on every sort
-of sculptured and painted works—reliefs, vases, coins, gems—which are,
-therefore, valuable in any attempt to reconstruct the attitude of a
-given statue.
-
-Taking into account all these sources of knowledge, it has been
-possible to reach tolerable certainty in reconstructing the main types
-of these victor monuments, and in identifying schools, masters, and
-individual works. This identification of athlete statues, especially
-those belonging to the fifth and fourth centuries B. C., among the
-countless Roman works which people modern museums, has already been
-achieved in many cases by archælogical investigations. The work of
-many masters of the archaic period and of the most important bronze
-sculptors of the great period of Greek art has been illustrated by
-such ascriptions; especially that of Myron, who represented figures
-in rhythmic action full of life and vigor; of the elder Polykleitos,
-who was a master in representing standing figures at rest fashioned
-according to a mathematical system of proportions; of Lysippos, who
-introduced a new canon of proportions in opposition to that of his
-predecessor Polykleitos, and who inaugurated the naturalistic tendency
-in Greek art, which was destined to he carried to such unbecoming
-lengths in succeeding centuries. The further identification of such
-statues, as our knowledge of the tendencies and traditions of the
-schools of Greek sculpture and our sources of information about
-athletic art become more and more extended, will be one of the most
-important tasks of the archæologist in the future.
-
-Before discussing the appearance of individual types of these
-monuments, we shall consider certain general characteristics common to
-all of them. Long ago K. O. Mueller[420] summed up the common features
-of victor statues in these words: _Kurzgelocktes Haar, tuechtige
-Glieder, eine kraeftige Ausbildung der Gestalt und verhaeltnissmaessig
-kleine Koepfe characterisiren die ganze Gattung von Figuren; die
-zerschlagenen Ohren und die hervorgetriebenen Muskeln insbesondere die
-Faustkaempfer und Pankratiasten._ Though in the main this excellent
-summary still holds good, we are now in a position to correct it in
-part and to add other equally characteristic features to it. We shall
-briefly discuss, therefore, in the light of recent investigations,
-certain of the characteristics common to this _genre_ of sculpture—the
-material and size of these statues, their nudity and fashion of wearing
-the hair, their twofold division into iconic and aniconic, their
-proportions, and, lastly, the assimilation of their appearance to
-well-known types of hero or god.
-
-
-SIZE OF VICTOR STATUES.
-
-In another section[421] we show that the overwhelming majority of the
-statues in the Altis were of bronze, though other materials, stone and
-wood, were also used in some cases. As to the size of these statues,
-no hard and fast rule seems to have been followed, but we may assume
-from the evidence at hand that they were in general life-size.[422]
-Lucian would have us believe that the Hellanodikai did not allow
-victors to set up statues larger than life.[423] We know, however, that
-there were exceptions to such a rule. In all probability the statue
-of Polydamas of Skotoussa by Lysippos, which Pausanias says stood on
-a high pedestal, was larger than life-size, if we may conjecture from
-its elevated position and the probable source of Pausanias’ remark that
-he “was the tallest of men, if we except the so-called heroes and the
-mortal race which preceded the heroes.”[424] The traces of footprints
-on the recovered pedestal of the statue of the Athenian pancratiast
-Kallias by the sculptor Mikon show that the statue was larger than
-life-size.[425] The footprints on the base of the statue of the Rhodian
-boxer Eukles by the Argive Naukydes are about 33 cm. long, and so the
-statue was slightly over life-size.[426] We know the actual size of
-at least two of these Olympic statues. The scholiast on Pindar, _Ol._
-VII, Argum., on the basis of a fragment from Aristotle’s lost work
-on the Olympic victors and one from the little-known writer Apollas
-Ponticus,[427] says that the statue of the Rhodian boxer Diagoras was
-4 cubits and 5 fingers tall,[428] _i. e._, about 6 feet 4.5 inches,
-somewhat over life-size.[429] From the same scholiast we learn that the
-statue of the son of Diagoras, the pancratiast Damagetos, was 4 cubits
-high, or less than that of the father by 5 fingers, and consequently
-just under 6 feet.[430] The footprints on the base of the statue of
-the boxer Aristion by the elder Polykleitos are 29 cm. long, and so
-the statue was just life-size.[431] There are several examples of such
-life-size statues,[432] while others are slightly below life-size.[433]
-The Polykleitan statue of a boxer in Kassel is under life-size.[434]
-The marble head of a statue found at Olympia, which we ascribe to
-Philandridas, the Akarnanian pancratiast, by Lysippos, (Frontispiece
-and Fig. 69) is also under life-size,[435] as is also that of the
-pancratiast Agias found at Delphi (Pl. 27 and Fig. 68). These two are
-in harmony with Pliny’s statement that Lysippos made the heads of his
-statues relatively small.[436] Perhaps this statement of Pliny was the
-basis of the opinion of Mueller recorded above that “comparatively
-small heads” characterize the whole _genre_ of victor statues. We
-have in the preceding chapter mentioned the marble fragments of the
-statues of boy victors, two-fifths to two-thirds life-size, found at
-Olympia.[437] The two marble helmeted heads of the archaic period
-found there, which we shall later ascribe to hoplite victors (Fig.
-30), are exactly life-size.[438] Of the bronze fragments recovered at
-Olympia,[439] the head of a boxer of the fourth century B. C. (Fig.
-61, A and B) is life-size,[440] while the extraordinarily beautifully
-sculptured right arm ascribed to a boy victor by Furtwaengler[441] is a
-little under life-size.
-
-
-NUDITY OF VICTOR STATUES.
-
-Most of the victor statues at Olympia were nude.[442] In the early
-period all athletes wore the loin-cloth. Cretan frescoes show it
-was the custom in the early Mediterranean world. The athletes of
-Homer girded themselves on entering the games of Patroklos,[443] and
-the girdle appears in the earliest athletic scenes on vases.[444]
-Throughout the historic period, however, the Greeks entered their
-contests in complete nudity, and this nudity naturally was carried over
-into athletic sculpture. Pliny’s[445] statement, _Graeca res nihil
-velare_, is, therefore, correct, despite another of Philostratos to
-the effect that at Delphi, at the Isthmus, and everywhere except at
-Olympia, the athlete wore the coarse mantle.[446] The beginning of the
-change from wearing the loin-cloth to complete nudity was ascribed
-to an accident. The Megarian runner Orsippos in the 15th Ol. (= 720
-B. C.) dropped his loin-cloth while running, either accidentally or
-because it impeded him.[447] The story was commemorated by an epigram,
-perhaps by Simonides, which was inscribed on his tomb at Megara.[448]
-A copy of this epigram in the Megarian dialect, executed in late
-Roman or Byzantine times, when the original had become illegible, was
-discovered at Megara in 1769 and shows that its original was the source
-of Pausanias’ remarks.[449] Philostratos says that athletes contended
-nude at Olympia, either because of the summer heat or a mishap which
-befell the woman Pherenike of Rhodes. She accompanied her son, the boy
-boxer Peisirhodos, to Olympia disguised as a trainer, and in her joy
-at his victory she leaped over the barrier and disclosed her sex.[450]
-The practice does not appear to have become universal with all athletes
-in all the competitions at Olympia until some time after Orsippos’ day,
-since Thukydides says the abandonment of the girdle took place shortly
-before his time and that in his day it was still retained by certain
-foreigners, notably Asiatics, in boxing and wrestling matches.[451] The
-change is not illustrated in sculpture. The earliest victor statues,
-_i. e._, those of the “Apollo” type, are all nude. The nudity of
-this type shows an essential difference between Greek and foreigner
-and also between the later Greek and his rude ancestor. Plato gives
-the use of the loin-cloth as an example of convention, by which what
-seems peculiar to one generation becomes usual to another.[452] We see
-the change, however, in vase-paintings. The loin-cloth is common on
-seventh-century vases, but is gradually left off in later ones.
-
-There were exceptions to the rule of nudity. Statues of charioteers
-were usually partly or wholly dressed in the long chiton, a custom
-explained in various ways.[453] The Delphi bronze _Charioteer_ (Fig.
-66) is a good example of a draped one. Another _auriga_ almost nude is
-shown on a decadrachm of Akragas in the British Museum, dating from the
-end of the fifth century B. C.[454] There are also several examples
-of nude charioteers.[455] The Olympic runners and athletes generally
-were also bareheaded and barefoot. The only exceptions were the
-hoplite-runners, who wore helmets, and possibly charioteers, who wore
-sandals.[456] Statues of women victors also were draped. Though Ionian
-women could witness games,[457] and Spartan girls took part in athletic
-contests with boys,[458] women were rigorously excluded from crossing
-the Alpheios during the festival at Olympia.[459] They were allowed,
-however, to enter horses for the chariot-race and, if victorious, to
-set up monuments.[460] Only one woman was allowed to witness the games,
-the priestess of the old earth cult of Demeter Chamyne, who could
-sit at the altar in the stadion during the contests.[461] Pausanias
-notes but one exception of a woman infringing the rule of admission,
-Pherenike, the mother of the Rhodian victor Peisirhodos already
-mentioned. She was pardoned because her father, brothers, and son were
-victors, but the umpires passed a law that thereafter even trainers
-should be nude.[462] While excluded from the games proper, women had
-their own festival at Olympia in honor of Hera, which was known as the
-_Heraia_. These games occurred every four years[463] and included a
-foot-race between virgins, in which the course was one-sixth less than
-the stadion. The victress received an olive crown and also a share of
-the cow sacrificed to Hera, and was allowed to set up a painted picture
-of herself in the Heraion.[464] It has been generally assumed that the
-statue of a girl runner in the Galleria dei Candelabri of the Vatican
-represents one of these victresses (Plate 2),[465] since Pausanias
-says they ran with their hair down and wore a tunic which reached to
-just above the knees, leaving the right shoulder bare to the breast.
-That the statue represents a girl runner seems certain,[466] but that
-it can be referred to one of the Olympic girl victresses is doubtful.
-The description of Pausanias fits it in many respects, except that
-the chiton of the statue is too short, and he does not mention the
-girdle just below the bosom. Furthermore, he does not mention statues
-of girl victresses, but only pictures. Nothing can be argued from the
-palm-branch on the tree-stump, except that the Roman copyist thought it
-the statue of a victress. It does not necessarily refer to a victress
-at Olympia, for Pausanias elsewhere says that the palm-branch was given
-at many contests.[467] The statue represents a young girl leaning
-forward awaiting the signal to start,[468] but it is impossible to say
-to what games we should refer it. There were girls’ contests in and out
-of Greece—such as at the _Dionysia_ in Sparta[469] and in her colony
-Kyrene.[470] Such games were also held in the stadion of Domitian at
-Rome.[471] In fact the Palatine estate of the Barberini, from whom the
-Vatican acquired the statue, embraced the area of the old stadion of
-Domitian on the Palatine. It is probably of Doric workmanship, as it
-certainly represents a Dorian victress, though not necessarily by a
-Peloponnesian sculptor.[472]
-
-
-THE ATHLETIC HAIR-FASHION.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 2
-
-Marble Statue of a Girl Runner. Vatican Museum, Rome.]
-
-The assumption long held that short hair was always characteristic of
-the athlete is incorrect.[473] It is controverted equally by literary
-evidence and by the monuments. The Homeric Greek took pride in his
-long hair,[474] and doubtless the contestants at the games of Patroklos
-in the Iliad had long hair. Long hair was worn by some Athenians
-throughout Athenian history. From the end of the fifth century B. C.,
-long hair was regarded as a mark of effeminacy[475] and was regularly
-worn only by the knights.[476] Short hair was worn as a sign of
-mourning in Athens from early days down.[477] Only the slaves regularly
-wore very short hair in the fifth century B. C.[478] The change to
-short hair in Athens was certainly due to the influence of the palæstra
-and to athletics in general.[479] We see just the opposite custom in
-vogue in Sparta. There, according to the code of Lykourgos,[480] men
-were compelled to wear long hair and children short hair. Thus the
-heroes of Leonidas entered the battle of Thermopylæ after combing
-their long locks.[481] After the Persian wars only children and men
-with laconizing or aristocratic sympathies[482] wore their hair long
-at Athens. When boys arrived at the age of ἔφηβοι, they had their
-hair cut at the feast of the οἰνιστήρια[483] and dedicated it to a
-god.[484] Soon after the Persian war period, athletes wore their hair
-short. Before that time, the wearing of long hair had already been
-discarded for obvious reasons in wrestling.[485] Similarly, in boxing
-and the pankration long hair was in the way, and was therefore early
-braided into two long plaits which were wound around the head in a
-peculiar way and tied into a knot at the top, the so-called Attic
-κρωβύλος, the oftenest mentioned manner of dressing the hair in Greek
-literature.[486] The oldest notice of this style of wearing the hair
-is found in a fragment of Asios.[487] Herakleides Ponticus[488] says
-it was used up to the time of the Persian wars. The _locus classicus_
-is in Thukydides, who says it was worn in his day by old people
-only.[489] Earlier young men wore it,[490] but it went out of fashion
-between 470 and 460 B. C. In this connection we should mention that the
-professional athlete under the Roman Empire wore his hair uncut and
-tied up in an unsightly topknot known as the _cirrus_.[491]
-
-The monumental evidence bears out the literary. Thus, on old Corinthian
-clay tablets freemen are represented with long hair, while slaves
-have short hair.[492] Hydrias from Caere (Cerveteri) and paintings
-from Klazomenai show that the Ionians wore their hair short for the
-first time in the sixth century B. C., the custom not becoming general
-until the fifth. Older Spartan monuments represent the hair long.[493]
-Attic vases show long hair on men until the second half of the sixth
-century B. C., when the black-figured vase masters began to represent
-them with short hair, a custom becoming general in the first half of
-the fifth. In statuary the _Diskobolos_ of Myron (Pls. 21, 26, and
-Figs. 34, 35) has short hair, and most statues of athletes before it
-have long hair, while most after it have short. Before the time of the
-_Diskobolos_, b.-f. and early r.-f. vase-painters often represented
-athletes with braided hair in the fashion of the warriors on the Aegina
-pediments. When short hair began to be used on athlete statues, these
-older braids were often replaced by victor bands.[494] We may roughly
-summarize by saying that statues before the date of the _Diskobolos_
-which do not have long hair are probably those of athletes and not of
-gods, and, in any case, if they have braids bound up in the fashion of
-the κρωβύλος, they are almost always statues of athletes.[495] As for
-short hair on representations of gods, Furtwaengler has shown that it
-appears only after the middle of the fifth century B. C.[496] Prior
-to that date the hair of divinities fell over the neck and shoulders
-in curls, as in the statue of the _Olympian Zeus_ by Pheidias. By the
-time of Perikles, however, short curly hair reached only to the nape
-of the neck on statues of Zeus, and this style frequently appears on
-figures of the god on Attic vases of that period. Dionysos has short
-hair for the first time on the Parthenon frieze.[497] Furtwaengler has
-shown that Pheidias did not invent the short bound-up hair for goddess
-types, as we see it in the _Lemnian Athena_, but that he borrowed it
-from works already in existence.[498] Though the style was unknown in
-the archaic period, it appears on helmeted heads of Athena of the early
-fifth century B. C. showing Peloponnesian style—on coins, statuettes,
-reliefs, etc. It appears in Attic art exclusively on bareheaded types
-of Athena of the period just prior to that of the _Lemnia_.
-
-Bulle[499] has gone carefully into the technique of the hair by
-different Greek artists. In archaic times this was “_ein, man darf
-sagen, unmoegliches Problem_.” The primitive means at the disposal
-of the early artist made it impossible to render the hair naturally
-and hence it was conventionalized. Two styles arose in archaic times,
-which endured with modifications all through Greek art. The one was the
-pictorial (_malerisch_), where only the general appearance of the hair
-was represented, the merest necessary plastic form being added.[500]
-Painting here helped the shortcomings of the sculptor to some extent.
-The second style was the plastic (_plastisch_), where individual locks
-were attempted. The plastic use of light and shade made the use of
-color now less necessary. Such examples as the _Korai_ of the Akropolis
-Museum and the Rampin head in the Louvre show the difficulty which
-the early artist encountered in representing hair plastically. In
-the Rampin head[501] we see examples of three sorts of plastic hair
-treatment: the pearl-string (_Perlschnuerre_) on the neck, grained hair
-(_Koerner_) in the beard, and snail-volutes (_geperlte Schnecken_) on
-the forehead. None of the three seems to belong integrally to the head,
-but each appears to have been pasted on. The pearl-string fashion was
-first used in the soft _poros_ stone and was only later successfully
-transferred to marble. During the severe style of Greek sculpture,
-both fashions, pictorial and plastic, were used, as we see them in the
-pediment groups from the temple of Zeus at Olympia. In the period of
-Pheidias the plastic treatment was used almost exclusively, as we see
-in the _Lemnian Athena_. In the next century impressionism came in,
-though the plastic treatment still continued, for we see it in the
-bronze work of Lysippos and the marble work of Praxiteles. The old
-pictorial treatment was revived again in the later Hellenistic age.
-
-
-ICONIC AND ANICONIC STATUES.
-
-In a well-known passage Pliny says that “the ancients did not make
-any statue of individuals unless they deserved immortality by some
-distinction, originally by a victory at some sacred games, especially
-those of Olympia, where it was the custom to dedicate statues of
-all those who had conquered, and portrait statues if they had
-conquered three times. These are called iconic.”[502] Many solutions
-of this passage have been offered. Older commentators, as Hirt and
-Visconti,[503] interpreted Pliny’s word _iconicas_ as life-size
-statues. Scherer, however, easily refuted this idea and showed that the
-adjective εἰκονικός, though ambiguous in its meaning, had nothing to do
-with size, but referred rather to an individual as opposed to a typical
-sense in relation to statuary. In his explanation he referred to the
-words of Lessing in the _Laokoön_: _es ist das Ideal eines gewissen
-Menschen, nicht das Ideal eines Menschen ueberhaupt_.[504] Nowadays
-all scholars agree that Pliny’s word refers to portrait statues.[505]
-However, Pliny’s dictum about the right of setting up portrait statues
-is certainly open to doubt.[506] It can not have been true of monuments
-erected before the fourth century B. C., when portrait statues were
-rare. Portraiture was a form of realism and was a product of the later
-period of Greek art—especially after the time of Lysippos. In the
-fourth century B. C. we find one well-attested exception to Pliny’s
-rule. The discovered inscription from the base of a monument erected to
-the horse-racer Xenombrotos of Cos,[507] reads (fifth line): τοῖ[ος],
-ὁποῖο[ν] ὁ[ρ]ᾷς Ξεινόμβροτο[ς]. These words indubitably point to a
-portrait statue. However, neither the recovered epigram nor Pausanias
-indicates anything about this victor being a τρισολυμπιονίκης, and
-consequently he appears not to have merited a portrait statue.[508]
-Pliny’s statement can be explained in many ways: it may be apocryphal,
-or different usages may have fitted different periods; or the rule may
-have held good only for gymnic victors and not for equestrian ones,
-which, being strictly votive in character, may not have been restricted
-to its operation.[509]
-
-
-PORTRAIT STATUES.
-
-Pausanias mentions the monuments of several victors at Olympia who
-were entitled to portrait statues on the strength of Pliny’s rule,
-though we have no indication that they were so honored. Thus he
-mentions the statues of Dikon,[510] Sostratos,[511] Philinos,[512]
-and Gorgos.[513] The early fifth-century boxer Euthymos[514] also won
-three victories, but at a time before we should expect a portrait
-statue. The Periegete also mentions several victors who won three or
-more times, though he does not say that they had any statues, portrait
-or otherwise.[515] Percy Gardner[516] has shown how erroneous is the
-prevailing view that the Greeks neglected portraiture in their art and
-left it for the Romans to develop. He shows that Greek artists of the
-third and second centuries B. C. left a great many portraits of the
-highest artistic value and that portraits of Romans before the time
-of Augustus, and the best Roman examples during the Empire, were made
-by Greek sculptors. The number of Greek portraits in our museums,
-especially in Rome, is very great.[517] From archaic times down to the
-middle of the fifth century B. C. we should not expect portraiture. In
-the earlier period, therefore, it is difficult to distinguish between
-statues of gods and those of men. In the great period of Greek art,
-from the time of Perikles on to that of Alexander, the general tendency
-of Greek sculpture was so ideal that portraits, when they existed,
-seem impersonal. The later copyists of portraits also idealized them.
-Thus Pliny, in speaking of Kresilas’ portrait of Perikles, says that
-this artist _nobiles viros nobiliores fecit_—in other words, that
-he idealized them.[518] The portraits of Alexander were especially
-idealized. In the first half of the fourth century we first hear of
-realistic portraiture. Thus Demetrios, who flourished 380-360 B.
-C.,[519] made a “very beautiful” statue of a Corinthian general named
-Pelichos, which Lucian[520] says had a fat belly, bald head, hair
-floating in the wind, and prominent veins, “like the man himself.”[521]
-Except for the hair this description by the satirist seems to have been
-correct. At the end of the fourth century B. C. anatomical detail began
-to be shown in sculpture. Largely under the influence of Lysippos,
-the personality of victors began to be emphasized in figure and face
-in a very realistic way. We can distinguish between such portraits of
-victors before and after the time of Lysippos.[522] Pliny[523] says
-that Lysistratos, the brother of Lysippos, was the first to obtain
-portraits by making a plaster mould on the features and so to render
-likenesses exactly, as “previous artists had only tried to make them as
-beautiful as possible.” In any case, by the time of Lysippos realistic
-portraiture began to be emphasized. We see it at Olympia in the later
-bronze pancratiast’s head found there (Fig. 61, A and B), and in a
-still more revolting style in the _Seated Boxer_ of the Museo delle
-Terme (Pl. 16, and Fig. 27).
-
-The reason why the privilege of erecting portrait statues was given
-so seldom to Olympic victors was probably not because it was a highly
-esteemed honor. The real reason seems to have been that portraiture,
-with its tendency to realism, subordinated beauty to that realism and
-so conflicted with the Greek artistic ideal. The Thebans had a law
-which forbade caricature and commanded artists to make their statues
-more beautiful than the models. The Greeks worshiped beauty and hated
-ugliness. Many games in Greece were held in honor of personal beauty.
-Thus a contest of manly beauty among old men (ἀγὼν εὐανδρίας) was a
-part of the Panathenaic games at Athens.[524] A contest of beauty among
-women, originating in the time of Kypselos, king of Arkadia, was kept
-up until the time of Athenæus.[525] We hear of contests of beauty in
-Elis, at which three prizes were given,[526] and of similar ones on the
-islands of Tenedos and Lesbos.[527] The Crotonian Philippos, who won at
-Olympia in an unknown contest about 520 B. C., was honored after his
-death by the people of Egesta with a _heroön_ and sacrifices because of
-his beauty.[528] At Tanagra, in Bœotia, the most beautiful ephebe
-was chosen to carry a ram on his shoulders around the city wall at
-the festival of Hermes Kriophoros.[529] At Aigion in Achaia the most
-beautiful boy was anciently chosen to be priest of Zeus.[530] The most
-beautiful youths among the Spartans and Cretans dedicated offerings
-to Eros before battle.[531] These and similar examples show the Greek
-feeling for beauty. The representation of passion and violence was
-foreign to the spirit of the best Greek art; it was rather the “quiet
-grandeur” (_Stille Groesse_) or “repose,” of which Winckelmann made so
-much, that was characteristic of that art. In Homer both men and gods,
-when wounded, shriek. Philoktetes, in the drama of Sophokles, wails
-throughout a whole act, when suffering from a gangrened foot. With
-the poets Zeus casts his thunderbolt in anger, but Pheidias has him
-hold it quietly in his hand. So we can see why portrait statues were
-rare at Olympia, where the representation of manly beauty and vigor
-was the rule. They were ruled out, not because of their increasing
-the honor accorded to the victor, but rather because they honored his
-egotism.[532]
-
-
-ANICONIC STATUES.
-
-Accordingly, since only victors who had won three or more contests at
-Olympia could set up iconic statues, the great majority of statues
-there represented some ideal type of common applicability, in which
-there was no attempt to show the individual features of this or that
-victor, but rather the typical athlete of muscular build. The older
-statues were merely variations of a few types which were held to be
-appropriate to the purpose. In process of time these few types in their
-treatment of details gradually approached truth to nature; this was
-especially characteristic of the Peloponnesian schools, which adopted
-the _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos as their norm of proportions. Statues
-of victors were the stock subject of the closely related schools of
-Argos and Sikyon.[533] Doubtless, as E. A. Gardner says,[534] there
-existed at Olympia itself a school of subordinate artists, who filled
-the regular demand for victor statues. However, some of these statues,
-especially those of the fifth and fourth centuries B. C., as we see
-them in originals and in Roman copies, and read the æsthetic judgments
-of them in Greek writers, were real works of art.
-
-
-ÆSTHETIC JUDGMENTS OF CLASSICAL WRITERS.
-
-The literary evidence for Greek sculpture is, for the most part, very
-unsatisfactory. Though classical writers were uncritical and not fond
-of analysis, still they have left us some useful opinions about works
-of sculpture and painting. The history and criticism of sculpture
-began in Greece, in the fourth century B. C., with the Peripatetics.
-Aristotle, whose observations on painting and sculpture were slight,
-did not despise the “mimetic” arts as did the Socrates of Plato.[535]
-In the _Rhetoric_[536] he speaks of the beautiful bodies of youths who
-trained as pentathletes, since the varied exercises of the pentathlon
-made them so. We have a similar opinion expressed by Xenophon in what
-is, perhaps, the most interesting passage in Greek literature on
-criticism of art.[537] He has Sokrates go to the sculptor Kleito and
-compliment him on his power of representing different physical types
-produced by various contests, noting differences between statues of
-runners and wrestlers and between those of boxers and pancratiasts.
-When asked how he makes statues lifelike, Kleito has no answer, and
-the philosopher says it is by the imitation of real men, _i. e._,
-nature. He adds: “Must you not then imitate the threatening eyes of
-those who are fighting and the triumphant expression of those who
-are victorious?” Though some have thought that these words refer to
-portrait statues, which were spoken of as a matter of course at the
-beginning of the fourth century B. C., it is more reasonable to suspect
-that Sokrates was speaking of the older sculptors—for we may recognize
-Polykleitos in Kleito[538]—and consequently that he is not referring
-to portraiture. In the _Symposium_ of Xenophon[539] Sokrates also
-complains that the long-distance runners (δολιχοδρόμοι) have thick
-legs and narrow shoulders, while boxers have broad shoulders and small
-legs, and he therefore recommends dancing as a better exercise than
-athletics. As such differences in physique occur in vase-paintings of
-the date, but not in statuary, the philosopher seems to be speaking of
-athletics and not of sculpture. From these quotations of Aristotle and
-Xenophon, we gather that the all-round development of the pentathlon
-made beautiful athletes, and this beauty must have been carried over
-into their statues. It is essentially the young man’s contest,[540]
-and some of the pentathlete victors at Olympia and elsewhere were
-noted for their strength in after life. Thus Ikkos of Tarentum, who
-won at Olympia in Ol. 76 (= 476 B. C.), was the best teacher of
-gymnastics of his day.[541] Gorgos of Elis was the only athlete to win
-the pentathlon four times at Olympia, besides winning in two running
-races.[542] Another Elean, Stomios, who won three prizes at Olympia
-and Nemea, later became a leader of cavalry and beat his enemy in
-single combat.[543] The Argive Eurybates, victor in the pentathlon at
-Nemea, was very strong, and later, in a battle with the Aeginetans,
-killed three opponents in single combats, but succumbed to the
-fourth.[544] The Spartans and Krotonians seem to have been the best
-pentathletes.[545] Noted sculptors made statues of these athletes.[546]
-Plato, in the _de Leg._,[547] has the Athenian stranger praise Egyptian
-art because of its stationary character. This bespeaks but little
-artistic insight for the philosopher, though he was surrounded by the
-wonderful artistic creations of the end of the great fifth century
-B. C. The later classical writers were fond of expressing criticisms
-of art. Thus Pasiteles, a Greek sculptor living in Rome in the first
-century B. C., wrote five books on celebrated works of art throughout
-the world.[548] The opinions on art of the Roman Varro appear in the
-pages of Pliny.[549] Of all the ancient critics, Cicero was perhaps the
-most superficial. In a passage in the _Brutus_[550] he gives us his
-judgment of several sculptors. He finds the works of Kanachos too rigid
-to imitate nature truthfully, while those of Kalamis, though softer
-than those of Kanachos, are hard; Myron, though not completely faithful
-to nature, produced beautiful works and Polykleitos was quite perfect.
-The most trustworthy critic of sculpture in antiquity, on the other
-hand, was certainly Lucian, as we see from many of his utterances,
-especially from his account of an ideal statue, which combined the
-highest excellences of several noted sculptures.[551] His criticism
-of Hegias, Kritios, and Nesiotes, to the effect that their works were
-“concise, sinewy, hard, and exactly strained in their lines,” might
-have been made in the presence of the group of the _Tyrannicides_
-(Fig. 32).[552] Unfortunately he touches the subject only casually,
-though he might have written a fine history of Greek art. We must also
-refer to two other imperial writers, the elder Pliny and Pausanias.
-Pliny’s abstracts on art, though our chief ancient literary authority
-on Greek sculpture and painting, are neither critical nor trustworthy.
-A careful analysis of his chapters shows that he was a borrower many
-times removed, though he seldom acknowledged it. This is excusable
-when we consider the custom of literary borrowing in antiquity and
-also the fact that his chapters on art form merely an appendix to
-his _Natural History_, being joined on to it by a very artificial
-bond, for his abstract on bronze statuary (Bk. XXXIV) is brought in
-merely to complete his account of the metals. His knowledge of the
-older periods of Greek art is small and his bias in favor of the
-two Sikyonian sculptors Lysippos and Xenokrates is very evident. His
-worst mistakes are in chronology. He puts Pythagoras after Myron, and
-both after Polykleitos, while Hagelaïdas, who is made the teacher of
-Myron and Polykleitos, lives on to the beginning of the Peloponnesian
-war. His real criticism of sculpture is seen in his dictum of the
-_Laokoön_ group, that it is a “work superior to all the pictures and
-bronzes of the world.”[553] Our debt to Pausanias, especially for
-our knowledge of the victor monuments at Olympia, is immense. This
-debt may be gauged by the fact that he mentions in his work many
-times more statues than any other writer and that a large portion of
-the _Schriftquellen_ of Overbeck is concerned with him. However, he
-shows little real understanding for art. His interest in statues is
-confined almost entirely to those which are noted for their antiquity
-or sanctity, and his account of them is usually the pivot around which
-he spins religious or mythological stories. Throughout his work his
-chief interest is religious; his interest in art for its own sake is
-very small. He devotes many pages to the throne of Zeus at Olympia,
-and describes the temple sculptures merely because the statue of Zeus
-is within. His detailed account of the athlete statues in the Altis is
-made chiefly because of his religious and antiquarian interest. Though
-imitating the style of Herodotos, he does it badly, so that his book is
-without much charm. In concluding this rough estimate of the ancient
-criticism of art, we might mention the fragmentary information to be
-gathered from many other writers, Dio Chrysostom, Quintilian,[554]
-Plutarch, and others, whose names occur frequently in the footnotes.
-All such references to works of art in ancient writers are conveniently
-collected in the great compilation of Overbeck so often quoted.[555]
-
-As for æsthetic judgments of the statues of victors at Olympia we
-have a few direct hints from different writers. The epigram from
-the base of the statue of the boy wrestler Theognetos by Ptolichos
-of Aegina reads in part: Κάλλιστον μὲν ἰδεῖν, ἀθλεῖν δ’ οὐ χείρονα
-μόρ[φης].[556] Pliny says of the sculptor Mikon, who made the statue
-of the Athenian pancratiast Kallias: _Micon athletis spectatur_.[557]
-The same writer says of the horses of Kalamis: _equis sine aemulo
-expressis_.[558] Kalamis with Onatas of Aegina made a chariot-group
-for the Syracusan king Hiero.[559] Pausanias, in mentioning the statue
-of the boxer Euthymos by Pythagoras, says that it is καὶ θέας ἐς τὰ
-μάλιστα ἄξιος.[560] In mentioning the statue by the same sculptor of
-the wrestler Leontiskos, he says: εἴπερ τις καὶ ἄλλος ἀγαθὸς τὰ ἐς
-πλαστικήν.[561] Of the Argive sculptor Naukydes he says, when speaking
-of the statue of the wrestler Cheimon, that it is among the finest
-works of that artist.[562] In another passage, in which he describes
-the dedication of Phormis at Olympia, he speaks of an ugly horse,
-which, besides being smaller than other sculptured horses in the Altis,
-has “its tail cut off, and this makes it still uglier.”[563] However,
-here he is not so much interested in its lack of beauty as in the
-curious fact which he adds, that despite its ugliness this bronze mare
-attracted stallions.
-
-
-GREEK ORIGINALS OF VICTOR STATUES.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 3
-
-Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor. Glyptothek, Munich.]
-
-We are not, however, dependent upon such meagre scraps of evidence from
-classical writers, nor upon contested Roman copies,[564] for an idea
-of the workmanship of some of the Olympic victor statues. We can judge
-it in no uncertain way by the few originals found at Olympia and by
-others which are to be found in European museums. As an example of the
-former we have only to recall the life-size bronze bearded head of a
-boxer or pancratiast of the third century B. C., which is now in the
-National Museum at Athens[565] (Fig. 61, A and B). Its only decoration,
-an olive crown whose leaves have disappeared, proves it to be from the
-statue of a victor, and its wild locks, brutal look, flattened nose,
-and wide mouth represent a naturalistic study of the utmost strength
-and fineness, which could only have been produced after the time of
-Lysippos. We shall discuss this remarkable head more fully in Chapter
-IV. As examples of original victor monuments in European museums
-we shall mention three. The bronze head of a boxer in the Glyptothek
-at Munich (Pl. 3) is an original of the first rank.[566] It is from a
-statue found near Naples in 1730, which was later destroyed, and it
-probably represents the head of a boy of about twelve years, a victor
-in boxing, to judge from the victor band in the hair and the fact
-that the visible part of the right ear is swollen. Like the head of
-the _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos (Figs. 28, 29) this beautiful head
-exemplifies fully the “ethical grace” or modesty[567] so characteristic
-of the best Greek art, and it certainly merits Furtwaengler’s praise
-of being the “most precious treasure of the Glyptothek.”[568] Another
-head, found in Beneventum and now in the Louvre (Fig. 3)[569] is a
-splendid Greek original of the last decade of the fifth century B. C.,
-and, as Mrs. Strong says, should arouse in us a sense of what precious
-relics may still lie hidden in our museums.[570] The victor fillet
-in the hair, consisting of two sprays of what seems to be wild olive
-(remnants of which appear in front), shows that the statue must once
-have ornamented the Altis. Like the one in Munich, this head shows
-Polykleitan inspiration tempered by Attic influence.[571] Lastly, the
-bronze head of a youth from the _tablinum_, of the so-called villa of
-the Pisos at Herculaneum, now in Naples,[572] is, to judge from its
-technique, an excellent original Greek work (Fig. 4). Here again the
-hair fillet shows it is from a victor statue, though its provenience
-from Olympia can not be established.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 3.—Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor, from
-Beneventum. Louvre, Paris.]
-
-Such beautiful works of art as these last show the influence which the
-great athletic festivals, and especially the Olympian, exerted on the
-development of Greek sculpture. In the gymnastic training carried on in
-the gymnasium and palæstra, which culminated in these festivals, the
-Greek sculptor found an unrivaled opportunity to study the naked human
-figure in its best muscular development and in every pose. In fact, we
-may say with Furtwaengler that without athletics Greek art would be
-inconceivable.[573] To quote from another work of the same scholar:
-
- “The gymnastically trained bodies of these slim boys and
- youths and vigorous men are evidence of the ennobling
- effect of athletics. Presented in complete nudity they
- are not faithful portraits from life, but motives or
- models from the palæstra transformed and exalted to the
- highest ideal of physical beauty and strength. They are
- the most splendid human beings that the art of any period
- has created.”[574]
-
-
-CANONS OF PROPORTION.
-
-In attempting to identify a given statue as the copy of a work by this
-or that master, certain well-known canons of proportion, which were
-taught and practiced by various Greek sculptors and schools, must be
-taken into consideration.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 4.—Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor, from
-Herculaneum. Museum of Naples.]
-
-Greek art may, like Greek philosophy and poetry, be summarized under
-the names of three qualities which constantly occur in classical
-literature—συμμετρία, εὐρυθμία or ῥυθμός, and ἀναλογία.[575] Symmetry
-may be defined as “that technical regard for the placing of the parts
-to the best advantage,” the symmetrical arrangement of the parts of a
-statue or group of figures.[576] Rhythm, following Vitruvius,[577] is
-that _tertium quid_ which is indispensable to true art. Analogy (Latin
-_proportio_)[578] refers to the measured ratio of part to part in any
-given work of art, whether in architecture, painting, or sculpture.
-Most scholars nowadays interpret symmetry and analogy as the same
-thing. Pliny[579] says that _symmetria_ has no Latin equivalent, and
-in several passages[580] keeps the Greek word, as does Vitruvius. Here
-Otto Jahn rightly says _proportio_ or _commensus_ would have adequately
-translated it.[581] P. Gardner explains the word properly as “the
-proportion of one part of the body as measured against another.”[582]
-Brunn held that, as symmetry was the relation of part to part in a
-statue at rest, rhythm expressed this relationship in one represented
-in motion.[583] The simplest illustration of rhythm is seen in walking:
-when the right foot is advanced the left arm swings out in rhythm,
-and so the balance of the body is kept. Rhythm, therefore, has to do
-with balance in motion, and may refer equally to cadence in poetry and
-music and to movement in sculpture. An excellent example in sculpture
-is afforded by Myron’s _Diskobolos_ (Pls. 21, 22, and Figs. 34, 35),
-while the balancing of figures on many Greek reliefs—especially on
-Attic funerary stelæ—illustrates symmetry (_cf._ Fig. 75). Pliny
-characterizes certain artists by their success in effecting symmetry
-and rhythm. Thus Myron surpassed Polykleitos in being more rhythmic
-and in paying more attention to symmetry.[584] He says that Lysippos
-most diligently preserved symmetry by bringing unthought-of innovations
-into the square canon of earlier artists.[585] Parrhasios was the
-first to introduce symmetry into painting.[586] Diogenes Laertios says
-that the sculptor Pythagoras was the first to aim at rhythm as well
-as symmetry.[587] In all such passages it is clear that canons of
-proportion are meant.
-
-The doctrine of human proportions is very ancient, originating in
-Egyptian art.[588] It appears early in Greek architecture in the
-proportions of columns and other members of a temple,[589] and it
-was soon transferred to sculpture. As Greek sculpture evolved on
-traditional lines,[590] we should assume that it paid attention to the
-doctrine of proportions in the human figure, based on numerical ratios,
-and that such a doctrine would vary from age to age in the various
-schools of sculpture. Such an assumption is borne out by both literary
-and archæological evidence. Toward the end of Hellenism many writers
-refer to just such a measured basis of proportion in Greek art.[591]
-Archæologists have shown by the careful study of multitudes of statues
-that such proportions exist in Greek sculpture. Thus A. Kalkmann[592]
-has proved that there are sets of ratios in the treatment of the face
-used by successive schools of sculpture, which were canonical, whether
-formulated or not. G. Fritsch[593] has done for the whole body what
-Kalkman has done for the face. In fact, anthropometry in relation to
-Greek sculpture has now become an exact science.[594]
-
-The greatest artists—architects, painters, and sculptors—of all times
-have taught and practised the doctrine that certain proportions are
-beautiful, _e. g._, the proportion of the height of the head or the
-length of the foot to the whole body, or the length of parts of
-the head or body to other parts. In modern times we have only to
-mention such names as those of da Vinci, Duerer, Raphael Mengs, and
-Flaxman.[595] In Greek days there were many artists who formulated
-such canons of proportions. Greek sculptors followed ratios of
-proportions so closely that we have statues of various schools, which
-are distinguished by fixed proportions of parts, such as the Old Attic,
-Old Argive, Polykleitan, Argive-Sikyonian or Lysippan, etc. Some of
-these schools used the foot as the common measure, while others used
-the palm, finger, or other member.[596] The earliest works on Greek
-art were treatises, now lost, by artists in which they worked out
-their theories of the principles underlying the proportions of the
-human figure.[597] We shall briefly consider a few of these canons,
-together with the usual pose of body which conformed with them. The
-earliest Peloponnesian canon, which we can analyze, was that followed
-by Hagelaïdas of Argos and his school, a canon which was still used in
-the Polykleitan circle. Here the weight of the body rested upon the
-left leg, while the right one was slightly bent at the knee, its foot
-resting flat on the ground; the right arm hung by the side and the left
-was usually in action, and the head was slightly inclined to the left
-side; the shoulders were extraordinarily broad in comparison with the
-hips, the right one being slightly raised. These qualities produced a
-short stocky figure, firmly placed.[598] In the middle of the fifth
-century B. C., Polykleitos worked out a theory of proportions in the
-form of a commentary on his famous statue known as the _Doryphoros_.
-This canon was characterized by squareness and massiveness of build.
-The weight of the body generally rested on the right foot, while
-the left was drawn back, its foot touching the ground with the ball
-only. Sometimes this pose was reversed, the left foot carrying the
-body-weight, as in the three bases of statues by the master found
-at Olympia (_i. e._, those of the athletes Pythokles, Aristion,
-and Kyniskos, to be discussed later), and in the works of some of
-his pupils, notably in those of Naukydes, Daidalos, and Kleon.[599]
-Euphranor, who flourished, according to Pliny, in Ol. 104 (= 364-361 B.
-C.), and wrote works on symmetry and color, was the “first” to master
-the theory of symmetry.[600] Pliny, however, found his bodies too
-slender and his heads and limbs too large, a criticism of his painting
-which must have been equally applicable to his sculpture. His canon
-did not make much headway, as the majority of sculptors in his century
-were still under the domination of the canon of Polykleitos. It was
-left for Lysippos, in the second half of the fourth century B. C.,
-finally to break this domination of the great fifth-century sculptor.
-Pliny quotes Douris as saying that he was the pupil of no man, and
-that because of the advice of the painter Eupompos he was a follower
-of nature—which appears to be a cut at the schools which mechanically
-followed fixed rules.[601] His statues had smaller heads, and more
-slender and less fleshy limbs, than those of his predecessors, in order
-that the apparent height of the figure might be increased.[602] While
-Polykleitos made his heads one-seventh of the total height of the
-statue, Lysippos made his one-eighth—if this change may be seen in the
-_Apoxyomenos_ (Pl. 28), which is certainly a work of his school, if not
-of the master himself. Pliny further records his saying that while his
-predecessors represented men as they were, Lysippos represented them as
-they appeared to be. This means that Pliny regarded him as the first
-impressionistic artist.[603] Pliny mentions other artists who wrote on
-art, and it is probable that theories of proportions formed the main
-element of such works.[604]
-
-The best example of symmetry, _i. e._, of the ratio of proportions, in
-Greek sculpture is afforded by the _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos, which
-Pliny says was called the _Canon_, and he adds that this sculptor was
-the only one who embodied his art in a single work.[605] The identity
-of the canon with this statue seems to be attested by the anecdote
-told of Lysippos that the _Doryphoros_ was his master,[606] and by
-Quintilian’s statement that sculptors took it as a model.[607] The
-best-preserved copy of the _Doryphoros_, despite its rather lifeless
-character, is the one discovered in Pompeii and now in Naples (Pl.
-4).[608] As other late Roman copies do not conform to the identical
-proportions of this copy, it is perhaps difficult to say exactly what
-the canon of Polykleitos was. Possibly the original, if it had been
-preserved, would also strike us as somewhat lifeless; but we must
-remember that the statue was made merely to illustrate a theory of
-proportions. The dimensions of the Naples statue are known from very
-careful measurements and the proportions agree with those given in the
-description by Galen to be mentioned. It is almost exactly 2 meters,
-or 6 feet 8 inches, high.[609] The length of the foot is 0.33 meter,
-or one-sixth of the total height, while the length of the face is 0.20
-meter, or one-tenth of the height. E. Guillaume[610] has made a careful
-analysis of it in reference to Galen’s[611] statement that Chrysippos
-found beauty in the proportion of the parts, “of finger to finger,
-and of all the fingers to the palm and wrist, and of these to the
-forearm, and of the forearm to the upper arm, and of all the parts to
-each other, as they are set forth in the canon of Polykleitos.” He has
-found that the palm, _i. e._, the breadth of the hand at the base of
-the fingers, is a common measure of the proportions of the body. This
-palm is one-third the length of the foot, one-sixth that of the lower
-leg, one-sixth that of the thigh, and one-sixth that of the distance
-from the navel to the ear, etc. Such a remarkable correspondence in
-measurements would seem to show, if we had no other proofs, that the
-Naples statue reproduces the canon of Polykleitos more closely than any
-other.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 4
-
-Statue of the _Doryphoros_, after Polykleitos. Museum of Naples.]
-
-A good example of asymmetry is afforded by the so-called _Spinario_
-of the Palazzo dei Conservatori in Rome[612] (Fig. 40). This justly
-prized statue shows more asymmetry, perhaps, than any other down to
-its date—just before the middle of the fifth century B. C. Though its
-composition is such that there is no vantage-point from which it forms
-a harmonious whole, still its effect on the beholder is far from
-displeasing. Such a creation shows that a Greek artist, even without
-paying attention to the symmetrical arrangement of parts, could at
-times produce an attractive piece of sculpture.
-
-
-ASSIMILATION OF OLYMPIC VICTOR STATUES TO TYPES OF GODS AND HEROES.
-
-Since Greek art in the main was idealistic, we should not be surprised
-to discover in athletic sculpture a tendency toward assimilating
-victor statues to well-known types of gods or heroes, especially to
-those of Hermes, Apollo, and Herakles, who presided over contests or
-gymnasia and palæstræ. This phenomenon is only a further example of the
-extraordinary, almost superhuman, honors which were paid to victors at
-the great games. In the absence of sufficient means of identification,
-it is often very difficult to distinguish with certainty between
-statues of victors and those of the gods and heroes to whom they were
-assimilated. This difficulty, as we shall see, is especially observable
-in the case of Herakles. Even later antiquity recognized that statues
-of athletes were sometimes confused with those of heroes, just as those
-of heroes were with those of gods, as we learn from a passage in Dio
-Chrysostom’s oration on Rhodian affairs.[613] This difficulty is one
-of the most perplexing problems that still face the student of Greek
-sculpture.
-
-It was not an uncommon custom in Greece to heroize in this way an
-ordinary dead man.[614] One of the most striking instances of this
-custom is afforded by the so-called _Hermes of Andros_, a statue found
-in a grave-chamber on the island in 1833 and now in Athens[615] (Pl.
-5). It has been a matter of dispute among archæologists whether this
-statue represents the god Hermes or a mortal in his guise. Although
-Staïs[616] looks on it as _un problème peut-être à jamais insoluble_,
-there seems little reason for doubting that it represents a defunct
-mortal. Its place of finding in a tomb along with the statue of a woman
-of the Muse type, which probably represents the man’s consort,[617]
-the presence of a snake on the adjacent tree trunk, the absence of
-sandals and kerykeion, and the portrait—like features—all point to
-the conclusion that a man and not a god is represented. The downcast,
-almost melancholy, look seems also to make it a funereal figure. The
-powerful proportions of a perfectly developed athlete, displaying no
-tendency toward the representation of brute force, show that the man
-is idealized into the type of Hermes, the god of the palæstra, rather
-than into the light-winged messenger of Olympos. The _Belvedere Hermes_
-of the Vatican,[618] and a better one known as the _Farnese Hermes_
-of the British Museum,[619] are noteworthy replicas of the type. The
-latter carries the kerykeion in the left hand and wears sandals, with
-a small chlamys over the left arm and shoulder. These attributes show
-that Hermes was intended in this copy. Probably the original of these
-various replicas, a work dating from the end of the fourth century
-B. C., and ascribed to Praxiteles or his school in consequence of
-similarity in pose and build of body and head to the _Hermes_ of
-Olympia, was intended to represent Hermes. In the one from Andros,
-at least, the copyist intended to heroize a mortal under the type of
-the god. Similarly, the statue known as the _Standing Hermes_ in the
-Galleria delle Statue of the Vatican,[620] which has the kerykeion and
-chlamys, whether its original represented Hermes, hero or mortal, has
-been made by the copyist to represent Hermes, the god of athletics, as
-the late attribute of wings in the hair proves. Other examples of dead
-men represented as Hermes are not uncommon. Thus a Greek grave-stele in
-Verona[621] shows the dead portrayed as a winged Hermes, and a similar
-figure appears on a stele from Tanagra.[622] The so-called _Commodus_
-in Mantua[623] is interpreted by Conze and Duetschke as the figure of
-a dead youth in Hermes’ guise. But this custom of representing defunct
-mortals as gods was less common in Roman art. The bust of a dead youth
-on a Roman grave-stone in Turin,[624] set up in honor of L. Mussius,
-is a good example. Here the cock, sheep, and kerykeion, symbols of the
-god, show that the youth is represented as Hermes.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 5
-
-Statue of _Hermes_, from Andros. National Museum, Athens.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 5.—Bronze Portrait-statue of a Hellenistic Prince.
-Museo delle Terme, Rome.]
-
-Not only dead men, however, were heroized in this manner. It was not an
-uncommon practice in later Greece for living men, especially princes,
-to have their statues assimilated to types of gods and heroes, a
-practice which was very common in imperial Rome.[625] Thus many of the
-Hellenistic princes were pleased to have their statues assimilated
-to those of the heroic Alexander. One of the best examples of this
-process is furnished by the original bronze portrait statue of such a
-prince, which was unearthed in Rome in 1884 and is now in the Museo
-delle Terme there (Fig. 5).[626] It has been identified as the portrait
-of several kings of Macedon and elsewhere,[627] but the similarity
-of the head of the statue to heads portrayed on Macedonian coins is
-only superficial.[628] All that we can say is that this beautiful
-work, representing the prince in the heroic guise of a nude athlete
-of about thirty years, belongs to the third century B. C., the epoch
-following Lysippos. The sculptor, wishing to combine the ideal with the
-real, appears to have copied the motive directly from a bronze statue
-by Lysippos, which represented Alexander leaning with his left hand
-high on a staff.[629] The pose also recalls that of the third-century
-B. C. statue of Poseidon found on Melos and now in Athens.[630]
-The free leg, body, and head modeling correspond so nearly with the
-_Apoxyomenos_ (Pl. 28) that it was at first called a work of Lysippos,
-but its lack of repose[631] shows that it must be a continuation of the
-work of that sculptor by some pupil, who wished to outdo his master in
-both form and expression.
-
-Before discussing the subject of the assimilation of victor statues
-to types of god and hero, we must make it clear that often, for
-certain reasons, statues of athletes were later converted into those
-of gods, and _vice versa_. Such examples of metamorphosing statues
-have nothing to do with the process of assimilation under discussion.
-A few examples will make this clear. An archaic bronze statuette from
-Naxos,[632] reproducing the type of the _Philesian Apollo_ of Kanachos,
-since it has the same position of hands as in the original, as we see
-it later reproduced on coins of Miletos and in other copies,[633]
-holds an aryballos in the right hand instead of a fawn. As it is
-absurd to represent Apollo with the bow in one hand and an oil-flask
-in the other, it seems clear that in this statuette the copyist has
-converted a well-known Apollo into an athlete by addition of an
-athletic attribute. Famous statues were put to many different uses by
-later copyists. Thus Furtwaengler has shown that the statue of the boy
-boxer Kyniskos by Polykleitos at Olympia,[634] which represented the
-athlete crowning himself, was modified to represent various deities,
-heroes, etc. Thus a copy from Eleusis of the fourth century B. C.,
-because of its provenience and the soft lines of the face, suggests
-a divinity, perhaps Triptolemos.[635] A copy of the same type in
-the Villa Albani (no. 222) has an antique piece of a boar’s head on
-the nearby tree-stump and, consequently, may represent Adonis or
-Meleager. A torso in the Museo Torlonia (no. 22) represents Dionysos,
-another in the Museo delle Terme has a mantle and caduceus and so
-represents Hermes, while on coins of Commodus the same figure, with
-the lion’s skin and club, represents Herakles.[636] No ancient statue
-was used more extensively as a model for other types than the famous
-_Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos. Furtwaengler[637] has collected a long
-list of later conversions of this work into statues both marble and
-bronze, statuettes, reliefs, etc., representing Pan, Ares, Hermes, and
-in one case an ordinary mortal.[638] Other examples of the conversion
-of statues will be given in our treatment of assimilation.
-
-
-ATHLETE STATUES ASSIMILATED TO TYPES OF HERMES.
-
-Hermes was one of the principal ἐναγώνιοι or ἀγώνιοι θεοί, _i. e._,
-gods who presided over contests, or who were overseers of gymnasia
-and palæstræ, or were teachers of gymnastics (γυμνάσται).[639] Greek
-writers often mention these athletic gods. Thus Aischylos[640] often
-uses the term, not in the sense of ἀγοραῖοι θεοί, “the great assembled
-gods,” (ἀγὼν = ἀγορά),[641] but in the sense of gods who presided
-over contests.[642] This is evident from the fact that Zeus, Apollo,
-Poseidon, and Hermes are the gods especially mentioned by Aischylos
-in this sense, and the first three correspond with the Olympian and
-Nemean games (Zeus), the Pythian (Apollo), and the Isthmian (Poseidon),
-while Hermes is concerned in them all. Thus the epithet ἀγώνιοι, in
-the _Agamemnon_ of Aischylos refers to Zeus,[643] Apollo,[644] and
-Hermes.[645] If the word referred to the twelve greater gods, as some
-have thought, other deities more important than Hermes would have been
-included. Elsewhere the word ἀγώνιος always refers to contests.[646]
-Hermes was worshipped at Athens and elsewhere as a god of
-contests.[647] The agonistic character of this god is shown by the fact
-that statues and altars were erected to him all over Greece.[648] He
-was sometimes coupled with Herakles as the protector of contests,[649]
-and the images of the two often stood in gymnasia.[650] A fragmentary
-votive relief of the second century A. D. is inscribed with a
-dedication to both by a certain Horarios, victor in torch-racing.[651]
-Athenian ephebes made offerings to Hermes,[652] and to Hermes and
-Herakles in common, after their training was over. Thus Dorykleides
-of Thera, a victor in boxing and the pankration at unknown games,
-dedicated a thank-offering to the two.[653] Hermes was early the god
-of youthful life and sports, especially those of the palæstra. He is
-said to have founded wrestling[654] and inaugurated the sports of the
-palæstra.[655] Pausanias mentions a Gymnasion of Hermes at Athens[656]
-and an altar of Hermes ἐναγώνιος together with one of _Opportunity_
-(Καιρός) at the entrance to the Stadion at Olympia.[657] He says that
-the people of Pheneus in Arkadia held games in his honor called the
-_Hermaia_,[658] and he records the defeat of the god by Apollo in
-running.[659] With such an athletic record there is little wonder that
-the Greek sculptor would often take his ideal of Hermes from the god
-of the palæstra and gymnasium, representing him as an athletic youth
-harmoniously developed by gymnastic exercises. It was but natural that
-a victor at Olympia or elsewhere should wish to have his statue—which
-rarely could be a portrait—conform with that athletic type.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 6
-
-Statue of the _Standing Diskobolos_, after Naukydes (?). Vatican
-Museum, Rome.]
-
-An excellent instance of this tendency seems to be afforded by the
-so-called _Standing Diskobolos_ in the Sala della Biga of the Vatican
-(Pl. 6),[660] known since its discovery by Gavin Hamilton in 1792.
-It represents a youth who is apparently taking position for throwing
-the diskos, the weight of the body resting on the left leg, the knees
-slightly bent, the feet firmly planted, and the diskos held in the left
-hand, just prior to its being passed to the right. This position is one
-which immediately precedes that of Myron’s great statue. The bronze
-original dates from the second half of the fifth century B. C., and
-has been variously assigned to Myron by Brunn, to Alkamenes by Kekulé,
-followed by Overbeck, Michaelis and Furtwaengler,[661] and to Naukydes,
-the brother and pupil of Polykleitos.[662] The head of the Vatican
-statue shows no trace of Peloponnesian art, but rather resembles Attic
-types of the end of the fifth century B. C. However, as we shall
-see, this head does not appear to belong to the statue. Among the works
-of Alkamenes Pliny mentions a bronze pentathlete,[663] called the
-_Enkrinomenos_, and this work has been identified with the statue under
-discussion.[664] Such an assumption is tenable only if the statue fits
-Pliny’s epithet. This epithet appears to mean “undergoing a test,” and
-should refer not to the statue, for we know nothing of any principle
-of selecting statues, but to the athlete represented, the ἔγκρισις
-referring to the selection of athletes before the contest.[665] Pliny’s
-statue, then, presumably, represented a pentathlete, not in action
-as the Vatican statue does, but standing at rest before his judges.
-An all-round athlete like a pentathlete would especially fit such an
-ordeal, and his statue, albeit lighter and more graceful, would be
-an ideal one like the _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos.[666] We know how
-Alkamenes treated Hermes from the bearded herma of that god found
-in Pergamon in 1903 and inscribed with his name.[667] Its massive
-features, broad forehead, and wide-opened eyes bear no analogy to the
-head on the Vatican statue, nor to the one with which Helbig would
-replace it. The ascription of the statue to Naukydes is better founded.
-As the head of the statue is Attic and not Argive, it is difficult to
-connect the work with a Peloponnesian artist. However, the present head
-of the statue can not be shown to belong to it, and no other replica
-has a head which can be proved to belong to the body. A fragmentary
-replica of the statue, of good workmanship, was found in Rome in 1910,
-and nearby a head, which must belong to the torso.[668] This head
-fits the Vatican statue better than the head now on it, and certainly
-comes from the Polykleitan circle—both head and body showing elements
-of Polykleitan style. This new head represents the transition from
-Polykleitan art to that of the next century, _i. e._, to the head-types
-of Skopas, Praxiteles, and other Attic masters. Presumably, then,
-in the original of this fragment and its replicas, we have a famous
-statue—the one by Naukydes mentioned by Pliny.[669]
-
-A more important question for our discussion is whether the Vatican
-statue represents a victor (diskobolos) or Hermes. G. Habich has argued
-that the pose of the statue, standing with the right foot advanced,
-is not that of a diskobolos taking position. He quotes Kietz[670]
-to the effect that no vase-painting or other monument has the exact
-position of this statue, and that the natural position for such a
-motive is to advance the left foot.[671] Moreover, the fingers of the
-right hand, which are supposed especially to uphold the diskobolos
-theory, are modern in all the replicas. On a coin of Amastris in
-Paphlagonia, dating from the Antonines, and on one of Commodus struck
-at Philippopolis in Thrace, a figure of Hermes is pictured, which, in
-all essentials, reproduces the Vatican statue.[672] Since the figure
-on the coins has a kerykeion or training-rod in the right hand and
-a diskos as a minor attribute in the left—merely a symbol of the
-god’s patronage of athletics—we should see in the Vatican statue a
-representation of Hermes as overseer of the palæstra. Pliny’s words—if
-we omit or transpose the first _et_—refer, therefore, to a statue
-of _Hermes-Diskobolos_ and to the _Ram-offerer_ which stood on the
-Athenian Akropolis, to two, therefore, and not to three different
-monuments. We should restore all the replicas of the statue, then,
-with the caduceus, to represent Hermes as gymnasiarch. Though this
-interpretation of the statue has found opponents,[673] the evidence is
-strong that in it and its replicas we have an athlete in the guise of
-Hermes. If we think that the caduceus can not be brought into harmony
-with the chief motive of the statue, we must conclude with Helbig that
-the copyist in one isolated case—the one copied on the coins—changed
-an original victor statue into Hermes by adding the herald staff.
-This would make it an instance, not of assimilation of type, but of
-conversion.
-
-A small bronze statuette standing upon a cylindrical base, which was
-found in the sea off Antikythera (Cerigotto), reproduces almost
-exactly the attitude of the statue of Naukydes (Fig. 6).[674] Here the
-left hand is stretched out horizontally at the elbow, but the right
-arm is lost, so that we get no additional evidence as to the attribute
-carried. Because of its correspondence with the aforementioned
-coins[675] even in detail, Bosanquet, followed by Svoronos, looks upon
-this “little masterpiece” as a copy of the Argive master.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 6.—Bronze Statuette of _Hermes-Diskobolos_, found
-in the Sea off Antikythera. National Museum, Athens.]
-
-The statue discovered in the ruins of Hadrian’s villa in 1742 and now
-in the Capitoline Museum,[676] which represents an ephebe nude, except
-for a chlamys thrown around the middle of his body, standing in an easy
-attitude with his left foot resting upon a rock and bending forward
-with the right arm extended in a gesture, was formerly looked upon as
-a resting pancratiast. Because of its general likeness to Praxitelean
-figures—the head is especially like the Olympia _Hermes_—Furtwaengler
-interpreted the figure as that of Hermes Logios or Agoraios, the god of
-eloquence, and assigned it to an artist near to Praxiteles. However,
-it is probably nothing else than an idealized portrait of the age of
-Hadrian or the Antonines, and represents an ephebe, probably a victor,
-assimilated to the type of Hermes.[677]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 7.—Bronze Statue of a Youth, found in the Sea off
-Antikythera. National Museum, Athens.]
-
-Another example of assimilation may be the much-discussed bronze statue
-in the National Museum at Athens, which was accidentally discovered
-in 1901, along with the rest of a cargo of sculptures which had been
-wrecked off the island of Antikythera as it was on its way to Rome
-about the beginning of the first century B. C. (Fig. 7).[678] This
-statue, the best preserved of the cargo, is a little over lifesize
-and represents a nude youth standing with languid grace, the weight
-of his body resting upon the left leg, while the right is slightly
-bent and the right arm is extended horizontally, the hand holding
-a round object now lost and variously interpreted. In short, the
-pose strongly resembles that of the Vatican _Apoxyomenos_ (Pl. 29).
-Opinions as to the age and authorship of this statue have been very
-diverse, ranging from the fifth century B. C. down to Hellenistic
-times and ascribing it to many masters and schools. Kabbadias, who
-published it, in conjunction with the other objects, directly after
-their discovery,[679] thought it would prove to “rank as high among
-statues of bronze as does the _Hermes_ of Praxiteles among those of
-marble,” and characterized it as “the most beautiful bronze statue
-that we possess.” Waldstein praised it in no less exaggerated terms,
-and classed it along with the _Charioteer_ from Delphi (Fig. 66) as
-among the first Greek bronzes, if not among the finest specimens of
-Greek sculpture.[680] He followed Kabbadias in assigning it to the
-fourth century B. C. and in interpreting it as Hermes. He at first
-ascribed it to Praxiteles or his school, but later he thought it more
-Skopaic.[681] Th. Reinach placed it in the early fourth century B. C.,
-but regarded it as the work of a sculptor influenced by Polykleitos,
-naming the youthful Praxiteles or Euphranor.[682] He explained the
-pose as that of a man amusing a dog or a child with some round object.
-A Greek scholar, A. S. Arvanitopoulos, assigned the work to the fifth
-century B. C. and to the Attic school, referring it possibly to
-Alkamenes.[683] However, as soon as the statue was properly cleansed
-and pieced together, its early dating was seen to be untenable, and its
-Hellenistic character became evident.[684] E. A. Gardner found little
-resemblance in the head to that of the Praxitelean _Hermes_, but more
-in the treatment of hair and eyes to that of the _Lansdowne Herakles_
-(Pl. 30, Fig. 71,), which he ascribes to Skopas.[685] He saw in its
-labored and even anatomical modeling similarity to the _Apoxyomenos_
-of the Vatican and concluded that it was, therefore, later than the
-fourth century B. C., being an eclectic piece disclosing influences of
-several fourth-century sculptors, the work of an imitator especially
-of Praxiteles and Skopas. K. T. Frost also assigned the work to the
-Hellenistic age, but believed it was the statue of a god and not of
-a mortal, and so followed Kabbadias and Waldstein in interpreting it
-as a Hermes Logios.[686] Gardner had interpreted it as probably the
-statue of an athlete “in a somewhat theatrical pose,” though admitting
-it might be a _genre_ figure representing an athlete catching a ball,
-even if its pose were against such an interpretation. In any case he
-was right in saying that the pose, even if incapable of solution, was
-chosen by the sculptor with a desire for display, as the centre of
-attraction is outside and not inside the statue, and so is against the
-αὐτάρκεια of earlier works. More recently, Bulle has asserted that it
-is not an original work at all, but, as evinced by the hard treatment
-of the hair, merely a copy. He also interprets it as a _Hermes_,
-restoring a kerykeion in the left hand, and he likens its oratorical
-pose to that of the _Etruscan Orator_ found near Lago di Trasimeno in
-1566 and now in the Museo Archeologico in Florence, or the _Augustus_
-from Primaporta in the Vatican.[687] For its date he believes the
-statue marks the end of the Polykleitan “_Standmotif_” (the breadth
-of the body showing Polykleitan influence, the head, however, being
-too small and slender for the Argive master), and the inception of the
-Lysippan (the free leg not drawn back, but placed further out), as we
-see it in the _Apoxyomenos_. He concludes that its author can not have
-been a great master.[688] Doubtless, the statue, which is the pride of
-the Athenian museum, is merely a representative example of the kind of
-bronze statues made in great numbers in the early Hellenistic age; but
-it shows the high degree of excellence attained at that time by very
-mediocre artists.[689]
-
-Apart from its period, our chief interest in the statue is to determine
-whether a god or a mortal is portrayed. As there are no certain
-remnants of the round object held in the right hand, and no other
-accessories, many interpretations have been possible. Especially the
-gesture of the right arm has been the centre for such interpretations.
-Some have looked upon this gesture as “transitory,” _i. e._, the
-sweeping gesture of an orator or god of orators, and this has led to
-the interpretation of the statue as Hermes Logios.[690] However, the
-round object in the fingers is against this assumption. Others have
-therefore regarded the gesture as “stationary,” _i. e._, the figure
-is holding an object in the hand, which is the main interest of the
-statue, and this view has therefore also given rise to many different
-explanations. Among mythological interpretations two have received
-careful attention. Svoronos has reasoned most ingeniously that the
-statue represents Perseus holding the head of Medusa in his hand,
-and finds a similar type on coins, gems, and rings. Thus, almost
-the identical pose of the statue is seen on an engraved stone in
-Florence, which shows Perseus holding the Gorgon’s head, and Svoronos
-has restored the bronze similarly.[691] But certainly the right arm
-of the statue was not intended to carry so great a weight. Others
-have seen in it the statue of Paris by Euphranor, mentioned by Pliny
-as offering the apple as prize of beauty to Aphrodite.[692] But the
-statue scarcely reflects the description of the _Paris_ by Pliny.
-Other scholars have interpreted the statue as that of a mortal. S.
-Reinach believes that it may be a youth sacrificing.[693] Kabbadias
-and E. A. Gardner admitted it might be the statue of a ball-player
-as well as of Hermes. Since this latter interpretation has become
-popular, let us consider its possibility at some length in reference to
-ball-playing in antiquity. Now we know that ball-playing (σφαιρίζειν,
-ἡ σφαιρικὴ τέχνη) was a favorite amusement of the Greeks from the
-time of Nausikaa and her brothers in the Odyssey[694] to the end of
-Greek history, and that it was practiced at Rome from the end of the
-Republic to the end of the Empire.[695] It seems to have been regarded
-less as a game than as a gymnastic exercise. Its origin is ascribed
-to the Spartans and to others.[696] A special sort of ball-playing was
-known as φαινίνδα,[697] and this is described in a treatise by the
-physician Galen, of the second century A. D., in which he recommended
-ball-playing as one of the best exercises.[698] Because of his ability
-in the art of ball-playing, Aristonikos of Karystos, the ball-player
-of Alexander the Great, received Athenian citizenship and was honored
-with a statue.[699] The philosopher Ktesibios of Chalkis was fond of
-the game.[700] A special room, called the σφαιριστήριον, was a part of
-the later gymnasium.[701] The game was specially indulged in at Sparta.
-Several inscriptions, mostly from the age of the Antonines, commemorate
-victories by teams of ball-players there.[702] The name σφαιρεῖς
-was given to Spartan youths in the first year of manhood. These
-competitions took place in the Δρόμος at Sparta.[703] Though, then,
-we should naturally expect statues of ball-players, like the one in
-Athens of Aristonikos already mentioned, the calm mien of the Cerigotto
-bronze and the direction of the gaze are certainly, as Th. Reinach said
-earlier, against interpreting it as the statue of one engaged in so
-active a sport. Von Mach, because of its voluptuous appearance, thought
-it might represent merely a _bon vivant_. While Lechat interpreted it
-as possibly an athlete receiving a crown from Nike,[704] Arvanitopoulos
-would have the right hand either hold a lekythion or be quite empty,
-and the left a strigil, thus restoring the statue as an apoxyomenos. S.
-Reinach would regard it merely as a funerary monument.
-
-In all this discrepancy of opinion it is not difficult to recognize
-elements of both god and mortal blended. The resemblance in the
-expression and features of the face to those of the Praxitelean
-_Hermes_, even though superficial, as well as the pose of the right arm
-recall the god; the muscular build of the figure fits either the god
-Hermes, in his character of overseer of the sports of the palæstra, or
-an athlete. It therefore seems reasonable to see in this Hellenistic
-statue of varied artistic tendencies merely the representation of an
-athlete, perhaps of a pentathlete, who is holding a crown or possibly
-an apple as a prize of victory in the right hand, whose form and
-features have been assimilated to those of Hermes.
-
-How the statue of an indisputable Hermes Logios, on the other hand,
-appears, may be seen in the _Hermes Ludovisi_ of the Museo delle
-Terme, Rome,[705] and in its replica in the Louvre. The original of
-this marble copy, dating from the middle of the fifth century B. C.,
-has been variously ascribed to Pheidias,[706] Myron,[707] and others.
-In this statue the petasos, chlamys, and kerykeion indicate the god,
-while the position of the right arm raised toward the head[708] and
-the earnest expression of concentration in the face bespeak the god of
-oratory. The careful replica of the statue, except the head, in the
-Louvre, is the work of Kleomenes of Athens, a sculptor of the first
-century B. C. The copyist, however, has given to the original a Roman
-portrait-head, whence it has been falsely called _Germanicus_.[709] The
-Paris statue, then, is merely another example of the conversion of an
-original god-type, for the sculptor wished to represent a Roman under
-the guise of Hermes Logios, since the inscribed tortoise shell retained
-at the feet is a well-known attribute of the god.
-
-Another excellent example of a true Hermes head is the fine
-Polykleitan one in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, which is a
-copy of a well-known type represented by the _Boboli Hermes_ in
-Florence and other replicas.[710] Though S. Reinach classed this
-head as Kresilæan,[711] its true Polykleitan character has been
-established,[712] even if it does not merit the praise formerly given
-it by Robinson, of being “easily the best extant copy of a work by
-Polykleitos.”[713]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 8.—Statue of the so-called _Jason_
-(_Sandal-binder_). Louvre, Paris.]
-
-The so-called _Jason_ of the Louvre and its many replicas[714] (Fig.
-8) probably represent athletes in the guise of Hermes. These statues
-are copies of an original of the end of the fourth century B. C., when
-the favorite motive originated—probably with Lysippos—of representing
-a figure, as in this case, with one foot on a rock, bending over and
-tying a sandal. Since the replicas in Munich and Paris extend both
-arms to the right foot, while those in London and Athens extend the
-left arm over the breast, with the hand resting on the right knee,
-Klein has argued two different versions of a common type. He compares
-the former with figures on the west frieze of the Parthenon, the
-latter with the well-known relief of Nike tying her sandal, from the
-Nike balustrade now in the Akropolis Museum. The one type he assigns
-to Lysippos, the other (with both arms down) to an earlier artist.
-However, the proportions of both groups agree with the Lysippan canon
-and so we should assume only one artist. The discussion whether the
-figure is tying or untying the sandal is as barren as the similar
-one raised about the Athena from the Nike balustrade;[715] but the
-question as to who is represented by the type is worthy of careful
-consideration. The statue in the Louvre at first was believed to
-represent Cincinnatus called from the plough, but Winckelmann, without
-evidence, gave it its present name of _Jason_. In recent years it has
-been interpreted as Hermes tying on his sandals, his head raised to
-hearken to the behest of Zeus before going forth from Olympos on his
-duties as messenger. This interpretation was based on the description
-of a statue of the god by Christodoros,[716] and the fact that the type
-conforms with a representation of Hermes on a coin of Markianopolis
-in Mœsia.[717] Arndt has argued from the coin and from the motive
-of the statue that Hermes and not an athlete is intended; thus the
-inclination of the head, he thinks, is not that of an athlete looking
-out over the theatre, since the regard is not far off, but merely
-upward; the presence of the chlamys and the sandals also fits the god.
-He therefore refers the copies to a Hermes-type originated by Lysippos.
-But Froehner’s idea that they represent athletes, even if the type were
-invented for Hermes, is in line with our idea of the assimilation of
-athlete types to that of Hermes. In this connection it may be added
-that the head of an athlete in Turin,[718] dating from the late third
-or early second century B. C., is very similar to that of the Louvre
-figure, and especially to the Fagan head in London. The pose of an
-athlete binding on a sandal was doubtless chosen by the sculptor merely
-to show the play of the muscles.
-
-Heads of Hermes are often found with victor fillets,[719] and some
-of these doubtless are from statues of victors. The beautiful
-fourth-century B. C. Parian marble head of a beardless youth in the
-British Museum, known as the Aberdeen head,[720] which resembles so
-strongly the Praxitelean _Hermes_, although lacking its delicacy,
-may be from a victor statue assimilated to the god, for holes show
-that it once wore a metal wreath. In Roman days the _Doryphoros_ of
-Polykleitos, as we have seen, was adapted to represent Hermes, and
-was set up in various palæstræ and gymnasia. The Naples copy of the
-_Doryphoros_ stood in the Palaistra of Pompeii,[721] and statues of
-ephebes carrying lances (hastae, δόρατα) and called _Achilleae_ by
-Pliny,[722] which must have been largely copies of Polykleitos’ great
-statue, were set up in gymnasia. A later type of Hermes-head often
-appeared on bodies of the _Doryphoros_,[723] while other statues,
-showing the body of the _Doryphoros_ draped with the chlamys,[724] and
-many torsos following the attitude and form of this statue, have the
-chlamys, which shows that they were intended for the god.[725] Hermes
-in the _Doryphoros_ pose, in a bronze of the British Museum,[726] is
-probably intended for an athlete. Furtwaengler has shown[727] that the
-old Argive schema of the boxer Aristion at Olympia by Polykleitos[728]
-was used in the master’s circle for statues of Hermes. The best
-preserved example of a number of existing statues of this type is one
-in Lansdowne House, London,[729] in the pose of the Aristion, holding
-an object—probably a kerykeion—in the hand and a chlamys over the left
-shoulder.
-
-
-ATHLETE STATUES ASSIMILATED TO TYPES OF APOLLO.
-
-Apollo figures in mythology as an athlete. In the Iliad, at the opening
-of the boxing match between Epeios and Euryalos,[730] he is mentioned
-as the god of boxing, which refers, perhaps, to his presiding over the
-education of youths (κουροτρόφος) and to his gift of manly prowess.
-Pausanias records that he overcame Hermes in running and Ares in
-boxing.[731] He gives these victories of the god as the reason why the
-flute played a Pythian air at the later pentathlon. Plutarch says that
-the Delphians sacrificed to Apollo the boxer (πύκτης), and the Cretans
-and Spartans to Apollo the runner (δρομαῖος).[732] Apollo’s fight with
-Herakles to wrest from the hero the stolen tripod of Delphi,[733]
-which is the subject of many surviving works of art,[734] is outside
-the realm of athletics. As with Hermes, it is often difficult to
-distinguish between statues of Apollo and those of victors assimilated
-to his type. A good instance of this doubt is afforded by the long and
-indecisive discussion of the monument represented by several replicas,
-especially by the _Choiseul-Gouffier_ statue in the British Museum
-(Pl. 7A), and the so-called _Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_ (Pl. 7B) found
-in 1862 in the ruins of the theatre of Dionysos at Athens, and now in
-the National Museum there.[735] The bronze original of these marble
-copies must have been famous, to judge from the number of replicas
-of it. It has been ascribed to many different artists—to Kalamis,
-Pythagoras, Alkamenes, Pasiteles,[736] to one on more, to another
-on less probability. As A. H. Smith has pointed out, the _krobylos_
-treatment of the hair almost certainly indicates an Attic sculptor
-of the first half of the fifth century B. C. But here again the
-main interest in these copies is to determine whether the original
-represented Apollo or an athlete. The connection between the Athens
-replica and the _omphalos_ found with it is all but disproved[737]
-and can not be used as evidence that the statue represents the god.
-However, the original has been called an Apollo because of the
-presence of a quiver on certain of the copies. Thus, while we have a
-tree-trunk beside the _Choiseul-Gouffier_ example, we have a quiver
-on the copy in the Palazzo Torlonia in Rome,[738] and on a similar
-statue in the Fridericianum in Kassel,[739] and both tree and quiver
-on the fragment of a leg from the Palatine now in the Museo delle
-Terme.[740] The Ventnor head in the British Museum[741] has long locks
-suited to Apollo, and the head from Kyrene there[742] was actually
-found in a temple of Apollo. It has also been pointed out that the
-head of a similar figure, undoubtedly an Apollo, appears on a relief
-in the Capitoline Museum,[743] and a similar figure is found on a
-red-figured krater in Bologna, which shows the god standing on a
-pillar with a laurel wreath in the lowered left hand and a bowl in the
-right.[744] On coins of Athens, moreover, we see the figure of Apollo
-in a similar attitude with a laurel wreath in the lowered right hand
-and a bow in the left.[745] From such evidence a good case for an
-Apollo has been made out by many scholars—A. H. Smith, Winter,[746]
-Helbig,[747] Conze,[748] Furtwaengler,[749] Schreiber,[750] Dickins,
-and others. The evidence of the quiver in the delle Terme fragment
-and the Torlonia replica is looked upon as a deliberate device of the
-copyist to indicate the god. The attempt especially to connect it with
-the _Apollo Alexikakos_ of Kalamis[751] must certainly fall, since the
-date is about the only thing in its favor. In the long list of statues
-ascribed to this sculptor,[752] there is none of an athlete, and the
-_Choiseul-Gouffier_ type, whether it represents Apollo or an athlete,
-has a markedly athletic character. If the Delphi _Charioteer_ (Fig. 66)
-be ascribed to Kalamis, certainly this type of statue can have nothing
-to do with him or his school. Nor is the type at all identical with the
-_Alexikakos_ appearing on coins of Athens,[753] in which the locks of
-hair, in the true archaic fashion of a cultus statue, fall down over
-the god’s shoulders. Besides, the work of Kalamis, characterized by
-λεπτότης and χάρις,[754] must have been of the delicate later archaic
-style of the transition period.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 7A
-
-Statue of the so-called _Apollo Choiseul-Gouffier_. British Museum,
-London.]
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 7B
-
-Statue of the so-called _Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_. National Museum,
-Athens.]
-
-Waldstein, however, has made a good case against the evidence adduced
-for interpreting the original as Apollo and he believes that the
-statue represents an athlete.[755] The thongs thrown over the stump
-in the _Choiseul-Gouffier_ statue, doubtless those of a boxer, seem
-to point to an athlete for that copy at least. The muscular form and
-athletic coiffure of all the copies also point to the same conclusion,
-even if Waldstein’s ascription of the original statue to the boxer
-Euthymos, whose statue by Pythagoras of Rhegion stood in the Altis at
-Olympia,[756] is only a guess. Wolters thinks the _Choiseul-Gouffier_
-statue may represent an athlete, but is against Waldstein’s
-ascription of the work to Pythagoras.[757]
-
-Though differing in detail, the rendering of the hair, common to
-all the replicas, is a purely athletic coiffure. The argument for
-attributing the original to Apollo, based on the curls around the
-face, is of no importance, since a similar coiffure appears on many
-ephebe heads by various Attic masters of the same or a slightly
-earlier period. The hair treatment on a little-known replica of the
-head in the British Museum[758] gives us an additional argument in
-determining whether the original was an Apollo or not. On this head
-there are two corkscrew curls side by side just back of the ears,
-which are so inorganically attached and so unsuited to the style
-of head as to make us believe that they were added by the copyist,
-even if their absence in other copies were not proof enough of this
-fact. Apparently the copyist adopted a well-known type of athlete and
-tried to convert it into an Apollo by the use of this Apolline hair
-attribute. The only other Apolline attribute, the quiver on the copies
-in the Palazzo Torlonia[759] and Museo delle Terme, may have been
-added as a fortuitous adjunct by the copyists, who were converting an
-original athlete statue into one of Apollo. It may be added, also,
-that the quiver does not always indicate the god, as we shall see
-in discussing the Delian _Diadoumenos_ (Pl. 18). When we consider,
-therefore, the athletic pose, the massive outline and proportions, the
-high-arched chest, the muscular arms and thighs, the accentuation of
-the veins,[760] the fashion of the hair, and the relatively small size
-of the head, together with the presence of the boxing-thongs on the
-London example, it seems reasonable to conclude that in this series of
-copies we may see an original athlete statue, which in certain cases
-was later transformed into statues of Apollo. Even if the original
-was actually an Apollo, its proportions were far better suited to the
-patron of athletic exercises than to the leader of a celestial choir.
-
-An instance of the similar use of the same type of head is shown by
-the colossal statue of Apollo unearthed at Olympia.[761] Here we see
-the same coiffure as in the heads discussed, but the presence of the
-remnants of a lyre indubitably shows that this copy was intended for
-Apollo, and so it has been rightly assigned by Treu, not to the fifth,
-but to a later century. When long hair was no longer the fashion for
-athletes, a later artist might mistakenly think that the earlier plaits
-were genuinely Apolline, though we know that they were common to all
-early athletic art. Another head in the British Museum has been ably
-discussed by Mrs. Strong,[762] who shows that it comes from an Apollo
-and not from an athlete statue. It is similar to an Apollo pictured on
-a stater struck at Mytilene about 400 B. C.,[763] and consequently,
-like the statue from Olympia, it is merely an instance of the process
-of converting an athlete statue into that of an Apollo.
-
-The marble copy of the _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos, found on the
-island of Delos in 1894, and now in the National Museum in Athens[764]
-(Pl. 18), has a chlamys and a quiver introduced on the marble support
-against the right leg. Until recently these attributes were regarded
-as the arbitrary introductions of the Hellenistic copyist, who wished
-to convert the famous athlete statue into one of Apollo, but lately it
-has been suggested that they belonged to the original statue, which
-is assumed to have represented Apollo. Thus, Hauser has propounded
-the theory that the _Diadoumenos_ was originally an Apollo.[765] He
-does not believe that the Delian sculptor could have transformed a
-short-haired athlete into an Apollo, since the typical Apollo after
-the time of Praxiteles was never represented as athletic. He later
-supported his theory that the _Diadoumenos_ was originally an Apollo by
-the evidence of a bronze statuette and a Delphian coin, and reasserted
-his view that so virile a short-haired Apollo did not originate with
-the later copyist, but in the fifth century B. C.[766] Hauser’s
-argument that Apollo was the original of the _Diadoumenos_ seems as
-unsuccessful as his contention that Polykleitos’ other great creation,
-the _Doryphoros_, is to be classed as an _Achilles_.[767] Loewy has
-sufficiently opposed Hauser’s theory of the _Diadoumenos_, by showing
-that the palm-tree prop in all the marble replicas of that statue
-points to athletic victories.[768] He rightly explains the Apolline
-attributes of the Delian copy as the perfectly natural additions of an
-artist who lived on the island reputed to be the birthplace of the god.
-His ascription of the Polykleitan statue to the pentathlete Pythokles,
-the base of whose statue at Olympia has been found,[769] is doubtful.
-More recently Ada Maviglia has shown the literary grounds for regarding
-the _Diadoumenos_ as an athlete, and not an Apollo.[770]
-
-The difficulty of distinguishing between statues of athletes and Apollo
-is also shown by the very beautiful fifth century B. C. Parian marble
-head in Turin,[771] which is certainly a copy of an original Greek
-bronze. Furtwaengler, because of the hair, wrongly believed it the head
-of a diadoumenos, and connected it with Kresilas,[772] while Amelung
-and Wace[773] have found in it Attic and Polykleitan influences. The
-hair is parted over the centre of the forehead, as in the _Diadoumenos_
-and the _Doryphoros_, and in other works attributed to the Polykleitan
-school, while the locks over the ears and the plaits wound round the
-head have Attic analogues.[774]
-
-
-ATHLETE STATUES ASSIMILATED TO TYPES OF HERAKLES.
-
-Herakles was the reputed founder of the games at Olympia.[775] He
-was a famous wrestler, Pausanias frequently mentioning his combats
-with giants.[776] He won in both wrestling and the pankration at
-Olympia.[777] In connection with the victory of Straton of Alexandria,
-who won in these two events on the same day,[778] Pausanias names
-three men before him and three men after him who won in these events
-on the same day.[779] We learn their dates from Africanus.[780] After
-the date of the last of these victories, Ol. 204 (= 37 A. D.), the
-Elean umpires, in order to check professionalism, refused to allow
-contestants to enter for both events.[781] To win the crown of wild
-olive in both these events was therefore regarded as a great honor,
-and in the Olympic lists a special note was made of such victors, who
-were called πρῶτος, δεύτερος, τρίτος, κ. τ. λ., ἀφ’ Ἡρακλέους.[782]
-They also received the title of παράδοξος or παραδοξονίκης.[783]
-Statues of Herakles, like those of Hermes and Theseus, were commonly
-set up in gymnasia and palæstræ throughout Greece,[784] and it was
-but natural that Olympic victors, especially those in the two events
-mentioned, should want their statues assimilated to those of the hero.
-The difficulty of deciding whether a given statue is one of Herakles
-or of a victor is even greater than that of distinguishing between
-statues of victors and those of Hermes or Apollo. To quote Homolle:
-“_Maintes fois, comme pour la tête d’Olympie, comme pour plusieurs
-autres encore, on peut se demander si le personnage représenté est le
-héros luimême sous les traits d’un athlête ou un athlête fait à l’image
-du héros_.”[785] In reference to the statue of Agias by Lysippos
-discovered at Delphi, which is an excellent example of the assimilation
-process which we are discussing, he continues: “_Ici en particulier,
-étant donnée la nature du monument, il est permis de supposer que
-l’auteur ... ait voulu élever le personnage à la hauteur idéale du type
-divin en qu’ Agias ait été assimilé à Héraclès_.”[786]
-
-We shall discuss a few examples of this process of assimilation to
-types of Herakles. Our ascription of the head from Olympia mentioned
-by Homolle, which was found in the ruins of the Gymnasion, to the
-statue of the Akarnanian pancratiast Philandridas by Lysippos[787]
-(Frontispiece and Fig. 69) will be discussed in a later chapter.[788]
-The swollen ears and hair-fillet might pass for hero or mortal, for
-in deciding whether a given head represents Herakles or a victor,
-the ears are not the deciding criterion, since many heroes had the
-“pancratiast” swollen ear, as we shall see later. A good example of
-assimilation is seen in the beautiful little marble head of a man,
-found in Athens and now in the Glyptothek Ny-Carlsberg in Copenhagen,
-dating from the early Hellenistic age.[789] As traces of color remain
-in the hair, some have thought that this head came from the reliefs
-on the “Alexander” sarcophagus from Sidon, belonging to the body of
-a headless youth represented there. Though the marble (Pentelic)
-and the dimensions would fit, it would be the only head on the
-sarcophagus with a band in the hair, and so the question can not be
-definitely decided.[790] The head was at first called a Herakles,
-though Furtwaengler rightly saw in it an ideal representation of an
-athlete, even if the ears are not swollen. A bronze head of a youth
-from Herculaneum, now in Naples, is evidently a part of the statue
-of a victor or of Herakles.[791] A Polykleitan ephebe head-type,
-with rolled fillet around the hair and swollen ears, represented by
-replicas in Naples, in Rome, and elsewhere, may represent a boxer in
-the guise of the hero.[792] In the Roman copy of the group of Herakles
-and Telephos in the Museo Chiaramonti of the Vatican, Herakles, still
-the god, wears a fillet.[793] Similarly, a colossal head of mediocre
-workmanship in the Sala dei Busti of the Vatican represents the hero
-with a fillet,[794] while another head in the Capitoline Museum, with
-fillet and swollen ears, seems to represent Herakles as a victorious
-athlete.[795] Many other heads in various museums, which are commonly
-called heads of Herakles, may represent athletes in the heroic guise. A
-good example is the Parian marble terminal bust of the fourth century
-B. C., representing a young Herakles wreathed with poplar, now in the
-British Museum (Fig. 31).[796] In this head the ears are bruised.
-It seems to have been copied from some well-known statue of Lysippan
-or Skopaic tendencies. Another head in the British Museum shows the
-beardless hero, his hair encircled by a diadem, and his ears broken
-and crushed.[797] This almost certainly comes from a victor statue.
-Many bronze statuettes in the British Museum may be interpreted either
-as Herakles or as victors.[798] A bronze from Corfu represents a nude
-Herakles or an athlete, with the left foot advanced and the left hand
-extended. The objects held in both hands are lost, but the challenging
-pose and expression indicate a boxer.[799] Similarly a small bronze
-in Berlin, represented with a fillet and in the walking pose, may be
-a Herakles or a victor.[800] Duetschke gives two examples of heads
-in the Uffizi, both of them having fillets, and one of them having
-swollen ears, which may come from statues of the hero or victors.[801]
-Heads of the hero with the rolled fillet can not, however, according
-to Furtwaengler, be classed as victors, since he believes that this
-attribute was borrowed from the symposium, to distinguish the glorified
-hero rejoicing in the celestial banquet.[802]
-
-
-ATHLETES REPRESENTED AS THE DIOSKOUROI.
-
-Kastor is said to have won the foot-race and Polydeukes the boxing
-match, at Olympia.[803] They had an altar at the entrance to the
-Hippodrome there,[804] and were called “Starters of the Race”
-at Sparta.[805] A stadion, in which they were fabled to have
-contended, was shown in Hermione, in Corinthia.[806] Kastor was a
-famous horse-racer in Homer and later writers,[807] and Polydeukes
-a famous boxer,[808] both being κατ’ ἐξοχήν the rider and boxer
-respectively.[809] Scenes showing Athena setting garlands on
-victorious hoplite racers (?) appear on reliefs of the Dioskouroi
-from Tarentum.[810] An archaic Argive inscription tells how a certain
-Aischylos won the stade-race four times and the hoplite-race three
-times at Argos, for which he dedicated a slab to the Dioskouroi, which
-depicted them in relief.[811] An inscribed bronze quoit of the sixth
-century B. C. from Kephallenia(?), now in the British Museum, was
-dedicated to the two heroes by Exoïdas for a victory (apparently in
-the pentathlon).[812] A bronze four-spoked wheel with a dedicatory
-inscription in their honor was found at Argos, probably the remnant
-of a monument erected for a chariot victory.[813] Doubtless certain
-victor statues were assimilated to them, though we have no direct
-evidence of the fact. Ordinary dead men appeared in the guise of the
-Dioskouroi on sepulchral reliefs, just as we have seen that in statuary
-they were heroized into statues of Hermes. Thus a grave-relief in honor
-of Pamphilos and Alexandros in Verona shows on the projecting lower
-rim the two Dioskouroi, the figure to the right carrying a lance in
-the right hand and holding the bridle of a horse in the left, while
-the figure to the left holds a lance in the left hand and touches a
-horse’s head with the right.[814] A votive relief in the British Museum
-represents two youths on horseback, who, despite the absence of the
-conical cap or pilleus, are probably the Dioskouroi.[815] Their short
-hair is bound with diadems, which shows that the dead men may have been
-victors.
-
-Sufficient examples of the process of assimilation have now been given
-to prove that it was not an uncommon device of the ancient sculptor
-and to show the difficulty of distinguishing between types of gods and
-athletes.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER III.
-
-VICTOR STATUES REPRESENTED AT REST.
-
-PLATES 8-21 AND FIGURES 9-31.
-
-
-We have seen[816] that it was a very old custom in Greece to dedicate
-statues of victors at the great national games to the god in whose
-honor the games were held. On many sites, especially at Olympia, tiny
-statuettes of clay or bronze of very primitive technique have been
-found in great numbers, which represent victors in many attitudes and
-ways—as horsemen, warriors, charioteers, etc. By the sixth century B.
-C. this ancient custom, as we learn from literary, epigraphical, and
-monumental sources, had developed, with the rapid progress attained by
-the sculptor’s art, into the regular practice of erecting life-size
-statues of athletes at the site of the games or in the native city
-of the victor. Especially at Olympia hundreds of such monuments were
-gradually collected, whose numbers and beauty must have exerted an
-overwhelming impression on the visitor to the Altis. We shall now begin
-the consideration of these monuments in detail.
-
-The victor statues at Olympia, as elsewhere, may be conveniently
-divided into two main groups—those which represent the victor as
-standing or seated at rest, before or after the contest, and those
-which represent him in movement, _i. e._, in some contest schema.[817]
-Examples of statues of athletes represented at rest are common in Greek
-athletic sculpture. We need only mention the so-called _Oil-pourer_
-of Munich (Pl. 11), who is represented as pouring oil over his body
-to make his limbs more supple for the coming wrestling bout; the
-_Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos (Pls. 17, 18, and Fig. 28), who is binding
-a victor fillet around his head after a successful encounter; the
-_Apoxyomenos_ of the school of Lysippos (Pl. 29), representing an
-athlete scraping off the oil and dirt from his body after his victory.
-In this class of statues, which forms by far the greater number and
-shows the richer motives, the poses are quiet and reserved, the figures
-are compact, and the expression earnest and even thoughtful. As
-examples of statues represented in movement we need only recall such
-well-known works as the _Diskobolos_ of Myron with its rhythmic lines
-and vivacious expression (Pls. 22, 23, and Figs. 34, 35); the bronze
-wrestlers of Naples, who are bending eagerly forward watching for a
-grip (Fig. 51); or the artistically intertwined pancratiast group of
-Florence (Pl. 25). Such monuments show us the varied poses, the choice
-of the critical moment, the truth to life, and the masterly rhythm
-attained by certain sculptors.
-
-
-THE APOLLO TYPE.
-
-In this chapter we shall confine ourselves almost entirely to the
-statues of victors represented at rest, discussing those represented
-in motion chiefly in the next. Most of the oldest statues at Olympia,
-dating from a time when there were few variations in the sculptural
-type, must have been represented at rest and in the schema of the
-so-called “Apollos.” Ever since the discovery of the _Apollo of Thera_
-in 1836 (Fig. 9), this _genre_ of sculpture, the most characteristic of
-the early period, extending from the end of the seventh century B. C.
-to the time of the gable groups of Aegina, has been carefully studied.
-Though we now know that the type passed equally well for gods and
-mortals,[818] we still keep the name, because of its familiarity and
-for the sake of having a common designation. That this type actually
-represented Olympic victors we have indubitable proof. Pausanias
-mentions the stone victor statue of the pancratiast Arrhachion, dating
-from the first half of the sixth century B. C., which stood in the
-agora of his native town Phigalia. He describes it as archaic in pose,
-with the feet close together and the arms hanging down the sides to
-the hips—the typical “Apollo” schema.[819] Moreover, this very statue
-has survived to our time (Fig. 79).[820] A study, therefore, of this
-type of statue will give us an idea of how some of the early statues at
-Olympia looked.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 9.—Statue of so-called _Apollo of Thera_. National
-Museum, Athens.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 10.—Statue of so-called _Apollo of Orchomenos_.
-National Museum, Athens.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 11.—Statue of so-called _Apollo_, from Mount Ptoion,
-Bœotia. National Museum, Athens.]
-
-The “Apollo” statues,[821] because of differences in facial expression,
-have been conveniently divided into two groups: those represented by
-the examples from Thera, Melos, Volomandra, Tenea, etc., sometimes
-named the “grinning” group, because the corners of the mouth are turned
-upwards into the so-called “archaic smile,” and those represented
-by the examples from Orchomenos, the precinct of Mount Ptoion, and
-elsewhere, named the “stolid” group, because in them the mouth forms a
-straight line.[822] There are, however, essential differences between
-the statues of each group. Thus, while some of both groups—_e. g._, the
-examples from Melos, Volomandra, and Orchomenos—have square shoulders,
-most of the others have sloping ones. The type gradually improved, as
-in each successive attempt the sculptor overcame difficulties, until
-finally revolutionary changes had taken place in the original form.
-This improvement is seen in the treatment of the hair, in the modeling
-of the face and body, and in the proportions of the statues. In a
-head of a statue from Mount Ptoion[823]—which is broken off at the
-neck—we seem to see the sculptor in wood making his first attempt in
-stone. In the archaic example from Thera[824] (Fig. 9) the arms hang
-straight down close to the sides, as in the statue of Arrhachion, being
-detached only slightly from the body at the elbows, showing that the
-artist was afraid that they might break off. In other examples, as in
-the one from Orchomenos[825] (Fig. 10) and one from Mount Ptoion[826]
-(Fig. 11), the space between the arms and the body has become larger,
-while in the example from Melos[827] (Fig. 12) only the hands are
-glued to the thighs. In the “Apollo” found at Tenea in 1846, and now
-in Munich[828] (Pl. 8A), the arms are free, but the hands are held
-fast to the body by the retention of small marble bridges between them
-and the thighs. The final step has been taken in two examples from
-Mount Ptoion (Fig. 13), in which the arms from the shoulders down are
-free from the bodies.[829] The bridges shown on the photograph in the
-figure to the left, which connect the forearms with the thighs, are of
-plaster, being added at the time the statue was set up in Athens.[830]
-The figure to the right is smaller and clearly discloses Aeginetan
-influence. The audacity of the sculptor in entirely freeing the arms
-in both examples was rewarded by the arms being broken off. Similarly,
-in the _Strangford Apollo_ of the British Museum (Fig. 14),[831] the
-arms, which hung loose from the shoulders, are broken away. The larger
-statue from Mount Ptoion just mentioned also has the arms slightly
-crooked at the elbows, the forearms being extended at an oblique angle
-to the body. This represents an intermediate stage between the earlier
-“Apollos,” in which the arms adhered vertically to the sides of the
-body (as _e. g._, in the ones from Orchomenos, Thera, Melos, and
-Tenea), and the later ones, in which the arms were bent, the forearms
-being extended at right angles to the body (see Figs. 15 and 19).[832]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 12.—Statue of so-called _Apollo of Melos_. National
-Museum, Athens.]
-
-The example from Thera shows the archaic method of working in planes
-parallel to front and side and at right angles to one another, the
-corners of the square block being merely rounded off. The outlines
-of muscles are indicated by shallow grooves, which do not affect the
-flatness of the surface, and there is but little facial expression. We
-see the chest outlined in some examples from Aktion.[833] In the Melian
-example the rectangular form is modified by cutting away the sides
-obliquely in arms and body; here there is more expression in the face,
-and the treatment of the hair and the proportions of the body are more
-developed. In the example from Orchomenos we see a great improvement in
-form. Here, as in later Bœotian examples, the original rectangular
-form of the example from Thera has become round, so that a horizontal
-cross-section through the waist is almost circular; the muscles of
-the abdomen are indicated and the skin is naturalistically shown in
-the back and at the elbows. In later Bœotian examples from Mount
-Ptoion, which are directly developed from the Orchomenos type,[834]
-the form is lighter and the proportions more graceful. In one example
-(Fig. 13, left) even the veins are shown. In the example mentioned
-above as showing Aeginetan influence, and dated about 500 B. C.,[835]
-the muscles are clearly marked, just as in the _Strangford_ example
-and in the statues from the temple at Aegina, showing that foreign
-art had been introduced into Bœotia by that time. In the example
-from Volomandra in Attica,[836] we see affinity to the examples from
-Thera and Melos, but Attic softness in the carving of the shoulders
-and in the proportions. In the _Apollo of Tenea_ (Pl. 8A), “by far
-the most beautiful preserved statue of archaic sculpture,”[837] a
-statue most carefully worked, we see a Peloponnesian example of the
-beginning of the sixth or even of the end of the seventh century B.
-C. Here the sculptor has shown great care in executing details and in
-the proportions. The eyes are not flat, but convex, and are wide open
-as in most of the earlier examples. The downward flow of the lines of
-the statue is striking, which is caused by the sloping shoulders and
-the elongated triangular-shaped abdomen. The slimness of the figure,
-with the contour of bones and muscles, is remarkable at so early a
-date. The fashioning of the knees is detailed. When we contrast this
-tall, slim, agile statue with the massively square-built Argive type
-found at Delphi (Pl. 8B), we find it reasonable to suspect that
-the _Apollo of Tenea_ is an imported work, coming probably from the
-islands.[838] The two statues of (?) Kleobis and Biton, discovered at
-Delphi in 1893 and 1894, and inscribed with the name of the sculptor
-Polymedes of Argos, have added much to our knowledge of early Argive
-sculpture (Pl. 8B, = Statue A).[839] This Polymedes may have been
-one of the predecessors acknowledged by Eutelidas and Chrysothemis,
-among the first victor statuaries known to us by name, in the epigram
-preserved by Pausanias from the base of the monument of Damaretos and
-his son Theopompos at Olympia.[840] The epigram, in any case, implies
-that the reputation of the Argive school in athletic sculpture was
-already well established by the end of the sixth century B. C. These
-massively built statues, dating from the beginning of the sixth century
-B. C., outline the muscles to a certain extent, even showing the line
-of the false ribs by incised lines. They display, however, but little
-detail in modeling, except in the knees, where the artist has tried to
-indicate the bones and muscles. The features of the large heads are
-without expression; the large eyes are flat and not convex, as in the
-example from Tenea, though the Argive artist was, perhaps, later than
-the Corinthian one, and a long distance removed from the later artist
-of the Ligourió bronze (Fig. 16), to be discussed later.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 13.—Statues of so-called _Apollos_ from Mount
-Ptoion. National Museum, Athens.]
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 8A
-
-A. Statue of so-called _Apollo of Tenea_. Glyptothek, Munich.]
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 8B
-
-B. So-called _Argive Apollo_ from Delphi. Museum of Delphi.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 14.—Statue known as the _Strangford Apollo_. British
-Museum, London.]
-
-In all these “Apollos,” which have been found all over the Greek world
-from Naukratis in Egypt to Ambrakia, and along the Asian coast and
-on the Aegean Isles, the archaic artists have attempted, by their
-modeling of the muscles, especially of the chest and abdomen, to
-express trained strength. The heavy Argive examples, which may be said
-to be the prototypes of the Ligourió bronze and of the _Doryphoros_
-of Polykleitos (Pl. 4 and Fig. 48), are in strong contrast with the
-lighter type best represented by the example from Tenea. In the former,
-with their big heads and shoulders and their powerful arms and legs,
-we may see early boxers or pancratiasts; in the latter a long-limbed
-runner, with powerful chest, but slim and supple legs. In the _Apollo
-of Tenea_ there is no flabbiness nor softness, and yet no emaciation.
-We see very similar runners on Panathenaic vases. Between the two
-extremes we have a long series, those from Mount Ptoion and elsewhere.
-
-We do not doubt that the early statues of athletes at Olympia showed
-all the variations we have discussed in these “Apollos.” Of this
-type, then, were the statues at Olympia of the Spartan Eutelidas,
-the oldest mentioned by Pausanias,[841] those of Phrikias of Pelinna
-in Thessaly,[842] and of Phanas of Pellene in Achæa,[843] to whom,
-later on in this chapter, we shall ascribe the two archaic marble
-helmeted heads found at Olympia (Fig. 30), the wooden statues of
-Praxidamas and Rhexibios,[844] the statue of Kylon on the Akropolis
-of Athens,[845] and that of Hetoimokles at Sparta.[846] The statue of
-the famous wrestler Milo of Kroton by the sculptor Dameas, mentioned
-by Pausanias[847] and described by Philostratos,[848] must also
-have conformed with the “Apollo” type, though it showed a step in
-advance of the earlier ones by having its arms bent at the elbow, the
-forearms being extended horizontally outward. This statue needs a
-somewhat detailed account. The description of Philostratos seems to
-have been founded on the account in Pausanias[849] of Milo’s prowess,
-which, in turn, may have arisen from the appearance of the statue and
-the cicerone’s description. Philostratos says that it stood on a
-quoit with the feet close together and with the left hand grasping a
-pomegranate, the fingers of the right hand being extended straight out,
-and a fillet encircling the brows.[850] Philostratos has Apollonios
-explain the attributes of the statue on the ground that the people of
-Kroton represented their famous victor in the guise of a priest of
-Hera. This would explain the priestly fillet and the pomegranate sacred
-to the goddess, while the diskos, on which the statue rested, would be
-the shield on which Hera’s priest stood when praying. Scherer, however,
-rightly pointed out that the statue in the Altis was of Milo the victor
-and not the priest. He therefore explained the diskos[851] merely as
-a round basis on which the statue, of the archaic “Apollo” type with
-its feet close together, stood, and the _tainia_ as a victor band. He
-followed Philostratos in believing that the gesture of the right hand
-was one of adoration.[852] He looked upon the object in the left hand
-not as a pomegranate at all, but as an alabastron, a toilet article
-adapted to a victor. He, therefore, believed that the _Apollo_ of the
-elder Kanachos of Sikyon,[853] the so-called _Philesian Apollo_,[854]
-represented nude and holding a tiny fawn in the right hand and a bow
-in the left, would give a good idea of the pose of Milo’s statue.[855]
-Hitzig and Bluemner believe this explanation of Scherer probable,
-although they rightly disagree with him in his exchanging the
-pomegranate for an alabastron, since Pausanias expressly mentions a
-pomegranate in the hand of another victor statue at Olympia.[856] Pliny
-speaks of a male figure by Pythagoras, _mala ferentem nudum_,[857]
-and Lucian says apples were prizes at Delphi,[858] and we know that
-Milo was also a Pythian victor. The same commentators believe that
-Pausanias’ story of Milo bursting a cord drawn round his brow by
-swelling his veins arose from the victor band on the statue, and the
-story of the strength of his fingers from the position of the fingers
-on it.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 15.—Bronze Statuette of a Palæstra Victor, from the
-Akropolis. Akropolis Museum, Athens.]
-
-We have seen in the “Apollo” statues a considerable variety of
-physical types. In the sixth century B. C. the artist was feeling
-his way and was hampered by local school tendencies. At first he
-knew only how to produce rigid statues in the conventional Egyptian
-attitude with the arms glued to the sides, the two halves of the
-body being symmetrical and the hips on the same level. He gradually
-improved on this model, making the position more elastic—as in the
-statue of Milo—rightly indicating bones and muscles and giving to the
-figure natural proportions. Bulle has shown on one plate[859] three
-statuettes which illustrate the improvements reached in bronze in
-various parts of Greece by the end of the sixth century B. C. To the
-left is represented a victorious palæstra gymnast—as is indicated by
-the remnants of akontia in the hands—in the Akropolis Museum (Fig.
-15);[860] in the center is the Payne Knight statuette of the British
-Museum,[861] carrying a fawn in the right hand, which is a copy of
-the _Philesian Apollo_ which stood in the Didymaion near Miletos; to
-the right is Hermes with the petasos, short-girded tunic, and winged
-sandals, holding a ram in the left and probably a kerykeion in the
-right hand.[862] The attributes of the three, then, attest respectively
-a victor, Apollo, and Hermes. In all three the arms are freed from the
-body, and the muscles of the breast, chest, and abdomen are indicated,
-though carelessly in the case of the victor. The proportions of the
-three vary greatly; the Attic victor has a large head, broad shoulders,
-powerful chest, long body, and short legs; the _Apollo_ has long
-legs, shorter though slimmer body, and small head;[863] the _Hermes_
-has a clearly outlined figure and shows the careful modeling so
-characteristic of the schools of Argos and Sikyon in the fifth century
-B. C. Bulle shows that the further development of the “Apollo” type was
-halted by the Argive school, which, while continuing the restful pose
-of these figures, counteracted their rigidity by inclining the head
-to the side and throwing the weight unevenly on the legs by lowering
-one hip and further advancing one foot. The central line was no longer
-vertical, but curved, and it was now possible to give greater detail to
-chest and abdomen. Polykleitos finally perfected this curve and threw
-back the left foot, resting the weight of the body on the right—from
-which time on we have the regular scheme of “free” and “rest” legs.
-Despite all these later improvements, Olympic victors continued to
-set up statues in the rest attitude of the “Apollo” type down perhaps
-into the third century B. C. Such dedications were the result both of
-school tendencies and economy, especially in the case of equestrian
-victors, who frequently were content to use such “actionless” statues
-in place of groups. We have only to mention the monuments of Timon of
-Elis, whose statue was the work of the Sikyonian Daidalos,[864] and
-of Telemachos of Elis, whose statue was made by the otherwise unknown
-sculptor Philonides.[865]
-
-Before systematically considering victor statues at Olympia and
-elsewhere with general motives, _i. e._, represented at rest, we shall
-now rapidly sketch the development of athletic sculpture in four great
-centres, Argos, Sikyon, Aegina, and Athens, even though some of the
-works mentioned were represented in motion. Sculptors of other schools
-known at Olympia will be treated incidentally in both this and the
-following chapters.
-
-
-THE AFFILIATED SCHOOLS OF ARGOS AND SIKYON.
-
-While in general it is unprofitable to discuss sculptors who have
-not surely left any example of their art behind, there are two early
-schools of Peloponnesian sculpture, those of Argos and Sikyon, which,
-though we may assign work to them only by conjecture, can not be
-summarily passed over, owing to their great importance in the history
-of Greek athletic art. The bronze used in their works was too valuable
-to escape the barbarians, and, furthermore, the monotony, which must
-have characterized early Peloponnesian sculpture, militated against
-these works being reproduced to any great degree by later copyists.
-
-
-THE SCHOOL OF ARGOS.
-
-The Argive school was devoted mainly to athletic statuary. The greatest
-name in old Argive art is that of Ageladas or Hagelaïdas,[866] the
-reputed teacher of Myron and Polykleitos, who lived from the third
-quarter of the sixth century into the second quarter of the fifth
-century B. C. While his connection with Myron and Polykleitos is
-scarcely to be doubted,[867] his supposed connection with Pheidias has
-made the chronology of the life of this sculptor one of the difficult
-problems of the ancient history of art. A scholion on Aristophanes’
-_Ranae_, 504, dates the statue known as the _Herakles Alexikakos_ in
-the Attic deme Melite by Hagelaïdas after the pestilence in Athens of
-431-430 B. C., and makes the Argive sculptor (Gelados = Hagelaïdas)
-the teacher of Pheidias. As his statue of the Olympic victor Anochos
-commemorated a victory won in Ol. 65 (= 520 B. C.), this late date is
-manifestly impossible.[868] Furthermore, a better tradition says that
-Hegias was the teacher of the Attic master.[869] Furtwaengler’s attempt
-to show that these two divergent traditions were really in accord,
-by the assumption that Hegias was the pupil of Hagelaïdas and that
-his art came from the latter—thus explaining certain similarities in
-the work of Hagelaïdas and Pheidias,—does not solve the problem.[870]
-As the scholion is based on a good tradition,[871] the best solution
-of the difficulty is that of Kalkmann[872] and others, that the
-_Alexikakos_ was the work of a younger Hagelaïdas, the grandson of the
-famous master, by the intermediate Argeiadas. For a lower limit to the
-activity of Hagelaïdas there seems to be no good reason for distrusting
-the evidence that he made a bronze _Zeus_ for the Messenians to be
-set up at Naupaktos, whither they moved in 455 B. C.[873] This makes
-quite possible a period of collaboration of four or five years at least
-between Polykleitos and Hagelaïdas.
-
-Pausanias mentions the monuments of three victors at Olympia by
-Hagelaïdas: the statues of the pancratiast Timasitheos of Delphi, who
-won two victories some time between Ols. (?) 65 and 67 (520 and 512 B.
-C.);[874] of the runner Anochos of Tarentum, who won in the stade- and
-double-race in Ols. 65 and (?) 66 (= 520 and 516 B. C.);[875] and the
-chariot-group of Kleosthenes of Epidamnos, who won in Ol. 66 (= 516 B.
-C.).[876]
-
-None of the works of Hagelaïdas at Olympia or elsewhere is known.
-Messenian coins of the fourth century B. C. show the motives of two of
-his statues, that of his _Zeus Ithomatas_ just mentioned as being made
-for the Messenians,[877] and the beardless _Zeus_ παῖς at Aigion.[878]
-However, we infer the characteristics of his style from the bronze
-statuette in Berlin which was found at Ligourió near Epidauros (Fig.
-16).[879] This is undoubtedly an Argive work contemporary with the
-later period of Hagelaïdas. Furtwaengler and Frost are right in looking
-upon it as showing the prototype of the canon of Polykleitos. Though
-too small to count as a characteristic work of the early Argive school,
-it shows us that the style of that school was a short and stocky type,
-similar to Aeginetan works, only somewhat fleshier and heavier. The
-straight mouth and heavy chin, the treatment of the eyelids, and the
-clumsy limbs are all archaic features to be expected in the period
-preceding Polykleitos. The modeling is carefully executed, showing a
-knowledge of anatomy. If such excellence is found in a statuette, we
-can form some idea of the perfection of a statue by the master.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 16.—Bronze Statuette, from Ligourió. Museum of
-Berlin.]
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 9
-
-Statue of an Athlete, by Stephanos. Villa Albani, Rome.]
-
-The bronze _Apollo_ from Pompeii now in the Naples Museum,[880] with
-marble replicas in Mantua and Paris,[881] shows us how Hagelaïdas
-treated a god type, while the statue of an athlete by Stephanos will
-give us some idea of how he treated his victor statues, as it seems
-to have been modeled after an athlete statue of the early fifth
-century B. C., perhaps after a work by some pupil of the master.
-Stephanos belonged to the school of Pasiteles, a group of sculptors
-flourishing at Rome at the end of the Republic and the beginning of
-the Empire. They devoted themselves to the reproduction of early
-fifth-century statues. They were not ordinary copyists, for their works
-show individual mannerisms and a system of proportions foreign to the
-originals. Thus their statues have the square shoulders of the Argive
-school, but the slim bodies and slender legs of the period of Lysippos
-and his scholars. Apart from such mannerisms, then, in the male figure
-signed _Stephanos, pupil of Pasiteles_, in the Villa Albani in Rome
-(Pl. 9),[882] which reappears in a very similar statue in groups
-combined with a female figure of related style,[883] or with another
-male figure,[884] we may see a copy of a bronze original of the Argive
-school before Polykleitos. The standing motive and the body forms
-are the same in both the Mantuan _Apollo_ and the Stephanos figure,
-although the former is more developed and the head type is different in
-both; this shows that the two, while displaying the same basic ideal,
-were not works of the same master.[885] As the statue by Stephanos has
-a fillet around the hair, it may well represent an ideal athlete, who
-in the original held an aryballos or similar palæstra attribute in
-the raised left hand. It is interesting to compare the copies of this
-group with those of another representing mother and son, the work of
-Menelaos, the pupil of Stephanos, which, though transferred from Greek
-to Roman taste in respect of drapery and forms, is merely a variation
-of the same theme without any heroic traits.[886]
-
-The influence of Hagelaïdas can be easily traced in other schools of
-art, especially in the Attic School and in the sculptures of the temple
-of Zeus at Olympia, whether these latter be Peloponnesian in origin or
-not. It will be convenient in this connection to discuss briefly the
-style of these important sculptures, which we have already mentioned
-several times. The statement of Pausanias,[887] that the sculptors of
-the East and West Gables were Paionios of Mende in Thrace and Alkamenes
-respectively—the latter being known as the pupil of Pheidias[888]—was
-not doubted until the discovery of the Olympia sculptures.[889] Then
-doubts arose both on chronological and stylistic grounds, and now only
-a few archæologists would maintain that either artist had anything
-to do with these groups. The style of the two gables (as well as that
-of the metopes) is so similar that many have assigned them to one and
-the same artist.[890] They have been referred to many schools from
-Ionia to Sicily, even including a local Elean one. Thus Brunn assigned
-them to a North Greek-Thracian school; Flasch[891] and (more recently)
-Joubin[892] to the Attic; Kekulé[893] and Friedrichs-Wolters[894] to a
-West Greek (Sicilian) one, because of their similarity to the metopes
-of temple E at Selinos; Furtwaengler[895] to an Ionic one (Parian
-masters). Most scholars, however, including K. Lange,[896] Treu,[897]
-Studniczka,[898] Collignon,[899] and Overbeck,[900] have referred them
-to Peloponnesian sculptors.[901]
-
-To return to the art of Hagelaïdas: if we assume that the Ligourió
-bronze comes from the school of that Argive master certain conclusions
-must be drawn. The figure is archaic, but does not have the archaic
-smile. In Athens at the end of the archaic period there was a reaction
-against this smile, and doubtless the Athenian artists were strongly
-influenced by Argive models. Thus an archaic bronze head of a youth,
-found on the Akropolis and dating from about 480 B. C., shows a
-serious mouth, a strong chin, heavy upper eyelids, and finely worked
-hair, characteristics which we found in the Ligourió statuette. These
-traits show that the statuette and the head were the forerunners of
-the _Apollo_ of the West Gable at Olympia. So finished a bronze as
-this one from the Akropolis, at the beginning of the fifth century B.
-C., has inclined Richardson to look upon it as “not improbably a work
-of Hagelaïdas,”[902] though here again Furtwaengler would ascribe it
-to Hegias.[903] The Parian marble statue of an ephebe found on the
-Akropolis (Fig. 17)[904]—one of the most beautiful recovered during
-the excavations there—shows the same Argive influence. This statue
-is chronologically the first masterpiece, thus far recovered, which
-marks the break with archaism by having its head turned slightly to
-one side.[905] It has the same pose as the _Athlete_ by Stephanos and
-probably represents a palæstra victor. The head, with its heavy chin,
-and the muscular body strikingly resemble the _Harmodios_ (Fig. 32),
-which has led Furtwaengler and others to ascribe it to Kritios or his
-school.[906] At the same time a similarity is seen between this head
-and that of the _Apollo_ of the West Gable at Olympia, and so with
-Bulle and others we ascribe it to the Argive school.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 17.—Statue of an Ephebe, from the Akropolis.
-Akropolis Museum, Athens.]
-
-One of the female statues (_Korai_) found on the Akropolis, and
-approximately of the same date as the ephebe, viz, the fragmentary
-one consisting of head and bust and known popularly as _la petite
-boudeuse_, shows the same revolt against Ionism.[907] In many respects
-this statue is very different from most of the other Akropolis _Korai_.
-The eyes are not yet set back naturally, but the appearance of depth
-is attained by thickening the eyelids, quite in contrast with the
-modeling of the eyeball in most of the other statues. The corners of
-the mouth turn down, which gives it the appearance of pouting. This
-statue is also our first example in sculpture of the so-called Greek
-profile—the nose continuing the line of the forehead. The same Argive
-influence in Athenian art is also discernible in the Parian marble
-head of an athlete with traces of yellow in the hair (Fig. 18),[908]
-which may be dated a little later than the Akropolis ephebe—about
-470 B. C. Because of its resemblance to the _Apollo_ of Olympia,
-its Attic-Peloponnesian origin seems clear.[909] Its expression is
-comparable with that of the _Kore_ just discussed—as it has the same
-mouth, eyes, and nose, both monuments showing the reaction against the
-archaic smile, which characterized the Ionian period of Attic art.
-This same Ionic reaction also may be seen in the bronze statuette of a
-diskobolos in the Metropolitan Museum (Fig. 46),[910] which resembles
-in style that of the _Tyrannicides_, but shows also Argive traits.
-These Argive traits, small head and slender limbs, are easily seen by
-comparing this statuette with the Ligourió bronze.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 18.—Head of an Ephebe, from the Akropolis.
-Akropolis Museum, Athens.]
-
-We have already mentioned the monumental group of the hoplite victor
-Damaretos and of the pentathlete Theopompos, which was made about 500
-B. C. by the Argive sculptors Chrysothemis and Eutelidas.[911] These
-artists were known to later antiquity only by the epigram inscribed on
-the base of this monument at Olympia, and the probable dates of the two
-victories of Theopompos, Ols. (?) 69 and 70 (= 504 and 500 B. C.), show
-that they were contemporaries of Hagelaïdas, and not, as formerly was
-believed, the forerunners of his school.[912]
-
-Polykleitos, a Sikyonian by birth,[913] migrated early to Argos to
-become the pupil of Hagelaïdas, and became the great master of the
-Argive school in the next generation after him. We have four statues by
-him at Olympia. His earliest work probably was the statue of the boxer
-Kyniskos of Mantinea, who won in Ol. (?) 80 (= 460 B. C.); he made
-the statues of the Elean pentathlete Pythokles and of the Epidamnian
-boxer Aristion, both of whom won their victories in Ol. 82 (= 452 B.
-C.); and lastly he made the statue of the boy boxer Thersilochos from
-Kerkyra, who won in Ol. (?) 87 (= 432 B. C.)[914] The footprints on the
-three recovered bases of the statues of the first three show that all
-were represented at rest. Of Patrokles, the brother of Polykleitos,
-Pausanias mentions no statues at Olympia, though Pliny says that he
-made athlete statues.[915] Of Naukydes,[916] the nephew or brother
-of Polykleitos, we have record of three athlete statues at Olympia:
-those of the wrestlers Cheimon of Argos, who won in Ol. 83 (= 448
-B. C.), and Baukis of Trœzen, who won some time between Ols. (?)
-85 and 90 (= 440 and 420 B. C.); also one of the boxer Eukles of
-Rhodes, who won some time between Ols. 90 and 93 (= 420 and 408 B.
-C.).[917] A contemporary of Naukydes was the sculptor Phradmon, who,
-according to Pliny, was a contemporary of Polykleitos;[918] he made
-the statue of the boy wrestler Amertas of Elis, who won a victory some
-time between Ols. 84 and 90 (= 444 and 420 B. C.).[919] In the next
-century, Polykleitos Minor, the grandson or grandnephew of the great
-Polykleitos, and the pupil of Naukydes,[920] had three statues at
-Olympia: those of the boy boxer Antipatros of Miletos, whose victory is
-given by Africanus as Ol. 98 (= 388 B. C.); of the two boy wrestlers
-Agenor of Thebes, who won some time between Ols. 93 and 103 (= 408
-and 368 B. C.), and Xenokles of Mainalos, who won some time between
-Ols. 94 and 100 (= 404 and 380 B. C.).[921] The inscribed base of the
-latter has been recovered and the footprints show that the statue was
-represented at rest, the body resting equally on both feet, the left
-slightly advanced. Andreas, a second-century B. C. Argive sculptor,
-made a statue at Olympia of the boy wrestler Lysippos of Elis, who won
-some time between Ols. 149 and 157 (= 184 and 152 B. C.).[922]
-
-
-THE SCHOOL OF SIKYON.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 19.—Bronze Statuette of Apollo, found in the Sea off
-Piombino. Louvre, Paris.]
-
-The Sikyonian school of bronze founders was closely affiliated with the
-one at Argos. Early in the archaic period the brothers Dipoinos and
-Skyllis, sons or pupils of the mythical Daidalos of Crete, migrated to
-Sikyon.[923] A generation later another Cretan sculptor, Aristokles,
-founded there an artist family which lasted through seven or eight
-generations.[924] His two grandsons Aristokles and Kanachos are known
-to have collaborated with Hagelaïdas on a group of three Muses.[925]
-Many have seen in the small bronze found in the sea off Piombino,
-Tuscany, and now in the Louvre (Fig. 19),[926] a copy of the _Apollo
-Philesios_, the best-known work of Kanachos. This gem of the bronze
-art, in true archaic style, may very well represent the _Apollo_,
-which, according to the description of Pliny[927] and the evidence of
-Milesian copper coins of all periods,[928] had as attributes a
-fawn in the outstretched right hand and a bow in the left. However,
-Overbeck,[929] followed by von Mach, believes that it is not a copy
-of Kanachos’ _Apollo_, but merely represents a boy assisting at a
-sacrifice, and that the original held a cup in the left hand and a
-saucer in the right. In any case the statuette is too inaccurate to
-give us more than the pose of the _Apollo_ of Kanachos, even if it
-were proved to be a copy. It may be merely a reproduction of the
-mythological type of Apollo, which the artist himself followed, and
-so we can not say definitely to what school it belongs. The Payne
-Knight bronze in the British Museum,[930] which holds a tiny fawn in
-the right hand, the bow originally in the left hand being lost, has
-better pretensions, perhaps, to be a copy of the _Apollo_. Another
-archaic half life-size bronze, formerly in the Palazzo Sciarra,[931]
-is of a similar type, though its style is different. Another bronze
-statuette from Naxos, now in Berlin,[932] shows the same position of
-the hands, but has an aryballos or pomegranate in the right hand. We
-have already classed it as an example of the conversion of an original
-god-type into that of a victor. We might also mention the mutilated
-torso found by Holleaux at the sanctuary of Apollo Ptoios in Bœotia
-(Fig. 12, right), which has a similar pose to that of the statuette
-from Piombino, and whose hair technique shows that it is an imitation
-of a bronze work.[933] However, as we shall see later, it may be rather
-representative of the Aeginetan school of sculptors. All these works
-may tell us of the general character of the _Apollo_, but little of its
-style.[934]
-
-No athlete statue by Aristokles or his brother Kanachos is known
-to have stood at Olympia. That the latter actually made victor
-statues, however, is proved by Pliny’s statement (_l. c._) that he
-made _celetizontas pueros_. Of the later Sikyonian school we have
-twenty-seven statues of victors made by eleven different sculptors,
-whose dates range from near the end of the fourth down into the third
-century B. C., of whom we shall give a chronological list. Alypos, the
-pupil of the Argive Naukydes, had four statues at Olympia: those of the
-wrestler Symmachos of Elis, of the boy boxer Neolaïdas of Pheneus, of
-the boy wrestler Archedamos of Elis, and of the boy and man wrestler
-Euthymenes of Mainalos, all of whom must have won their victories some
-time between Ols. 94 and 104 (= 404 and 364 B. C.).[935] Kanachos, the
-Younger, made one statue, that of the boy boxer Bykelos of Sikyon,
-who won some time between Ols. 92 and 105 (= 412 and 360 B. C.).[936]
-Olympos made the statue of the pancratiast Xenophon of Aigion, who
-won some time between Ols. 95 and 105 (= 400 and 360 B. C.).[937]
-The sculptor Daidalos, the son and pupil of Patrokles, and probably
-the nephew of Polykleitos, made four monuments for four victors: the
-equestrian group of the Elean charioteer Timon and his son Aigyptos, a
-victor in horse-racing, and statues of the Elean wrestler Aristodemos
-and the stade-runner Eupolemos. Their victories fell between Ols. 96
-and 103 (= 396 and 368 B. C.).[938] Damokritos made the statue of the
-Elean boy boxer Hippos, who won between Ols. 96 and 107 (= 396 and
-352 B. C.).[939] Kleon had five statues credited to him, all but one
-being of boy victors: those of the boy runner Deinolochos of Elis,
-the pentathlete Hysmon of Elis, the two boy boxers Kritodamos, and of
-Alketos of Kleitor, and of the boy runner Lykinos of Heraia. Their
-victories fell between Ols. 94 and 103 (= 404 and 368 B. C.).[940] The
-great Lysippos had the same number of victor statues as Kleon, and also
-two honor statues at Olympia: those of the equestrian victor Troilos
-of Elis, of the Akarnanian pancratiast Philandridas, of the wrestler
-Cheilon of Patrai, of the pancratiast Polydamas of Skotoussa, and of
-the hoplite-runner Kallikrates. Their victories occurred between Ols.
-102 and 115 (= 372 and 320 B. C.).[941] The son of Lysippos, Daïppos,
-made two statues, one for the Elean boy boxer Kallon and the other for
-the Elean Nikandros, who won the double foot-race. Their victories fell
-within the activity of the sculptor, Ols. 115 and 125 (= 320 and 280 B.
-C.).[942] Daitondas made the statue of the Elean boy boxer Theotimos,
-who won his victory some time between Ols. 116 and 120 (= 316 and 300
-B. C.).[943] Eutychides, the most famous pupil of Lysippos, famed
-alike as a bronze founder, statuary, and painter, carved the statue
-of the boy runner Timosthenes of Elis, who won some time between Ols.
-115 and 125 (= 320 and 280 B. C.).[944] Pliny gives Ol. 121 (= 296 B.
-C.) as the _floruit_ of this sculptor, which was probably the date of
-the erection of his most famous work, the colossal bronze _Tyche_,
-as tutelary deity of the city of Antioch on the Orontes, which was
-founded by Seleukos I in Ol. 119.3 (= 302 B. C.).[945] This shows that
-Eutychides was already by that date a famed sculptor, having begun his
-career by 330-320 B. C. Kantharos, the pupil of Eutychides, made the
-statues of the two boy wrestlers Kratinos of Aigira and Alexinikos of
-Elis, who won their victories some time between Ols. 120 and 130 (= 300
-and 260 B. C.).[946]
-
-
-ÆGINETAN SCULPTORS.
-
-We have but little left of the prominent early Aeginetan school of
-bronze sculptors. Of Kallon, the earliest historical sculptor of the
-school, the reputed pupil of Tektaios and Angelion (who in turn were
-the pupils of Dipoinos and Skyllis), we have only literary evidence. He
-was typical of archaic severity just prior to the era of transition,
-and therefore should be compared with Hegias of Athens and Kanachos of
-Sikyon. For Onatas, the most famous of the Aeginetan sculptors, whose
-_floruit_ was in the first half of the fifth century B. C., we have
-evidence of many monuments at Olympia. Besides the colossal _Herakles_
-dedicated by the Thasians,[947] a _Hermes_ dedicated by the people
-of Pheneus,[948] and a large group of nine statues of Greek heroes
-standing on a curved base faced by a statue of Nestor on another, the
-group being dedicated by the Achaians,[949] he made a chariot and
-charioteer to commemorate the victory of Hiero of Syracuse at Olympia
-in 468 B. C., for which monument Kalamis furnished two horses.[950]
-Glaukias made a bronze chariot for Hiero’s brother Gelo of Gela, who
-later became tyrant of Syracuse, and who won a chariot victory in
-Ol. 73 (= 488 B. C.).[951] This sculptor also excelled in fashioning
-statues of boxers and pancratiasts, making the monuments of the boxers
-Philon of Kerkyra and Glaukos of Karystos, and that of the renowned
-boxer and pancratiast Theagenes of Thasos.[952] The statue of Glaukos
-was represented in the schema of one “sparring” (σκιαμαχῶν),[953] and
-so was in movement and not at rest. We have athlete statues by three
-other Aeginetan sculptors at Olympia. Thus Ptolichos, the pupil of the
-Sikyonian Aristokles, set up statues of the Aeginetan boy wrestler
-Theognetos, who won in Ol. 76 (= 476 B. C.), and of the boy boxer
-Epikradios of Mantinea, who won between Ols. (?) 72 and 74 (= 492 and
-484 B. C.);[954] Serambos made the statue of the boy boxer Agiadas of
-Elis, who won between Ols. (?) 72 and 74;[955] Philotimos made the
-horse for the horse-racing victory of Xenombrotos of Kos, who won in
-Ol. (?) 83 (= 448 B. C.).[956] All of these sculptors appear to have
-used bronze exclusively, and their art, though independent, showed a
-bias toward Peloponnesian work. There are few examples left of this
-art. The bronze head of a bearded warrior or hoplite victor found on
-the Akropolis, if we are justified in classing it as Aeginetan and not
-Attic, shows the excellence which we associate with this school.[957]
-The delicate execution of its hair and beard, as well as the strength
-and precision of this head, makes it not unworthy of being ascribed
-to one of the best artists of the school, perhaps to Onatas himself.
-The beardless bronze head discovered in 1756 in the villa of the Pisos
-in Herculaneum, now in Naples, has also been assigned to Onatas, as
-its features are similar to those of the one under discussion.[958]
-The Tux bronze statuette of a hoplitodrome, to be discussed in Ch. IV
-(Fig. 42), has also been assigned to an Aeginetan master.[959] The
-marble statue known as the _Strangford Apollo_ in the British Museum,
-already mentioned (Fig. 14),[960] may show the characteristics of the
-early school in marble, though it is impossible to say whether it is
-a copy of a bronze original or a minor work in stone under Aeginetan
-influence. The smaller “Apollo” from Mount Ptoion, already discussed
-(Fig. 13, right),[961] appears to show in exaggerated form the same
-Aeginetan traits. However, we get out best notion of Aeginetan work
-in marble from the gable statues in the Munich Museum, representing
-Homeric warriors fighting, which adorned the temple of Aphaia in the
-northeastern corner of the island. Their importance in this connection
-calls for a brief account of them.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 20.—Figure, from the East Pediment of the Temple on
-Aegina. Glyptothek, Munich.]
-
-Since the discovery of these groups by an international party of
-Englishmen and Germans in 1811, and their restoration soon after their
-arrival in Munich by the sculptor Thorwaldsen, many new fragments
-have been discovered by Furtwaengler during his excavations of
-the temple site in 1901, and have been incorporated into the
-existing figures in the Glyptothek. His reconstruction, though not
-definitive, is more in accord with artistic probability than any that
-preceded.[962] As we should expect from the athletic tradition of the
-Aeginetan school of sculpture just outlined, these sculptures represent
-finely trained nude athletes, whose modeling shows great observation of
-nature, especially in the treatment of muscles and veins. In fact it
-has been truly said that anatomical knowledge was never expressed again
-in Greek art so simply and naturally. The figures, without any excess
-of flesh, are slightly under life-size, short and stocky—shoulders
-square, but the waists slender and the legs long in proportion to the
-bodies—and withal are very compact and full of strength. The figures
-of the two pediments differ slightly, the eastern being more developed
-than the western. Brunn, long ago, arguing from the stele of Aristion,
-which then was the best example extant of archaic Attic art, showed
-how that art was characterized by grace and dignity of effect, while
-Aeginetan art was characterized by a finer study of nature. This
-generalization is no longer a matter of inference, but of knowledge.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 21.—Two Figures, from the West Pediment of the
-Temple on Aegina. Glyptothek, Munich.]
-
-These groups represent the highest period of Aeginetan art. They
-have been dated anywhere from the end of the sixth century B. C.
-down to a period after the battle of Salamis.[963] Probably a date
-just after that battle is correct, as Aeginetans won prizes of valor
-there.[964] Any attempt to assign them to this or that artist is merely
-conjectural. The general similarity in subject to that of the Delphi
-group by Onatas, which represented the death in battle of Opis, the
-king of the barbarian Iapygians, at the hands of the Tarentines,[965]
-and the group at Olympia already mentioned as representing a Trojan
-subject, led earlier scholars to assign the slightly more advanced
-statues of the East Pediment to Onatas and the more archaic ones of
-the West Pediment to Kallon. But we know both these sculptors only as
-bronze workers. The violent action of some of the figures reminds us
-at once of Pausanias’ description of the statue of the boxer Glaukos
-by the sculptor Glaukias, which we have already mentioned. But on
-the whole, though they are violent, the slight proportions of these
-athletic figures do not fit the appearance of boxers and pancratiasts,
-which, as we have seen, formed the staple of Aeginetan sculptors, but
-rather those of runners. We see a good wrestler in the _Snatcher_ of
-the East Gable (Fig. 20),[966] and the corresponding figure in the
-right half of the same gable.[967] The _Champion_ of the West gable
-(Fig. 21, left),[968] of the finest Parian marble, represented as
-lunging forward, pressing on the enemy armed with helm, spear, and
-shield, would pass as a good example of a hoplitodrome, far freer and
-more individual than the warrior from Dodona.
-
-
-ATTIC SCULPTORS.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 22.—Archaic Marble Head of a Youth. Jakobsen
-Collection, Ny-Carlsberg Museum, Copenhagen.]
-
-Owing to the Persian sack of the Athenian Akropolis in 480 and 479
-B. C., and the subsequent burial of works of art there and their
-rediscovery by the excavations of 1885-1889, we know more of archaic
-Attic sculpture (600-480 B. C.) than of any other early school.[969]
-We have already mentioned certain Attic works which show the influence
-of the severer Argive school—_la petite boudeuse_, the head of the
-yellow-haired ephebe (Fig. 18), the Akropolis athlete statue (Fig. 17),
-etc.—which was prominent at the beginning of the fifth century B. C.,
-works which can be attributed to Hegias, Kritios, and their associates.
-They illustrate the reaction against Ionic taste, an influence which
-came from Asia Minor and the islands, especially after the fall of the
-Lydian Empire of Crœsus, and which for a time submerged native Attic
-art. This Ionic art was characterized by great technical ability, and
-by rich draperies and decorative effect. The archaic smile was its
-special feature. Ionism is best represented by some of the Akropolis
-_Korai_.[970] In athletic art we see Ionism at its flood tide in
-the Rampin head found in Athens in 1877, now in the Louvre, which
-corresponds in style with some of the earlier female statues of the
-Akropolis.[971] This head has a more elaborate frisure than any of the
-female heads and, in fact, the elaborate treatment of the hair of the
-crown and forehead is more suitable to a female than a male statue.
-The beard is carefully plaited, while traces of red seem to show that
-the mustache was painted on. Similar traces of color appear on the
-beard and hair. The smiling mouth, high ears, and almond eyes recall
-many archaic works, but especially the _Apollo of Tenea_ (Pl. 8A). The
-garland of oak leaves above the frisure of the forehead may suggest
-a victor,[972] or perhaps a priest or assistant on some religious
-embassy.[973] The turning of the neck—as in the ephebe statue of the
-Akropolis (Fig. 17)—shows a break at this early time with archaism.
-Another work illustrating Ionism is the fragment of a grave-stele
-found near the Dipylon gate in 1873 and dating from the second half
-of the sixth century B. C.[974] It represents the head of an athlete
-in profile, the youth holding a diskos in his left hand, so placed
-that his head is projected upon it in relief as on a nimbus. The top
-of the head is broken off, but we see the usual archaic features in
-the face—the almond-shaped eye (in profile), big nose with knob-like
-nostrils, thick lips with the archaic smile, retreating chin and
-forehead, and high ear with a huge lobe. The neck and chin, however,
-are full of grace and strength, as is also the slender thumb outlined
-against the diskos. As the stele broadens downward,[975] the figure
-appears to have been represented with the feet apart, and so may have
-represented a palæstra diskobolos on parade,[976] and is, therefore,
-our earliest representation of such an athlete. A similar dress-parade
-pose is seen on the stele of Aristion in the National Museum at Athens,
-the work of the sculptor Aristokles, which represents a warrior with
-a spear in the left hand.[977] Another torso of an ephebe in the
-Akropolis Museum represents Ionic work from Paros.[978] Another head,
-the so-called Rayet head in the Jakobsen collection in Copenhagen, one
-of the most remarkable specimens of Greek archaic art[979] (Fig. 22),
-somewhat later in date than the Rampin head, represents quite a different
-tendency in Attic art. While the Rampin head represents Ionic
-influence, this head represents pure Attic work untrammeled by foreign
-influence, a true development of the old Attic sculpture in _poros_,
-the best examples of which are to be found in the decorative sculptures
-of the Old Temple of Athena on the Akropolis, enlarged by the
-Peisistratidai. Comparing it with the head of the _Athena_ of the gable
-of that temple,[980] we see great similarity in the simple execution
-and reserve in the treatment of details—characteristics of pure Attic
-sculpture—especially in the deep lines on either side of the mouth in
-the Jakobsen head. The hair is pictorially treated like a cap, traces
-of red appearing on it as well as on the lips and eyes. The Copenhagen
-and Rampin heads, together with the famous portrait head in the old
-Sabouroff collection,[981] and the head of a woman in the Louvre,[982]
-form our best examples of old Attic art outside of the museums of
-Athens.[983] The swollen ears of the Jakobsen head show that it is from
-the funerary statue of a victor, perhaps a boxer. Furtwaengler wrongly
-classed it as a portrait head.[984] A much discussed Attic work is the
-archaic relief of a charioteer in the Akropolis Museum (Fig. 63).[985]
-This was formerly thought (_e. g._, by Schrader) to be a block from the
-later Ionic frieze of the old Hekatompedon which many believe survived
-the Persian sack, but it is more likely a part of a frieze belonging
-to a small shrine or altar. It represents a draped person entering a
-two-horse chariot with the left foot, the hands outstretched to hold
-the reins, the head and body leaning forward. Because of the _krobylos_
-treatment of the hair, fitted for both sexes, and the long flowing
-robe, the sex has been needlessly doubted, some calling it an Apollo or
-a mortal charioteer, others an Athena or a Nike, even though the line
-of the breast, so far as it is visible, shows no fullness, and the long
-chiton is common in representations of male charioteers.[986] However,
-for the appreciation of the relief it is of no consequence whether the
-figure is male or female. It may be merely a dedicatory offering of
-a Panathenaic victor in chariot racing, very possibly assimilated to
-the type of Apollo,[987] as the god often appears in vase-paintings of
-the same period in similar costume mounting a chariot.[988] We shall
-discuss its interpretation more fully later on.[989] While Ionism was
-prone to represent richly draped figures which concealed the form of
-the body, we see in this relief, with its fine modeling, a suggestion
-of the form beneath the folds of the garment, and so, perhaps,
-only another example of an Attic master rebelling against alien
-influence.[990]
-
-At Olympia we have no names of Athenian sculptors prior to the Persian
-war period. Kalamis helped Onatas with the monument of King Hiero
-already mentioned. Mikon made a statue of a pancratiast, Kallias of
-Athens, who won in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.).[991] The great Myron, of whom
-we shall speak at length in the next chapter, made five statues of
-victors, which were erected between Ols. 77 and 84 (= 472 and 444 B.
-C.).[992] Only four later Athenian artists are mentioned: Silanion of
-the fourth century, who made statues for three victors, whose victories
-ranged from Ols. 102 to 114 (= 372 to 324 B. C.);[993] Polykles the
-Elder, who made the statue of the boy pancratiast Amyntas of Eresos,
-who won in Ol. (?) 146 (= 196 B. C.);[994] Timarchides and Timokles,
-the sons of Polykles, who in common made the statue of the boxer
-Agesarchos of Tritaia in Achaia, who won in Ol. (?) 143 (= 208 B.
-C.)[995]
-
-
-GENERAL MOTIVES OF STATUES AT REST.
-
-The victor represented as standing at rest was often characterized
-by general motives, such as praying, anointing or scraping himself,
-offering libations, and the like. We shall now consider such motives in
-detail.
-
-
-ADORATION AND PRAYER.
-
-Prayer was a common motive represented in votive monuments. Pliny
-mentions many such works by Greek sculptors.[996] The custom of
-raising the arms in prayer is found all through Greek literature,
-from Homer down.[997] Pausanias says that the people of Akragas made
-an offering in the form of bronze statues of boys placed on the walls
-of the Altis, προτείνοντάς τε τὰς δεξιὰς καὶ εἰκασμένους εὐχομένοις
-τῷ θεῷ, these statues being the work of Kalamis.[998] In the Athenian
-Asklepieion there were many τύποι καταμακτοὶ πρὸς πινακίῳ, among which
-were representations of men and women in the praying attitude.[999]
-The motive was used at Olympia in victor statues, representing the
-victor as raising the hand in prayer to invoke victory.[1000] The
-statue of the wrestler Milo, already discussed at length, shows that
-this motive was employed at Olympia in the improved “Apollo” type in
-the second half of the sixth century B. C.[1001] From the next century
-we may cite the statue of the Spartan chariot victor Anaxandros, which
-was represented as “praying to the god,”[1002] and the statues of the
-Rhodian boxers Diagoras and Akousilaos, as we learn from a scholion on
-Pindar,[1003] which is based on a fragment of Aristotle[1004] and on
-one of Apollas.[1005] Of the statue of Diagoras it says: τὴν δεξιὰν
-ἀνατείνων χεῖρα, τὴν δὲ ἀριστερὰν εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἐπικλίνων; of that of
-Akousilaos: τῇ μὲν ἀριστερᾷ ἱμάντα ἔχων πυκτινόν, τὴν δὲ δεξιὰν
-ὡς πρὸς προσευχὴν ἀνατείνων.[1006] The bronze statue from Athens, now
-in the Antiquarium, Berlin,[1007] which represents a nude boy with the
-right hand raised as if in prayer and the left lowered and holding a
-leaping-weight—therefore a pentathlete—seems to correspond with this
-description of the statue of Akousilaos. The same motive may have been
-used in the statue of the chariot victress Kyniska, a princess of
-Sparta, whose statue along with that of her charioteer and the chariot
-was the work of the sculptor Apellas.[1008] This is the interpretation
-of Furtwaengler,[1009] based on a passage in Pliny, which mentions
-statues of _adornantes se feminas_[1010] by Apellas, which he reads
-_adorantes feminas_. However, _adornantes_ may be right, for in another
-passage, Pliny speaks of Praxiteles’ statue of a ψελιουμένη, _i. e._,
-of a woman clasping a bracelet on her arm.[1011] Two notable bronze
-statues will illustrate this motive of Olympic victor statues. The
-statue found in 1502 at Zellfeld in Carinthia, now in Vienna,[1012] has
-been interpreted both as a Hermes Logios and a votive statue in the
-attitude of prayer,[1013] which latter interpretation the inscription
-on the leg, giving a list of dedications,[1014] favors. However,
-Furtwaengler believes it a free imitation of an Argive victor statue,
-though not in the Polykleitan style. Because of its similarity to
-the _Idolino_ (Pl. 14), he has ascribed its original to the sculptor
-Patrokles. From technical considerations he believes it is not a Greek
-original dedicated by Romans of a later period, but a Roman work (after
-Patrokles) of the period of the inscription.[1015] The bronze statue of
-the _Praying Boy_ in Berlin[1016] (Pl. 10) is one of our most beautiful
-Greek bronzes and comes from the circle of Lysippos.[1017] We now know
-that the uplifted arms of this statue, in which most scholars saw the
-Greek attitude of prayer, are restorations which were probably made in
-the time of Louis XIV, when the statue was in France. Of the original
-motive we only can say that the action of the shoulders shows that
-both arms were raised, but we do not know how far, or the position of
-the hands. Monumental evidence shows that the hands in prayer should
-have the palms turned away from the face instead of upwards, as in
-the present statue, since the Greek position was the outgrowth of an
-old apotropaic gesture, _i. e._, one directed against an evil spirit.
-Mau’s idea[1018] that the figure represented a player catching a
-ball is certainly inconsistent with the calm attitude of the statue.
-Furtwaengler rejected it,[1019] and he has restored the arms and hands
-on the basis of a Berlin gem[1020] and an _ex voto_ relief found by
-the French excavators at Nemea in 1884.[1021] On this relief a youth
-crowned with a woolen fillet is represented. On both relief and gem
-the figures are in the same attitude, the arms raised over the head
-_manibus supinis_, which confirms the restoration of the Berlin statue.
-Many other monuments give the more usual attitude of prayer, not as
-in the relief and gem discussed, but with only one hand extended as
-high as the breast. Older writers thought that such monuments did not
-represent the gesture of adoration, but one of _adlocutio_,[1022] an
-opinion disproved by Pausanias’ statement about the bronze statues of
-the Akragantines at Olympia, already mentioned. We may cite a relief
-from Kleitor, now in Berlin,[1023] and a fine one of the fourth century
-B. C. from Lamia (?),[1024] as well as a red-figured Etruscan stamnos
-in Vienna representing, probably, Ajax praying before committing
-suicide.[1025] We shall mention also two little statuettes in New York
-which represent youths in the praying attitude.[1026] The first, dating
-from the second half of the fifth century B. C., and showing
-Polykleitan influence, represents a nude youth standing erect with the
-forearms bent, showing that the two hands were extended in prayer. The
-second, which dates from the first half of the fifth century B. C.
-(after the date of the Myronian _Diskobolos_), represents a nude youth
-standing with the right hand raised to the lips in an attitude usual in
-saluting a divinity, while the left is by the side, with the palm to
-the front.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 10
-
-Bronze Statue of the _Praying Boy_. Museum of Berlin.]
-
-
-ANOINTING.
-
-Various familiar motives from the everyday life of the gymnasium
-and palæstra were reproduced in the statues of athletes. One of the
-commonest methods was to represent the victor anointing his body with
-oil. The use of oil was indispensable in all athletic exercises,
-in order to make the body and limbs more supple, and especially in
-wrestling and the pankration, to make it difficult for one’s antagonist
-to get a grip.[1027] Pliny mentions a painting by Theoros, representing
-a man _se inunguentem_,[1028] which appears to have been a votive
-portrait of an athlete. The motive was common in vase-paintings and
-statuary. Several red-figured vases of the severe style, antedating
-the statues to be considered, show from realistic representations of
-palæstra scenes that it was customary for athletes to hold a round
-aryballos high in the right hand and pour oil from it into the left,
-which was placed across the body horizontally.[1029] The same motive
-appears with variations in statues.[1030] Thus the statue of an ephebe
-in Petworth House, Sussex, England,[1031] a statue, as Furtwaengler
-says, to be praised more for its excellent preservation than for its
-workmanship, represents an athlete, who holds a globular aryballos in
-his right hand raised over the shoulder, while the left arm is held
-across the abdomen. On the nearby tree-trunk are small cylindrical
-objects which seem to be boxing pads. This statue, and especially its
-head, have been regarded by Michaelis and Furtwaengler as unmistakably
-Polykleitan in style.[1032] Several other copies of original statues
-representing athletes pouring oil have been wrongly classed as replicas
-of one original,[1033] though they merely have essential features
-alike, due chiefly to the subject. First is the famous statue in the
-Glyptothek known as the _Oelgiesser_ (_Oil-pourer_), a Roman copy of an
-Attic bronze of about the middle of the fifth century B. C. (Pl.
-11).[1034] Though the right arm and left hand are lost, it is clear
-that the athlete held in his raised right hand an oil flask, as in
-the Petworth statue.[1035] Notwithstanding that the head resembles
-the Praxitelian _Hermes_,[1036] this does not show that the statue
-is of fourth-century origin, for its original is older; it merely
-shows that the art of Praxiteles was deeply rooted in that of his
-fifth-century predecessors. Because of its Attic affiliations, Klein
-tried to identify it with the Ἐγκρινόμενος of Alkamenes mentioned by
-Pliny,[1037] by amending that title to Ἐγχριόμενος, the “Anointer.”
-Brunn, however, rightly saw the analogy of the body forms to Myron’s
-_Marsyas_,[1038] and Furtwaengler and Bulle have ascribed it to Lykios,
-the son and pupil of that master, who worked about 440 B. C., the
-approximate date of the original of the statue. A fragmentary head in
-the Boston Museum of Fine Arts (Fig. 23),[1039] formerly in private
-possession in England, is a copy of the same original as the Munich
-statue. Its special interest is that it is not an exact copy of the
-original, as the Munich statue is, but a freer one, showing a fuller
-mouth, fleshier cheeks, and deeper-set eyes. While the Munich statue
-is the dry work of a Roman copyist of Augustus’ time, this head is by
-a far abler Greek copyist of the second century B. C. A torso in the
-Albertinum in Dresden, without a head,[1040] is similar to the
-Munich statue, but hardly a replica. It probably goes back to an
-original by an Attic master of the end of the fifth or beginning of
-the fourth century B. C. Other under life-size statues related to this
-torso show the same motive.[1041] A black-marble statue found at Porto
-d’Anzio in 1758, and now in the Glyptothek,[1042] has the Polykleitan
-standing motive. The left arm, which is stretched out, holds an oil
-flask in the hand, while the right arm is lowered. The band, which
-the position of the fingers shows that the right hand probably held,
-indicates it is the statue of a victor. A bronze statuette from South
-Italy, now in the British Museum,[1043] represents a nude youth holding
-an alabastron in his right hand, while the left has the palm open to
-receive the oil. The hair fashion (κρωβύλος) seems to point to an
-Attic sculptor of about 470 B. C.[1044] The same motive is found on
-terra-cotta statuettes from Myrina,[1045] on reliefs,[1046] and on
-gems.[1047]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 23.—Head of so-called _Oil-pourer_. Museum of Fine
-Arts, Boston.]
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 11
-
-Statue of the so-called _Oil-pourer_. Glyptothek, Munich.]
-
-
-OIL-SCRAPING.
-
-Another ordinary palæstra motive was employed in representing the
-athlete after the contest, scraping oil and dirt from his body and
-arms with the scraping-blade or strigil (στλεγγίς, _strigilis_).[1048]
-This motive is not uncommon on r.-f. vase-paintings of the fifth
-century B. C.[1049] It was treated in sculpture by many masters. Pliny
-mentions such statues of athletes _destringentes se_ (ἀποξυόμενοι),
-by Polykleitos, Lysippos, and Daidalos of Sikyon.[1050] Perhaps
-the _perixyomenoi_ by Antignotos and Daïppos, the latter the son
-of Lysippos, had the same motive.[1051] Of the _Apoxyomenos_ of
-Polykleitos we have no authenticated copies in sculpture, though
-Furtwaengler believes that he has found reminiscences of it on gems
-which represent a youth resting the weight of his body on the left
-leg, the right being drawn back (_i. e._, in the attitude of the
-_Doryphoros_), the right forearm extended, and the left holding a
-strigil. The similarity of these gem-designs makes it certain that
-they are all derived from a well-known work of art.[1052] Perhaps the
-fine bronze statuette, dating from the middle of the fifth century B.
-C., and now in the Loeb collection in Munich, represents the pose of
-the _destringens se_ by Polykleitos.[1053] It represents a nude youth
-resting the weight of the body on the soles of both feet, the left one
-slightly advanced, and holding a strigil in the raised right hand.
-The famous marble copy of an _Apoxyomenos_ in the Vatican[1054] (Pl.
-29), which, because of its long slim legs and graceful ankles, might
-well represent a runner, has long been held to represent the canon
-of Lysippos, as it exhibits proportions widely different from those
-employed by Polykleitos, and agreeing with Pliny’s account of Lysippos’
-innovations.[1055] However, the doubts arising in recent years as to
-whether this statue is a copy of Lysippos’ statue or a later work will
-be considered at length in Chapter VI.[1056]
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 12
-
-Statue of an _Apoxyomenos_. Uffizi Gallery, Florence.]
-
-The same motive is exemplified by many existing statues, statuettes,
-reliefs, etc. The marble statue of an athlete in the Uffizi, Florence,
-(Pl. 12),[1057] a copy of an original of the end of the fifth century
-B. C., wrongly restored as holding in both hands a vase at which
-the athlete is looking down, was interpreted by Bloch as an ephebe
-pouring oil from a lekythos held in the right hand into an aryballos
-held in the left. This action for an athlete has been characterized
-by Furtwaengler as “unparallelled, unclassical and, above all,
-absurd.” Through recent discoveries we now know that it represents an
-apoxyomenos, and that it should be restored with the left forearm close
-to the thigh, and with the right crossing the abdomen diagonally in
-the direction of the left hand. This attitude so closely corresponds
-with that of a figure on a gem as to make it probable that both gem and
-statue are copies of the same original. The figure on the gem[1058]
-holds a strigil in both hands and is generally explained as scraping
-the dirt from the left thigh; the light hand holds the handle and the
-left the blade. A hydria, palm-branch, and crown are pictured to the
-right—showing that the figure represents an athlete, just as the statue
-has the swollen ears of one. The attention of the athlete in both
-monuments is concentrated on the operation involved—a concentration
-reminding us of Myron’s _Diskobolos_. While, however, in the latter
-work the concentration is momentary, it is less transient in the
-Florence statue and also in the Munich _Oil-pourer_. This pose is too
-conscious in the Florentine statue to be the work of Myron. Arndt names
-no artist, but as the similarity between the head of the statue and
-that of the _Oil-pourer_ is so marked, and as every one now regards the
-latter as Attic—even if not by Alkamenes—he thinks that the two must
-be by the same Attic sculptor, although the Uffizi statue is somewhat
-later than the Munich one.[1059] The original of the Florence statue
-was famous, if we may judge by the existing number of replicas with
-variations.[1060]
-
-Among statues showing the same motive and pose, we may note the
-bronze statue of an athlete over life-size—pieced together from 234
-fragments—found by the Austrians at Ephesos and now in Vienna.[1061]
-The subject, pose, and heavy proportions recall the Argive school
-of Polykleitos, and its original has been assigned by Hauser to the
-Sikyonian Daidalos, the son and pupil of Patrokles, who was the pupil
-of Polykleitos. As further reproductions of the same type of figure, we
-may cite a bronze statuette in Paris,[1062] and a marble one found at
-Frascati in 1896 and now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.[1063]
-
-A chalcedony scarab of archaic type in the British Museum represents
-a nude athlete with a lekythos slung over the left arm and a strigil
-in the left hand, which rests on the hip.[1064] A beautiful marble
-grave-relief, much mutilated, in the museum at Delphi,[1065] which
-dates from the middle of the fifth century B. C., represents a palæstra
-victor, with his arms extended to the right, cleansing himself with a
-strigil, which is held in the right hand, while a slave boy, holding
-the remnant of an aryballos in his right hand, looks up at him from
-the right. The careful anatomy of this relief may point to Pythagoras
-of Samos, as its author, though we have no certain work of his, for it
-fits the description of that artist by Pliny, who says that he was the
-first to express sinews and veins.[1066]
-
-
-LIBATION-POURING.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 13
-
-Statue of an Athlete, after Polykleitos. Farnsworth Museum, Wellesley
-College, U. S. A.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 24.—Bronze Statuette of an Athlete. Louvre, Paris.]
-
-An original Greek bronze statuette in Paris (Fig. 24)[1067] reproduces
-the motive of the statue of the boy wrestler Xenokles by the sculptor
-Polykleitos Minor at Olympia, as a comparison with the footprints on
-the recovered base of the latter shows.[1068] As the forms correspond
-with those of the _Doryphoros_ and _Diadoumenos_, and as its execution
-is so marvelous, Furtwaengler has ascribed the statuette to the
-circle of Polykleitos’ pupils. The position of the right hand, which
-has the thumbs drawn in, corresponds with that of the _Idolino_ (Pl.
-14), which we are to discuss, and can best be explained by assuming
-that it similarly held a kylix; the left hand carried a staff-like
-attribute. The head is bent and looks to the right. Furtwaengler
-believed that, inasmuch as the act of pouring a libation does not occur
-in art or literature as an athletic motive, the statuette represented a
-hero or god. Many Roman marble copies show the same motive and preserve
-to us a Polykleitan work which corresponds in all essentials with the
-Louvre statuette.[1069] We mention two, the only ones of the type in
-which the heads are on the trunks, one in the Galleria delle Statue
-of the Vatican,[1070] the other in the Farnsworth Museum at Wellesley
-College (Pl. 13).[1071] These copies represent a youth standing with
-both feet flat upon the ground, the weight of the body resting upon the
-right one, while the left is turned a little to the side. He is looking
-downwards to the right. Doubtless we should restore these copies after
-the Paris bronze, with a kylix in the right hand. The palm-branch
-in a similar statue, to be mentioned further on, shows that in all
-probability the origin statue was that of an athlete; and that he was
-a famous athlete is shown by the number of copies of the torso and
-head.[1072] A bronze head from Herculaneum (Fig. 25)[1073] so strongly
-resembles in its forms the type under discussion—which Furtwaengler has
-called the “Vatican athlete standing at rest”[1074]—and corresponds
-with it so closely in its measurements, that it might be regarded as
-a copy of the same original, if certain differences, not due to the
-copyist, did not rather show that it comes from a closely allied work.
-This head shows an intense melancholy, which has been explained by
-Furtwaengler as due to the lack of skill on the part of the copyist,
-who fashioned it slightly askew. Amelung very properly explains the
-absence of the motive of libation-pouring in athletic art as merely
-a lacuna in our sources.[1075] If the original of these copies and
-variations represented an athlete, he was certainly pouring a libation
-before victory; if a warrior, he was doing the same thing before going
-on a campaign. In the latter case the left hand should be restored with
-a spear.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 25.—Bronze Head of an Athlete, from Herculaneum.
-Museum of Naples.]
-
-We must also place here the life-size original Greek bronze in
-Florence, discovered at Pesaro, near Ancona, in 1530, and known from
-the early eighteenth century as the _Idolino_ (Pl. 14),[1076] for its
-motive connects it with the series just discussed. This is, perhaps,
-our finest bronze statue from antiquity, as it represents the highest
-ideal of boy beauty, just as the _Doryphoros_ does of manly beauty.
-The chief characteristics—the positions of the feet, head, and arms,
-though essentially those of the statues discussed, offer certain
-differences. Thus the left leg is placed more to one side and turned
-further outwards than in the statue of Xenokles and kindred works;
-the left hand hangs down at an angle to the leg differently from the
-others. In other words, by comparing it with the Paris statuette,
-we see a slightly different rhythm from that found in Polykleitan
-works. The _Idolino_ has been looked upon as Myronic by Kekulé,[1077]
-Studniczka,[1078] and hesitatingly Klein,[1079] while Mahler regarded
-it as Pheidian.[1080] Furtwaengler, however, by a careful analysis, has
-shown its Polykleitan characteristics—especially the shape of the head
-and the features, and the treatment of the hair, which reminds us of
-the Naples copy of the _Doryphoros_. Owing to differences, however, he
-did not assign it to the master himself, but suggested that it was the
-work of his pupil Patrokles.[1081] Bulle found the head Polykleitan,
-but the body Attic, and assigned the figure to an unknown Attic
-sculptor working in the Polykleitan circle. In this controversy on its
-style, a statue found in 1916 in the excavations of the Baths at Kyrene
-should be of use, for it is the most faithful of all the Roman copies
-known of the bronze original and clearly shows a Polykleitan character
-influenced by Attic art.[1082] By a comparison of this marble copy
-with the Florentine bronze we see that the latter was a subsequent
-rendition of the same original, and doubtless by some artist of lesser
-fame from the Polykleitan school, who was influenced by Attic art.
-
-But it is the interpretation of the _Idolino_ which chiefly interests
-us here. While Longpérier called the similar Paris statuette a _Mercure
-aptère_, and the publisher of the statue from Kyrene called that copy a
-_Hermes_, yet Kekulé, Bulle, and most other archæologists have seen in
-the _Idolino_ an athlete. The inner surface of its outstretched right
-hand is left rough, and the fingers are in the same position as those
-of the Paris bronze. Such a position can be explained satisfactorily by
-restoring the hand with a kylix or a φιάλη, such as was commonly used
-in libations. The left hand is smooth and evidently empty, though Bulle
-restores it with a victor’s fillet, and so, following Kekulé, calls the
-statue that of a boy victor, who is bringing an offering to the altar
-in honor of his victory. The marble statue in the Galleria delle Statue
-has the right forearm restored; in the Kyrene statue the right hand
-is preserved and has a thick object held downwards at a greater angle
-than in the _Idolino_. The photograph does not let us judge decisively,
-but it seems to be too thick an object for the remnants of a kylix.
-A marble statue in the Barberini Palace, Rome,[1083] which resembles
-the _Idolino_ so closely as to be considered a copy of it, though with
-variations of pose and technique, has the arms broken off, and so adds
-nothing to the solution of the motive of the _Idolino_. The fact that
-a palm-stem stands beside the right leg, however, adds weight to the
-interpretation as victor. Furtwaengler interprets the _Idolino_ and
-kindred works as divinities. Though boys serve at libations, he thinks
-they never perform the ritual act of pouring the libation.[1084] That
-a libation-pourer should appear in the guise of a boy victor (that of
-Xenokles) he calls a genuine Argive trait. Svoronos, also, has recently
-tried to show that the _Idolino_ is not a victor,[1085] but represents
-the hero Herakles. He compares the figure with a fourth-century
-Pentelic marble relief in Athens,[1086] which represents Herakles
-standing at the door of Hades and beside him a father leading his son
-up to the open air. The pose of the figure of Herakles resembles that
-of the _Idolino_ in a remarkable way. In the relief Herakles holds
-a kylix in the right hand[1087] and a club in the left, and a lion
-skin is thrown over the left arm. Svoronos believes that the left
-hand in the relief explains the turning in of the left hand of the
-_Idolino_—for he believes that the latter also held a club. We must,
-however, leave the final solution of the motive of the _Idolino_
-and kindred works open, although inclining to the belief that they
-represent a victor.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 14
-
-Bronze Statue known as the _Idolino_. Museo Archeologico, Florence.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 26.—Marble Statue of an Athlete(?). National Museum,
-Athens.]
-
-A statue in Athens, which was found in 1888 in the Roman ruins at
-the Olympieion, may represent a boy victor pouring a libation (Fig.
-26).[1088] It is a poor Roman copy, dry and lifeless, of a bronze
-original of the middle of the fifth century B. C.[1089] In this
-statue Mayer has seen the motive, and probably the copy, of the
-_Splanchnoptes_ (Roaster of Entrails) by the sculptor Styphax (or
-Styppax) of Cyprus, which, according to Pliny,[1090] represented
-Perikles’ slave “roasting entrails and blowing hard on the fire, to
-kindle it, till his cheeks swell.” He thinks that the position of the
-broken arms and a comparison of the figure with similar ones on vases
-make the identification possible. Von Salis concurs in his restoration
-and interpretation and publishes a small statuette in Athens from
-Dodona,[1091] which has a similar pose, and holds a three-pronged
-fork in the left hand, which he believes should be restored in the
-statue. Although statue and statuette have much in common (_e. g._, the
-position of the breast and shoulders, the treatment of the hair, etc.),
-which shows that both may be copies of one original, the conception
-of the two is somewhat different. The statue from Athens represents
-a boy standing busily engaged at the altar; the statuette represents
-one standing at rest merely looking on, the fork not being held in
-position for use.[1092] In any case the face of the Athens statue
-can not correspond with Pliny’s description—_ignemque oris pleni
-spiritu accendens_. Quite a different explanation of the statue is
-possible—one which Mayer thought improbable. The right arm—broken above
-the wrist—was raised to the height of the shoulder and may have held an
-object in the hand; the left arm—broken off below the shoulder—seems
-to have been held close to the body and appears to have corresponded
-in movement with the other. The boy, therefore, may have held a cup in
-the right hand and a branch or a victor fillet in the left. Thus it may
-merely be another example of a boy victor pouring a libation.
-
-Certain other statues have been mistaken either for libation-pourers
-or oil-pourers, when they are really wine-pourers and have nothing
-to do with the athletic motives under discussion. A good example is
-the marble statue of a _Satyr_ in Dresden,[1093] which represents the
-youthful demi-god lifting a can with his right hand, out of which he
-is pouring wine into a drinking-horn held in the left. There are many
-copies of this work,[1094] a fact which shows that the original bronze
-was famous. An attempt has therefore been made to identify it with the
-bronze _Satyr_ of Praxiteles mentioned by Pliny as the _Periboëtos_ or
-“far-famed,”[1095] which seems to have been grouped with a _Dionysos_
-and a figure of _Drunkenness_—a grouping which might fit the Dresden
-_Satyr_, since a second figure should be imagined, for which the horn
-is being filled. However, it differs stylistically so much from the
-_Hermes_ of Olympia that the ascription has been given up, though its
-graceful form shows Praxitelean influence and certainly emanates from
-the fourth century B. C.
-
-
-RESTING AFTER THE CONTEST.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 15
-
-Marble Head of an Athlete, after Kresilas (?). Metropolitan Museum, New
-York.]
-
-A very favorite motive was to represent a victor, either standing or
-seated, resting after the exertions of the contest (ἀναπαυόμενος).
-An excellent example of this motive in a standing posture is the
-fourth-century B. C. statue of Attic workmanship found at Porto d’Anzio
-and now in the Vatican,[1096] which reproduces the type of the _Apollo
-Lykeios_.[1097] Many of the statues, by various sculptors, which
-represent the victor standing at rest may be intended to represent him
-as resting after the contest. The well-known head of a youth adorned
-with the victor’s chaplet, and preserved in four copies in European
-museums, appears to come from a statue which represented a victor in
-this manner. The best of these copies is in the collection of Lord
-Leconfield at Petworth House, Sussex.[1098] We should add a fifth,
-a Roman copy of the head, in the Metropolitan Museum, New York (Pl.
-15).[1099] In these copies the ears are not swollen, and a certain
-refinement and gentleness show that the original was not from the
-statue of a boxer or pancratiast, but from that of another type of
-athlete, perhaps a pentathlete. Since Pliny mentions the statue of a
-_Doryphoros_ by Kresilas,[1100] and because of its supposed Kresilæan
-style, Furtwaengler, albeit on slender grounds, has attempted to
-identify the original of these heads with that work.[1101] The
-expression is certainly one of complete repose. On the crown of the
-head, and on the left side over the fillet, is a rectangular broken
-surface,[1102] apparently the remnant of a support for the right arm,
-which, as Conze thought, proves that the athlete stood with one arm
-resting on the head, the hand hanging over the left side. Furtwaengler
-admitted that such an attitude might be that of an apoxyomenos,[1103]
-but pointed out that the expression of the face in all the copies seems
-too tranquil for such an interpretation. Since the victor was in repose
-and the left arm required a slight support, he believed that this
-support might have been an akontion. He therefore reconstructed the
-original statue as that of a resting pentathlete, and assigned it to
-the great Cretan contemporary of Pheidias, who worked in Athens.[1104]
-The number of replicas at least shows that the original was a famous
-work.
-
-Perhaps our best example of the motive of a seated victor resting after
-the contest is the bronze statue of a boxer found in Rome in 1884
-and now in the Museo delle Terme there (Pl. 16 and Fig. 27).[1105]
-This is a masterpiece in the portrayal of brute strength in the
-most naturalistic and revolting way. If we like to think of victors
-as having noble forms, we are rudely startled on looking at this
-brutal prize-fighter. If we compare it with works of the fifth and
-fourth centuries B. C., we see in it, as in no other example of Greek
-sculpture, the great change which professionalism had later wrought in
-the Greek ideal of athletics. Here are massive proportions, bulging
-muscles, arms and legs hard and muscle-bound. We can compare it only
-with the bronze head of a boxer found at Olympia (Fig. 61 A and B) of
-similar style and age.[1106] But there we have only the head, while
-here we have a complete statue almost perfectly preserved, the only
-restorations being a portion of the left thumb, a piece of the right
-flank, and the base.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 27.—Head from Statue of the _Seated Boxer_. Museo
-delle Terme, Rome.]
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 16
-
-Bronze Statue of the _Seated Boxer_. Museo delle Terme, Rome.]
-
-It represents a professional boxer, who is seated exhausted at the
-close of the bout, the severity of which is indicated by every part of
-the body. He leans forward, his arms rest on his thighs, and his
-head, sunk between his shoulders, is raised and turned to the right,
-as he stupidly looks around at the applauding spectators. His nose is
-broken and his ears are swollen and scars of the contest show on his
-face and limbs. Beneath his retreating upper lip some of his teeth
-appear to have been knocked out as the result of previous fights, while
-indications of the recent struggle are to be seen in the blood dripping
-from his ears and the deep lacerations in face and shoulder, which may
-have once been filled with red paint to make his appearance even more
-realistic. The right eye is swollen and the lower lid and the cheek
-imperceptibly sink into each other. The mustache shows flecks of blood
-and the swollen back of the right hand protrudes through the glove. His
-nose is clotted with blood and he seems to be struggling to get his
-breath.
-
-Such realism and delight in depicting the hideous show that the work,
-like the Olympia head, belongs to the Hellenistic age. The careful
-workmanship, especially visible in the hair and beard and in the hair
-on the chest[1107], proves that the statue is not a Roman copy, but
-a Greek original of the beginning of the Hellenistic age, of the end
-of the fourth or beginning of the third century B. C. Nor is it a
-portrait, as Winter maintained,[1108] since it is an adaptation of a
-late type of Herakles. It certainly is a victor statue from one of
-the great Greek games, and is, perhaps, from Olympia itself. Since
-the head is turned toward the right shoulder and the mouth is open,
-as if speaking, Wunderer tried, on the basis of a passage in the
-history of Polybios,[1109] to identify it with the statue of the famous
-Theban boxer and pancratiast Kleitomachos at Olympia by an unknown
-artist.[1110] The historian states that Kleitomachos, while fighting
-with the Egyptian Aristonikos, was angered by the acclaim given the
-foreigner and, stepping aside, chided the spectators for not cheering
-one who was fighting for the honor of Greece. The speech caused a
-revulsion in the popular feeling, which helped, even more than the
-fists of Kleitomachos, to vanquish Aristonikos. However, the motive of
-the statue does not fit the incident, as the boxer is not speaking,
-but breathing hard, nor is the seated posture that of one haranguing a
-crowd. Moreover, the date of the Theban’s victory is too late for the
-statue.[1111]
-
-
-ATTRIBUTES OF VICTOR STATUES.
-
-At the beginning of the fifth century B. C. athletic training tended
-to produce a uniform standard of physical development, which was
-reflected in sculpture. At this date we do not find the divergence of
-style which we saw in our review of the “Apollo” type of the sixth
-century. Vase-paintings show the change better than sculpture. On
-black-figured vases of the sixth century B. C., we see a good deal
-of variety in groups of boxers and wrestlers, while on red-figured
-vases of the early fifth century the number of types is far less.
-In sculpture, however, differences in physical type did exist in
-the various schools at the beginning of the fifth century. We have,
-for example, the heavy, square-shouldered type in the _Apollo
-Choiseul-Gouffier_ (Pl. 7A), which we have classed as a victor
-statue, and the tall, rawboned type in the _Tyrannicides_ by Kritios
-and Nesiotes (Fig. 32, _Harmodios_).[1112] We have, on the other
-hand, a very different physical type in the short, stocky Aeginetan
-pedimental figures (Figs. 20 and 21). Between such extremes there
-are, of course, many gradations. We might instance the archaic
-bronze statuette of a diskobolos in the Metropolitan Museum (Fig.
-46).[1113] However, notwithstanding the diversity in type, it is
-often difficult to distinguish runners from wrestlers, boxers from
-pentathletes. Thus few early fifth-century statues show the type of
-runner as well as the _Apollo of Tenea_ (Pl. 8A), or that of a boxer
-as well as the “_Apollo_” from Delphi (Pl. 8B). The reason for this
-is the ideal element, which entered into all these statues and which
-was a reflection of the uniform development of athletics long before
-specialization had set in. Out of this uniformity grew the canon of
-Polykleitos, developed from that of Hagelaïdas.
-
-The sculptor of the sixth century B. C. was incapable of
-differentiating between god and mortal. This was especially the case,
-as we have seen, with Apollo, as the “Apollo” type was a model of manly
-vigor. In the early fifth century the sculptor had largely overcome
-this difficulty, but still showed little diversity of type in treating
-statues of different kinds of athletes. A method of differentiation
-which was essential to athlete sculptors of the sixth century was found
-convenient of retention by those of the fifth—_i. e._, characterizing
-the statue of the victor by some attribute, in order, on the one hand,
-to differentiate it from the nude god or hero, and on the other to
-distinguish between different types of victors.
-
-
-PRIMARY ATTRIBUTES OF VICTOR STATUES.
-
-THE VICTOR FILLET.
-
-In the first place, the sculptor would characterize the victor statue
-as such. The easiest way to do this would be to represent it with
-a fillet or chaplet (ταινία)[1114] bound round the head, as we saw
-was the case in the statue of Milo. This fillet was merely a band
-or riband of wool which was given the Olympic victor in addition
-to the garland of olive leaves, or the palm-branch, as a symbol of
-victory. Waldstein has argued that this fillet originally was not
-an essential attribute of the victor, but that the crown and palm
-were the prizes, and the fillet merely a decoration used on various
-occasions, such as at symposia,[1115] which only later became a general
-athletic attribute.[1116] Though the presence of the fillet on statues
-should not, therefore, be proof that the given statue is that of a
-victor,[1117] there is no defense for the contention of Passow[1118]
-that the _tainia_ was in no sense a symbol of victory, but merely a
-toilet article among the gifts presented by the public to a victor at
-the ovation of the crowning. Pausanias says that the victor Lichas of
-Sparta was scourged by order of the umpires at Olympia for having set
-the _tainia_ on the head of his victorious charioteer.[1119] This is
-sufficient evidence that it was not a mere toilet article, but rather
-a part of the official prize of victory. Similarly the _tainia_ in the
-hand of Nike upon the right hand of the statue of Zeus by Pheidias at
-Olympia can not have been a toilet article.[1120]
-
-We have many examples from athletic sculpture of the use of the fillet.
-Thus it appears on the bronze head of a boxer in the Glyptothek (Pl.
-3)[1121] and on the bronze head from Herculaneum in Naples (Fig.
-4),[1122] both of which have been discussed in Chapter II, as fragments
-of Greek original statues of Olympic victors. It also appears on the
-marble head of a youthful victor—not necessarily Olympic—from the
-Akropolis,[1123] which, because of the similarity in cheeks, mouth,
-and eyes to heads on the metopes of the Parthenon, should be dated
-somewhere between 450 and 440 B. C. It occurs on the Olympia marble
-head (Frontispiece and Fig. 69),[1124] which we ascribe in Chapter VI
-to Lysippos, and likewise on the statue of the pancratiast Agias in
-Delphi (Pl. 28, Fig. 68). In most athlete heads the fillet is twisted
-into a knot at the back of the head. In one case, on the Petworth head
-of a pentathlete already discussed,[1125] which, because of the curve
-of the neck, must come from a statue represented at rest, it is not
-so tied, but is wound round the head with the two ends tucked in and
-pushed through the fillet on either side over the temples.[1126] Though
-so practical an arrangement as the latter must have been common enough
-in real life, this seems to be the only example of its representation
-in sculpture.
-
-The fillet, instead of encircling the head, was sometimes held in
-the hand, as in the case of the Spartan chariot victor Polykles at
-Olympia.[1127] A curious life-size statue of the Roman period, found
-in the Peiræus, represents a nude boy holding in his right hand over
-the breast a bundle of books and in the left an alabastron. The body is
-covered with fillets—fifteen in all—which appear to have been prizes
-won in gymnic contests, probably at the gymnasium or palæstra.[1128]
-
-
-FILLET-BINDERS.
-
-Statues representing victors binding fillets in their hair
-(_diadoumenoi_) are common to all periods of Greek art.[1129] We shall
-discuss only two—those of Pheidias and of Polykleitos.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 17
-
-Statue known as the _Farnese Diadoumenos_. British Museum, London.]
-
-Pausanias mentions a statue by Pheidias, representing a _Boy Binding on
-a Fillet_, as standing in the Altis at Olympia.[1130] Robert has argued
-that this figure was the one of similar motive mentioned by Pausanias
-as on the throne of Zeus there.[1131] However, the figure on the throne
-was very probably in relief and not in the round.[1132] The cicerones
-at Olympia seem to have been imposing on the periegete when they said
-that a likeness to Pantarkes, the boy favorite of Pheidias, was to be
-seen in the face of this figure on the throne. The mention of Pantarkes
-has given rise to the usual identification of the παῖς ἀναδούμενος with
-the victor statue of the Elean Pantarkes mentioned by Pausanias
-as standing in the Altis.[1133] However, the assumption[1134] is
-far-fetched and must be rejected, because Pausanias mentions the two
-statues in two different parts of his _periegesis_ of the Altis.[1135]
-Of the παῖς we know only the artist’s name. It was probably merely a
-votive gift,[1136] and the name of the person so honored was unknown to
-Pausanias. Of the statue of the victor Pantarkes we know only the name,
-and neither the artist nor the motive of the statue. It seems clear,
-therefore, that we have to do with three distinct monuments: the boy
-with the fillet, the throne figure by Pheidias, and the victor by an
-unknown sculptor.[1137]
-
-The small marble statue in the British Museum known as the _Diadoumenos
-Farnese_[1138] (Pl. 17), which is now almost universally regarded as an
-Attic work,[1139] has been assumed by many archæologists to be a copy
-of Pheidias’ statue.[1140] Since Pausanias tells us that a statue by
-Pheidias stood in Olympia, representing an unknown boy binding a fillet
-around his head, and since the style of the _Farnese_ statue shows
-great similarity in head and body forms and general bearing to certain
-figures on the Parthenon frieze,[1141] and its motive agrees with that
-of the Olympia statue, it seems reasonable to see in this little work a
-copy of the statue in the Altis by the great master. Furtwaengler and
-Bulle have shown that the motive of this work was initiated by Pheidias
-and not by Polykleitos, since the latter’s great statue was several
-years younger than the work of Pheidias at Olympia. That Pheidias was
-pleased with the motive is disclosed by the fact that he repeated it on
-the throne of Zeus.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 18
-
-Statue of the _Diadoumenos_, from Delos, after Polykleitos. National
-Museum, Athens.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 28.—Statue of the _Diadoumenos_, from Vaison, after
-Polykleitos. British Museum, London.]
-
-The _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos was little less famous than his
-_Doryphoros_, if we may judge by the number of copies which have
-survived and from literary notices of it.[1142] In all the copies of
-this work we see the well-known Polykleitan characteristics—powerful
-build, heavy proportions, and fidelity to nature; but none of the
-ideal tendency prominent in the works of Pheidias and his school, nor
-of the violent energy characteristic of Myron’s art. In all of them
-the pose of the earlier _Doryphoros_ is retained, except that the arms
-are differently employed and the build of the body is more slender.
-Pliny, despite his statement—which is probably taken from some Greek
-authority—that monotony was the characteristic of Polykleitos’ works
-(_paene ad unum exemplum_),[1143] emphasizes this slenderness by
-calling the _Doryphoros_ _viriliter puer_—Lessing’s _Juengling wie ein
-Mann_—and the _Diadoumenos_ _molliter juvenis_—a youth of gentle form.
-This judgment of Pliny was difficult to understand so long as we had
-only the Vaison copy of the _Diadoumenos_ to study. The Delian copy
-showed that supple grace was characteristic of the original, even if
-modified to suit the taste of three centuries later. Although the body
-forms and the attitudes of the _Doryphoros_ and the _Diadoumenos_ are
-very similar, the head of the latter, usually assigned to Polykleitos,
-is of a different type from that of the _Doryphoros_. While the head
-of the _Doryphoros_ is square in profile, flat on top, and long from
-front to back, that of the _Diadoumenos_ is rounder and softer and
-can best be explained on the assumption that Polykleitos later in
-life came under Attic influence. The copies of this work are many
-and varied.[1144] For a long time the marble copy in the British
-Museum found in 1862, at Vaison, France,[1145] was, despite its poor
-workmanship, considered our best copy (Fig. 28). It was made perhaps
-five hundred years after the original, at a time when sculpture was in
-its decline, and consequently can give us merely a suggestion of the
-character of Polykleitos’ statue. As it is a direct marble translation
-of the bronze, the muscular treatment appears exaggerated. Another
-marble copy was found in 1894 by the French excavators on the island of
-Delos, and is now in Athens (Pl. 18).[1146] The Delian artist added
-a mantle and a quiver to the nearby tree-trunk and thus converted an
-original victor statue into one of a god.[1147] Though its hands are
-lost, it is easy to see that the athlete is pulling the ends of the
-fillet together so as to tighten the knot at the back of the head. As
-this is a Hellenistic Greek copy, it comes far nearer to the original
-than the imperial Roman one from Vaison. The lighter proportions and
-softer modeling show the Attic influence on Polykleitos’ later career,
-although the fleshy forms are out of harmony with his art and evidently
-introduced by the copyist. One of the best preserved and most beautiful
-copies is the one in the Prado at Madrid.[1148] Although a Roman copy,
-like the one in the British Museum, it comes very near the original
-because of the precision in its details. There are many good copies of
-the head alone.[1149] Marble heads in Kassel and Dresden, evidently the
-works of Attic sculptors, show the pure Polykleitan traits. The one
-in Dresden[1150] (Fig. 29) surpasses all others in the beauty of its
-finish, being a careful and exact copy. The proportions and structure
-of the head are those of the _Doryphoros_, although the surface is
-differently treated. The Kassel head[1151] is not so exact in its
-details, but has more expression. Furtwaengler rightly calls it the
-better of the two as a work of art, but inferior as a copy. A marble
-head in the British Museum[1152] is a direct copy from the original
-bronze, like the Vaison statue. The clear-cut eyelids and wiry hair
-reproduce the original material, and its resemblance to the head of the
-_Doryphoros_ is greater than that of any other copy.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 29.—Head of the _Diadoumenos_, after Polykleitos.
-Albertinum, Dresden.]
-
-A later variant of the statue is seen in a small terra-cotta statuette
-from Smyrna in private possession in London.[1153] It shows the
-Polykleitan type so completely assimilated to the style of Praxiteles
-that its genuineness has been doubted. Perhaps, with its Attic
-softness, it gives us a better idea of the beauty of the original
-than many of the other copies. Finally, we must mention the original
-bronze head of the fifth century B. C. in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford,
-recently published by Percy Gardner.[1154] This head, put together
-from nine fragments, and restored as that of a boy fillet-binder, and
-rivaling in delicacy and beauty such original bronzes as the Beneventum
-head (Fig. 3) and the _Idolino_ (Pl. 14), not only gives us the best
-idea of the technical ability attained by bronze workers in the middle
-of the fifth century B. C., but also helps us to understand the ancient
-repute of Polykleitos’ athletes. Here the headband and “starfish”
-arrangement of the hair have their close parallels in the Dresden,
-Kassel, and British Museum heads already discussed, which essentially
-reproduce the head of the Vaison statue (Fig. 28). As Gardner points
-out, it closely agrees with the type of the _Farnese Diadoumenos_
-(Pl. 17) only in one particular, the mode of tying the knot. While
-the Vaison athlete is preparing to tie it, the Farnese one has just
-finished the operation, the boy still holding the ends of the fillet
-in his hands. But only the treatment of the hair, the eye, and the ear
-offers a contrast. Despite these differences Gardner follows the older
-view of Brunn in regarding the Vaison and Farnese types as two variants
-of Polykleitan originals; but the pose, style, and proportions of the
-latter seem to us to be too thoroughly Attic to warrant us in bringing
-it into relation with the work of Polykleitos. Though the heads of the
-two are not so dissimilar, the pose, as Gardner also points out, is
-quite different. The Vaison figure is represented as walking, _i. e._,
-in the very act of changing the weight of the body from one leg to the
-other, while the Farnese athlete stands at rest with both feet flat
-upon the ground. Gardner rightly regards this exquisite head not as the
-original of the statue mentioned by Pliny, since the Vaison and Delian
-copies show that the latter represented a fully developed man, somewhat
-over life-size, and not a boy, but rather as a work of the Polykleitan
-school, though he does not exclude the possibility that it may come
-from one of the many boy athletes of the master.
-
-Furtwaengler connects with the _Diadoumenos_ the statue of a youthful
-boxer, slightly under life-size, which shows a similar motive. It is
-known to us in two copies, one in Kassel,[1155] the other in Lansdowne
-House, London.[1156] That it is a work of Polykleitos is shown by the
-correspondence of its body forms with those of both the _Diadoumenos_
-and the _Doryphoros_. A bronze statuette, dating from about 400 B. C.,
-in the Akropolis Museum, also repeats the motive without being an exact
-copy.[1157]
-
-
-THE CROWN OF WILD OLIVE.
-
-The crown of wild olive[1158] in the hair is another general but not
-customary attribute of Olympic victor statues. Fewer sculptured heads
-show it than show the _tainia_, and in most of these the leaves have
-fallen off. Examples of its presence are afforded by the bronze head
-from Beneventum (Fig. 3) in the Louvre,[1159] and on the realistic
-bronze head of a boxer found at Olympia (Fig. 61 A and B).[1160] A good
-illustration of a boy victor crowning himself is on a fourth-century
-B. C. funerary relief, found in 1873 at the Dipylon gate, and now in
-the Athens Museum.[1161] The victor is holding or placing a crown of
-leaves on his head. In the Museo delle Terme, Rome, is a mediocre
-headless copy of an original statue of the end of the fifth century B.
-C., the work of an artist of the Polykleitan school, the restoration of
-which as a victor engaged in wreathing his head is probable.[1162] A
-protuberance on the right shoulder seems to have been left by the end
-of the _lemniskos_ or ribbon with which the wreath was adorned.[1163]
-The left hand carried an attribute, but probably not a palm-branch
-as Helbig assumed, since such a branch, if of metal, would have left
-traces on the shoulder. The same restoration has been proposed for
-another statue.[1164] A crown on the head, together with the remains
-of fingers near it, has been noticed on a bronze statue of Eros, of
-Hellenistic workmanship, found off Tunis in the sea,[1165] which shows
-Polykleitan influence.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 19
-
-Statue known as the _Westmacott Athlete_. British Museum, London.]
-
-The statue of a _Boy Crowning Himself_, which has survived in many
-Roman copies and variant Greek originals, notably in the so-called
-_Westmacott Athlete_ of the British Museum (Pl. 19),[1166] a
-fragmentary statue of poorer workmanship in the Barracco collection
-in Rome,[1167] and a Greek copy from Eleusis now in the National
-Museum in Athens,[1168] and identified by many archæologists with the
-statue of the boy boxer Kyniskos by Polykleitos at Olympia, should be
-discussed here. While the _Westmacott Athlete_ appears to be a copy
-from the original bronze, the Barracco statue, though showing the same
-pose, is unlike it in the treatment of hair and muscles, and with its
-Attic head, seems to be a carelessly executed variant, more or less
-Myronian in style, of the Polykleitan original. While its original may
-be assigned to the end of the fifth century B. C., the Eleusis variant,
-with its head differently placed, is not a Roman copy, but a Greek
-original statue showing the Polykleitan motive carried into the soft
-Attic style of the fourth century B. C.[1169] A fine copy of the head
-alone is in the possession of Sir Edgar Vincent, in his Constantinople
-collection.[1170] This should be associated with another head
-in Dresden, both being closely related to that of the _Westmacott
-Athlete_.[1171] The best copy of the head is in the Hermitage, in which
-the treatment of the hair approaches nearest to that of the bronze
-original.[1172] A marble head from Apollonia in Epeiros, now in the
-British Museum, which so closely resembles the head of the _Westmacott
-Athlete_ that the missing sections of the neck and shoulders were
-restored by a cast from the latter, is somewhat different in style.
-For while the Westmacott head is a mechanical copy, this Greek head is
-full of vigor, disclosing Attic characteristics of the early fourth
-century B. C., and obviously is an Athenian imitation of the original,
-like the statue from Eleusis.[1173] A more remote variant is the
-beautiful marble head formerly in the possession of Dr. Philip Nelson
-in Liverpool, but now in America, which is not an exact copy of any of
-the known variants, but so closely resembles the Capitoline type of
-_Wounded Amazon_, assigned first by Otto Jahn and later by Furtwaengler
-to Kresilas, that it must be by the same hand.[1174] This head also
-reminds us of that of the Kresilæan _Diomedes_ of the Munich Glyptothek
-(Pl. 21),[1175] though the hair-treatment is Polykleitan.[1176] Both
-show a modification of Polykleitan forms under Attic influence. The
-numerous fine copies indicate that the original was a well-known work.
-That it was Polykleitan is clear from a study of the heads, which show
-a great resemblance to that of the _Doryphoros_, and of the body forms,
-which resemble those of both the _Doryphoros_ and the _Diadoumenos_.
-While some believe this original a work of Polykleitos himself,[1177]
-others think that it was by one of his pupils or successors, who
-imitated the master’s early style. If the original, however, was
-not the statue of Kyniskos, there is little evidence that it was by
-Polykleitos himself.
-
-The palm-trunk in the Westmacott copy certainly argues that the
-original was an athlete statue. The gesture of the right hand has
-given rise to different interpretations. The Barracco copy furnishes
-the best evidence, as on it the right arm is preserved to the wrist,
-the hand only being lost. Helbig at first (in the Barracco Catalogue)
-expressed the opinion that the right hand might have held an oil-flask,
-from which oil was being poured into the left. However, the position
-of the left hand, as shown by the _puntello_ on the left hip, must
-have been the same as that on the Westmacott copy, _i. e._, hanging
-close to the left side. Helbig later (in the _Fuehrer_) explained
-the motive as that of a boy setting a crown on his head, as in the
-bronze _Eros_ already mentioned. This interpretation, first suggested
-by Winnefeld,[1178] has been the favorite one among archæologists.
-But all sorts of other explanations of the motive of the original
-have been offered, as that the athlete was scraping his forehead or
-shoulders with the strigil,[1179] that the statue represented Narkissos
-looking into the pool and shading his eyes with his right hand,[1180]
-that it was an athlete standing at rest and holding an akontion in
-his right hand—a theory harmonizing with the poise of the head, but
-not with the turn of the wrist, which shows that the hand was held
-downwards[1181]—and that it was, in fact, the _nudus talo incessens_
-of Pliny.[1182] On the head of the Eleusis statue there is a mass of
-marble left over the right ear just opposite the place where the hand
-would be, if it were setting a wreath on the head. The fact that no
-marks are visible where the crown was attached is explained by the
-assumption that the wreath was of metal even in the marble copies. That
-this motive, moreover, was known to both Attic and Peloponnesian art
-in the second half of the fifth century B. C. is well attested. Thus
-we see on the Parthenon frieze a youth crowning himself with one hand,
-while holding the horse’s bridle with the other.[1183] The pose of this
-figure—especially the legs—recalls the Myronian _Oil-pourer_ already
-discussed (Pl. 11). On the other hand, one of the figures of the
-Ildefonso group in Madrid, which is Polykleitan in style, represents
-a boy wearing a wreath, a figure closely akin to the _Westmacott
-Athlete_, the leg position being the same in both and the poise of the
-head nearly so, although the arms are different, the left one being
-raised and the right hanging down.[1184] It is probable that the raised
-right hand of the original of the Westmacott and other replicas touched
-the wreath and the lowered left held a fillet. The best explanation,
-then, of the _Westmacott Athlete_ and kindred works is that the motive
-of the original was allied to that of the _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos,
-though the modeling is too soft for Polykleitos, showing that the
-copyists changed the original of the Argive master to suit a later
-and different taste. Whereas the _Diadoumenos_ is tying on a victor’s
-fillet, the other is presumably placing a victor’s wreath on his head.
-Certainly no better restoration can be made for the Barracco copy.
-Furthermore, many other monuments, which show a similar attitude, and
-which must be regarded as very free imitations of the original, seem to
-show that the boy was represented as placing a wreath on his head.[1185]
-
-Whether the original of the series was an actual victor statue at
-Olympia or not is an interesting question. It has been repeatedly
-suggested that it was the very statue of the boy boxer Kyniskos there,
-mentioned by Pausanias, the base of which has been recovered.[1186]
-The external evidence for the identity consists altogether in the
-similarity in the position of the feet on this base and in the series
-of copies, which argues a similar pose. The base shows that the left
-leg bore the weight of the statue; it was slightly advanced and rested
-on the sole, while the right leg was set back and rested on the ball
-only. Thus the statue of Kyniskos was represented in the characteristic
-Polykleitan schema of rest, except that the position of the legs is
-reversed from that of the _Doryphoros_, _Diadoumenos_, _Amazon_, and
-other works of the master. We might add that this same reversal appears
-on two other bases found at Olympia, which held victor statues by the
-elder Polykleitos[1187] and one by the younger.[1188] Moreover, the
-leg position of the canon does not occur in the works of the master’s
-pupils Naukydes and Daidalos, and only in one work of Kleon.[1189]
-This shows that teacher and pupils also used another motive, _i. e._,
-the old canon of Hagelaïdas, besides the one associated with
-the _Doryphoros_. The similarity in the position of the feet on the
-Olympia base and in the series of statues discussed has led some
-scholars, _e. g._, Petersen and Collignon, to accept the proposed
-identity. This similarity in foot position, the probability that
-the statue on the basis was life-size, like those of the Westmacott
-series, and the palm-tree support in the British Museum replica, all
-pointing to a victor statue, make the identity well within the range of
-possibility, but by no means certain. It is necessary only to rehearse
-the objections to this view. In the first place the length of the foot
-on the Olympia basis can not be accurately measured for purposes of
-comparison. In the next place Polykleitos, as we have just seen, made
-other statues of victors at Olympia with almost the identical foot
-position of that of Kyniskos. Furthermore, it seems very unlikely that
-so celebrated an original as that of these many replicas could have
-been standing in the Altis so late as the time of Pausanias.[1190] It
-is difficult, also, to understand why an imitative Attic sculptor
-of the fourth century B. C., should make a copy of an Arkadian boy
-victor statue for Eleusis. And lastly we must not forget that up
-to the present time not a single Roman copy has been conclusively
-identified with that of a victor statue at Olympia. If the date of the
-victory of Kyniskos were definitely fixed, the question of identity
-would be better substantiated. By a process of exclusion, to be sure,
-Robert reached the date Ol. 80 (= 460 B. C.),[1191] but other dates
-are possible. Under these circumstances there seems to be little more
-than the possibility that we have recovered an actual victor statue at
-Olympia in these copies.[1192]
-
-
-THE PALM-BRANCH.
-
-The palm-branch, either woven into a wreath or held in the hand, was a
-victor attribute. Pausanias says that a crown of palm leaves was common
-to many contests, and that the victor everywhere in Greece carried a
-palm-branch in his right hand.[1193] He refers the custom to mythical
-times, tracing it back to the contest held by Theseus on Delos in honor
-of Apollo.[1194] Pliny mentions a painting by the Sikyonian Eupompos,
-which represented a _victor certamine gymnico palmam tenens_.[1195]
-While Milchhoefer[1196] believed that the motive of an athlete setting
-a crown on his head with his right hand and holding a palm in his
-left, which is repeated frequently and with variation in many works of
-art, went back to this painting of Eupompos, Furtwaengler[1197] goes
-further in assuming that the painter derived the motive from the statue
-of Polykleitos represented by the _Westmacott Athlete_ and kindred
-works just discussed. The pupils of the great sculptor appear to have
-transferred his school from Argos to Sikyon, and were, therefore,
-associated with Eupompos. This attribute of the palm, permanent in
-bronze statues, has been broken off for the most part in marble ones.
-We see it in an unfinished statue of a young athlete in the National
-Museum, Athens, who holds the palm-branch in his hand. Here it has
-survived, since the statue was only blocked out.[1198] It is prominent
-in the funerary stele from the Dipylon representing a victor, which
-has been mentioned in a preceding section;[1199] here the palm extends
-from the left hand, which is held down close to the side, up to the
-shoulder. We have already noted that the copyist added a palm-branch
-to the stump placed beside the Vatican girl runner (Pl. 2). In the
-_Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ (Pl. 7A) the left hand should doubtless
-be restored with the palm-branch, because of the projecting notch of
-marble on the side of the left leg near the knee.[1200] A similar notch
-appears also on the _Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_ in Athens (Pl. 7B), which
-shows that the left hand held a long attribute, which was doubtless
-a palm-branch. This attribute occurs frequently on vases.[1201] We
-see it on a marble statue found at Formiae and now in the Glyptothek
-Ny-Carlsberg in Copenhagen, which shows the same motive as that of the
-statue by Stephanos (Pl. 9), though in a freer style of execution.
-Here the lowered right hand holds a palm-branch, which is shown in low
-relief against the right arm.[1202]
-
-
-SECONDARY ATTRIBUTES OF VICTOR STATUES.
-
-In course of time the sculptor was not content to represent victor
-statues merely as victors, but differentiated the various kinds of
-victors by special attributes.
-
-
-HOPLITODROMOI.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 30.—Marble heads of two Hoplitodromoi, from
-Olympia. Museum of Olympia.]
-
-Thus a hoplite victor would be represented with his usual weapons.
-Pausanias, in mentioning the statue at Olympia of the hoplite runner
-Damaretos of Heraia by the Argive sculptors Eutelidas and Chrysothemis,
-says that it “has not only a shield, as the armed runners still have,
-but also a helmet on his head and greaves on his legs.”[1203] He adds
-that the helmet and greaves were gradually abolished at Olympia and
-elsewhere. We have seen that the statue of Damaretos was set up at the
-beginning of the fifth century B. C., when his son Theopompos, the
-pentathlete, won his second victory, the monuments of the two being in
-common.[1204] Toward the middle of the fifth century the hoplite victor
-Mnaseas of Kyrene had a statue at Olympia, the work of Pythagoras of
-Rhegion, which represented him as an armed man.[1205] A Pythian victor,
-Telesikrates, of the fifth century B. C., had a statue at Delphi, which
-represented him with a helmet.[1206] We have actual remnants of two
-hoplite victor statues of the sixth century B. C., in the two bearded
-and helmeted life-size heads of Parian marble found at Olympia (Fig.
-30, a, b = A; c, d = B).[1207] The younger of these heads (A), to which
-probably belong either an arm and the remnants of a shield attached
-with a ram and a representation of Phrixos upon it in relief,[1208] or
-a shield fragment with a siren’s wing upon it[1209] and the fragment
-of a shield edge[1210] and right foot of fine workmanship,[1211] I
-assigned long ago to the statue of the Thessalian hoplitodrome Phrikias
-of Pelinna, who won two victories in Ols. 68 and 69 (= 508 and 504 B.
-C.).[1212] R. Foerster had referred this head to the statue of the
-hoplite runner Damaretos of Heraia, whose monument, in common with
-that of his son, the pentathlete Theopompos, was the work of the early
-Argive sculptors Chrysothemis and Eutelidas.[1213] But this fresh and
-vigorous head is not Peloponnesian, but shows strongly marked Attic
-traits in its round face, full cheeks, and soft lips, and in the rows
-of regularly wound locks of hair. The arm and foot similarly disclose
-Attic softness and grace. Because of its Attic character, Treu and
-Overbeck,[1214] in opposition to Foerster, ascribed it to the statue
-of the Elean hoplite victor Eperastos mentioned by Pausanias.[1215]
-Though the date of his victory is unknown, it certainly fell some
-time after Ol. 111 (= 336 B. C.)—a date far too late for so archaic a
-sculpture. Furtwaengler[1216] referred this and the more archaic head
-B to the group of Phormis at Olympia, mentioned by Pausanias.[1217]
-However, Treu[1218] showed that there was no stylistic connection
-between the two heads. The slightly more archaic head B, badly injured
-from weathering, I have referred to the Achaian hoplitodrome Phanas
-of Pellene, who won Ol. 67 (= 512 B. C.).[1219] In this carefully
-executed head the hair and beard are arranged in small locks and the
-archaic smile is prominent. While the younger head is Attic, this
-one is unmistakably Peloponnesian; and while the former comes from a
-statue represented at rest, the latter, because of the twist of the
-neck, seems to have come from one represented in violent motion. For
-this reason Wolters believed that it came from the statue of a warrior
-represented as thrown to the ground and defending himself.
-
-The Myronic statue in the Palazzo Valentini, Rome, known as
-_Diomedes_,[1220] whose pose recalls the _Diskobolos_, may represent
-a hoplitodrome, because of its marked resemblance in attitude to the
-Tuebingen bronze to be discussed in the next chapter (Fig. 42), and
-because of the helmet on its head.[1221]
-
-
-PENTATHLETES.
-
-Pentathletes were represented by attributes taken from three of the
-five contests—jumping, and throwing the diskos and the javelin. All
-these attributes appear in gymnasium scenes pictured on red-figured
-vases. Thus a kylix of the severe style in Munich[1222] gives us a
-general picture of the exercises of the gymnasium. On the walls hang
-diskoi in slings, strigils, leaping-weights, oil-flasks, sponges, and
-javelins. Archaic leaping-weights (ἁλτῆρες) appeared in the hands of
-the statue of the Elean Hysmon at Olympia by the Sikyonian sculptor
-Kleon.[1223] Similarly, a figure of _Contest_ (Ἀγών) in the group set
-up there by Mikythos had weights.[1224] The offering of the people of
-Mende at Olympia very nearly deceived Pausanias into thinking it the
-statue of a pentathlete, because of its ancient _halteres_.[1225] This
-shows that these weights formed a regular attribute of pentathlete
-statues there. A relief from Sparta[1226] represents an athlete
-leaning on his spear and holding a pair of leaping-weights in his
-right hand. There is a bronze statue of such a victor in the Berlin
-Antiquarium.[1227] _Halteres_ hang on a tree-trunk to the right of
-the statue of an athlete in the Pitti palace in Florence.[1228] The
-breast of a marble torso, less than life-size, of a boy statue found at
-Olympia, shows that the hands were stretched forward, and very possibly
-the objects which they held were leaping-weights.[1229]
-
-We have no direct literary reference to a victor statue at Olympia
-of a pentathlete with the attributes of the diskos or javelin. That
-they existed there, however, seems probable enough. Such a work as the
-_Diskobolos_ of Myron, which displays the youthful victor in its every
-line, other statues, statuettes, reliefs, and vase-paintings, show us
-how the artist represented the different steps in the casting of the
-quoit. Similarly, the famous _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos, copies of
-which have been identified in many museums (Pl. 4 and Fig. 48), will
-give us an idea how a javelin thrower might have been represented at
-rest. The akontion or victor’s casting-spear, was, as we see from the
-Spartan relief of a pentathlete just mentioned, about the height of a
-man. The attitude of the diskobolos and doryphoros will be discussed at
-length in the next chapter.
-
-
-BOXERS.
-
-The statue of a boxer would be sufficiently characterized by thongs,
-which he might carry in his hand, as in the statue of the Rhodian
-Akousilaos at Olympia,[1230] or wound round his forearm, as in the
-statue of a boxer in the Palazzo Albani, Rome,[1231] or on a near-by
-prop, as on the tree-stump beside the _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ in the
-British Museum (Pl. 7A).[1232]
-
-
-WRESTLERS.
-
-Long ago Scherer tried to show that the aryballos was a
-wrestler-attribute, since oil was so important in wrestling.[1233] He
-interpreted as _aryballoi_ the pomegranates mentioned by Pausanias
-as held in the hands of the statues of the wrestlers Milo[1234] and
-Theognetos[1235] at Olympia, assuming that the Periegete mistook
-oil-flasks for pomegranates (ῥοιαί). But it hardly seems reasonable
-that such a small utensil, which was used by athletes in general,
-could ever have been regarded as a peculiar attribute of the wrestler.
-A similar attribute may have been held in the outstretched hand of
-the half life-size archaic bronze “Apollo” of the Sciarra Palace in
-Rome,[1236] and it occurs on other statues.[1237]
-
-
-CAPS FOR BOXERS, PANCRATIASTS, AND WRESTLERS.
-
-Often the boxer and pancratiast (and even wrestler)[1238] are
-represented as wearing close-fitting caps, made up of thongs of
-leather or of solid leather. This, however, can scarcely be called
-a determining attribute. Our best example of such a cap is afforded
-by an athlete head dating from the first half of the fifth century B.
-C., in the Capitoline Museum, Rome,[1239] formerly called a portrait
-of Juba II, who was the king of Numidia and Mauretania from 25 B. C.
-to 23 A. D. This ascription was based on the barbarous look of the
-head and the fact that another head, discovered in the Gymnasion of
-Ptolemy in Athens and thought to resemble it, was assumed to be that
-of Juba, since Pausanias mentions one of that prince there.[1240] It
-is rather the head of an athlete engaged in putting on a cap. This
-cap consists of three transverse leather pieces crossing the head
-from side to side, one over the forehead, one over the crown, and the
-third over the occiput, all three converging above the ears. A fourth
-strap fastens them together and is drawn over the crown from forehead
-to occiput. In the complete statue doubtless the hands were raised to
-the head, grasping the straps near the ears to fasten them. This is,
-therefore, an anticipation of the later _Diadoumenos_ motive. We see
-it in a statuette formerly in the Stroganoff collection in Rome, but
-now in private possession in England,[1241] which represents an athlete
-putting on a similar head-dress. Though the arms of the statuette
-are gone, remains of the two hands are seen touching the left ear
-and tying the straps, one of which runs around the cranium above the
-swollen right ear. With this complicated head-dress we may compare
-the close-fitting cap—evidently of leather—pictured on an archaistic
-Greek votive relief-in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, in Rome, which
-represents an athlete washing his hands in a basin, which stands on a
-tripod.[1242] Here the cap is fastened by two bands, one around and
-the other under the chin. An object in the upper left corner of the
-relief, enclosed in a frame, appears to be a victor crown adorned with
-bow-knots. Such caps, used in wrestling, would make it impossible for
-an opponent to grasp the hair; in boxing and the pankration it would
-protect the head from injury. We saw that such a cap was pictured on
-a Munich kylix of the early fifth century B. C. It is probable that
-such caps were customary at a period before athletes lost their long
-hair and that it was continued afterwards for various reasons. The
-little statuette from Autun now in the Louvre (Fig. 60), representing
-a pancratiast, has a close-fitting cap. The ring at the top shows that
-this statuette was hung up—perhaps being used as a weight in a Roman
-scale, or perhaps for adornment. In later days boys while practising
-in the palæstra, but never at the public games, wore ear-lappets
-(ἀμφωτίδες or ἐπωτίδες) to protect their ears, not dissimilar to those
-worn in our day for protection against the cold. We see them on a
-marble head, formerly in the possession of Fabretti.[1243]
-
-
-THE SWOLLEN EAR.
-
-We have lastly to speak of the swollen ear, which was an attribute of
-victor statues, both primary and secondary, since it characterized
-victors as such, and also early differentiated victors in various
-contests. Swollen ears may have played a role as a characteristic
-attribute of pugilists in early times.[1244] We found them on the
-Rayet head in the Jacobsen collection (Fig. 22), which belongs to the
-last quarter of the sixth century B. C. and comes from the funerary
-statue of an athlete, probably a boxer. In course of time, however,
-they came to characterize pancratiasts, wrestlers,[1245] and athletes
-in general. The assumption, then, that heads with swollen ears come
-from statues of boxers,[1246] and that the boxer was known throughout
-Greek history as the “man with the crushed ear” is erroneous.[1247]
-The earliest literary reference to the bruised ear is in Plato.[1248]
-The philosopher used the term slightingly of those who imitated
-Spartan customs, especially Spartan boxing. The Lacedæmonians never
-boxed scientifically, but fought with bare fists and without rules.
-Literary evidence, furthermore, shows that bruised ears did not play
-the part in boxing matches which other bruised features of the face
-did—the eyes, nose, mouth, teeth, and chin. Vase-paintings sustain this
-evidence, for we often see bloody noses and cuts on the cheeks and
-chin, but no crushed ears.[1249] In short, the crushed ear was merely
-a professional characteristic, a realistic detail, common to athletes
-of various sorts, and, as we shall see, to warriors, gods, and heroes.
-To quote Homolle: “_La bouffissure des oreilles ellemême n’est pas un
-trait personnel, mais un caractère professionnel; elle ne désigne pas
-Agias, mais en général le lutteur. Cette déformation peut atteindre
-même un dieu, s’il a pratiqué les exercices gymnastiques et passé sa
-vie dans les luttes_”.[1250] It is found constantly on athletic types
-of heads in sculpture, whether these represent gods or mortals. A few
-examples will make this clear. The following heads of athletes show
-the swollen ears: the bronze portrait head of a boxer or pancratiast
-from Olympia, dating from the end of the fourth century B. C. or the
-beginning of the third (Fig. 61 A and B);[1251] the marble head from
-the statue of the boxer Philandridas set up among the victor statues
-at Olympia, the work of Lysippos (Frontispiece and Fig. 69);[1252]
-the head of the statue of the pancratiast Agias at Delphi (Pl. 28 and
-Fig. 68) ;[1253] that of the _Seated Boxer_ in the Museo delle Terme
-in Rome (Pl. 16 and Fig. 27);[1254] that of the _Apoxyomenos_ of the
-Uffizi in Florence (Pl. 12);[1255] the bronze head from an athlete
-statue found at Tarsos and now in Constantinople, an Attic work of
-the end of the fifth century B. C.;[1256] the beautiful bronze head
-of a boxer in the Glyptothek (Pl. 3);[1257] the head of the so-called
-_Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_ in Athens (Pl. 7B);[1258] the athlete head
-from Perinthos (Fig. 33);[1259] the bronze copy of the head of the
-_Doryphoros_, found in Herculaneum and now in Naples, by the Attic
-artist Apollonios (Fig. 47);[1260] the Ince-Blundell head in England,
-to be discussed; four heads in Copenhagen;[1261] the remarkably
-beautiful bust of an athlete in the Metropolitan Museum, New York (Pl.
-20), whose rounded skull, oval face, projecting lower forehead, and
-dreamy, half-closed eyes place it in the fourth century B. C., a work
-influenced by the art of Praxiteles.[1262]
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 20
-
-Head of an Athlete, School of Praxiteles. Metropolitan Museum, New
-York.]
-
-When we consider heads of gods and heroes we find the swollen ears on
-a variety of types. We see them on the so-called _Borghese Warrior_ of
-the Louvre (Fig. 43),[1263] formerly called a _Gladiator_, and on the
-marble statue of Kresilæan style in Munich, which has been known since
-Brunn’s interpretation as _Diomedes_ (carrying off the Palladion from
-Troy) (Pl. 21).[1264] This latter statue is a careful, though inexact,
-Hadrianic copy of a famous work and is shown to represent the hero, and
-not an athlete, by the mantle thrown over the arm. Skill in the boxing
-match, the roughest and most dangerous of sports, is as appropriate
-to _Diomedes_ as to Herakles himself. The crushed ears appear on the
-Dresden replica of this statue, a cast from the Mengs collection, the
-original of which was once probably in England,[1265] but do not appear
-on the poor copy in the Louvre.[1266] They also appear on the Myronian
-bust in the Riccardi Palace, Florence, which is a copy of an original
-that was, perhaps, the forerunner of the Kresilæan _Diomedes_.[1267]
-Here again the garment thrown over the left shoulder shows that a
-youthful hero, and not an athlete, is intended.
-
-On heads of Herakles the swollen ears are very common. The first dated
-representation of the hero with battered ears appears to be on coins
-of Euagoras I, the king of Salamis in Cyprus during the years 410-374
-B. C.[1268] We have several examples in sculpture from the fourth
-century B. C. Thus swollen ears and the victor fillet appear on the
-Skopaic head in the Capitoline Museum.[1269] Another example is the
-terminal bust of the youthful hero found in 1777 at Genzano, and now
-in the British Museum (Fig. 31).[1270] This head wreathed with poplar
-leaves, is probably a Græco-Roman copy of an original of the fourth
-century B. C., by an artist of the school of Lysippos. In the group
-representing Herakles and his son Telephos, a Roman copy in the Museo
-Chiaramonti of the Vatican, the hero is represented with fillet and
-battered ears.[1271] A Parian marble head, encircled by a crown, in the
-Glyptothek, going back to a Lysippan bronze original, seems to come
-from the statue of the hero represented as a victor.[1272] Another
-life-size head, of poor workmanship, in the Chiaramonti collection of
-the Vatican, sometimes confused with the _Doryphoros_ head-type, seems
-to come from a statue of Herakles, as shown by the broken ears and
-rolled fillet, the latter a well-known attribute of the hero taken from
-the symposium.[1273] A much finer replica is the bust from Herculaneum
-now in Naples.[1274] Swollen ears appear also on heads of Ares. We
-may instance the helmeted one in the Louvre,[1275] and especially the
-replica in the Palazzo Torlonia in Rome.[1276] They are less prominent
-on a Parian marble head of the god in the Glyptothek, which appears
-to be a copy of an original of which the _Ares Ludovisi_ is a more
-complete one.[1277]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 31.—Head of Herakles, from Genzano. British Museum
-London.]
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 21
-
-Statue of _Diomedes with the Palladion_. Glyptothek, Munich.]
-
-So far as we know, the statues of wrestlers, runners (except
-hoplitodromes), and probably pancratiasts were not distinguished by
-special attributes. In these cases the sculptor was obliged to express
-the type of contest in the figure itself. His problem, therefore,
-was to represent the victor in the characteristic pose of the contest
-in which he had won his victory, that is, by representing the statue as
-if in movement. This brings us to the second division of our treatment
-of victor statues, those which represented the victor not at rest, but
-in motion, a scheme which, in course of time, was extended not only
-to victors in wrestling and running, but to those in all contests, by
-representing them in the very act of contending. The treatment of this
-class of monuments will occupy the chief portion of Chapter IV.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER IV.
-
-VICTOR STATUES REPRESENTED IN MOTION.
-
-PLATES 22-25 AND FIGURES 32-62.
-
-
-Just when the important step of representing the victor in motion
-instead of at rest was taken in Greek athletic sculpture we can not
-definitely say. The statement of Cornelius Nepos that the statues of
-athletes were first represented in movement in the fourth century
-B. C., after the time of the Athenian general Chabrias—whose image
-he describes as representing Chabrias in his favorite posture with
-his spear pointed at the enemy and his shield on his knee—has long
-since been shown to be worthless.[1278] Nor is the assumption of many
-archæologists[1279] that this advance in the plastic art was taken over
-into athletic sculpture soon after the statues of the _Tyrannicides_
-were set up at Athens, which represented them in the midst of their
-impetuous onslaught on Hipparchos, to be relied upon. These statues,
-however, occupy so important a place in the history of Greek sculpture
-that we shall consider them briefly in this connection.
-
-
-THE TYRANNICIDES.
-
-The bronze statues of the popular heroes Harmodios and Aristogeiton, by
-the sculptor Antenor, were, in all probability, set up in the Athenian
-agora in 506-5 B. C.[1280] The group was carried off to Susa by Xerxes
-in 480 B. C., and to replace it a new group, doubtless a free imitation
-of the older one, and probably also of bronze, was set up in 477 B. C.,
-the work of the sculptors Kritios and Nesiotes.[1281] Nearly a century
-and a half later the stolen group was restored to Athens by Alexander
-the Great[1282] and the two continued to stand side by side in Athens
-down to the time of Pausanias. Neither of these groups has survived
-to our time, but a late Roman marble copy of one, somewhat over
-lifesize, found in the ruins of Hadrian’s villa and now in Naples,
-gives us a good idea of the original, despite restorations (Fig. 32,
-_Harmodios_).[1283]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 32.—Statue of _Harmodios_. Museum of Naples.]
-
-The reconstruction of this group is aided by several minor works of
-art, reliefs, vase-paintings, coins, lead marks, etc., the number of
-which shows that it was a common subject for Athenian artists. Botho
-Graef, by a careful study of the female statue found on the Akropolis
-in 1886 and inscribed as the work of Antenor, has shown that the
-stylistic contrast between it and the Naples group is too great for
-the latter to be assigned to Antenor.[1284] It is now, therefore, the
-prevailing view that the Naples group reproduces the later statues of
-Kritios and his associate.[1285] We do not know, then, how the older
-group looked, but we are certain that it was different from the later
-one, for, in the years elapsing between the dates of the two, Attic
-sculptors had become entirely free from the Ionic influence which we
-discussed in the preceding chapter and which characterizes the female
-statue of Antenor. Archaic stiffness, however, is still traceable in
-the later group, for in the copy we see a work which is “concise,
-sinewy, hard, and with strained lines,” in harmony with Lucian’s
-characterization of the works of Hegias, Kritios, and Nesiotes.[1286]
-
-The restorations of the Naples group, though right in the main, make us
-doubtful as to the exact pose of the original figures.[1287] Harmodios
-has new arms, new right leg, and left leg below the knee, while
-Aristogeiton has a Lysippan head in place of the original bearded one,
-to correspond better with that of his companion. His left arm, with the
-drapery hanging down, has been put on at a wrong angle, as he should
-be represented holding a scabbard in the left hand and a sword in the
-right. On a vase fragment (oinochoe) in Boston[1288] both heroes are
-making the onset, the younger one (Harmodios) in front of the other,
-but in the original statues, they were probably making the onset
-abreast, something that the vase-painter could not represent.[1289]
-
-While the Akropolis ephebe, already discussed as showing Argive
-influence (Fig. 17), still shows but little break with the law of
-“frontality” formulated by J. Lange,[1290] whereby an “imaginary line
-passing through the skull, nose, backbone, and navel, dividing the body
-into two symmetrical halves, is invariably straight, never bending to
-either side,” the _Tyrannicides_ have broken it completely. The ephebe
-has his head slightly turned to one side, and, because of resemblances
-in head and body to the figure of Harmodios, has been assigned to
-Kritios or his school.[1291] Another statue at rest ascribed to the
-same school is the athlete in the Somzée collection, which reminds us
-of the Pelops of the East Gable at Olympia.[1292] We have record of
-one more statue by Kritios himself, which was represented in motion
-only less violent than that of the _Tyrannicides_. Pausanias saw on the
-Akropolis of Athens a statue by him of the hoplite runner Epicharinos,
-which represented the athlete in the attitude of one practicing starts,
-perhaps in the very pose of the Tuebingen statuette (Fig. 42).[1293]
-
-In the statues of the _Tyrannicides_, then, which might pass equally
-well for typical athletes of the time, we have examples of statues in
-motion at the end of the sixth century B. C.; for the same violent
-action must have characterized the earlier group of Antenor as the
-later one. We have seen that the Aeginetan sculptors not only made
-pediment groups in action at a date not later than that of the group
-by Kritios and Nesiotes, but single figures still earlier. Thus the
-sculptor Glaukias represented the Karystian boy boxer Glaukos in the
-act of sparring with an imaginary opponent.[1294] Though Glaukos won in
-Ol. 65 (= 520 B. C.), his statue was set up later by his son, perhaps
-as late as the end of the sixth century B. C., or the beginning of
-the fifth, as the _floruit_ of the sculptor would show.[1295] This
-is the oldest example attested by literary evidence of an athlete
-statue in motion at Olympia. Whether Glaukias got his motive from
-Antenor’s _Tyrannicides_, or whether his work was the older, we can not
-determine, but it is safe to say that this _genre_ of statuary must
-have existed at Olympia long before, as we know it did elsewhere. The
-Rampin head, already discussed as a fragment of a victor statue, shows
-by the turn of its neck that athlete statues represented in motion
-existed at least as far back as the first half of the sixth century B.
-C.[1296]
-
-
-ANTIQUITY OF MOTION STATUES IN GREECE.
-
-Apart from specifically athletic types, we know that statues in motion,
-especially those representing winged figures, antedated the sixth
-century B. C. in Greece, and were, perhaps, coeval with the very origin
-of Greek art.[1297] We know that the oldest Egyptian art attempted
-to render the human body in motion. We may instance the limestone
-funerary statuette dating from the Old Kingdom, which represents a slave
-woman grinding corn,[1298] and similar figures found in the graves
-of Memphis. In fact, the making of such statues ceased in Egyptian
-art after the end of the Old Kingdom. While Assyro-Babylonian art
-represented figures in motion only on reliefs, Cretan art, as we have
-seen in the first chapter, showed the utmost skill in representing
-movement in figures in the round. It used to be assumed that in Greek
-art motion statues developed out of the archaic “Apollo” type through
-the gradual freeing of legs and arms. Any such assumption is easily
-disproved by the fact that figures in motion exist, which date back
-almost as far as figures at rest. It is equally fallacious to argue
-that slight movement was easier for the early artist to represent
-than violent movement, for just the contrary was the case, so that
-in general the greater the movement represented, the greater is the
-age of the given monument. Early vase-paintings show that the early
-painter delighted in portraying free movement.[1299] It may be that
-the vase-painter preceded the sculptor in portraying movement, for it
-was easier to effect this in two dimensions than in three. But that
-statues in motion were already known at the beginning of the sixth
-century B. C., at least, is shown by the winged flying figure known
-as the _Nike_ of Archermos,[1300] unearthed on the island of Delos by
-the French in 1877, which is a masterpiece of early Chian sculpture,
-perhaps coeval with the statue dedicated to Artemis by Nikandre of
-Naxos, found a year later on Delos,[1301] even though the latter
-appears more archaic. This earliest example of treating a flying figure
-in Greek sculpture we find repeated almost unchanged for a long time
-after, especially for _akroteria_ figures on temples and in the minor
-arts. We might mention the bronze statuette of the end of the sixth
-century B. C., found on the Akropolis, which comes from the edge of a
-vessel and represents a winged _Nike_ springing through the air, the
-legs in profile and the head and upper body turned to the front, just
-as in the figure of Archermos.[1302] Such figures completely disprove
-the contention of Sikes that the Greek idea of a winged _Nike_ did
-not antedate the fifth century B. C.[1303] The early date of statues
-represented in a lunging attitude, like the _Tyrannicides_, is also
-shown by the story that Herakles destroyed his own statue by Daidalos
-in the agora of Elis, because in the night he mistook it for an enemy
-lunging at him. The scheme of combatants fighting with lances seems to
-have been native to Rhodian art at the end of the seventh century B.
-C., for we see it first on a painted terra-cotta plate in the British
-Museum, which represents Hektor and Menelaos fighting for the body of
-Euphorbos.[1304] This pose was taken over into other arts, as we see
-it in the bronze statuette of a warrior found in Dodona in 1880, now
-in the Antiquarium in Berlin, which dates from the end of the sixth
-century B. C., or the beginning of the fifth.[1305] All these examples
-are sufficient to show that representing the human figure in motion was
-an ancient motive in Greek art.
-
-
-PYTHAGORAS AND MYRON.
-
-Besides Kritios, two other sculptors of the transitional
-period—Pythagoras and Myron—gave a great impetus to the type of
-statue in motion in the first half of the fifth century B. C. Before
-proceeding further we shall briefly consider their artistic activity.
-
-The attempt to ascribe something tangible to Pythagoras of Rhegion has
-often been made.[1306] Practically all we really know about him is
-that he was celebrated for his statues of athletes. Pausanias mentions
-seven statues at Olympia of victors who won in many different events,
-in running (including the hoplite-race), wrestling, boxing, and the
-chariot-race; and Pliny, in giving a list of his works, praises the
-statue of a pancratiast at Delphi.[1307] Thus Pausanias records the
-statues of the Sicilian wrestler Leontiskos, who won two victories
-in Ols. 81 and 82 (= 456 and 452 B. C.);[1308] of the boy boxer
-Protolaos of Mantinea, who won in Ol. (?) 74 (= 484 B. C.);[1309] of
-the boxer Euthymos of Lokroi, who won three times in Ols. 74, 76,
-77 (= 484, 476, 472 B. C.);[1310] of Dromeus of Stymphalos, who won
-the long foot-race (δόλιχος) twice in Ols. (?) 80 and 81 (= 460 and
-456 B. C.);[1311] of Astylos of Kroton, who won the stade-race, the
-double foot-race (δίαυλος) three times, and the hoplite-race twice in
-Ols. 73, 74, 75, 76 (= 488-476 B. C.);[1312] of the hoplite victor
-Mnaseas of Kyrene, victor in Ol. 81 (= 456 B. C.);[1313] and of the
-latter’s son Kratisthenes, who won the chariot-race in Ol. (?) 83 (=
-448 B. C.).[1314] Some of these statues at Olympia must have been
-represented at rest, while others appear to have been represented in
-motion. Thus the statue of Mnaseas—though it is possible that it was
-represented in motion like that of Epicharinos by Kritios already
-mentioned—was probably represented at rest, since Pausanias described
-it simply as that of an ὁπλίτης ἀνήρ.[1315] When we inquire into the
-style of Pythagoras we do not find much that is definite to guide us.
-Besides the bare list of his works, we have little except the statement
-of Diogenes Laertios that he was the first to aim at rhythm and
-symmetry.[1316] Nevertheless many attempts have been made to identify
-his athlete statues with existing copies. Waldstein’s interpretation of
-the _Choiseul-Gouffier_ statue in the British Museum (Pl. 7A), and of
-the so-called _Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_ in Athens (Pl. 7B), as copies of
-an original athlete statue, is, as we have shown in the second chapter,
-well-founded, since the muscular build and the coiffure of these
-statues betoken the athlete. But his further attempt to show that the
-original was by Pythagoras, and his identifying it with the statue of
-the boxer Euthymos at Olympia, is not so reasonable.[1317]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 33.—Head of an Athlete, from Perinthos. Albertinum,
-Dresden.]
-
-The attempt to ascribe the head of a pancratiast from Perinthos in
-Dresden (Fig. 33)[1318] to Pythagoras is not convincing, though
-Furtwaengler has included it in his provisional Pythagorean
-group,[1319] as he does the boxer in the Louvre known as _Pollux_
-(Fig. 58),[1320] the athlete of the Boboli Gardens in Florence formerly
-called _Harmodios_ by Benndorf,[1321] and the statue of an athlete of
-later style in Lansdowne House, London.[1322] Other scholars have also
-connected the Perinthos head with Pythagoras.[1323] Hermann brought it
-into relation with the bust in the Riccardi Palace in Florence, which,
-despite its swollen ears, we have already classed as representing
-a hero and not an athlete, because of the garment thrown over the
-shoulder.[1324] Furtwaengler tried to show that this bust was Myronian
-in style, classing it and the head of an athlete in Ince Blundell Hall,
-Lancashire, England,[1325] along with that of the earlier _Diskobolos_,
-explaining the acknowledged differences in the three by Pliny’s
-statement that Myron _primus multiplicasse veritatem videtur_.[1326]
-Arndt lists the Perinthos, Riccardi, and Ince Blundell heads, together
-with two others in the Jakobsen collection in Copenhagen,[1327]
-the head of the so-called Pollux of the Louvre, a bearded head in
-Petrograd,[1328] and the so-called head of _Peisistratos_ in the
-Villa Albani, Rome,[1329] as works emanating from one school of
-sculptors—the differences being explained by the many copyists. But
-to attempt to differentiate within the group two different sculptors,
-Myron or Pythagoras, he finds impossible, chiefly because we are
-dealing in every case with copies and not with originals, and because
-in no case are we certain that the head belongs to the torso on which
-it is set.[1330] Still another critic, A. Schober, classes together
-as more or less related works the Riccardi, Ince Blundell, Perinthos,
-and Ny-Carlsberg heads, the Louvre boxer (_Pollux_), Chinnery
-_Hermes_ in the British Museum,[1331] the Boboli athlete, the athlete
-metamorphosed into a _Hermes_ in the Loggia Scoperta of the Vatican,
-and the Lansdowne athlete, and finds them all Myronian. He believes the
-Perinthos head to be the prototype of the Riccardi and Ince Blundell
-heads.[1332]
-
-In all this confusion of opinion as to the style of Pythagoras, and
-in the absence of any fixed criterion of judgment furnished by an
-original authenticated work, it seems hazardous to ascribe this or that
-sculpture to this little-known artist. The difficulty of separating
-Myron and Pythagoras is even greater than that which confronts us in
-trying to distinguish works of Lysippos and Skopas in the next century.
-We may some day recover a genuine Pythagorean athlete statue, though
-this is extremely improbable now that we have no more to expect from
-Olympia and Delphi, where most of his statues appear to have stood. But
-despite the difficulty, many identifications of his Olympia statues
-have been suggested, some of which we shall now mention.
-
-As Pausanias says that the victor Mnaseas was surnamed _Libys_, the
-Libyan, and that his statue was by Pythagoras, it may be that this is
-the statue mentioned by Pliny in the words: _[Pythagoras] fecit ...
-et Libyn, puerum tenentem tabellam eodem loco (= Olympiae) et mala
-ferentem nudum._[1333] However, in that case we can not connect the
-words _Libyn_ and _puerum_, since one represented a man and the other a
-boy.[1334] Consequently, Pliny is speaking of three different statues,
-and not two, by this artist. Reisch believes that the statues of the
-boy and the nude man were represented at rest,[1335] the boy bearing a
-tablet (_i. e._, an iconic πινάκιον) in his hand, like the Athenian
-youth appearing on a vase-painting in Munich.[1336] Another scholar, L.
-von Urlichs, formerly identified the boy carrying the tablet with the
-statue of Protolaos at Olympia,[1337] explaining the tablet as a means
-of characterizing the young learner. He changed his theory later,[1338]
-when, in consequence of the discovery of the Corinthian tablets, he
-called it a votive tablet. His son, H. L. von Urlichs, agreed with him
-because of a passage in the collection of _Proverbs_ by Zenobios, the
-sophist of Hadrian’s age,[1339] according to which the marble statue
-of _Nemesis_ at Rhamnous by Pheidias’ favorite pupil, the Parian
-sculptor Agorakritos,[1340] held an apple-branch in her left hand, from
-which a small tablet containing the artist’s name was suspended, and
-also because certain coins of Syracuse and Catania represent Nike as
-carrying a tablet hung by a ribbon, on which the coin-striker’s name
-was engraved.[1341] The same scholar further identified the nude man
-carrying the apples with the statue of Dromeus at Olympia. Since Pliny
-does not expressly say that the statue of the nude man was at Olympia,
-even though the sense of the passage inclines us to think it was, L.
-von Urlichs interprets the apples in the hand as an additional prize
-at Delphi, and so makes the statue that of a Pythian victor.[1342] All
-such identifications are based on too uncertain premises.
-
-That Pythagoras did make statues in motion is proved by his statue of
-a limping man at Syracuse mentioned by Pliny[1343] in very realistic
-terms. We know of other statues by him representing athletes in motion
-only by inference. Thus, in the passage just quoted, Pliny says that he
-surpassed Myron with his Delphian pancratiast, which appears, inasmuch
-as Pliny merely calls the statue a pancratiast without mentioning any
-attribute, to have been represented in the characteristic lunging
-pose.[1344] However, we can not say definitely, since the contemporary
-statue of the pancratiast Kallias, by Mikon of Athens, was represented
-in the attitude of rest, as we learn from the footprints on its
-recovered base.[1345] Pliny also says that Pythagoras surpassed
-with his Delphian pancratiast his own statue of Leontiskos,[1346] a
-statement which similarly appears to mark the latter as a statue in
-motion. Reisch assumes that the statue of Euthymos was in motion,
-since Pausanias says it was an ἀνδριὰς θέας ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἄξιος.[1347]
-On the whole, then, we may assume that Pythagoras was a sculptor who
-represented many of his victors in the attitude of motion.
-
-Love of movement also characterized the artistic temperament of
-Myron, even though we know that he represented gods, heroes, and
-even athletes, at rest. Thus coins show that Athena in his _Marsyas_
-group was represented as standing in a tranquil pose.[1348] Similarly
-the Riccardi bust in Florence, already discussed, which may be
-Myronian, comes from a statue of a hero shown in an attitude of rest.
-Myron was the first Greek sculptor to make his statues and groups
-self-sufficient,[1349] that is, he gave to them a concentration which
-does not allow the spectator’s attention to wander. We readily see this
-new principle in art when we compare the _Diskobolos_ and the group of
-the _Tyrannicides_. In the latter our attention is not concentrated,
-for a third figure, that of the tyrant on whom the onset is being made,
-is required in imagination to complete the group. We have no originals
-from Myron’s hand, but we are in far better case in regard to his work
-than in regard to that of Pythagoras, since we have unmistakable copies
-of two of his greatest works, the _Marsyas_ and the _Diskobolos_. In
-them there is little trace of the archaic stiffness that is still
-visible in the _Tyrannicides_. Both of these works are represented in
-violent action, and in both there is complete concentration. While
-the _Diskobolos_ represents a trained palæstra athlete executing a
-graceful movement, the _Marsyas_ represents a wild Satyr of the woods,
-wholly untrained and controlled by savage passions, in the moment of
-fear.[1350] In the _Diskobolos_ the face is impassive, being little
-affected by the violent movement of the body—a contrast only partly to
-be explained as due to the copyist; in the _Marsyas_, on the contrary,
-there is complete harmony between the facial expression and the violent
-action of the body.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 22
-
-Statue of the _Diskobolos_, from Castel Porziano, after Myron.
-Museo delle Terme, Rome.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 34.—Statue of the _Diskobolos_, after Myron.
-Vatican Museum, Rome.]
-
-Since we are chiefly dependent for our knowledge of Myron’s athletic
-work on the marble copies of the _Diskobolos_, which represents a
-new era in athletic art, and since this statue is perhaps the most
-famous athletic statue of all times, it will be well to speak of it
-here at some length. It is not, so far as we know, the statue of any
-particular victor, but rather a study in athletic sculpture.[1351] Of
-this work there are twelve full size replicas and several statuettes.
-We shall discuss only those which give us the best idea of the lost
-original. The most faithful copy is the superb marble statue in the
-Palazzo Lancellotti, Rome, discovered on the Esquiline in 1781 (head
-seen in Pl. 23).[1352] As the head has never been broken away from the
-body, this copy preserves the original pose, whereas all other copies
-have the head turned in the wrong direction.[1353] The head and face
-preserve Attic proportions and the treatment of the hair and muscles
-differs from that of the other copies, which disclose later elements.
-The hair, in particular, shows signs of archaism, just as it must have
-been treated in the original, as evinced by Pliny’s criticism.[1354]
-The most carefully worked copy, however, is the Parian marble torso,
-which was found in 1906 at Castel Porziano, the site of the ancient
-Laurentum, and is now in the Museo delle Terme, Rome (Pl. 22).[1355]
-This torso was already restored in antiquity. Since the villa in which
-it was found was built in Augustus’ day and was restored in the second
-century A. D., we have the approximate dates both of the origin and
-restoration of the statue. A weak copy, discovered in Tivoli in 1791,
-is in the Sala della Biga of the Vatican; the head, left arm, and
-right leg below the knee have been restored, the head wrongly (Fig.
-34).[1356] A Græco-Roman copy discovered also in 1791, in Hadrian’s
-villa, is in the British Museum (Fig. 35).[1357] Here the head,
-although antique, belongs to another copy, and has been set upon the
-torso wrongly, in such a way that the throat has two Adam’s apples. It
-looks straight to the ground and not upward as in the Lancellotti copy.
-There is a better replica of the torso in the Capitoline Museum, which
-formerly belonged to the French sculptor Étienne Mounot (1658-1733),
-who wrongly restored it as a falling warrior. It agrees in accuracy
-with the Lancellotti copy, though it is dry and lifeless, and is a
-better guide to the original than either the Vatican or British Museum
-replicas.[1358] A combination of these and other copies gives us an
-excellent idea of the original bronze. In Pl. 23 we give a combination
-of the Vatican torso and the Lancellotti head from a cast in
-Munich.[1359] Perhaps a better combination is that given by Bulle[1360]
-from a cast made up of the delle Terme body, the Lancellotti head, the
-right arm and the diskos from the Casa Buonarroti in Florence, the feet
-from the British Museum copy and the fingers of the left hand being
-freely restored.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 35.—Statue of the _Diskobolos_, after Myron.
-British Museum, London.]
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 23
-
-Statue of the _Diskobolos_, after Myron. A bronzed Cast from the Statue
-in the Vatican and Head from the Statue in the Palazzo Lancellotti,
-Rome.]
-
-The pose of the Lancellotti copy agrees with Lucian’s description of
-the original: “Surely, said I, you do not speak of the quoit-thrower
-who stoops in the attitude of one who is making his cast, turning round
-toward the hand that holds the quoit, and bending the other knee gently
-beneath him, like one who will rise erect as he hurls the quoit?”[1361]
-That the head of the original was turned back as in the Lancellotti
-copy, and not downwards, as in the Vatican, British Museum and other
-replicas, is shown by this description, which is corroborated by two
-bronze statuettes in Munich and Arolsen[1362] and by a gem in the
-British Museum.[1363] Myron chose the most difficult, but at the same
-time the most characteristic, moment in swinging the diskos, the moment
-which combines the idea of rest and motion. The quoit has been swung
-back as far as it will go. The momentary pause before it is hurled
-forward suggests rest and at the same time implies motion, both that
-which has preceded and that which is to follow. It is this short pause
-at the end of the backward swing which the sculptor has fixed in the
-bronze. The right arm is stretched backwards as far as possible and
-draws with it the body with the left arm and head; in another instant
-the diskos will be hurled and the tension on the right leg relaxed.
-The original statue rested upon the right foot; the tree trunk is
-a necessary addition to the marble copies. As Greek art was mostly
-characterized by repose, we are not surprised that such a daring effect
-received the censure of the ancient critics. Quintilian says that if
-any one blames the statue for its labored effect, he is wrong, since
-the novelty and the difficulty of the work are its chief merits.[1364]
-For a statue of the transitional stage of Greek sculpture it is
-remarkably bold; only in imagination can we see the action by which
-the body has got into this position and by which it will recover its
-equilibrium. It illustrates a principle laid down by Lessing in the
-_Laokoön_: “Of ever changing nature the artist can use only a single
-moment and this from a single point of view. And as his work is meant
-to be looked at not for an instant, but with long consideration, he
-must choose the most fruitful moment, and the most fruitful point of
-view, that, to wit, which leaves the power of imagination free.”[1365]
-
-Myron was the sculptor of five statues for four victors at Olympia,
-one of a pancratiast, another of a boxer, a third of a runner, and
-two of a victor in the hoplite-race and the chariot-race.[1366] Pliny
-also says that Myron made statues of pentathletes and pancratiasts
-at Delphi.[1367] Thus he showed as much versatility as Pythagoras in
-the representation of victors in different contests. None of these
-statues has survived and the identification of existing Roman copies
-with any of them is, of course, highly problematical. Thus, a little
-further on we make the suggestion that the statue of the boxer in the
-Louvre, commonly known as _Pollux_ (Fig. 58), may be, because of its
-Myronian character, the statue of the unknown Arkadian boxer at Olympia
-mentioned by Pausanias (in connection with the boy boxer Philippos)
-as the work of Myron.[1368] Pliny, in the passage just cited, also
-mentions statues of _pristae_ by Myron, a word which has given rise to
-many interpretations: _e. g._, sea-monsters (_pristes_ or _pistres_),
-men working with a cross-cut saw (_pristae_), players at see-saw
-(_pristae_?),[1369] and boxers (_pyctae_).[1370] The manuscripts are
-unanimous for _pristae_, and hence it is probable that a realistic
-group by Myron is meant, since Myron is often classed as a realist in
-opposition to Polykleitos, the idealist. Long ago Dalecampius, followed
-in recent years by Furtwaengler,[1371] believed that these _pristae_
-formed a votive offering, and H. L. von Urlichs has shown that a group
-of sawyers as the dedication of some master-builder is quite in harmony
-with fifth-century traditions.[1372] H. Stuart Jones[1373] connects
-the words _Perseum et pristas_ of Pliny’s text, and follows the theory
-of Mayer[1374] that the carpenters or sawyers were a part of a group,
-which represented the inclosure of Danaë and Perseus in the chest.
-
-While the athletic statues in motion by Pythagoras and Myron became
-models for later sculptors, especially in the following century,[1375]
-the rest statues of Polykleitos still remained in vogue in works by
-members of his family and school down through the fourth century, as we
-have seen in our treatment of the Argive-Sikyonian sculptors at Olympia.
-
-
-MOTION STATUES REPRESENTING VICTORS IN VARIOUS CONTESTS.
-
-We shall now review the types of victor statues, which reproduced in
-their pose the various contests, _i. e._, statues in motion. We shall
-find it convenient to follow in the main the order of contests as
-they appear on the Oxyrhynchus Papyrus[1376]—the stade-race (στάδιον),
-double race (δίαυλος), long race (δόλιχος), pentathlon (πένταθλον),
-wrestling, (πάλη), boxing (πύξ), pankration (παγκράτιον), hoplite-race
-(ὁπλίτης), chariot-race (τέθριππον), and horse-race (κέλης)—except that
-we shall class the four running races (nos. 1, 2, 3, and 11) together
-and include the three boys’ contests (παίδων στάδιον, πάλη, πύξ, nos.
-8, 9, 10) under the corresponding men’s events. The classification of
-competitors by ages (ἡλικίαι), which varied at different festivals,
-will need a word of explanation. While athletes at Nemea, the Isthmus,
-and Delphi were divided into three classes, παῖδες, ἀγένειοι, and
-ἄνδρες,[1377] at Olympia they were divided into two, παῖδες and
-ἄνδρες.[1378] At local competitions there was a more elaborate
-classification. Thus at the Bœotian _Erotidia_, boys were divided
-into younger and older;[1379] at the games held on the island of Chios
-there were five divisions, boys, younger, middle, and older ephebes,
-and men;[1380] and at the Athenian _Theseia_, the boys were divided
-into first, second, and third classes, while an open contest also
-existed for boys of any age.[1381] Girls at the _Heraia_ at Olympia
-were similarly divided into three classes.[1382] Plato proposed three
-classes of athletes in his _Laws_—παιδικοί, ἄνδρες, and a third class,
-ἀγένειοι, between boys and men.[1383] The classification of athletes
-at Athens into παῖδες and ἄνδρες, adopted by Boeckh, Dittenberger, and
-Dumont,[1384] is now the one generally followed. According to it the
-παῖδες were subdivided into three classes, those τῆς πρώτης ἡλικίας,
-τῆς δευτέρας, and τῆς τρίτης; and so the ἀγένειοι were merely the
-παῖδες τῆς τρίτης ἡλικίας. The boys, including the ἀγένειοι, ranged
-from 12 to 18 years old; at 18 they became ἔφηβοι or ἄνδρες.[1385] We
-have already seen that the age of boy victors at Olympia was over 17
-and under 20.[1386]
-
-As we have already remarked in an earlier chapter, we are mostly
-indebted to Pausanias for our knowledge of the victor statues at
-Olympia.[1387] He mentions in his _periegesis_ of the Altis 192
-monuments, which were erected to 187 victors.[1388] Some of these
-victors won in more than one contest, so that there are 258 different
-victories recorded in all. In the following sections we shall see how
-these were distributed among the various contests.
-
-
-RUNNERS: STADIODROMOI, DIAULODROMOI, DOLICHODROMOI.
-
-Running races formed at all times a part of the Greek games and of
-the exercises of the youth in the gymnasia and palæstræ. A scholiast
-on Pindar[1389] says that the running race had its origin in the
-first celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries. It figures largely in
-mythology, especially at Olympia, which also shows its antiquity.[1390]
-In historic times many varieties of running developed, but four chief
-ones were practised at the great games.[1391] First there was the
-simple stade-race (στάδιον, δρόμος), which was merely the length of
-the stadion or 600 Greek feet, corresponding with the running race of
-Homer.[1392] Then there was the double race (δίαυλος), twice as long as
-the preceding, to the end of the course and back again.[1393] The long
-race (δόλιχος, ὁ μακρὸς δρόμος), which Philostratos derives from the
-institution of messenger runners (_hemerodromoi_),[1394] is variously
-given as seven, twelve, fourteen, twenty, and twenty-four stades in
-length, _i. e._, from about four-fifths of a mile to nearly three
-miles.[1395] Lastly there was the race in armor (ὁπλιτοδρόμος,[1396]
-ὁπλίτης,[1397] ἀσπίς.[1398]) The long race was instituted not so much
-as a contest of fleetness as of endurance. At Olympia only men were
-admitted, though there was such a race for boys at Delphi.[1399] The
-Cretans were famed in this style of running.[1400] The race in armor,
-which was a double race or two stades at Olympia, we shall discuss
-further on. Probably the boys’ stade-race at Olympia was shorter than
-that of the men. Plato, who gives the historic division of running
-races outlined above, has the boys run one-half of the men’s course
-and the ephebes (ἀγένειοι) two-thirds.[1401] Just so Pausanias has
-the girl runners at the Olympia _Heraia_ run one-sixth of the men’s
-stadion.[1402]
-
-At Olympia, as at the _Panathenaia_ in Athens and probably elsewhere,
-the first event preceding all others was the stade-race. Pausanias says
-that it was the oldest event at Olympia,[1403] and it existed there all
-through antiquity from the first recorded Olympiad (= 776 B. C.), when
-Koroibos of Elis won.[1404] But the notion generally held[1405] that
-the stade-race for men was honored above all other events at Olympia,
-because the winner became ἐπώνυμος for the Olympiad and because his
-name occurs in the lists of Africanus for every Olympiad, is incorrect.
-In two passages Thukydides cites Olympic pancratiasts for dates,[1406]
-and in the earliest inscription which makes use of Olympiads for
-chronology the later introduced pankration is the event used.[1407]
-The literary supremacy of Athens, where, at the _Panathenaia_, the
-stade-race was the most important event, doubtless helped later in
-making the stade runner at Olympia eponymous. This custom, however, was
-not generally employed before the third century B. C.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 36.—Athletic Scenes from a Bacchic Amphora in Rome.
-A. Stadiodromoi and Leaper. B. Diskobolos and Akontistai.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 37.—Athletic Scenes from a Sixth-century B. C.
-Panathenaic Amphora. Stadiodromoi (left) and Dolichodromoi (right).]
-
-Pausanias dates the introduction of the double foot-race at Olympia
-in Ol. 14 (= 724 B. C.).[1408] He does not say when the long race
-was instituted, but Eusebios says that it was in Ol. 15 (= 720 B.
-C.).[1409] The boys’ stade-race was introduced there in Ol. 37 (= 632
-B. C.).[1410] The hoplite-race was inaugurated at the end of the sixth
-century B. C., in Ol. 65 (= 520 B. C.).[1411] Pausanias mentions 24
-_stadiodromoi_ at Olympia, who won 32 victories, which makes this
-event third in importance, next after boxing and wrestling. He mentions
-7 victors in the double race with 11 victories, and 5 victors in the
-long race with 8 victories. He also mentions 12 hoplite victors with 14
-victories. Consequently, in all four running events there, he records
-48 victors with 65 victories, which brings the running races only to
-second place in importance at Olympia, ranking next after boxing.[1412]
-The ordinary sprinter or _stadiodromos_, and the double sprinter,
-_diaulodromos_ or _hoplitodromos_, naturally ran differently from the
-endurance runner or _dolichodromos_. Panathenaic vases clearly show
-this difference. Thus while the sprinter swung his arms violently,
-spreading the fingers apart and touching the ground only with his
-toes[1413] (Figs. 36A and 37, left), the endurance runner, who had to
-conserve his strength to the last, ran with a long stride, holding
-his arms bent at the elbow and close to the body, his fists doubled
-and his body slightly bent forward, its weight resting on the ball
-of the foot, the heel being raised only a little. Thus Philostratos
-says that the _dolichodromoi_ ran with their hands extended and with
-their fists balled, but that at the finish they also swung their arms
-violently like wings.[1414] The race (showing balled fists) is seen
-on a Panathenaic amphora dating from the archonship of Nikeratos
-(333 B. C.), now in the British Museum, and on another of the sixth
-century B. C., pictured in Fig. 37 (right).[1415] In the _diaulos_ the
-movement was less violent. Thus on an Athens vase inscribed, “I am a
-diaulos runner,”[1416] the movement is between that of a sprinter and
-an endurance runner. It seems probable that this difference in the
-style of running was similarly shown in sculpture.[1417] We shall next
-consider certain sculptural monuments which represent runners.
-
-The typical scheme for archaic and archaistic art was to represent the
-runner with one knee nearly touching the ground, the upper log forming
-a right angle with the lower, the other leg being perpendicular to the
-upper. This scheme appears on many vases and reliefs and in statuettes
-and statues.[1418] This old method of depicting runners was kept up
-by vase-painters down to the time of the red-figured masters.[1419]
-We see them on many reliefs, _e. g._, on the Ionic-Greek reliefs on
-the three archaic bronze tripods of the middle of the sixth century
-B. C. in the possession of Mr. James Loeb;[1420] on a small bronze
-relief in the Metropolitan Museum in New York which represents a
-winged Boreas;[1421] and on the marble funerary stele of the so-called
-dying hoplite runner found in 1902 near the Theseion, and now in the
-National Museum in Athens.[1422] Almost the same position as that of
-the figure on this Athenian relief is seen in a small bronze in the
-Metropolitan Museum, whose primitive features and solidly massed hair
-date it in the early part of the sixth century B. C.[1423] Another
-slightly larger bronze in the same museum represents Herakles running
-in a kneeling posture.[1424] Because a spearman is incongruous behind
-a bowman, Kalkmann[1425] and Furtwaengler[1426] have interpreted the
-two kneeling figures near either end of the West gable of the temple on
-Aegina as archaic runners (see Fig. 21, left). We may further compare
-with these figures the positions, though not the motives, of two others
-from the West gable at Olympia,[1427] as well as that of the kneeling
-bowman _Herakles_ from the East gable of the temple on Aegina.[1428] In
-this connection we shall also mention the life-size marble torso of
-a kneeling youth found in Nero’s villa at Subiaco in 1884 and now in
-the Museo delle Terme, Rome (Pl. 24).[1429] This statue, representing
-a boy of delicate build apparently striding forward with the right leg
-and bending the left so that the knee nearly touches the ground, has
-been regarded by some scholars[1430] as a runner, whose pose copies
-the archaic manner, being historically the last example known of its
-use in sculpture. The right shoulder is turned backward and the head,
-now missing, was turned back and upwards; the right arm is raised high
-and twisted about with the palm of the hand facing backward, the left
-arm extended with its hand in some way related to the right knee. The
-impression made on the spectator is that of a boy bending aside as if
-to ward off some danger. It is an excellent piece of work, evidently
-the marble copy of an original bronze. This has been variously
-assigned to the fifth, fourth, and even later centuries B. C.,[1431]
-and interpreted in various ways[1432]—as a Niobid,[1433] as Ganymedes
-swooped down upon by the eagle,[1434] as Hylas drawn into the water by
-nymphs when he was filling his pitcher,[1435] as a ball-player,[1436]
-as a boy throwing a lasso,[1437] as a gable figure,[1438] as a runner
-at the games, etc. Many of these interpretations are purely fanciful;
-the last is, perhaps, as good as any, though the strongly turned upper
-body seems not quite fitted to it. If it represents a runner, the
-sculptor has reproduced the well-known archaic pose.
-
-
-THE STATUE OF THE RUNNER LADAS.
-
-We shall next consider the famous statue of the runner Ladas by Myron,
-which is unfortunately known to us only from literary evidence, but
-which attained in antiquity an even greater fame than his nameless
-_Diskobolos_, since it portrayed even more tension than that wonderful
-work. Its fame was partly due to the picturesque story how the victory
-cost the runner his life, for he died of strain while on his way home
-to Sparta; it was also due in no less degree to the striking way in
-which the victor was depicted.[1439]
-
-Two fourth-century epigrams tell us of the statue. The first of these
-runs:
-
- Λάδας τὸ στάδιον εἴθ’ ἥλατο, εἴτε διέπτη,
- οὐδὲ φράσαι δυνατόν· δαιμόνιον τὸ τάχος.
- [ὁ ψόφος ἦν ὕσπληγγος ἐν οὔασι, καὶ στεφανοῦτο
- Λάδας καὶ κάμνων δάκτυλον οὐ προέβη.][1440]
-
-The second epigram, naming Myron as the sculptor, runs:
-
- Οἷος ἔης φεύγων τὸν ὑπήνεμον, ἔμπνοε Λάδα,
- Θῦμον, ἐπ’ ἀκροτάτῳ πνεύματι θεὶς ὄνυχα,
- τοῖον ἐχάλκευσέν σε Μύρων, ἐπὶ παντὶ χαράξας
- σώματι Πισαίου προσδοκίην στεφάνου.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 24
-
-Statue of a Kneeling Youth, from Subiaco. Museo delle Terme, Rome.]
-
-To these verses are added the following, which Benndorf thinks belonged
-to another epigram on the same statue:
-
- πλήρης ἐλπίδος ἐστίν, ἄκροις δ’ ἐπὶ χείλεσιν ἆσθμα
- ἐμφαίνει κοίλων ἔνδοθεν ἐκ λαγόνων.
- πηδήσει τάχα χαλκὸς ἐπὶ στέφος, οὐδὲ καθέξει
- ἁ βάσις· ὢ τέχνη πνεύματος ὠκυτέρα.[1441]
-
-Professor Ernest Gardner translates the two parts of the second epigram
-as follows:
-
-“Like as thou wast in life, Ladas, breathing forth thy panting
-soul,[1442] on tip-toe, with every sinew at full strain, such hath
-Myron wrought thee in bronze, stamping on thy whole body thy eagerness
-for the victor’s crown of Pisa.”
-
-“He is filled with hope, and you may see the breath caught on his lips
-from deep within his flanks; surely the bronze will leave its pedestal
-and leap to the crown. Such art is swifter than the wind.”[1443]
-
-Even if part of the epigram is rhetorical, we can not doubt that Ladas
-was represented in the final spurt just before he arrived at the goal.
-His eagerness was not confined to the face—though the panting breath
-could have been indicated by half opened lips, but was visible in the
-whole body.[1444] Whereas the girl runner of the Vatican (Pl. 2) is
-represented at the beginning of the race, Myron’s statue represented
-Ladas at the end of it. Probably the victor was represented with his
-weight thrown on the advanced foot and with the arms close to the sides
-and bent at the elbows—a treatment which would have been easy for the
-sculptor of the _Diskobolos_. Mahler tried to identify the statue with
-one of the Naples group of so-called runners (Fig. 51).[1445] However,
-as we shall see, these probably represent wrestlers, and not runners,
-and neither of them shows any such tension as we should expect from the
-description of the statue of Ladas. Though Foerster believes that the
-statue of Ladas stood in Olympia, in honor of his victory in the long
-race there,[1446] we can not say definitely where it was.[1447]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 38.—Statue of a Runner. Palazzo dei Conservatori,
-Rome.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 39.—Statue of a Runner. Palazzo dei Conservatori,
-Rome.]
-
-Perhaps our best representation of runners is to be seen in the two
-marble statues discovered near Velletri and now in the Palazzo dei
-Conservatori, Rome (Figs. 38 and 39).[1448] The hair and the sharp
-edges of the modeling of the flesh, as well as the tree-stumps near the
-right legs, show that these statues are copies of bronze originals.
-They were at first interpreted as runners, but later were regarded as
-forming a group of wrestlers, who were standing opposite one another
-and holding their hands out for an opening. However, there is nothing
-in the pose or the expression of these statues to show the tension
-of two opponents. Moreover, they certainly never formed a group,
-for stylistic differences reveal that they are copies of statues by
-different artists who lived at different times; one belongs to the
-severe style of the last quarter of the fifth century,[1449] while
-the other, with its softer forms, smaller head, and deeper-set eyes,
-is a product of the fourth century B. C.[1450] The prominent edge
-of the chest is doubtless meant to indicate the hard breathing of a
-runner.[1451] Just in front of the tree-stump on the older statue is to
-be seen a round hole in the plinth, which may have been made for the
-end of a club held in the right hand, as such an object is found in
-other works of art, notably in a statuette from Palermo, which is the
-copy of a fifth-century B. C. original, and on a second-century B. C.
-grave-stele from Crete.[1452] Its use, however, is not certainly known.
-
-Furtwaengler, by an ingenious process of reasoning, argued that he
-had recovered an actual statue of an Olympic runner in the so-called
-_Alkibiades_, formerly in the Villa Mattei, but now in the Sala della
-Biga of the Vatican.[1453] This torso he ascribed to the sculptor
-Kresilas, because of its likeness to the _Perikles_ of that master,
-which once stood on the Akropolis,[1454] and to a marble torso in
-Naples representing a wounded man ready to fall, which he thinks
-is a copy of the _Volneratus deficiens_ of Kresilas mentioned by
-Pliny.[1455] The _Alkibiades_ is very similar to the Naples gladiator,
-though later in date; the bearded head, drawn-in stomach, and muscular
-chest, and the veins in the upper arm are common to both. The restorer
-of the Vatican statue has placed a helmet under the right foot. But the
-deep-breathing chest may indicate a runner, as we saw in the case of
-the statues of the Conservatori just discussed. Furtwaengler has the
-body bend further forward, so that the right foot may rest upon the
-ground and the glance be fixed upon the goal, with the arms extended
-at the elbows, a position proved for the right arm, at least, by the
-_puntello_ above the hip. As the head shows portrait-like features and
-only those athletes who had won three victories had portrait statues,
-he has identified the original of the _Alkibiades_ with the statue
-of the famous stade-runner Krison of Himera, who won his victories
-at Olympia just after the middle of the fifth century B. C., the
-approximate date of the Vatican copy.[1456] Such an identification
-appears, however, to be too far-fetched to be convincing.
-
-
-STATUES OF BOY RUNNERS.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 40.—Statue of the _Thorn-puller_ (_Spinario_).
-Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome.]
-
-Probably the statues of boy runners did not differ essentially from
-those of men. That they were sometimes represented in motion is shown
-by the footprints on the recovered base of the statue of Sosikrates
-by an unknown artist. Here the right foot touched the ground only
-with the front portion.[1457] The view has often been expressed that
-the bronze statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome, known as
-the _Spinario_ (_Thorn-puller_) portrays a runner (Fig. 40).[1458]
-It represents a boy, from twelve to fifteen years old, seated upon a
-rock bending over and engrossed in extracting a thorn from his left
-foot, which rests upon the right knee. The severe hair treatment, low
-forehead, full cheeks, and strong chin appear to show the ideal beauty
-of a boy of the period of about 460 B. C. The motive seems to have been
-inspired directly by nature—witness the supple bend of the back, the
-delicate arms, the naïve, though not too realistic, concentration of
-interest in the act portrayed. Few pieces of ancient sculpture have
-given rise to more discussion and extraordinary difference of opinion
-than this popular work. One school of archæologists[1459] believes
-it a late adaptation of a Hellenistic original, a more accurate copy
-being the one in the British Museum, and consequently views it as a
-purely _genre_ statue impossible of conception before Alexander’s time.
-According to this view the London copy was an archaistic work of the
-time of Pasiteles. Another school, however, including Helbig, Wolters,
-Kekulé, and many others, sees in the Roman statue an original work
-of 460 to 450 B. C., chiefly because the face shows great similarity
-to those of the statues of the Olympia gables (especially to that of
-Apollo)[1460]. According to this view the statue can not have been
-a _genre_ work, as such works of decorative character were of later
-origin, but the motive must be sought in some definite incident—in
-some myth or historical event. Thus it has been referred to the
-colonization of the Ozolian Lokroi, whose ancestor Lokros is said to
-have got a thorn in his foot and to have founded cities near where
-this occurred in fulfilment of an oracle. Many others, on the other
-hand, have seen in its motive that of a boy victor in running, who has
-gained his victory despite a thorn, which he is now pulling out, and
-who has dedicated his statue to commemorate both the victory and the
-untoward circumstances under which it was won. It has been assigned to
-various sculptors and schools—to Myron, Pythagoras, and Kalamis, and
-to Peloponnesian, Bœotian, and even Sicilian art.[1461] The boy’s
-absorption in his task certainly reminds us of the concentration so
-characteristic of the _Diskobolos_ of Myron. In determining its age
-and artistic affiliations several things must be considered. In the
-first place, the Roman statue is a copy, as the rock on which the boy
-sits is cast with the figure, which would have been impossible in the
-fifth century B. C. The long hair on this copy, which is short on
-the one in the British Museum, falls down the neck, but not over the
-cheeks, as it should on a head which is thus bent downwards. Pasiteles
-almost certainly would have tied it with a ribbon. This shows that the
-original was the work of an artist who was used to making standing
-statues, and was not aware of the change in the representation of
-the hair brought about by drooping ones. Such considerations, in
-conjunction with the archaic facial characteristics, almost certainly
-refer the original work to the fifth century B. C., a date when _genre_
-statues, produced for adornment, did not exist. Consequently a definite
-incident must be represented by it, and it is quite possible that this
-incident should be sought in athletic sculpture in the representation
-of a boy runner.
-
-The _Thorn-puller_ became a model for many imitations from the
-beginning of Hellenistic times on. These imitations tended to greater
-realism and consequently to the debasement of the original conception,
-for they were made to represent peasants, shepherds, satyrs, and even
-negroes. The _motif_ was also transferred to figures of girls, as,
-_e. g._, in the fragment of a terra-cotta statuette found in 1912 at
-Nida-Haddernheim.[1462] In the early Empire it was frequently copied
-in marble, and again, during the Renaissance, the motive was used for
-small bronzes.[1463] Of Hellenistic copies, showing how the motive
-deteriorated, we shall mention only two: the marble one found on the
-Esquiline, in 1874, and known as the Castellani copy, now in the
-British Museum,[1464] the sculptor of which has made it into a truly
-_genre_ fountain figure by transforming the noble features of the
-beautiful Greek runner into the snub nose and thick lips of a street
-Arab, and the still later bronze statuette found near Sparta and now
-in the Paris collection of Baron Edmund de Rothschild,[1465] which
-represents the boy extracting the thorn in anger.
-
-Similarly the so-called _Sandal-binder_—with replicas in Paris (Fig.
-8), London, Athens, Munich, and elsewhere, has been looked upon,
-without decisive grounds, to be sure, as a runner who is tying on his
-sandals after the race.[1466] We have already discussed this statue in
-Chapter II, in connection with the subject of assimilation.
-
-
-HOPLITODROMOI.
-
-The race in armor had a practical value in the training of soldiers,
-and so became a popular sport, since it appealed not only to the
-trained athlete, but to the citizen in general. It belonged to “mixed
-athletics,”[1467] _i. e._, to competitions which were conducted under
-handicap conditions, such as our obstacle races, and consequently
-it never attained the prestige of the strictly athletic events. It
-came last among the gymnic contests at Olympia and elsewhere,[1468]
-being followed by the equestrian events. It seems to have varied in
-different places in the distance run, in the armor of the runner, and
-in the rules which governed the race. At Olympia, as at Athens, it
-appears to have been a _diaulos_ or a race of two stadia.[1469] The
-most strenuous race of the sort was run at the _Eleutheria_ at Platæa,
-where the contestants were completely enveloped in armor[1470] and were
-subject to peculiar rules. At Olympia the competitors originally ran
-with helmets, greaves, and round shields, as we infer from scenes on
-archaic vases and from the statement of Pausanias that the statue of
-the first victor in this event, Damaretos of Heraia, was represented
-with these arms.[1471] In this passage Pausanias adds that the Eleans
-and other Greeks later (ἀνὰ χρόνον) gave up the greaves, and we find
-that they disappear on the vase-paintings.[1472] Hauser has shown that
-the vase-paintings, which, however, mostly illustrate the Athenian
-practice, display a varied custom in respect of the use of the greaves
-before about 520 B. C., the general use of them until about 450 B.
-C., and after that date their disuse.[1473] The helmet disappeared
-after the greaves, but the shield was never given up.[1474] Thus the
-bronze statue of Mnesiboulos of Elateia, a victor (σὺν τῇ ἀσπίδι) of
-Pausanias’ day, which stood in “Runner Street” of his native city,
-appears to have been represented with the shield.[1475] It was for this
-reason that the event was later sometimes called merely ἀσπίς.[1476]
-The shields that appear on the vases are always round and the helmets
-are Attic.[1477] The gradual reduction in the amount of the armor may
-have been a concession to the regular athletes, who probably looked
-upon the contest as a spurious sort of athletics. As for the style of
-the race, the hoplite runners seem to have run somewhat as the stade
-and double-course runners, _i. e._, with their right hands up and their
-arms violently swinging.[1478]
-
-The picturesqueness of such a race appealed especially to
-vase-painters, who have given us all the details of the event. The
-preparations for the race are seen on a red-figured kylix from Vulci,
-now in Paris, ascribed to Euphronios (Panaitios), on which one
-runner is donning his armor, while others are practising preliminary
-runs.[1479] The start is seen in the right-hand figure depicted on a
-r.-f. kylix in Berlin (Fig. 41, a).[1480] On another r.-f. kylix we see
-a pair of hoplites, one slowing up before reaching the central post,
-the other turning it.[1481] The finish is seen on an obscene r.-f.
-kylix from Vulci in the style of Brygos, in the British Museum, where
-the bearded winner, with his helmet in his hand, looks back on his
-rival, and the latter, apparently in disgust, drops his shield.[1482]
-The most complete illustration of the race is to be seen on the r.-f.
-Berlin kylix just mentioned (Fig. 41, a, b, c.) Here on one side is a
-group of three runners; the right-hand one is bending over, ready to
-start; the one at the left is about to turn the central post, and the
-one in the centre, who is turned in an opposite direction, is on the
-home stretch; on the other side of the vase are three runners in full
-course, while another appears on the interior of the vase.[1483] Some
-vases seem to show that the contest often had a semi-comic character,
-the variations in running being used to amuse the spectators. Thus
-the shield might be dropped and picked up again,[1484] or it might be
-held in a peculiar manner.[1485] This comic element is brought out in
-the _Aves_ of Aristophanes, in a scene in which Peisthetairos, while
-observing the chorus of birds advancing with their crests (λόφωσις),
-compares them with hoplite runners advancing to begin the race.[1486]
-The regular painter outdid the vase-painter in representing the runner
-in violent motion, if we may rely on Pliny’s description of two
-paintings of hoplites by Parrhasios.[1487] In one of these the runner
-was represented as perspiring as he ran, while in the other he was
-represented as having laid aside his arms and panting so realistically
-that the observer seemed to hear him.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 41.—Hoplitodromes. Scenes from a r.-f. Kylix.
-Museum of Berlin.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 42.—Bronze Statuette of a Hoplitodrome (?).
-University Museum, Tuebingen.]
-
-We have few representations of hoplitodromes in sculpture. In the
-preceding chapter we discussed the two marble helmeted heads found at
-Olympia (Fig. 30), one of which shows that the statue of which it was a
-part was represented at rest, while the other, because of the twist in
-the neck, seems to have come from a statue which represented the runner
-in violent motion. Pausanias saw on the Athenian Akropolis the statue
-of the hoplite runner Epicharinos, the work of the sculptor Kritios,
-represented as practising starts (ὁπλιτοδρομεῖν ἀσκήσαντος).[1488] In
-the well-known Tux bronze in the University Museum at Tuebingen, we
-have a statuette in which the position of the statue of Epicharinos is
-probably reproduced. This little bronze, which is only 0.16 meter tall
-(Fig. 42),[1489] represents a bearded man, entirely nude, except for
-the Attic helmet on his head, standing with feet close together, knees
-slightly bent, and body inclined forward. The right arm is extended,
-while the left, crooked at the elbow, rests upon the hip. While Schwabe
-and Wolters, following the early theory of Hirt and of the sculptor
-Dannecker, interpreted the bronze as the figure of a charioteer,
-whose left hand was drawn back to hold the reins and whose right was
-outstretched in a gesture intended to quiet the horses, Hauser, de
-Ridder, Bulle, and many other archæologists have interpreted it better
-as a hoplitodrome. The left arm, then, carried a round shield, such
-as we have seen on Attic vases. The next moment the right leg will be
-advanced, the shield, held back to get a better start, will be pushed
-forward, and the runner will race to the goal in a series of leaps,
-since the weight of the shield would prevent him from following the
-more regular motion of the ordinary runner. It probably represents,
-therefore, a hoplite runner, not in the actual course, as Hauser
-thought, but practicing a preliminary start, as de Ridder argued. If
-the figure represented a charioteer, the legs would have been set
-farther apart, in order to give a firmer position, and it would not be
-represented as standing on a base, nor would it be wearing a helmet.
-The statuette stylistically belongs to the opening years of the fifth
-century B. C., and may well be a free imitation of a life-size original
-of such statues of hoplites as stood in the Altis at Olympia. Despite
-the energy depicted in this figure, it is rash to connect it with the
-Aeginetan sculptures, as Wolters and Collignon have done, since a
-comparison between it and the _Champion_ of the East gable[1490] will
-show great differences. Brunn ascribed the original to Pythagoras; de
-Ridder, with reservations, to Kritios and Nesiotes; while Bulle is more
-reasonable in referring it to an important though unnamed artist of the
-early fifth century B. C.
-
-Hartwig has published a bronze statuette from Capua,[1491] now in
-the Imperial collection at Vienna, representing a nude youth with a
-crested helmet on his head. There is no trace of a shield, but the
-helmet and the similarity of the pose to that of the Tuebingen bronze
-make it probable that this statuette also represents a hoplitodrome
-starting. The so-called _Diomedes_ of Myronian style in the Palazzo
-Valentini, Rome,[1492] whose stooping posture recalls the _Diskobolos_
-and accordingly has been interpreted as one by Matz and von Duhn, more
-probably also represents a hoplite-runner, as Furtwaengler maintained,
-because of the similarity of its pose to that of the Tux bronze and
-because of its helmeted head.[1493]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 43.—Statue of the so-called _Borghese Warrior_.
-Louvre, Paris.]
-
-Some other attempts to see hoplite runners in existing works of
-sculpture have not been so successful. Thus Rayet’s attempt to
-resuscitate the old interpretation of Quatremère de Quincy, who had
-explained the statue of the so-called _Borghese Warrior_ by Agasias of
-Ephesos (Fig. 43) as that of a hoplitodrome just before reaching the
-goal, has been recently revived again by Six.[1494] This famous marble
-statue of the Louvre, belonging to late Greek art, is an example of the
-last development in the Argive-Sikyonian school, which for centuries
-had been devoted to athletic sculpture.[1495] Since the statue has
-no helmet, there seems to be no valid reason for not adhering to the
-usual interpretation, according to which it represents a warrior—by
-restoring the lost right arm and hand with a sword—who is defending
-himself against a foe above him, conceived of as seated upon a horse.
-The attitude and the upward gaze are certainly not those of a runner.
-Though Collignon, following Visconti, believes the figure to be one
-of a group, the man actually defending himself against a horseman and
-covering himself with his shield as he looks up, it is doubtful whether
-a second figure ever existed. The artist seems to have contented
-himself with representing, not a fight, but only a fighting pose. We
-are beginning to understand that the Greek sculptor left something to
-the imagination of the beholder.
-
-An attempt has also been made to see a dying hoplite runner in the
-Parian marble archaic grave-relief in the National Museum in Athens,
-which has already been mentioned as an example of the archaic scheme
-of representing running.[1496] It represents a beardless youth running
-in a half-kneeling posture, even though the head is bent and turned
-in the opposite direction. The eyes appear to be closed—due, perhaps,
-to the faulty sculptor—and the two hands are touching the breast.
-While no shield is represented (it is contended that its presence
-would nearly hide the figure), still, because of the helmet and the
-position of the arm, which latter is obviously that of a long-distance
-runner, Philios, followed by Perrot-Chipiez and Bulle, explained it
-as the representation of a hoplite runner who is expiring at the end
-of his course. They date it about 520 B. C.,[1497] the date of the
-introduction of this race at Olympia. However, the absence of the
-shield, to say nothing of the greaves, seems an insuperable objection
-to such an hypothesis, as the shield was never omitted in this race,
-but was invariably its symbol. Svoronos is therefore more probably
-right in interpreting the relief as the monument of a military runner
-(δρομοκῆρυξ), even if his dating (490-480 B. C.) is somewhat too
-late,[1498] and if his identifying it with some particular messenger
-(such as the Athenian runner Pheidippides, who ran to Sparta for aid
-just prior to the battle of Marathon) is fanciful.
-
-
-PENTATHLETES.
-
-The peculiar features of the pentathlon (πένταθλον) were the three
-events, jumping, diskos-throwing, and javelin-throwing. All five events
-are summed up in Simonides’ epigram on the pentathlete Diophon, who
-won at Delphi and on the Isthmus, the second line of which runs: ἅλμα,
-ποδωκείην, δίσκον, ἄκοντα, πάλην.[1499]
-
-The pentathlon did not exist in Homer’s time. Pindar expressly says
-that it did not exist in heroic days, but that then a separate prize
-was given for each feat.[1500] At the games on Scheria, King Alkinoos
-boasts to Odysseus of the superiority of his countrymen in πύξ τε
-παλαισμοσύνῃ τε καὶ ἅλμασιν ἠδὲ πόδεσσιν.[1501] The pentathlon for
-men was introduced at Olympia at the same time as wrestling toward
-the end of the eighth century, in Ol. 18 (= 708 B. C.),[1502] and the
-pentathlon for boys eighty years later, in Ol. 38 (= 628 B. C.), only
-to be stopped soon after.[1503] Pausanias mentions fifteen victors
-at Olympia, who had statues erected in their honor, for seventeen
-victories in the pentathlon, thus giving the pentathletes sixth rank
-there in point of number.
-
-The b.-f. Bacchic amphora in Rome already discussed represents four
-events out of the five: running, leaping, diskos-throwing, and
-akontion-throwing (Figs. 36 A and 36 B).[1504] On several Panathenaic
-vases we find one or more events, and the three characteristic ones on
-several, one of which we here reproduce (Fig. 44).[1505]
-
-The various events are common on r.-f. vases,[1506] though these may
-not represent the pentathlon contests, but merely gymnasium scenes,
-showing that such contests were important. We have already said that
-the pentathlon represented the whole physical training of Greek
-youths; consequently the pentathlete was looked upon as the typical
-athlete, being superior to all others in all-round development, even
-if surpassed by them in certain special events. It was for this reason
-that Polykleitos, in order to embody the principles of his athlete
-canon, made a statue of a javelin-thrower (the _Doryphoros_) as the
-best example of an all-round man.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 44.—Pentathletes. Scene from a Panathenaic Amphora
-in the British Museum, London.]
-
-None of the statues of pentathletes at Olympia has been recovered
-with certainty in Roman copies. That some of them were represented
-at rest is shown by the base of the statue of the victor Pythokles
-of Elis, by the elder Polykleitos, which has been recovered.[1507]
-This base supported two different statues in succession. The feet of
-the earlier one by Polykleitos were riveted into circular holes, and
-behind the right foot on the upper surface of the base was inscribed
-the artist’s name, while the victor’s appeared on the vertical front.
-This statue was later removed and was replaced by another, whose pose
-was different, as we see from the footmarks, which show that the feet
-were attached with lead in hollows. Probably the old inscription was
-renewed in archaic letters when this second statue was set up, the
-older letters being retained, perhaps, to conceal the theft. The
-original statue was removed by the first century B. C., or perhaps
-under Nero;[1508] the new one was also inscribed as the work of
-Polykleitos. A base of the Hadrianic or Antonine age has been found in
-Rome, inscribed with the names Polykleitos and Pythokles.[1509] Since
-the footmarks do not agree with those of either one of the Olympia
-statues, Petersen believes that the existing footmarks are due to an
-older use of the base and that they have nothing to do with the statue
-of Pythokles. Perhaps the statue on the Roman base was the original
-one by Polykleitos removed from Olympia to Rome, though it is possible
-that it was only a copy, the original being elsewhere in Rome. While
-the later statue at Olympia had the feet squarely on the ground, the
-original one stood on the right foot, the left being drawn back and
-turned out, touching the ground only with the ball. Hence the left
-knee must have turned outwards, a natural position, if the head of
-the statue was turned slightly to the left. In other words, this is
-the usual Polykleitan scheme. Furtwaengler has made a strong though
-hardly convincing attempt to identify this original statue with a copy
-surviving in two replicas at Rome and Munich, which, as he believes,
-fit the conditions of the statue of Pythokles.[1510] These copies
-represent a nude youth standing with the weight of the body on the
-right leg, the left drawn back and outwards. The head is turned to
-the left, the right arm is held close to the side (the hand, perhaps,
-once holding a fillet), and the left forearm is outstretched from the
-elbow and holds an aryballos in the hand. The two works are manifestly
-Polykleitan in style—the body, head, and hair treatment resembling that
-of the _Doryphoros_. He assumed that the feet corresponded in scale
-with the footmarks on the Olympia base.
-
-Helbig, in the first edition of his _Fuehrer_, recognized the kinship
-between the Vatican statuette and the _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos,
-and was prone to accept Furtwaengler’s identification; but later
-on, in the third edition, he ascribed the statuette only to the
-Polykleitan circle and denied that its foot position corresponded
-with that of the Pythokles base. Amelung also, while accepting its
-Polykleitan character, has shown that the feet of the statuette are
-closer together than those on the Olympia base and are placed at a
-slightly different angle. As for the Munich statue, both Helbig and
-Amelung have ruled it out of the evidence. The head, though similar
-to that of the statuette, also discloses marked differences, and the
-legs of the two works do not have the same pose. Loewy agrees with
-Amelung that the statue of Pythokles conformed with the type of the
-_Diadoumenos_—especially with the Vaison copy (see Fig. 28)—and with
-that of the _Doryphoros_.[1511] We can not, therefore, safely assume
-that the statue of Pythokles has been recovered in any existing
-copy.[1512] A further variant of the works just discussed should be
-mentioned here—the beautiful marble statue of a boy victor in Dresden,
-known as the _Dresden Boy_ (Fig. 45).[1513] In this statue the leg
-position is nearly like that indicated by the marks on the Pythokles
-basis, though the left foot is not set so far back nor its tip so far
-out. The head is turned to the left and slightly lowered, the right
-arm hung to the side, and the left forearm was outstretched, the hand
-doubtless holding some athletic article, at which the boy is looking
-down, perhaps a diskos[1514] or a fillet. This beautiful athlete
-statue has many stylistic points in common with the _Diadoumenos_, and
-shows similar Attic influence, and its original may be referred with
-Furtwaengler to the later period of the master himself. It gives us an
-excellent idea how Polykleitos may have made his Olympia boy victors
-appear. A more remote variant seems to be furnished by a fourth-century
-B. C. bronze statuette of a youthful athlete in the Louvre.[1515] Here
-the position of the feet, the turn of the head, and the direction of
-the gaze are the same as in the _Dresden Boy_. However, as the right
-arm is raised horizontally, Furtwaengler believed that the right hand
-held a fillet which the youth is letting fall into the palm of the left.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 45.—Statue of a Boy Victor (the _Dresden Boy_).
-Albertinum, Dresden.]
-
-That statues of pentathletes at Olympia were also represented in
-motion is shown by the footmarks on the recovered base of one of the
-two statues mentioned by Pausanias as set up in honor of the Elean
-Aischines, who won two victories some time between Ols. 126 and 132 (=
-276 and 252 B. C.).[1516] These marks show that the statue represented
-the victor in violent movement, since the left foot was turned outwards
-and the right one was brought almost to the edge of the base.
-
-We shall next consider in some detail how the pentathlete may have been
-represented at Olympia in the three characteristic contests of jumping,
-diskos-throwing, and javelin-throwing. We have already discussed the
-runner, and in a future section we shall discuss the wrestler, both of
-whom contended in these events not only in the pentathlon, but also in
-the corresponding independent competitions.
-
-
-JUMPERS.
-
-Jumping was a well-known contest in heroic days. In Homer, however,
-it did not take place at the games of Patroklos, but only at those
-held by King Alkinoos.[1517] Quintus Smyrnæus has the Trojan heroes
-contend in jumping,[1518] and the contest goes back to mythology.[1519]
-Though Plato does not mention it, Aristotle does.[1520] Later it became
-an essential part of the pentathlon, though never an independent
-contest at the great games. It was probably considered to be the
-most representative feature of the pentathlon, perhaps because of
-the customary use of the _halteres_ in the physical exercises of the
-gymnasium. Jumping-weights were, in fact, the special symbol of the
-pentathlon, and, as we saw in the preceding chapter, were often the
-definitive attributes indicated on statues of pentathletes.[1521] We
-shall next discuss the appearance and use of such jumping-weights.
-Their form is often a sure indication of the date of a statue.
-
-Juethner has made a careful study of the different shapes of
-_halteres_ and his conclusions have been followed, for the most part,
-by Gardiner.[1522] The _halteres_ do not appear in Homer, but were
-in existence at least by the beginning of the sixth century B. C.,
-and a little later they probably appeared on pentathlete statues.
-To this period belongs the lead weight from Eleusis now in Athens,
-whose inscription records that it was dedicated by one Epainetos to
-commemorate his victory in jumping.[1523] On vase-paintings of the
-sixth and fifth centuries B. C., we see numerous types, but two main
-ones. Early b.-f. vases show a semicircular piece of metal or stone
-with a deep depression on one side for a finger grip, the two club-like
-ends being equal (as in Figs. 36A and 44). In the early fifth century
-B. C., a club-like type came in, which shows many modifications in
-the size and shape of the ends.[1524] In the fifth century B. C., the
-second main type appeared, of an elongated semispherical form, thickest
-in the middle and with the ends pointed or rounded. These correspond
-with the “archaic” ones, which Pausanias saw on the figure of _Agon_
-in the dedicatory group of Mikythos at Olympia[1525] and describes as
-forming half an elongated circle and so fastened as to let the fingers
-pass through. We have two stone examples of this type: one found at
-Corinth, now in the Polytechnic Institute in Athens,[1526] in which a
-hole is cut behind the middle for the fingers and thumbs, and a more
-primitive single one from Olympia.[1527] Philostratos divides the Greek
-jumping-weights into “long” and “spherical,”[1528] which Juethner
-identifies with the two types just discussed. Gardiner, however, finds
-this impossible, since Pausanias speaks of one type as “archaic,”
-and he consequently thinks that these were no longer in use in the
-time of Philostratos. After the fifth century B. C. we have little
-evidence about _halteres_ until Roman days, when a cylindrical type
-appears on Roman copies of Greek statues of athletes, on mosaics and
-wall-paintings.[1529] Thus it appears on the tree-trunk in two athlete
-statues in Dresden[1530] and the Pitti Gallery in Florence,[1531]
-and on the Lateran athlete mosaic from Tusculum of the imperial
-period.[1532] In Roman days jumping-weights were used for the most part
-in medical gymnastics, like our dumb-bells.[1533]
-
-Philostratos says that the jump was the most difficult part of the
-pentathlon.[1534] It never existed as an independent competition
-despite its popularity in Greece. This popularity is attested by the
-frequency with which it is depicted on vases from the sixth century
-B. C. onward. Here the jumper is regularly shown with weights, and
-we can assume that many pentathlete statues were so represented, the
-sculptor ordinarily copying the kind of weight which was in use in his
-own age. While Philostratos in his day thought that the use of weights
-was merely to aid in exercise, Aristotle long before had rightly
-understood that the jumper could make a longer jump with than without
-them,[1535] a fact easily proved by the feats of modern jumpers. While
-the modern record for the running broad jump is 25 feet 3 inches,[1536]
-an English athlete jumped 29 feet 7 inches with the use of 5-pound
-weights,[1537] and a German officer in full uniform jumped 23 feet
-from a springboard.[1538] The recorded jumps of Phaÿllos at Delphi and
-of Chionis at Olympia, the former 55 feet and the latter 52, can not,
-however, be explained as ordinary broad jumps, even if we assume that
-the Greek jumper was far superior to the modern one. Such jumps would
-be impossible even with springboards or raised platforms, and we have
-no evidence that the Greeks used such devices. We might explain them
-on the theory of triple jumps[1539]—though the difficulty of such a
-solution is very great—or simply as mistakes in the records. Thus the
-record of Phaÿllos is found in a late epigram, in which this athlete is
-also said to have thrown the diskos 105 feet.[1540] That of Chionis is,
-to be sure, given by Africanus.[1541] But it is more than probable that
-νβʹ (52) of his record should read κβʹ (22), since the Armenian Latin
-text reads _duos et viginti cubitus_.[1542]
-
-Vase-paintings tell us how the _halteres_ were used.[1543] The jumper
-swung them forward and upward until they were level with or higher than
-the head; then he brought them down, bending the body forward until
-the hands were below the knees, the jump taking place on the return
-swing. We find the preliminary swing represented most commonly on the
-vases;[1544] we also see on them the top of the upward swing,[1545]
-the bottom of the downward swing,[1546] the jumper in midair,[1547] and
-the moment just before alighting.[1548] The act of landing is seen on
-an Etruscan wall-painting from a tomb at Chiusi.[1549] Running jumps
-are the ones most commonly depicted.[1550]
-
-The representation of the jump, therefore, was specially adapted to the
-vase-painter and not to the sculptor. If any movement in the jump could
-have been represented to advantage in sculpture, it would have been the
-early position in which the weights were swung forward and upwards.
-This is the one represented on an incised bronze diskos from Sicily
-now in the British Museum,[1551] where an athlete, with his right leg
-drawn back for the spring, is holding the weights in his outstretched
-hands. A small finely modelled bronze statuette dating from the middle
-of the fifth century B. C., in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, may
-represent a jumper either just taking off, or perhaps just finishing
-the jump.[1552] The athlete is standing with his left foot advanced,
-his knees bent back, and his body leaning forward, and is holding
-both arms in front, the palms downwards. Such a concentrated attitude
-reminds us strongly of Myron, under whose influence this statuette
-must have been made. Some have interpreted it as the representation
-of a diver, though the hands seem to be held too far apart and the
-body wrongly poised for that position, as we see it in a statuette
-of a diver from Perugia.[1553] More likely a jumper is intended, as
-the attitude is very similar to that depicted on several vases.[1554]
-However, as the jumper has no _halteres_, it can not represent a
-pentathlete, but must be an ordinary gymnasium athlete.
-
-
-DISKOBOLOI.
-
-The diskos-throw (δισκοβολία) goes back to mythology and heroic
-days.[1555] In Homer, at the games of Patroklos, Achilles casts a metal
-mass called the σόλος.[1556] This was the primitive type of diskos.
-Of such early contests and feats of strength we have a good record in
-the red-sandstone mass, weighing 143.5 kilograms (= 315 pounds), which
-has been found at Olympia, marked with a sixth-century inscription
-to the effect that one Bybon threw it over his head.[1557] There is
-nothing athletic, however, about the use of such a stone or of the
-Homeric _solos_. The diskos was also known to Homer.[1558] It was of
-stone, and in Pindar the heroes Nikeus, Kastor, and Iolaos still hurl
-the stone diskos instead of the metal one of the poet’s day.[1559] The
-stone diskos appears on sixth-century vases as a white object,[1560]
-but metal ones were introduced at the end of the sixth century B.
-C. A bronze one from Kephallenia (?) in the British Museum has a
-sixth-century inscription in the Doric dialect and in the alphabet
-of the Ionian Islands, which gives the dedication of Exoïdas to the
-Dioskouroi.[1561] Several others have been found in different parts of
-Greece, especially at Olympia.[1562] Pausanias says that boys used a
-lighter diskos than men.[1563]
-
-While only unimportant monuments outside of vase-paintings illustrate
-the jump, those illustrating the diskos-throw are rich and varied,
-including not only vases, but statues, statuettes, small bronzes,
-reliefs, coins, and gems.[1564]
-
-In his careful attempt at reconstructing the method of casting the
-diskos, E. N. Gardiner has distinguished seven different positions,
-which are illustrated by the monuments.[1565] He shows that while the
-swing of the quoit was always the same, _i. e._, in a vertical and
-not in a horizontal arc, and the throw was invariably made from a
-position like that of Myron’s statue, the preliminary and certain other
-movements varied. It will be well, before discussing representations
-of the diskos-thrower in sculpture, very briefly to recapitulate his
-summary of positions, using the evidence which he and others have
-collected. First, the preliminary position or stance, with three
-variations: either the position of the _Standing Diskobolos_ of the
-Vatican (Pl. 6), which occurs in bronzes, but not on vases; or the
-position in which the diskobolos raises the quoit with the left hand
-level with the shoulder, which occurs on vase-paintings;[1566] or that
-in which the diskos is held outwards in both hands level with the
-waist.[1567] From any of these stance positions, either with or without
-change of feet, we reach the second position, in which the diskos is
-raised in both hands and extended either horizontally to the front
-and level with the head,[1568] or held above the head.[1569] Thirdly
-the diskos is swung downwards and rests upon the right forearm, with
-either foot forward.[1570] This position leads up to that of Myron’s
-statue, in which the diskos is swung as far back as possible (Pls. 22,
-23, and Figs. 34, 35).[1571] The fifth position is the beginning of
-the forward swing, when the body is straightened.[1572] As the diskos
-swings downwards and the left foot advances, the sixth position is
-reached.[1573] Lastly the right foot is advanced after the diskos is
-cast.[1574]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 46.—Bronze Statuette of a _Diskobolos_. Metropolitan
-Museum, New York.]
-
-A victor statue of a diskobolos might conceivably have taken any one of
-these seven positions. We have already considered the two statues, the
-_Standing Diskobolos_ of Naukydes in the Vatican (Pl. 6) and that of
-Myron (Pls. 22, 23, and Figs. 34, 35), the two most important works in
-sculpture to illustrate positions of the throw. The statue of Naukydes
-is not taking aim, as Juethner maintains, nor looking down the course.
-The head is inclined a little to the right and downwards, and the eyes
-are directed to the ground only a short distance away, thus measuring
-the distance the left foot is to be advanced, when the diskos is
-finally swung forward for the cast, which takes place off the left and
-not off the right foot. The right forearm is rightly restored, as it
-thus appears on bronzes which imitate this stance.[1575] A different
-stance is shown in a fine bronze statuette in the Metropolitan Museum
-(Fig. 46),[1576] dating from about 480 B. C. This little masterpiece
-of the transition period of Attic art, still disclosing archaic traits,
-represents a diskobolos standing firmly on both legs, the right being
-slightly advanced, and holding with the left hand the diskos level with
-the head. That he is preparing for intense action is seen by the way
-in which the toes catch the ground. Though the right arm is broken off
-from below the shoulder, we can infer from vase-paintings which show
-diskoboloi in the same position[1577] that it was lowered and bent
-at the elbow and the hand left open. From this position the diskos
-will be raised high above the head with both hands, as in a bronze in
-Athens,[1578] which illustrates Gardiner’s second position.
-
-The movement is carried a little further—showing the moment of
-transition to the downward swing or third position—in a fifth-century
-B. C. bronze in the British Museum.[1579] Here a nude, beardless
-athlete is represented standing with the right foot advanced and
-holding the diskos in both hands before him above the head. The right
-hand grasps the quoit underneath and the left at the top.[1580] The
-third position is well illustrated by the tiny archaic bronze on the
-cover of a lebes in the British Museum,[1581] which represents a nude
-and beardless youth standing with the left foot advanced and with the
-left hand raised, while the right holds the diskos. Almost the same
-pose is also seen in a small bronze in the Antiquarium, Berlin.[1582]
-
-Two archaic statuettes from the Akropolis, now in the National Museum
-in Athens, and recently published, should be mentioned in this
-connection.[1583] The more archaic of these represents a youth in an
-attitude which has been misunderstood. De Ridder interpreted it as
-a dancing man, while Staïs thought it represented a youth walking
-along with his left hand raised as if to ward off a blow. White,
-however, showed that it (like another less perfect example from the
-Akropolis, no. 6594) represents a diskobolos standing with the right
-foot advanced and holding the diskos in front of the body with the
-right hand, resting it against the flat of the forearm, while the left
-arm is raised above the head. Thus it is another example illustrating
-the initial stage of Gardiner’s third position. The other statuette,
-wrongly mounted, should, according to White, be made to lean further
-forward; the knees are bent, the body swung forward from the hips, the
-head thrown back and upward, the right arm stretched forth with the
-flat of the forearm uppermost and the left similarly placed. Gardiner
-and Staïs interpreted this figure as a charioteer, and de Ridder as
-either a jumper, who has raised his _halteres_ preparatory to the
-leap, or a diskobolos. White has shown that the position of the right
-arm proves it to be a diskobolos, represented in a movement between
-Gardiner’s third and fourth positions, just prior to that of Myron’s
-statue. De Ridder believed both statues to be Aeginetan, but no. 6614,
-when compared with Myron’s statue, is certainly Attic, and resemblances
-in the treatment of the hair, eyes, and mouth show that both statuettes
-are of the same school. It has often been said that Myron’s great
-statue had no predecessor, as it certainly had no successor. Its
-fame was enhanced by the assumption that Myron passed at one stride
-from such statues as the _Tyrannicides_ to that complex work. Such
-works, however, as these statuettes—especially no. 6614—show that the
-preliminary problems had been solved on a humble scale before Myron
-undertook his consummate work. Here, then, we have works by artists who
-belonged to the very movement which produced Myron.
-
-For the last three positions analyzed by Gardiner (nos. 5, 6, 7) our
-only illustrations appear to be vase-paintings.
-
-
-AKONTISTAI.
-
-Javelin-throwing (ἀκοντίζειν, ἀκοντισμός) was very old and was
-universal in Greece, its origin being traced back to mythology.[1584]
-Stassoff tried to trace it to Oriental sources,[1585] but inasmuch as
-no such contest is shown on the monuments of Egypt or Assyria, Juethner
-is probably right in assuming that it was Greek in origin. In Homer
-it was a separate contest at the games of Patroklos.[1586] Juethner
-has distinguished two types of javelin-throwing in the historical
-period: one in which the spear or akontion was pointed more or less
-upwards,[1587] the other in which it was held horizontally.[1588] Only
-the former type is represented in illustrations of purely athletic
-competitions, the latter type referring to illustrations of the
-practical use of javelin-throwing, _i. e._, in war or in the chase.
-Vase-paintings of palæstra scenes almost invariably show javelins with
-blunt points; the throwers’ heads are frequently turned back before the
-throw, and there is no sign of any target. On vase-paintings, however,
-which represent practical javelin-throwing from horseback, the javelins
-are pointed. This proves that in athletic contests the throw was for
-distance and not at a mark.[1589] The javelin used in Greek games had
-several names, ἄκων, ἀκόντιον, etc.[1590] It was about the height of
-a man, as we know from its appearance on a Spartan relief,[1591] and
-from many vase-paintings representing palæstra scenes (Fig. 44). It was
-thrown by means of a thong (ἀγκύλη, Lat. _amentum_), which was fastened
-near the centre and consisted of a detachable leathern strip from 12
-to 18 inches long. This was bound tight, with a loop left, into which
-the thrower inserted his first and middle fingers.[1592] The method
-of casting is seen on many vases.[1593] Gardiner has analyzed three
-different positions from vase-paintings. Usually the throw was made
-with a short run, though standing throws are also pictured.[1594] First
-the thrower extends the right arm back to its full length and, with the
-left hand opposite the right breast, holds the end of the spear and
-pushes it back, holding it downwards or horizontally.[1595] Next he
-starts to run, turning his body sidewise and extending his left arm to
-the front. On a r.-f. Munich kylix[1596] we see the first and second
-positions. The youth on the left is steadying the javelin with the left
-hand, while the one on the right has just let it go. A further turn of
-the body to the right takes place and the right knee is bent, while the
-right shoulder is dropped and the hand is turned outwards.[1597] The
-actual cast is very uncommon on vase-paintings, because of difficulty
-in representing it.[1598]
-
-Because of the assumed lack of sculptural monuments, Reisch[1599] and
-others have wrongly doubted whether javelin-throwers were represented
-in sculpture as victors. There certainly is no a priori reason why
-athletic sculptors might not have made statues in any one of the three
-poses which Gardiner has distinguished on vase-paintings, even if this
-contest, like jumping, was better adapted to the painter than to the
-sculptor. Furthermore, we shall attempt to show that such monuments
-actually did exist.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 47.—Bust of the _Doryphoros_, after Polykleitos, by
-Apollonios. Museum of Naples.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 48.—Statue of the _Doryphoros_, after Polykleitos.
-Vatican Museum, Rome.]
-
-The best example of such a javelin-thrower seems to be the
-_Doryphoros_, the most famous statue of Polykleitos, in which he
-illustrated his canon of athletic forms. The _Doryphoros_ exists in
-many copies, all of which agree fairly well in style and proportions.
-K. Friedrichs, in his monograph _Der Doryphoros des Polyklets_, which
-appeared in 1863,[1600] was the first to show that the statue found
-in 1797 in the Palaistra at Pompeii, and now in the Naples Museum
-(Pl. 4), was a copy of the original bronze, as it shows all the
-peculiarities of the master’s style known to us from tradition.[1601]
-Mahler enumerates 7 statues, 17 torsos, and 36 heads copied from the
-original, and the fine, but expressionless, Augustan bronze bust from
-the villa of the Pisos, Herculaneum, inscribed as the work of the
-sculptor Apollonios, son of Archios, of Athens, which is now in Naples
-(Fig. 47).[1602] The best-preserved copy of the statue, the one in
-Naples, is surpassed in workmanship by the green basalt torso in the
-Uffizi Gallery in Florence[1603] and by the marble one formerly in the
-possession of Count Pourtalès in Berlin.[1604] A poorer copy is to be
-found in the Braccio Nuovo of the Vatican (Fig. 48).[1605] In these
-copies we see a thick-set youth standing with the weight of the body
-on the right leg, the left one thrown back and touching the ground
-only with the toes, seemingly ready to advance, though the shoulders
-do not partake of the walking action. He is represented, therefore,
-at the moment of transition from walking to a rest position—in other
-words in a purely theoretical pose—at rest, indeed, but just ready
-again to advance.[1606] His left hand held a short _akontion_ over the
-shoulder and not the long spear (δόρυ), whence the name _Doryphoros_
-or spear-bearer is derived.[1607] The head is turned to the same side
-as the advanced foot, which perhaps is an example of the monotony
-in the work of the master complained of by ancient critics; variety
-would have been attained by turning it in the opposite direction.
-In the carefully worked bronze original, which, however, must have
-had an insignificant intellectual aspect, the apparently simple
-problem—hitherto vainly attempted in Greek art—of representing a
-man standing almost motionless, but full of life, was for the first
-time solved. It is a long way from the motionless figures known as
-“Apollos,” with their arms glued to the sides and their legs close
-together, to this vigorous athlete. As we have already indicated,
-Greek art developed the first step beyond the “Apollos” by further
-advancing one leg of a statue and, it may be, extending one forearm
-horizontally. The next step was to place one foot slightly sidewise and
-thus relieve it of the weight of the body—the well-known scheme of the
-“free” and “rest” leg. At first the relaxation was slight, the “free”
-leg not being intended to move forward, nor the parts of the body to be
-much shifted. Polykleitos’ innovation consisted in having the legs so
-placed, one behind the other, that the figure, while apparently resting
-on one,[1608] seemed to be advancing. On the ground of the familiar
-passage in Pliny cited, it has been generally assumed that Polykleitos
-introduced the walking motive into sculpture. However, this motive
-was probably the invention of the earlier Argive school, borrowed by
-Polykleitos for his canon, as seen in the statue of the so-called
-_Munich King_ (_Zeus_?), of the Glyptothek, which Furtwaengler has
-shown to be a work of about 460 B. C.[1609]
-
-Does the _Doryphoros_ represent a pentathlete victor? Since Quintilian
-says that it appears ready for war or for the exercises of the
-palæstra,[1610] Helbig and others have classed it as a warrior, perhaps
-one of the _Achilleae_ mentioned by Pliny[1611] as set up in the Greek
-gymnasia. Furtwaengler stressed the incorrectness of calling an athlete
-a _Doryphoros_[1612]—a name originally given to an attendant bearing a
-lance (δόρυ), and so inapplicable to the statue of Polykleitos, which
-represented not a server, but an athlete carrying an akontion (witness
-the Berlin gem already mentioned)—but later[1613] concluded that an
-athlete statue with the akontion might have been vaguely described in
-late art jargon as a spear-bearer. Consequently he found probable the
-interpretation of the various _doryphoroi_ mentioned by Pliny[1614] as
-victor statues, and thought that the original of the _Doryphoros_ of
-Polykleitos might very well have represented an Olympic pentathlete,
-which was originally set up at Argos, where it was also adopted for a
-figure on the heroic grave-relief already mentioned, which represented
-the youth with a spear over his shoulder standing beside a horse. Bulle
-also thinks that the statue represented a victor athlete set up in some
-sacred spot.
-
-For its interpretation as the statue of a pentathlete victor, an
-added proof is furnished by the discovery of a late Roman copy of
-it at Olympia.[1615] This may very well have been the dedication of
-an athlete of late date—of the first century B. C. or of the first
-A. D.—who preferred to be represented by a copy of the famous work of
-Polykleitos rather than by a new statue. Treu’s contention that the
-torso is too large for a victor statue,[1616] because Lucian says
-that the Hellanodikai did not allow statues of victors to be over
-life-size,[1617] falls to the ground, since we know that exceptions
-to the rule existed at Olympia.[1618] He agrees with Collignon[1619]
-in interpreting it as a decorative statue, which surely involves an
-anachronism in the middle of the fifth century B. C.; and his argument
-that its good preservation shows it to have been set up in an interior
-room, perhaps of the Bouleuterion, in whose ruins it was found,
-adducing this as additional evidence of its decorative character,
-is no proof, since victor statues at Olympia seem sometimes to have
-been housed.[1620] Thus the theory that the _Doryphoros_ represents a
-pentathlete victor is well within the range of possibilities.
-
-Two bronze statuettes in the Metropolitan Museum,[1621] New York,
-belonging to the second half of the fifth century B. C., may be
-representations on a small scale of pentathletes with the _akontion_.
-The first shows a youth standing with the weight of the body on the
-left foot, the right drawn slightly back. The left hand, held close to
-the side, may have carried an akontion, the right arm being extended.
-The other, more carelessly executed, represents a youth standing
-similarly with his weight on the left foot, the right being drawn back.
-Here again the left arm is hanging by the side, and probably held the
-same attribute as the first statuette. The right arm is also bent at
-the elbow. A patera may have been held in the outstretched hand of
-each. The square build, short thighs, flat abdomen, long skull, and
-oval face are all Polykleitan characteristics, and remind us of the
-series of kindred works already discussed, which, as Furtwaengler
-believed, went back to the original statue of the boy wrestler Xenokles
-at Olympia, the work of the younger Polykleitos.[1622]
-
-
-WRESTLERS.
-
-Wrestling (πάλη) is perhaps the oldest, and in any case is the most
-universal, of athletic sports. Wall-paintings at Beni-Hasan on the
-Nile, dating from about 2000 B. C., show nearly all the grips and
-throws now known.[1623] Plato says that this sport was instituted in
-mythical times.[1624] In Greece its origin is lost in mythology.[1625]
-The very name _palaistra_, “wrestling school,” indicates the early
-importance of the contest. It was one of the most popular of Greek
-sports from the time of Homer down.[1626] This popularity is shown by
-the frequency with which it appears in mythology and art. Early b.-f.
-vases picture Herakles wrestling with giants and monsters. Here we see
-the same holds and throws as in the palæstra scenes on later r.-f.
-vases. The whole history of coins down to imperial days shows such
-scenes. No other exercise required so much strength and agility, and
-consequently wrestling matches early became a part of the great games.
-At Olympia wrestling was introduced in Ol. 18 (= 708 B. C.), the same
-year in which the pentathlon was instituted.[1627] The boys’ match
-appeared there less than a century later in Ol. 37 (= 632 B. C.).[1628]
-Pausanias mentions statues erected to 36 victors (for 45 victories),
-which makes this contest second only in importance to boxing there.
-
-There were two sorts of wrestling in Greece, wrestling in the
-proper sense (ὀρθὴ πάλη), where each tried to throw his antagonist
-to the ground, making his shoulders touch three times, and ground
-wrestling (κύλισις, ἁλίνδησις), where the fight was continued on
-the ground by using every means, except biting and gouging, till one
-was exhausted. The first kind was the only one used in the event
-called πάλη at Olympia, as well as in the pentathlon; the other
-was used only in the pankration. In this section we shall discuss
-only the first.[1629] A recently discovered papyrus of the second
-century A. D., containing brief instructions for wrestling lessons
-intended to help the παιδοτρίβης, indicates that every movement in
-the contest was systematically taught.[1630] The various positions
-used—grips and throws—are shown by many monuments, vase-paintings,
-gems, coins,[1631] statuettes, and statues. The vases[1632] especially
-illustrate the various holds assumed by wrestlers during a bout—front
-(σύστασις), side (παράθεσις), wrist, arm, neck (τραχηλίζειν), and body
-holds. Still others illustrate the various throws—flying mare,[1633]
-heave,[1634] buttocks and cross-buttocks (ἕδραν στρέφειν), and tripping
-(ὑποσκελίζειν). We here reproduce two such paintings. The first,
-the obverse of a r.-f. amphora from Vulci, signed by Andokides and
-now in Berlin (Fig. 49),[1635] shows two positions. In the central
-group the wrestler on the left side has grasped his opponent’s left
-wrist with his right hand. The latter, however, has rendered the grip
-useless by passing his own right hand behind his opponent’s back and
-grasping his right arm just below the elbow. In this way he keeps
-his opponent from turning round, which movement would not have been
-possible if the latter had grasped him by the upper arm. In the group
-of wrestlers to the right we see an illustration of a body hold.
-Here a youthful athlete has lifted his bearded antagonist clear off
-his feet preliminary to throwing him. However, the one lifted from
-the ground has caught his foot around his opponent’s leg, which
-is an illustration of tripping. On a r.-f. kylix in the University
-of Pennsylvania Museum in Philadelphia (Fig. 50a),[1636] we see a
-body hold preparatory to the heave; here to the right are two youths
-wrestling, and to the left stands a bearded trainer with his rod. One
-wrestler has already lost his balance and is supporting himself with
-both hands on the ground, while the other with his left hand holds the
-other’s right arm down, and with his right prepares to throw him over
-his head.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 49.—Wrestling Scenes. From Obverse of an Amphora,
-by Andokides. Museum of Berlin.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 5O.—Wrestling and Boxing Scenes. From a r.-f.
-Kylix. University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 51.—Bronze Statues of Wrestlers. Museum of Naples.]
-
-From vase-paintings, then, we can see what positions the sculptor might
-have used in representing groups of wrestlers. For the positions of
-individual figures of wrestlers, we are guided by several statues and
-small bronzes. The preliminary position (σύστασις) seems to be best
-represented by the bronze statues of wrestling boys discovered at
-Herculaneum in 1754, and now in the Museum of Naples (Fig. 51).[1637]
-These figures have been variously interpreted as runners,[1638]
-diskoboloi,[1639] and wrestlers. Their attitude, bent forward with
-outstretched hands, implies the utmost expectancy. If they were
-runners, they would lean further forward; as they are standing, they
-could not begin to run without loss of time in raising the heels of the
-forward feet. If, on the other hand, they represented diskos-throwers
-at the moment just subsequent to the throw, their right feet would be
-advanced and not their left, in order to recover their balance, as
-we have seen above in considering Gardiner’s seventh position. The
-position of their arms, however, and the expression of their faces
-make it almost certain that they are wrestlers eagerly watching for an
-opening. The two statues certainly belong together, and may have been
-set up as antagonists in the villa in whose ruins they were found. F.
-Hauser was the first to show that the form of body and head in both was
-the same.[1640] While most critics believe that they are Hellenistic
-in origin, Bulle is certainly right in showing that the body ideal
-expressed is Lysippan—_i. e._, long legs and slender trunk—even if
-he goes too far in ascribing them to the master himself, basing his
-conclusion chiefly on the similarity of their ears with those of the
-_Apoxyomenos_ (Pl. 29). A good illustration of a hand or wrist grip
-is afforded by a small wrestler group, which decorates the rim of a
-bronze bowl from Borsdorf.[1641] This is a poorly wrought Etruscan work
-of fifth-century B. C. Greek origin. The two wrestlers have already
-gripped and their heads are close together, though the lunge in each
-case is much exaggerated. Similar are the two groups on the rim of a
-bronze bowl in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.[1642] A third-century
-B. C. Etruscan cista in the Metropolitan Museum,[1643] has a handle on
-the lid in the form of two nude wrestlers, whose bodies are inclined
-toward one another, their heads in contact, and their arms locked
-behind their heads. Groups of wrestlers in similar attitudes commonly
-appear as cista handles.[1644] A portion of a bronze group of wrestlers
-was dredged from the sea near Kythera and is now in Athens.[1645] The
-heave is represented by a metope from the Theseion representing the
-wrestling bout between Theseus and Kerkyon.[1646] A later moment is
-seen in a bronze wrestling-group in Paris.[1647] The cross-buttocks is
-illustrated by a small Hellenistic bronze group in the collection of
-James Loeb in Munich, of which five other copies are known.[1648] Here
-two athletes, one bearded and the other beardless, are just ending the
-bout. The youth is in the power of the man, who stands behind him and
-presses him down by holding his arms backward. All the other replicas
-differ from the Loeb example in that the victor has both legs and
-not one in front of the right leg of the vanquished wrestler. A good
-illustration of tripping is seen in another related series of groups
-known to us in five bronze copies. These represent a wrestler on the
-ground supporting himself on his left arm, while over him stands the
-victor, whose left foot is twisted around the other’s right. These
-groups are, like the preceding, also Roman provincial copies of a
-Hellenistic original.[1649] The two groups are very similar, the only
-real difference being that the vanquished wrestler in the second series
-still has his left arm free and holds himself up on his right knee.
-Both series seem to have been influenced by the marble pancratiast
-group in the Uffizi (Pl. 25).[1650] The head of an athlete in the Museo
-delle Terme, Rome,[1651] shows by its strongly projecting neck that
-it comes from the statue either of a runner ready to start or of a
-wrestler about to grip his adversary. The face is fourth-century B. C.
-Attic in character and the head may, therefore, come from Euphranor’s
-circle. Pliny speaks of a panting wrestler (_luctator anhelans_) by the
-statuary Naukeros, which must have exhibited the contestant in intense
-movement.[1652] It might have represented him after victory, as in the
-painting of Parrhasios discussed above, which pictured a hoplitodrome
-after the race, breathing hard.[1653] Pliny also mentions a painting of
-a wrestler by Antidotos without describing it.[1654] As we have already
-remarked, doubtless some of the _apoxyomenoi_ and _perixyomenoi_
-mentioned by Pliny were also wrestlers.
-
-Whether wrestling-groups were set up at Olympia is doubtful.
-Chariot-groups were indeed common, but there is no reason why the
-victorious wrestler should have had himself coupled with his defeated
-opponent. Pausanias, moreover, mentions no such groups. We are
-therefore safe in inferring that in most, if not in all, cases the
-wrestler would content himself with a single statue, and this might
-represent him in any position in which he was not actually interlocked
-with his adversary. That such statues represented him both in repose
-and in motion is attested by recovered bases. The footprints on the
-base of the statue of the Elean wrestler Paianios, a victor of the
-early third century B. C.,[1655] shows us that he was represented
-as standing in repose, the weight of the body resting on the right
-leg, the left being drawn back and touching the ground with the toes
-only. A hole in the base may have been for a spear on which the
-victor’s hand rested, though the statue is not that of a pentathlete.
-The perfectly preserved footprints on the base of the statue of the
-boy wrestler Xenokles by Polykleitos the Younger show that he was
-represented as standing with his weight on the right leg, the left
-being slightly advanced and to one side, though resting flat on the
-ground. The head was probably turned a little to the right. Thus the
-wrestler was poised ready to grip his adversary.[1656] This statue must
-have been a favorite among athlete monuments, since the same motive
-appears in various Roman copies, which Furtwaengler assigns to the
-immediate circle of the pupils of Polykleitos. The statue of the Argive
-wrestler Cheimon by Naukydes may have represented him in motion, since
-Pausanias, in mentioning two statues of the victor, one in Olympia and
-the other in the temple of Concord at Rome, says that they were among
-the most famous works of that sculptor. From this encomium Reisch has
-assumed that the one at Olympia was represented in lively motion.[1657]
-
-
-BOXERS.
-
-Boxing, like wrestling, was one of the oldest sports in Greece, as it
-has been everywhere else. The fist is the simplest and most natural
-of all weapons.[1658] Boxing was popular already in Homer, matches
-being described both in the Iliad and the Odyssey.[1659] Homer speaks
-of it as πυγμαχίη ἀλεγεινή,[1660] and this “painful” character is
-also mentioned by Xenophanes.[1661] However, boxing was far older
-than epic poetry. We have already seen that it was the only form of
-real athletics in Aegean Crete. One of the oldest representations of
-a boxing match is seen on the fragments of a bronze shield discovered
-there in the grotto of Zeus on Mount Ida. Here on a single concentric
-ring are seen two warriors, armed like Assyrians with corslets,
-shields, and helmets, fighting with doubled fists.[1662] The high
-antiquity of boxing in Greece is also shown by myths.[1663] At Olympia
-Apollo is said to have beaten Ares,[1664] and Polydeukes won a victory
-there.[1665] Apollo appears as the god of boxing in the Iliad,[1666]
-and the Delphians sacrificed to Apollo Πύκτης.[1667] Herakles,
-Polydeukes, Tydeus, and Theseus were all famed boxers; the latter was
-said to have invented the art.[1668] The historical boxing match was
-introduced at Olympia in Ol. 23 (= 688 B. C.), and Onomastos of Smyrna,
-the first victor, instituted the rules of the contest.[1669] The boys’
-contest was instituted in Ol. 41 (= 616 B. C.).[1670] It was by far the
-most popular contest there. Of the 192 monuments erected to 187 victors
-mentioned by Pausanias, 56, or nearly one-third, were erected to men
-and boy boxers for 63 victories.
-
-Greek boxing[1671] is conveniently divided into two periods by the kind
-of glove used in the matches. From Homer down to the end of the fifth
-century B. C., soft gloves (ἱμάντες, ἱμάντες λεπτοί or μειλίχαι) were
-used; from then to late Roman days the heavy gloves (σφαῖραι or ἱμάντες
-ὀξεῖς) were the fashion. The weighted Roman cestus was not used in the
-Greek contest. Before discussing representations of boxers in art, we
-shall devote a few words to these two kinds of boxing-gloves, which
-frequently give us the date of a given monument.[1672] The Cretans are
-thought to have worn boxing-gloves, as they seem to be visible on the
-so-called _Boxer Vase_ from Hagia Triada (Fig. 1). Here, on the top and
-lower two rows, a leather gauntlet appears to cover the arm to beyond
-the elbow, being padded over the fist and confined at the wrist by a
-strap. Mosso derives the later Greek glove, which appears on athlete
-statues, from this primitive thong.[1673] In any case the antiquity
-of the glove in Greece is attested by its origin being ascribed to
-the myth of Amykos, king of the Bebrykes.[1674] Gloves were already
-known to Homer, who speaks of “well-cut thongs of ox-hide.”[1675]
-They are not mentioned in any detail before the time of Pausanias and
-Philostratos, so that we are mostly dependent for our knowledge of them
-on the monuments. The simplest form consisted of long, thin ox-hide
-thongs, which were wound round the hands, the soft gloves (ἱμάντες
-μαλακώτεροι or μειλίχαι) of later writers.[1676] They were used, not to
-deaden the blow, but to increase its force. Vase-paintings show that
-the thongs were about 10 or 12 feet long before being wound.[1677] On
-the exterior of a r.-f. kylix from Vulci by Douris, in the British
-Museum, showing chiefly boxing scenes, we see two youths standing
-before a _paidotribes_ preparing to put on the thongs (Fig. 54).[1678]
-One of them is holding the unwound thong in his outstretched hands.
-A similar figure appears on the r.-f. vase in Philadelphia already
-discussed (Fig. 50b), which represents a palæstra scene.[1679] This
-scene has been wrongly interpreted as an illustration of the game
-of σκαπέρδη described by Pollux[1680] as a sort of tug-of-war, the
-unwound thong being explained as the rope used in this game,[1681] and
-the hurling-sticks stuck in the ground at either end as goals instead
-of akontia. A wound thong is seen hanging on the wall to the left.
-Philostratos describes how the boxing thongs were put on,[1682] and
-vase-paintings illustrate the method.[1683] The best example of the
-thongs on statuary is afforded by the bronze arm found in the sea off
-Antikythera (Cerigotto) (Fig. 52), which Svoronos[1684] believes to
-be a remnant of the statue of the Nemean victor Kreugas of Epidamnos,
-which stood in the temple of Apollo Lykios in Argos.[1685] Pausanias
-says that Kreugas was crowned notwithstanding that he was killed by his
-adversary Damoxenos, and his description of the soft glove corresponds
-so closely with the one on the recovered arm that it seems as if it
-had been written in the presence of the statue: “In those days boxers
-did not yet wear the sharp thong (ἱμὰς ὀξύς) on each wrist, but boxed
-with the soft straps (μειλίχαις), which they fastened under the hollow
-of the hand in order that the fingers might be left bare; these soft
-straps were thin thongs (ἱμάντες λεπτοί) of raw cowhide, plaited
-together in an ancient fashion.”[1686] The strap allowed the ends of
-the fingers to project, and was held together by a cord wound around
-the forearm, just as Philostratos says. These μειλίχαι were used at
-the great games through the fifth century B. C., and were continued in
-the palæstra in the fourth. Early in the latter century the σφαῖραι
-mentioned by Plato[1687] and other writers appeared. We see them
-on Panathenaic vases of that century and on Etruscan cistæ of the
-following one.[1688] About the same time the regular ἱμάντες ὀξεῖς came
-in,[1689] but the old μειλίχαι or something similar were still used in
-the exercises of the palæstra.[1690]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 52.—Bronze Arm of Statue of a Boxer, found in the
-Sea off Antikythera. National Museum, Athens.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 53.—Forearm with Glove. From the Statue of the
-_Seated Boxer_ (Pl. 16). Museo delle Terme, Rome.]
-
-Our best illustration of these more formidable gloves on statuary
-is the gauntlet clearly represented on the forearms of the _Seated
-Boxer_ of the Museo delle Terme (Fig. 53). Here a close-fitting
-glove covers each forearm, leaving the upper joints of the fingers
-free and the palm open. It extends to above the wrist and ends in a
-rim of fur. Over it are drawn three thick bands of leather, which
-cover the first joints of the fingers and are fastened together on
-the outside of the hands with metal clasps. A soft pad keeps these
-bands from chafing the fingers. They are kept in place and the wrists
-are strengthened by two narrow straps which are interlaced several
-times around hand and wrist. Similar gloves appear on the Sorrento
-boxer in Naples (Fig. 57),[1691] on the bronze forearm of a statue
-from Herculaneum in Naples,[1692] on a left fist found in 1887 in
-the arena at Verona,[1693] and on many other statues and fragments.
-The last representation in art of this sort of glove appears on the
-Roman relief in the Lateran, which dates from the time of Trajan, and
-represents a fight between two pugilists.[1694] The metal cestus was a
-Roman invention. None of the late Greek writers—neither Plutarch, nor
-Pausanias, nor Philostratos—makes any mention of this loaded glove. The
-“sharp thongs” were enough to cause all the injuries mentioned by the
-writers of the _Greek Anthology_.[1695] The cestus, perhaps used in the
-later gladiatorial shows in Greece, but never in the great games there,
-gave the death blow to real boxing. Virgil describes it and the vicious
-results of its use.[1696]
-
-There are fewer representations of boxing matches on vases than of
-almost any other Greek sport, despite its great popularity. Gardiner
-has collected a number of vase-paintings dating from the sixth to
-the fourth centuries B. C., which illustrate the different positions
-assumed by boxers in action—attack, slipping, ducking, and leg and arm
-movements. We reproduce two from r.-f. kylikes in the British Museum.
-In one by Douris (Fig. 54)[1697] we have, besides the group already
-mentioned of two athletes preparing to put on thongs, three pairs of
-boxers engaged in a bout. In two groups one of the contestants is
-seen from behind; in all three the boxers extend their left arms for
-guarding and draw the right back for hitting—the fists being level
-with the shoulders. In one group we see the beginning of the fight, in
-the other two the middle, perhaps, and the end of it, respectively. In
-the last scene one contestant has fallen to the ground on his knee,
-and his conqueror has swung his right hand far back for a final blow,
-only to be stopped by the other, who raises his finger in token of
-defeat. On the other vase we see, besides a scene from the pankration,
-two pairs of boxers sparring (Fig. 55).[1698] Here in one group the
-contestants do not have their fists doubled, but keep their fingers
-opened. On an Attic b.-f. Panathenaic panel-amphora in the University
-Museum in Philadelphia (Fig. 56),[1699] we see bearded boxers sparring,
-while a boxer with thongs in his right hand stands to the right, and
-a trainer with his rod at the left. Statues of victorious boxers
-at Olympia were represented either in motion, _i. e._, probably in
-the position of sparring, or in repose, like that of the boy boxer
-Kyniskos by the elder Polykleitos discussed in the preceding chapter.
-The same foot position visible on the _Kyniskos_ base[1700] occurs
-on two other Olympia bases, which, therefore, must have supported
-Polykleitan statues represented in repose. One of these, in the form
-of an _astragalos_, will be discussed further on in our treatment
-of pancratiast statues; the other supported the statue of the boy
-boxer Hellanikos of Lepreon, who won a victory in Ol. 89 (= 424 B.
-C.).[1701] In this case the statue was also life-size, the left foot
-was firmly placed, and the right was set back resting on the ball, the
-stride being a little longer than in the case of the _Kyniskos_. Three
-other Olympia bases supported statues of boxers represented in repose,
-those of the boy Tellon from the Arkadian town Oresthasion,[1702]
-of the Epidaurian Aristion by the elder Polykleitos,[1703] and of
-the Rhodian Eukles by Naukydes of the Polykleitan circle.[1704]
-Furtwaengler believed that a number of existing statues of the Hermes
-type reproduced the statue of Aristion, because of a similar foot
-position. Among them the Pentelic marble one in Lansdowne House,
-London, is the best preserved, and most faithfully reproduces the
-Polykleitan style.[1705]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 54.—Boxing Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix by Douris.
-British Museum, London.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 55.—Boxing and Pankration Scenes. From a r.-f.
-Kylix. British Museum, London.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 56.—Boxing Scene. From a b.-f. Panathenaic
-Panel-Amphora. University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 57.—Statue of a Boxer, from Sorrento. By Koblanos
-of Aphrodisias. Museum of Naples.]
-
-We may infer how a Polykleitan statue of a boxer at rest looked, from
-the Roman copy of one in Kassel.[1706] Here a youth just out of boyhood
-is represented as standing with the weight of the body resting upon the
-right leg and the head turned to the right. The forearms are covered
-with gloves, the right fist being raised for attack and the left for
-defense. Another marble statue, representing a boxer in repose, was
-found in a fragmentary condition in Sorrento in 1888, and is now in the
-National Museum at Naples (Fig. 57).[1707] It is inscribed as the work
-of Koblanos of Aphrodisias in Karia, whom we know as a copyist of the
-first century A. D., and who was active in reproducing Greek works for
-the Roman market.[1708] The body forms are too badly injured for us
-accurately to date the original from which this copy was made, but the
-head gives us the clue, as its style appears to be a connecting link
-between that of the seated statue of _Herakles_, in the Palazzo Altemps
-in Rome[1709] and the Munich _Oil-pourer_ (Pl. 11),[1710] as it shows
-affinity to both. Though Sogliano referred it to the school of Lysippos
-and Juethner to the beginning of the fourth century B. C., it shows
-indubitable Myronian characteristics and may have been the work of
-Myron’s pupil Lykios, who is known to us as an athlete sculptor.[1711]
-In this statue the youth is resting his weight on his right leg, the
-left, with full sole on the ground, being turned to one side. The left
-forearm is extended outwards and to the side, the head leaning toward
-the right leg—in other words, the athlete is represented in an attitude
-similar to that of the _Idolino_ (Pl. 14). As there is an olive crown
-in the hair, it seems reasonable to conclude that the original statue
-was that of an Olympic victor.
-
-By the beginning of the fifth century B. C., if not earlier, boxers
-were represented in violent motion, as we saw in the case of the statue
-of the boy boxer Glaukos, by the Aeginetan sculptor Glaukias,[1712]
-represented in the act of sparring (σκιαμαχῶν). Whether he was
-represented as facing an imaginary antagonist or as merely punching
-a bag we can not say, though the latter seems the more probable. The
-motive is depicted in many art works, notably in the figure of a youth
-punching a bag which hangs from a tree on the Ficoroni cista in the
-Museo Kircheriano, Rome,[1713] and in that of another represented
-on the so-called Peter cista in the Museo Gregoriano Etrusco of the
-Vatican, whose engraved scenes show exercises of the palæstra.[1714]
-The same motive is seen also in a statuette in the Museo Chiaramonti of
-the Vatican, which is proved to be that of a boy boxer by the glove on
-the right hand.[1715] Here the boy is represented with the right foot
-far advanced and rising on the toes of both feet, the right shoulder
-being drawn back, the right forearm raised, and the left extended
-forwards. The marble torso of a copy of the same original on a large
-scale is in Berlin.[1716] While Amelung believes that the original of
-both statuette and torso was a bronze of the second half of the fourth
-century B. C., Furtwaengler thought that the torso went back to the
-severe style of the fifth century, and that this original once stood in
-Olympia, where it might have served as the inspiration for a carelessly
-worked bronze statuette of a boxer found there, which repeats the
-motive of the torso and similarly belongs to the fifth century B. C.
-(Fig. 2).[1717] The Olympia statuette also has the right foot advanced,
-the upper part of the body leans backward, and the left arm with open
-palm is outstretched for defense, while the right with balled fist
-is held up ready to strike. It certainly is a votive offering of an
-Olympic victor—doubtless one of the small reductions, which were not
-uncommonly erected for economy’s sake.[1718] Whether the Aeginetan
-Glaukias also made victor statues in repose is doubtful.
-
-Waldstein, on insufficient grounds, has argued that the so-called
-_Strangford Apollo_ in the British Museum (Fig. 14)[1719] is a copy
-of the statue at Olympia of the famous Thasian boxer and pancratiast
-Theagenes by Glaukias. Its close observation of nature finds its
-analogy in the statues of the Aeginetan pediment groups (see Figs. 20,
-21). The statue of the boy boxer Athenaios of Ephesos, by an unknown
-sculptor, was represented as lunging at his adversary, as we see from
-the footmarks on the recovered base. The left foot was advanced and
-turned outwards, while the right one touched the ground only with the
-toes.[1720] Similarly the statue of the boxer Damoxenidas by Nikodamos
-of Arkadia was represented as about to strike. On its recovered base
-the left foot stood solidly upon the ground, while the right foot
-was drawn back and touched the ground only with the toes—if we judge
-rightly from the size of the missing part of the stone.[1721] The
-statue of the Ionian boxer Epitherses by Pythokritos of Rhodes seems to
-have had but one foot flat upon the ground, and consequently must have
-been represented in motion, though we are not sure of the position of
-the other, since one stone of the base is missing.[1722]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 58.—Statue known as _Pollux_. Louvre, Paris.]
-
-The bronze plate from the base of the statue of the boy boxer
-Philippos, an Azanian of Pellene, was found at Olympia and has
-been referred to the end of the fourth or beginning of the third
-century B. C.[1723] However, since Pausanias says that Myron made
-the statue,[1724] various attempts have been made to reconcile the
-discrepancy in dates. Our own solution is that the statue seen by
-Pausanias did not represent Philippos at all, but some earlier unnamed
-Arkadian boxer, who was contemporary with Myron.[1725] Years later
-the Azanian boy Philippos won a victory at Olympia and attached the
-recovered epigram to the old base, in which he implored Zeus to let
-the ancient glory of Arkadia be revived in him, and also a newer one
-in which he said that he had restored the statue of Myron.[1726]
-Pausanias saw the newer one, but omitted to mention the older, which
-was probably illegible from weathering. He therefore thought that the
-original Myronian statue used by Philippos represented the latter
-victor.[1727] The words on the affixed plate beginning ὧδε στὰς ὁ
-Πελασγὸς ἐπ’ Ἀλφειῷ ποκα πύκτας κ. τ. λ., may refer to the position of
-the boxer rather than to a portrait of the victor.[1728] We have long
-ago hazarded the suggestion[1729] that the so-called _Pollux_ of the
-Louvre (Fig. 58),[1730] whose body forms recall the _Marsyas_ and whose
-head recalls the _Diskobolos_, may go back to the statue of the unnamed
-Arkadian by Myron.[1731] But the uncertainty which we have found in a
-former section[1732] in assigning this and kindred works to Myron or to
-Pythagoras leaves it only a suggestion.
-
-
-PANCRATIASTS.
-
-The pankration (παγκράτιον)[1733] was a combination of boxing and
-wrestling, in which the contestants fought either standing, or prone on
-the ground. While the wrestler merely tried to throw his opponent in
-a series of bouts, the pancratiast continued the fight on the ground
-until one or the other acknowledged defeat. The etymology of the word
-shows that it was a contest in which every power of the contestants
-was exerted to the utmost.[1734] Strangling, pummeling, kicking,
-and, in fact, everything but biting and gouging were allowed. Both
-Lucian[1735] and Philostratos[1736] speak of the prohibition against
-biting and gouging, which statements Gardiner thinks are quotations
-from the rules governing the contest at Olympia, as they are twice
-quoted by Aristophanes.[1737] Philostratos, however, says that the
-Spartans allowed both biting and gouging, but that the Eleans allowed
-only strangling. A case of gouging the eye of an opponent with the
-thumb is seen on the r.-f. kylix in the British Museum, already
-mentioned (Fig. 55).[1738] Here the official is rushing up with his
-rod to punish such a breach of the rules. Philostratos calls the men’s
-pankration the “fairest” of contests at Olympia, probably in reference
-to the impression made on the spectators by the various positions
-of the contestants, who had to rely quite as much on skill as on
-strength. Pindar wrote eight odes in praise of this contest.[1739]
-However, even though it was carefully regulated at Olympia by rules,
-it was a dangerous sport—τὸ δεινὸν ἄεθλον ὅ παγκράτιον καλέουσιν,
-in the words of the protesting philosopher Xenophanes.[1740] But it
-was never the brutal sport which some modern writers have pictured
-it.[1741] Plato, to be sure, kept it out of his ideal State,[1742] not,
-however, because of its brutality, but merely because its distinctive
-feature, the struggle on the ground, was of no service in training a
-soldier. The Greeks themselves considered the boxing match far more
-dangerous. Inasmuch as gloves were not used in the pankration, this
-seems reasonable.[1743] We have in the preceding section mentioned
-the epithets applied to boxing. Pausanias, in speaking of the boxing
-match between Theagenes and Euthymos, says that the former was too much
-wearied by that contest to enter the pankration, and was in consequence
-compelled to pay a talent to the god and another to Euthymos.[1744]
-In speaking of another contest, between Kapros and Kleitomachos, he
-records that the latter told the umpires that the pankration should be
-brought on before he had received hurts from boxing.[1745] Artemidoros
-states that no wounds resulted from the pankration.[1746] However,
-death by strangulation was often the result of the bout. Thus the
-pancratiast Arrhachion was crowned after he had been throttled by his
-adversary, for just before expiring he was able to put one of the toes
-of his opponent out of joint and the pain caused the latter to let go
-his grip.[1747] Pausanias tells also how the boxer Kreugas was slain
-by Damoxenos in the pankration at Nemea, but adds that the body of the
-former was proclaimed victor.[1748]
-
-The pankration was not known to Homer, though later writers ascribed
-its invention either to Theseus or Herakles, the typical mythical
-examples of skill as opposed to brute force.[1749] It was introduced
-at Olympia in Ol. 33 (= 648 B. C.),[1750] long after the separate
-events, wrestling and boxing, had appeared there. The boys’ contest
-was instituted at Olympia in Ol. 145 (= 200 B. C.),[1751] though it
-had appeared elsewhere much earlier.[1752] It must have been a popular
-sport at Olympia, since Pausanias records statues erected to twenty
-victors for thirty victories in this contest.
-
-Vase-paintings[1753] show many grips and throws of the pankration—the
-flying mare, leg hold,[1754] tilting backwards by holding the
-antagonist’s foot, “chancery” (_i. e._ catching the adversary around
-the neck with one arm and hitting his face with the other fist),
-stomach throw (_i. e._, seizing the adversary by the arms or shoulders
-and at the same time planting one’s foot in the other’s stomach, and
-then throwing him over one’s head),[1755] jumping on the back of one’s
-opponent,[1756] strangling, wrestling and boxing combined, and kicking
-and boxing combined. Ground wrestling is very commonly depicted
-on vases and especially on gems, since such groups were adapted to
-oblong or oval spaces.[1757] We reproduce a pancratiast scene from
-a Panathenaic amphora of Kittos, dating from the fourth century B.
-C., in the British Museum (Fig. 59).[1758] This is a conventional
-representation of wrestling and boxing combined. The pancratiast at the
-right of the group has rushed in with his head down and has been caught
-around the neck by his adversary’s arm, a hopeless position, from which
-he can not escape. The latter is either about to complete the neck hold
-(if it be an actual case of “chancery”), or perhaps to hit him with his
-right hand. A third pancratiast is looking on from the extreme right,
-while a _paidotribes_, switch in hand, appears at the left. The fight
-on the ground is well depicted on the r.-f. kylix of the British Museum
-already discussed as showing boxing scenes (Fig. 55).[1759]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 59.—Pankration Scene. From a Panathenaic Amphora by
-Kittos. British Museum, London.]
-
-We have but few representations of pancratiasts in sculpture.
-The preliminary sparring—known as ἀκροχειρισμός[1760]—must have
-characterized the statue of the Sikyonian pancratiast Sostratos at
-Olympia by an unknown sculptor, since Pausanias says that this victor
-was known as ὁ ἀκροχερσίτης, explaining the epithet as that of one
-who gained his victories by seizing and bending his adversaries’
-fingers, holding them fast till he yielded.[1761] Since a Delphian
-inscribed base[1762] gives the same number of victories as Pausanias,
-we infer that they were given also on the Olympia base, the source of
-Pausanias’ information. Since nothing is said, however, of Sostratos’
-mode of fighting in the Delphi inscription, Pausanias must have argued
-it from the pose of the statue. The Sicilian wrestler Leontiskos of
-a century earlier, whose statue was by Pythagoras, had, according to
-Pausanias, used similar tactics, for “he vanquished his adversaries
-by bending back their fingers.”[1763] These cases show that statues
-of pancratiasts and wrestlers were frequently represented in vigorous
-lunging attitudes as well as in groups. The epigram on the base of the
-monument of the pancratiast Teisikrates at Delphi shows that the statue
-was represented in a similar way.[1764] The same lunging attitude is
-also shown on the Halimous grave-relief.[1765] Sometimes the contest
-ended with the preliminary sparring, though usually it developed into
-wrestling and boxing.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 60.—Bronze Statuette of a Pancratiast (?), from
-Autun, France. Louvre, Paris.]
-
-A good representation of a pancratiast trying to kick his antagonist
-seems to be furnished by the small bronze statuette from Autun, South
-France, now in the Louvre (Fig. 60).[1766] This statuette is of
-mediocre workmanship, its hard muscles, imperfect proportions, and
-realism showing that it comes from the Hellenistic period of Greek art.
-It represents a bearded athlete, who holds his hands ready to strike
-and his left foot raised apparently to kick his adversary’s leg. The
-foot is just ready to return to its original position, so that the
-motive of this poor little statuette discloses a transient period of
-time between two movements, just as the _Diskobolos_ and _Marsyas_ of
-Myron did. We have already noted[1767] that on the head is a cap with a
-ring in the top, by which it could be suspended as a decorative piece,
-or perhaps as part of a steelyard. Hauser believes that this motive
-was known to the elder Polykleitos and that this is the interpretation
-of that sculptor’s statue of a _nudus talo incessens_ mentioned
-by Pliny, a statue which has formed the basis for much discussion
-among archæologists.[1768] The Plinian passage, therefore, is to be
-translated as “the nude man attacking with his heel (_talo_)”—in
-other words, it describes a statue represented as kicking, which was
-allowable in the pankration. The manuscripts of Pliny all read _talo_,
-which Benndorf[1769] thought could be retained only by assuming
-that the naturalist mistranslated his Greek source γυμνὸς ἀστραγάλῳ
-ἐπικείμενος, translating the word ἐπικείμενος “standing upon,” as
-_incessens_ “pursuing.” He therefore assumed that Polykleitos’ statue
-stood upon an astragalos (_talus_) basis, which he believed was the
-forerunner of the statue of _Opportunity_ (Καιρός) by Lysippos,[1770]
-and he referred it to the knuckle-bone basis found at Olympia.[1771]
-Woelfflin,[1772] however, has shown that _talo incessens_ can only
-mean “_mit einem Knochel nach Jemand einwerfen_.” Following this,
-Furtwaengler showed[1773] how impossible on grammatical and other
-grounds it was to read _talo_ in Benndorf’s sense, since the passage
-then would mean “advancing towards” or “pursuing,” by means of a
-knuckle-bone, which is manifestly nonsense. The word could be only
-instrumental in use, as Woefflin said, _i. e._, the weapon by means
-of which the man was attacking. Furtwaengler, therefore, followed
-Benndorf’s earlier alternative reading _telo_, assuming that Pliny
-mistakenly wrote _talo_ because he was influenced by the presence of
-the same word in the passage immediately following: _duosque pueros
-item nudos talis ludentes qui vocantur astragalizontes_.[1774] But
-Hauser’s interpretation of _talo_ meets all the conditions better,
-since it keeps the manuscript readings, makes grammatical Latin, and
-seems to be illustrated by the statuette in question.
-
-Sometimes the statues of Olympic pancratiasts were represented at
-rest with the weight of the body equally on both legs, as we see from
-the recovered basis of the statue of the Athenian Kallias by the
-Athenian sculptor Mikon.[1775] Furtwaengler has identified a statue
-in the Somzée Collection as a copy of this work.[1776] The footprints
-on the recovered base of the statue of the Rhodian Dorieus show that
-it was represented at rest with one leg slightly advanced.[1777]
-We have actual remnants of statues of Olympic pancratiasts in the
-marble head found at Olympia, which we are to assign to the statue
-of the Akarnanian Philandridas by Lysippos, mentioned by Pausanias
-(Frontispiece and Fig. 69),[1778] and the beautiful statue of Agias
-discovered by the French at Delphi in 1894, a work by the same sculptor
-(Pl. 28 and Fig. 68).[1779]
-
-The struggle on the ground implies groups and not single statues.
-Our best representation of such a group is furnished by the famous
-marble one in the Uffizi, Florence (Pl. 25).[1780] Though having no
-pretensions to be a victor monument, this group is the most important
-monument extant connected with the pankration, a fine anatomical study
-from Hellenistic times, evincing the direct influence of Lysippos
-in its proportions.[1781] It shows affinity of design to certain
-sculptures from the frieze of the Great Altar at Pergamon.[1782] Pliny
-speaks of a _symplegma_ by Kephisodotos, the son of Praxiteles, at
-Pergamon, but that group was of an erotic character and can not have
-had anything to do with the Florentine one.[1783] Unfortunately the
-group in question has been much restored, though the restoration in
-the main is right. The heads, though probably antique, do not seem to
-belong to the statues, but both appear to be copies of the head of one
-of the Niobids, with which group the pancratiasts were discovered in
-1583. The right arm of the uppermost athlete seems to have been wrongly
-restored; in any case this athlete is not strangling his opponent. One
-youth has thrown the other down on to his knee, and his left leg is
-intertwined with the left leg of the other, and he is drawing back his
-arm to aim a blow. The wrestler underneath supports himself upon his
-left arm, and the intention of his opponent is to destroy this support
-by a blow of the fist, which would bring the contest to a sudden
-conclusion, since the right arm of the under youth is fast and he must
-defend himself with the left. As Gardiner points out, such a situation
-is illustrated by Heliodoros’ description of the match between
-Theagenes and an Aethiopian champion.[1784] The under man’s position,
-however, may suddenly change and the issue yet be in his favor. Many
-writers have explained the group as ordinary wrestlers,[1785] but
-Gardiner has conclusively shown that it belongs to the pankration,
-since in wrestling the contest is ended when one of the contestants has
-been thrown, while here the struggle is continuing on the ground.[1786]
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 25
-
-Marble Group of Pancratiasts. Uffizi Gallery, Florence.]
-
-Kapros of Elis was the first of seven Olympic victors to emulate
-the fabled feat of Herakles by winning the pankration and wrestling
-matches on the same day—that is, he was the first professional
-strong man.[1787] The other six all came from the East. It has been
-suggested[1788] that the colossal _Farnese Herakles_ found in Rome
-in the ruins of the Baths of Caracalla in 1540 and now in Naples,
-inscribed as the work of the Athenian Glykon, which represents the hero
-leaning wearily on his club against a rock,[1789] may represent
-the type of these professional strong men, who called themselves the
-successors of Herakles. But such a suggestion is as unfounded as the
-one already examined, which identifies the original of the _Seated
-Boxer_ of the Museo delle Terme (Pl. 16 and Fig. 27) with Kleitomachos
-of Thebes, the redoubtable opponent of Kapros, since the dates in both
-cases are against such identifications. The Farnese statue and other
-replicas of the same original[1790] obviously revert to a Lysippan
-original, though they are considerably metamorphosed by the taste of a
-later age. Such big swollen muscles at first sight appear to be alien
-to the sculptor of the graceful _Agias_, but that the Naples copy by
-Glykon—who, from the inscription on the base, must be referred to the
-first century B. C.[1791]—really represents the work of Lysippos seems
-well established by the fact that a smaller copy, though still over
-life-size, of poorer workmanship, in the Pitti Gallery in Florence,
-is inscribed as Λυσίππου ἔργον.[1792] This type of weary hero appears
-in the _Telephos_ group on the small Pergamene frieze, but is even
-earlier, since the latter seems to have been borrowed from a statue
-which is reproduced on a coin of Alexander, which was struck at least
-as early as 300 B. C.[1793] The type of Herakles wearied by his
-superhuman labors was inaugurated still earlier by Lysippos, who was
-fond of representing the hero in many poses, seated and standing,
-resting and laboring. We might mention his colossal bronze statue
-of Herakles, which was set up in Tarentum and then carried to Rome
-and placed on the Capitol by Q. Fabius Maximus, when Tarentum was
-captured in 209 B. C., and was later transferred to the Hippodrome
-at Constantinople, where it remained until the sack of that city by
-the Franks in 1204.[1794] It is hazardous, therefore, to reject the
-evidence, and it will be best to see in the original a genuine Lysippan
-work, as do Bulle, Overbeck, von Mach, Schnaase,[1795] and others, and
-so to make Glykon responsible only for the exaggerations of his own
-copy. Thus we have to face the fact of divergent styles in the great
-bronze founder of the fourth century B. C., even if we admit with
-Richardson that “for our peace of mind this statue might well have been
-sunk in the sea.”[1796]
-
-[Illustration: A B
-FIG. 61.—Bronze Head of Boxer (?), from Olympia. National Museum,
-Athens.]
-
-Long ago, I referred the life-size bronze portrait-like head of a
-boxer or pancratiast found at Olympia, now in the Athens Museum (Figs.
-61A and B),[1797] to one of two statues of the pancratiast Kapros
-mentioned by Pausanias.[1798] The remnant of a wild-olive crown in the
-hair proves that it comes from the statue of an Olympic victor. Its
-bruised appearance may, however, betoken the punishment administered by
-the gloves of a boxer rather than by the bare fists of a pancratiast.
-That Greek sculpture was not always ideal we have seen from the
-description of the _Seated Boxer_ of the Museo delle Terme (Pl. 16 and
-Fig. 27). This peculiarly life-like head is another example of the
-same realism; it would be hard to name a more brutal and repellent
-piece from the whole range of Greek sculpture. The profession of this
-bruiser is evident in every feature, for the sculptor has betrayed it
-by the swollen ears, flat nose, thick neck, swollen cheeks, projecting
-under lip, frowning brows, and unkempt hair and beard. All these
-traits—especially the treatment of the eyes—give to it the sullen
-gloomy look so characteristic of boxers and pancratiasts.[1799] The man
-appears to be awaiting the attack, his contracted brows showing alert
-expectation, and his closed lips great determination. Furtwaengler,
-Bulle, Flasch, and others have dated it in the fourth century B. C.,
-and are fain to see in it the work of an artist of the immediate
-circle of Lysippos or Lysistratos;[1800] but its exaggerated realism
-seems rather to point to a later period, not earlier than the third
-century B. C.[1801] The bronze foot of a victor statue also found at
-Olympia (Fig. 62)[1802] has been assigned by Furtwaengler to one of the
-statues of Kapros, an ascription which we also have followed.[1803]
-The position of this foot shows—as an experiment with a living model
-has disclosed—great movement, which makes it obvious that it comes
-from a statue in lively motion, probably of a boxer or pancratiast. It
-belongs to the statue of a strong man of coarse build; there is not the
-slightest trace of unnecessary flesh on it, but the whole is vigorous
-muscle, even the swollen veins being clearly visible in the photograph.
-While Furtwaengler finds its stylistic parallels in the copies of the
-Pergamene works of the third century B. C., _e. g._, the _Dying Gaul_
-statues, the material and form of the base fitting that period, Wolters
-emphasizes its stylistic analogy to the bronze head just discussed.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 62.—Bronze Foot of a Victor Statue, from Olympia.
-Museum of Olympia.]
-
-The monuments which represent equestrian victors will be left for
-another chapter.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER V.
-
-MONUMENTS OF HIPPODROME AND MUSICAL VICTORS.
-
-PLATES 26-27 AND FIGURES 63-67.
-
-
-In the preceding chapters we have considered the monuments of victors
-in various gymnic contests, in which the victor won by his own strength
-and skill. In the present chapter we shall be concerned chiefly with
-the monuments set up by victors at Olympia in chariot- and horse-races,
-in which the victory did not depend upon the athletic prowess of
-the victor, but upon the skill of his charioteer or jockey and the
-endurance of his horses.[1804] Though such events were not in the
-strict sense a part of Greek athletics, they formed a very important
-feature of the festival at Olympia as elsewhere.[1805] Indeed the
-four-horse chariot-race was the most spectacular and brilliant event
-at Olympia. Chariot-races, and to a less extent horse-races, were the
-sport only of the rich—kings, princes, and nobles.[1806] Thus victories
-were won in these events at Olympia in the fifth century B. C. by Hiero
-and Gelo, kings of Syracuse, and Arkesilas IV of Kyrene; in the fourth,
-by Philip II of Macedonia, and in Roman days by Tiberius, Germanicus,
-Nero, and many others. Alkibiades in Ol. 91 (= 416 B. C.), _i. e._, in
-the midst of the great Peloponnesian war, entered seven chariots at
-Olympia and won three prizes.[1807] Sometimes a city entered a chariot
-or horse. Thus in Ol. 77 (= 472 _B. C._) the public chariot of Argos,
-and in Ol. 75 (= 480 B. C.) the public horse of the same city, won at
-Olympia.[1808] Such entries show not only the expense attending these
-contests, but also their importance in the eyes of the Greeks.
-
-Hippodromes, chariot-races, and horse-races were very common in Greece.
-A votive inscription in the museum at Sparta, dating from near the
-middle of the fifth century B. C., enumerates sixty victories by
-Damonon and his son Enymakratidas in both chariot- and horse-races
-at eight different meets in or near Lakonia, and Damonon was merely
-a local victor, unknown at Olympia.[1809] Greeks of Sicily and
-Magna Græcia were especially fond of such contests, as we see these
-constantly represented on coins of different cities there from the
-beginning of the fifth century B. C. on.[1810] However, only a few of
-the sites of these many hippodromes are now known, and only one can be
-positively identified, that mentioned by Pausanias on Mount Lykaios
-in Arkadia.[1811] The others are known from literary sources.[1812]
-The one at Olympia was destroyed in the course of centuries by the
-floods of the Alpheios, and its exact location can not be determined,
-though we know in general that it lay somewhere southeast of the Altis,
-between the river and the Stadion, and surmise that it ran somewhat
-parallel to the latter.[1813]
-
-Its measurements, however, are known to us from a Greek metrological
-parchment manuscript in the old Seraglio, Constantinople, which dates
-from the eleventh century A. D.[1814] According to it the length of the
-course, _i. e._, from the starting-point to turning-post and return,
-was about 8 stades (1538 meters, 16 centimeters) or nearly 1 mile. One
-of the two sides—which Pausanias says were of unequal length[1815]—was
-3 stades and 1 plethron long. The breadth of the course at the
-starting-point was 1 stade and 4 plethra. We are told, however, that
-only a portion of the entire course, six stades, or about two-thirds of
-a mile, was traversed in the various races.
-
-The oldest literary account of a Greek chariot-race is found in Homer
-in the description of the games of Patroklos—the longest and finest
-episode there described.[1816] But the first trace of such a contest
-goes back to mythology, to the story of Pelops and Oinomaos contending
-for the hand of the latter’s daughter Hippodameia.[1817] This mythical
-race began at the village of Pisa in Elis and ended at the altar of
-Poseidon on the Isthmus of Corinth.[1818] The chariot-race was the
-chief if not the only event at the oldest funeral games in Greece,
-those mentioned by Pausanias as held in honor of Azan, the son of
-Arkas, in Arkadia.[1819] It figured largely in mythology[1820] and
-was represented in many works of art.[1821] At Olympia it was one of
-the earliest, and perhaps the earliest, of the events. Pausanias says
-that the four-horse chariot-race was introduced there in Ol. 25 (= 680
-B. C.),[1822] but this may merely mean, as Gardiner points out, the
-date of exchanging the older prehistoric two-horse chariot for the one
-drawn by four horses. In any case the antiquity of the race at Olympia
-is shown by the great number of early votive offerings in the form of
-models of chariots and horses, which have been found there in a stratum
-extending below the foundations of the Heraion.
-
-
-PROGRAMME OF HIPPODROME EVENTS.
-
-By the middle of the third century B. C. the fully developed programme
-of equestrian events at Olympia and elsewhere consisted of six races,
-three for full-grown horses (τέλειοι), and three for colts (πῶλοι);
-for each of these two classes there were a four-horse chariot-race
-(ἅρμα, τέθριππον), a two-horse chariot-race (συνωρίς), and a horse-race
-(κέλης), thus:
-
- ἅρματι τελείῳ, συνωρίδι τελείᾳ, κέλητι τελείῳ.
- ἅρματι πωλικῷ, συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, κέλητι πωλικῷ.
-
-These six events comprised the ἀγὼν ἱππικός at Olympia, Delphi, Nemea,
-Corinth, Athens, and elsewhere, as opposed to the ἀγὼν γυμνικός.[1823]
-The distinction between horses and colts was apparently a matter
-which was decided by the Hellanodikai at Olympia. Thus, Pausanias
-recounts how the Spartan victor Lykidas entered a pair of colts for
-the chariot-race, and that one of them was rejected by the judges; he
-thereupon entered both for the race with full-grown horses and won
-it.[1824] Though such a story does not fit the date of Lykidas, who won
-before the colt-race was introduced at Olympia, it shows the method
-of selection.[1825] The race in which the chariot was drawn by four
-full-grown horses (ἵππων τελείων δρόμος) was introduced, as we have
-seen, in Ol. 25. The contestants drove twelve times round the course,
-a distance of seventy-two stades or over eight miles.[1826] Pausanias
-mentions the monuments of eighteen such victors at Olympia for nineteen
-victories. The race in which the chariot was drawn by four colts (πώλων
-ἅρμα) was introduced in Ol. 99 (= 384 B. C.),[1827] and extended eight
-times round the course, or about 5.5 miles.[1828] Pausanias mentions
-the monuments of only two such victors at Olympia.[1829] The race in
-which the chariot was drawn by pairs of full-grown horses (συνωρίς)
-was introduced in Ol. 93 (408 B. C.) and extended eight times round
-the course.[1830] Pausanias mentions but one victor in this event at
-Olympia[1831] and an Olympic victress who had a statue erected to her
-in Sparta for such a victory.[1832] This was probably the original
-chariot-race at Olympia revived in Ol. 93, since the two-horse chariot
-was the historical descendant of the Homeric war-chariot.[1833]
-Panathenaic vases show that this race existed at Athens in the sixth
-century B. C., side by side with the four-horse chariot-race and
-horseback-race. The earliest of these vases, the so-called Burgon
-vase in the British Museum,[1834] was a prize there for this event.
-The race in which the chariot was drawn by a pair of colts (συνωρὶς
-πώλων) was introduced at Olympia in the third century B. C., in Ol.
-129 (= 264 B. C.),[1835] and extended three times around the course.
-Pausanias mentions no monument erected to a victor in this race. The
-horse-race (ἵππος κέλης) was instituted in Ol. 33 (= 648 B. C.)[1836],
-and the foal-race (πῶλος κέλης) nearly four centuries later, in Ol.
-131 (256 B. C.).[1837] Neither of these races was known to Homer, for
-κελετίζειν in the Iliad,[1838] as we saw in Chapter I, refers only to
-the acrobatic feat of vaulting from the back of one horse to that of
-another. Pausanias mentions monuments erected to eight victors (for
-nine victories) in the regular horse-race at Olympia. We conclude from
-a passage of his work[1839] that the riding-race consisted of one lap
-only or six stades, about two-thirds of a mile. A mule chariot-race
-(ἀπήνη) was introduced in Ol. 70 (= 500 B. C.), and a trotting-race
-with mares (κάλπη) in Ol. 71 (= 496 B. C.), but both were abolished in
-Ol. 84 (= 444 B. C.).[1840] Pausanias mentions one monument erected
-to an anonymous victor in κάλπη, who won some time between Ols. 72
-and 84 (= 492 and 444 B. C.).[1841] He mentions the first victor in
-the mule-race, Thersias of Thessaly, but this does not occur in his
-_periegesis_ of the Altis.[1842] Only three other victors in this event
-are known to us, and they came from Sicilian towns.[1843]
-
-Equestrian events were discontinued at Olympia in the first century
-B. C., owing to the waning of interest in athletics in consequence of
-the Roman conquest of Greece in 146 B. C. They were revived thereafter
-under the Empire only spasmodically and were destined finally to be
-replaced by the amusements of the Roman circus. Thus we learn from the
-Armenian version of Africanus that the chariot-race ceased at Olympia
-in Ol. 178 (= 68 B. C.). It must, however, have been reinstated toward
-the end of the century, since Tiberius Claudius Nero—afterwards the
-Emperor Tiberius—won in Ol. 194 (= 4 B. C.).[1844] It again went into
-disuse, since Africanus says that it, πάλαι κωλυθείς, was reintroduced
-in Ol. 199 (= 17 A. D.), when Germanicus, the adopted son of Tiberius,
-won.[1845] Once more it was discontinued, and again renewed in Ol.
-222 (= 109 A. D.), according to the same authority, who, however, does
-not name any victor for that date. Just when this discontinuance took
-place, we can not say, but it was certainly after Ol. 211 (= 65 A. D.),
-when the emperor Nero is known to have won victories in various kinds
-of chariot-races.[1846] Three Olympiads before, an Elean, Tiberios
-Klaudios Aphrodeisios, had also won the horse-race.[1847]
-
-
-REPRESENTATIONS OF THE CHARIOT-RACE.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 26
-
-Racing Chariot and Horses. From an archaic b.-f. Hydria. Museum of
-Berlin.]
-
-Representations of the various chariot-races are commoner than
-those of any other Olympic contest, appearing on vases, reliefs,
-coins, and gems.[1848] There seem to have been two distinct types
-of racing-chariot in Greece.[1849] The four-horse chariot was a
-modification of the heroic two-horse war-chariot, which was a low car
-on two wheels, surmounted by a box consisting of a high framework,
-open only at the rear, and large enough to contain the chieftain and
-the charioteer. The war-chariot was known to both Mycenæan Greece and
-Crete. There is a relief of uncertain date in the Museum of Candia,
-which represents a chariot and charioteer.[1850] It is far superior
-to the type of chariots appearing in relief on the gravestones found
-at Mycenæ,[1851] though the type on both is of the same general
-pattern, having the same box and four-spoked wheels. On the Mycenæan
-reliefs the box seems to rest directly upon the rim of the wheel, and
-the portrayal of a single horse is very inartistic. On the Candia
-relief, however, there are at least two horses discernible, and
-both the horses and the warrior, who is about to mount the car, are
-lifelike. The Greek racing-car was much lighter than the Homeric and
-Mycenæan war-chariot, and the box had room only for the charioteer.
-It was drawn usually by four horses. The Athenian type appears on
-Panathenaic vases throughout the whole history of the manufacture
-of these vases,[1852] and also on Macedonian and Sicilian coins. On
-certain vases of later date the car is still lighter and has larger
-wheels. One of the earliest racing-cars is seen on a vase in the
-British Museum,[1853] dating from the eighth century B. C. It seems
-to be a two-horse car, as we should expect at this early date, though
-the artist has drawn but one horse. The charioteer is clothed in a
-long chiton, a custom which was generally kept throughout the history
-of the chariot-race. The regular two-horse type of chariot appears on
-vases as a cart, the body of the old war-chariot being so diminished
-that nothing is left but the driver’s seat with a square open framework
-on the sides. The driver rests his feet on a footboard suspended from
-the pole.[1854] Perhaps this represents a peculiarly Athenian type
-of chariot, since the two-horse chariot on coins of Philip II, son
-of Amyntas and father of Alexander the Great, a victor at Olympia in
-both horse-racing and charioteering, resembles the ordinary four-horse
-car, and the driver stands instead of sits.[1855] The mule-car was
-like the two-horse chariot, as we see in representations of it on
-coins of Rhegion and Messana.[1856] The best illustrations of racing
-with four-horse cars are afforded by coins of Sicilian cities.[1857]
-We see an excellent representation of such a race on a sixth-century
-B. C. Panathenaic vase recently found at Sparta, on which a chariot
-driven by a standing charioteer is represented as passing a pillar on
-the right, and therefore perhaps near the end of the race.[1858] The
-harnessing of two horses to a racing-car is seen on an archaic b.-f.
-hydria in Berlin (Pl. 26).[1859] Here a third horse appears, led by
-a nude youth, who is crowned, and who therefore probably represents
-a victorious horse-racer. Several other b.-f. vase-paintings showing
-four-horse chariots have been collected by Gerhard.[1860] However,
-we are not dependent upon vase-paintings and coins to judge of the
-magnificence of Greek chariots of the historical period, for we have
-actual remains of them—war-chariots, to be sure, but not very unlike
-the ones used at the corresponding dates in Olympia. Among these is
-the fine bronze _biga_ found in the grave of an Italian prince at
-Monteleone, Etruria, in 1902, and now one of the chief treasures of
-the Metropolitan Museum in New York.[1861] This is a war-chariot of the
-beginning of the sixth century B. C., the only complete ancient bronze
-chariot now known. The restored frame of wood is sheathed with thin
-bronze plates richly ornamented with reliefs in repoussé. Because of
-its form and its relationship to chariots appearing on archaic Ionic
-monuments of Asia Minor, for example, on the reliefs of sarcophagi
-from Klazomenai, and because of the strong resemblance between its
-decorative designs and those of archaic Italian monuments of Ionicizing
-style, Furtwaengler has classed it as the product of Ionic Greek art.
-Professor Chase, on the other hand, finds these decorations pure
-Etruscan in character, comparing them with the reliefs on three bronze
-tripods in the possession of Mr. James Loeb, which are dated some half
-a century later.[1862] In any case this chariot is “_das glaenzendste,
-vollstaendigste_” archaic metal work yet recovered. In the British
-Museum there are considerable remnants of the chariot-group of King
-Mausolos and his wife Artemisia, which once stood on the apex of the
-Mausoleion at Halikarnassos, the work, according to Pliny,[1863] of
-Pythis (or Pytheos), the architect and historian of the tomb.[1864]
-Besides the figures of the royal pair, we have the head of one horse,
-the hinder half of another, fragments of still others, and one wheel of
-the chariot.[1865]
-
-
-CHARIOT-GROUPS AT OLYMPIA.
-
-Great artists were engaged to set up chariot-groups at Olympia and
-elsewhere. Many of the _quadrigae_ and _bigae_ mentioned by Pliny
-as the works of sculptors and painters must have been agonistic
-offerings.[1866] Aeginetan sculptors were especially in favor at
-Olympia. Thus Onatas, in conjunction with the Athenian Kalamis, made
-a group for King Hiero,[1867] and Glaukias made another for Hiero’s
-brother Gelo;[1868] Simon made an equestrian group for Phormis,[1869]
-and Philotimos made a statue for the horse-racer Xenombrotos of
-Kos.[1870] The oldest dedication by a chariot victor at Olympia was
-the votive offering of Miltiades, the son of Kypselos, of Athens,
-which consisted of an ivory horn of Amaltheia, inscribed with archaic
-letters and set up in the treasury of the Sikyonians. Miltiades won his
-victory in Ol. (?) 54 (= 564 B. C.).[1871] The next oldest dedication
-at Olympia was that of a chariot, without any human figure, by the
-Spartan Euagoras, who won three victories in Ols. (?) 58-60 (= 548-540
-B. C.).[1872] This custom of dedicating merely the model of a chariot
-continued sporadically into the third century B. C. Thus Polypeithes
-of Sparta, who won a victory near the end of the sixth century B.
-C.,[1873] dedicated a chariot, while a figure of his father, the
-wrestler Kalliteles, stood beside it.[1874] A Pythian victor, Arkesilas
-IV, son of Battos IV, king of Kyrene, who won a victory in the 31st
-Pythiad (= 462 B. C.), dedicated a chariot at Delphi.[1875] At the
-beginning of the fourth century B. C. the Spartan princess Kyniska
-set up “bronze horses less than life-size” in the pronaos of the
-temple of Zeus at Olympia. The recovered base shows that Pausanias was
-right about the size of this votive offering.[1876] Theochrestos of
-Kyrene, who won some time between Ols. (?) 100 and 122 (= 380 and 292
-B. C.),[1877] and Glaukon of Athens, who won in the third century B.
-C.,[1878] also set up votive chariots. The recovered base of Glaukon’s
-chariot shows that it was small. Sometimes a chariot victor, for
-economy’s sake, contented himself with dedicating merely a statue of
-himself in honor of his victory—a custom which continued from the sixth
-to the third centuries B. C. Perhaps one of the oldest examples of such
-a dedication of which we have record is that of the Elean Archidamas,
-who won a victory at an unknown date, but certainly some time after
-Ol. 66 (= 515 B. C.).[1879] In the fifth century B. C., the Spartans
-Anaxandros[1880] and Lykinos[1881] dedicated merely statues of
-themselves. In the fourth century B. C. the Elean victors Timon,[1882]
-whose monument was by Daidalos, Troilos, whose monument was by
-Lysippos,[1883] and Telemachos, whose statue was by Philonides,[1884]
-set up statues in honor of their victories. The footprints on the
-inscribed base of the statue of Telemachos show that he was represented
-standing at rest with both feet flat on the ground. This was probably
-the position of the statues of the other two victors mentioned. The
-statue of the Spartan victor Polykles, surnamed _Polychalkos_, stood
-in a singular group. He was represented as being greeted on his return
-home by his children, one of whom held a small grace-hoop in his
-hand, while the other was trying to snatch the victor ribbon from his
-father’s hand.[1885] We learn from Diogenes Laertios that the tyrant
-Periandros of Corinth vowed to set up a golden statue of himself if he
-won the chariot-race.[1886]
-
-The first instance chronologically recorded by Pausanias of a chariot
-victor dedicating his statue along with chariot and horses is that
-of king Gelo of Syracuse, the group being the work of the Aeginetan
-Glaukias.[1887] The first instance of a victor dedicating his statue in
-a group with chariot, horses, and charioteer, is that of Kleosthenes
-of Epidamnos, the group being the work of the Argive Hagelaïdas.[1888]
-Even the names of the horses were inscribed on this monument.[1889] The
-owner of the chariot, to be sure, took the prize, but he felt that the
-victory was due to the horses and driver, and so he associated them
-with himself in the monument. Sometimes the victor acted as his own
-charioteer. Thus the Spartan Damonon, already mentioned as the hero of
-many chariot victories in and near Sparta, tells in the inscription
-appearing on his votive relief that he was his own charioteer.[1890] In
-the first _Isthmian Ode_ Pindar congratulates Herodotos of Thebes, who
-won the chariot-race (?) in 458 B. C., on not entrusting his chariot
-to strangers, but driving it himself.[1891] Thrasyboulos seems to
-have driven his father’s car at the victory commemorated by the sixth
-_Pythian Ode_, sung in honor of the chariot victory of Xenokrates of
-Akragas in 490 B. C. at Delphi. Karrhotos, the charioteer of Arkesilas
-of Kyrene already mentioned, was the latter’s brother-in-law.[1892]
-Similarly Aigyptos appears to have ridden his own horse at Olympia
-instead of entrusting it to a jockey.[1893] Sophokles, in the
-_Electra_, has the hero Orestes drive his own chariot at the _Pythia_.
-Kyniska, the daughter of king Archidamas of Sparta, was the first
-woman to enter the contests at the race-course and the first to win an
-Olympic victory with her chariot.[1894] Apart from the small votive
-offering, already mentioned as standing in the temple of Zeus, she had
-also a victor-group at Olympia, by the sculptor Apellas, consisting
-of chariot, horses, charioteer, and herself. The rounded form of the
-recovered base,[1895] in connection with the description of Pausanias,
-permits us to assume that the statue of the princess stood in front on
-the projecting rounded portion of the pedestal. This is the contention
-of Loewy, who opposes the theory of Furtwaengler[1896] that the statue
-stood away from the rest of the group, since Pausanias makes no mention
-of such an arrangement. In any case, the charioteer in the group can
-not have been separated from the car.
-
-In an unpublished paper by my former teacher, Dr. Alfred Emerson, which
-was read by Professor D. M. Robinson before the Archæological Institute
-of America at its Christmas meeting in Providence in 1910, and entitled
-_The Case of Kyniska_,[1897] the argument was made that the chariot was
-in miniature; that the statue of Kyniska was a portrait, because of the
-wording of the recovered epigram; and, lastly that the smallest of the
-so-called bronze dancers from the villa of the Pisos in Herculaneum,
-now in Naples, is a late reproduction of the statue at Olympia by
-Apellas. Emerson thinks that Pliny no doubt often visited the villa and
-may well have had these statues in mind when he mentioned Apellas as
-the author of several statues of women adorning themselves.[1898]
-
-The monument erected by Hiero, son of Deinomenes and brother and
-successor of king Gelo at Syracuse, who won two horse-races and a
-four-horse chariot victory at Olympia in Ols. 76, 77, 78 (= 476-468
-B. C.),[1899] consisted of a bronze chariot, on which the charioteer
-was mounted, and on either side a race-horse with a jockey on each.
-Onatas made the chariot (and possibly the statue of the driver), while
-Kalamis sculptured the horses and jockeys. Such a division among
-sculptors was not uncommon at Olympia. Thus the Aeginetan artist
-Simon and the Argive Dionysios made a group in common for Phormis,
-which we have already mentioned, consisting of two horses and two
-charioteers.[1900] The Chian Pantias and the Aeginetan Philotimos made
-a group in common for Xenombrotos of Kos, victor in horse-racing, and
-for his son, the boy boxer Xenodikos, which consisted of statues of
-the man and the boy on horseback.[1901] Pliny mentions a four-horse
-chariot-group for which the elder Praxiteles made the charioteer and
-Kalamis the chariot, adding that Praxiteles did this out of kindness,
-not wishing it to be thought that Kalamis had failed in representing
-the man after succeeding in representing the horses.[1902]
-
-In some of the Olympic chariot-groups doubtless the charioteer was
-represented at the moment of entering the chariot or already in it.
-Sometimes a figure of Nike took the place of the charioteer, in order
-that the victor’s exploit might be more exalted. Thus Pausanias, in
-mentioning the bronze chariot of Kratisthenes of Kyrene by Pythagoras
-of Rhegion,[1903] says that statues of Nike and Kratisthenes himself
-are mounted upon the car. The Nike in some cases was replaced by the
-figure of a young maiden, who stood beside the victor, as in the cases
-of the Elean Timon[1904] and the Macedonian Lampos.[1905] Pliny notes a
-similar example in reference to the chariot of Teisikrates, a Delphian
-victor in the two-horse chariot-race.[1906] The maiden in all these
-cases may have been merely a Nike personified or a mortal.[1907] Pliny
-records that the painter Nikomachos, son and pupil of Aristeides,
-painted a _Victoria quadrigam in sublime rapiens_.[1908] The figure
-of Nike appears often on reliefs. Thus on a terra-cotta sarcophagus
-from Klazomenai we see a two-horse chariot driven by a boy, while
-alongside is a winged female figure—Iris or Nike—mounting it.[1909]
-The moment of victory is shown on an Attic marble votive relief
-representing a four-horse chariot, now in the British Museum. Here a
-figure of Nike is represented as floating in the air and extending
-a wreath (now wanting) towards the head of the charioteer, who is
-draped with a tunic girdled at the waist, as he mounts the car. If
-the charioteer in this relief is a female (which is doubtful), it may
-he the personification of the city to which the winner belongs.[1910]
-On a votive relief in Athens a horse is represented as being crowned
-by Nike.[1911] On a relief in Madrid Nike is represented as driving
-a chariot.[1912] A quadriga with a female figure, apparently Nike,
-appears on a relief dedicated to Hermes and the Nymphs, which was found
-in Phaleron.[1913] Doubtless some of the chariot-groups at Olympia
-represented movement—the start, the course, or the end of the race—as
-do these and similar reliefs.[1914] We should add that the figure of
-Nike was not confined to equestrian monuments. On the Ficoroni cista
-in Rome is represented the boxing match between Polydeukes and Amykos
-among the Bebrykes. In the centre we see Amykos hanged to a tree by the
-hands, while to the right stands Athena, and above her Nike is flying
-with a crown and fillet of victory for Polydeukes.[1915]
-
-
-REMAINS OF CHARIOT-GROUPS.
-
-From this discussion of the literary evidence about the monuments
-of chariot victors at Olympia and elsewhere, we shall turn to a
-brief consideration of certain existing works of sculpture, reliefs
-and statues, which will serve to illustrate the manner in which the
-sculptor represented this class of victor monuments.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 63.—Charioteer Mounting a Chariot. Bas-relief from
-the Akropolis. Akropolis Museum, Athens.]
-
-The motive of representing a figure in the act of mounting a
-chariot is old. Amphiaraos was thus represented on the chest of
-Kypselos at Olympia[1916] and appears in a similar pose on the b.-f.
-Corinthian vase from Cerveteri, now in Berlin, which we have already
-mentioned.[1917] Among reliefs we shall first discuss the Parian (?)
-marble one found in 1822 near the Propylaia at Athens and now in the
-Akropolis Museum (Fig. 63).[1918] Here we see represented a robed
-figure stepping into a chariot, holding the reins in the extended
-hands. This Attic work, perhaps dating from the very beginning of the
-fifth century B. C., has long been admired for its vigor and grace.
-Whether the figure is male or female, human or divine, is still a
-matter of debate. The head is too badly weathered to make the decision
-final. The upper part of the figure of Hermes (?) on another fragment,
-which appears to come from the same relief and which was found near the
-south wall of the Akropolis in 1859,[1919] has made it seem reasonable
-to call the charioteer a god, perhaps Apollo.[1920] The hair of
-Hermes and of the charioteer is arranged in the old Attic _krobylos_
-fashion. This also makes it natural to interpret the charioteer as
-male, despite the slender and delicate arms and hands, which appear to
-be female.[1921] But such effeminate male figures are not unknown to
-Attic art, which was characterized by grace and softness.[1922] The
-line of the breast, however, shows no such fulness as archaic masters
-were wont to give to female forms, and hence this figure may very well
-be that of a male. Schrader has tried to refer the slab to the frieze
-of the Old Temple of Athena, which, he believes, survived the sack of
-the Akropolis by Xerxes,[1923] thus assuming a chariot-frieze similar
-to the later one appearing on the Mausoleion at Halikarnassos, which
-antedated similar scenes on the Parthenon frieze by nearly a century.
-As the Parthenon slabs represent mortal charioteers, who are doubtless
-males, the relief may also represent a mortal. However, the Akropolis
-relief may have had nothing to do with any temple frieze nor with the
-adornment of a great altar of Athena, as Furtwaengler contended,[1924]
-but may be from a votive monument set up by a chariot victor.[1925]
-
-We see a good representation in relief of a chariot-group on one side
-of the arched roof of the so-called Chimæra tomb discovered by Sir
-Charles Fellows at Xanthos in Lykia. Here is represented a chariot
-drawn by four horses, in which stands a charioteer, with sleeved tunic
-and Phrygian cap, and an armed figure. Because of the figure of the
-Chimæra in the lower right-hand corner, the charioteer, despite the
-absence of Pegasos, has been called Bellerophon.[1926]
-
-
-THE APOBATES CHARIOT-RACE.
-
-On the north frieze of the Parthenon there were originally at least
-9 four-horse chariot groups,[1927] while on the south frieze there
-were 10 such groups.[1928] These various groups represent a ceremonial
-chariot-race called the _apobates_, known at Athens and in Bœotia
-and a favorite contest at the Panathenaic games.[1929] This race
-preserved the tradition of Homeric warfare, when the chieftain was
-driven to battle in his chariot, but dismounted to fight, remounting
-only to pursue or avoid his enemy. During the race, while the
-charioteer kept the horses at full speed, the _apobates_ dismounted,
-ran alongside the chariot, and mounted again. In the last lap he
-dismounted and ran beside the chariot to the goal.[1930] In the North
-frieze we see the charioteer in the chariot, and the _apobates_, armed
-with shield and helmet, either stepping down from the chariot or
-standing beside it; while a third figure, a marshal, stands nearby.
-Thus on slab XIV we see the _apobates_ about to step down; on slab XV
-he is standing up in the chariot; on slab XVII (Fig. 64) he is leaning
-back, supporting himself by means of his right hand, which grasps
-the chariot rail, and is just ready to step down; on slab XXII he is
-remounting the chariot. In the scenes on the South frieze, on the
-other hand, the _apobates_ is not represented as dismounting, but is
-standing either inside the chariot or by its side. The South frieze,
-therefore, represents preparation or the beginning of the race, while
-the North one represents the actual course. There is, therefore, as
-Gardiner points out, no need to accept Michaelis’ theory that the two
-friezes portray different motives, the North one representing the
-_apobates_ at the games and the South one representing war-chariots.
-The double character of the race is shown by inscriptions which make
-both charioteer and _apobates_ equally victors. Many other reliefs
-show the _apobates_ dismounting. Thus, on a fragmentary relief found
-in 1886 at the Amphiareion at Oropos and now in Athens,[1931] we see
-a nude and beardless youth standing in a chariot, which is moving
-rapidly to the left. He has a helmet on his head and a shield in his
-left hand and holds on to the rim of the chariot, as in the Parthenon
-frieze slab just mentioned. To his right is a charioteer with his arms
-outstretched to hold the reins. As this relief is obviously influenced
-by the Parthenon frieze, it must stand midway between that frieze and
-the Hellenistic relief to be described below. Another relief, found
-at Oropos in 1835[1932] and dating from the first half of the fourth
-century B. C., represents a four-horse chariot moving to the left and
-containing two persons. One is the charioteer, who has long waving hair
-and a short beard and is clothed in the usual long tunic; the other
-is a nude _apobates_, who is armed with helmet and shield and holds
-on to the rim of the chariot with his right hand, the upper part of
-his body being inclined backwards, the knees bent, and the shield held
-away from the body.[1933] We can not say whether these two reliefs from
-the Amphiareion represent offerings of _apobatai_, who were victorious
-at races held in Oropos or elsewhere in Bœotia, or represent the
-victorious Panathenaic _apobatai_. They may well be _ex votos_ to
-the hero Amphiaraos at the games held in Oropos. We see an excellent
-illustration of an _apobates_ in the very act of dismounting on a
-Hellenistic votive relief discovered in 1880 on the Akropolis, which
-dates from the end of the fourth century B. C.[1934] A marble relief,
-supposably from Herculaneum, but now in Portugal,[1935] represents a
-figure dressed in a long chiton. Wolters suggests that it may represent
-an _apobates_, but the absence of the usual armor makes it probable
-that a charioteer is intended. In a future section we shall discuss the
-_apobates_ in the horse-race at Olympia known as κάλπη.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 64.—Apobates and Chariot. Relief from the North
-Frieze of the Parthenon, Athens.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 65.—Charioteer. Relief from the small Frieze of the
-Mausoleion, Halikarnassos. British Museum, London.]
-
-
-STATUES OF CHARIOTEERS.
-
-The best-preserved slab from the small Parian marble chariot-frieze
-from the Mausoleion of Halikarnassos, now in the British Museum,
-represents a male figure standing in a chariot (Fig. 65).[1936]
-This long-haired charioteer, dressed in a tunic which extends to
-the feet and is girded at the waist, is leaning forward in an eager
-attitude. The folds of his garment curved to the wind show the speed
-of his horses, and the mutilated face discloses a look of intense
-excitement. The deep-set eyes and overhanging brows recall the Tegea
-heads of Skopas (Fig. 73) and the combatants pictured on the so-called
-_Alexander Sarcophagus_ discovered near Sidon in 1887 and now in
-Constantinople.[1937] The pose is so characteristic and spirited that
-it was copied by later artists on reliefs and gems.[1938] The same
-pose, forward inclination of the body, half-opened mouth, and intense
-look seem to be reproduced in a statue of the fourth century B. C. now
-in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston (Pl. 27).[1939] Robinson, because
-of the similarity of its head to certain heads of Apollo published by
-Overbeck,[1940] interpreted this statue as Apollo starting to run. Von
-Mach, however, has pointed out that its head bears a more striking
-resemblance to that of a _Kore_ in Vienna.[1941] Klein interpreted it
-as a jumper, assuming that the two supports on the legs were for the
-wrists, indicating that the arms were held downwards, the hands, then,
-holding _halteres_. But von Mach makes it clear that these supports
-are not parallel, as Klein thought, but that they diverge outwards
-and consequently may have made the connection with the sides of a
-chariot rim. Furthermore, the likeness to the figure on the Mausoleion
-frieze (Fig. 65) makes it probable that we are here concerned with
-a charioteer. The objection to this theory on the ground of nudity
-is baseless. Though the conventional garb of the charioteer in Greek
-art from the eighth century B. C. onwards[1942] was certainly a long,
-close-fitting chiton, there are several examples in existence of
-nude charioteers.[1943] Similarly the objection that the artificial
-head-dress does not belong to a charioteer is equally erroneous. Klein
-has shown that it appears on several heads of boys, and, as von Mach
-says, it is certainly no better suited to Apollo or a jumper than to
-a boy driving colts in a chariot-race. The pose of the Boston statue
-also reminds us somewhat of that of the small bronze statue of a boy
-found in the Rhine near Xanten in 1858 and now in Berlin.[1944] This
-is a Roman work seemingly inspired by a Greek prototype, and has been
-interpreted variously as the statue of _Bonus Eventus, Novus Annus_,
-and Dionysos. However, here again the forward inclination of the
-body points to the interpretation of a charioteer,[1945] despite its
-nudity. The nude statue found on the Esquiline in 1874 and now in the
-Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome, which has already been mentioned,[1946]
-has been shown to be that of a charioteer by a comparison with
-figures on Attic vases which represent mortals and gods entering
-chariots, and with a figure on the so-called _Satrap Sarcophagus_ in
-Constantinople.[1947] The youth is represented as standing on his left
-foot; he places his right on the chariot floor and extends his hands
-to hold the reins. The statue seems to be a mediocre Roman copy of a
-Greek original bronze of about the middle of the fifth century _B.
-C._, as it shows certain traces of archaism. Furtwaengler has assigned
-it to the sculptor Kalamis along with a closely connected group of
-monuments.[1948]
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 27
-
-Statue of a Charioteer (?). Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 66.—Bronze Statue of the Delphi _Charioteer_.
-Museum of Delphi.]
-
-Finally, in this connection, even though it has nothing to do with
-monuments set up at Olympia, we shall discuss the life-size bronze
-statue of the _Charioteer_ discovered by the French in 1896 in the
-excavations of Delphi, and now the cynosure of the village museum
-there. (Fig. 66.)[1949] This example of ripe archaic art is one of
-the finest bronzes yet recovered in Greece. Its ancient fame is
-disclosed by the fact that it was copied in many monuments down to
-the end of antiquity.[1950] The figure is clothed in a short-sleeved
-chiton, which reached nearly to the ground, and is girded above the
-waist. With the figure were found also fragments of reins, which were
-held in the extended right hand, portions of three horses, a chariot
-pole, and the left arm and hand of a second figure, that of a boy or
-woman, showing that the _Charioteer_ was part of a group. The group
-rested on a base on which was cut a two-line metrical inscription, the
-ends of which are preserved. The first line ends Πολύζαλός μ’ ἀνέθηκεν.
-A part of the inscription is lost and another part, including the above
-words, is written over the erased original, which is still partly
-legible. The original inscription gives the name of the first dedicator
-as ending in ιλας. From this ending Professor Washburn recovers the
-name Ἀρκεσίλας. He refers the original dedication to Arkesilas IV of
-Kyrene,[1951] and identifies it with the group known from Pausanias to
-have been dedicated at Delphi by the people of Kyrene, representing
-Battos and the figure of Libya crowning him in a chariot and the
-charioteer personified as Kyrene outside, the whole being the work of
-the Knossian sculptor Amphion.[1952] Svoronos[1953] follows Washburn’s
-suggestion and identifies the _Charioteer_ with Battos, believing that
-the fragment of the left arm found with the statue is from the statue
-of Kyrene represented as a charioteer.[1954] Ingenious as the theory
-is, there are chronological difficulties in the way of accepting it
-unreservedly. Thus Amphion’s pupil Pison worked on the Spartan memorial
-of Aigospotamoi at Delphi in 404 B. C.[1955] Furthermore, the ending
-ιλας may equally well refer to Anaxilas, the tyrant of Rhegion, as
-the original dedicator,[1956] in which case it seems reasonable to
-assume that the group might have been the work of Pythagoras, the great
-sculptor of Rhegion.[1957] A Greek scholar believes that the original
-dedicator was Gelo, and that his name was erased and replaced by that
-of his brother Polyzalos; he consequently dates the group shortly
-after Gelo’s death in 478 B. C.[1958] He refers it to Glaukias of
-Aegina, while Joubin[1959] classes the _Charioteer_ as an Attic work.
-However, the whole subject of Greek sculpture in the years just after
-the Persian war period is too complicated to name definitely the artist
-of this simple and severe work. Its deficiencies are as apparent as
-its virtues. Thus the parallel folds of the chiton show little of the
-form beneath; the feet are too flatly placed on the ground, and the
-contour of the head and face is not altogether graceful.[1960] Whatever
-the original purpose of the group was, it may well have been used by
-Polyzalos to honor the Pythian victory of his brother Hiero.[1961] From
-it, then, we can get, perhaps, an idea of the magnificence of Hiero’s
-monument by Onatas and Kalamis at Olympia.
-
-
-DEDICATIONS OF VICTORS IN THE HORSE-RACE AT OLYMPIA AND ELSEWHERE.
-
-The hippic victor at Olympia frequently dedicated merely the model of
-his victorious horse without the jockey, just as the early chariot
-victor dedicated a chariot without the charioteer. We have evidence
-of several instances of this custom from the sixth century B. C. on.
-Krokon of Eretria dedicated a small horse of bronze in the Altis.[1962]
-The Corinthian Pheidolas dedicated a model of his horse alone, but
-for a different reason.[1963] The jockey who rode for him fell off at
-the start, but the mare, named _Aura_, continued the race and reached
-the goal as victor. The owner was allowed by the judges to set up
-a monument to her. The sons of Pheidolas were also victors in the
-horse-race[1964] and set up a horse on a column with an epigram upon
-it—ἵππος ἐπὶ στήλῃ πεποιημένος καὶ ἐπίγραμμά ἐστιν ἐπ’ αὐτῷ. Just how
-this monument looked is doubtful. Pausanias may have seen the bronze
-horse of the father Pheidolas, and nearby a column with a bas-relief
-representing the horse of the sons;[1965] or the horse may have stood
-on top of the column in the round, since the epigram was ἐπ’ αὐτῷ (on
-the horse) and not ἐπ’ αὐτῇ (on the stele).[1966]
-
-More frequently a jockey was seated upon the model of the horse, just
-as we see frequently on vase-paintings. In the Olympic monument of
-King Hiero already mentioned, race-horses with boys seated upon them
-stood on either side of the chariot in honor of his two victories in
-the horse-race and one in the chariot-race.[1967] Another Olympia
-group represented the boy horse-racer Aigyptos on horseback, and his
-father, the chariot victor Timon, standing beside him.[1968] This is
-also a case in which the victor (Aigyptos) acted as his own jockey.
-In the group representing Xenombrotos of Kos, the horse-racer, and
-his son, the boy boxer Xenodikos, by the Aeginetan Philotimos and the
-Chian Pantias respectively, the boy was seated on a horse and the
-statue of the father stood nearby.[1969] The base of this group has
-been recovered, large enough to have carried the two monuments.[1970]
-Pliny says that the sculptors Kanachos and Hegias made groups of
-horse-racers.[1971] We have seen that Pausanias mentions others by
-Kalamis and Daidalos. The work of Kalamis, the immediate predecessor
-of Pheidias, an artist noted for his grace and softness and as an
-unrivaled sculptor of horses,[1972] must have been excellent.
-
-
-MONUMENTS ILLUSTRATING THE HORSE-RACE.
-
-When we turn to the monuments which illustrate the horse-race, we find
-as varied a number—vase-paintings, reliefs, coins, statuary, etc.—as in
-the case of chariot victors.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 67.—Horse-Racer. From a Sixth-Century B. C. b.-f.
-Panathenaic Vase. British Museum, London.]
-
-Vase-paintings show that the jockey was generally nude and rode without
-stirrups or saddle. We see nude long-haired jockeys on horseback with
-whips pictured on a sixth-century B. C. Panathenaic amphora in the
-British Museum.[1973] One also appears on a silver tetradrachm in
-the same museum, which commemorates the Olympic victory of Philip II
-of Macedonia.[1974] Here the victorious mounted jockey has a palm in
-his hand, the symbol of his victory. On the other hand, the jockey is
-sometimes represented as wearing a close-fitting short-sleeved chiton.
-We see such a one on an archaic b.-f. Panathenaic vase of the sixth
-century B. C. in the British Museum (Fig. 67).[1975] In front of the
-mounted youth on this vase stands a herald in official robes, from
-whose mouth issue the words “the horse of Dyneiketos is victorious.”
-Behind the jockey is an attendant bearing a wreath in his left hand and
-holding a prize tripod over his head. The short chiton also appears on
-a horse-racer on the Amphiaraos vase.[1976] We see racing boys on a
-proto-Corinthian lekythos in the museum at Taranto, with tripods as
-prizes.[1977] A fine example of five nude horse-racers also appears on
-a vase pictured in the Daremberg-Saglio Dictionary.[1978] Here one has
-fallen from his horse and is being dragged by the bridle.
-
-A boy on a galloping horse is shown on a terra-cotta relief from
-Thera.[1979] On a funerary marble relief from Sicily, now in the Museo
-Gregoriano, Rome, a rider is represented urging his horse on with
-a whip.[1980] An Athenian relief shows victorious ephebes leading
-horses,[1981] while another from Athens shows a mounted boy.[1982]
-Horsemen representing Athenian knights appear on many slabs of the
-Parthenon frieze,[1983] either mounted or standing by their horses.
-
-The inscribed base of Onatas found on the Akropolis seems to have borne
-the statue of a horse-racer.[1984] The bronze statue of Isokrates at
-Athens, which represented him as a παῖς κελητίζων, is mentioned by
-the pseudo-Plutarch.[1985] A bronze statuette in Athens from Dodona
-represents an ephebe on a galloping horse.[1986] A statue in the
-Palazzo Orlandi in Florence represents a horse-rider.[1987] In the
-Akropolis Museum there are two monuments which we should mention in
-this connection. One is the lower part of the statue of a nude rider on
-horseback, the mutilated horse being represented as pawing the ground
-with its forefoot. Closely resembling it in scale and finish, though
-more developed in style, is another fragmentary statue of a horse
-without a rider, the latter probably to be understood as standing in
-front of the horse, as in some of the riders pictured on the Parthenon
-frieze. The two are good examples of pre-Persian Attic sculpture.[1988]
-A later example is the small bronze statuette of an ephebe represented
-as a horseman (the horse is lacking) discovered recently at the French
-excavations at Volubilis in Morocco. This almost perfectly preserved
-work has been referred to the first half of the fifth century B.
-C.[1989] The position of the hands holding the reins reminds us
-strongly of the Delphi _Charioteer_ (Fig. 66). The diadem in the hair
-shows that a victor is represented. A small bronze statuette in the
-Loeb collection in Munich represents a boy riding a prancing horse,
-which is standing on its hind legs. This vigorous, but poorly finished,
-work is decorative in character and probably once belonged to the crown
-of a candelabrum. It appears to be either an Etruscan or early Roman
-work based on a Hellenistic original.[1990]
-
-
-THE APOBATES HORSE-RACE.
-
-In a previous section we discussed the _apobates_ chariot-race run at
-the Panathenaic games in Athens, in which the _apobates_ leaped down
-and ran to the goal abreast of the chariot. We shall now briefly speak
-of a similar race at Olympia (the κάλπη) in which the rider leaped
-from his mare in the last lap and ran with her to the goal.[1991]
-There is no certain illustration in sculpture or on vase-paintings of
-this race, but Gardiner believes that something like it appears on
-coins of Tarentum, on which a nude youth, armed with a small round
-shield, is represented in the act of jumping from his horse.[1992]
-The military character of this race, like that of the _apobates_
-chariot-race discussed, is shown by the shield held in the left hand of
-the dismounting horseman. Helbig has shown that the Greek knight of the
-sixth century B. C. was merely a mounted infantryman, the successor of
-the Homeric warrior who used his chariot merely for pursuit or flight,
-while actually fighting from the ground.[1993] Just so the knight rode
-to battle on his horse, but dismounted when near the enemy, leaving
-the horse in charge of his squire, as the Homeric chieftain left his
-chariot in charge of his charioteer. This old custom of the heroic age
-survived not only in the Panathenaic chariot-race, but also, for a few
-years in the fifth century B. C., in the Olympic mare-race known as
-the κάλπη. It seems to have been instituted there for military reasons
-in order to revive the old form of fighting that had gone out of use
-just at the close of the sixth century B. C., but it endured for only a
-half century, from Ols. 71 to 84 (= 496 to 444 B. C.). The corresponding
-chariot-race at Athens and elsewhere continued at least to the end of
-the fourth century B. C.
-
-
-DEDICATIONS OF MUSICAL VICTORS AT OLYMPIA AND ELSEWHERE.
-
-In closing this chapter we shall say a few words about monuments
-erected to trumpeters, heralds, and musical victors at Olympia, though
-such contests had nothing to do with athletics.
-
-Contests for trumpeters and heralds were held in many parts of
-Greece.[1994] They were introduced at Olympia in Ol. 96 (= 396 B.
-C.), when Timaios of Elis won as trumpeter and Krates of Elis as
-herald.[1995] Pausanias mentions an altar, near the entrance to the
-stadion, upon which trumpeters and heralds stood when competing.[1996]
-Such contests seem to have been mere displays of lung power. Herodoros,
-for example, who won as trumpeter at Olympia ten times in the last
-quarter of the fourth and beginning of the third century B. C.[1997],
-could blow two trumpets at once so loud that no one could stand near
-him.[1998] To perform such a feat he was said to be a very large
-man.[1999] Diogenes, son of Dionysios of Ephesos, won five victories
-in trumpeting at Olympia. He was twice _periodonikes_ and also won
-many other victories at the Isthmus, Nemea, and elsewhere—eighty in
-all.[2000] We have an excellent bronze statuette of a trumpeter,
-which was found in the Hieron of Athena Chalkioikos at Sparta, dating
-from the middle of the fifth century B. C., about a century and a
-half before the event was introduced at Olympia.[2001] This “little
-masterpiece of Spartan art,” whose style resembles that of the Olympia
-pediment sculptures, represents a nude man standing, the left arm
-hanging by his side, while the right is bent upwards to the mouth,
-where it held a tubular object pointing upwards. Since the lips are
-tightly compressed, Dickins has interpreted the object as a trumpet. A
-much damaged bronze statuette in the British Museum represents a man
-playing on a long trumpet-shaped instrument.[2002] Trumpeters also
-appear now and then on r.-f. Attic vases of the middle of the fifth
-century B. C.
-
-Music victors played a greater role at Delphi than elsewhere, since
-music from the first was the chief interest there. Monuments to such
-victors, though few in number, by little-known artists were set up
-there, but they seem to have enjoyed the same meagre honor at Delphi
-as the statues of athletic victors.[2003] We have record of a statue
-of the Epizephyrian Locrian _kitharoidos_ Eunomos, set up in his
-native town in honor of his Pythian victory over Ariston of Rhegion.
-Timaios says that this monument showed a cicada seated on the singer’s
-lyre.[2004] Whether such monuments at Delphi or elsewhere were regarded
-as victor or votive in character, we can not say.[2005] Pausanias
-mentions several statues of poets and musicians, mostly mythical, on
-Mount Helikon, which were set up partly in consequence of victories
-won there or elsewhere.[2006] Of these the statue of the Thracian
-or Odrysian Thamyris was represented as a blind man holding a broken
-lyre;[2007] that of Arion of Methymna as riding a dolphin;[2008] that
-of Hesiod, seated, as holding a lute on his knees; and that of the
-Thracian Orpheus with Telete at his side and round about beasts in
-stone and bronze listening to his song. Of the statue of the Argive
-Sakadas, Pausanias says that the sculptor, not understanding Pindar’s
-poem on the victor, made the flutist no bigger than the flute.[2009]
-The epigram on the statue of the Sikyonian flutist Bacchiadas,
-mentioned by Athenæus as standing on Mount Helikon,[2010] was votive
-in character. The inscribed base of the statue of the _kitharoidos_
-Alkibios has been found on the Athenian Akropolis.[2011] Musical
-contests are pictured on many imitation Panathenaic vases, and many
-Greek reliefs seem to have been set up in honor of such victors. Among
-the latter we might instance the one in the Louvre representing Apollo,
-Artemis, and Leto,[2012] and another found in Sparta in 1885, which
-represents Artemis pouring a libation before Apollo.[2013]
-
-At Olympia flute-playing accompanied certain of the events of the
-pentathlon. Pausanias says that the reason why the flute played a
-Pythian air while the athletes jumped was that this air was sacred
-to Apollo, who had beaten Hermes in running and Ares in boxing at
-Olympia.[2014] Thus on the chest of Kypselos a flutist was represented
-as standing between Admetos and Mopsos at their boxing match.[2015]
-But the explanation given by Philostratos seems more sensible, that
-leaping was a difficult contest, and that the flute stimulated the
-jumpers.[2016] At Argos, at the games in honor of Zeus Σθένιος,
-wrestlers contended to the tune of the flute.[2017] Many vase-paintings
-illustrate flute-playing at the pentathlon.[2018] At Olympia only a
-few monuments were set up in honor of musical victors, and these seem
-to have been statues erected _honoris causa_, instead of primarily for
-victories. An example is that of the Sikyonian flutist Pythokritos, who
-won a victory as αὐλητής in the sixth century B. C.[2019] Pausanias
-says that his monument was that of a small man with a flute wrought
-in relief on an inscribed slab. The explanation of such a description
-probably is that the size of the flute made the victor appear small,
-just as in the case of the monument of Sakadas just mentioned.[2020]
-We know that artists, poets, prose writers, musicians, and actors all
-had an audience at Olympia, and that statues were often erected there
-in honor of such men, though these are not to be treated as victor
-monuments and do not properly fall within the scope of the present
-work.[2021]
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VI.
-
-TWO MARBLE HEADS FROM VICTOR STATUES.[2022]
-
-PLATES 28-30 AND FIGURES 68-77.
-
-THE GROUP OF DAOCHOS AT DELPHI, AND LYSIPPOS.
-
-
-If in these later years our knowledge of Skopas has been greatly
-augmented by the discovery of the Tegea heads (Fig. 73), that of
-Lysippos has been almost revolutionized. With the discovery in
-1894 at Delphi of the group of statues dedicated by the Thessalian
-Daochos[2023] in honor of various members of his house, whose dates
-covered nearly two centuries,[2024] an entirely new impetus was
-given to the study of the last of the great Greek sculptors. Homolle
-immediately recognized the fourth-century origin of the group, and at
-first pronounced the statue of Agias Lysippan;[2025] later he saw in
-the types, poses, and proportions of the group the mixed influences
-of Praxiteles, Skopas, and Lysippos, but referred the _Agias_ to the
-school of Skopas,[2026] while still later he again pronounced it
-Lysippan.[2027] But its true character was not destined to be long
-in doubt. When Erich Preuner[2028] found almost the same metrical
-inscription, which was on the base of the best preserved statue of
-the group, that of Agias (Pl. 28 and Fig. 68),[2029] in the traveling
-journal of Stackelberg,[2030] copied from a base in Pharsalos, the
-Thessalian home of Daochos, with the additional information that
-Lysippos of Sikyon made the statue, our views of the work of that
-artist had to undergo a thorough revision. For this discovery brought
-the _Agias_—if not the others of the group—into direct relation to
-Lysippos by documentary evidence, while the easily recognized Lysippan
-characteristics of the statue—the slender body and limbs, the small
-head, the proportions and pose—confirmed this connection on stylistic
-grounds. It became clear that Daochos had set up a series of statues
-in honor of his ancestors both at Pharsalos and Delphi. Whether the
-Thessalian group was of bronze, as is generally held, owing to the
-widespread belief that Lysippos worked only in metal, and the Delphian
-group was composed of contemporary marble copies of those originals,
-will be discussed further on. If the marble group was a copy, we may
-infer that it reproduced the original statues, not mechanically and
-laboriously as was often the case in Roman days, but accurately; for
-having employed a noted artist in the one case, the dedicator would
-have desired an accurate reproduction of the work in the other.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 28
-
-Statue of the Pancratiast Agias, from Delphi. Museum of Delphi.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 68.—Head from the Statue of Agias (Pl. 28). Museum
-of Delphi.]
-
-
-THE APOXYOMENOS OF THE VATICAN, AND LYSIPPOS.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 29
-
-Statue of the _Apoxyomenos_, after Lysippos or his School. Vatican
-Museum, Rome.]
-
-But another statue, the _Apoxyomenos_, of the Vatican (Pl. 29),[2031]
-ever since its discovery by Canina in 1849, had held the honored
-place of being regarded as the centre of the stylistic treatment
-of Lysippos. Seldom has the discovery of a Roman copy of a Greek
-original proved so important for the study of ancient sculpture as
-this athlete statue, which was found in an appropriate place, in the
-ruins of a building, which almost certainly was a Roman bath. Despite
-unimportant restorations, the statue is well preserved. The fingers of
-the right hand holding the die were wrongly restored by the sculptor
-Tenerani at the suggestion of Canina who wrongly interpreted the
-passage in Pliny (XXXIV, 55), which refers to two works by Polykleitos,
-_destringentem se et nudum talo incessentem_, as meaning one and the
-same monument.[2032] This slightly over life-size statue represents
-a nude athlete, who is standing with legs far apart, employed in
-scraping the sand and oil from his extended right arm with a strigil
-held in the left hand. This, as we saw in Chapter III, was a common
-palæstra motive.[2033] Despite certain portrait-like features, this
-statue may not represent an individual victor, but, like Myron’s great
-work, an athletic model. The words of Pliny,[2034] which mention one
-of the best-known works of Lysippos in antiquity—it heads the list
-in his account of the sculptor—as an athlete _destringentem se_,
-and his statement in another passage[2035] that Lysippos introduced
-a new canon into art _capita minora faciendo quam antiqui, corpora
-graciliora siccioraque, per quae proceritas signorum major videretur_,
-_i. e._, a canon of bodily proportions essentially different from
-that of Polykleitos, seemed to have their best illustration in the
-slender and graceful body and limbs, and noticeably small head of
-this statue. It was, therefore, though admittedly a Roman work, long
-regarded as a direct copy of the Lysippan original, and as faithfully
-representing his style in every detail.[2036] Such a view, of course,
-was founded entirely on circumstantial evidence, and could not survive
-any positive evidence to the contrary which might come to light in the
-future. G. F. Hill, in speaking of the insufficient evidence on which
-the _Apoxyomenos_ had been accepted as the key to Lysippan style,
-rightly remarks: “It is more scientific, until we acquire documentary
-evidence of excellent character, to classify our extant examples
-of ancient art as representing tendencies rather than men.”[2037]
-The Lysippan character of the Vatican statue had not been seriously
-attacked until the discovery of the _Agias_. Its original was certainly
-a work worthy of Lysippos. Its rhythm, proportions, and fine modeling
-have received praise of connoisseurs ever since its discovery. Its
-difficult pose had been remarkably well executed. While appearing at
-rest, the statue suggests vigorous action both by its supple limbs
-and the suppressed excitement indicated by the partly opened lips,
-an excitement befitting a victorious athlete. Perhaps it was the
-difficulty of such a pose that best explains why the _Apoxyomenos_
-has left no other copy.[2038] The very excellence of the Vatican
-statue prejudiced us in favor of regarding it as an illustration of
-Lysippos’ ideal of bodily proportions. But we really knew very little
-of the original _Apoxyomenos_, only what we gathered from Pliny, that
-Lysippos made such a statue and that it was carried to Rome by M.
-Agrippa and was set up in front of his Thermæ, whence it was removed
-by the enamored Tiberius to his bed-chamber, only to be restored when
-the populace remonstrated. As for the proportions of the supposed copy
-in question, they only prove that this statue goes back to an original
-which was not earlier than Lysippos, but not that it was by the master
-himself.[2039] The discovery of the _Agias_ showed us at last on
-what slender foundations our theory had been built. Despite certain
-well-marked similarities in the pose, proportions, and relatively
-small head—characteristics which were not even exclusively Lysippan,
-since they are just as prominent in certain other works, _e. g._, in
-the warriors of the Mausoleion frieze—between the _Agias_ and the
-_Apoxyomenos_, nevertheless just as striking differences appear, which
-make it difficult to keep both statues as examples of the artistic
-tendency of one and the same artist, even if we should assign them to
-different periods of his career.
-
-
-THE AGIAS AND THE APOXYOMENOS COMPARED, AND THE STYLE OF LYSIPPOS.
-
-These differences are most apparent in the surface modeling and facial
-expression of the two works. In the _Agias_ the muscles are not
-over-emphasized in detail, but show the simple observation of nature
-characteristic of artists who worked before the scientific study of
-anatomy at the Museum of Alexandria had reacted upon sculpture. In the
-_Apoxyomenos_, on the other hand, we see an intentional display of the
-new learning in the labored and detailed treatment of the muscles,
-which disclose a knowledge of anatomy unknown before the Hellenistic
-age. This academic treatment, culminating later in such realistic works
-as the _Laocoön_ and the _Farnese Herakles_, can hardly have antedated
-the beginning of the third century B. C., when anatomy was studied by
-the physicians Herophilos and Erasistratos, a date after the close
-of the activity of Lysippos. We see no trace of this influence in
-the _Agias_. Moreover, the face of the latter discloses the intense
-expression, which is elsewhere seen only in works supposed to be by,
-or influenced by, Skopas, which recalls what Plutarch[2040] said of
-Lysippos’ portraits of Alexander, that they reproduced his masculine
-and leonine air (αὐτοῦ τὸ ἀρρενωπὸν καὶ λεοντῶδες); for a comparison
-of this face with that of the _Apoxyomenos_, which exhibits the
-lifelessness and lack of expression so characteristic of many early
-Hellenistic works, makes it still more evident that we must be on our
-guard against assuming that both works are representative of the same
-sculptor. The essential differences in physical type and artistic
-execution between the two statues have been well summarized by K. T.
-Frost in a letter published by Prof. Percy Gardner in the latter’s
-treatment of the same subject.[2041] After a careful analysis of these
-differences, Frost closes by saying: “It is difficult to believe that
-the two statues represent works by the same artist; it is not only
-the type of man, but the way in which that type is expressed which
-forms the contrast.” He compares the _Apoxyomenos_ with the _Borghese
-Warrior_ (Fig. 43) as true products of the Hellenistic age.
-
-When we consider these differences between the two statues, we see
-that our judgment of Lysippan art must depend on how we interpret
-them. We may either flatly reject the _Apoxyomenos_ and put the
-_Agias_ in its place as representing the norm of Lysippan art, or
-keep the _Apoxyomenos_ and reject the _Agias_ as evidence; or lastly
-we may keep both as characteristic works of two different periods in
-the artistic career of Lysippos, explaining the differences as the
-result of influence or of the lapse of years. A recent writer, to be
-sure, has cut the Gordian knot by rejecting both statues, and placing
-the _Apoxyomenos_ of the Uffizi—which we have treated at length in a
-preceding chapter (Pl. 12)—as the key to our knowledge of the art of
-Lysippos.[2042] But such a solution of the problem raises even more
-difficulties. Long before the _Agias_ came to light some critics,
-indeed, had doubted whether the _Apoxyomenos_ really represented
-the work of Lysippos, as its Hellenistic character seemed evident.
-Thus, in 1877, Ulrich Koehler,[2043] following a still earlier
-judgment,[2044] had come to the conclusion that the Vatican statue
-was only a free reproduction of Lysippos’ masterpiece and attributed
-its Hellenistic characteristics to the Roman copyist; but even yet
-the school which long recognized the _Apoxyomenos_ as the norm of
-Lysippos has its supporters,[2045] though many archæologists have
-now supplanted the _Apoxyomenos_ by the _Agias_.[2046] Others, not
-willing to renounce the _Apoxyomenos_ as evidence, accept both it and
-the _Agias_ as characteristic works of the master, appealing to the
-length of his career to explain the differences, and suggesting that
-in his youth Lysippos was under the influence of Skopas, but later in
-life attained independence, and followed a more anatomical rendering
-for his athlete statues.[2047] However, despite the fact that other
-artists must have influenced Lysippos,[2048] the _Agias_ can not be
-shown to be a youthful work of his, nor can the special influence
-of Skopas be shown to have been that of master on pupil, but rather
-of one great master on another and equally great contemporary. The
-difficulty about penetrating the obscurity surrounding Lysippos comes
-largely from the fact that he borrowed traits from several of his
-predecessors and contemporaries. The influence of Polykleitos, Skopas,
-and Praxiteles, and especially of the last two, as Homolle emphasized
-in his study of the Daochos group,[2049] can be certainly traced in
-the _Agias_. Fräulein Bieber, in a recent article,[2050] while denying
-that Lysippos had anything to do with the Delphian group, tries to
-prove that one figure in it shows the influence of Praxiteles, another
-that of Polykleitos, and a third that of Skopas. She believes that
-the sculptor of the _Agias_ had seen the original bronze statue, the
-work of Lysippos, which stood in Pharsalos. However, we may leave any
-such conclusion to one side, and judge between the _Agias_ and the
-_Apoxyomenos_ solely on the merits of the two statues.
-
-The differences between them appear to us too great to be reconciled
-on any such principles as those just rehearsed, for their style and
-technique seem to represent two distinct periods of art. If one is
-to be rejected, the connection of the _Agias_ with Lysippos certainly
-rests on better evidence than does the _Apoxyomenos_. By separating
-them completely, it is possible both to assign to Lysippos the early
-date which other evidence points to, and to remove the _Apoxyomenos_
-entirely from the fourth century B. C., thus explaining its later
-modeling, comparatively expressionless features, body-build (which
-shows the use of three planes, instead of two), and other Hellenistic
-details. We should, then, see in its original a work not by Lysippos
-at all, but by some pupil or later member of his school, a work
-retaining merely traces of the style of the master. In thus eliminating
-the _Apoxyomenos_ we are justified in following Homolle’s lead in
-assigning the statue of Agias to Lysippos, in spite of arguments which
-have been adduced against attributing it to Lysippos and in spite
-of recent criticism of the inscriptions of the Delphian bases, by
-which Wolters tries to prove that the inscription on the base of the
-statue of Agias, and consequently the _Agias_ itself, antedate the
-inscription and dedication at Pharsalos.[2051] We may, therefore, until
-further discoveries prove the contrary, consider it as the centre of
-our treatment of that sculptor. Whether the _Apoxyomenos_ is to be
-explained as emanating from the immediate environment of Lysippos,
-or is to be regarded as a work illustrating the last phase of his
-development, or the innovation of another master—in any case it seems
-to us clearly to belong to an age essentially different from that which
-conceived the _Agias_.[2052]
-
-As the _Agias_ is a statue of a victor in the pankration, we can learn
-from it how Lysippos represented such an athlete. In giving up the
-_Apoxyomenos_, we must also give up statues of athletes which have
-hitherto been assigned to Lysippos on the basis of their resemblance
-to it, and the future ascription of statues of this class must be
-based on stylistic resemblances to the statue of Agias. Thus, for
-example, we should give up the statue of a youth in Berlin, and the
-two statues of athletes represented in lunging attitudes in Dresden,
-which Furtwaengler, on the basis of the _Apoxyomenos_, believed were
-copies of originals by Lysippos,[2053] and the Roman male head in
-Turin, published by A. J. B. Wace,[2054] whose original is somewhat
-later than that of the _Apoxyomenos_. On the basis of the _Agias_, on
-the other hand, we may regard as Lysippan the statue of an athlete in
-Copenhagen,[2055] and perhaps the Parian marble statue of an athlete
-from the Palazzo Farnese now in the British Museum,[2056] with copies
-in Paris and Rome.[2057] This latter statue Furtwaengler ascribed to
-the school of Kalamis of the fifth century B. C., on account of the
-similarity of its style to that of the _Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_ (Fig.
-7B) and of its motive to that of the _Lansdowne Herakles_ (Fig. 71 and
-Pl. 30); however, A. H. Smith finds it very similar to the _Agias_, and
-so rightly refers it to the fourth century B. C.
-
-
-THE HEAD FROM OLYMPIA.
-
-Impressed by its remarkable likeness to the head of the _Agias_, I
-hazarded the opinion some years ago,[2058] that the much discussed
-Pentelic marble head from Olympia (Frontispiece and Figure 69)[2059]
-was Lysippan, and attempted to bring it into relation with the statue
-of the Akarnanian pancratiast (whose name I restored as Philandridas),
-which Pausanias[2060] says was the work of Lysippos. Since then, after
-a careful revision of the evidence, this earlier opinion has become
-conviction, and I now have no hesitancy in expressing the belief that
-in this vigorous marble head we have to do with an original work
-by Lysippos himself. It will be our task briefly to rehearse the
-reasons for making such an ascription, despite the serious and weighty
-objections which might be raised against it.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 69.—Marble Head, from Olympia. Museum of Olympia.]
-
-At first this head was ascribed with surprising unanimity to the
-school of Praxiteles,[2061] and subsequently, after the discovery of
-the Tegea heads, with almost equal unanimity to that of Skopas. Treu,
-who first published the head,[2062] pointed out its near relationship
-to the _Hermes_ of Praxiteles, which appeared to him to be obvious,
-notwithstanding the injured condition of the chin, nose, mouth, and
-brows. He found the general proportions, the shape of the cranium
-and forehead, and the form of the cheeks and mouth the same in both,
-while the differences, such as the deeper cut and wider opened eyes
-with their γοργόν expression, the hair, and the fact that the head
-is harder, leaner, and bonier than that of the _Hermes_, were all
-explained by the different character given to the statue of a victor
-or Herakles. Many other archæologists, as Boetticher,[2063] Laloux and
-Monceaux,[2064] and Furtwaengler,[2065] have also seen sure signs of
-the hand of Praxiteles or his school in the graceful attitude, delicate
-chiseling, and finish of the work. Still others,[2066] however, found
-every characteristic of Skopas in this head. Even Treu in his later
-treatment of the head found it more Skopaic than Praxitelian, and yet,
-by a careful analysis,[2067] he conclusively showed that the formation
-of the eyes, the opening of the mouth, and the treatment of the hair
-were so different in the heads from Tegea (and especially in that of
-the _Herakles_, Fig. 73) as to preclude the possibility of assigning
-them and the head from Olympia to the same sculptor, and so declared
-for some independent sculptor among the contemporaries of Skopas.
-However, he did not see Lysippos in this allied but independent artist,
-though he admitted the resemblance of the head in question to that of
-the _Agias_, as also Homolle,[2068] Mahler,[2069] and other critics
-have done.
-
-
-THE OLYMPIA HEAD AND THAT OF THE AGIAS.
-
-A detailed comparison of this head with that of the _Agias_ will show
-wherein the wonderful resemblance—so striking at first glance—consists
-and will disclose its Lysippan character. Neither head is a portrait,
-nor even individualized; the _Agias_ could be no portrait, for Agias
-was the great-grandfather of Daochos, who enlisted the services of his
-contemporary Lysippos in erecting his statue, and he won his victory
-in the pankration more than a century before this statue was set
-up.[2070] A glance at the head from Olympia also clearly discloses its
-ideal character; for it is no portrait of Philandridas, but the victor
-κατ’ ἐξοχήν in the pankration. The small head of the _Agias_—under
-life-size—first arrests attention as the chief characteristic of the
-whole statue and (taken with the other proportions of the body) as the
-chief mark of its Lysippan origin. As Homolle says, it is not that
-small heads are not found outside the school of Lysippos or before
-his day—for Myron can furnish examples of them—but it is only with
-Lysippos and after him that we see a conscious intention of having the
-proportions thus reduced. Now the head from Olympia is also less than
-life-size,[2071] but as the head alone is preserved, we can only assume
-that the proportions it bore to the body were similar to those we see
-in the statue of Agias. The conformation of the crania of both is, as
-in Attic works, round, with small, only slightly projecting occiputs,
-as opposed to the squareness of Polykleitan heads, which are longer
-from front to back and flatter on top—showing how Lysippos in this
-respect departed from the creator of the _Doryphoros_. This cranial
-conformation is almost identical in the two heads, as is clearly shown
-in Fig. 70, where one is drawn in profile over the other.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 70.—Profile Drawings of the Heads of the _Agias_
-and the _Philandridas_.]
-
-The head of the _Agias_ is turned slightly upward and to the left.
-Treu found traces of the use of a file on the back of the neck of
-the head from Olympia, which show from their position, what also
-was clear from the muscles of the throat, that this head also was
-inclined somewhat to the left and upward, possibly more than that of
-the _Agias_. The outlines of the face—lean and bony in both—are oval,
-in the head from Olympia somewhat broader, rounder, and fleshier
-toward the chin. In both the forehead is remarkably low, with a low
-depression or crease in the middle, and with a prominently projecting
-superciliary arcade, which breaks the continuous line from forehead
-to nose very perceptibly. This line is concave above and below, but
-convex at the projection itself, though this is less prominent in the
-_Agias_. The powerful framing of the eyes, which are deep-set and
-thrown into heavy shadows by the projecting bony structure of the brows
-and the overhanging masses of flesh, the eyeballs slightly raised and
-peering eagerly into the far distance, the slight upward inclination
-of the head, and the prominent forehead drawn together, all combine
-to give both heads (though young and vigorous) a pensive, even a sad
-look of heroic dignity, a look seemingly of one who takes no joy nor
-pleasure in victory, though it is not mournful. This humid and pensive
-expression was doubtless a characteristic of works of Lysippos—it was,
-as we know, present in his portraits of Alexander—but he did not treat
-it with as great intensity as did Skopas.
-
-The eyeballs in both heads are strongly arched, though the inner angles
-are not so deep as in Skopaic heads; the raised upper lids form a
-symmetrically narrow and sharply defined border over the eyeball,
-and in neither head is this lid covered by a fold of skin at the outer
-corners, as in the Tegea heads; the mass of flesh at the outer corners
-is heavier in the head from Olympia, and the expression of the eyes is
-more free and defiant than in the more meditative _Agias_. In both, the
-cheek bones are high and prominent. The elegant contour of the lips of
-the _Agias_ is wholly wanting in the head from Olympia, in which the
-lips are broken off, like the nose and the chin, but it is clear that
-the lips were slightly parted, just showing the teeth—not, however, as
-in the Tegea examples, as if the breath were being drawn with great
-effort. The look of pensiveness is also increased by the open lips. The
-contour of the jawbone is not so visible as in the _Agias_, where it is
-clearly discernible beneath the closely drawn skin, giving the face a
-look of greater leanness, as of an athlete in perfect training.
-
-In both heads the swollen and battered ears, though small, are
-prominent, and in both the hair is closely cropped, as becomes the
-athlete. The hair of the _Agias_ does not show so much expression as
-is displayed in that of some Lysippan heads, nor the fine detail we
-should expect from Pliny’s statement that Lysippos made improvements
-in the rendering of the hair[2072]—for it is in great measure only
-sketched out. In Lysippan portraits of Alexander the hair is generally
-expressively treated, and this is often the case in early Hellenistic
-heads.[2073] However, we should not expect an elaborate treatment of
-the hair in the statue of a pancratiast. The head from Olympia also
-shows great simplicity in this regard. As in Skopaic heads, the hair is
-fashioned into little ringlets ruffled straight up from the forehead in
-flat relief, but here the curls are shorter and more tense. It covers
-the temples and surrounds the ears as in the _Agias_, but it is not,
-as there, bounded by a round, floating line across the forehead, nor
-divided into little tufts modeled in relief radiating in concentric
-circles from the top of the head. While lacking in detail, the hair of
-the _Agias_ is treated carefully, and with the greatest variety. Narrow
-bands, perhaps the insignia of victory, despite their small size,
-encircle both heads; in the _Agias_ the band is dexterously used to
-heighten the effect of variety in the hair by alternately flattening
-and swelling it here and there. In neither head is there any sign of
-the use of the drill to work out the tufts of the hair; only the chisel
-was used.[2074]
-
-Finally, the whole expression of these two ideal heads is one of force
-and energy, of heroic dignity tempered by pensiveness and pathos,
-which is, in the head from Olympia at least, even a little dramatic.
-Both heads, while ideal, show close observation of nature in modeling
-and expression; and both show the predilection of Lysippos for types
-in which force and energy predominate, and his indifference to the
-softer and more delicate types of manly beauty so characteristic of his
-contemporary, Praxiteles.
-
-In the foregoing comparison, we have tacitly assumed that this marble
-head is from an athlete statue, and, moreover, that it, as the _Agias_,
-represents a victor in the pankration, though many have seen in it
-the representation not of a victor, but of a youthful Herakles.[2075]
-The swollen ears and the band in the hair might pass equally well for
-either, just as the fact that it was unearthed near the ruins of the
-Great Gymnasion (if it were necessary to assume that the statue once
-stood there) might be adduced as evidence for either interpretation;
-for statues of athletes as well as those of Herakles and Hermes (as
-we have shown in Ch. II)[2076] adorned palæstræ and gymnasia. That
-the head is of marble and slightly under life-size seems to lend
-some support also to the belief that it is a fragment of a statue of
-Herakles, on the assumption that statues of victors in the Altis were
-uniformly of bronze, an assumption, however, not supported by the
-facts, as will be shown in Chapter VII. So some have seen the heroic
-features of the youthful hero in the γοργόν of the eyes, the energetic
-forehead, closely cropped hair, muscular neck, and almost challenging
-inclination of the head seemingly corresponding with an energetic
-raising of the left shoulder.[2077] In Chapter III we saw that swollen
-ears were of little use in determining whether a given head belongs
-to the statue of a victor or to one of Herakles, since they formed no
-personal characteristic, but only a professional one common to athletes
-and to gods, if these latter were concerned with athletics.[2078] Where
-personal attributes are absent, it is often difficult, therefore, to
-determine whether an ideal athlete or Herakles is intended, for it may
-be the hero in the guise of the athlete, or an athlete in the guise of
-the hero. The head under discussion, then, may furnish merely another
-illustration of the process of assimilation of type which we have
-already discussed. Thus it is not surprising that some have regarded
-this head as that of a youthful Herakles. Yet such a view is wrong;
-for, apart from all considerations which we shall adduce to identify it
-with the Akarnanian pancratiast, and in the absence of distinguishing
-attributes, if we compare it with another Lysippan head from a statue
-generally recognized as that of a Herakles—the famous Pentelic marble
-one in Lansdowne House, London (Pl. 30 and Fig. 71),[2079] which
-Michaelis long ago characterized as “unmistakably in the spirit of
-Lysippos”—we can see how fundamentally different is the whole spiritual
-conception of the two, and how differently an athlete (even if highly
-idealized) and a hero are treated by the same sculptor. If we once
-recognize a victor in the head from Olympia, then the swollen ears, the
-fierce, barbarous look of the eyes, and the half-painful expression of
-the mouth, all concur in convincing us that we here have to do with a
-victor in boxing or the pankration, the two most brutal and dangerous
-contests.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 71.—Head of the Statue of Herakles (Pl. 30).
-Lansdowne House, London.]
-
-
-IDENTIFICATION OF THE OLYMPIA HEAD.
-
-Having established, then, the Lysippan character of the head and the
-probability that it comes from the statue of a boxer or pancratiast,
-we shall next discuss the evidence for identifying it with one of the
-monuments mentioned by Pausanias in his _periegesis_ of the Altis. He
-names only five statues of victors by Lysippos: those of Troilos,[2080]
-victor in the two- and four-horse chariot-races; of Philandridas[2081]
-and of Polydamas,[2082] victors in the pankration; of Cheilon,[2083]
-victor in wrestling, and of Kallikrates,[2084] victor in the
-hoplite-race. Of these, the only two which can come into consideration
-are those of the two pancratiasts; and one of these, that of Polydamas,
-can at once be eliminated; for this small head can have had nothing
-to do with the pretentious monument mentioned by Pausanias in these
-words: ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ βάθρῳ τῷ ὑψηλῷ Λυσίππου μέν ἐστιν ἔργον, μέγιστος
-δὲ ἁπάντων ἐγένετο ἀνθρώπων, κ. τ. λ. Fragments of the base of this
-monument have been recovered, and it stood in a part of the Altis[2085]
-too far removed from the spot where the statue of Philandridas stood,
-or from that where the marble head was found. Our choice is limited
-to the statue of the Akarnanian, the tenth in the series of 168
-victors[2086] named by Pausanias in his first _ephodos_.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE 30
-
-Statue of Herakles. Lansdowne House, London.]
-
-We can determine very closely the position of these first few statues
-in the Altis. Pausanias begins his enumeration ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ ναοῦ τῆς
-Ἥρας, in the northwest of the sacred enclosure.[2087] He is often
-loose in his employment of words to denote locations, and especially
-so in that of the terms ἐν δεξιᾷ and ἐν ἀριστερᾷ, which must sometimes be
-interpreted from the viewpoint of the spectator, and sometimes from
-that of a given monument. We shall show in Chapter VIII that these
-words in this connection must be taken as referring to the temple
-_pro persona_, and consequently to the southern side of the Heraion.
-The marble head was found in this neighborhood, in the wall of some
-late Byzantine huts behind the southern end of the stadion-hall of
-the Great Gymnasion, 23.50 meters north of its southeastern corner
-and 5 meters east of its back wall,[2088] and consequently very near
-the Heraion. Inasmuch as the inscribed tablet from the base of the
-statue of Troilos,[2089] the sixth statue mentioned by Pausanias, and
-the inscribed base of the monument of Kyniska,[2090] the seventh,
-were both found in the ruins of the Prytaneion nearby, and the basis
-of the statue of Sophios,[2091] the twenty-second in the series,
-was discovered also in this part of the Altis, in the bed of the
-Kladeos,[2092] we can conclude that all four monuments originally
-stood near together, and in the order named by Pausanias, along the
-southern side of the Heraion. The remarkably good preservation of the
-surface of the marble head points to the fact that it was set up in a
-sheltered place.[2093] Furthermore, the unfinished condition of the
-back hair, which is only roughly blocked out, so that not even the
-contour of the locks is indicated, shows that the statue was intended
-to be set up against a solid background, _i. e._, in front of a wall,
-niche, or column.[2094] From this fact we may conclude that the statue
-of Philandridas, and perhaps those of some of the other victors first
-mentioned by Pausanias, stood on the southern stylobate of the Heraion,
-over against the columns of the peristyle.
-
-
-THE DATES OF PHILANDRIDAS AND LYSIPPOS.
-
-The date of the victory of Philandridas is not recorded, but it
-probably must lie within the years of the activity of Lysippos, who
-made the statue.[2095] On the principle which has been sufficiently
-demonstrated in my monograph _de olympionicarum Statuis_, that statues
-of nearly contemporaneous victors were grouped together in the Altis,
-as well as those of the same family and state, or those who had been
-victorious in the same contest, I have already in that work[2096]
-proposed Ol. 102 or Ol. 103 (= 372 or 368 B. C.) as the probable date
-of his victory, as his statue stands among those of victors, none of
-whom could have won later than Ol. 104 (= 364 B. C.). The first six
-named by Pausanias are Eleans and the dates of their victories fall
-between Ols. 94 and 104 (= 404 and 364 B. C.); the sixth, Troilos, is
-known to have won his two victories in Ols. 102 and 103.[2097] None
-of the next seven Spartans—among whose statues that of Philandridas
-was placed—can be dated later than Ol. 97 (= 392 B. C.), while most of
-them belong to the close of the fifth century B. C. Sostratos of Sikyon
-won in the same contest in which Philandridas did in Ol. 104 (= 364
-B. C.);[2098] and doubtless his two other known victories should be
-assigned to the two succeeding Olympiads. To bring Philandridas down
-as far as Ol. 107 (= 352 B. C.) is unwarranted, since no statue of so
-late a date stood in this vicinity. On the other hand, to place his
-victory earlier than Ol. 102, is also out of the question, owing to the
-inexpediency of dating Lysippos so early. Doubtless, therefore, his
-statue by Lysippos was placed in the Spartan group about the same time
-that the image of Troilos, by the same sculptor, was placed among the
-Eleans. This is an independent argument, then, for so early a date for
-Lysippos.[2099]
-
-Percy Gardner, in the discussion of the date of this artist,[2100] has
-shown how slight is the evidence for any date later than 320 B. C.
-The date of the second Olympic victory of Cheilon of Patrai, whose
-statue was by Lysippos, can not be later than 320 B. C.[2101] Pausanias
-quotes the inscription on the base of the statue to the effect that
-Cheilon died in battle and was buried for his valor’s sake by the
-Achæan people. He infers the date of his death by reference to the
-date of Lysippos as either 338 B. C. (Chæroneia) or 322 B. C. (Lamia).
-In another passage, VII, 6.5, he says that the Olympic guide told him
-that Cheilon was the only Achæan who fought at Lamia. Gardner justly
-remarks that either of these dates, the two occasions in the lifetime
-of Lysippos when the Achæans took part in an important war, fall
-within the dates of the artist’s activity.[2102] The dates of the two
-hoplite victories of Kallikrates of Magnesia, on the Meander, whose
-statue was also the work of Lysippos, must be left indeterminate.[2103]
-Gardner also shows that the wish not to separate Lysippos from the
-_Apoxyomenos_ has been the real reason which has influenced so
-many archæologists to extend his activity to the end of the fourth
-century,[2104] and to explain away the evidence for an earlier date
-offered by the statue of Troilos, who won his second victory in 368 B.
-C. If we once for all give up the _Apoxyomenos_, the difficulty of an
-early dating disappears, as does also the theory that Skopas could have
-strongly influenced the youthful Lysippos as a master would influence a
-pupil, and it becomes clear that this influence must have been mutual,
-that of one great contemporary upon another. Although Lysippos worked
-longer, as is attested by his work for Alexander and his generals,
-he could have been but little if any younger than either Skopas or
-Praxiteles, from both of whom he learned. We have already quoted
-Homolle[2105] as saying that an analysis of the style of the _Agias_
-discloses the mixed influences of Praxiteles and Skopas, as well as the
-independent work of Lysippos, in the pose, proportions, and whole type
-of the figure.
-
-Lysippos was a great reformer in art, breaking away from Argive and
-Polykleitan traditions, even though he called the _Doryphoros_ as
-well as Nature his master, and though the influence of Polykleitos
-is visible in the body of the _Agias_, just as that of Skopas in the
-treatment of its forehead, eyes, and mouth, and in the intensity of its
-expression. Evidently he was strongly affected by the work of his great
-predecessors and contemporaries, but developed at the same time new
-and independent tendencies. Thus the _Philandridas_ must have been—just
-as the lost statue of Troilos—an early work of the master, whereas the
-_Agias_ was the work of his mature genius. The difference between the
-two can thus be explained by the lapse of time between them, and by the
-influences that surrounded the youthful artist; but the similarities
-between them are, at the same time, striking, and there is little
-resemblance in either to the _Apoxyomenos_. This is another link in the
-chain of evidence that the latter work could not have been produced by
-the same artist; for artists do not radically change their style after
-many years of work, and Lysippos must have been at least fifty years
-old when he created the _Agias_.
-
-The identification of this marble head with that of the victor statue
-of the Akarnanian pancratiast by Lysippos raises two questions which we
-shall briefly examine: whether the statues in the Altis were ever made
-of marble, and whether Lysippos ever worked in that material. The first
-of these questions will be left for the following chapter; the second
-will be discussed in the present connection.
-
-
-LYSIPPOS AS A WORKER IN MARBLE, AND STATUE “DOUBLES.”
-
-To regard a marble statue as an original work of Lysippos, who has been
-looked upon almost universally as a sculptor in bronze exclusively,
-seems at first sight to be baseless. Pliny certainly classed Lysippos
-among the bronze-workers, for in the preface to his account of
-bronze-founders[2106] he tells us that this artist produced 1,500
-statues, and doubtless we are to infer that the historian regarded
-them all as being made of metal. He further[2107] speaks of Lysippos’
-contributions to the (_ars_) _statuaria_, and it seems clear that this
-term, as the modern title of Book XXXIV, is to be taken in its narrow
-sense of sculpture in bronze as opposed to _sculptura_,[2108] that
-in marble. How firmly the belief is established that Lysippos worked
-only in bronze can be seen from the following words of Overbeck: “_Zu
-beginnen ist mit wiederholter Hervorhebung der durchaus unzweifelhaften
-und wichtigen Tatsache dass Lysippos ausschliesslich Erzgiesser
-war._”[2109] That Lysippos was preëminently a bronze-worker, and
-that his ancient reputation was due chiefly to his bronze work, can
-not be doubted. But to say that he never essayed to produce works
-in marble, as so many other Greek artists did who were famed as
-bronze-workers,[2110] is, as one writer has lately expressed it, a
-_kindisches Vorurtheil_.[2111] That marble work was done in his studio,
-if not by his hand, is well attested by the reliefs from the base
-of the victor statue of Polydamas mentioned above, which have been
-generally referred to Lysippos’ pupils.[2112] These are too damaged
-to be used as exact evidence of his style, but the legs of Polydamas
-himself, in the central relief, so far as their contour can be made
-out, are thin and sinewy, as we should expect in Lysippan work, and
-this relief doubtless would have been regarded as the work of the
-master himself, if it had not been taken for granted that he worked
-only in bronze. But for the same assumption some critics would have
-seen an original from the hand of Lysippos in the statue of Agias at
-least, if not in the others of the Delphian group.[2113] It will be
-interesting to rehearse some of the arguments by which the statue of
-Agias has been adjudged a copy.[2114]
-
-It has been generally assumed that the original group of statues at
-Pharsalos was of bronze (though we have no proof that it may not have
-been of marble), while the one at Delphi was copied almost, if not
-quite, simultaneously in marble[2115]—so faithfully, indeed, that even
-the proper marble support to the figure of Agias was omitted. While
-Homolle notes the absence of this support as evidence of the marble
-statue being an exact copy of the original bronze, Gardner argues that
-this proves a free imitation, where the support was not needed.[2116]
-The inexact modeling of the hair, since hair can not be rendered so
-perfectly in marble as in bronze, has been adduced as a sign that the
-marble statue was a copy of the bronze original. This in itself is a
-weak argument, since the slight and sketchy treatment of the hair of
-the _Hermes_ of Praxiteles—which is, for the most part, merely blocked
-out[2117]—might with just as good reason be used as evidence that that
-statue is only a copy, especially as we know that Praxiteles also
-worked in bronze.[2118] The omission of the artist’s signature on the
-base of the _Agias_ has also been taken to indicate that some pupil of
-Lysippos (Lysistratos, for example) did the work of transference in the
-master’s studio under his supervision and doubtless from his model.
-
-Despite all such arguments, which prove little, it must be admitted
-that the careless finish of the Delphian statue is not what we should
-expect in a masterpiece by so renowned a sculptor as Lysippos, as
-the statue can not be said to be a first-rate work of art. But that
-it was made under the direct supervision of Lysippos can hardly be
-questioned. It seems reasonable to believe that Daochos, who employed
-the great artist in the one case, would not have trusted a mere copyist
-in the other, or one who was free to indulge his individual taste
-in details,[2119] especially as the statue was to be placed in so
-prominent a place as Delphi. He probably gave the orders for the two
-statues at the same time, and Lysippos must have had the oversight of
-the Delphian one. So it seems best to regard the statue of Agias as a
-“double,” and not as a copy in the later sense of the word. The custom
-of making such doubles goes back at least to the middle of the sixth
-century B. C. Thus the statue of the _Delian Apollo_ by Angelion and
-Tektaios, known as the “_Healer_” (Οὔλιος),[2120] had a “double” in
-both Delphi[2121] and Athens.[2122] Similarly the _Philesian Apollo_ of
-Branchidai near Miletos, by the elder Kanachos,[2123] had a double in
-Thebes known as the _Ismenian Apollo_, which Pausanias says differed
-from the one in Miletos neither in form nor size, but only in material,
-for it was of cedar-wood,[2124] while the Milesian one was of bronze.
-Furtwaengler[2125] has demonstrated that contemporary doubles of works
-by Polykleitos, Pheidias, and Praxiteles existed. The case of the
-statues of the athlete Agias at Pharsalos and at Delphi is paralleled
-by that of the Olympic victor Promachos, who had statues, probably
-alike, both at Olympia and in his native city Pellene.[2126] A double
-of the base of the _Nike_ of Paionios at Olympia was discovered at
-Delphi,[2127] and a fine head in the collection of Miss Hertz in Rome
-is from the same original.[2128] A Polykleitan head in the British
-Museum, similar to that of the _Westmacott Athlete_ (Pl. 19), seems
-to be a contemporary replica of an original of the fifth century
-B. C.[2129] Such examples (and many more could be cited) show the
-difference between contemporary “doubles” and the later copies of Greek
-masterpieces. The former are Greek originals in a very true sense,
-made, as we assume the _Agias_ was, under the direct supervision of
-noted sculptors. In this sense only the Delphian statue should be
-called a copy.
-
-
-HEAD OF A STATUE OF A BOY FROM SPARTA, AND THE ART OF SKOPAS.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 72.—Marble Head of a Boy, found near the Akropolis,
-Sparta. In Private Possession in Philadelphia, U. S. A.]
-
-We shall next discuss the beautiful Pentelic marble head of a boy,
-with a lion’s scalp drawn over the top so that the muzzle comes down
-over the forehead, which is said to have been discovered near the
-Akropolis at Sparta in 1908 (Fig. 72). This head was for a time in the
-University Museum, Philadelphia, and later was exhibited at the Boston
-Museum of Fine Arts. At last accounts it was in private possession in
-Philadelphia. It has been published as the head of a youthful Herakles
-by my colleague, Professor W. N. Bates, in the _American Journal of
-Archæology_.[2130] Of its style he says: “The points of resemblance
-which the Philadelphia Heracles bears to the heads from the Tegean
-pediments are so many and so striking that they must all be traced
-back to the same sculptor; and that he was Skopas there can be little
-doubt.” He therefore concludes that it is “probably a very good copy
-of a lost work of Skopas.”[2131] A little later, Dr. L. D. Caskey, of
-the Museum in Boston, found these resemblances hardly close enough,
-in view of the influence of Skopas on later Greek sculpture, to
-justify so definite an attribution.[2132] He found them confined to
-the upper part of the face, while he believed that the lower portion
-resembled heads which could be assigned to Praxiteles or his influence,
-and consequently he pronounced the head “an eclectic work in which
-features borrowed from Skopas and Praxiteles have been combined with an
-unusually successful effect.”
-
-As Dr. Bates points out, there is no recorded statue of Herakles by
-Skopas which corresponds with this head. The stone one mentioned
-by Pausanias as standing in the Gymnasion at Sikyon[2133] has been
-thought by the authors of the _Numismatic Commentary on Pausanias_
-to be reproduced on a Sikyonian copper coin of the age of Geta, now
-in the British Museum.[2134] Many statues and busts scattered in
-European museums, which represent a beardless Herakles and show Skopaic
-influence, have been traced back to this original.[2135] However, the
-coin represents the hero wearing a wreath, and so, if it was copied
-from the original in the Gymnasion, the latter could not have been the
-prototype of the head under discussion.
-
-It is now universally acknowledged that all constructive criticism
-of the art of Skopas must be based on a study of the heads found at
-Tegea. Besides those discovered in 1879, and now in the National Museum
-in Athens,[2136] two other male heads (in addition to the torso of a
-female figure draped as an Amazon, and a head on the same scale which
-probably belongs to it, as both are of Parian marble, representing
-probably _Atalanta_ of the East pediment) were discovered by M. Mendel
-in his excavations of the temple of Athena Alea in 1900-1901, and
-referred to the pedimental groups described by Pausanias.[2137] As one
-of these (Fig.73) is characterized by a lion’s scalp worn as a helmet,
-the hero’s face fitting into the jaws, its teeth showing above his
-forehead, it has been regarded as the head from a statue of Herakles,
-although Pausanias mentions no such statue in his enumeration of the
-figures composing the group of the Eastern pediment, and although it
-is difficult to explain the presence of the hero in the group of the
-Western pediment, which represented the battle between his son Telephos
-and Achilles. Mendel considers this head to be inferior in workmanship
-to the others, and so refers it to the school of Skopas rather than
-to the master himself, and designates it “_un travail d’atelier_.”
-In describing it, however, he says: “_tous ces caractères, qui sont
-ceux des têtes du Musée central, se retrouvent dans nôtre tête
-d’Héraclés_.”[2138] Here we have a head of a youthful Herakles (or of
-some hero who has borrowed his attribute of the lion’s skin—perhaps
-Telephos), which, if not by Skopas himself, is still a work of his
-school reproducing all his characteristics; consequently, of all these
-heads from Tegea, it is with this one chiefly that we should compare
-the head from Sparta similarly covered with a lion’s scalp.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 73.—So-called Head of Herakles, from Tegea, by
-Skopas. National Museum, Athens.]
-
-Though badly injured, it is still possible to see in this head of
-the so-called _Herakles_ found at Tegea, both in full view and in
-profile, the characteristic Skopaic expression of passion, and to
-discover the means by which the artist effected it. The expression is
-due in great measure to the upward direction of the gaze, and to the
-heavy overshadowing of the deep-set eyes. It is further enhanced by
-the contracted brow, dilated nostril, and half-open, almost panting,
-mouth, whose parted lips clearly disclose the teeth. The structure
-of the head is in keeping with the strength of character portrayed;
-the skull is very deep from front to back, and its framework is
-massive and bony; the face is broad and short and the chin is heavy;
-everything emphasizes the impression of a virile and muscular warrior
-violently engaged in the fray. The subjects of the two pedimental
-groups—the Kalydonian boar hunt and the battle between Achilles and
-Telephos—justified the expression of unrestrained violence which
-we see in this and the other male heads, and gave the sculptor an
-opportunity to represent his heroes in the excitement of action and
-danger. To effect this intensity of expression Skopas relied mainly on
-the treatment of the eye. In one of the heads (the unhelmeted one in
-Athens) the gaze is not turned upwards as in the _Herakles_, nor are
-the neck-muscles strained as in the others, and yet the expression is
-even more violent than in them. Thus it is the modeling of the flesh
-about the eye which is the real distinguishing feature of Skopas’ work.
-In describing the helmeted head in Athens, E. A. Gardner says:
-
- “The eyes are set very deep in their sockets, and heavily
- overshadowed, at their inner corners, by the strong
- projection of the brow, which does not, however, as in
- some later examples of a similar intention on the part of
- the artist, meet the line of the nose at an acute angle,
- but arches away from it in a bold curve. At the outer
- corners the eyes are also heavily overshadowed, here by
- a projecting mass of flesh or muscle which overhangs
- and actually hides in part the upper lid. The eyes are
- very wide-open—with a dilation which comes from fixing
- the eyes upon a distant object—and therefore suggest the
- far-away look associated with a passionate nature.”[2139]
-
-
-COMPARISON OF THE TEGEA HEADS AND THE HEAD FROM SPARTA.
-
-It is to the facial characteristics in the Tegea heads that Dr. Bates
-calls attention in basing his argument for the Skopaic origin of
-the head from Sparta: the forehead horizontally divided by a median
-line, the swelling, prominent brow, the deep-set eyes with their
-narrow lids—only 2 mm. wide—embedded in the projecting flesh at the
-outer corners, and the parted mouth. He also sees a resemblance in
-the small round curls bunched together above the ears. But if there
-are resemblances (especially in the modeling of the eyes) there are
-also great differences observable in the Tegea heads and the one from
-Sparta. Let us confine our comparison of the latter with the _Herakles_
-of the Tegea pediment, though the comparison with any of the other male
-heads would lead to substantially the same results.
-
-In the first place the structure of the two heads in question is very
-different. As the head from Sparta is broken in two at the ears and the
-whole back part is missing, we can not tell whether it had the great
-depth of the one from Tegea. But of the massive, bony framework of the
-latter there is little trace in the former. In the Tegea example we are
-struck with the squareness of the head and the breadth of the central
-part of the face; the sides do not gradually converge toward the
-middle, but seem to form distinct planes. The distance between the eyes
-is also in keeping with the breadth of the skull as measured between
-the ears; the breadth of the face almost equals its length from the top
-of the forehead to the chin, and this fact, together with the massive,
-prominent chin, gives an element of squareness to the whole.[2140]
-On the other hand, the head from Sparta has a long, narrow face whose
-sides softly converge toward the middle in beautiful curves about the
-cheeks; its cheek-bones are not so high nor so prominent as those
-of the other; it ends in a delicate, almost effeminate chin, which
-slightly retreats and gives the whole lower part of the face an oval
-structure, thus recalling Praxiteles and fourth-century Attic works.
-The length of the face is accentuated by the considerable height to
-which the head rises above the forehead, in contrast with the flatness
-of the skull in the example from Tegea. The eyes are not so wide-open;
-they are longer and not so swollen nor compressed toward the centre; if
-we view the two heads from the side, we see that the eye-socket in the
-Tegea head is larger and appreciably deeper than in the one from Sparta.
-
-Apart from these surface differences in the structure of the head
-and face, it is in the resultant expression that we see the greatest
-divergence from the Skopaic type. This seems to me to be fundamentally
-different in the Sparta head. In the _Herakles_, as in all the other
-Tegea male heads, and even in those of the boar and the dogs, the
-really characteristic feature, which differentiates them from all
-other works of Greek sculpture, is the passionate intensity of their
-expression. The one unforgettable impression left on the spectator by
-them all is this expression of violent and unrestrained passion, which
-the sculptor has succeeded in imparting to the marble. This is what
-marks him as the master of passion and the originator of the dramatic
-tendencies carried to such lengths in the Hellenistic schools of
-sculpture; it is this which explains Kallistratos’ characterization of
-his works as being κάτοχα καὶ μεστὰ μανίας.[2141] The head from Sparta
-shows only a little of this intensity. Notwithstanding the similar
-upward gaze and slightly parted lips, the intention of the artist
-seems to have been to portray the hero in an attitude of expectancy,
-tempered by a look almost of calmness. The look is deeply earnest,
-but not violent; it is even melancholy. It is this last feature, the
-delicate and compelling melancholy of the face, which impressed me
-most on first viewing it. This is further enhanced by the full, soft
-modeling of the lower face, that gives to the whole a delicate, almost
-effeminate character, which strongly reminds us of Praxitelean heads.
-In fact, the shape of the lips and the modeling of the flesh on either
-side of the mouth, together with the soft, dimpled chin, have little
-in common with the massive strength and remarkable animation of the
-Tegea heads. As Dr. Caskey has intimated, if we had only the lower
-portion of the face for comparison, we should be inclined to ascribe it
-to the influence of Praxiteles. If we considered the upper part only,
-resemblances to Skopaic work seem well marked; but if we take into
-account the expression of the face as a whole, we see that it lacks the
-most essential of Skopaic features, the look of passionate intensity.
-Consequently we shall find it difficult to bring the head into such
-close relation to that artist; for here there is little analogy to
-the vigorous warrior types of the Tegea pediments. For its quieter
-mien it might be better to compare it with the head of Atalanta,[2142]
-though none of the gentle pathos or eagerness of the Sparta head is
-there visible. The _Atalanta_, though full of vigorous life, utterly
-lacks the unrestrained passion so characteristic of her brothers; her
-eyes are not so deeply set, nor so wide-open; they are narrower and
-longer, and are not over-hung at the outer corners by heavy masses of
-flesh.[2143] In speaking of the absence of these rolls of muscle, E.
-A. Gardner notes a curious peculiarity: “This is a clearly marked,
-though delicately rounded, roll of flesh between the brow and the upper
-eyelid, which is continued right round above the inner corner of the
-eye, to join the swelling at the side of the nose, which itself passes
-on into the cheek.”[2144] He detects this same peculiarity in certain
-other Skopaic heads, notably in the _Apollo_ from the Mausoleion and
-the _Demeter_ from Knidos, though it is quite lacking in the Tegea male
-heads. It all goes to show that Skopas was not strictly consistent in
-his treatment of the eye. The lower face of the _Atalanta_ is also
-longer and more oval than that of the male heads, and thus shows Attic
-rather than Peloponnesian influence. If it is difficult, then, to
-conceive of the _Atalanta_ and the male heads as the work of the same
-sculptor, the contrast, both in structure and expression, between these
-two heads of Herakles, the one from Tegea, the other from Sparta, makes
-it more difficult to assume the same authorship for both; for here we
-can not explain the difference as the contrast between the types of
-hero and heroine; here we are comparing two heads which are supposedly
-of the same hero.
-
-
-THE STYLES OF SKOPAS AND LYSIPPOS COMPARED.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 74.—Attic Grave-Relief, found in the Bed of the
-Ilissos, Athens. National Museum, Athens.]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 75.—Statue of the so-called _Meleager_. Vatican
-Museum, Rome.]
-
-In view, then, of the differences enumerated I should hesitate to
-assign a Skopaic origin to the head from Sparta. In the lower part of
-the face, with its small mouth and delicate chin, I see signs only of
-Praxitelean influence; in the upper part I am much more inclined to see
-affinities to the art-tendencies of Lysippos, as we now know them from
-the statue of Agias. In the present state of our knowledge it is not
-difficult to separate works of Praxitelean origin from those of Skopas;
-but it is a very different thing to distinguish those of Skopaic origin
-from those of Lysippos; here the line distinguishing the two masters
-is much finer and harder to draw. Before the discovery of the Tegea
-heads, the deep-set eye,[2145] prominent brow, and “breathing” mouth
-were looked upon as characteristic features of Lysippos, as they were
-known to us from representations of Alexander, especially on coins.
-We now know that these traits belonged to Skopas to a much greater
-extent. When the _Agias_ was found, and before its true authorship had
-been determined, Homolle, as we have seen, had at first classed it
-as showing the manner of Lysippos, only later to see more of Skopas
-than Lysippos in it. Such a conclusion was natural so long as we
-regarded the _Apoxyomenos_ as the key to Lysippan art. By assigning
-these traits definitely to Skopas, we were compelled to view the work
-of Lysippos as conventional and somewhat lifeless in comparison. But
-with the assumption that the statue of Agias represented true Lysippan
-characteristics, we were forced to recognize that the same traits
-belonged to Lysippos also, though to a less degree, since the energy
-of the Tegea heads was absent from the features of the _Agias_ and
-their fierceness was here replaced by a look of quiet melancholy. The
-study of such allied works as the beautiful and excellently preserved
-_Lansdowne Herakles_ (Pl. 30 and Fig. 71), the athlete on the Pentelic
-marble stele found in the bed of the Ilissos in 1874, and now in the
-National Museum in Athens (Fig. 74),[2146] the so-called _Meleager_
-in the Vatican (Fig. 75),[2147] and other copies of the same original
-(_e. g._, Figs. 76, 77), also shows how closely the type of Lysippos
-approached that of Skopas. Long ago I expressed the view[2148] that
-these and similar works should be assigned to Lysippos rather than
-to Skopas, to whom most critics had referred them. Thus, after the
-discovery of the Tegea heads, scholarly opinion began to follow the
-arguments of Furtwaengler in bringing the _Lansdowne Herakles_ into the
-sphere of Skopas.[2149] But Michaelis, as far back as 1882, commenting
-on the characteristically small head, short neck in comparison with
-the mighty shoulders, and long legs in proportion to the thick-set
-torso, had declared: “Without doubt the statue offers one of the finest
-specimens, if not absolutely the best, of a Herakles according to the
-conception of Lysippos.”[2150] Now opinion varies again; only those
-who believe that the _Agias_ is Lysippan class the _Herakles_ as a
-Lysippan work.[2151] Of the _Meleager_, Graef[2152] gives eighteen
-copies besides the one in the Vatican. This number shows how common
-an adornment it was of Roman villas and parks. Some of these copies
-have a chlamys thrown over the arm, _e. g._, the Vatican example, and
-belong to imperial times, while others without the mantle, _e. g._, the
-torso in Berlin,[2153] are older. In addition to the Vatican example
-we reproduce two other copies, the beautiful Parian marble head now
-placed on the trunk of a Praxitelean _Apollo_ in the gardens of the
-Medici in Rome (Fig. 76),[2154] and the statue without arms or legs
-and without the chlamys, found in 1895 near Santa Marinella, 30 miles
-from Rome, and since 1899 in the Fogg Art Museum at Harvard University
-(Fig. 77),[2155] one of the most beautiful of the many replicas. At
-first the original of these copies was supposed to be Lysippan, being
-identified with the _Venator_ at Thespiai mentioned by Pliny as the
-work of Euthykrates, the son and pupil of Lysippos,[2156] but after the
-discovery of the Tegea heads it was almost universally referred to
-Skopas.[2157] Here again the Skopaic group of Graef has been broken by
-P. Gardner[2158] and others, and the _Meleager_, like the _Herakles_,
-has been given to Lysippos.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 76.—Head of the so-called _Meleager_. Villa Medici,
-Rome.]
-
-Let us analyze a little further wherein the difference between the
-closely allied art of Skopas and Lysippos lies. We saw that it
-was chiefly the formation of the eye and its surroundings which
-characterized Skopaic work—the depth of the balls in their sockets,
-and the heavy masses of flesh above the outer corners. This was in
-harmony with the breadth of brow and the massive build of the Tegea
-heads. In the _Agias_ and similar works the treatment of the eye is
-somewhat different. The head of the _Agias_ is of slighter proportions
-than the heads from Tegea; in conformity with the Lysippan canon it
-is below life-size, and consequently has no such heavy overshadowing
-of the outer corners of the eyes. Moreover, as we shall see, this
-overshadowing is also relatively less in the statue of the Delphian
-athlete. The formation of the eye is thus described by E. A. Gardner:
-
- “The inner corners of the eye are set very deep in the
- head and very close together; the inner corners of the
- eye-sockets form acute angles, running up close to one
- another and leaving between them only a narrow ridge for
- the base of the nose; thus they offer a strong contrast
- to the line of the brow, arching away in a broad curve
- from the solid base of the nose and forming an obtuse
- angle with it, such as we see in the Skopaic heads.”[2159]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 77.—Torso of the so-called _Meleager_. Fogg Art
-Museum, Cambridge, U. S. A.]
-
-The resultant expression is therefore somewhat different from that of
-the heads from Tegea; while we still see animation and even intensity
-in the face of the _Agias_, we see it in a modified degree. The
-far-away look of the Tegea heads is still present, but it appears to
-be fixed on a nearer object, and so the look of intensity is tempered;
-it is also lightened by the fact that the overshadowing of the eyes at
-the outer corners is less heavy. But even this latter so-called Skopaic
-trait, though it is absent in the _Agias_, is certainly present in
-other Lysippan heads. Besides being prominent in representations
-of Alexander the Great on coins,[2160] it is seen in busts of the
-conqueror, especially in the splendid one from Alexandria in the
-British Museum.[2161] In the latter example we see just such heavy
-rolls of flesh as we note in the Skopaic heads. It shows that this
-trait, introduced by Skopas, was used at times with equal effect by
-Lysippos. We have already noted how in one example, at least, Skopas
-himself laid it aside—in the _Atalanta_. Its presence on Lysippan heads
-shows that too much stress can be laid on this feature in deciding
-whether a given piece of sculpture is to be referred to Skopas. This
-trait complicates the whole problem of the style of the two masters.
-
-
-THE SPARTA HEAD COMPARED WITH THAT OF THE PHILANDRIDAS.
-
-As the _Agias_ is considered by most critics to be a contemporary copy
-of the original statue at Pharsalos, perhaps it will be more just
-to compare the head from Sparta under discussion with the original
-marble head from Olympia, which we have ascribed in the earlier part
-of the present chapter to the statue of Philandridas by Lysippos. Such
-a comparison will, of course, show certain differences, but marked
-resemblances as well. We shall see that these resemblances are confined
-to the upper part of the face. In both we note the same low forehead
-with a corresponding depression or crease across the middle; the
-similarly bulging brow which breaks very perceptibly the continuous
-line from forehead to nose, concave above and below and convex at the
-swelling itself; the same powerfully framed and deep-set eyes thrown
-into shadows by the projecting bony structure of the brows and the
-overhanging masses of flesh. The eyeballs in both are similarly long
-and narrow, though they are slightly arched in the _Philandridas_ just
-as in the Tegea heads, and not so close together as in the _Agias_,
-but their inner angles are farther apart and not almost hidden by
-the flat bridge of the nose when viewed straight from the front. In
-this respect they are strikingly like those of the Sparta head.[2162]
-The raised upper lids in both form symmetrically narrow and sharply
-defined borders over the eyeballs. These borders, in each case, are
-not partially hidden by the folds of skin at the outer corners, as
-they are in the Tegea heads; and yet the masses of flesh projecting
-from the brows are almost as heavy as in the latter. In both the heads
-from Olympia and Sparta the upper lids slightly overlap the under at
-the outer corners. The eye-sockets in both seem to be equally deep
-and the cheek-bones similarly high and prominent. We remark in the
-_Philandridas_ the gradual converging of the sides of the face toward
-the middle, a trait which we have already observed in the head from
-Sparta as in contrast with the more angular formation with lateral
-planes so characteristic of the Tegea male heads. The flatness of the
-nose and the curves which it makes with the brow on either side are
-very similar in the two heads under discussion. In both, the hair is
-treated in the same simple and sketchy manner, being fashioned into
-little ringlets ruffled back from the temples in flat relief quite in
-the Skopaic manner, even if the curls seem shorter and more tense.
-
-When we come to a consideration of the lower part of each face, we
-immediately detect differences. While both faces end in an oval, this
-is broader, heavier, and more bony in that of the _Philandridas_, as we
-should expect in the case of a more mature man. Consequently here the
-mouth is larger and firmer. The elegant contour of the lips observable
-in the _Agias_ is also found, to a less degree, in the head from
-Sparta, whose lips are fuller and more sensuous, but can not be traced
-in the _Philandridas_ owing to the damaged condition of the mouth.
-It is clear, however, that the lips of the latter were also slightly
-parted, just showing the teeth, but not as in the Tegea heads, as if
-the breath were being forced through them with great effort.
-
-It is, however, in the expression of these two faces that we see the
-greatest resemblance. In the _Philandridas_, the powerful framing of
-the eyes, the slightly upward gaze of the balls, and the contracted
-forehead combine to give it a pensive, even melancholy, look of
-dignity, a look seemingly of one who takes no joy or pleasure in
-victory, though, as we have already mentioned,[2163] it is earnest
-rather than mournful. The almost identical treatment of the eye and its
-surroundings gives the still more youthful head from Sparta a similar
-expression. Homolle’s analysis of the expression of the face of the
-_Agias_ would apply with equal fitness to the mood portrayed in both
-the heads we are discussing: “_L’expression qui résulte de ces divers
-traits, c’est, dans une figure jeune et vigoureuse, un air pensif ou
-lassé, une certaine mélancolie, qui ne va pas à la tristesse morne ou
-à la méditation profonde, mais qui reste plus loin encore de la joie
-insouciante de la vie et de la pure allégresse de la victoire_”.[2164]
-Preuner remarked that a verse of the epigram found on the base of the
-statue of Agias, which runs καὶ σῶν οὐδείς πω στῆσε τροπαῖα χερῶν, is
-almost an exact copy of the words of Herakles in the _Trachiniae_ of
-Sophocles.[2165] In these words the dedicator of the statue ends the
-recital of his ancestor’s exploits with a melancholy reflection on the
-vanity of his glory. They suggest with no less truth the expression of
-both the heads we are discussing. This expression of pensiveness tinged
-with melancholy is enhanced in both by the slightly parted lips. We can
-see the same expression carried much further in many of the portraits
-of Alexander which go back to originals by Lysippos, and we know from
-Plutarch that this sculptor was chosen by the conqueror to make his
-portraits, because Lysippos alone could combine his manly air with
-the liquid and melting glance of his eyes.[2166] But how different is
-the delicately indicated pathos of these heads from the violent and
-unrestrained, even panting, expression of the Tegea sculptures! Here
-there is no trace of the μανία which Kallistratos said characterized
-the works of Skopas. If it be objected that the expression of the
-_Philandridas_ is more dramatic than that of the head from Sparta, its
-fierce, almost barbarous, look of defiance may well be explained by the
-fact that here is represented a victor from Akarnania, a country noted
-among the other Greek states for anything but culture and refinement.
-
-
-THE SPARTA HEAD AN ECLECTIC WORK AND AN EXAMPLE OF ASSIMILATION.
-
-It is, then, in consequence of these resemblances to Lysippan work,
-and because of the differences between it and the Tegean heads, that I
-am led to see more of Lysippos than of Skopas in this beautiful head
-from Sparta. An analysis of its style permits us to discover in it the
-mixed influences of Praxiteles, of Lysippos, and of Skopas. It seems
-to me necessary, therefore, in view of this mixture of tendencies, to
-regard it as an eclectic work, in which the unknown artist has combined
-Lysippan and Praxitelean elements chiefly; and that he was also under
-the influence of Skopas is evinced by the peculiarities mentioned in
-the treatment of the eyes and hair;[2167] but even in the modeling of
-the eyes, I believe that his chief debt was to Lysippos. The fineness
-of surface modeling, commented on by both Professor Bates and Dr.
-Caskey, recalls the delicacy of execution in detail which is mentioned
-by Pliny as characteristic of Lysippan art.[2168] It surely points to a
-date for the work not much if at all later than the end of the century
-which was made glorious in the history of sculpture by the labors of
-these three great masters.
-
-In the preceding account I have tacitly assumed with Professor Bates
-that the head from Sparta represents a beardless Herakles. But, as Dr.
-Caskey remarks, one might hesitate to accept this identification if
-it were not for the attribute of the lion’s skin above the forehead,
-for here there is little indication of the strength so characteristic
-of later representations of the hero. Dr. Caskey, however, observes
-that a head of Herakles, now in the British Museum, which some have
-regarded as an original by Praxiteles, is even more boyish than this
-one. However, it is very doubtful if the Sparta head should be referred
-to a statue of Herakles at all. Pausanias mentions only three statues
-of Herakles in Sparta, to any one of which it seems futile to try to
-refer the head under discussion; thus in III, 14.6, he speaks of an
-ἄγαλμα ἀρχαῖον to which the _Sphairians_, _i. e._, lads entering on
-manhood, sacrificed, as standing on the road to the Δρόμος, outside
-the city walls; in the same book, 14.8, he says that an image of the
-hero stood at the end of one of the two bridges across the moat to
-Plane-tree Grove, _i. e._, the boys’ exercise-ground; and again in
-this book, 15.3, he says that an ἄγαλμα ὡπλισμένον of Herakles stood
-in the Herakleion close to the city wall, whose attitude (σχῆμα), was
-suggested by the battle between the hero and Hippokoön and his sons.
-The same writer enumerates only three other statues of Herakles in
-Lakonia. One of these was in the market-place of Gythion (III, 21.8),
-another in front of the walls of Las beyond Gythion (III, 24.6), and
-the third on Mount Parnon near the boundaries of Argolis, Lakonia, and
-Tegea (III, 10.6). The head under discussion is more probably only one
-more example of the idealizing tendency of athletic Greek art, which
-assimilated the type of victor to that of god.[2169] In the case of
-the _Agias_ the sculptor plainly wished to raise the victor to the
-ideal height of the hero. The same idealization is visible in the head
-ascribed to the statue of Philandridas. In both these heads the ears,
-while small, are battered and swollen; the remains of the ears in the
-head from Sparta are too badly damaged to indicate whether these were
-swollen or not. But even if they were preserved and were in that
-condition, they would not be a distinguishing factor in determining
-whether the head belonged to the statue of a victor or of Herakles.
-In our consideration of the Olympia head we saw by a comparison with
-the _Lansdowne Herakles_, a statue universally recognized as that of
-the hero, how fundamentally different were the two in their whole
-conception and how differently a highly idealized athlete and a hero
-were treated by the same sculptor. The same might be said of the boyish
-head from Sparta, when compared with a genuine head of Herakles. For
-this reason, and because of the resemblance in expression between the
-_Philandridas_ and the head from Sparta, I am inclined to believe that
-the latter, instead of being a representation of a youthful Herakles,
-is really the idealized portrait of an athlete, probably that of a boy
-victor, either in the boxing or wrestling match,[2170] assimilated in
-form to that of the hero.[2171]
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VII.
-
-THE MATERIALS OF OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS, AND THE OLDEST DATED VICTOR
-STATUE.[2172]
-
-FIGURES 78-80.
-
-
-It has been assumed pretty generally by archæologists that the victor
-statues set up in the Altis at Olympia were uniformly of bronze.
-Scherer, in his inaugural dissertation _de olympionicarum Statuis_,
-which appeared in 1885, was the first to discuss the question
-fully,[2173] and his arguments and conclusions have been followed,
-for the most part, by later investigators. Thus Dittenberger and
-Purgold state unequivocally that these statues were “_ausnahmslos aus
-Bronze_”,[2174] while more recently Hitzig and Bluemner, in their great
-commentary on Pausanias, have again pronounced the dictum that “_die
-Siegerstatuen waren durchweg von Erz_”.[2175] Others, however, have not
-been quite so sweeping in their generalization. Thus Wolters believes
-that these statues, because they were set up in the open, were “_der
-Regel nach_” of bronze,[2176] and Furtwaengler and Urlichs assume that
-they were “_fast ausschliesslich aus Bronze_”.[2177]
-
-
-THE CASE FOR BRONZE.
-
-The arguments adduced by Scherer and others in defense of the
-contention seem at first sight, although inferential in character,
-quite conclusive. In the first place, it has been pointed out that all
-the statuaries mentioned by Pausanias in his victor _periegesis_,[2178]
-if recorded at all in Pliny’s _Historia Naturalis_, appear there in
-the catalogue of bronze founders as workers in bronze κατ’ ἐξοχήν,
-while none of them is known exclusively as a sculptor in marble. As
-Hagelaïdas is the first in point of time, who flourished from the
-third quarter of the sixth century B. C. to the second quarter of
-the fifth,[2179] Scherer believed that all statues from his date
-down—_posteriorum temporum_—were of bronze; and as Rhoikos and
-Theodoros, the inventors of bronze founding, flourished about
-Ols. 50 to 60 (= 580 to 540 B. C.),[2180] he believed that bronze
-might have been used up to their date. In the next place, the excavated
-bases, which have been identified as those of victor monuments, show
-footprints of bronze statues. Thirdly, actual bronze fragments,
-indubitably belonging to victor statues (of which two are attested by
-inscriptions), were found during the excavations of the Altis. These
-consist of the following:
-
-(_a_) An inscribed convex piece of bronze of imperial times,
-“_anscheinend vom Schenkel einer Bronzestatue herruehrend_.”[2181]
-
-(_b_) A similar inscribed fragment of the same period.[2182]
-
-(_c_) The remarkable life-size portrait head of a boxer or pancratiast,
-which we have already discussed and reproduced (Fig. 61 A and B).[2183]
-
-(_d_) A foot of masterly workmanship (Fig. 62) ascribed by
-Furtwaengler[2184] to the end of the third century B. C. Its position
-shows that the statue of which it was a part was represented in motion,
-and consequently it has been assigned to a victor statue.
-
-(_e_) A beautifully modeled right arm, somewhat under life-size,
-supposedly from the statue of a boy victor.[2185]
-
-(_f_) A right lower leg of excellent workmanship, assigned by
-Furtwaengler to the same period as fragment _e_.[2186]
-
-Still other bronze fragments of statues found at Olympia may have
-belonged to statues of victors, especially to those of boys.[2187]
-The small number of such fragments recovered—Scherer wrongly thought
-there was none—is explained by assuming that all of these statues
-were of bronze, and consequently were destroyed by the barbarians in
-their inroads into Greece during the early Middle Ages, when this
-metal was much prized.[2188] Another argument for believing that
-these statues were of bronze is the silence of Pausanias concerning
-the materials employed in them; for, in his enumeration of 192 such
-monuments, he mentions the material of only two statues, those of
-the boxer Praxidamas of Aegina[2189] and of the Opuntian pancratiast
-Rhexibios,[2190] and he mentions these because of their great
-antiquity, peculiar position in the Altis apart from the others
-(near the column of Oinomaos), and the fact that they were made of
-wood.[2191] Furthermore, in his book on _Achaia_ there occurs this
-passage in reference to the statue of the victor Promachos, which
-was set up in the Gymnasion of Pellene: καὶ αὐτοῦ [Προμάχου] καὶ
-εἰκόνας ποιήσαντες οἱ Πελληνεῖς τὴν μὲν ἐς Ὀλυμπίαν ἀνέθεσαν, τὴν δὲ
-ἐν τῷ γυμνασίῳ, λίθου ταύτην καὶ οὐ χαλκοῦ.[2192] Most critics have
-inferred from these last words, “_the one in the Gymnasion being of
-stone and not of bronze_,” that, although Pausanias says nothing
-about the material of statues of victors in the Altis (barring the
-two just mentioned), by implication all these statues were of bronze;
-and they point out the fact that other writers furnish no evidence
-concerning the material used in them—an argument _ex silentio_ to
-the same effect. Besides these arguments many others have been urged
-on purely a priori grounds; _e. g._, that, since these statues stood
-in the open air, subject to all kinds of weathering, they must have
-been made of bronze;[2193] that metal statues would have been cheaper
-and more easily prepared than those of marble;[2194] that the later
-Peloponnesian schools of athletic sculpture, which were characterized
-by their predilection for bronze-founding, would nowhere have been more
-prominently in evidence than at Olympia; etc.
-
-Thus the case for the use of metal in these statues seems very well
-substantiated, and, for the reasons given, it can not be reasonably
-doubted that the vast majority of these monuments were made of bronze.
-But that they were not exclusively of metal, and that there were many
-exceptions to the general rule, not only can be conjectured on good
-grounds, but can be proved by discoveries made at the excavations. We
-shall briefly consider, then, each of the foregoing arguments in turn,
-and see whether, in the light of the accumulated evidence, they are
-really as well founded as they appear to be.
-
-
-THE CASE FOR STONE.
-
-As for the first point, that the statuaries mentioned by Pausanias
-appear only in Pliny’s catalogue of bronze founders, we must remember
-that Pausanias himself says[2195] that he is making only a selection of
-the victor monuments in the Altis, those of the more famous athletes.
-Therefore, the 192 monuments (of 187 victors)[2196] which he does
-mention must be only a fraction of the multitude of such monuments
-which once stood at Olympia. Pliny, to be sure, says that it was the
-custom for all victors to set up statues in the Altis;[2197] but this
-refers only to the privilege, of which many victors could not or did
-not avail themselves on account of poverty, early death, or for other
-reasons.[2198] Still, the number of such dedications must have been
-very great. Manifestly, therefore, we should not base an argument
-on the number mentioned. There must, then, have been many other
-artists employed at Olympia, some of whom may well have been workers
-in marble. Besides, of the statuaries actually named by Pausanias,
-many do not appear at all in Pliny’s work, and many of these may have
-been sculptors exclusively in stone. Of the names found in Pliny,
-six at least—Kalamis, Kanachos, Eutychides, Myron, Polykles, and
-Timarchides—appear both in the list of bronze-workers and in that of
-marble-sculptors.[2199] Similarly, in answer to the second argument
-that the excavated bases show footprints of bronze statues, we must
-admit that only a fraction of the bases which once supported statues in
-the Altis have been recovered. Not one-fifth of the victors mentioned
-by Pausanias are known to us through these bases.[2200]
-
-The fact that actual remains of bronze statues have been excavated at
-Olympia is matched by the fact that remnants of marble statues have
-also been found; and it does not seem reasonable, in the light of the
-evidence adduced by Treu, Furtwaengler, and others, to reject these
-as fragments of actual victor statues. These fragments include the
-following:[2201]
-
-(_a_, _b_) The two life-size archaic helmeted heads (Fig. 30) which we
-have ascribed to hoplite victors.[2202]
-
-(_c_, _d_, _e_) Fragments of statues of boy victors: _c_ = trunk with
-left upper leg, three-fifths life-size (Fig. 78);[2203] _d_ = breast,
-one-half life-size;[2204]
-
-_e_ = upper part of legs of a statue, two-thirds life-size.[2205]
-Besides these Treu also adduces fragments of four different boy
-statues, all of which are less than life-size.[2206]
-
-The reticence of Pausanias as to the material used in these statues
-is merely in accord with his custom, for he very rarely mentions the
-materials of monuments, and apparently only where monuments of bronze
-and stone or other materials stand close together in a circumscribed
-area, as for instance, in enumerating the various monuments in the
-Heraion at Olympia.[2207] The only inference, therefore, to be drawn
-from Pausanias’ statement about the statue of Promachos mentioned is
-that this particular statue of a victor at Olympia was of bronze. We
-are not justified in going any further. Besides this stone statue at
-Pellene we have other actual notices of marble statues of Olympic
-victors outside Olympia, as those of Arrhachion at Phigalia[2208] (Fig.
-79) and of Agias by Lysippos at Delphi (Pl. 28 and Fig. 68). If they
-existed outside Olympia, there is no reason why they should not have
-existed in the Altis also, _e. g._, the Lysippan marble head found
-there, which we assigned in the preceding chapter to the Akarnanian
-victor Philandridas (Frontispiece, and Fig. 69). Many of the older
-statues, like that of Arrhachion, conformed with the “Apollo” type, as
-we have shown in Ch. III,[5] and doubtless many such at Olympia were of
-marble.
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 78.—Small Marble Torso of a Boy Victor, from
-Olympia. Museum of Olympia.]
-
-Reinach’s argument that stone statues in Greece, because of their
-patina of color, were intended to be placed under cover in the
-porticoes or cellas of temples and elsewhere, while bronze ones were
-meant to stand in the open air, has been sufficiently combatted by H.
-Lechat,[2209] who argues that the use of paint in Greek architecture
-and on temple sculptures proves the contrary. As the paint was burnt
-in, it was reasonably durable, and if it did not prove so it was
-readily renewed. At Olympia, among several examples, we may cite
-the marble _Nike_ of Paionios, which stood in the open in the space
-to the east of the temple of Zeus[2210] (see Plans A and B), while,
-on the other hand, a bronze statue of Aphrodite stood within the
-Heraion.[2211] The argument that metal statues were cheaper than marble
-must also be questioned.[2212] In the earlier part of the present work
-we saw that, for economy’s sake, many victors set up small bronze
-statuettes instead of statues at Olympia, numbers of which have been
-recovered. That such dedications were common elsewhere is shown by the
-countless athlete statuettes—especially diskoboloi—which are to be
-found in all European museums.[2213] For similar reasons victors would
-choose in place of bronze the less durable and cheaper stone, as in
-the cases of Arrhachion and Promachos cited, or even wood, as in those
-of Rhexibios and Praxidamas. Still others, especially boy victors,
-would set up small marble statues, two-fifths to two-thirds life-size,
-as the fragments of the seven examples collected by Treu and already
-enumerated above show.
-
-Thus we see that the contention that the victor statues at Olympia
-were exclusively of bronze, in the light of the evidence adduced, is
-untenable.
-
-
-THE STATUE OF ARRHACHION AT PHIGALIA.
-
-In his description of Arkadia, Pausanias mentions seeing the stone
-statue of the pancratiast Arrhachion in the market-place of Phigalia.
-He describes it as archaic, especially in pose, the feet being close
-together and the arms hanging by the sides to the hips; and adds
-that he was told that it once bore an inscription which had become
-illegible in his day.[2214] This Arrhachion won three victories at
-Olympia in the pankration in Ols. 52-54 (= 572-564 B. C.).[2215]
-Therefore his statue is one of the oldest victor monuments of which
-we have record. At so early a date, before individual types of victor
-statues had been developed, we should expect, in harmony with the
-description of Pausanias, that this statue would conform in style with
-the well-known archaic “Apollo” type, the most characteristic of early
-Greek sculpture, which, as we saw in Chapter III, is exemplified in the
-long series of statues found all over the Greek world, the oldest class
-being represented by the example from Thera (Fig. 9), and one of the
-youngest by that from Tenea near Corinth (Pl. 8A).
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 79.—Stone Statue of the Olympic Victor Arrhachion,
-from Phigalia. In the Guards’ House at Bassai (Phigalia).]
-
-In his commentary on the passage of Pausanias, Sir J. G. Frazer records
-that during a visit in May, 1890, he saw a recently discovered archaic
-stone statue in a field just outside Pavlitsa, a village on the site of
-the southeastern precincts of the old city of Phigalia, some 2.5 miles
-from the temple of Apollo Epikourios at Bassai. He thought that this
-statue agreed completely with Pausanias’ description of Arrhachion’s,
-even to the half-effaced inscription which he transcribed from its
-breast just below the neck.[2216] Through the courtesy of Dr. Svoronos,
-of the National Numismatic Museum in Athens, I have been able to
-procure a photograph of the monument from K. Kouroniotis, the Arkadian
-_Ephor_ of antiquities stationed at Bassai, and I present it herewith
-(Fig. 79). The statue is now cared for in the house of the temple
-guards. This statue, like all other examples of the series, represents
-a nude youth standing in a stiff, constrained attitude. It is badly
-mutilated and its surface is rough from weathering. Besides having lost
-its head, arms, and the lower part of the legs, it has been broken into
-two parts across the abdomen. The ends of curls on either side of the
-neck, extending a few inches over the breast, show that the head looked
-straight forward, thus following the usual law of “frontality,”[2217]
-which precluded any turning of the body; for a median line drawn
-down through the middle of the breastbone, the navel, and the αἰδοῖα
-would divide the statue into two equal halves. The body shows the
-quadrangular form of the earlier examples, the sculptor having worked
-in flat planes at right angles to one another, with the corners merely
-rounded off. The remains of arms broken off just below the shoulders
-show that they must have hung close to the sides. The shoulders are
-broad and square, and display none of the sloping lines characteristic
-of other examples, as, _e. g._, the one from Tenea. From the breast
-down the body is slender, the hips being very narrow. The legs show the
-usual flatness and the left one is slightly advanced, as is uniformly
-the case in every one of the series. They are somewhat more separated
-than in many other examples. The αἰδοῖα form a rude pyramidal mass, not
-being differentiated as they are, _e. g._, in the statues from Naxos
-and Orchomenos[2218] (Fig. 10). Some attempt at modeling is visible
-in the muscles of the breast and lower abdomen. In general, it may be
-said that the similarity in attitude of this statue to Egyptian works
-impresses us, as it does in all the examples of early Greek sculpture.
-As the subject of Oriental, especially Egyptian, influence on early
-Greek art has given rise to very diverse views, we shall make a short
-digression at this point to discuss this interesting question.
-
-
-EGYPTIAN INFLUENCE ON EARLY GREEK SCULPTURE.
-
-This question has been under discussion in all its bearings ever since
-Brunn, in 1853, tried to demonstrate the originality of the Daidalian
-ξόανα,[2219] but, strangely enough, archæologists are not yet agreed
-as to its proper settlement. While some emphasize the spontaneous
-origin of Greek art, others quite as strongly advocate that the
-early Greek sculptor, at least, copied Egyptian models.[2220] Thus
-Furtwaengler, who early assumed a Cretan origin for the “Apollo” type
-of statues,[2221] later became convinced that it developed in Ionia
-through Greek contact with the colony of Naukratis in Egypt, which
-was founded in the middle of the seventh century B. C. He concluded
-that this plastic type “_ist bekanntlich nichts als die Nachahmung
-des Haupttypus aegyptischer statuarischer Kunst_”.[2222] Similarly
-Collignon traces the archaic male type to Egyptian influence, and
-assumes that this influence from the Nile valley was exerted on
-the Greek artist before the latter half of the seventh century B.
-C.[2223] On the other hand, H. Lechat, in his review of the evolution
-of Greek sculpture from its beginning, believes that the early
-sculptor owed but little to Egypt or the East.[2224] Deonna entirely
-rejects the assumption of Egyptian influence, believing that all the
-so-called characteristics of early Greek statues can be explained
-as the result of natural evolution in Greece itself.[2225] Von Mach
-also completely excludes all foreign influence when he says: “In her
-sculpture at least, Greece was independent of influence of any one
-of the countries that can at all come under consideration in this
-connection, Phœnicia, Assyria, and Egypt.”[2226] But here, as in
-so many questions about Greek art, the truth must lie between the two
-extremes.[2227] The economic conditions of early Greece certainly
-prove that the Greeks were dependent on outside peoples in many ways,
-and there is no a priori reason for denying this dependence in art.
-We clearly see Egyptian influence, for example, in the ceiling of
-the treasury of Orchomenos,[2228] and that the Greeks learned many
-animal decorative forms as well as a correct observation of nature
-from Assyrian art is clear, if we study the best examples of the
-late period of that art, the reliefs from the palace of Assurbanipal
-at Nineveh (Konyonjik), now in the British Museum. Such decorative
-designs could be easily transmitted to the Greeks by the Phœnicians
-on embroidered fabrics. It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that
-early Greek artists, especially in the Greek colonies to the east and
-south of Greece, were acquainted with earlier models and especially
-with those of Egypt. The Greeks themselves of a later date recognized
-this debt to Egypt. This is shown by many passages in Pausanias, which
-mention the similarity existing between early Greek and Egyptian
-sculptures,[2229] and by the curious tale told by Diodoros about the
-Samian artist family of Rhoikos, according to which the latter’s two
-sons made the two halves of the statue of the _Pythian Apollo_ for
-Samos separately, Telekles working in Samos and Theodoros in Ephesos.
-When joined together the two parts fitted exactly, just as if they had
-been made by one and the same artist. Diodoros adds that τοῦτο δὲ τὸ
-γένος τῆς ἐργασίας παρὰ μὲν τοῖς Ἕλλησι μηδαμῶς ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι, παρὰ δὲ
-τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις μάλιστα συντελεῖσθαι.[2230] Such a story is valuable
-in that it shows that the later Greeks believed that they had adopted
-the conventional Egyptian canon of proportions. If we compare any of
-the “Apollo” statues with Egyptian standing figures of any period of
-Egyptian art, as Bulle has done, the resemblances in detail between the
-two types will be found to be very striking. Thus from the Old Kingdom
-(Memphitic), which included the first eight dynasties of Manetho,[2231]
-we may cite the painted limestone statue of Ra-nefer and the wooden one
-of Tepemankh in the Museum of Cairo (Fig. 80), two men prominent in
-the fifth dynasty;[2232] or the wood statue of Ka-aper, the so-called
-_Sheik-el-Beled_, which represents the apogee of Memphitic art, and
-that of his “wife,” without legs or arms, the two statues being found
-similarly in a grave at Sakkarah (Memphis), and now being in the same
-museum.[2233] From the Middle Kingdom, including the eleventh to the
-seventeenth dynasties,[2234] we may mention the painted statue found at
-Dahshur and now in Cairo, which represents Horfuabra, the co-regent of
-Amenemhat III, who was one of the kings of the twelfth dynasty.[2235]
-From the New Empire, including the eighteenth to the twentieth
-dynasties,[2236] we cite the draped wood statue of the priestess Tui, a
-gem of Egyptian art, which was found in a grave near Gurna, and is now
-in the Louvre;[2237] and lastly the draped alabaster statue of Queen
-Amenerdis (or Amenartas) in Cairo, the wife of the Aethiopian King
-Piankhi, who began to absorb Egypt by 721-722 B. C., just before the
-twenty-fourth dynasty.[2238] After the early dynasties, the Egyptian
-type of statue was reduced to a fixed and mechanical canon, which was
-used over and over again with lifeless monotony. In all these statues,
-whose dates extend over a period of many centuries, we note the same
-technical characteristics which are observable in the Greek “Apollos,”
-with the exception that the latter are always nude and lifelike. These
-characteristics may be summarized thus: long hair falling down over
-the shoulders in a mass;[2239] shoulders broad in comparison with the
-hips; arms hanging down stiffly by the sides[2240] or crooked at the
-elbows;[2241] hands closed, with the thumbs facing forward and touching
-the ends of the index fingers; the left leg slightly advanced and the
-soles placed flat on the ground; high ears,[2242] and the upper body
-and head turned straight to the front.[2243] Only minor differences in
-the two types appear. Thus the left foot is always further advanced
-in the Egyptian than in the Greek statues, so that the former appear
-to have less movement and life.[2244] Since there is no trace of this
-type in Mycenæan art it seems impossible not to conclude that in some
-way, doubtless through Ionian sources, it was originally borrowed
-from Egypt. The imitation of the Egyptian models, however, was never
-slavishly done. The Greek artist immediately rendered the type his
-own by making it nude,[2245] and by transmuting the abstract lifeless
-schema of the Egyptians into a highly individualized one characterized
-by life and vigor.[2246] This Egyptian influence, it must be remarked,
-was operative only in the initial stage of Greek sculpture; it was soon
-lost, as the Greek artist came to rely upon himself. F. A. Lange has
-truly said: “_Die wahre Unabhaengigkeit der hellenischen Kultur ruht in
-ihrer Vollendung, nicht in ihren Anfaengen_”.[2247]
-
-[Illustration: FIG. 80.—Statues of Ra-nefer and Tepemankh, from
-Sakkarah. Museum of Cairo.]
-
-After this digression we will return to the statue of Arrhachion. Dr.
-Frazer was unable to decipher the inscription upon the breast with
-certainty, but made out the following letters, the last four of which
-are plainly visible in the photograph: ΕΥΝΛΙΑΔ. He believed them to
-be archaic and the first instance of an inscription on this class of
-statues. He thought that the name was that of a man, which favored the
-view that the “Apollo” statues represented mortals rather than gods.
-The letters form a combination manifestly not Greek, and so may have
-no significance; it is even possible that they were engraved in modern
-times.[2248] In any case we have the statement of Pausanias that the
-inscription was illegible in his day.
-
-There seems little doubt, then, that this mutilated and weather-worn
-statue is the very one seen and described by Pausanias and referred
-by him to the victor Arrhachion.[2249] It is presented here for two
-reasons. In the first place, it is the oldest dated Olympic victor
-statue in existence. Only three older ones are recorded, and none
-of these has survived to our time. These three are the statues of
-the Spartan Eutelidas at Olympia, who won the boys’ wrestling and
-pentathlon matches in Ol. 38 (= 628 B. C.);[2250] of the Athenian
-Kylon on the Akropolis, who won the double running-race in Ol. 35 (=
-640 B. C.);[2251] of the Spartan Hetoimokles at Sparta, who won five
-times in wrestling at the beginning of the sixth century B. C.[2252]
-The statue of Oibotas of Dyme, who won the stade-race in Ol. 6 (= 756
-B. C.), was not set up until Ol. 80 (= 460 B. C.);[2253] that of the
-Spartan Chionis, who won five running-races in Ols. 28-31 (= 668-656
-B. C.), was made later by Myron.[2254] Pausanias’ statement (VI.
-18.7) that the wooden statues of Praxidamas and Rhexibios, who won in
-Ols. 59 and 61 respectively (= 544 and 536 B. C.), were the oldest at
-Olympia, is of course incorrect. In the second place, the statue of
-Arrhachion actually proves what has often been assumed, that some of
-the statues classed as “Apollos” are really victor monuments. As this
-question has provoked a good deal of discussion in recent years, I will
-briefly review the arguments by which the opinion has gradually gained
-acceptance.
-
-
-EARLY VICTOR STATUES AND THE “APOLLO” TYPE.
-
-As the earlier examples of the series were discovered under peculiar
-circumstances, they gave no clue to their meaning. Thus the “Apollo”
-of Naxos was found in the quarries of the island, while that from
-Orchomenos (Fig. 10) was first seen in the convent of Skripou, its
-exact provenience being unknown. From the first they were denominated
-“Apollos,” chiefly because of their long hair[2255] and nudity,[2256]
-while the existence of many small bronzes in the same schema dedicated
-to the god,[2257] and cult statues of similar pose appearing on vase-
-and wall-paintings,[2258] helped to make the identification more
-probable. Certain ancient texts, describing archaic statues of Apollo
-in this pose, were also cited as evidence, and it was pointed out that
-many of these statues were actually found in or near sanctuaries of the
-god. Thus Diodoros, in his description of the ξόανον of the _Pythian
-Apollo_ made for the Samians by Telekles and Theodoros, which we have
-already mentioned, says: τὰς μὲν χεῖρας ἔχον παρατεταμένας, τὰ δὲ σκέλη
-διαβεβηκότα.[2259] Probably the gilded image by the Cretan Cheirisophos
-in the temple of Apollo at Tegea was of this type.[2260] The later
-type of “Apollo,” with the arms extended at the elbows, was doubtless
-followed in the statue of Apollo made for the Delians by Tektaios and
-Angelion,[2261] and in the works ascribed to Dipoinos and Skyllis
-and their school. It would be easy to give an extended list of such
-“Apollo” statues found in sanctuaries.[2262] We might instance one from
-Naukratis, Egypt;[2263] one from Delos;[2264] two from Aktion;[2265]
-several from Mount Ptoion in Bœotia;[2266] a copy of the head of the
-_Choiseul-Gouffier_ Apollo (Pl. 7A) found in Kyrene.[2267] Still others
-have been found in _temenoi_ of temples, _e. g._, two in that of Apollo
-at Naukratis,[2268] and one in that of Aphrodite there.[2269]
-
-However, against this exclusive interpretation doubts have been
-raised with ever-increasing precision, until now we can predicate
-with certainty what Loeschke long ago assumed, that the more statues
-of the series there are found, the less probable will it become that
-they should all be ascribed to Apollo.[2270] Conze and Michaelis
-first argued on the basis of Pausanias’ description of Arrhachion’s
-statue that this type was employed for victor statues.[2271] Koerte’s
-objection to their view on the ground of the long hair was refuted
-by Waldstein, who demonstrated that athletes were not represented
-with short hair until after the Persian wars; he pointed out that the
-archaic grave-figures of the mortals Dermys and Kitylos discovered at
-Tanagra, which were sculptured in a constrained attitude analogous
-to that of the “Apollos,” had long hair.[2272] We now know that the
-hair of some of the “Apollos” is short, which shows the irrelevancy of
-this argument,[2273] and we also know that nudity characterizes many
-archaic statues of mortals. Nor do we learn much from dedications,
-for we have examples of statues of gods dedicated to other gods and
-even to goddesses.[2274] _Ex votos_ were often more concerned with the
-dedicator than with the god to whom the statue was dedicated. Doubtless
-the cult statues portrayed on vase-paintings are actually those of
-Apollo, for at this epoch other gods, such as Hermes and Dionysos, are
-bearded.[2275]
-
-Moreover, that a more advanced _schema_ for representing the god Apollo
-had already become fixed toward the end of the sixth century B. C., we
-know from ancient descriptions of the statue of the god made for the
-Delians by Tektaios and Angelion, which represented him in the usual
-archaic attitude, _i. e._, of the statue of Arrhachion, but with the
-notable difference that the forearms were outstretched.[2276] That
-this was the recognized type in the early years of the fifth century
-B. C., is attested by the bronze statue of the god fashioned by the
-elder Kanachos of Sikyon for Branchidai, the pose of which is known
-from several statuettes and from a long series of Milesian coins.[2277]
-For conservative reasons this favorite pose was kept for cult statues
-even into the fourth century B. C., as we learn from representations
-on coins of the golden statue of the god set up in the inmost shrine
-of the temple at Delphi.[2278] But that many of the earlier examples
-of the “Apollo” series do represent the god, should not be denied. We
-agree with Homolle that the old appellation “Apollo,” after having
-received too much favor, has now by reaction become censured too
-severely, and in general should still be applied to those statues
-of the series which have been discovered in or near sanctuaries of
-the god, and in the absence of any other indication to the contrary,
-also to those which stand upon bases inscribed with dedications to
-him.[2279] Such a statue was found on the island of Thasos at the
-bottom of the cella of the temple of Apollo at Alki and is now in
-Constantinople.[2280] The colossal statue found on the island of Delos
-just south of the temple of Apollo,[2281] and the huge torso discovered
-in Megara[2282] may be referred to the god, for their size favors an
-ascription to a deity rather than to mortals. And many other examples
-of the type found in sanctuaries may very well represent Apollo and
-other gods.[2283]
-
-That several of the series were also funerary in character is
-abundantly proved by the fact that they were discovered in the
-neighborhood of tombs. Thus the _Apollo of Tenea_ (Pl. 8A) decorated
-a tomb in the necropolis of Tenea near Corinth.[2284] Likewise the
-example from Thera (Fig. 9) was found in a rock-cut niche.[2285]
-Another, now in the British Museum, was found in the _dromos_ of a
-tomb on the island of Cyprus,[2286] while a fourth was unearthed from
-the necropolis of Megara Hyblaia in Sicily.[2287] The one found at
-Volomandra in Attika in 1900 was also found in an old cemetery.[2288]
-These furnish proof enough of the sepulchral character of many of these
-statues. Such funerary monuments may, of course, have been been set up
-also in memory of victors.
-
-We are now in a position, on the basis of Pausanias’ description of
-Arrhachion’s statue and the actual monument itself, to maintain with
-certainty what hitherto has been conjectured only, that although some
-of these archaic sculptures represent Apollo and other gods, sepulchral
-dedications, and _ex votos_ in general, others were intended to
-represent athletes also. Doubtless the other early victor monuments
-recorded, such as the wooden statues of Praxidamas and Rhexibios, and
-those of Eutelidas, Kylon, and Hetoimokles, already discussed in Ch.
-III, conformed with the earlier type, while that of Milo, described
-by Philostratos,[2289] conformed with the later. Certain examples of
-the series have already been ascribed to victors. Thus the marble
-head of Attic workmanship found in or near Athens and known as the
-Rayet-Jacobsen head (Fig. 22), has been referred to a pancratiast
-because of its swollen and deformed ears.[2290] Certain statuettes
-of the same pose as the “Apollos” have been looked upon as copies of
-athlete statues.[2291] So the early doubts[2292] as to the meaning of
-these archaic sculptures have been resolved in many cases. We have
-added one well-attested example to show that they sometimes represented
-victor monuments.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VIII.
-
-POSITIONS OF VICTOR STATUES IN THE ALTIS; OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS
-ERECTED OUTSIDE OLYMPIA; STATISTICS OF OLYMPIC VICTOR STATUARIES.[2293]
-
-PLANS A AND B.
-
-
-The first part of this final chapter is a special study in the
-topography of the Altis at Olympia. It is an attempt to fix, more or
-less exactly, the positions of victor statues erected there, so far as
-these can be determined from the data furnished by Pausanias, and from
-the locations of the inscribed fragmentary bases of the statues which
-have been recovered during the excavations at Olympia.
-
-
-STATUES MENTIONED BY PAUSANIAS.
-
-We shall first attempt to give the positions of the statues mentioned
-by Pausanias, who is our chief source of information. After describing
-the votive offerings (ἀναθήματα) at the end of Book V, he begins
-the enumeration of the monuments of “race-horses ... and athletes
-and private individuals” at the beginning of Book VI.[2294] This
-description falls into two routes (ἔφοδοι), the first of which is
-concerned with the statues of 168 victors,[2295] and the second with
-those of 19.[2296] Both accounts also include many “honor” monuments
-erected to private persons. The first route begins at the Heraion
-in the northwestern part of the sacred enclosure, while the second
-begins—manifestly where the first ends—at the Leonidaion at its
-southwestern corner, and extends to a point near the so-called Great
-Altar of Zeus near the centre of the Altis (see Plans A and B).[2297]
-Besides these meagre indications of his two routes furnished by
-Pausanias himself, we are fortunate in knowing exactly the position of
-one statue, that of Telemachos, the 122d victor mentioned, the base of
-which still stands _in situ_ near the South wall of the Altis, a little
-southeast of the temple of Zeus, showing that the route passed before
-the eastern front of this temple and thence westward to the Leonidaion.
-With these data and with the help of some forty inscribed bases of
-statues and other monuments mentioned by Pausanias, many of which were
-found in or near their original positions, it is possible to trace yet
-more definitely his routes. Several attempts have been made, since the
-German excavations, to define topographically the positions of these
-statues, especially by Hirschfeld,[2298] Scherer,[2299] Flasch,[2300]
-Doerpfeld,[2301] and the present writer.[2302]
-
-The position of several inscribed base-fragments of statues,
-corresponding with Pausanias’ order of presentation, should alone
-be sufficient to confute the doubts raised by some scholars that
-these routes through the Altis were not topographical.[2303] But in
-any attempt to reconstruct them we must constantly be on our guard
-against assuming that Pausanias describes a continuous line or row
-of monuments, as both Hirschfeld and Scherer have done. Though here
-and there this may have been true, still, generally speaking, we
-must conceive of these statues as being strewn about the Altis in no
-other order than that they stood in groups, and that these groups had
-only a general direction; for we shall see that Pausanias sometimes
-returns to the same spot without mentioning it and often leaves long
-spaces unnoticed. Apart from the indication of such groups in the
-description itself, as attested by the use of such words as παρά,
-ἐφεξῆς, μετά, πλησίον, ἀνάκειται ἐπί, ἐγγύτατα, ὄπισθεν, μεταξύ, οὐ
-πόρρω, οὐ πρόσω, κ. τ .λ., I have already shown in my previous work that
-it is possible to reconstruct many other groups, for abundant proof
-is there given that statues of nearly contemporaneous victors were
-often grouped together, as were those of the same family or state, or
-those victorious in the same contest, or those whose statues were made
-by the same artist.[2304] So, in general, we can group only certain
-statues in belts or “zones” around some building or monument which
-is still _in situ_. Further than this we can seldom go. W. Gurlitt
-has thus well expressed the difficulty of following these routes
-of Pausanias: “_Jede folgende Statue ist nach der vorhergehenden
-orientirt zu denken ... Beziehungen auf frueher oder spaeter erwaehnte
-Monumente waren ueberfluessig ... wir sind ... auf wenige Fixpunkte
-angewiesen und verfallen daher leicht in den Fehler, die Wegrichtungen
-in den Plan zu schematisch einzuzeichnen.... Das Hin und Her auf
-den viel verschlungenen Wegen der Altis koennen wir nicht mehr
-controllieren_”.[2305] In his description of the scattered altars (V,
-14.4-15.12), Pausanias had not the same problem to meet as in that of
-the victor statues. As there was so little continuity in describing
-the altars, which were strewn all over the Altis, he had to introduce
-many other monuments to make their locations known; but in the case
-of the victor statues there was great continuity, and consequently
-such indications would have been superfluous.[2306] And, in general,
-owing to the number and variety of monuments crowded together in the
-circumscribed area of the Altis, he was not compelled to describe
-Olympia with such definite detail as Athens. That these victor statues,
-however, are described in topographical order is not only attested
-by the internal evidence of Pausanias’ words,[2307] but also by the
-finding of many of their bases in the order of his presentation. With
-this introductory warning, let us take up the routes of Pausanias in
-detail.
-
-
-THE FIRST EPHODOS OF PAUSANIAS.
-
-Pausanias begins his enumeration in the northeastern part of the Altis:
-ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ ναοῦ τῆς Ἥρας[2308]—words which have been the subject of
-much discussion as to whether they are to be understood of the temple
-_pro persona_, _i. e._, the southern side,[2309] or of the viewpoint of
-one facing it, _i. e.,_ the space (especially the northern or right hand
-half) before the eastern front.[2310] From the immediate whereabouts of
-Pausanias we get no clue; for at the end of Book V (27.11) he says that
-he is in the middle of the Altis, and yet in the following paragraph
-(27.12)—evidently added as a transition from the account of the altars
-to that of the victors—he mentions the trophy of the people of Mende,
-in Thrace, which he says he nearly mistook for the statue of the
-pancratiast Anauchidas (131), and this, as we shall see, stood near the
-South wall of the Altis far from the centre. Doerpfeld’s contention,
-therefore, that Pausanias approached the Heraion from this point, and
-that consequently the words ἐν δεξιᾷ must refer to its eastern front,
-is untenable, and we are left dependent on the meaning of these words
-as gathered from other passages in Pausanias’ work. An examination of
-several such passages seems to be convincing that they are used here
-of the Heraion _pro persona_.[2311] Furthermore, the finding of the
-inscribed tablet from the base of the statue of Troilos (6) and the
-pedestal of that of Kyniska (7) in the ruins of the Prytaneion, _i.
-e._, not far from the western end of the Heraion, and the base of that
-of Sophios (22) in the bed of the Kladeos still further west,[2312]
-makes it reasonable to conclude that the first statues mentioned (VI,
-1.3-3.7), those of the Spartan group (Kyniska-Lichas, 7-14), all of the
-fifth century, B. C., flanked on either side by statues of the fourth,
-mostly of Eleans (Symmachos-Troilos, 1-6, and Timosthenes-Eupolemos,
-15-28), originally stood in the order named by Pausanias along the
-southern front of the temple.[2313]
-
-Leaving the Heraion, we get no further fixed point until we arrive
-opposite the eastern front of the temple of Zeus. For here around the
-foundation of the statue of the _Eretrian Bull_—still _in situ_ 32
-meters east of the northeastern corner of the temple (see Plans A and
-B)[2314]—have been found fragments of the pedestals of the statues of
-Narykidas (49) and Hellanikos (65) to the south, of Kallias (50) and
-Eukles (52), beneath that of Kallias, to the north, of Euthymos (56)
-and Charmides (58) close together to the east.[2315] So it is clear
-that the series of statues from Narykidas to Charmides (49-58, P., VI,
-6. 1-7.1) stood in this neighborhood. Now the statues of the family of
-Diagoras, the Rhodian athlete, stood together (59-63), as Pausanias
-says (VI, 7.1-2); one of them, that of Eukles (52), seems to have been
-moved from its original position later, as we learn from a scholiast on
-Pindar’s seventh Olympian ode,[2316] who, on the authority of the lost
-works of Aristotle and Apollas on the Olympic victors,[2317] enumerates
-these statues in an order different from that adopted by Pausanias,
-showing that a change in their positions must have taken place some
-time between the date of Aristotle and that of the Periegete.[2318]
-The statues of Alkainetos and his son Hellanikos (64-65) must also
-have stood together. Inasmuch as the victors from Euthymos to Lykinos
-(56-68) are, with one exception, all pugilists or pancratiasts and of
-the fifth century B. C., they must have been grouped together, with the
-family groups of Diagoras and Alkainetos in the centre.[2319] We may
-also add the statues of Dromeus and Pythokles[2320] (69-70) of nearly
-the same date, and we can also extend the group in the other direction;
-for the same scholiast says that the statue of Diagoras stood near that
-of the Spartan Lysandros (35 a).[2321] Pausanias (VI, 3.14 and 4.1)
-says that the statue of Lysandros stood between those of Pyrilampes and
-Athenaios (35-36). Thus we can conclude that the 36 statues (35-70,
-VI, 3.13-7.10) stood in the zone of the _Eretrian Bull_, extending
-perhaps across the Altis to the vicinity of the Echo Colonnade along
-its eastern boundary.
-
-It would follow, then, that the intervening statues from Oibotas to
-Xenophon (29-34, P., VI, 3.8-3.13) stood somewhere between the Heraion
-and the _Eretrian Bull_. It is idle to discuss the route between these
-two monuments more definitely.[2322]
-
-Our next fixed point is the _Victory_ of Paionios, whose foundation
-is still standing in its original position, 37 meters due east of
-the southeast corner of the temple of Zeus.[2323] For, of the next
-few statues mentioned, the base of that of Sosikrates (71) was found
-“somewhere” east of the temple, that of Kritodamos (80) before
-the “Southeast Building,” and that of Xenokles (85), 4 meters to
-the northeast of the _Victory_ base, presumably near its original
-position.[2324] Pausanias groups the three Arkadian athletes,
-Euthymenes-Kritodamos (78-80, P., VI, 8.5); then, after naming four
-statues of victors from other states, he mentions two more Arkadians
-together, Xenokles and Alketos (85-86, VI, 9.2); and he continues by
-saying that the statues of the Argives Aristeus and Cheimon (87-88, VI,
-9.3) stood together. One more statue, that of Phillen or Philys[2325]
-of Elis (89), is named before he comes to the chariot of Gelo. Thus we
-may conclude that the series of statues denoted by the numbers 71-89
-(P., VI, 8.1-9.4) stood to the south of the _Eretrian Bull_ in the
-parallel zone of the _Victory_.
-
-We next come to the series of statues mentioned between the chariots
-of Gelo and Kleosthenes (90-99). The position of the bases of these
-chariots is practically certain. In describing the statues of Zeus in
-Book V, Pausanias says he is proceeding north from the Council-house
-(23.1), and first mentions a statue of Zeus set up by the Greeks who
-fought at Platæa; in describing the victor statues he says that the
-chariot of Kleosthenes stands behind this statue of Zeus (P., VI,
-10.6). After describing the _Zeus_ of Platæa, he mentions a bronze
-inscribed tablet as standing in front of it (V, 23.4), which recorded
-the thirty years’ treaty of peace between Sparta and Athens, and
-then says that the statue of the _Zeus_ of the Megarians stands near
-the chariot of Kleosthenes (23.5). As he is proceeding north, this
-Megarian _Zeus_ must have stood north of the Platæan one; thus in one
-group we have the two statues of Zeus and the chariot of Kleosthenes.
-Immediately to the north he next mentions the chariot of the Syracusan
-tyrant Gelo (90), which he says is near the statue of the _Zeus_ of
-the Hyblæans (23.6). Now in coming south, in the athlete _periegesis_,
-he names eight statues between these chariots. Doerpfeld[2326] has
-identified the base of the Platæan _Zeus_ with a large pedestal to the
-northwest of that of the victor Telemachos (122) found _in situ_ near
-the South Altis wall,[2327] a position which is in harmony with the
-description of the statues of Zeus; just behind it he has identified
-two large foundations near together as those of the two chariots. So
-the eight intervening statues stood here. Of the statues between the
-chariot of Kleosthenes and the base of the statue of Telemachos, the
-base of that of Tellon (102) was found in the East Byzantine wall near
-the South Altis wall; that of Aristion (115) nearby, embedded in the
-same wall; that of Akestorides (119), whose name I have inserted in the
-lacuna in the text of Pausanias (VI, 13.7),[2328] just northeast of the
-base of Telemachos.[2329] Thus the series of statues from that of Gelo
-to that of Agathinos (90-121a, P., VI, 9.4-13.11) can be grouped in the
-zone of the _Chariots_.
-
-As the fragment of the base of the statue of the Athenian pancratiast
-Aristophon (123) was found near the base of Telemachos, but to the
-east of it, and likewise that which supported the equestrian monument
-of Xenombrotos and Xenodikos (133-134) still further to the east near
-the Echo Colonnade,[2330] we can conclude that the twenty-one statues
-from Aristophon to Prokles (123-138, P., VI, 13.11-14.13), mostly
-of the fifth century B. C., stood near the South Altis wall to the
-east (and not to the west of the base of Telemachos, where all other
-investigators have wrongly placed them),[2331] and thus form a group
-which we can call the zone of _Telemachos_. So we conclude that the
-long list of statues from Pyrilampes to Prokles (35-138), nearly
-two-thirds of all those mentioned in the first ἔφοδος of Pausanias,
-stood in the space to the east and southeast of the temple of Zeus,
-grouped in the parallel zones of the _Bull_, _Victory_, _Chariots_, and
-_Telemachos_.
-
-On the other hand, the statues beginning with the two of Aischines
-(139) and extending to that of Philonides (154 a) (P., VI, 14.13-16.5)
-must have stood to the west of the base of Telemachos and along the
-South Terrace wall some 20 meters south of the temple of Zeus, where
-many of the following pedestals were found in the order named by
-Pausanias: that of Aischines (139) was found in the Council-house;
-that of Archippos (140) nearby between the South Terrace wall and the
-north wing of the Council-house; that of Epitherses (147) opposite the
-sixth column of the temple from the west, some eleven paces from the
-South Terrace wall, and the fragment of the base of the honor statue of
-Antigonos (147 f) very near it; the bronze foot of one of the statues
-of Kapros (150) was found in the South Terrace wall, 24.40 meters from
-the southwest corner of the temple; and lastly, the base of the “honor”
-statue of Philonides (154 a), Alexander’s courier, was found in the
-southwest corner of the Altis at the extreme west end of the South
-Terrace wall, almost, if not exactly, in its original position.[2332]
-Thus Pausanias, after coming south to the statue of Telemachos, first
-goes eastward as far as the statue of Prokles, then returns, repassing
-the two chariots on the way without remark, and then continues westward
-to the southwestern corner of the Altis. All statues west of that
-of Telemachos are of the fifth and fourth centuries B. C., with the
-exception of one, that of Eutelidas (148), who won in Ol. 38. This is
-the oldest statue in the Altis, despite Pausanias’ statement,[2333] and
-it doubtless originally stood in the area occupied later toward the
-middle of the fifth century B. C. by the temple of Zeus, but was then
-transferred to its new position south of the temple.
-
-After the statue of Philonides, there are still 19 statues of victors
-and “honor” men to dispose of in this first ἔφοδος, those from Brimias
-to Glaukon (155-169, P., VI, 16.5-16.9). Of these statues, the base of
-that of Leonidas of Naxos (155a), the founder of the great building
-just outside the southwestern corner of the Altis named after him, was
-discovered in a Byzantine wall before the eastern end of the north
-front of that building, while that of Seleadas (159) was unearthed
-within the ruins of the same building; the base which supported the
-group-monument of Polypeithes and Kalliteles (160-161)—which, owing
-to the early dates of their victories, some time between Ols. (?) 66
-and 70 (= 516 and 500 B. C.), must have stood originally in the area
-later occupied by the temple of Zeus, like that of the above-mentioned
-Eutelidas—a little to the south of the Byzantine church, between the
-bases of the statues of Leonidas and Glaukon; two fragments of the base
-of the statue of Deinosthenes (163) have been found, one east of the
-apse of the church, the other in the ruins of the Palaistra further
-north; and lastly, that of Glaukon, built into late walls northwest
-of the church.[2334] As the statue of Philonides stood at the extreme
-western end of the South Altis wall, and as most of these fragments
-were found in the vicinity of the Leonidaion, it would be natural to
-conclude that the majority of these later statues stood in the spaces
-just outside the West Altis wall. But at the end of the first ἔφοδος
-(VI, 17.1) Pausanias says that he has so far named statues “within the
-Altis”; hence most investigators have placed these 19 statues either
-west of the temple of Zeus or in the space at the southwestern corner
-of the Altis. A little further on we shall see that many other victor
-statues, not mentioned by Pausanias, stood just outside the West Altis
-wall, and it is doubtful whether his words ἐν τῇ Ἄλτει (VI, 17.1)
-should be taken thus literally, especially on any theory of his use
-of earlier accounts in the final compiling of his own. If they were
-“within” the Altis, they could scarcely have stood to the west or
-southwest of the temple of Zeus, for the second ἔφοδος, as we shall
-see, passed there.
-
-A better alternative can be found. In describing the Leonidaion (V,
-15.2), Pausanias says that this building stood “outside the sacred
-enclosure at the processional entrance into the Altis ... separated
-from this entrance by a street; for what the Athenians call lanes,
-the Eleans name streets.”[2335] Now Doerpfeld has shown that inside
-the West Altis wall and parallel to it—just south of the base of
-Philonides’ statue—is a line of bases ending in the later South wall
-of the Altis, so that this West wall and row of pedestals form a _cul
-de sac_ (see Plan B).[2336] It is clear that no such row of statues
-would have been placed leading up to a dead wall; therefore these
-statues must have stood there before the wall was built, and must once
-have formed the eastern boundary of a broad street skirting the eastern
-side of the Leonidaion, which was twice as wide as later, when the wall
-cut off half its breadth and made it a “lane,” though the older name
-“street” was retained. The later Roman enlargement of the Altis is
-well known. The long row of pedestals to the south of and parallel to
-those already discussed as standing along the line of the South Terrace
-wall, westward of the base of Telemachos, once constituted the southern
-boundary of the “Processional Way” (ὁδὸς πομπική), which ran from the
-Leonidaion to where it debouched into the Altis at its southeastern
-corner. Originally outside the Altis, they were later, together
-with the road itself, included in it. The pedestals, then, in the
-above-mentioned _cul de sac_, and also the fourteen (among them that
-of Metellus Macedonicus; see Plan B) that adorned the south side of
-the Processional Way, may be the remains of some of these last statues
-mentioned by Pausanias.
-
-
-THE SECOND EPHODOS OF PAUSANIAS.
-
-We next come to the second ἔφοδος, which is introduced by these
-words: Εἰ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ Λεωνιδαίου πρὸς τὸν βωμὸν τὸν μέγαν ἀφικέσθαι
-τῇ δεξιᾷ θελήσειας, τοσάδε ἔστι σοὶ τῶν ἀνηκόντων ἐς μνήμην.[2337]
-The Leonidaion, the site of which was still in dispute till after
-the close of the excavations, was finally identified by Treu[2338]
-with the so-called _Suedwestbau_, as had been already assumed by many
-investigators.[2339] The site of the Great Altar, however, is still
-undetermined. The elliptical depression to the east of the Pelopion,
-whose dimensions (125 feet in circumference) agree with the figures
-of Pausanias[2340] for the _prothysis_, or lowest stage of the
-altar, identified with it by most scholars,[2341] must now be given
-up since the more recent excavations of Doerpfeld, which prove it to
-be the remains of two prehistoric dwelling houses with apse-like
-ends.[2342] Nor can the remains of walls lying between the Heraion and
-the Pelopion, formerly supposed to be those of an altar, any longer
-be referred to the Great Altar (as Puchstein and Wernicke referred
-them)[2343] since Doerpfeld’s recent discoveries. So we are dependent
-on the words of Pausanias alone for its location, who says that it
-stood “equidistant from the Pelopion and the sanctuary of Hera, but in
-front of both,”[2344] therefore somewhat northwest of the elliptical
-depression nearer the centre of the Altis.[2345] Our problem, then, is
-to find Pausanias’ route between these two points, and here again, as
-at the beginning of the first ἔφοδος, we must rightly interpret the
-words ἐν δεξιᾷ. Michaelis, in his article on the use of ἐν δεξιᾷ and
-ἐν ἀριστερᾷ in Pausanias’ work, made these words refer to the southern
-side of the Processional Way, _i. e._, to the side at the right of
-Pausanias, who was facing east after arriving at the Leonidaion.[2346]
-Thus the statues already mentioned along the South Terrace wall
-(Aischines to Philonides, 139-154a) would now be on his left side.
-On this interpretation both Hirschfeld and Doerpfeld had the second
-ἔφοδος follow the Processional Way eastward parallel to the first—thus
-including the line of pedestals, which we have referred to the end of
-the first—and then, near the Councilhouse, curve northward in front
-of the temple of Zeus, which virtually would be a repetition of the
-first ἔφοδος. On this theory Doerpfeld[2347] wrongly explained the
-first route as containing statues ἐν τῇ Ἄλτει, while the second was
-outside the older Altis, and so, though equally long, contained fewer
-statues. But against this interpretation it must be urged that the
-Periegete is describing the Altis of his day, when the road in question
-was included within its boundaries, and that the Great Altar and the
-two last statues mentioned (187, 188) as standing near the pillar of
-Oinomaos were always inside.[2348] And neither this Processional Way
-nor the space before the eastern front of the temple of Zeus were
-localities for “unimportant mixed statues.”[2349] Furthermore, if he
-had merely retraced his steps after arriving at the Leonidaion—and he
-says nothing of returning—he would not have begun a new route[2350],
-but would have said something like this: Εἰ δὲ ὀπίσω ἀναστρέψας ἀπὸ τοῦ
-Λεωνιδαίου πρὸς τὸν βωμὸν αὖθις ἀφικέσθαι τῇ δεξιᾷ θελήσειας.[2351] So
-it is simpler to conclude that the new route wound around the western
-and northern sides of the temple of Zeus over the temple terrace.[2352]
-As no building is mentioned on the way, and as the north side of the
-temple would probably have been called ἀριστερὰ πλευρά (in accordance
-with the usage discussed above in connection with the Heraion), and
-as the Pelopion faces southwest, the words ἐν δεξιᾷ can refer only
-to the right hand of Pausanias, _i. e._, the right side of the road
-followed. If we assume that these words originally stood after τοσάδε
-ἔστι σοί and were transferred by a later copyist, the difficulty is
-resolved.[2353]
-
-Of the nineteen victor statues in this second route (170-188, VI,
-17.1-18.7) no bases have been found.[2354] But of the three “honor”
-statues included, one base, that of the rhetorician Gorgias of
-Leontini (184a), was recovered 10 meters northeast of the temple of
-Zeus, and so probably not very far from its original position;[2355]
-for Pausanias mentions only three more statues, before he comes to the
-last two in this ἔφοδος, which two stood in this vicinity. The parts
-of the Altis to the west and north of the temple were unimportant
-till the time of Alexander the Great, and were, therefore, remarkably
-free of monuments. In the whole description of Pausanias, we know of
-only three altars (those of Aphrodite, the Seasons, and the Nymphs)
-and a wild olive tree (the “Olive of the Beautiful Crown”) to the
-west of the temple (V, 15.3), and only of the votive offerings of a
-certain Mikythos or Smikythos to the north of it (V, 26.2).[2356] As
-the statue of Gorgias stood among the “unimportant mixed statues”
-already mentioned (184-186), these must have stood somewhere north
-of the temple near its eastern end. Finally, the two ancient wooden
-statues of Praxidamas and Rhexibios (187-188, P., VI, 18.7) are
-mentioned by themselves as near the column of Oinomaos, which Pausanias
-elsewhere[2357] says stood near the Great Altar of Zeus to the left of
-a road running south from it to the temple. Pausanias, after describing
-these “mixed” statues, may have finally left the route thus far
-followed and introduced these last two statues as quite distinct from
-the second ἔφοδος.[2358] But he does not seem to have gone far from his
-route, for immediately after ending his account of the victor statues,
-he begins his account of the Treasuries, which lay beyond the Great
-Altar farther north.[2359] (Plans A and B.)
-
-Thus Pausanias ends his second route somewhere short of the Great
-Altar, and it appears after all to be only a continuation of the first,
-forming with it one unbroken “_Rundgang_,” though in quite a different
-sense of the word from that intended by Doerpfeld.
-
-
-SUMMARY OF RESULTS.
-
-From a study of these two routes, and a comparison of the dates of the
-victorious athletes,[2360] we can draw the following conclusions as to
-the positions of the victor statues mentioned by Pausanias as standing
-in the Altis at Olympia:
-
-1. The twenty-eight oldest statues—exclusive of the five already
-mentioned as having been removed from the area of the later temple of
-Zeus[2361]—dating from Ol. 58 (= 548 B. C., Pythokritos, 128 b) to Ol.
-76 (= 476 B. C., Theognetos, 83), _i. e._, approximately down to the
-date of the founding of the temple,[2362] stood in the space between
-the eastern front of the temple and the Echo Colonnade, or to the south
-of it near the South Altis wall. Only one statue (that of Protolaos,
-48) stood as far north as the _Eretrian Bull_. Thus the southeastern
-part of the Altis was the oldest part dedicated to victor statues.
-
-2. After this space was mostly filled, the next statues, those dating
-from Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C., Kallias, 50) to Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C., Eubotas,
-75), _i. e._, from about the time of the foundation of the temple to
-near the date of the battle of Aigospotamoi, fifty-one in number,
-stood between the Heraion and the _Victory_ of Paionios; only one
-stood as far south as the Altis wall, while seven stood around the
-_Chariots_, ten around the _Victory_, twenty around the _Bull_, and
-the rest further north (including 176, 185 of the second ἔφοδος, which
-stood north of the eastern end of the temple). Diagoras and his family
-(59-63), boxers and pancratiasts, had their statues near the older
-famous boxer Euthymos (56); Alkainetos and his sons (64-66), boxers,
-besides many other pugilists, had theirs near the Diagorids; Tellon
-(102) had his near that of his compatriot Epikradios (101); later
-Achæans had theirs near that of their countryman Oibotas (29), and
-Spartans near that of Chionis (111); some, as the three victors from
-Heraia (176, 177, 32),[2363] stood far apart only apparently, for the
-last one had his statue near the _Bull_, and so not far from the other
-two, though these are named in the second ἔφοδος.
-
-3. From near the date of the battle of Aigospotamoi, down to about the
-birth of Alexander the Great, _i. e._, from Ol. 94 to Ol. 106 (= 404
-to 356 B. C.), thirty-six statues filled in the intervals left among
-these older statues; fifteen stood near the Heraion; five between it
-and the _Bull_, seven around the _Bull_, five around the _Victory_, one
-near the _Chariots_, and three along the South Altis wall. Euthymenes
-and Kritodamos (78, 80) had their monuments near that of their older
-countryman (79), whose statue was made by Myron; the Ephesians,
-Pyrilampes and Athenaios (35, 36), had their statues beside that of
-their benefactor Lysandros (35 a).
-
-4. After Alexander’s time, in consequence of the recent building of
-the Philippeion, Leonidaion, and Theekoleon to the west of the Altis,
-the western side of the temple of Zeus (and, to a lesser extent, the
-northern) became important, and henceforth statues surrounded the
-temple on all sides. Of the thirty-three statues of this epoch, nine
-stood to the west of the temple, four to the north, and seven to the
-south, while the rest stood either to the east, or, perhaps, near the
-Heraion. We shall see also that many later statues, known to us from
-inscriptions only, stood outside the Altis, to the west and northwest.
-
-
-STATUES NOT MENTIONED BY PAUSANIAS, BUT KNOWN FROM RECOVERED BASES.
-
-Having established these data, it is not difficult, from the positions
-of the many inscribed fragmentary bases found at Olympia and referred
-to victor statues not mentioned by Pausanias, from the approximate
-dates of the victories as gained from the age of the inscriptions, and
-by again employing the system of groups already mentioned, to state
-quite definitely where many of these other statues stood. Pausanias,
-who mentions 187 victors with 192 monuments in his two ἔφοδοι,
-expressly states that he enumerates only those “who had some title
-to fame or whose statues were better made.”[2364] The reasons for
-his selection and the fact that he mentions the statue of no athlete
-certainly later than the middle of the second century B. C. (although
-we know from inscriptions that statues were set up far into the third
-century A. D., at least)[2365] have been subjects of much discussion,
-but hardly concern us here.[2366] The three latest statues of victors
-mentioned by Pausanias, whose dates are fixed, may be given: those of
-Kleitomachos, who won παγκράτιον and πύξ in Ols. 141 and 142 (= 216
-and 212 B. C.);[2367] of Kapros, victor in παγκράτιον and πάλη in
-Ol. 142 (= 212 B. C.);[2368] and of Akestorides, victor πώλων ἅρματι
-sometime between Ols. 142 and 144 (= 212 and 204 B. C.).[2369] Still
-later statues of victors named by Pausanias, whose dates can not be
-exactly determined, are those of Sodamas, who won παίδων στάδιον some
-time between Ols. 142 and 145 (= 212 and 200 B. C.);[2370] of Amyntas,
-victor in παίδων παγκράτιον in Ol. (?) 146 (= 196 B. C.);[2371]
-of Timon, victor in πένταθλον in Ols. 146 or 147 (= 196 or 192 B.
-C.);[2372] and of Lysippos, victor in παίδων πάλη some time between
-Ols. 149 and 157 (= 184 and 152 B. C.).[2373] Of the first century A.
-D., Pausanias mentions three victors without statues: Artemidoros,
-who won παγκράτιον in Ol. 212 (= 69 A. D.);[2374] Polites, victor
-in στάδιον, δίαυλος and δόλιχος in Ol. 212;[2375] and Hermogenes,
-victor in στάδιον twice, δίαυλος once, and as ὁπλίτης thrice, in Ols.
-215, 216, 217 (= 81-89 A. D.).[2376] The words of Pliny, _Olympiae,
-ubi omnium qui vicissent statuas dicari mos erat_[2377] refer, of
-course, as we have already pointed out, only to the privilege and not
-to the actual fact, for many victors would have no statues, as it
-was necessary for them or their relatives or city-states to meet the
-expenses of their erection.[2378] No more is the rest of his statement
-to be taken literally, _i. e._, that those victors who were victorious
-three times had the right to erect portrait statues in their honor;
-for we have, as has already been shown, at least one exception.[2379]
-Besides we know that portrait statues were practically unknown
-before the fourth century B. C. Most of the victor statues were mere
-types—those of Hermes and Herakles being common—without individualized
-features, simply representing the various contests by position or
-some characteristic, _e. g._, the helmet and shield for “hoplite”
-victors.[2380]
-
-Five of these inscriptions have been referred to the sixth and fifth
-centuries B. C.[2381] Of these the inscribed base of Pantares was
-found near the South Altis wall, and the statue must originally have
-stood east of the temple of Zeus, near the chariot of Gelo (90), for
-these two were the only victors from Gela, and won in the same kind
-of contest and at nearly the same date.[2382] The statues of Phrikias
-of Pelinna and Phanas of Pellene, both representing victors in the
-heavy-armed race, to which I have ascribed the two archaic marble
-heads (Fig. 30), the former found west of the temple of Zeus and the
-latter to the south of it, must originally have stood in the area of
-the later temple and then have been removed.[2383] That of an unknown
-victor, whose name ended in ...αδας,[2384] the two fragments of whose
-base were found, one near the Heraion and the other to the east of the
-temple of Zeus, should have stood near the statues of the only other
-pancratiasts of a similar age, either near those of Dorieus (61), who
-won in Ols. 87 to 89 (= 432 to 424 B. C.), and Damagetos (62), who won
-in Ols. 82 and 83 (= 452 and 448 B. C.), in the zone of the _Bull_, or
-near that of Timasitheos (82), who won some time between Ols. (?) 65
-and 67 inclusive (= 520 and 512 B. C.), in the zone of the _Victory_.
-Lastly, the second inscribed base of Xenombrotos (133), found near
-the Council-house outside the South Altis wall, doubtless once stood
-near the first (the epigram from which is preserved by Pausanias, VI,
-14.12), along this wall to the east of the base of Telemachos.[2385]
-
-No inscribed fragments of bases dating from the fourth century B. C.
-have been found.
-
-Beginning with the third century B. C., we shall see that most of the
-recovered bases were found either in the western part of the Altis,
-in the neighborhood of the Philippeion, Theekoleon, and Leonidaion,
-on both sides of the West Altis wall, or still farther west and
-northwest, especially in or near the Palaistra and Prytaneion. We have
-already seen that most of the statues named by Pausanias dating from
-Alexander’s time stood to the west (and north) of the temple of Zeus.
-As Pausanias enumerates only statues ἐν δεξιᾷ of his route around the
-temple to the Great Altar, these statues farther west and northwest
-are omitted from his account. Of the four bases of statues referred
-to the third century, all belong to Elean victors; three were found
-west and northwest of the Prytaneion and beyond, showing that these
-statues once stood in the vicinity of this building, and the fourth
-was found farther south, by the Palaistra, where it probably stood.
-Thus the base of the wrestler Nikarchos, son of Physsias, was found
-in a late wall west of the Prytaneion;[2386] that of the statue of an
-unknown victor, son of Taurinos, was found at the southeast corner of
-the Palaistra;[2387] that of another unknown victor, the son of
-...phinos, was found in the _Nordwestgraben_;[2388] the base of the
-statue of Thersonides, son of Paianodoros, victor κέλητι πωλικῷ, was
-found northwest of the Prytaneion, between the Roman baths and east
-hall of the Gymnasion.[2389]
-
-Of the four statues referred with certainty to the second century
-B. C., all but one were found to the west of the Altis, in a region
-ranging from the Philippeion, northwest of the temple of Zeus, to the
-Leonidaion southwest of it. Two of them were found outside the West
-Altis wall, between the Leonidaion and the Byzantine church. Thus the
-base of the statue of D...gonos, twice victor in πύξ, was found
-outside the apse of the Byzantine church and west of the West Altis
-wall;[2390] the fragments of that of an unknown boy victor in wrestling
-or the pankration were found in the East Byzantine wall;[2391] that
-of an unknown victor, συνωρίδι τελείᾳ (twice), and ἅρματι τελείῳ, was
-found south of the Philippeion.[2392] The fragment of the base of the
-statue of another unknown victor in wrestling, the son of the Elean
-Aigyptos, was found to the northeast of the Leonidaion.[2393]
-
-Of the seven bases referred to the second and first centuries B. C.,
-three were found in or near the Byzantine church, showing that such
-statues may have stood in the Greek building which was later converted
-into the church.[2394] Two more were found near the southwest corner
-of the Altis, and therefore may once have stood near the statue of
-Philonides, which Pausanias mentions as standing in that vicinity.
-Two others stood farther away, one inside the Prytaneion, the other
-northeast of the temple of Zeus. Thus the base of an unknown victor,
-the son of Aristotle, συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, was found in front of the north
-side of the Byzantine church;[2395] that of Aristodamos, the son of
-Aleximachos of Elis, was found in the floor of the church;[2396] that
-of an unknown victor was found northeast of the temple of Zeus;[2397]
-that of a victor συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, whose name ended in ...chos, the
-son of the Elean Nikodromos, was found southwest of the Altis before
-the West Altis wall;[2398] the base of two unknown victors from Elis
-were found respectively in the Prytaneion[2399] and northwest of the
-Byzantine church,[2400] while that of another Elean, Antigenes, the son
-of Jason, victor συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, was found in the southwest corner of
-the Altis.[2401]
-
-The positions of the twenty-four bases (belonging to monuments of
-twenty-two victors) with certainty referred to the first pre-Christian
-century were very scattered. One large Pentelic marble _bathron_,
-supporting the monuments of seven victors of the family of Philistos,
-must have stood just south of the Philippeion, where most of the
-fragments were found. The bases of the statues of two other sons and
-a grandson of the same victor have been recovered, and doubtless
-stood near by, thus forming a family group of ten, outnumbering that
-of Diagoras (59-63 and 52) mentioned by Pausanias. The omission of
-so important a monument in the description of the Periegete has, of
-course, been used as an indication of his employment of earlier lists.
-Of the other bases, two were found outside the South Altis wall, west
-of the Council-house, and two east of it; two east of the temple of
-Zeus (one of them that of the youthful Tiberius, afterwards Roman
-emperor, which must have stood near the _Eretrian Bull_, where it was
-found); one southwest of the temple, along the South Terrace wall,
-pointing to a position among the statues there named by Pausanias;
-one east of the Byzantine church, pointing to a position south of
-the Theekoleon, two to the northwest of the Altis in the vicinity of
-the Prytaneion; while the others were found scattered all the way
-from the northeastern part of the Altis to the bed of the Kladeos.
-Thus over half (13) of these statue-bases were found in the west and
-northwest of the Altis and beyond; the space to the east of the temple
-of Zeus—called _frequentissimus celeberrimusque_ by Scherer—seems now
-not to have been greatly prized. Most of these victories were gained
-in hippic contests. Horse-racing had early been discontinued, but
-was revived at the end of the first century B. C., when members of
-the imperial family, emulating the earlier triumphs of the princes
-of Sicily and Macedonia, became competitors. Thus Tiberius won in
-the chariot-race, and a few years later his nephew Germanicus in the
-same event. The list of these bases of victor statues of the first
-century B. C. and their provenience follows. A fragment of the base
-of the victor Agilochos, son of Nikeas of Elis, victor κέλητι πωλικῷ,
-was found in the East Byzantine wall.[2402] One fragment of the
-_bathron_ of the family group of the Elean Philistos,[2403] victors
-in hippic contests, was found southwest of the Pelopion, while four
-others were discovered south of the Philippeion; the base of the
-statue of Philonikos, a son of Philistos, was also found south of the
-Philippeion,[2404] and that of another unnamed son was discovered to
-the west of the Prytaneion,[2405] while the place of finding of that
-of Charops, the son of Telemachos, has not been recorded.[2406] The
-base of the monument of Aristarchos was found east of the Byzantine
-church,[2407] that of Damaithidas, son of Menippos of Elis, a victor
-συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, west of the Council-house (south building),[2408] and
-that of Thrasymachos (or Thrasymedes) in the _Nordostgraben_.[2409] A
-fragment of the base of the statue of Demokrates of Antioch in Karia
-was found in the bed of the river Kladeos,[2410] that of a victor whose
-name began with Demo..., northeast of the Prytaneion,[2411] while
-that of Thaliarchos, the son of Soterichos of Elis, victor πὺξ παίδων
-καὶ ἀνδρῶν, was found east of the Council-house.[2412] Bases from
-two statues of Menedemos, son of Menedemos of Elis, victor συνωρίδι
-πωλικῇ, were found, one east of the temple of Zeus, the other inside
-the Heraion.[2413] Lykomedes, the son of Aristodemos of Elis, victor
-συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, also had two statues; the base of one was found in
-front of the West Byzantine wall on the south side of the temple of
-Zeus, that of the other in the _Westgraben_.[2414] The front part of
-the base of the statue of Archiadas, the son of Timolas of Elis, who
-won κέλητι πωλικῷ, was discovered southwest of the temple of Zeus, on
-the Terrace wall.[2415] That of an unknown victor in the δίαυλος, the
-son of ...krates of Miletos, was found near the _Osthalle_,[2416]
-while that inscribed with the name of Tiberius Claudius Nero of Rome,
-who won a victory τεθρίππῳ just before the end of the century, was
-found south of the _Eretrian Bull_.[2417]
-
-Nineteen inscribed base-fragments have been referred to the
-post-Christian centuries, thirteen to the first, three to the
-second, and three to the third. The spaces around the temple of Zeus
-(especially its eastern front) are again the favorite ones. Thus the
-bases of three statues were found east of the temple (one _in situ_),
-two near its southeastern corner, three at the northeastern corner
-(one, that of Germanicus Cæsar, the nephew of Tiberius, just to the
-north of the _Eretrian Bull_, and so originally standing here near
-that of his uncle), while another stood opposite the fifth column from
-the east on the north side of the temple. Most of these statues must
-have been passed by Pausanias in his first ἔφοδος, which is, perhaps,
-another evidence of his dependence on older lists in compiling his
-own. Two other bases were found to the southwest of the temple, one of
-them near its corner, and the other nearer the corner of the Altis,
-_i. e._, near the base of the statue of Philonides (154a). Thus eleven
-statues stood near the temple. Of the others, four were found in the
-vicinity of the Palaistra (one inside _in situ_), one to the northeast
-of the Prytaneion, another northeast of the Byzantine church, while the
-two remaining ones were found in the eastern part of the Altis, near
-the entrance to the Stadion and before the Echo Colonnade respectively.
-The base of the last statue of a victor known to have been erected at
-Olympia, that of Valerios Eklektos of Sinope, previously mentioned, was
-found _in situ_ in the Palaistra. We append a detailed list of these
-bases, giving the provenience of each.
-
-Of the first century A. D., the fore part of the base of the monument
-of Germanicus, son of Nero Claudius Drusus, was found east of the
-temple of Zeus, north of the _Eretrian Bull_;[2418] the base of that
-of Gnaios Markios was found opposite the southeast corner of the
-temple;[2419] that of Markos Antonios Kallippos Peisanos, son of M.
-Antonios Alexion of Elis, who won κέλητι πωλικῷ in Ol. 177 (= 72 A.
-D.), was found in the West Byzantine wall at the southwest corner
-of the temple.[2420] The base of the monument of Polyxenos, son of
-Apollophanes of Zakynthos, victor in πάλη παίδων, was discovered at
-the southwest corner of the Altis far from its probable original
-location;[2421] that of P. Kornelios Ariston, son of Eirenaios of
-Ephesos, victor in παγκράτιον παίδων in Ol. 207 (= 49 A. D.), in front
-of the north wall of the Palaistra;[2422] the marble plate from that
-of Tiberios Klaudios Aphrodeisios of Elis (?), who won κέλητι τελείῳ
-in Ol. 208 (= 53 A. D.), was unearthed near its semicircular base,
-which was found _in situ_ east of the temple.[2423] Four fragments
-of the base of the monument of the boy pancratiast Nikanor, son of
-Sokles of Ephesos, were recovered east of the temple, and another one
-near its southeastern corner.[2424] The base of that of Markos Deida
-of Antioch, victor in πάλη παίδων in Ol. 219 (= 97 A. D.), was found
-southeast of the temple;[2425] that of an unknown victor in the δίαυλος
-and as ὁπλίτης (three times) in the North Byzantine wall;[2426] that of
-Hermas, son of Ision of Antioch, a victor in παγκράτιον, between the
-West Altis wall and the southeastern corner of the Palaistra;[2427]
-that of Diogenes, son of Dionysios of Ephesos, victor σαλπίγγι five
-times, before the centre of the Echo Colonnade.[2428] The inscribed
-fragments of the bronze legs of the statues of two unknown victors
-have also been excavated, the one near the starting-place in the
-Stadion,[2429] the other near the fifth column from the east on the
-north side of the temple of Zeus.[2430]
-
-Of the second century A. D., we have the following bases: that of Kasia
-M[nasithea], daughter of M. Betilenos (or Vetulenos) Laitos of Elis,
-who won ἅρματι πωλικῷ, was found northeast of the Prytaneion;[2431] the
-upper part of the pedestal of the _quadriga_ of L. Minicius Natalis of
-Rome, victor ἅρματι τελείῳ in Ol. 227 (= 129 A. D.), was unearthed in
-the east wall of the Palaistra.[2432] The base of the statue erected to
-the herald P. Ailios Artemas of Laodikeia (in Phrygia?) was found 20
-meters north of the northeastern corner of the temple of Zeus.[2433]
-
-Of the third century A. D., _i. e._, after the time of Pausanias, we
-have these bases: that of P. Ailios Alkandridas, son of Damokratidas of
-Sparta, twice victor in (?) πάλη, was found northeast of the Byzantine
-church;[2434] that of Theopropos of Rhodes, who won κέλητι, was
-unearthed east of the temple of Zeus, just south of the basis of the
-_Nike_ of Paionios;[2435] the base of the statue of Valerios Eklektos
-of Sinope, victor as κῆρυξ in Ols. 256, 258-260 (= 245, 253-261 A.
-D.), was found _in situ_ in the Palaistra.[2436] We should add for
-this century also the inscribed bronze diskos, the votive (not victor)
-offering of Poplios (Publius) Asklepiades of Corinth, which was found
-2.5 meters south of the Southwest gate of the Altis.[2437]
-
-A study of these inscriptions shows that the practice of setting up
-victor statues decreased in the fourth and third centuries B. C., but
-was revived in the second and first, only to decrease again after
-the first century A. D. On the other hand, the inscriptions show that
-the number of “honor” statues correspondingly increased. Of the later
-statues, most were erected to Eleans; names of victors from Sicily and
-Italy, and from the older Greek states, as Sparta and Athens, are rare,
-being replaced by those from Asia Minor and the newer towns of the
-Greek mainland. This falling off of interest in the games was largely
-due to professionalism. In the second century B. C., we begin to read
-in the inscriptions of περιοδονῖκαι, _i. e._, victors winning prizes
-at all the four national games, a sure indication of the professional
-spirit. Even Pausanias mentions two such victors.[2438]
-
-From these inscribed base-fragments, we have knowledge of 61 victors
-(63 monuments)[2439] who had statues erected to them, though they are
-not named in the lists of Pausanias. Of the 192 monuments mentioned by
-Pausanias, 40 are known to us from recovered fragments of bases and
-statues. So if we assume the same ratio between known and unknown for
-those not mentioned by Pausanias, we should have the proportion 40 :
-192 : : 63 : _x_, where _x_ would equal 302, making a grand total of
-494 monuments, which number can not be far from the actual number of
-victor statues adorning the Altis.[2440]
-
-
-OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS ERECTED OUTSIDE OLYMPIA.
-
-In Chapter I, we showed that frequently statues or other monuments
-were erected in their native towns as a part of the honor paid to
-Olympic victors. We shall now give a list of all such monuments set
-up in various parts of the Greek world which are known to us from
-notices in ancient literature and from inscriptions.[2441] These, like
-the statues in the Altis, range in date from the seventh century B.
-C. to the fourth A. D., and offer still greater variety in the kinds
-of dedication. It will be best to arrange the list as far as possible
-chronologically and in numerical sequence, adding the authorities for
-the dates of the various victories in the footnotes.[2442]
-
-Victors with monuments of the seventh century B. C.:
-
-1. Chionis, of Sparta.[2443] Besides his statue by Myron and the tablet
-containing a list of his victories at Olympia mentioned by Pausanias
-(VI, 13.2), the same writer records a similar tablet in Sparta, erected
-near the royal tomb of the Agids, likewise set up by his townspeople
-(III, 14.3). The Spartan tablet, like the monuments in his honor at
-Olympia, was doubtless set up long after the victory, about Ols. 77 or
-78 (= 472 or 468 B. C.).
-
-2. Kylon, of Athens.[2444] Pausanias records that a bronze statue of
-this victor stood upon the Athenian Akropolis, erected, as he supposes,
-in honor of his beauty and reputation as an Olympic victor (I, 28.1).
-Kylon was the leader of the well-known conspiracy of 632 B. C., when
-he tried to make himself tyrant of Athens.[2445] Furtwaengler has
-proposed the theory that this monument was not set up in honor of Kylon
-by the Athenians, as Pausanias says, but that it was a dedication by
-his family after his Olympic victory.[2446] A. Schaefer,[2447] however,
-more justly believed that the statue was an expiatory offering for the
-massacre of Kylon’s companions on the Akropolis,[2448] set up in the
-time of Perikles, the date of which would account for the “beauty” of
-the statue. Still another scholar[2449] believes that Pausanias’ remark
-was called forth by the epigram on the statue.[2450]
-
-3. Hipposthenes, of Sparta.[2451] Pausanias records that a temple was
-dedicated to him in Sparta, where he received divine worship (III,
-15.7). It has been argued that the words of Pausanias (_l. c._) show
-that Hipposthenes here was worshiped only in the character of Poseidon,
-whose epithet was ἵππιος (_cf._ P., I, 30.4).[2452]
-
-
-Of the sixth century B. C.:
-
-4. Hetoimokles, son of Hipposthenes of Sparta.[2453] Pausanias mentions
-a statue of this victor at Sparta (III, 13.9).
-
-5. Arrhachion, of Phigalia.[2454] Pausanias records the stone statue
-in the archaic pose, and with weathered inscription, erected to this
-victor in the market-place at Phigalia (VIII, 40.1), which we have
-discussed at length in the preceding chapter (Fig. 79).
-
-6. Kimon, the son of Stesagoras, of Athens.[2455] Aelian mentions αἱ
-Κίμωνος ἵπποι χαλκαῖ, very true to the originals, in Athens,[2456]
-which seem to have been set up in honor of his three chariot victories
-at Olympia. His first victory was won when he was in banishment at the
-hands of the tyrant Peisistratos, son of Hippokrates. Having entered
-his horses under the tyrant’s name for the second contest, he was in
-consequence recalled, and a third time entered them and won under his
-own name.[2457] The pseudo-Andokides confuses this older Kimon with the
-younger, when he calls the latter an Olympic victor.[2458] Similarly a
-scholiast on Aristophanes[2459] confuses him with Megakles, who won a
-victory τεθρίππῳ in Ol. 47 (= 592 B. C.).[2460]
-
-7. Philippos, son of Boutakides, of Kroton.[2461] The people of Egesta
-in Sicily erected a shrine over his grave in their town, and paid him
-divine honors on account of his beauty, in which he surpassed all his
-contemporaries.[2462]
-
-
-Of the fifth century B. C.:
-
-8. Astylos, or Astyalos, of Kroton.[2463] Besides mentioning his statue
-by Pythagoras of Rhegion at Olympia, Pausanias in the same passage (VI,
-13.1) mentions another in the temple of Lakinian Hera near Kroton,
-which his fellow-townsmen pulled down in anger, because he had called
-himself a Syracusan in order to please the Sicilian tyrant Hiero.[2464]
-Collignon believes that the statue at Kroton was also a copy of the
-work of Pythagoras at Olympia.[2465]
-
-9. Euthymos, son of Astykles, of Lokroi Epizephyrioi in South
-Italy.[2466] In addition to his statue at Olympia by Pythagoras,
-mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 6.4-6),[2467] we know of another statue by
-Pythagoras set up in Lokroi in honor of this victor.[2468] According to
-Kallimachos, both statues were struck by lightning at the same time.
-Other writers tell wondrous tales of this boxer.[2469]
-
-10. Theagenes, son of Timosthenes, of Thasos, one of the most famous
-Olympic victors.[2470] Besides his statue at Olympia by Glaukias of
-Aegina (VI, 11.2 and 9), Pausanias says that he knows of many other
-places in Greece and elsewhere where images of this victor were set up
-(VI, 11.9), and records one at Thasos to which the Thasians sacrificed
-as to a god (VI, 11.6). The story which he tells about this Thasian
-statue being scourged and falling on the enemy of Theagenes is also
-recounted at greater length by Dio Chrysostom[2471] and is mentioned
-by Eusebios.[2472] Lucian says that the statue cured fevers, just as
-did that of Polydamas at Olympia.[2473] Studniczka has argued that the
-statues at Thasos and elsewhere were set up to honor the hero and not
-the victor.[2474]
-
-11. Ladas, of Sparta.[2475] Two fourth-century epigrams celebrate the
-fleetness of Ladas, and the second names Myron as the statuary of a
-bronze statue of him.[2476] Pausanias mentions a statue of the same
-victor in the temple of Apollo Lykios in Argos (II, 19.7). Whether the
-latter statue was identical with the one named in the epigram can not
-be finally determined.[2477] Pausanias refers to a stadion of Ladas,
-situated between Mantinea and Orchomenos in Arkadia, in which Ladas
-practiced running (VIII, 12.5), and also to his grave between Belemina
-and Sparta (III, 21.1).
-
-12. Kallias, son of Didymias of Athens.[2478] Apart from his statue at
-Olympia made by the Athenian painter and sculptor Mikon, mentioned by
-Pausanias (VI, 6.1),[2479] there was a dedication to him at Athens, as
-we learn from the preserved inscription, which enumerates his thirteen
-victories at Olympia and elsewhere.[2480]
-
-13. Diagoras, son of Damagetos, of Rhodes, the most famous of Greek
-boxers.[2481] In addition to his statue at Olympia by Kallikles, son of
-Theokosmos of Megara, mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 7.1-2) as standing
-among the group of statues of his sons and grandsons, we learn from
-the scholiast on Pindar, _Ol._ VII, Argum., who quotes Gorgon as his
-authority,[2482] that this ode, which celebrated the Olympic victory of
-Diagoras, was attached in golden letters to the walls of the temple of
-Athena at Lindos.
-
-14. Agias, of Pharsalos.[2483] We have already, in Ch. VI, discussed
-the group of marble statues set up at Delphi by Daochos of Pharsalos
-in honor of his ancestors who had won in various athletic contests,
-which was discovered by the French excavators there in 1894. We there
-mentioned that Preuner found the same metrical inscription which
-appeared on the base of the statue of Agias, the best preserved of
-the group (Pl. 28 and Fig. 68), in the journal of Stackelberg,[2484]
-who had copied it in the early part of the nineteenth century from
-a base in Pharsalos which has since disappeared. This Thessalian
-inscription contained the additional words that Lysippos of Sikyon was
-the sculptor. In both inscriptions the victories of Agias at Olympia
-and elsewhere are noted. Thus we know of two statues of Agias, one at
-Delphi, the other at Pharsalos, both presumably by Lysippos. Preuner
-also thinks that a third statue may have stood in Olympia.
-
-15. Cheimon, of Argos.[2485] In mentioning the statue of Cheimon at
-Olympia by the sculptor Naukydes of Argos, Pausanias, in the same
-passage (VI, 9.3), records another which once stood in Argos, but was
-later removed to the temple of Peace in Rome.[2486]
-
-16. Leon, son of Antikleidas (or Antalkidas), of Sparta.[2487] A
-fragment of Polemon[2488] mentions a statue of this victor. It may have
-stood in Olympia, as Foerster without good grounds assumes, or it may
-have stood elsewhere.
-
-17. Eubotas (Eubatas or Eubatos), of Kyrene.[2489] Besides his statue
-at Olympia recorded by Pausanias (VI, 8.3), we learn of another set up
-at Kyrene by the victor’s wife for his devotion.[2490]
-
-18. Promachos, son of Dryon, of Pellene in Achaia.[2491] Pausanias not
-only mentions a bronze statue of this victor at Olympia (VI, 8.5-6),
-but also records one of stone dedicated likewise by his townsmen in the
-Old Gymnasion of Pellene (VII, 27.5).
-
-
-Of the fifth or fourth centuries B. C.:
-
-19. An unknown victor, of Argos or (?) Tegea.[2492] Aristotle mentions
-an inscription from a statue of an Olympic victor in two passages of
-his _Rhetoric_.[2493] This epigram was repeated by Aristophanes of
-Byzantion,[2494] who wrongly ascribed it to Simonides.[2495] Where this
-statue stood can not be determined.
-
-
-Of the fourth century B. C.:
-
-20. Kyniska, daughter of Archidamos I, of Sparta.[2496] Pausanias,
-before mentioning the monumental group at Olympia by Apellas of Megara,
-which consisted of the statues of Kyniska and her charioteer standing
-beside a huge bronze chariot and horses (VI. 1.6), and the small bronze
-chariot by the same sculptor, set up in her honor in the vestibule of
-the temple of Zeus (V, 12.5), records that there was a shrine in Sparta
-at Plane-tree Grove, near the youths’ exercise ground, erected to the
-heroine Kyniska (III, 15.1). This latter dedication, therefore, was not
-properly a victor monument, though Pausanias in the same book says that
-Kyniska was the first Greek woman to train horses and to win a prize at
-Olympia (III, 8.1).
-
-21. Euryleonis, a victress of Sparta.[2497] Pausanias says that she
-had a statue in her native city near the so-called Σκήνωμα, “Tent”
-(III, 17.6). Curtius has suggested that this may be the small building
-mentioned by Thukydides as the place where King Pausanias took refuge
-when pursued by the ephors.[2498]
-
-22. Archias, son of Eukles, of Hybla.[2499] An epigram in the _Greek
-Anthology_[2500] speaks of a statue of this victor at Delphi.
-
-23. [Phil]okrates, son of Antiphon, of Athens (deme of Krioa).[2501]
-An inscribed base of the statue of this victor has been found in
-Athens.[2502]
-
-24. An unknown victor. An inscribed base, found near the Portico of
-Attalos in Athens, records the victories of an unknown athlete at
-several games, including one in the παγκράτιον ἀνδρῶν at Olympia.[2503]
-
-25. Phorystas, son of Thriax (or Triax), of (?) Tanagra.[2504]
-The inscribed base of the statue of this victor, giving Kaphisias
-of Bœotia as the sculptor, has been discovered in the ruins of
-Tanagra.[2505] His brother Pammachos won παγκράτιον παίδων at Nemea,
-and had a statue at Thebes, the work of Teisikrates, the inscribed base
-of which has been recovered.[2506]
-
-
-Of the fourth or third centuries B. C.:
-
-26. Aristophon, son of Lysinos, of Athens.[2507] Besides his statue
-at Olympia, set up at the cost of the people of Athens, mentioned by
-Pausanias (VI, 13.11; _cf._ VI, 14.1), we have the inscription from the
-base of another which was set up on the Athenian Akropolis.[2508]
-
-27. Attalos, father of King Attalos I,[2509] of Pergamon.[2510] The
-inscribed base of his great victor monument, erected by Epigonos, has
-been dis- covered at Pergamon.[2511]
-
-
-Of the second century B. C.: none.
-
-
-Of the first century B. C.: none.
-
-
-Of the first century A. D.:
-
-28. Xenodamos, of Antikyra in Phokis.[2512] Pausanias mentions a bronze
-statue of this victor in the Old Gymnasion at Antikyra (X, 36.9). G.
-Hirschfeld[2513] had objected to the statement of Pausanias, in the
-passage cited, “that this was the only Olympiad omitted in the Elean
-register,” because of its inconsistency with other passages which
-state that in the 8th Olympiad,[2514] in the 34th,[2515] and in the
-104th,[2516] the games were celebrated by intruders, and not by the
-Eleans, and hence these Olympiads were regarded as invalid and were not
-entered in the Elean registers. However, as Frazer points out,[2517]
-the case with Ol. 211 was different. It was doubtless celebrated by
-the Eleans themselves and its validity was not questioned, but either
-it was never entered in the register, or, if entered, was later struck
-out. Africanus (_cf._ Philostratos)[2518] says that the celebration
-of this Olympiad, which should have fallen 65 A. D., was deferred two
-years to favor Nero, who in 67 A. D. received prizes in six events,
-including the ten-horse chariot-race.[2519] The Eleans, later being
-ashamed of thus favoring the tyrant, probably removed Ol. 211 from the
-register after his death. It may be that for the same reason statues
-of victors of that Olympiad were not set up in the Altis, which would
-explain why that of Xenodamos was set up in his native city, where
-Pausanias saw it. Not finding his name in the Elean register, Pausanias
-would reason that this victory fell in the disgraced Ol. 211.[2520]
-
-28a. Titos Phlabios Artemidoros, son of Artemidoros, of Adana in
-Kilikia.[2521] The inscribed marble tablet from the base of the statue
-which this victor erected in Naples in honor of his father Artemidoros,
-son of Athenodoros, is preserved. It contains a list of his own many
-victories in παγκράτιον and πάλη in games held in Greece, Italy, Asia
-Minor, and Egypt. Though the statue was erected to his father, the long
-inscription shows that it was intended quite as much to celebrate his
-own athletic prowess.[2522]
-
-29. Titos Phlabios Metrobios, son of Demetrios, of Iasos, Karia.[2523]
-The inscribed base of his statue has been found in Iasos.[2524]
-
-30. Sarapion, of Alexandria, Egypt.[2525] Pausanias mentions two
-statues of this victor, which stood on either side of the entrance
-to the Gymnasion in Elis known as the Maltho. He adds that they were
-erected by the Eleans in gratitude for the bestowal of corn in a time
-of famine (VI, 23.6). He is not to be confounded with other victors of
-the same name.[2526]
-
-
-Of the second century A. D.:
-
-31. Markos Aurelios Demetrios, of Alexandria, Egypt.[2527] His son,
-M. Aurelios Asklepiades, dedicated a statue to him in Rome, the
-inscription from the base of which has been recovered.[2528]
-
-32. Unknown victor, from Magnesia ad Sipylum, in Lydia.[2529] His
-statue in Magnesia is known from the recovered inscribed base.[2530]
-
-33. Kranaos or Granianos, of Sikyon.[2531] Pausanias mentions a bronze
-statue of this victor as standing in the precincts of the temple of
-Asklepios, on the hill of Titane, near Sikyon (II, 11.8).
-
-34. Titos Ailios Aurelios Apollonios, of Tarsos.[2532] A statue of
-this victor stood in Athens, as we learn from its preserved inscribed
-base.[2533]
-
-35. Mnasiboulos, of Elateia in Phokis.[2534] His fellow citizens
-erected a bronze statue in honor of his repelling the robber horde of
-the Kostobokoi, who overran Greece in the days of Pausanias (X, 34.5).
-The statue stood in “Runner” street.
-
-
-Of the third century A. D.:
-
-36. Aurelios Toalios, of (?) Oinoanda, Lykia.[2535] The inscribed base
-of the statue of this victor has been found in Oinoanda.[2536]
-
-37. Aurelios Metrodoros, of Kyzikos.[2537] The inscribed base of his
-statue was found in Kyzikos, and is now in Constantinople.[2538]
-
-38. Valerios Eklektos, of Sinope.[2539] Besides his monument at
-Olympia, which was erected immediately after 261 A. D.,[2540] we know,
-from an inscription, of another statue dedicated to him in Athens some
-time between 253 and 257 A. D.[2541]
-
-
-Of the fourth century A. D.:
-
-39. Klaudios Rhouphos, also called Apollonios the Pisan, son of
-Klaudios Apollonios, of Smyrna.[2542] We learn from an inscription
-found in the Baths of Titus in Rome that his statue stood in the
-council-chamber of the Guild of Athletes of Hercules at Rome.[2543]
-
-40. Philoumenos, of Philadelphia, in Lydia.[2544] The closing verse
-of an inscription belonging to the base of his statue is preserved in
-Panodoros.[2545] Where the statue stood can not be determined.
-
-
-Of unknown dates:
-
-41. Ainetos, of (?) Amyklai.[2546] Pausanias mentions the portrait
-statue of this victor at Amyklai (III, 18. 7). He says that he expired
-even while the crown was being placed on his head.
-
-42. Nikokles, of Akriai in Lakonia.[2547] Pausanias mentions a monument
-(μνῆμα) erected in his honor at Akriai, between the Gymnasion and the
-sea-wall (III, 22.5).
-
-43. Aigistratos, son of Polykreon, of Lindos in Rhodes.[2548] A statue
-of this victor was set up at Lindos, as we learn from the preserved
-inscription on its base found there.[2549] He is called in the
-inscription the first Lindian victor at Olympia.
-
-44. An unknown victor, of (?) Delphi.[2550] The inscribed base of his
-statue, with remains of the dedication, was found many years ago at
-Delphi by Cockerell.[2551]
-
-
-We have records of other monuments erected to victors, but it is not
-clear whether the victories recorded were won at Olympia or elsewhere.
-We list the following three doubtful cases, which have already been
-noted in earlier chapters:
-
-1. Epicharinos. Pausanias mentions the statue Ἐπιχαρίνου ὁπλιτοδρομεῖν
-ἀσκήσαντος, by the sculptor Kritios, as standing upon the Athenian
-Akropolis (I, 23.9). The inscribed base of this monument was found in
-1839, between the Propylaia and the Parthenon.[2552] The inscription
-states that the statue was the joint work of Kritios (thus correcting
-the spelling Κριτίας of Pausanias) and Nesiotes. It was, therefore,
-a work of the first half of the fifth century B. C., the date of
-the sculptors of the _Tyrannicides_ (Fig. 32). Ross added the word
-ὁπλιτοδρόμος after the name in the inscription. Michaelis,[2553]
-however, has inserted the name of the victor’s father. Wilamowitz[2554]
-went further and assumed that Polemon, from whom Pausanias derived the
-account, had already falsely restored the inscription and that the
-statue did not represent Epicharinos, but another victor. This theory
-has been rightly controverted by many scholars.[2555] It is clear that
-Pausanias got his information from the monument, and not from the
-inscription.
-
-2. Hermolykos, son of Euthoinos or Euthynos. Pausanias mentions the
-statue of the pancratiast Hermolykos as standing on the Akropolis
-at Athens (I, 23.10). This was probably Hermolykos the pancratiast,
-who is recorded by Herodotos as having distinguished himself at the
-battle of Mykale in 479 B. C., and as having been afterwards killed in
-battle at Kyrnos in Euboia and buried at Geraistos.[2556] Some scholars
-have advocated the theory that the portrait statue here mentioned by
-Pausanias was none other than the statue which stood on the Akropolis
-on the base which was discovered in 1839, dedicated by Hermolykos,
-the son of Diitrephes, the work of the sculptor Kresilas,[2557]
-and that the Periegete mistook the latter for the one mentioned by
-Herodotos.[2558] However, Frazer finds this explanation “arbitrary and
-highly improbable,” and believes that the base in question supported
-the statue of Diitrephes, pierced with arrows, also mentioned by
-Pausanias (I, 23.3).[2559] Kirchhoff distinguished not only the statue
-of Hermolykos mentioned by Pausanias and the dedication of Hermolykos
-revealed by the recovered base, but both of these from the statue of
-the wounded man mentioned by Pliny (_H. N._, XXXIV, 74). While J. Six
-assumed that Hermolykos, son of Diitrephes, dedicated the Kresilæan
-statue in honor of his grandfather Hermolykos, son of Euthoinos, and
-that Pausanias wrongly gathered from the inscribed base that the statue
-represented Diitrephes,[2560] Furtwaengler believed that Diitrephes was
-the older warrior of the name, mentioned by Thukydides,[2561] and that
-Pausanias, who knew nothing of him, wrongly connected his statue with
-the younger one of that name.[2562]
-
-3. Isokrates, son of Theodoros, of Athens. The pseudo-Plutarch mentions
-a bronze statue of Isokrates, in the form of a παῖς κελητίζων, on the
-Athenian Akropolis.[2563] As the orator was born in 436 B. C., his
-youthful victory among the horse-racers must have occurred about 420 B.
-C.
-
-
-SUMMARY OF RESULTS.
-
-We have found, then, from the literary sources examined, that there
-are at least 44 Olympic victors, to whom a total of 47 monuments were
-erected outside Olympia.[2564] These monuments were of various kinds—1
-inscribed tablet, 1 Pindaric ode engrossed on a temple wall, 3 temples
-or shrines, 37 statues (one of them apparently iconic), bronze horses
-(? quadriga), and 4 dedications which are not further described. Thus
-the bulk of these monuments, as of those at Olympia, consisted of
-statues. Of the 29 monuments erected to 27 victors in the pre-Christian
-centuries, 3 were dedicated in the seventh,[2565] 4 in the sixth,
-13 (to 11 victors) in the fifth, 1 in the fifth or fourth, 6 in the
-fourth,[2566] 1 in the fourth or third, and 1 in the third. There is
-no record of such a dedication in the second and first centuries B.
-C. Of the 14 monuments erected to 13 victors known to belong to the
-post-Christian centuries, 4 (to 3 victors) belong to the first, 5 to
-the second, 3 to the third and 2 to the fourth; 4 others were set up
-to 4 victors whose dates can not be determined. Of other monuments
-mentioned (though not included in our figures) 3 may or may not have
-been erected to Olympic victors. We find that the greatest number of
-dedications was made in the fifth century B. C., just as we found was
-the case in regard to those at Olympia.[2567] Of these victors, 10 also
-had monuments at Olympia. The total number of Olympic victor monuments,
-therefore, at Olympia and elsewhere of which we have record, amounts to
-302.[2568]
-
-
-STATISTICS OF OLYMPIC VICTOR STATUARIES.
-
-In conclusion, we shall briefly summarize the number and dates of the
-sculptors of Olympic victor monuments who are known to us from all
-sources.[2569] Pausanias names 52 such sculptors, who made 102 of the
-192 monuments listed by him. Of the 42 “honor” statues erected in the
-Altis to 35 men, Pausanias mentions only two sculptors, Lysippos, who
-also appears among the victor statuaries, and Mikon of Syracuse, who
-does not.[2570] Pliny names 24, or nearly one-half of the athlete
-sculptors mentioned by Pausanias.[2571] No new name of an artist
-appears either on the inscribed bases found at Olympia and referred
-to the monuments recorded by Pausanias, or on the 63 bases discovered
-there, which can not be so referred. Of the 52 sculptors known to us
-from Pausanias and inscriptions, the dates can be assigned definitely
-or approximately thus: of the seventh century B. C., none; of the
-sixth century B. C., second half, 2; end, 2; of the end of the sixth
-and beginning of the fifth centuries B. C., 1; of the fifth century B.
-C., first half, 9; middle, 4; second half, 3; end, 2; of the fourth
-century B. C., first half, 11; middle, 1; second half, 2; end, 3; of
-the end of the fourth and beginning of the third centuries B. C., 3;
-of the third century B. C., first half, 1; second half, 1; end, 2; of
-the end of the third and beginning of the second centuries B. C., 1;
-of the second century B. C., first half, 2. No sculptor is named who
-lived certainly later than the second century B. C. In addition to
-these results, 1 sculptor can be assigned only roughly to the period
-subsequent to Alexander the Great, and the epoch of still another
-can not be determined. Of the 37 statues listed above as erected to
-Olympic victors outside Olympia—_i. e.>/i>, the major portion of the
-whole number of 47 monuments of various sorts set up in honor of 44
-victors—the names of only four artists are known. Three of these—Myron,
-Pythagoras of Rhegion, and Lysippos—also worked at Olympia. The name,
-therefore, of only one new sculptor, Kaphisias of Bœotia, who lived
-in the fourth century B. C., can be added from this source, which makes
-the grand total of victor statuaries known to us 53.
-
-[Illustration: PLAN A
-
- THE ALTIS AT OLYMPIA
- IN THE GREEK PERIOD
- (THIRD CENTURY B. C.)
-
- Adapted from Doerpfeld
-]
-
-[Illustration: PLAN B
-
- THE ALTIS AT OLYMPIA
- IN THE ROMAN PERIOD
- (SECOND CENTURY A. D.)
-
- Adapted from Doerpfeld
-]
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-
-[1] _Cf._ Gardiner, pp. 8-9.
-
-[2] See _infra_, p. 228 and n. 2.
-
-[3] _B. S. A._, XI, 1904-5, fig. 7 and pp. 12-14. The horse also
-appears on clay documents from Knossos with royal chariots and also
-on tombstones and fragmentary frescoes of Mycenæ; for the latter, see
-_Arch. Eph._, 1887, Pl. XI. On the Libyan origin of the first horses
-introduced into Greece, see W. Ridgeway, _The Origin and Influence of
-the Thoroughbred Horse_, 1905, p. 480.
-
-[4] See the bull depicted on a seal from Praisos, to be mentioned
-below: Angelo Mosso, _The Palaces of Crete_, 1907, p. 218, fig. 98. The
-Italian Mission found at Hagia Triada the bones of a gigantic bull, and
-Mosso (_cf._ p. 216, n. 1) found the remains of one at Phaistos.
-
-[5] _B. S. A._, VII, 1900-1, pp. 94 f. and VIII, 1901-2, p. 74; Mosso,
-_op. cit._, pp. 216-218; H. R. Hall, _Anc. History of the Near East_,
-1913, Pl. IV., 2; Mrs. R. C. Bosanquet, _Days in Attica_, 1914, Pl.
-II; Richter, _Hbk. of the Classical Collection of the Metropolitan
-Museum of Art_, 1917, p. 23, fig. 13. As Dr. Evans’ _Atlas_ has not
-yet appeared, the plate in the text is taken from a watercolor by
-Gilliéron, in the museum of Liverpool.
-
-[6] It has often been pictured and described: _e. g._, Schliemann,
-_Tiryns_, 1885, Pl. XIII; Schuchhardt, _Schliemann’s Excavations_,
-1891, pp. 119 f. and fig. 111; Tsountas-Manatt, _The Mycenæan Age_,
-1897, p. 51, fig. 12; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, p. 887, fig. 439; Mosso, _op.
-cit._, p. 220, fig. 100; H. B. Walters, _The Art of the Greeks_, 1906,
-Pl. LIX; Springer-Michaelis, p. 113, fig. 242; _Tiryns, Die Ergebn. d.
-Ausgrab. d deutsch. Instituts in Athen_, II, 1912, Pl. XVIII.
-
-[7] On analogy with the Knossos fresco this figure, because of its
-white skin, should be that of a woman and not of a man, as the usual
-color of the latter is red. However, the charioteers painted white on
-frescoes discovered at Tiryns in 1910, which represent a boar hunt
-(see Rodenwaldt, _A. M._, XXXVI, 1911, pp. 198 f. and fig. 2, p. 201,
-restored; see also _Tiryns_, II, Pl. XII, in color) are regarded by
-Hall as youths and not women. He remarks that in Egypt young princes,
-who led the “sheltered life,” were often represented on monuments as
-pale, though red was the more usual color: see Hall, _op. cit._, p. 58
-and n. 1; _id._, _Aegean Archæology_, 1914, p. 190 and fig. 74 on p.
-192. Rodenwaldt interprets them as female: _l. c._
-
-[8] XV, 679 f. F. Marx, _Jb._, IV, 1889, pp. 119 f., on the analogy
-to certain coin types, saw in this fresco a representation of river
-divinities.
-
-[9] Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 298, fig. 98.
-
-[10] See Mosso, p. 311, fig. 153.
-
-[11] Here the paved space measures only about 30 by 40 feet and the
-two tiers of seats would seat only 400 to 500 spectators: _B. S. A._,
-IX, 1902-03, p. 105, fig. 69; see Mosso, p. 315, fig. 154, and Baikie,
-_The Sea Kings of Crete_, 1913, Pls. XXI (before restoration), XXII
-(restored).
-
-[12] See Burrows, _The Discoveries in Crete_, 1907, p. 5. The one at
-Knossos maybe the “choros” wrought by Daidalos for Ariadne: _Iliad_,
-XVIII, 590-2.
-
-[13] _B. S. A._, VIII, 1901-2, pp. 72-4, fig. 39 (arm); Pls. II, III;
-Baikie, _op. cit._, Pl. XIX; H. R. Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, Pl. XXX,
-2; Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 222, fig. 102; _cf._ Burrows, _op. cit._, p.
-21; Bulle, p. 49, fig. 7; Springer-Michaelis, p. 103, fig. 228.
-
-[14] Remains of copper wire with gold foil twisted around it still
-adhere to the head of one statuette.
-
-[15] See Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 221, fig. 101; _B. S. A._, VII, 1900-01,
-p. 88.
-
-[16] Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, pp. 55-6. Though discovered in 1889
-in a bee-hive tomb near Sparta, these famous cups are obviously
-importations from Crete, the work of an artist of the late Minoan I
-period. Similarly, the lion-hunt on the dagger-blade from Mycenæ is
-akin to Cretan art, if not its product. These cups have been often
-pictured: _e. g._, _Arch. Eph._, 1889, Pl. IX; Schuchhardt, Pl. III
-(App., pp. 350 f.); _B. C. H._, IV, 1891, Pls. XI-XII (in color),
-XIII-XIV; Tsountas-Manatt, _op. cit._, pp. 227-8, figs. 113-114;
-Perrot-Chipiez, VI, Pl. XV (in color) and pp. 786-7, figs. 369-370;
-H. B. Walters, _op. cit._, Pl. V; Mosso, _op. cit._, pp. 223 f.,
-figs. 103, a, b, and 104, a, b, c; Hall, _op. cit._, Pl. XV. 1,
-and _cf. id._, _Ancient History of the Near East_, pp. 54-5, n. 1;
-Springer-Michaelis, pp. 104-5, figs. 230 a, b; J. H. Breasted, _Ancient
-Times_, 1916, fig. 140, opp. p. 234.
-
-[17] This interpretation of the scene has been compared with the design
-of a lion and goat on the short sword-blade from the chieftain’s
-grave at Knossos: see Burrows, _op. cit._, p. 88 and _cf._ pp. 136-7.
-Here there are two successive scenes; first the agrimi (wild goat) is
-startled and springs away; then the lion is represented triumphant at
-the end of the chase with one paw on the beast’s hind quarter and the
-other raised to strike: see Evans, _Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos_,
-1906, p. 57, fig. 59; _cf._ also bronze inlaid dagger-blade from
-Mycenæ, showing hunting scenes on each face; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, Pl.
-XVII, 1 (panther hunting wild ducks, in color), XVIII, 3-4, (lion-hunt
-by men and lions chasing gazelles, in color); _cf._ Tsountas-Manatt,
-_op. cit._, pp. 200-2; Springer-Michaelis, Pl. V, 2a, b, 3;
-Schuchhardt, _op. cit._, p. 229, fig. 227; _cf._ Burrows, _op. cit._,
-p. 136.
-
-[18] _Op. cit._, pp. 224-5.
-
-[19] See Boeckh, p. 319, on _Pyth._, II, 78. The same word occurs also
-in an inscription on a late relief from Smyrna, which shows horsemen
-pursuing bulls, leaping on their backs and seizing their horns; _C. I.
-G._, II, 3212; also in an inscription from Sinope: _ibid._, III, 4157
-(line 5); an inscription from Aphrodisias calls such men ταυροκαθάπται;
-_ibid._, II, Add., 2759b. The evidence shows that Gardiner, p. 9, n.
-2, is wrong in connecting the _taurokathapsia_ with the hunting-field
-instead of with the circus. He cites the Smyrna relief above mentioned
-(in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, no. 219), which, however, should
-be interpreted as an acrobatic scene. See J. Baunack, _Rhein. Mus._,
-XXXVIII, 1883, pp. 293 f., who discusses bull-fighting in Thessaly and
-Rome and quotes five inscriptions of Hellenic times to show that beast
-fights were common in Asia Minor.
-
-[20] _Cf._ Mosso, _op. cit._, pp. 214-215.
-
-[21] Iliad, XVIII, 605-6 (= Od., IV, 18-19).
-
-[22] Iliad, XVI, 742-50.
-
-[23] Hdt., VI, 129.
-
-[24] No. 243; see Salzmann, _Le Nécropole de Cameiros_, Pl. LVII;
-Gardiner, p. 245, fig. 39.
-
-[25] _E. g._, on one found at Knossos in 1903: _B. S. A._, IX, 1902-3,
-p. 57, and fig. 35 on p. 56. Here the attitude of the boxer is almost
-identical with that on the pyxis to be described below. A fuller design
-of the same sort may be seen on a seal from Hagia Triada mentioned in
-_B. S. A._, IX, p. 57, n. 2.
-
-[26] Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, p. 33 (c. 1600 B. C.); for description,
-_ibid._, pp. 61-2.
-
-[27] _Op. cit._, p. 211. In this respect it should be compared with
-the relief on the archaic (sixth-century B. C.) Attic tripod vase from
-Tanagra, now in Berlin, which shows scenes of boxing, wrestling, and
-running: _A. Z._, III, 1881, pp. 30 f. and Pls. III, IV.
-
-[28] P., V, 8. 1, says Klymenos came from Crete fifty years after
-Deukalion’s flood and held games at Olympia; _cf._ VI, 21.6. Aristotle
-assigns the whole political and educational system of Sparta to a
-Cretan origin: _Politics_, II, 10f., 1271b., f.
-
-[29] See R. Paribeni, _Rendiconti della R. Accad. dei Lincei_, XII,
-1903, fasic. 70, p. 17; F. Halbherr, _ibid._, XIV, 1905, pp. 365 f.,
-fig. 1; Burrows, _op. cit._, Pl. 1; Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 212. fig.
-93; Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, Pl. XVI (from cast in Museum of Candia,
-whence our plate); _cf. id._, _Anc. Hist. Near East_, Pl. IV., 5. A
-copy is in the Metropolitan Museum, New York: see _Hbk. of Classical
-Collection_, p. 16, fig. 8.
-
-[30] Detail of zone, Mosso, p. 213, fig. 94. The acrobat wears just
-such striped boots and bracelets as the man and women on the fresco
-from Knossos. The man binding the legs of the bull on the Vapheio
-cup wears similar apparel. Similar scenes of gymnasts vaulting over
-a bull’s back are seen on the seal of a bracelet found at Knossos in
-1902: _B. S. A._, VIII, 1901-2, p. 18, fig. 43; Mosso, p. 214, fig.
-95a; also on the intaglio of a ring in Athens: Mosso, p. 215, fig. 95b.
-Scenes of gymnasts with bulls at rest are common on seal impressions:
-_e. g._, on one from Mycenæ in Athens, Mosso, p. 217, fig. 97; on the
-one in Candia already mentioned, _ibid._, fig. 98; _cf._ Bosanquet,
-Excavations at Praisos, _B. S. A._, VIII, p. 252, who believes the bull
-has been surprised by a hunter.
-
-[31] Iliad, XXII, 308 f.
-
-[32] XXIII, 673.
-
-[33] _B. S. A._, VII, 1900-1, fig. 31, pp. 95 and 96; copied by
-Gardiner, p. 10, fig. 1.
-
-[34] We should bear in mind that the civilization pictured in the
-Homeric poems antedates 1000 B. C.
-
-[35] _The Iliad_,^2 1900, II, p. 468.
-
-[36] Od., VIII, 158 f. (translated by Butcher and Lang).
-
-[37] Gardiner, p. 15, points out that there is no mention of
-a chariot-race in the Odyssey, merely because Ithaca was not a land
-“that pastureth horses,” nor had it “wide courses or meadowland.” The
-plains of Thessaly and Argos, the homes of Achilles and Agamemnon
-respectively, were, however, famed for their horses, and the plain
-of Troy was large enough for the chariot-race. The only other
-chariot-races mentioned in the Iliad are held in Elis: XI, 696 f.;
-XXIII, 630 f.
-
-[38] _E. g._, on certain sarcophagi: see Murray, _Sarcophagi
-in the British Museum_, Pls. II, III (one from Klazomenai).
-
-[39] The true _hoplomachia_ described by Homer and later
-practised by the Mantineans and Kyreneans (_cf._ Athenæus, IV, 41, p.
-154) should not be confounded, as Gardiner, p. 21, n. 3, remarks, with
-the later competition of the same name held at the Athenian _Theseia_
-and taught in the gymnasia, which was a purely military exercise like
-fencing: Plato, _Laches_, 182B and _passim_; _Gorgias_, 456D; _de
-Leg._, 833E; _cf._ Dar.-Sagl., _s. v._ _Hoplomachia_.
-
-[40] _E. g._, Leaf, in his _Companion to the Iliad_, 1892, p.
-380; _id._, _The Iliad_, II, p. 417, note on line 621.
-
-[41] Iliad, XXIII, 634 f.; _ibid._, 621-3, where Achilles
-gives Nestor a prize because he will never again be able to contend in
-boxing, wrestling, hurling the javelin, or running. In Od., VIII, 103
-and 128, leaping is substituted for chariot-racing.
-
-[42] _E. g._, Iliad, XXII, 163-4: “The great prize ... of a
-man that is dead”; XXIII, 630 f., where Nestor recalls victories in the
-games held by the Epeians at Bouprasion in Elis at the funeral of the
-local hero Amarynkeus. Bouprasion is also mentioned in Iliad, XI, 756,
-in Nestor’s story of the war between the Pylians and Epeians and of
-the war waged by his father Neleus on Augeas, for stealing four horses
-which had been sent to Elis to contend for a tripod.
-
-[43] Examples of panegyric games in honor of gods are found
-also in the Homeric Hymn to the Delian Apollo, I, 146 f.; in Pindar,
-_Ol._, IX. 6 (Zeus); P., VIII, 2.1 (Zeus) and schol.; and Hdt., I, 144
-(Apollo) and schol.; etc.
-
-[44] P., VIII, 4.5. For other examples of funeral games, see
-references in Krause, p. 9, n. 3. He also shows that musical contests
-were funerary in character.
-
-[45] The scholiast on Pindar, _Nem._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 424
-B, and _Isthm._, Argum., p. 514, calls the Nemean and Isthmian games
-funerary; Clem. Alex., _Protrept._, Ch. II, 34, 29 P. (quoted by
-Eusebios, _Praep. evang._, II, 6, 72 b. c.) says that all four great
-games were funerary in origin.
-
-[46] P., I., 44.8; Clem. Alex., _Strom._, I, Ch. 21, 137, 401
-P.
-
-[47] P., II, 15.2-3; Apollod., III, 6, 4; Hyginus, _Fab._,
-74; schol. on Pindar’s _Nem._, Argum. Here the umpires wore mourning
-garments because of the origin of the games; see Gardiner, p. 225.
-
-[48] Aristotle, _Peplos_, frag. = _F. H. G._, II, p. 189, no.
-282; Clem. Alex., _Protr._, Ch. I, 2, 2 P. and Ch. II, 34, 29 P.; Hyg.,
-_Fab._, 140. For a different story of the founding (to appease Apollo
-for not protecting the temple when Delphi was invaded by Danaos), see
-Augustine, _de Civ. Dei_, XVIII, 12; _cf._ schol. on Pind., _Pyth._,
-Argum.; Ovid, _Met._, I, 445f. The _Pythia_ were reorganized by the
-Amphictyons as a funeral contest in honor of the soldiers who fell in
-the first Sacred War.
-
-[49] _Cf._ P., V, 13.1-2; Clem. Alex., _l. c._
-
-[50] V, 7.6-9.
-
-[51] See Strabo, VIII, 3.30 (C.354-5); Pindar, _Ol._, II, 3
-f.; VI, 67 f.; X, 25 f.; Diod., IV, 14 and V, 64. According to Pindar,
-_ll. cc._ and the scholiast on _Ol._, II, 2, 5, and 7, Boeckh, pp.
-58-9, Herakles, the son of Zeus, instituted the games in honor of
-Zeus; but Statius, _Theb._, VI, 5 f., Solinus, I, 28 (ed. Mommsen),
-Hyg., _Fab._, 273. Clem. Alex., _Strom._, I, Ch. 21, 137, say it was
-in honor of Pelops. On the traditional connection of Herakles with
-Olympia, see E. Curtius, _Abh. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin,
-philos.-histor. Kl._, 1894, pp. 1098 f.; Busolt, _Griech. Gesch_^2,
-1893, I, pp. 240 f. On legends of the early history of Olympia, see
-Krause, _Olympia, oder Darstellung der grossen olympischen Spielen_,
-1838, pp. 26 f.
-
-[52] _Cf._ Frazer, II, pp. 549-50; Krause, p. 9, n. 3; from
-these two many of the following examples are taken. _Cf._ also Rouse,
-pp. 4 and 10; Koerte, Die Entstehung der Olympionikenliste, _Hermes_,
-XXXIX, 1904, pp. 224 f.; Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_,
-1841, pp. 9 f. (Pythian), 112 f. (Nemean), 170 f. (Isthmian); Gardiner,
-pp. 27 f.; see also Ridgeway, _Origin of Tragedy_, 1910, pp. 36, 38,
-and _cf._ _J. H. S._, XXXI, 1911, p. XLVII. Since the simple theory
-of the origin of the Olympic Festival in the funeral games in honor
-of Pelops does not explain all the legends of the games nor all the
-peculiar customs of the festival, and because of the inadequate
-character of the literary evidence (the earliest mention of it being a
-Delphic oracle quoted by Phlegon, _F. H. G._, p. 604; _cf._ Clem. Alex.,
-_Protrept_, II, 34, p. 29), it has been attacked by F. M. Cornford
-(in Miss Harrison’s _Themis_, pp. 212 f.) and others. These scholars
-have tried to find the origin of the Olympic games rather in a ritual
-contest of succession to the throne, the honors extended to a victor
-being held to prove his kingly or divine character. The theory was
-first proposed by A. B. Cook, The European Sky God, _Folk Lore_, 1904,
-and has recently been elaborated by Frazer in his _Golden Bough_,^3
-III, pp. 89 f., who has attempted to harmonize it with his earlier
-funeral theory. The inadequacy of the newer theory has been shown by E.
-N. Gardiner, The Alleged Kingship of the Olympic Victor, _B. S. A._,
-XXII, 1916-18, pp. 85 f. For a review of his paper, see also _J. H.
-S._, XXXVIII, 1918, pp. XLVII.
-
-[53] V, 13.2.
-
-[54] According to the same scholiast, on 1. 149; Boeckh, p.
-43.
-
-[55] _Cf._ _C. I. G._, II, 1969, ἀγὼν ... ἐπιτάφιος θεματικός.
-
-[56] Hdt., VI, 38.
-
-[57] P., III, 14.1.
-
-[58] Thukyd., V, 11.
-
-[59] Plut., _Timoleon_, 39; Diod. Sic., XVI, 90.1.
-
-[60] Aulus Gellius, X, 18.5.
-
-[61] Arrian, _Anabasis_, VII, 14. Games were held every four
-years in honor of Antinoos, the favorite of Hadrian, at Mantinea: P.,
-VIII, 9.8.
-
-[62] Strabo, XIV, 1.31 (C. 644.)
-
-[63] P., IX, 2, 5-6; he says that they were celebrated every
-fourth year and that the chief prizes were for running.
-
-[64] Philostr., _Vit. Soph._, II, p. 624; Heliod., _Aethiop._,
-I, 17; Aristotle, _Constit. of Athens_, 58; _cf._ P., I, 29.4. Games
-were also held in the Academy in honor of Eurygyes: Hesych., _s. v._
-ἐπ’ Εὐρυγύῃ ἀγών.
-
-[65] Dennis, _Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria_,^3 1883, I, p.
-374 (Corneto); II, pp. 323 and 330 (Chiusi).
-
-[66] On the Etruscan origin of the _ludi funebres_, see
-Val. Max., II, 4.4; Tertullian, _de Spect._, 12; Servius _ad_ Virg.,
-_Aen._, X, 520. For the Etruscan origin of the _munera gladiatorum_,
-see Tertull., _op. cit._, 5; Athenæus, IV, 39 (quoting Nikolaos of
-Damascus); _cf._ Strabo, V, 4.13 (C. 250). They were first introduced
-into Rome in 264 B. C. in honor of D. Junius Brutus; Livy, XVI (Epit.);
-and are frequently mentioned: _e. g._, by Livy, XXIII, 30, 15; XXXI,
-50, 4; XXXIX, 46, 2; XLI, 28, 11; Polyb., XXXII, 14, 5; Serv., _ad
-Aen._, III, 67 and V, 78; Suetonius, _Julius_, 26; etc. See Dar.-Sagl.,
-II, 2, pp. 1384 f., 1563 f.
-
-[67] Page 28; he quotes P. W. Joyce, _Social History of
-Ireland_, II, pp. 435 f.
-
-[68] V, 17.5-19.10. The description of the throne (P., III,
-18.9 f; _cf._ Apollodoros, I, 9.28) is merely summary, as Pausanias
-only mentions the games represented on it without describing them in
-detail.
-
-[69] The best reconstruction of the scenes on the chest is by
-H. Stuart Jones: _J. H. S._, XIV, 1894, pp. 30-80 and Pl. I (repeated
-by Frazer, III, Pl. X, opp. p. 606). See also Robert, _Hermes_, XXIII,
-1888, pp. 436 f.; Pernice, _Jb._, III, 1888, pp. 365 f.; Studniczka,
-_Jb._, IX, 1894, pp. 52 f., n. 16; Collignon, I, pp. 93-100; Furtw.,
-_Mw._, pp. 723-32.
-
-The best attempt to reconstruct the scenes on the throne is by Furtwaengler
-_Mw._, fig. 135, opposite p. 706; text, pp. 689-719; _cf._ the best of
-the older attempts by Brunn, _Rhein. Mus._, N. F., V, 1847, p. 325;
-_id._, _Kunst bei Homer_, pp. 22 f.; _id._, _Griech. Kunstgesch._,
-1893, I, pp. 178 f. _Cf._ also Klein, _Arch.-epigr. Mitt. aus
-Oesterr.-Ungarn_, IX, 1885, pp. 145 f.; against Klein, see Pernice, as
-above, p. 369. _Cf._ Collignon, I, pp. 230-2; Murray, I, pp. 89 f.] [
-
-[70] If we followed Pausanias’ account that this was the very
-chest made to save the infant Kypselos, father of Periandros and future
-tyrant of Corinth, and that it was dedicated at Olympia by the Kypselid
-family (for the story, see Hdt., V, 92), the chest would belong to the
-eighth century B. C., and must have been dedicated before 586-5 B.
-C., when the Kypselid dynasty ended at Corinth; see Busolt, _Griech.
-Gesch._,^2 I, pp. 638 and 657. However, the chest at Olympia had
-nothing to do with the legendary one, but was merely a richly decorated
-offering to the gods, the work of a Corinthian artist of the end of the
-seventh or beginning of the sixth century B. C., and one who knew the
-epic poems well.
-
-[71] _Vasen_, 1655; Perrot-Chipiez, IX, p. 637, fig. 348
-(departure of Amphiaraos); p. 639, fig. 349 (chariot-race); Gardiner,
-p. 29, fig. 3; Frazer, III, p. 609, fig. 77; Baum. I, fig. 69; and see
-Robert _Annali_, XLVI, 1874, pp. 82 f.; _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-1878,
-Pls. IV, V. The discovery of this vase at Cerveteri (Caere) in 1872
-proved the Corinthian workmanship of the chest.
-
-[72] Micali, _Monumenti per servire all’historia degli antichi
-popoli Italiani_^2, 1833, Pl. XCV; described by Jahn, _Archaeol.
-Aufsaetze_, pp. 154 f. (quoted by Frazer, III, p. 610). For scenes
-representing the departure of Amphiaraos and a four-horse chariot-race,
-see also an Attic-Corinthian vase in Florence: Perrot-Chipiez, X, pp.
-109 and 111, figs. 78, 79 (= Thiersch, _Tyrrhenische Amphoren_, Pl.
-IV); the latter also gives us the oldest representation of a Greek
-stadion.
-
-[73] _A. Z._ XLIII, 1885, Pl. VIII; Gardiner, p. 30, fig. 4
-(one side).
-
-[74] Cited by Gardiner, pp. 30-31; Inghirami, _Mon. Etr._,
-1821-1826, III, 19, 20; Schreiber, _Bilder-atlas_, Pl. XIII, 6; M. W.,
-I, Pl. LX, fig. 302b.
-
-[75] Reproduced by Gardiner, p. 21, fig. 2.
-
-[76] _Cf._ on this topic, Gardiner, pp. 31-2; _cf._ _B. S.
-A._, XXII, 1916-18, p. 86, where, in speaking of the disputed origin
-of the custom of funeral games, he says: “It is at least conceivable
-that it originated from different causes in different places and among
-different peoples.”
-
-[77] See a list of twenty-five local _Olympia_ in Smith’s
-_Dictionary of Antiquities_,^3 1891, II, pp. 273 f., _s. v._ _Olympia_,
-taken from Krause, _Olympia_, pp. 202 f. Dar.-Sagl., IV, i, pp. 194 f.,
-list 34 local _Olympia_. Most of these lesser _Olympia_ are known to us
-only from inscriptions and coins. Peisistratos appears to have founded
-annual _Olympia_ at Athens, when he began to build the Olympieion;
-Pindar seems to allude to them in _Nem._ II, 23 (_cf._ schol. _ad
-loc._); they were reorganized magnificently by Hadrian in A. D. 131;
-Spartianus, _Vit. Hadriani_, 13. _Cf._ Gardiner, p. 229.
-
-[78] Lysias, _Paneg._, notes this fact, when he says that
-Herakles restored peace and unity by instituting the games. Pausanias
-speaks similarly of the restoration of the games by Iphitos and
-Lykourgos: V, 4.5 f.
-
-[79] P., V, 1.3; 3.6; Strabo, VIII, 3.33 (C.357).
-
-[80] The decree governing the festival was inscribed on a
-diskos, which dates probably from the seventh century B. C., and was
-preserved in the Heraion down to the time of Pausanias. On it the names
-of Iphitos and Lykourgos were legible down to Aristotle’s day: P., V,
-20.1; Plut., _Lycurgus_, I. 1. Phlegon, _F. H. G._, III, p. 602, and a
-scholion on Plato, _de Rep._, 465 D, mention Kleosthenes; _cf._ Louis
-Dyer, _Harvard Classical Studies_, 1908, pp. 40 f.; Gardiner, p. 43, n.
-1.
-
-[81] For a discussion of the sources and history of this
-register, originally compiled near the end of the fifth century B. C.
-by Hippias of Elis (Plut., _Numa_, I, 4; _cf._ Mahaffy, _J. H. S._, II,
-1881, pp. 164f.), and revised by various later writers from Aristotle
-and Philochoros to Phlegon of Tralles and Julius Africanus, see
-Juethner, _Ph._, pp. 60-70. From it a complete list of stade-runners
-was copied by the church-historian Eusebios from Africanus, who had
-brought it down to 217 A. D.
-
-[82] V, 8.6.
-
-[83] Mentioned by P., V, 4.6 and elsewhere; for the mythical
-account see P., V, 7.6-8.5 (from Herakles to Oxylos); V, 8.5, and V,
-9.4 (revived under the presidency of Iphitos and the descendants of
-Oxylos). Phlegon, _F. H. G._, III, p. 603, says that the games were
-discontinued for 28 Olympiads from the time of Herakles and Pelops
-to that of Koroibos. Velleius Paterculus, I, 8 (ed. Halm), dates the
-revival under Iphitos, 793 B. C. Strabo, quoting Ephoros, says that
-the Achæans controlled Olympia to the time of Oxylos; for his mythical
-account of the games, see VIII, 3.33 (C. 357). On presidents of the
-games being elected from the Eleans, see P., V, 9.4-6.
-
-[84] Especially by Xenophon, _Hell._, III, 2.31; VII, 4.28.
-Pausanias omits all evidence of the part played by Kleosthenes in the
-truce. See Gardiner, pp. 44 f.
-
-[85] See Doerpfeld, _A. M._, XXXIII, 1908, pp. 185 f.
-
-[86] Recently E. N. Gardiner has argued that the worship of
-Zeus came directly from Dodona to Olympia before it had reached Crete
-and that Cretan elements in the cult first appear at Olympia in the
-VIII century B. C. He believes that the worship of Hera reached Olympia
-from Argos later than that of Zeus, toward the end of the VIII century
-B. C., when he supposes the Heraion was built as a joint temple to both
-deities; _B. S. A._, XXII, 1916-18, pp. 85-86.
-
-[87] On his cult see P., V, 13.2, and scholion on Pindar,
-_Ol._ I, 146 and 149, Boeckh, p. 43. After being reduced to the rank
-of hero, Pelops still kept his own precinct in the Altis throughout
-antiquity.
-
-[88] On the history of Olympia, see Gardiner, pp. 38 f.
-
-[89] For the legends connected with the origin of the three,
-see Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_, and the various
-articles in Dar.-Sagl.
-
-[90] Schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298.
-
-[91] On the Sacred or Krisaian War (590 B. C.), see Bury,
-_History of Greece_, 1913, pp. 158-9. The first Pythiad was reckoned
-from 586 (not from 582 as Bury and others state): see Frazer, V, p.
-244; Boeckh, _Explic. ad Pind._, _Ol._, XII, pp. 206 f.
-
-[92] See Strabo, IX, 3.10, (C. 421); P., X, 7.4-5; schol. on
-Pind., _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. Ovid’s idea (_Met._, I, 445)
-that boxing, running, and chariot-racing existed from the first, is
-wrong. On the Pythian games, see Gardiner, pp. 208 f.
-
-[93] On the Nemean games, see Gardiner, pp. 223-6. As no
-proper excavations have been made on the site, our knowledge of the
-games is confined almost entirely to literary evidence.
-
-[94] P., II, 15.3, and VI, 16.4, mentions a winter
-celebration. The scholiast on Pindar’s _Nem._, Argum., Boeckh, pp.
-424-5, says that it was a τριετής held on the 12th of the month
-Panemos, and so it was a summer and not a winter celebration. On
-theories of two celebrations, see Frazer, II, pp. 92-3.
-
-[95] They were not held in midsummer as some have maintained:
-see Thukyd., VIII, 9-10; Unger, _Philologus_, XXXVII, 1877, 1-42;
-Nissen, _Rhein. Mus._, XLII, 1887, pp. 46 f. On the Isthmian games, see
-Gardiner, pp. 214 f.
-
-[96] For the nine-day celebration of the _Great Panathenaia_,
-see A. Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen_, 1898, p. 153; _cf._ Gardiner,
-pp. 229 f.
-
-[97] See Mommsen, _op. cit._, pp. 278 f., and _Heortologie_,
-1864, pp. 269 f. In recent years victor lists of the _Theseia_ have
-been found: _C. I. G._, II, 444-450, esp. 447; for two other fragments,
-see _A. M._, XXX, 1905, pp. 213 f, and _Beilag_, a and b (c = _C. I.
-G._, above). For other lists of victors of local games, see _A. M._,
-XXVIII, 1903, pp. 338 f. (Oropos, Samos, Larisa). For vase-paintings
-of the athletic exploits of Theseus, see Harrison, _Mythology and
-Monuments of Ancient Athens_, 1890, pp. XCVIII f.
-
-[98] See _Ol._, IX, 89; XIII, 110; _Pyth._, VIII, 79.
-
-[99] Iliad, XXIII, 262-70; _cf._ XXII, 163-4, where the prizes
-were slave women and tripods.
-
-[100] _Ibid._, 700-5.
-
-[101] _Ibid._, 653-6.
-
-[102] _Ibid._, 740-51.
-
-[103] _Op._, 653-9; _cf. Scut._, 312-13.
-
-[104] Iliad, XI, 700; XXIII, 264; Hesiod, _Scut._, 312. It
-is thus represented on a Dipylon vase: _Mon. d. I._, IX, 1869-73, Pl.
-XXXIX, 2; on the Corinthian vase representing the funeral games of
-Pelias and Amphiaraos: _ibid._, X, Pl. V B; on the François vase, and
-on many others.
-
-[105] Iliad, XXII, 164; _cf._ Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCXLVII.
-
-[106] Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLVI.
-
-[107] On an amphora by Nikosthenes: Klein, _Griech. Vasen mit
-Meistersignaturen_,^2 1887, Pl. XXXI.
-
-[108] Iliad, XXIII, 702, as above.
-
-[109] Hdt., I, 144.
-
-[110] Ion, _ap._ P., VII, 4.10.
-
-[111] Aristeid., I, p. 841 (ed. Dindorf).
-
-[112] Polemon _ap._ schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, VII, 153, Boeckh,
-pp. 180-1.
-
-[113] On the above-mentioned Corinthian vase: _Mon. d. I._, X,
-Pls. IV, V; on the chest of Kypselos: P., V, 17.11.
-
-[114] In the Iliad, as above.
-
-[115] P., III, 18.7-8.
-
-[116] _A. Z._, XL, 1882, p. 333; _B. C. H._, VI, 1882, p. 118.
-
-[117] _B. C. H._, IX, 1885, p. 478.
-
-[118] P., IX, 10.4; Hdt., I, 92.
-
-[119] See Carapanos, _Dodone et ses Ruines_, 1878, pp. 40, 41,
-and 229, and Pl. XXIII, 2.2 _bis_, 3, 4.
-
-[120] P., X, 7.6.
-
-[121] P., IV, 32.1.
-
-[122] On the tripod, see Reisch, pp. 6-7 and 58-9; Rouse, pp.
-150-1 and 355; most of the above examples have been taken from these
-writers.
-
-[123] _Nem._, X, 45 f.; _cf._ schol. on _Ol._, VII, 153,
-Boeckh, pp. 180-1.
-
-[124] _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965. On the value of bronze, _cf._
-Reisch, p. 6.
-
-[125] Schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, VII, 152, Boeckh, p. 180.
-
-[126] _Ibid._, _Ol._, VII, 156, Boeckh, p. 181.
-
-[127] Pindar, _Ol._, IX, 89-90.
-
-[128] _Ibid._, _Nem._, IX, 51; X, 43 f.
-
-[129] _Ibid._, _Nem._, X, 44; schol. on _Ol._, XIII, 155 and
-VII, 156, Boeckh, pp. 288 and 156, and _Explic. ad Olymp._, IX, 102, p.
-194.
-
-[130] _C. I. A._, III, 1, 116.
-
-[131] Schol. on Pindar, _Nem._, X, 64, Boeckh, p. 504; _cf._
-_C. I. A._, II, 2, 965.
-
-[132] _A. G._, XIII, 8.
-
-[133] _I. G. A._, 525; _B. M. Bronzes_, 257.
-
-[134] For many of these examples, see Reisch, pp. 57 f. (and
-notes), and Rouse, pp. 150-1.
-
-[135] At the _Panathenaia_ a golden crown was given the
-victorious harpist, a hydria to the torch-racer, and an ox to the
-victor in the pyrrhic chorus: _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965. Weapons were
-given at Delos: _C. I. G._, II, 2360; a golden crown was given at
-the Pythian games in Delphi to the city which furnished the finest
-sacrificial ox: Xenophon, _Hell._, IV, 4.9; here also golden crowns and
-arms were presented for soldiers’ contests: Xenophon, _ibid._, III, 4.8
-and IV, 2.7.
-
-[136] VIII, 48.2.
-
-[137] Foerster, 7.
-
-[138] Frag., (= _F. H. G._, III, p. 604).
-
-[139] V, 7.7; _cf._ Pindar, _Ol._, III, 24 f.
-
-[140] _Ol._, III, 13 f.
-
-[141] Pseudo-Aristot., _de mirab. Auscult._, 51; schol. on
-Aristoph., _Plutus_, 586; Suidas, _s. v._ κοτίνου στεφάνῳ.
-
-[142] P., V, 15.3; _cf._ Theophrastos, _Hist. Plant._, IV, 13,
-2; Pliny, _H. N._, XVI, 240.
-
-[143] Schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, III, 60, Boeckh, p. 102.
-
-[144] Pseudo-Aristot., _l. c._; schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, III,
-60, and VIII, 12, Boeckh, pp. 102 and 189.
-
-[145] Weniger, _Der heilige Oelbaum in Olympia_, 1895.
-
-[146] P., X, 7.5; _Marmor Parium_, 53 f. On the reason why the
-laurel was the prize for a Pythian victory, see P., X, 7.8; _cf._ VIII,
-48.2 (as above); schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. On
-the Delphian laurel, see also Pliny, _H. N._, XV, 127; _Dio Cass._,
-LXIII, 9. Virgil crowns his victors with laurel: _Aen._, V, 246 and
-539.
-
-[147] Aelian, _Var. Hist._, III, 1; schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._,
-Argum., Boeckh, p. 298.
-
-[148] See Gardiner, p. 208, fig. 27, a coin in the British
-Museum: _B. M. Coins, Delphi_, 38.
-
-[149] _Anacharsis_, 9; see also _C. I. A._, III, 116; Kaibel,
-_Epigrammata graeca_, 1878, no. 931.
-
-[150] _Nem._, IV, 88; _Ol._, XIII, 32 f.; _Isthm._, II, 16,
-VIII, 64.
-
-[151] Schol. on Pindar, _Nem._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 426.
-
-[152] _E. g._, P., VIII, 48.2; _cf._ Plut., _Qaest. conviv._,
-V, 3.3; _Timoleon_, 26.
-
-[153] Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_, pp. 197 f.;
-schol. on _Isthm._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 514.
-
-[154] See _B. M. Coins, Corinth_, 509-12; 564; 602-3 (603 =
-Gardiner, p. 214, fig. 28); 624; _cf._ _I. G._, II, 1320, and Gardiner,
-p. 222, n. 2.
-
-[155] P., II, 1.7. Curtius, _Peloponnesos_, II, p. 543,
-believes that the pine was not a fir, but the _Pinus maritima_;
-Philippson, in the _Zeitschr. d. Gesellsch. fuer Erdkunde zu Berlin_,
-XXV, 1890, pp. 74 f., believes that it was the _Pinus halepensis_ Mill.
-
-[156] See Droysen, _Hermes_, XIV, 1879, p. 3; Head, _Historia
-Nummorum_, pp. 146 f.; Imhoof-Blumer and O. Keller, _Tier- und
-Pflanzenbilder auf Muenzen und Gemmen_, Pl. VI, 8; VII, 2; IX, 9-12;
-XXV, 19.
-
-[157] VIII, 48.2.
-
-[158] See Tarbell, _Class. Phil._, III, pp. 264 f.; he traces
-its origin to Delos and its popularity to the restoration of the Delian
-festival by the Athenians in 426 B. C.
-
-[159] Mentioned by Phanias, _ap._ Athen., VI, 21 (232 c.)
-
-[160] _Op._, 654 f.; _cf._ P., IX, 31.3. The spurious epigram
-in _A. G._, VII, 53, may have been engraved on this tripod set up in
-the temple on Mt. Helikon.
-
-[161] P., X, 7.6.
-
-[162] _C. I. A._, IV, 373^{79}; another is mentioned _ibid._,
-I, 493.
-
-[163] Hdt., V, 60.
-
-[164] Hdt., I, 144.
-
-[165] _Bronz. v. Ol._, pp. 72 f.
-
-[166] See Rouse, pp. 153 f.
-
-[167] V, 12.8.
-
-[168] VI, 19.4.
-
-[169] _Cf._ Rouse, p. 160 and Reisch, p. 62 and n. 1.
-
-[170] See Rouse, _l. c._; for the inscription, _I. G. A._,
-370.
-
-[171] II, 29.9.
-
-[172] _I. G. A._, XIII, 449; see discussion of both stones in
-_J. H. S._, XXVII, 1907, pp. 2 f.
-
-[173] In Ol. 255 (= 241 A. D.); Foerster, 739; _Inschr. v.
-Ol._, 240-1.
-
-[174] See _Bronz. v. 0l._, p. 179.
-
-[175] _E. g._, the inscribed lead weight of the seventh or
-sixth centuries B. C., found at Eleusis and dedicated by Epainetos: _C.
-I. A._, IV, 2, 422^4; _cf. Arch. Eph._, 1883, pp. 189-91.
-
-[176] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., p. 180; Tafelbd., Pl. LXV,
-1101 a.; _cf._ another from the Cyrenaica in the British Museum: _B. M.
-Bronzes_, no. 326.
-
-[177] _C. I. G._, I, 243; _C. I. A._, III, 1, 124; _Rhein.
-Mus._, XXXIV, 1879, p. 206; on prize torches, see _A. G._, VI, 100, and
-_cf._ Kaibel, _Epigr. gr._, 1878, 943.
-
-[178] Kallim., XLIX; _A. G._, VI, 311; _cf._ Reisch, pp. 62
-and 145-6, figs. 13, 14; Rouse, pp. 162-3.
-
-[179] See Reisch, p. 62, and n. 4. The flutist Straton
-dedicated his flute at Thespiai in the third century B. C.: _C. I. G.
-G. S._, I, 1818; a harpist his harp at Athens: _C. I. A._, III, 112.
-
-[180] P., VI, 10.6-7.
-
-[181] P., VI, 9.4.
-
-[182] P., VI, 12.1
-
-[183] P., VI, 10.8.
-
-[184] P., VI, 16.9.
-
-[185] P., V, 12.5; the monument consisted of bronze horses
-only.
-
-[186] P., VI, 16.6.
-
-[187] _E. g._, chariots and drivers, _Bronz. v. Ol._,
-Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 248, 248a, 249, 250; Textbd., pp. 39-40; chariots
-without drivers, _ibid._, Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 252, 252a, 253; Textbd., p.
-40; charioteers without chariots, _ibid._, Pl. XVI, 251; Textbd., p.
-40; horses belonging to two-wheeled chariots, _ibid._, Pl. XVI, 254,
-254a; Textbd., pp. 40-1.
-
-[188] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XXV, 498 f.; Textbd., p.
-68.
-
-[189] _Bronz. v. Ol._, _l. c._; he is followed by Reisch,
-p. 61; Rouse, p. 166, however, thinks that they would have been an
-“artistic blunder.”
-
-[190] _E. g._, _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XXV, 503 f.;
-Textbd., p. 69.
-
-[191] _Ibid._, Pl. XXV, 510; some are older than the date of
-the introduction of the mule-car race, Ol. 70 (= 500 B. C.), and some
-may have been used as bases for animal figures: _e. g._, Pl. XXV, 509;
-Textbd., p. 69.
-
-[192] Rouse, p. 165, suggests, though without evidence, that
-they may have been offered before the contest with a propitiatory
-sacrifice.
-
-[193] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 71.
-
-[194] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 78: _fecit et quadrigas bigasque_, etc.
-
-[195] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 63 and 64: _fecit et quadrigas multorum
-generum_.
-
-[196] P., VI, 12.1.
-
-[197] Either in Ol. 69 (= 504 B. C.) or 70 (= 500 B. C.) or
-before 67 (= 512 B. C.): Hyde, 126; Foerster, 778 (undated).
-
-[198] P., VI, 14.4.
-
-[199] The father won κέλητι in Ol. 66 or 67 (= 516 or 512 B.
-C.): Hyde, 120; Foerster, 129 and 149a; P., VI, 13.9; the sons won
-in the same event in Ol. 68 (= 508 B. C.): Hyde, 121, and pp. 50-51;
-Foerster, 152; P., VI, 13.10.
-
-[200] VI, 2.1-2; he won in the heavy-armed race and in
-charioteering in Ols. (?) 83, 84, (= 448, 444 B. C.): Hyde, 12;
-Foerster, 211a; Foerster believes that the two statues represented
-Lykinos and his charioteer, and that they stood in the chariot, which
-is not mentioned by Pausanias.
-
-[201] So Foerster, _l. c._; see also Robert, O. S., p.
-176; Rutgers, p. 144; and Klein, _Archaeol.-epigr. Mitt. aus
-Oesterr.-Ungarn_, VII, 1883, p. 70. For an improbable view, see Brunn,
-I, p. 479.
-
-[202] P., VI, 12.1.
-
-[203] Pliny, _H. N._, XXIV, 75.
-
-[204] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 78.
-
-[205] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 19.
-
-[206] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 255-7; XVI, 258;
-Textbd., p. 41; terra-cotta horses, _ibid._, XVII, 267-75; Textbd., pp.
-43-4.
-
-[207] See Rouse, p. 167.
-
-[208] Pindar, _Pyth._, V, 34 f.
-
-[209] _C. I. A._, IV, 2, p. 89, 373^{99}; _cf._ _Arch. Eph._,
-1887, p. 146 (inscribed base reproduced).
-
-[210] Mentioned by the pseudo-Plutarch, _Vit. X Orat._, IV
-(Isokrates), 42, p. 839 c
-
-[211] Pindar’s _Pyth._ XII celebrates the victory of Midas of
-Akragas in flute-playing; he won in Pyth. 24 and 25 (= 490 and 486 B.
-C.)
-
-[212] _H. N._, XXXV, 58; both at Corinth and Delphi.
-
-[213] Strabo, VIII, 6. 20 (C. 378); Aristeid., _Isthm._,
-45; Livy, XXXIII, 32. Dio Chrysostom has graphically described the
-crowds of spectators who still frequented the _Isthmia_ in the first
-century A. D.: _Orat._, VII (Διογένης ἢ περὶ ἀρετῆς); VIII (Διογένης ἢ
-Ἰσθμικός); _cf._ Gardiner, p. 173.
-
-[214] Plutarch, _Solon_, 23; Diog. Laert., 1, 55: etc.
-
-[215] For a list of victors, see Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen
-und Isthmien_, pp. 209 f.
-
-[216] See Julian, _Epist._, XXXV.
-
-[217] See Monceaux on the excavation of the temple of
-Poseidon, _Gaz. arch._, IX, 1884, pp. 358 f.
-
-[218] Lucian, _Nero_, 2, says Olympia was the “most athletic”
-of all; Bacchylides, XII, emphasizes the athletic character of Nemea.
-
-[219] The boys’ pentathlon was introduced in the fifty-third
-Nemead (= 467 B. C.) and the pankration for boys earlier: _cf._ Pindar,
-_Nem._, V (in honor of the boy pancratiast Pytheas of Aegina; _cf._
-Bacchylides, XIII); VII (in honor of the boy pentathlete Sogenes of
-Aegina, who won in Nem. 54); IV and VI (in honor of two Aeginetan boy
-wrestlers). The horse-race for boys is mentioned by P., VI, 16.4. Races
-in armor were also important: Ph., 7.
-
-[220] See Gardiner, pp. 223 f.; list of victors in Krause,
-_op. cit._, pp. 147 f.
-
-[221] X, 9.2 (Frazer’s transl.).
-
-[222] See Foucart and Wescher, _Inscriptions recueillies à
-Delphes_, 1863, no. 469; Haussoulier, _B. C. H._, VI, 1882, pp. 217
-f.; Couve, _ibid._, XVIII, 1894, pp. 70-100. One is in honor of the
-Corinthian singer Aristonos, who composed a hymn to Apollo, found at
-Delphi: _ibid._, XVII, 1893, pp. 563 f. A Samian flutist, Satyros,
-gained a prize without contest and recited a choral ode called
-_Dionysos_ in the stadion, and played an air from Euripides’ _Bacchae_
-on the lyre; _ibid._, XVII, pp. 84 f. Native towns erected statues
-to musical victors: _C. I. G._, I., nos. 1719-20. One inscription
-records the rules to be observed by runners, who could not drink new
-wine, etc.: _J. H. S._, XVI, 1896, p. 343 and _Berliner Philolog.
-Wochenschr._, XVI, 1896, p. 831 (June 27); _cf._ Frazer, V, p. 260. The
-base of a statue of a boy wrestler has been found: _A. Z._, XXXI, 1874,
-p. 57.
-
-[223] X, 9.2-3; on Phaÿllos, see Foerster, 794 (undated).
-
-[224] _H. N._, XXXIV, 59.
-
-[225] _Ibid._, §57.
-
-[226] On _Pyth._, IX, Argum., Boeckh, p. 401 B.
-
-[227] XXIV, 7.10.
-
-[228] To be discussed _infra_, in Ch. V.
-
-[229] II, 1.7.
-
-[230] _I. G. B._, nos. 120, 133, 148.
-
-[231] _C. I. G._, II, 2888.
-
-[232] P., VIII, 38.5; _cf._ Reisch, p. 39, n. 1.
-
-[233] P., I, 23.9; _C. I. A._, I, 376; _I. G. B._, 39.
-
-[234] P., I, 23.10.
-
-[235] P., I, 24.3; _cf._ Reisch, p. 39.
-
-[236] Pseudo-Plutarch, _Vit. X Orat._, already mentioned.
-
-[237] P., I, 18.3 and IX, 32.8; _cf._ Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV,
-79.
-
-[238] _Contra Leocr._, p. 51 (ed. Reiske, p. 176.)
-
-[239] _Cf._ Furtwaengler, _A. M._, V, 1880, pp. 27 f.
-
-[240] _C. I. A._, I, 419; he won in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): _Oxy.
-Pap._; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.
-
-[241] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1303.
-
-[242] Aelian, _Var. Hist._, IX, 32. Reisch, p. 39, ascribes
-these to the monument of the older Kimon, who won in chariot-racing
-three times at Olympia: Hdt., VI, 103; Plut., _Cato Major_, 5;
-Foerster, 124 and 132.
-
-[243] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1300.
-
-[244] _Ibid._, 1301; _cf._ _C. I. G._, I, 233.
-
-[245] _Ibid._, 1305, 1312.
-
-[246] _Ibid._, 1302.
-
-[247] _Ibid._, 1304.
-
-[248] _Ibid._, 1323.
-
-[249] _Ibid._, 1313.
-
-[250] _Ibid._, 1314.
-
-[251] _Ibid._, 1318-20.
-
-[252] The Ἑλλανοδίκαι, mentioned by P., V, 9. 4 f. and
-elsewhere; sometimes he calls them merely οἱ Ἠλεῖοι: _e. g._, VI, 13.9.
-
-[253] _E. g._, P., VI, 13.9, says that the Eleans allowed
-Pheidolas to dedicate a statue of his mare; in VI, 3.6, he says that
-they allowed the wrestler Kratinos to set up a statue of his trainer.
-
-[254] XXXIV, 16. See _infra_, pp. 54 and 354.
-
-[255] VI, 1.1.
-
-[256] _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 236.
-
-[257] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 19 f. (nude youths
-with lost attributes so that they can not be named with certainty);
-Tafelbd., Pl. VIII, 47 (the oldest); VII, 48 = F. W., 352 (Apollo,
-following Overbeck, _Gr. Kunstmytk._, III, _Apollon_, p. 35, fig. 6);
-VIII, 49 = F. W., 353; VIII, 51-4 and 57 (the latter is a boxer of the
-fifth century B. C. = Fig. 2 in text); VI, 50; VI, 59 (right arm of a
-fifth-century B. C. diskobolos); VI, 63 (right lower leg). Purgold,
-_Annali_, LVII, 1885, pp. 167 f., makes these diskoboloi decorative in
-character.
-
-[258] De Ridder, no. 747.
-
-[259] _Ibid._, no. 746.
-
-[260] _Ibid._, no. 636.
-
-[261] Carapanos, _Dodone et ses Ruines_, 1878, Pl. XI, 1 and 1
-_bis_ (probably not Atalanta, as Carapanos suggests on p. 31, no. 4).
-
-[262] _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, Pls. X and XI.
-
-[263] _A. M._, XV, 1890, p. 365.
-
-[264] _Jb._, I, 1886, pp. 163 f., and Pl. IX; II, 1887, pp. 95
-f.
-
-[265] Carapanos, _op. cit._, Pl. XIII, 1.
-
-[266] _E. g._, see E. von Sacken, _Die antiken Bronzen des k.
-k. Muenz- und Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien_, 1871, Pl. 37, fig. 4, and Pl.
-45, fig. 1; _cf._ _J. H. S._, I, Pl. V, fig. 1, text, pp. 176-7. See
-lists, from which many of the above examples are taken, in Reisch, p.
-39, and Rouse, pp. 172 f.
-
-[267] The seven fragments collected by Treu, which are
-two-fifths to two-thirds life-size: _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LVI,
-2, (= Fig. 78, _infra_) and Textbd., p. 216, no. 241; Tafelbd., Pl.
-LVI, 3, 4 and Textbd., p. 216, n. 4 and fig. 242.
-
-[268] V, 27.2-3.
-
-[269] Reisch, pp. 39 f., gives examples of these for chariot
-victories at the _Panathenaia_ and the games at Oropos, which latter
-were imitated from the _Panathenaia_.
-
-[270] V, 16.3: καὶ δὴ ἀναθεῖναί σφισιν ἔστι γραψαμέναις
-εἰκόνας. Rouse, p. 167, n. 9, shows that these words do not mean
-“statues of themselves with their names engraved on them,” as Frazer
-translates, but painted reliefs.
-
-[271] Benndorf, _Griech. und Sicil. Vasenbilder_, I, Pl. IX,
-pp. 13 f.
-
-[272] I, 22.7. Reisch, p. 40, believes this represented a
-Panathenaic victor.
-
-[273] _H. N._, XXXV, 99. _Cf._ E. Kroker, _Gleichnamige
-griechische Kuenstler_, 1883, p. 35.
-
-[274] _Ibid._, §75.
-
-[275] _Ibid._, §63.
-
-[276] _Ibid._, §141.
-
-[277] _Ibid._, §106.
-
-[278] _Ibid._, §71.
-
-[279] _Ibid._, §130.
-
-[280] _Ibid._, §144.
-
-[281] P., VI, 14.13. He won the pentathlon twice some time
-between Ols. 126 and 132 (= 276 and 252 B. C.): Hyde, 139; Foerster,
-451 and 456; the inscription on one has been recovered: _Inschr. v.
-Ol._, 176.
-
-[282] P., VI, 3.11. His victories in running races occurred
-in Ols. (?) 95, (?) 97 and 99; (= 400, 392 and 384 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde,
-33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316. The inscription from the base of one is
-preserved in _A. G._, XIII, 15.
-
-[283] P., VI, 2.1-2; Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211a.
-
-[284] P., VI, 15.10; he won the pankration and wrestling match
-in Ol. 142 (= 212 B. C.): Hyde, 150; Foerster, 474, 475.
-
-[285] P., VI, 1.4; he won in the two- and four-horse
-chariot-races in Ols. 102, 103 (= 372 and 368 B. C.): Hyde, 6;
-Foerster, 338, 345; for the inscription on its base, see _Inschr. v.
-Ol._, 166. P. Gardner, in _J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, p. 245, infers that he
-had only one victory, in 372 B. C.
-
-[286] P., VI, 2.2; he won in Ols. (?) 86, 87 (= 436, 432 B.
-C.): Hyde, 13; Foerster, 250, 256.
-
-[287] P., VI, 14.12; _Inschr. v . Ol._, 170; _ibid._, no. 154
-belongs to the victory mentioned by Pausanias. He won κέλητι in Ol. (?)
-83 (= 448 B. C.): Hyde, 133; Foerster, 327.
-
-[288] _E. g._, Deinomenes set up a chariot-group to his
-father Hiero: P., VI, 12.1; Glaukos had a statue dedicated by his son:
-VI, 10.3; Menedemos set up a statue to his father of the same name:
-_Inschr. v. Ol._, 214; the sons of Hiero II, the son of Hierokles, of
-Syracuse, set up in honor of their father two statues by the Syracusan
-statuary Mikon, one on horseback, the other on foot: P., VI, 12.2 f.;
-Hyde 105a and pp. 44-5; another of the same Hiero was set up at Olympia
-by his sons: VI, 15.6; Hyde, 147a; these latter, however, are “honor”
-and not victor statues.
-
-[289] _E. g._, Hermokrates dedicated a statue to his son
-Kleitomachos of Thebes: P., VI, 15.3 f.; he won in pankration and
-boxing in Ols. 141 and 142 (= 216, 212 B. C.): Hyde, 146; Foerster,
-472, 476. The epigram by Alkaios (= Minor) of Messenia is preserved
-in _A. G._, IX, 588. For inscriptions after the time of Augustus, see
-_Inschr. v. Ol._, 215 (Menedemos to his son of the same name); 216
-(Aristodemos to his son Lykomedes of Elis); Foerster, 550; _Inschr. v.
-Ol._, 218 (Timolas to his son Archiadas of Elis); Foerster, 535; etc.
-
-[290] _E. g._, Klaudia Kleodike to her son M. Antonios
-Kallipos Peisanos of Elis: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 223; Foerster, 568.
-
-[291] _E. g._, Diodoros to his brother Nikanor of Ephesos:
-_Inschr. v. Ol._, 227; he won the pankration in Ol. 217 (= 89 A. D.):
-Foerster, 666.
-
-[292] _E. g._, Loukios Betilenos (= Vetulenus) set one up
-to T. Klaudios Aphrodeisios of Elis (?): _Inschr. v. Ol._, 226. He
-won κέλητι in Ol. 208 (= 53 A. D.): Foerster, 634; two Eleans set up
-statues, one, M. Antonios Peisanos, to Germanicus Caesar, adopted son
-of the Emperor Tiberius (Foerster, 612), the other, Gnaios Markios, to
-Tiberius or Germanicus: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 221 and 222.
-
-[293] _E. g._, Mikon the trainer to an unknown Samian boxer:
-P., VI, 2.9; Hyde, 19 and pp. 29-30; Foerster, 804.
-
-[294] P., VI, 3.8; _cf._ VII, 17.6 and 13 f.; Afr.; Hyde, 29;
-Foerster, 6.
-
-[295] P., VI, 6.2; he won some time between Ols. (?) 93 and
-103 (= 408 and 368 B. C.): Hyde, 53; Foerster, 355.
-
-[296] P., VI, 17.2; he won some time between Ols. (?) 114 and
-132 (= 324 and 252 B. C.): Hyde, 172; Foerster, 354.
-
-[297] P., VI, 17.2; two of the victories in the stade-race
-fell in Ols. 129 and 130 (= 264 and 260 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 173;
-Foerster, 440-2; 444-5.
-
-[298] P., VI, 17.4. He won the boys’ wrestling match some
-time between Ols. (?) 115 and 118 (= 320 and 308 B. C.): Hyde, 178;
-Foerster, 377.
-
-[299] For the one at Olympia, see P., VI, 8.5; for the one at
-Pellene, _id._, VII, 27.5; he won in Ol. 94 (= 396 B. C.): Hyde, 81;
-Foerster, 286. Similarly, Hiero II, King of Syracuse, had two statues
-_honoris causa_ at Olympia set up by his fellow citizens: P., VI, 15.
-6; Hyde, 147a.
-
-[300] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 169; _cf._ P., VI, 13.11; he won the
-pankration some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130 (= 320 and 260 B.
-C.): Hyde, 123; Foerster, 758 (undated).
-
-[301] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 186; _cf._ P., VI, 15.6; he won twice
-in boxing between Ols. (?) 144 and 147 (= 204 and 192 B. C.): Hyde,
-147; Foerster, 510 and 512.
-
-[302] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 224; he won the boys’ wrestling match
-in Roman days; Foerster, 823.
-
-[303] P., VI, 2.2-3; Thukydides, V, 49-50; he won in Ol. 90 (=
-420 B. C.): Hyde, 14; Foerster, 270.
-
-[304] Vol. II, p. 222.
-
-[305] So Scherer, p. 5. His evidence is from inscriptions of
-imperial days (_e. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, 218, 223, 227), when the
-dedicatory formula differed somewhat from that of earlier times.
-
-[306] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 147-8; _cf._ P., VI, 10.9; _Oxy.
-Pap._; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237.
-
-[307] VI, 3.6. He won sometime between Ols. (?) 120 and 130 (=
-300 and 260 B. C.): Hyde, 27; Foerster, 433.
-
-[308] VI, 8.3. He won the stade-race and the chariot-race in
-Ols. 93 and 104 (= 408 and 364 B. C.) respectively: Afr.; Hyde, 75;
-Foerster, 277, 350.
-
-[309] P., VI, 14.6; he won in wrestling matches six times in
-Ol. (?) 61, and in Ols. 62, 63, 64, 65, 66 (= 536-516 B. C.): Hyde,
-128; Foerster, 116, 122, 126, 131, 136, 141.
-
-[310] P., VI, 13.2; Afr.; Hyde, 111 and p. 48; Foerster, 39,
-41-6.
-
-[311] P., VI, 4.6; Hyde, 41 and _cf._ p. 36; Foerster, 384,
-392.
-
-[312] P., VI, 5.1.; VII, 27.6; Afr.; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279.
-
-[313] P., VI, 10.1; Hyde, 93 and p. 42; Foerster, 137.
-
-[314] The age of boy victors at Olympia seems to have been
-17-20: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 56, ll. 11] f. (referring to the order of
-the _Augustalia_, or Σεβαστὰ ἰσολύμπια, celebrated in Naples, which
-were modeled after those of Olympia, _cf._ _C. I. G._, III, 5805).
-Archippos of Mytilene won the crown for boxing at Olympia, Delphi,
-Nemea, and on the Isthmus among the men at not over twenty years of
-age: P., VI, 15.1; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 173; he won sometime between
-Ols. (?) 115 and 125 (= 320 and 280 B. C.): Hyde, 140; Foerster, 757
-(undated). Since Pausanias mentions this as a remarkable record, we
-should suspect his statement that the boy runner Damiskos of Messene
-was but twelve when he won the stade-race: VI, 2.10; he won Ol. 103 (=
-368 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 20; Foerster, 343. Another victor, of unknown
-date, Nikasylos of Rhodes, was disqualified when eighteen years old
-from entering the boys’ wrestling match because of his age, and so
-entered that of the men: P., VI, 14.1-2; Hyde, 125; Foerster, 787. He
-died at twenty. Such inconsistencies in Pausanias’ account show that
-the Hellanodikai exercised some discretion in their judgment, taking
-into consideration not merely age, but size and strength.
-
-[315] On maintenance at the Prytaneion, see Plato, _de Rep._,
-V, 465 D; _Apology_, 36 D; Plut., _Aristeides_, 27; Athenæus, VI, 32
-(p. 237, quoting Timokles), and X, 6 (p. 414, quoting Xenophanes);
-R. Schoell, Die Speisung im Prytaneion zu Athen, _Hermes_, VI, 1872,
-pp. 14 f. (and Athenian inscription, pp. 30 f.) He concludes that
-this honor was given to Athenian victors only in the chariot-race
-at Olympia, and in gymnic contests at the other great games. Solon
-ordained that these meals be frugal, consisting of a barley loaf on
-common days and a wheaten one on festival days: see Athenæus, IV, 14
-(p. 137 e).
-
-[316] _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965.
-
-[317] Dio Cassius, LII, 30, 5-6.
-
-[318] Suet., _Octav._, 45; _cf._ Gardiner, pp. 174-5.
-
-[319] P., VI, 13.1; Afr.; Hyde, 110; Foerster, 176-7, 181-2,
-187-8.
-
-[320] P., VI, 18.6; Hyde, 186; Foerster, 317, 323.
-
-[321] P., VI, 3.11; Afr.; Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316.
-
-[322] P., VI, 2.6-7; Hyde, 16; Foerster, 309.
-
-[323] P., VI, 2.2-3; Thukyd., V, 49-50; Krause, _Olympia_, p.
-144.
-
-[324] P., V, 21.3-4. Eupolos won in Ol. 98 (= 388 B. C.):
-Foerster, 313. See Plans A and B.
-
-[325] P., V, 21.5; Kallipos won Ol. 112 (= 332 B. C.):
-Foerster, 385.
-
-[326] P., V, 21.8 f.; on Straton, see Foerster, 570-1.
-
-[327] P., V, 21.16-17; see Foerster, 598 (for the Elean boy
-wrestler Polyktor, son of Damonikos); P., V, 21.15; Foerster 684 (for
-the boxer Didas and his antagonist Sarapammon, both Egyptians). On
-cases of bribery at Olympia, see Gardiner, pp. 134-5 and 174; Krause,
-_Olympia_, pp. 144 f.
-
-[328] P., V, 21.18.
-
-[329] P., V, 21.12-14.
-
-[330] Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,^2 II,
-689; Cavvadias (Kabbadias), _Fouilles d’Épidaure_, I, 1891, p. 77, no.
-238.
-
-[331] Ph., 45. He says that victories were bought and sold
-in his day and that the practice was encouraged by trainers. _Cf._
-Gardiner, p. 219.
-
-[332] Lucian, _Nero_, 9. _Cf._ Gardiner, pp. 218-219
-
-[333] See Gardiner, p. 77.
-
-[334] Diod., XIII, 82; Foerster, 271 and 276. Suetonius says
-that Nero, on arriving in Naples after his tour of Greece, made his
-entrance in a chariot drawn by white horses through a breach in the
-city wall “according to the practice of victors at the Greek games,”
-and that he entered Rome in the triumphal chariot of Augustus dressed
-in a purple tunic and a gold-embroidered cloak through a breach in
-the wall of the Circus Maximus: _Nero_, 25. Though Plutarch says that
-victors could tear down part of the city walls (_Quaest. conviv._, II,
-5.2), such extravagances seem to have been introduced late and not to
-have belonged to the great days of Greek athletics.
-
-[335] _Cf._ Waldstein, _J. H. S._, I, 1880, pp. 198-9.
-
-[336] Hdt., V, 47; _cf._ Eustath. on Hom., Iliad, III, p. 383,
-43; Foerster, 138.
-
-[337] P., VI, 6.4 f.; Afr.; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207.
-
-[338] P., VI, 6.7-11; Strabo, VI, 1.5 (C. 255); Ael., _Var.
-Hist._, VIII, 18.
-
-[339] So Kallimachos _apud_ Plin., _H. N._, VII, 152 (= _S.
-Q._, 494); he also states that two of his statues, one at Lokroi, the
-other at Olympia, were struck by lightning on the same day.
-
-[340] P., VI, 11.8-9; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 104; Foerster, 191,
-196.
-
-[341] P., VI, 11.2.
-
-[342] P., VI, 9.8; _cf._ Suidas, _s. v._ Κλεομήδης; Foerster,
-162; _cf._ Hyde, 90a (though there was no statue at Olympia).
-
-[343] VI, 9.6-8.
-
-[344] Thus P., VI, 11.9, says that statues of Theagenes were
-erected within and beyond Greece and could heal sickness. Lucian
-says that in his day the statues of both Theagenes on Thasos and of
-Polydamas of Skotoussa at Olympia cured fevers: _Deorum Concilium_, 12.
-Polydamas won the pankration in Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.): Afr.; his statue
-by Lysippos was set up later: P., VI, 5.1; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279.
-Gardiner has recently called attention to the fact that the evidence
-for the canonization of the five victors mentioned is mostly late, and
-he therefore doubts if it had anything to do with their victories at
-Olympia: _B. S. A._, XXII, 1916-18, pp. 96, 97.
-
-[345] Ll. 1161 f.
-
-[346] _De Rep._, V, 465 D. E.
-
-[347] _De Rep._, 620 B.; _cf._ Gardiner, pp. 129-130.
-
-[348] Xen., _Hell._, I, 5.19; P., VI, 7.4 f.; Hyde, 61;
-Foerster, 258, 260, 262.
-
-[349] Damagetos won in boxing (?) in Ol. 56 (= 556 B. C):
-Hermipp., _fr._ 14 (= _F. H. G._ III, p. 39); _A. G._, VII, 88; Pl.,
-_H. N._, VII, 119; Foerster, 108.
-
-[350] _Hbk._, pp. 215-216.
-
-[351] _Ap._ Athenæum, X, 6 (pp. 413-14); Gardiner, p. 79, has
-given a translation of his protest.
-
-[352] _Ap._ Athen., X, 5 (p. 413).
-
-[353] _De Rep._, 404 A.; 410 D. (_cf._ 535 D.).
-
-[354] Προτρεπτικὸς λόγος ἐπὶ τὰς τέχνας. For translation, see
-Gardiner, p. 188.
-
-[355] See Secchi, _Mosaico Antoniniano_, and Baum., I, p. 223,
-fig. 174.
-
-[356] VI, 1.1: ποιήσασθαι καὶ ἵππων ἀγωνιστῶν μνήμην καὶ
-ἀνδρῶν ἀθλητῶν.
-
-[357] See Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 239.
-
-[358] Pp. 272-3.
-
-[359] P., VI, 10.8; Hyde, 99 b and p. 44; Foerster, 77-9.
-
-[360] _Inschr. v. 0l._, 236; Foerster, 686. It was the custom
-also at Delphi to dedicate chariots; thus we have already mentioned
-that Arkesilas IV of Kyrene dedicated his chariot there after a
-Pythian victory in Ol. 78.3 (= 462 B. C.): Pindar, _Pyth._, V, 34
-f. An inscription tells us of a bronze wheel being dedicated to the
-Dioskouroi: _I. G. A._, p. 173, 43a.
-
-[361] _E. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, 142 (Pantares); 160
-(Kyniska).
-
-[362] _E. g._, _ibid._, 143 (Gelo); 178 (Glaukon); 190 (son of
-Aristotle); 191 (Agilochos); 194 (son of Nikodromos); 197 (Antigenes);
-217 (Lykomedes); 222 (Gnaios Markios); 233 (Kasia Mnasithea).
-
-[363] Thus _ibid._, 142, 143, 236.
-
-[364] _Ibid._, 178, 190 (supplied), 191 (supplied), 194, 197,
-217, 227, 233 (supplied).
-
-[365] _Ibid._, 160.
-
-[366] _Ibid._, 177.
-
-[367] V, 21.1.
-
-[368] V, 25.1.
-
-[369] _A. M._, V, 1880, p. 29.
-
-[370] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144; here in the renewed inscription
-occurs also the word ἀνέθηκεν; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207.
-
-[371] _L. c._, p. 31, n. 1; here he gives a list of the
-metrical exceptions of the fifth century B. C.; from inscriptions,
-that of Aineas, _A. Z._, XXXV, 1877, p. 38, no. 86; Foerster, 244 (an
-inscription not appearing in _Inschr. v. Ol._), and Tellon, _A. Z._,
-_ibid._, p. 190, no. 91, and XXXVIII, 1880, p. 70 (= _Inschr. v. Ol._,
-147-8); from Pausanias, that of Kleosthenes (wrongly Kleisthenes), VI,
-10.6, and Damarchos, VI, 8.2. The list should he corrected as follows.
-From inscriptions: Tellon, boy boxer of Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): _Oxy.
-Pap._; P., VI, 10.9; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 147-8; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237;
-Kyniskos, boy boxer of Ol. (?) 80 (= 460 B. C.): P., VI, 4.11; _Inschr.
-v. Ol._, 149; Hyde, 45; Foerster, 255; Charmides, boy boxer of Ol.
-(?) 79 (= 464 B. C.): P., VI, 7.1; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 156 (renewed);
-Hyde, 58; Foerster, 763 (undated); ...krates, boy runner, Ol. (?) 93
-(= 408 B. C.): _Inschr. v. Ol._, 157; Foerster, 280. From Pausanias:
-Damarchos, boxer, who won before Ol. 75 (= 480 B. C.) or after Ol. 83
-(= 448 B. C.): VI, 8.2; Hyde, 74 and p. 38; Foerster, 452.
-
-[372] _E. g._, the Cretan Philonides, courier of Alexander the
-Great, dedicated his portrait statue to the god: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 276;
-P., VI, 16.5; Hyde, 154 a.
-
-[373] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144.
-
-[374] So Dittenberger, and Furtwaengler (_l. c._, p. 30,
-n. 2), following Roehl, _I. G. A._, on no. 388; Roehl believed that
-originally the word Lokroi or the name of the victor’s father appeared
-as the dedicator, and later, because the victor wished to remove the
-expense from his city or because his father died, Euthymos himself
-restored it; see discussion of Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, pp.
-249-520. The original inscription has ἔστησε.
-
-[375] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 264; Roehl, _I. G. A._, 589.
-
-[376] So Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 241, and no. 213;
-_I. G. B._, 72; Foerster, following the earlier dating of Dittenberger
-(_A. Z._, XXXV, 1877, p. 42, nos. 49-50), dates the two victories
-later, in Ols. (?) 200, 203 (= 21 and 33 A. D.); nos. 614 and 619.
-
-[377] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 225, 228, 229-30, 231, 232.
-
-[378] _Op. cit._, pp. 240-1.
-
-[379] Furtwaengler, _l. c._, p. 30; Reisch, p. 37; Rouse, p.
-167; Frazer, III, p. 624. Against the view that victor statues were
-first called votive in Roman days, see Purgold, _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881,
-p. 89, on no. 390 (= inscription of Glaukon = _Inschr. v. Ol._, 178;
-however, he was a victor in chariot-racing).
-
-[380] _E. g._, by Scherer, p. 5; Kuhnert, _Jahrb. fuer cl.
-Phil._, Supplbd., XIV, 1885, p. 257, n. 7; Flasch, in Baum., II, p.
-1096; _cf._ Dittenberger-Purgold, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 240; Frazer, III,
-pp. 623-4.
-
-[381] _E. g._, Ziemann, _de Anathematis Graecis_, 1885, p. 54.
-
-[382] _Hermes_, XIII, 1878, p. 437, n. 2.
-
-[383] Pp. 35 f.; followed by M. K. Welsh, _B. S. A._, XI,
-1904-5, pp. 33-4.
-
-[384] _E. g._, Pythokles, who won the pentathlon in Ol. 82 (=
-452 B. C.), does not mention his contest on the base (_Inschr. v. Ol._,
-162-3), nor does Pausanias give it (VI, 7.10); we learn it only from
-the _Oxy. Pap._: see Robert _O. S._, p. 185; Hyde, 70; Foerster, 295.
-
-[385] On p. 36, n. 1, he points out that at Athens the usual
-dedication formula was omitted; _e. g._, in the inscription of the
-Isthmian victor Diophanes, _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1301, and in that of
-a Panathenaic victor, _ibid._, 1302. The presence of the word in an
-Athenian inscription referring to the Olympic victor Kallias rests on
-an uncertain restoration; _ibid._, I, 419; he won Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.):
-P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.
-
-[386] Pp. 167 f.
-
-[387] Both Reisch, p. 36, and Dittenberger, _op. cit._, p.
-240, agree also in opposing Furtwaengler’s _Versnoth_ explanation.
-
-[388] Thus Pausanias mentions the “chariot, horses, charioteer and
-Kyniska herself”: VI, 1.6. Again he speaks of the “chariot and statue
-of Gelo”: VI, 9.4-5; in referring to the chariot of Kleosthenes by
-Hagelaïdas he says: “Along with the statue of the chariot and horses,
-he [Kleosthenes] dedicated statues of himself and the charioteer,” and
-even adds the names of the horses: VI, 10.6. In VI, 18.1, he mentions
-the group of Kratisthenes as “the chariot, Nike mounting it, and
-Kratisthenes”; in VI, 16.6 he speaks of “a small chariot and figure
-of the father of Polypeithes, the wrestler Kalliteles”; etc. _Cf._
-Dittenberger, _op. cit._, pp. 239-40.
-
-[389] He won in Ol. 255 (= 241 A. D.): Foerster, 739: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 241.
-
-[390] No dedication, however, is inscribed on it: _I. G. A._, 160;
-_Bronz. v. Ol._, on no. 1101, p. 180.
-
-[391] Chionis, a famous runner from Sparta, had a tablet, which listed
-his victories, set up beside his statue at Olympia: P., VI, 13.2; he
-won in Ols. 28-31 (= 668-656 B. C.): Hyde, 111; Foerster, 39, 41-46.
-His statue was erected long after his death, in Ol. 77 or 78, and
-so probably the stele also: Hyde, p. 48. Deinosthenes, who won the
-stade-race in Ol. 116 (= 316 B. C.), had a slab set up beside his
-statue at Olympia, on which was inscribed the distance between it and a
-similar one in Sparta: P., VI, 16.8; Afr.; Hyde, 163; Foerster, 403.
-
-[392] He won the chariot-race in Ol. 33 (= 648 B. C.): Foerster, 51.
-
-[393] P., VI, 19.2; on the mistake of Pausanias, see Flasch, in Baum.,
-II, p. 1104 B.
-
-[394] _Or._, XXXI, 596 R (= 328 M).
-
-[395] _H. N._, XXXIV, 17.
-
-[396] _H. N._, XXXIV, 23-4. The subject of portrait honorary statues
-at Athens has been treated by L. B. Stenessen, _de Historia variisque
-Generibus statuarum iconicarum apud Athenienses_, Christiania, 1877;
-for all Greece by M. K. Welsh, Honorary Statues in Ancient Greece, _B.
-S. A._, XI, 1904-5, pp. 32-49.
-
-[397] See list in Hyde, _Index_ on p. V.
-
-[398] King Hiero of Syracuse had five: Hyde, 147 a (= three) and 105a
-(= two); Antigonos Monophthalmos had three: Hyde, 103 d, 147 f, 151 b.
-
-[399] Archidamas III, son of Agesilaos: P., VI, 4.9; Hyde, 42 a; VI,
-15.7; Hyde, 147 c; Areus, son of Akrotatos, P., VI, 12.5; Hyde, 105 b;
-VI, 15.9; Hyde, 148 a: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 308.
-
-[400] Demetrios Poliorketes, P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 e; _Inschr. v.
-Ol._, 304; VI, 16.3; Hyde, 152 b.
-
-[401] Pyrrhos: P., VI, 14.9; Hyde, 128 a.
-
-[402] Hiero II: P., VI, 12.2 f. (two statues set up by his sons:
-Hyde, 105 a); VI, 15.6 (three statues, one set up by sons, two by
-fellow-citizens: Hyde, 147 a).
-
-[403] Philip II, son of Amyntas; Alexander the Great; Seleukos Nikator,
-son of Antiochos; Antigonos, son of Philip, surnamed Monophthalmos;
-these four princes had statues together: P., VI, 11.1; Hyde, 103 a, b,
-c, d. Antigonos had also other statues in different parts of the Altis:
-P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 f; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 305; VI, 16.2; Hyde, 151
-b. Antigonos Doson and Philip III had statues together: P., VI, 16.3;
-Hyde, 152 a. The Syrian king Seleukos Nikator had another statue at
-Olympia: P., VI, 16.2; Hyde, 151 c. Three of the Egyptian dynasty had
-statues: Ptolemy Lagi, P., VI, 15.10; Hyde, 149 a; Philadelphus, P.,
-VI, 17.3; Hyde, 173 a; and another whose name is uncertain, P., VI,
-16.9; Hyde, 166 a.
-
-[404] P., VI, 4.8; Hyde, 41 b.
-
-[405] P., VI, 17.7; Hyde, 184 a; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 293.
-
-[406] P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 d.
-
-[407] P., VI, 14.9-10; Hyde, 128 b.
-
-[408] P., VI, 14.11 Hyde, 128 c in Ol. (?) 127 (= 272 B. C.)
-
-[409] P., VI, 14.12; Hyde, 134 a; erected between Ols. (?) 103 and 115
-(= 368 and 320 B. C.).
-
-[410] P., VI, 16.5; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 276, 277; Hyde, 154 a.
-
-[411] P., VI, 14.9-10.
-
-[412] P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 b.
-
-[413] P., VI, 15.2; Hyde, 143 a.
-
-[414] VI, 12.5. The date of his victory is unknown, but fell probably
-in Ol. 134 or 135 (= 244 or 240 B. C.): Hyde, 105 c and pp. 44-5;
-Foerster, 463.
-
-[415] He won some time between Ols. (?) 99 and 102 (= 384 and 372 B.
-C.): P., VI, 3.2-3; Hyde, 23 and pp. 30-1; Foerster, 335.
-
-[416] On the ancient custom of carrying off votive offerings and images
-from vanquished foes, see P., VIII, 46.2-4. He shows that Augustus
-only followed a long-established precedent. Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV,
-36, in speaking of the great number of statues plundered from Greece
-by Mummius and the Luculli, quotes G. Licinius Mucianus (three times
-consul), who died before 77 B. C., to the effect that 73,000 statues
-were still to be seen at Rhodes in his time, and that supposably as
-many more were yet to be found in Athens, Olympia, and Delphi.
-
-[417] At the beginning of his description of Elis (V, 1.2), Pausanias
-says that 217 years had passed since the restoration of Corinth. As
-that event fell in 44 B. C., he was writing his fifth book in 174 A.
-D., _i. e._, in the reign of Marcus Aurelius. With this date other
-chronological references in his work agree. That the fifth book was
-written before the sixth is deduced from a comparison of V, 14.6
-with VI, 22.8 f. Though the sixth book, therefore, can not have been
-composed earlier than 174 A. D., it may, of course, have been written
-much later. On the dates of the various books, see Frazer, I, pp. xv
-f. On the great importance of Pausanias for the whole history of Greek
-art, see C. Robert, _Pausanias als Schriftsteller_, 1909, p. 1.
-
-[418] _Historia naturalis_, Bks. XXXIV-XXXVI (ed. Jex-Blake).
-
-[419] This process has never been carried further nor with greater
-insight than in Furtwaengler’s great work, _Meisterwerke der griech.
-Plastik_, 1893.
-
-[420] In his _Handbuch der Archaeologie der Kunst_, 3d ed., 1848, by F.
-G. Welcker, p. 740.
-
-[421] Chapter VII, _infra_, pp. 321 f.
-
-[422] _Cf._ Furtwaengler-Urlichs, _Denkmaeler griech. und roem.
-Skulptur_ (Handausgabe^3), 1911, p. 101.
-
-[423] _Pro. Imag._, 11, pp. 490 f.: Ἀκούω ... μήδ’ Ὀλυμπίασιν ἐξεῖναι
-τοῖς νικῶσι μείζους τῶν σωμάτων ἀνεστάναι τοὺς ἀνδριάντας, κ. τ. λ.;
-Scherer, pp. 10 f.; _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., p. 250.
-
-[424] VI, 5.1. On the statue, see E. Preuner, _Ein delphisches
-Weihgeschenck_, p. 26; for the recovered sculptured base, see _Bildw.
-v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 209 f.; Tafelbd., Pl. LV. 1-3. Polydamas won the
-pankration in Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.), but his statue was set up long
-after, in the time of Lysippos: Afr.; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279.
-
-[425] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 146; _cf._ Scherer, pp. 10-11. He won in Ol. 77
-(= 472 B. C.): P., VI, 6.1; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.
-
-[426] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 159 (renewed); _I. G. B._, 86. Eukles won in
-Ols. (?) 90-93, (= 420-408 B. C.): P., VI, 6.2; Hyde, 52; Foerster, 297.
-
-[427] The lost work of Aristotle is mentioned by Diogenes Laertios, V,
-26. For the scholiast, see Boeckh, p. 158; and _F. H. G._, II, p. 183
-(= Aristotle, fragm. 264), IV., p. 307 (= Apollas, fragm. 7).
-
-[428] Pollux, _Onomastikon_, II, 158, says that the cubit (πῆχυς)
-contains 24 δάκτυλοι or 6 παλασταί; it was therefore 18.25 inches and
-the finger 0.7 inch long. The Solonian cubit of 444 mm. gives 17.53
-inches, the finger .73 inch, which makes Diagoros’ statue 6 feet 1.75
-inches tall.Though the cubit was later lengthened to about 2 feet,
-the old size was retained for measuring wood and stone: _cf._ Boeckh,
-_Metrologische Untersuchungen_, 1838, p. 212.
-
-[429] Scherer, p. 11, gave its height as 6 feet and 5 inches.
-
-[430] Diagoras won in Ol. 79 (= 464 B. C.): P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 59;
-Foerster, 220; _cf._ _Inschr. v. Ol._, 151 (renewed); Damagetos in Ols.
-82-3 (= 452-448 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 62; Foerster,
-253; _cf._ _Inschr. v. Ol._, 152.
-
-[431] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 165 (renewed); he won Ol. 82 (= 452 B. C.):
-_Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 13.6; Hyde, 115; Foerster, 376.
-
-[432] _E. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 147-8, Tellon, who won the boys’
-boxing match in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 10.9; Hyde,
-102; Foerster, 237; _ibid._, 155 (renewed), Hellanikos, boy boxer, who
-won in Ol. 89 (= 424 B. C.): P., VI, 7.8; Hyde, 65; Foerster, 263;
-_ibid._, 158, boxer Damoxenidas, who won some time between Ols. 95
-and 100 (= 400 and 380 B. C.): P., VI, 6.3; Hyde, 54; Foerster, 319;
-_ibid._, 164, Xenokles, boy wrestler, who won some time between Ols.
-(?) 94 and 100 (= 404 and 380 B. C.): P., VI, 9.2; Hyde, 85; Foerster,
-308; _ibid._, 177, Telemachos, chariot victor some time between Ols.
-(?) 115 and 130 (= 320 and 260 B. C.): P., VI, 13.11; Hyde, 122;
-Foerster, 513.
-
-[433] _E. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, 182, Thrasonides, who won κέλητι
-πωλικῷ in the third century B. C.
-
-[434] Furtw., _Mp._, p. 246, fig. 99; _Mw._, p. 447, fig. 69. See p.
-155.
-
-[435] See Chapter VI., _infra_, p. 295.
-
-[436] _H. N._, XXXIV, 65.
-
-[437] _Supra_, p. 28 and n. 1; _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 216
-f.; Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 2-4; _cf._ Furtwaengler, _50stes Berl.
-Winckelmannsprogr._, 1890, pp. 147 f.; _cf._ _infra_, Ch. VII, pp.
-324-5, _c. d. e._
-
-[438] _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 29 f; Tafelbd., Pl. VI, 1-4, 9-10;
-_cf._ _infra_, pp. 162-3.
-
-[439] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, pp. 234-5; _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp.
-10-12; _cf._ _infra_, p. 322 and notes 1-7.
-
-[440] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 10-11; Tafelbd., Pl. II, 2, 2_a_;
-F. W., no. 323; etc.
-
-[441] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., p. 12; Tafelbd., Pl. IV, 5, 5a; F. W.,
-325.
-
-[442] Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkmaeler_, p. 104. On nudity and athletics,
-see the article by Furtwaengler, Die Bedeutung der Gymnastik in der
-griech. Kunst, in _Saemann’s Monatschr. fuer paedagog. Reform._, 1905;
-W. Mueller, _Nacktheit und Entbloessung in der alt-orient. und aelteren
-griech. Kunst_, Diss. inaug., Leipsic, 1906.
-
-[443] The boxer Euryalos “first put a cincture (ζῶμα) about him,” in
-his bout with Epeios: Iliad, XXIII, 683. See also XXIII, 710; Od.,
-XVIII, 67 and 76.
-
-[444] _E. g._, wrestlers on a black-figured amphora in the Vatican:
-_J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, p. 288, fig. 24; boxers, runners, and a jumper
-on a b.-f. stamnos in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris (no. 252):
-Gardiner, p. 418, fig. 142, from de Ridder, _Cat. des vases peints_, I,
-p. 160.
-
-[445] _H. N._, XXXIV, 18.
-
-[446] Ph., 17. This mantle was called τρίβων—the “worn,” hence was thin
-and coarse; Hermann-Bluemner, _Griech. Privatalt._, p. 175; etc.
-
-[447] P., I, 44.1; Eustath., on Iliad, XXIII, 683, p. 1324, 12 f.
-Dionys. Hal., _Antiq. Rom._, VII, 72, says that it was the Spartan
-Akanthos, who won in a running race, _i. e._, δόλιχος, in Ol. 16; so
-also Afr.; see P., V, 8.6; Foerster, 17. Orsippos won the stade-race
-in Ol. 15: Afr.; Eustath., _l. c._; Dionys., _l. c._ Foerster, 16. But
-Didymos, schol. on Iliad, XXIII, 683, says that Orsippos won in Ol.
-32 (= 652 B. C.); similarly _Etym. magn._, p. 242, _s. v._ γυμνάσια;
-however, Boeckh, _Kleine Schriften_, IV, p. 173, has shown that Ol.
-15 is right. Isidoros, in a confused passage, _Orig._, XVIII, 17.2,
-says that athletes were early girded and dropped the loin-cloth in
-consequence of a runner getting weary, whence a decree of the time of
-the archon Hippomenes at Athens (Ol. 14.2) allowed athletes to contend
-nude; the same story is told in the _Schol. Venet._ on the Iliad,
-XXIII, 683; see Foerster, 16.
-
-[448] _A. G._, App. 272; Cougny, _Anth. Pal._, 1890, III (_App. nov._),
-p. 4, no. 24; P., I, 44.1, says that his tomb was near that of Koroibos.
-
-[449] _C. I. G._, I, 1050 (with Boeckh’s commentary on the loin-cloth);
-_C. I. G. G. S._, 52; Kaibel, _Epigr. Gr., ex lapid. conl._, 1878, no.
-843; Frazer, II, p. 538. The schol. on Thukyd., I, 6, quotes four lines
-of it. The name was spelled Orrippos in the Megarian dialect.
-
-[450] Ph., 17. The story is told also by P., V, 6.7-8. Peisirhodos won
-in Ol. (?) 88 (= 428 B. C.): P., VI, 7.2; Hyde, 63; Foerster, 314.
-This brings the change near the end of the fifth century B. C. For the
-spelling of the name of the victor, see Foerster, _l. c._
-
-[451] I. 6. Here the historian is speaking of athletes in general;
-Dionysios, VII, 72 and P., I, 44.1, speak only of runners.
-
-Scherer, p. 20, n. 1 (following Krause, I, pp. 405 and 501, n. 18)
-thought that the words of Thukydides (τὸ δὲ πάλαι) referred to the
-time antedating Ol. 15, and not later, and concluded that in wrestling
-(introduced in Ol. 18 = 708 B. C.) and boxing (introduced in Ol. 23 =
-688 B. C.) the contestants were always nude. Boeckh, however, rightly
-concluded that the historian meant that in Ol. 15 only the runners laid
-off the loin-cloth, while other athletes did so just before his day:
-_C. I. G._, I, p. 554.
-
-[452] _De Rep._, 452 D. He says that the custom of nudity was
-introduced first by the Cretans and then by the Spartans.
-
-[453] Thus von Mach says (p. 240): “They were dedicatory statues
-representing events that had taken place in honor of the gods,” and
-adds that on such occasions persons were draped, except where such
-drapery would cause inconvenience, _i. e._, in gymnastic contests.
-
-[454] See Gardiner, p. 465, fig. 172.
-
-[455] _E. g._, the statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome:
-Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, no. 973 (fig. 29, p. 557, restored); _Guide_,
-597 (fig. 28); Joubin, p. 134, fig. 40; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 536.6;
-_B. Com. Rom._, XVI, 1888, Pls. XV, XVI, 1, 2, (two views) and XVIII
-(restored), pp. 335-365 (G. Ghirardini).
-
-[456] Pollux, III, 155, wrongly states that runners wore soft leathern
-boots (ἐνδρομίδες); these never appear on vases, as Krause, I, p. 362
-and n. 5, and Gardiner, p. 273, point out, and were the usual footwear
-of messengers. _Cf._ Mueller, _Arch. d. Kunst_, §363, 6.
-
-[457] At Ephesos in Thukydides’ day: III, 104; earlier on Delos:
-Thukyd., _ibid._, and Homeric Hymn to the Delian Apollo, 146 f. Maidens
-and youths wrestled in the gymnasia on Chios: Athenæus, XIII, 20 (p.
-566 e.); _cf._ Boeckh, _C. I. G._, II, text to no. 2214.
-
-[458] On athletic contests for women in Sparta, see Plutarch,
-_Lykourgos_, 14; Xen., _de Rep. lac._, I, 4. Aristoph., _Lysistr._, 80
-f., says that the beauty and color of the Lakonian woman Lampito came
-from gymnastic exercises.
-
-[459] P., V, 6.7. He says that those who broke the Elean rule were
-thrown from Mount Typaion (a rock south of the river). Their exclusion
-was doubtless due to a religious taboo and not to modesty; Gardiner, p.
-47. P., VI, 20.9, says that the restriction did not include maidens.
-As there is no other reference about unmarried girls at Olympia, it is
-probable that girls were not admitted; _cf._ Krause, _Olympia_, p. 54
-and n. 9.
-
-[460] _E. g._, Kyniska, P., VI, 1.6, and other Spartan victresses, III,
-8.1; Euryleonis, who won in a two-horse chariot-race in Ol. (?) 103
-(= 368 B. C.): P., III, 17.6; Foerster, 344; Belistiche, mistress of
-Ptolemy Philadelphus, was the first to win συνωρίδι πώλων in Ol. 129 (=
-264 B. C.): P., V, 8.11; Foerster, 443; Theodota, daughter of the Elean
-Antiphanes, won ἅρματι πωλικῷ in the first century B. C.: _Inschr. v.
-Ol._, 203; Foerster, 547.
-
-[461] P., VI, 20.9. The inscribed marble base of a statue of one of
-these priestesses has been found at Olympia: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 485.
-
-[462] See P., V, 6.7-8.
-
-[463] However, we do not know if they were held in the same year as
-that of the Olympic festival, or at what time of the year. See L.
-Weniger, _Klio, Beitraege zur alten Geschichte_, V, 1905, pp. 22 f.
-
-[464] P., V, 162-4. These πίνακες were probably iconic (portrait)
-paintings. Holes have been found on columns of the Heraion to which
-they may have been attached. On the girls’ race, see B. B., text to no.
-521 (Arndt).
-
-[465] It is a marble copy of an original bronze which is generally
-dated about 470 B. C., because of archaic reminiscences in the head.
-It represents a girl of about 14 years. See Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I,
-no. 364; _Guide_, 378, and references; F. W., 213; Bulle, pp. 304 f.
-Overbeck, II, p. 475, refers it to the school of Pasiteles. It is
-pictured in B. B., no. 521; Bulle, 142; Baum., III, p. 2111, fig. 2362;
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 224, fig. 412; von Mach, 73; Amelung, _Museums
-of Rome_, I, fig. 74; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 527.6; Clarac, Pl. 864, 2199.
-A similar statue is the torso in Berlin: _Beschr. der Skulpt._, no.
-229; and _cf._ Kekulé, _Annali_, XXXVI, 1865, p. 66 (who points out the
-resemblance of the head of the Vatican statue to that of the figure by
-Stephanos, Pl. 12); Clarac, Pl. 864, 2200. The height of the Vatican
-statue is given by Bulle as 1.56 meters. _Cf._ also a statuette of a
-similar girl runner from Dodona: Rayet, I, Pl. 17, 3.
-
-[466] However, B. Schroeder believes that it is merely a victorious
-danseuse, and gives several examples of dancers from vase-paintings and
-the lesser arts: _R. M._, XXIV, 1909, pp. 109 ff. (figs. 1-3). In all
-of these lively motion is expressed and the free foot is raised high
-from the ground. When the curious little plat under the statue’s right
-foot (perhaps intended to represent the starting-stone at the stadion)
-is removed, the position of the statue does not fit the dance; see
-Bulle, p. 304, for discussion of this starting-stone.
-
-[467] VIII, 48.2; _cf._ Plut., _Quaest. conviv._, VIII, 4, I, (p. 982).
-
-[468] Bulle compares it with the Tuebingen hoplite-runner (Fig. 42)
-ready to start, though the quieter pose of the Vatican statue befits a
-girl rather than the impetuous energy of the man.
-
-[469] On the Διονυσίαδες, see P., III, 13.7; Hesychios, _s. v._; _cf._
-Theokr., XVIII, 22; Plut., _Lycurgus_, 14; Pauly-Wissowa, _s. v._
-_agones_, I, p. 847; Reisch, p. 46, n. 4. Pauly-Wissowa, _s. v._ χιτών
-(III, 2, p. 2314) shows that the use of the chiton closed on one side
-was a Dorian, and especially a Spartan, custom.
-
-[470] On the running race at Kyrene, _cf._ Boeckh, _Explic. ad Pind._,
-_Pyth._, IX, p. 328. Plato, in his _de Leg._, VIII, 833, D, E, ordained
-for girls the three running races (στάδιον, δίαυλος, and δόλιχος); the
-youngest girls should run nude, the others (from 13 to 18) suitably
-dressed.
-
-[471] Suet., _Domitian_, 4; Dio Cassius, LXVII, 8.
-
-[472] Arndt believes it is Myronian in character: B. B., text to 521.
-
-[473] See Waldstein, _J. H. S._, I, 1880, pp. 170 f. On the style of
-wearing the hair in Greece, see the following works: K. O. Mueller,
-_Handbuch d. Archaeol. d. Kunst_^3, pp. 474 f; Bluemner, _Leben u.
-Sitten der Griechen_, I, pp. 76 f.; _Home Life of the Ancient Greeks_
-(transl. of preceding, by A. Zimmern), 1893, pp. 64 f; Dar.-Sagl., _s.
-v._ _coma_ (Pottier), I, 2, pp. 1355 f.; Pauly-Wissowa, VII, 2, pp.
-2109 ff. (Bremer); Baum., I, pp. 615 f; Guhl-Koner-Engelmann, _Das
-Leben d. Gr. u. Roem._^6, 1893, pp. 297 f; Amelung, _Gewandung d. Gr.
-u. Roem._, 1903; Helbig, _Atti della R. Accad. dei Lincei_, Ser. III,
-vol. V., pp. 1 f. (for the Homeric age).
-
-[474] _Cf._ the recurring epithet of Homer, κάρη κομόωντες Ἀχαῖοι;
-Helbig, _Das homerische Epos_^2, p. 236, n. 3; for examples of long
-hair in the epic, _ibid._, pp. 236 f. That the Homeric hair fell free
-over the shoulders and not in any conventional order has been proved
-against Helbig by H. Hofmann, _Jb. f. cl. Philol._, Supplbd., XXVI,
-1900, pp. 182 f.
-
-[475] Eurip., _Bacchae_, 455; Aristotle, _de Physiogn._, 3, p. 38;
-pseudo-Phokylides, 212.
-
-[476] Aristoph., _Equit._, 580 and _cf._ 1121; _Nubes_, 14; _Lysistrata_,
-561; etc.
-
-[477] Od., IV, 198; Euripides, _Alkestis_, 818-19; Aristoph., _Plut._,
-572; Plato, _Phaedo_, 89 C; Athenæus, XV, 16 (p. 675 a); Hdt., I, 82;
-etc.
-
-[478] Aristoph., _Aves_, 911.
-
-[479] Ph., _Imag._, II, 32; Lucian, _Dial. meretr._, V, 3 (p. 290); etc.
-
-[480] Xen., _de Rep. lac._, Ch. XI, 3; _cf._ Plut., _Apothegm. reg. et
-imperat._, p. 754; and see Aristotle, _Rhet._, I, 9, p. 1397 a, 28;
-Plut., _Lysandros_, I; _Lykourgos_, 22; etc.
-
-[481] Hdt., VII, 208.
-
-[482] Aristoph., _Aves_, 1281-2: Lysias, XVI, 18; Lucian, _Auctio
-vitarum_, 2 (Pythagoreans).
-
-[483] Pollux, VI, 3.22; VIII, 9.107; Athenæus, XI, 88 (p. 494 f.):
-Hesychios, _s. v._ κουρεῶτις and οἰνιστήρια; Photius, _Lex._, p. 321.
-
-[484] Aischyl., _Choeph._, 6; P., I, 37.3; at Delphi, Dio Chrys.,
-_Or._, XXXV, p. 67 R.
-
-[485] Eurip., _Bacchae_, 455.
-
-[486] Κρωβύλος and κόρυμβος are etymologically the same word: see
-Prellwitz, _Etymolog. Woerterbuch d. griech. Sprache_. It used to be
-assumed that κόρυμβος referred to the similar coiffure of young girls.
-On the κρωβύλος, see the following: K. O. Mueller, _op. cit._^3, p.
-476, 5; _id._, _Die Dorier_, II, 266; Conze, _Nuove memorie dell’
-instituto archeol._, pp. 408 f.; Helbig, _Comment. philolog. in honorem
-Mommseni_, 1877, pp. 616 f., and _Rhein. Mus._, XXXIV, 1879, pp. 484
-f.; Schreiber, Der altattische Krobylos, _A. M._, VIII, 1883, pp.
-246-273, and Pls. XI., XII.; _id._, IX, 1884, pp. 232-254 and Pls. IX,
-X; and after him, Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 644, Collignon, I, p. 363,
-and de Villefosse, _Mon. Piot_, I, 1894, p. 62; Klein, _Gesch. d. gr.
-Kunst_, I, p. 255; Studniczka, Krobylos und Tettiges, _Jb._, XI, 1896,
-pp. 248-291. Pauly-Wissowa, _l. c._, pp. 2120 f.; Dar.-Sagl., I, 2,
-pp. 1357-59 and 1571; etc. That the term κρωβύλος represented a way of
-wearing the hair and not a part of the hair has been proved by Hauser:
-_Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, 1906, Beiblatt, pp. 87 f. On other methods of
-dressing the hair, see Pauly-Wissowa, _l. c._, pp. 2112 f.
-
-[487] _Ap._ Athen., XII, 30 (p. 525).
-
-[488] _Ibid._, 5 (p. 512 c).
-
-[489] I, 6; _cf._ Aristophanes, _Nubes_, 984 and schol.; _Equit._, 1331.
-
-[490] See fragm. of Nikolaos of Damascus, (perhaps from the _Lydiaka_
-of Xanthos), _F. H. G._, III, p. 395, fragm. 62.
-
-[491] See Krause, p. 541, n. 6.
-
-[492] See _Ant. Denkm._, I, 1886, Pl. VIII, 3 b; etc.
-
-[493] See hero reliefs in _A. M._, II, 1877, Pls. XX-XXV. On early
-Corinthian vases, men are represented regularly with long hair.
-
-[494] _E. g._, on the bust of Apollo in the Glyptothek, Munich: von
-Mach, 449 (left); on the bearded man (Dionysos?) in the British Museum:
-_id._, 450 (right); and on the Apollo of Naples: _id._, 448: On the
-latter head the narrow band of the former two examples has become very
-broad.
-
-[495] _Cf._ Waldstein, _op. cit._, p. 177.
-
-[496] _Mw._, pp. 67 (on statues of Zeus, hair reaching the shoulders,
-a style later becoming typical of that god); p. 407 (the Argive school
-gave short hair to heads of Zeus); _Mp._, pp. 42 and 118; _cf._ _Mw._,
-p. 273.
-
-[497] _Mw._, p. 249. Furtwaengler gives an example of a short-haired
-Apollo of the school of Euphranor, _ibid._, p. 590.
-
-[498] _Mp._, p. 16. _E. g._, the Florentine gem: Furtwaengler, _Antike
-Gemmen_, 1900, Pl. XXXIX, no. 29.
-
-[499] Pp. 444 f.
-
-[500] A good example of this is seen on the _Apollo of Tenea_ (Pl. 8 A).
-
-[501] Bulle, Pl. 225. He dates it in the middle of the sixth century B.
-C.
-
-[502] _H. N._, XXXIV, 16 (Jex-Blake’s transl.) The Latin of the last
-portion of this passage runs: _Olympiae, ubi omnium qui vicissent
-statuas dicari mos erat, eorum vero qui ter ibi superavissent ex
-membris ipsorum similitudine expressa, quas iconicas vocant._
-
-[503] Hirt, _Ueber das Bildniss der Alten_, 1814-15, p. 7; Visconti,
-_Iconographie grecque_ (1st ed. Paris 1808, Milan, 1824-26), Discours
-prelim., p. VIII, n. 4. They argued from Lucian’s _pro Imag._, 11, a
-passage already discussed _supra_, p. 45 and n. 3.
-
-[504] Scherer, pp. 9 f., and especially p. 13; Lessing, _Laokoön_, II,
-13, made Pliny’s words a text for a famous passage.
-
-[505] For the latest discussion of Pliny’s passage, see _Inschr. v.
-Ol._, pp. 236 and 295-6 (the latter in reference to the inscribed base
-of the statue of Xenombrotos to be discussed a few lines _infra_).
-
-[506] Klein, quoted by Jex-Blake, p. 14, footnote to line 7, believes
-Pliny’s statement apocryphal, an idea escaping all scholars except,
-perhaps, Bluemner in his commentary on the _Laokoön_ (p. 503).
-Evidently Pliny, or his source, is explaining the discrepancy between
-ideal and portrait statues as the result of an improbable rule, since
-the ancients applied little historical criticism to art, and hence did
-not distinguish between works representing types and those representing
-individuals. Dio Chrysostom, in his treatise Περὶ κάλλους (_Orat._,
-XXI, 1, p. 501 R), tries to explain the difference between early and
-late statues on the ground of physical degeneration in the latter.
-
-[507] _Inschr. v. Ol_, 170. He won in Ol. (?) 83 (= 448 B. C.): P.,
-VI, 14.12; Hyde, 133; Foerster, 327. This date follows the reasoning
-of Robert, _O. S._, pp. 180 f. Pausanias, _l. c._, mentions another
-monument of the victor, the inscribed base of which has been found:
-_Inschr. v. Ol._, 154, though Dittenberger wrongly refers it to
-Damasippos: Foerster, 812; Hyde, pp. 53-4. The same authority refers
-no. 170 to the middle of the fourth century B. C., or a couple
-of decades later, because of the lettering and orthography. The
-monument of no. 170 must, therefore, have been set up long after the
-victory—about a century later.
-
-[508] Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 296, compares two other
-inscriptions with no. 170, viz, no. 174 (in which the words ὧδε στάς
-occur) and _C. I. G. G. S._, I, 2470, l. 3 (where the words τοίας ἐκ
-προβολᾶς occur). However, as he says, these two refer to the poses
-of the statues of gymnic victors and not to portraits. Pausanias
-frequently uses the word εἰκών for ἀνδριάς (_e. g._, III, 18.7) of a
-victor, but this seems to be no indication of a portrait statue.
-
-[509] _Cf._ Dittenberger, _op. cit._, p. 296. Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p.
-530, think the case of Xenombrotos may simply be exceptional.
-
-[510] VI, 3.11-12; he was three times victor in running races in Ols.
-(?) 95, (?) 97, and 99 (= 400, 392, 384 B. C.); the latter date is
-attested by Afr.: Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316. For the epigram on
-the base of one of these statues, see _A. G._, XIII, 15.
-
-[511] VI, 4.1; he was three times victor in the pankration in Ols. 104,
-(?) 105, (?) 106 (= 364-356 B. C.): Hyde, 37; Foerster, 349, 353, 359.
-
-[512] VI, 17.2; he was thrice victor in running races in Ols. 129, 130
-(= 264, 260 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 173; Foerster, 440-2, 444-5.
-
-[513] VI, 15.9; he was four times victor in the pankration, once in
-hoplite running, and once in the δίαυλος, at unknown dates: Hyde, 149;
-Foerster, 767-72. We can not say that his victories fell at a date when
-iconic statues were in vogue.
-
-[514] VI, 6.6; he won in Ols. 74, 76, 77 (= 484, 476-2 B. C.): _Oxy.
-Pap._; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144.
-
-[515] _E. g._, VI, 13.3-4 and 8: Hermogenes, five times victor in
-running races in Ols. 215, 216, 217 (= 81-89 A. D.): Afr.; Hyde, 111a;
-Foerster, 654-6, 659-660, 662-4; Polites, three times victor in running
-races in Ol. 212 (= 69 A. D.): Afr.; Hyde, 111b; Foerster, 648-50;
-Leonidas, four times victor in running races in Ols. 154, 155, 156,
-157 (= 164-152 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 111c; Foerster, 495-7, 498-500,
-502-4, 507-9; Tisandros, four times victor in boxing in Ols. (?) 60-3
-(= 540-528 B. C.), at a date too early for portraiture: Hyde, 119a;
-Foerster, 115, 119, 123, 124. There are other examples from the early
-fifth and the sixth centuries B. C.
-
-[516] _Princ. Gr. Art_, Ch. XI (Portrait Sculpture), pp. 165 f.
-
-[517] Gardner, p. 165, cites Bernouilli, _Griech. Ikonogr._, 1901, as
-listing 26 known portraits of Euripides and 32 of Demosthenes, and
-calls attention to the fact that 870 plates in the Bruckmann series,
-_Griech. und Roem. Portraets_ (ed. Brunn und Arndt), from 1891 on,
-are of Roman portraits. On the subject of Græco-Roman portraits, see
-also Bernouilli, _Roem. Ikonogr._, 1882-94; Hekler, _Greek and Roman
-Portraits_, 1912; and the works of E. Q. Visconti, now antiquated:
-_Iconogr. gr._ (Paris, 1808) and _Iconogr. romana_ (Milan, 1818).
-
-[518] XXXIV, 74. Pausanias mentions a portrait of Perikles without
-naming the artist, I, 25.1; _cf._ I. 28.2. The inscribed base was found
-in Athens in 1888: Ἀρχαιολογικὸν Δελτίον, 1889, pp. 36 f. (Lolling).
-A terminal portrait of Perikles, extant in several copies, has been
-identified as a copy of this work, _e. g._, one in the British Museum:
-_B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 549; Furtw., _Mp._, Pl. VII, opp. p. 118
-(profile, fig, 46, p. 119); Hekler, _op. cit._, Pl. 4 a.; F. W., 481.
-Another replica is in the Vatican: Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 276, and
-Nachtraege, II, p. 471; Visconti, _Iconogr. gr._, I, Pl. XV; B. B.,
-156; Hekler, _op. cit._, Pl. 4 b. However, Hitz.-Bluemn., I, p. 307,
-_ad loc._ Paus., think that the word ἀνδριάς used by Pausanias can not
-apply to a terminal bust; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 117, n. 4, says that the
-word does not necessarily mean a whole statue. _Cf._ Bernouilli, _Jb._,
-XI, 1896, pp. 107 f.; Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 117 f.
-
-[519] See _I. G. B._, 62, 63.
-
-[520] _Philopseudes_, 18 f.
-
-[521] Αὐτοανθρώπῳ ὅμοιον, §18.
-
-[522] A good example of a Roman copy (from the age of Hadrian) of an
-original iconic athlete statue in bronze from the end of the fourth
-century B. C., is a bearded head in the Museo Chiaramonti; its swollen
-ears and the deep furrow in the hair for the metal crown show that it
-is from the statue of a victor. See Amelung, _Vat._, I, p. 483, no. 257
-and Tafelbd., I, Pl. 50; Arndt-Bruckmann, _Gr. und Roem. Portr._, Pls.
-223-4.
-
-[523] XXXV, 153. Jex-Blake, p. 176, justly remarks that this invention
-had nothing to do with the custom of taking death-masks.
-
-[524] Xen., _Symp._, IV, 17: θαλλοφόρους γὰρ τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ τοὺς καλοὺς
-γέροντας ἐκλέγονται κ. τ. λ.; _cf._ Aristoph., _Vesp._, 544, and
-Athen., XIII, 20 (p. 565) and scholion.
-
-[525] XIII, 90 (p. 609 e, f); here he quotes a history of Arkadia by
-Nikias.
-
-[526] Athen., XIII, 20 (pp. 565 f and 566 a); _cf._, Theophr., _apud_
-Athen., XIII, 90 (pp. 609 f, 610 a).
-
-[527] Athen., XIII, 90 (p. 610a): here Athenæus is also quoting
-Theophrastos. In XIII, 20 (p. 565), he quotes Herakleides Lembos as
-saying that in Sparta the handsomest man and woman were especially
-honored.
-
-[528] Hdt., V, 47; Eustath. _ad_ Iliad, III, p. 383, 43; Foerster, 138.
-
-[529] P., IX, 22.1.
-
-[530] P., VII, 24.4; _cf._, VIII, 47.3, for a similar custom at Tegea.
-
-[531] See O. Mueller, _Die Dorier_^1, 1824, II, p. 238 (quoted by
-Krause, I, p. 37, n. 19). For references to contests of beauty in
-Greece, see _ibid._, pp. 33-38.
-
-[532] On this subject, see the recent essay by W. H. Goodyear,
-Lessing’s Essay on the Laocoön and its Influence on the Criticism of
-Art and Literature, _Brooklyn Museum Quarterly_, Oct. 1917, pp. 228-9.
-
-[533] Thus we have Polykleitos of Argos and Patrokles, perhaps his
-brother; Naukydes of Argos and Daidalos of Sikyon, sons of Patrokles;
-the younger Polykleitos—who called himself an Argive—the brother of
-Naukydes; Alypos of Sikyon, the pupil of Naukydes; etc. Statues by all
-these sculptors except Patrokles are known to have stood in Olympia.
-
-[534] _Hbk._^2, p. 254.
-
-[535] His criticism of painting occurs in _Poet._, 1448a, 5,
-1450a, 26, and _Polit._, V, 1340a, 35. In _Eth_., VI, 1141a, 10,
-he says that Pheidias and Polykleitos were masters in marble and
-bronze respectively. For a discussion of Aristotle’s æsthetics of
-painting and sculpture, see M. Carroll, in _Publ. of Geo. Washington
-University_, Philol. and Lit. Series, I, 1 (Nov., 1905), pp. 1-10;
-and for both Aristotle and Plato on art, see Kalkman, _50stes Berl.
-Winckelmannsprogr._, 1890 (Proport. des Gesichts), pp. 3 f. and notes.
-
-[536] I, 5, 1361b; Oppian, _Kyneget._, I, 89-90, speaks of the
-similarly well-developed bodies of hunters.
-
-[537] _Mem._, III, 10.6-8. For his visit to the painter Parrhasios, see
-_ibid._, 10.1-5.
-
-[538] Following the suggestion of Klein, II, p. 143, and W. L.
-Westermann, _Class. Rev._, XIX, 1905, pp. 323-5. The latter gives
-several examples of similarly shortened forms of names and believes the
-passage in Xenophon emphasizes the fact that Polykleitos was employed
-at Athens. Plato frequently mentions Polykleitos by his full name: _e.
-g._, _Protag._, 328 C (sons of Polykleitos), 311 C (Polykleitos and
-Pheidias). P. Gardner justly observes that the statues of Polykleitos
-“however beautiful, are scarcely life-like:” _Prince. Gk. Art._, p. 15,
-n. 1; _Grammar_, p. 17.
-
-[539] II, 17: τὰ σκέλη μὲν παχύνονται, τοὺς ὤμους δὲ λεπτύνονται, κ.
-τ. λ.
-
-[540] See schol. on Plato, _Amatores_, p. 135 E; _cf._ Epiktetos,
-_Encheir._, Ch. 29.
-
-[541] P., VI, 10.5; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 97; Foerster, 240; _cf._ Krause,
-_Olympia_, pp. 302 f.
-
-[542] His date is uncertain: P., VI, 15.9; Hyde, 149; Foerster, 767-772.
-
-[543] P., VI, 3.2; he won at Olympia some time between Ols. (?) 99 and
-102 (= 384 and 372 B. C.): Hyde, 23; Foerster, 335.
-
-[544] P., I, 29.5: Hdt., VI, 92; IX, 75; _cf._ Krause, I, pp. 495-6.
-
-[545] _E. g._, Phaÿllos of Kroton was famed for his fleetness, his
-jumping, and his throwing the diskos. See Aristoph., _Acharn._, 212;
-_Vespes_, 1206; _A. G._, App. 297; _cf._ Hdt., VIII, 47; P., X, 9.2. He
-won at Delphi only.
-
-[546] _E. g._, Myron at Delphi: Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 57; Alkamenes,
-_ibid._, XXXIV, 72; etc.
-
-[547] 656 E, 657 A.
-
-[548] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXVI, 39. These works were probably critical as
-well as descriptive.
-
-[549] _E. g._, of Pasiteles, XXXVI, 39; of Arkesilaos, XXXVI, 41; of
-Koponios, _ibid._
-
-[550] 18(70). In this passage he also gives similar judgments on
-several painters. On Cicero on art, see Grant Showerman, _Proceed.
-Amer. Philol. Ass’n_, XXXIV, 1903, pp. xxxv f. He shows that Cicero’s
-references to art proceed from his instinct as a stylist and not from
-any enthusiasm for art itself.
-
-[551] _Imag._, 6, p. 464. His eclectic statue is made up of works by
-Praxiteles, Alkamenes, Pheidias, and Kalamis.
-
-[552] _Rhetorum praeceptor_, 9-10. He spells the two first names
-Ἡγησίας, Κράτης.
-
-[553] XXXVI, 37. For careful judgments of Pliny’s work, see Jex-Blake,
-pp. xci f.: Kalkmann, _Die Quellen der Kunstgeschichte des Plinius_,
-1898; Robert, _Archaeologische Maerchen_, 1886, pp. 28 f.; F.
-Muenzer, _Hermes_, XXX, 1895, pp. 499 f. (and _Beitraege zur Kritik
-der Naturgesch. des Plinius_, 1897); Botsford and Sihler, _Hellenic
-Civilization_, 1915, pp. 551-8 (= Translation by Jex-Blake of Pliny,
-XXXIV, 53-84 [sculptors], revised by E. G. Sihler); pp. 558-567 (=
-Pliny, XXXV, 15, and 53-97 [painters], revised by E. G. S.). For short
-estimate of Pliny’s work, see Mackail, _Latin Literatures_, 1895, p.
-197.
-
-[554] See his characterization of the great Greek painters and
-sculptors in _Inst. Orat._, XII, Ch. 9.
-
-[555] Also in the work of H. Stuart Jones, _Select Passages from
-Anc. Writers Illustrative of the Hist. of Gk. Sculpt._, 1895; _cf._,
-A history of classical writers on art from Xenokrates to Pliny, in
-Jex-Blake, pp. xvi-xci; _cf._ Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, _Antigonos von
-Karystos_ (Kiessling and Wilamowitz, _Philolog. Untersuchungen_, IV,
-1881), pp. 7 f.; P. Gardner, _Principles of Greek Art_, Ch. II, pp. 13
-f. (Ancient Critics on Art); etc.
-
-[556] _A. Pl._, 2; Bergk, _P. l. G._, III^4, no. 149, p. 498.
-Theognetos won in Ol. 76 (= 476 B. C.): P., VI, 9.1; _Oxy. Pap._, Hyde,
-83; Foerster, 193 and 193 N.
-
-[557] _H. N._, XXXIV, 88. Kallias won in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): P., VI,
-6.1; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208; _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 146.
-
-[558] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 71.
-
-[559] Kalamis made the horses and jockeys, Onatas the chariot: P., VI,
-12.1; Hiero won twice in the horse-race and once in the chariot-race in
-Ols. 76-78 (= 476-468 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 105; Foerster, 199,
-209, 215.
-
-[560] VI, 6.6. He won in Ols. 74, 76-7 (= 484, 476-472 B. C.): _Oxy.
-Pap._; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207.
-
-[561] VI, 4.4. He won in Ols. 81 and 82 (= 456-452 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._;
-Hyde, 38; Foerster, 202, 203.
-
-[562] VI, 9.3. He won in Ol. 83 (= 448 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 88:
-Foerster, 285.
-
-[563] V, 27.3.
-
-[564] Bulle, p. 104, remarks that up to the present no single Roman
-copy can be _proved_ to be that of an Olympic victor statue. This fact
-must be constantly borne in mind.
-
-[565] No. 6439; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, pp. 299-300 and fig.;
-_Ausgr. v. Ol._, V, Pls. XXI, XXII, and p. 14; _Funde v. Ol._, Pl.
-XXIII, and p. 16; _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 10-11; Tafelbd., Pl.
-II, 2 and 2a; Boetticher, _Olympia_, Pl. XI, 1; Baum., p. 1104 00,
-figs. 1296, a and b; F. W., no. 323; Bulle, 235 and fig. 154, on p.
-501; von Mach, 482; B. B., 247.
-
-[566] Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glyptothek_,^2 1910, no. 457, pp.
-398 f.; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 291; _Mw._, p. 507; F. W., no. 216; B. B.,
-8; Bulle, 207 (front and side); Kekulé, _A. Z._, XLI, 1883, Pl. XIV,
-3, p. 246; H. Schrader, _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, 1911, p. 74; Hauser,
-_R. M._, X, 1895, pp. 103 f. Kekulé, because of its similarity to the
-_Apollo_ of the West Gable, derived it from the art of the Olympia
-pediment sculptures; Flasch, _Verh. d. 29sten Philologenversamml._,
-Innsbruck, 1874, p. 162, and Brunn, _Beschr. d. Glypt._^5, no. 302, and
-_Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1892, p. 658, classed it as Polykleitan; Bulle
-calls it Attic-Argive without Polykleitan influence, while Furtwaengler
-finds it Polykleitan-Attic. The latter gives several replicas, two of
-green and black basalt respectively, in the Museo delle Terme, and a
-marble head in the Museo Chiaramonti, no. 475. Bulle gives the height
-of the Munich head as 0.23 meter.
-
-[567] Αἰδώς; _cf._ _decor_, applied to the work of Polykleitos by
-Quintilian: _Inst. Orat._, XII, 9. 7-8; _cf._ also Vitruvius, _de
-Arch._, I, 2.
-
-[568] Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkm. d. gr. und roem. Skulpt._, Hdausgabe,^3
-1911, p. 102, n. 1. He adds that it is _das Ideal von Reinheit,
-Unschuld, liebenswuerdig edler Groesse, eines der herrlichsten
-griechischen Originale, die uns erhalten sind_. It is photographed
-_ibid._, figs. 30, 31. In the _Beschr. d. Glypt._, p. 399, he says it
-is _das edelste und vollendetste Werk, das die Glyptothek besitzt—ihr
-kostbarster Schatz_, etc.
-
-[569] Formerly in the Coll. Tyszkiewicz: B. B., 324, (two views);
-Bulle, 206 (two views); von Mach, 481 (two views); _Mon. Piot_, I,
-1894, pp. 77 f. (E. Michon) and Pls. X, XI; S. Reinach, _Têtes_, Pl. 72
-and p. 58; Kalkmann, Prop. d. Gesichts, p. 27 (vignette); Collignon,
-II, Frontispiece and p. 169; Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. XL; Furtw., _Mp._,
-pp. 290-1 and Pl. XIV; _Mw._, p. 507. The best illustration of the head
-is given by de Ridder, _Les Bronzes antiques du Louvre_, I, 1913, Pl. I
-(and text p. 8, on no. 4). It is 0.33 meter in height (Bulle).
-
-[570] Preface to Furtw., _Mp._, p. xiii.
-
-[571] So Furtw., _l. c._; Bulle, however, sees in it only Attic work
-and finds it slightly coarser and harder than the Munich head described.
-
-[572] Invent. 5633; _Bronzi d’Ercol._, I, 73, 74; D. Comparetti e G. de
-Petra, _La Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni_, 1883, XI, 1; B. B., 323 (two
-views); Rayet, II, Pl. 67; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 291; _Mw._, p. 508; the
-latter believes that it, like the preceding two heads, is Polykleitan
-and Attic.
-
-[573] _Bedeutung der Gymnastik in d. gr. Kunst_, 1905; _cf._ also
-Gardner, _Sculpt._, p. 23, and _Hbk._, p. 215.
-
-[574] Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkmaeler_, already cited, p. 63, n. 3.
-(Translated under the title _Greek and Roman Sculpture_ by H. Taylor,
-1914; p. 119.)
-
-[575] See F. W. G. Foat, Anthropometry of Greek Statues, _J. H. S._,
-XXXV, 1915, pp. 225 f. (p. 226).
-
-[576] Plato, _Phileb._, 64 E, regarded μετριότης and συμμετρία as
-qualities of beauty and virtue; _cf._ Aristotle, _Metaphys._, X, 3.7,
-and _Nicom. Eth._, V, 5.14, 1133b. Vitruvius, _de Arch._, I, 2, makes
-symmetry in architecture a quality of _eurythmia: Item symmetria est ex
-ipsius operis membris conveniens consensus ex partibusque separatis ad
-universae figurae speciem ratae partis responsus_.
-
-[577] I, 2: _Haec [eurythmia] efficitur, cum membra operis convenientia
-sunt, altitudinis ad latitudinem, latitudinis ad longitudinem, et ad
-summam omnia respondent suae symmetriae_; _cf._ III, 1; Lucian, _pro
-Imag._, 14 (ῥυθμίζειν τὸ ἄγαλμα); Clem. Alex., _Paedagog._, 3.11 and 64
-(εὐρυθμὸς καὶ καλὸς ἀνδριάς); Xen., _Mem._, III, 10.9 (ῥυθμός, of
-corselets); Plut., _de Educ. puer._, 11 (τῶν σωμάτων εὐρυθμία); Diod.,
-I, 97. 6 (ῥυθμὸς ἀνδριάντων, _i. e._, rhythmic order or grace in
-statuary): _id._, II, 56.4.
-
-[578] Vitruv., III, 1: _<proportio>, quae graece ἀναλογία dicitur.
-Proportio est ratae partis membrorum in omni opere totiusque
-commodulatio, ex qua ratio efficitur symmetriarum._
-
-[579] _H. N._, XXXIV, 65.
-
-[580] _Op. cit., _e. g._ _Op. cit._, XXXV, 67 and 128.
-
-[581] Ueber die Kunsturteile bei Plinius, _Ber. ueber d. Verhandl. d.
-k. saechs. Ges. d. Wiss. zu Leipzig_, II, 1850, p. 131; _cf._ H. L.
-Urlichs, _Ueber griech. Kunstschriftsteller_ (Diss. inaug., Wuerzburg,
-1887).
-
-[582] _Principles of Greek Art_, 1914, p. 20 (= _Grammar of Greek Art_,
-1905, p. 22).
-
-[583] Quoted by Gardner, _op. cit._, p. 22 (= _Grammar_, p. 23), from
-two papers by H. Brunn, Ueber tektonischen Styl in der griech. Plastik
-und Malerei, in _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1883, pp. 299 f., 1884, pp. 507
-f. Overbeck, I, pp. 266-277, explains rhythm in art as the _Ordnung
-der Bewegung_, in accordance with the definition of Plato: τῇ δὴ τῆς
-κινήσεως τάξει ῥυθμὸς ὄνομα εἴη: _de Leg._, 665 A.
-
-[584] _H. N._, XXXIV, 58 (S. Q., 533): _Numerosior in arte quam
-Polyclitus et in symmetria diligentior_. The interpretation of this
-disputed passage depends, of course, on the meaning of _numerosior_,
-and whether we accept the curious statement of the manuscript that
-Myron surpassed Poykleitos in symmetry, or, by omitting the _et_
-(with Sillig), make it mean just the contrary and in harmony with the
-usual ancient view that symmetry was the salient characteristic of
-Polykleitan art. The passage, then, would contrast the symmetry of
-Polykleitos with the variety of Myron. This accords with Pliny’s use of
-_numerosus_ elsewhere (_e. g._, XXXV, 130 and 138), which always refers
-to number. See Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 275 (note).
-
-[585] _Op. cit._, XXXIV, 65, he says: _Nova intactaque ratione
-quadratas veterum staturas permutando_.
-
-[586] _Op. cit._, XXXV, 67.
-
-[587] VIII. I. 47.
-
-[588] The Egyptians divided the front view of the body into 19 parts
-(or 21 parts and a quarter, including the height of the head-dress):
-Diod., 1, 98. See Lepsius, _Monum. funéraires de l’Égypte_ (figure,
-reproduced in Dar.-Sagl, I, 2, p. 892, fig. 1125); _cf._ his _Descript.
-de l’Égypte_, IV, LXII; Wilkinson, _History of Egypt_, p. 113, Pl. IV;
-these references are given by Foat, _op. cit._, p. 225, n. 1.
-
-[589] Vitruv., I, 2. However, in thus following the statement of the
-Roman architect, it must be said that the attempt to recover and
-establish such a canon in Greek architecture is still unproved. The
-subject is complicated and has led to very different views. Thus,
-while many scholars have defended the theory of the canon (_e. g._,
-Pennethorne, _Geom. and Optics of Anc. Arch._, 1878; Penrose, in
-Whibley, _Comp. to Gk. Stud._^1, 1905, pp. 220-1; Ferguson, _Hist.
-Arch._, ed. 1887, I, p. 251; P. Gardner, _Princ. Gk. Art._, p. 21;
-Statham, _Short Crit. Hist. Arch._, 1912, p. 130), others are opposed,
-and believe that design in Greek architecture was a matter of feeling,
-and that the orders were first reduced to formulæ in Roman days
-(_e. g._, A. K. Porter, _Med. Arch._, 1909, I, 9; Goodyear, _Greek
-Refinements, Studies in Temperamental Arch._, 1912, esp. p. 83, quoting
-Joseph Hoffer from _Wiener Bauzeitung_, 1838). See on the subject a
-recent article by my pupil, Dr. A. W. Barker, in _A. J. A._, XXII,
-1918, pp. 1 f., in which the above and other references are given.
-
-[590] Gardner, _Sculpt._, pp. 22-3, says: “Paradoxical as it may seem
-at first sight, the very freedom of Greek sculpture is to a great
-extent due to its close adherence to tradition.” He shows how the free
-play of imagination depends on external conditions and tradition.
-
-[591] _E. g._, Vitruv., I, 2; especially these words: _Ut in hominis
-corpore e cubito, pede, palmo, digito, ceterisque particulis (partibus)
-symmetria est eurythmiae qualitas_; also III, 1: _Pes vero altitudinis
-corporis sextae_ <_partis_>; _cubitum quartae; pectus item quartae_,
-etc. Also Philostr., _Imag._, Proem.; the third-century A. D. (?)
-treatise called _de Physiognomia_; St. Augustine, _de Civ. Dei_, XV,
-26. 1; the poet Martianus Capella, of the middle of the fifth century
-A. D., who says, VII, 739: _septem corporis partes hominem perficiunt_;
-etc.
-
-[592] Die Proportionen des Gesichts in der griechischen Kunst (=
-_53stes Berliner Wincklemanns programm_, 1893).
-
-[593] _Gestalt des Menschen_, in _Verh. d. Berl. Anthrop. Gesell._,
-1895. This work is based on the older investigations of C. Schmidt,
-_Proportionsschluessel_, 1849, and of C. Carus, _Die Proportionslehre
-der menschlichen Gestalt_, 1874. See also P. Richer, _Canon des
-proportions du corps humain_, 1893; E. Duhousset, Proportions
-artistiques et anthropométrie scientifique, _Gaz. B-A._, III, Pér. 3, 1
-90, pp. 59 f.; E. Guillaume, art. Canon, _Dict. de l’Acad. des B-A._;
-E. Gebhard, in Dar.-Sagl., I, 2, pp. 891-892; _cf._ Collignon, I, pp.
-490 f.
-
-[594] F. W. G. Foat, _op. cit._, offers a scheme or typical design,
-based on wide data, which will serve as a universal basis for securing
-facts about any statue under examination.
-
-[595] On the influence of such canons of proportion on contemporary
-artists, see Balcarres, _Evolution of Italian Sculpture_, p. 128.
-
-[596] _Cf._ Vitruvius, quoted above. The scholion on Pindar, _Ol._,
-VII, Argum., Boeckh, p. 158, speaks of πηχῶν τεσσάρων δακτύλων πέντε as
-the height of the statue of Diagoras at Olympia, etc.
-
-[597] Vitruvius, _de Arch._, VII, Praef., 14, lists writers who
-_praecepta symmetriarum conscripserunt_. See V. Mortet, _Rev. Arch._,
-Sér. IV, XIII, 1909, pp. 46 f, and figs. 1 and 2. In this discussion
-of ancient canons he shows that the chief ratio was that of the head
-to the height of the body; the proportion of 8 heads to the body was
-that adopted by da Vinci and J. Cousin: 7 to 8 is found in the figures
-of the Parthenon frieze; a little under 7 in the _Diadoumenos_ of
-Polykleitos.
-
-[598] See Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 49-52. As examples, he gives the statue of
-Apollo from the Tiber now in the Museo delle Terme: _Mp._, pp. 50-51,
-figs. 8 and 9; _cf._ _R. M._, 1891, pp. 302, 377 and Pls. X-XII; the
-Mantuan _Apollo_: _cf._ _50stes Berliner Winckelmannsprogr._, p. 139,
-n. 61 (for replicas); etc.
-
-[599] For Polykleitos’ canon, see Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 55; _S. Q._,
-953 f.; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 249.
-
-[600] So Pliny, _op. cit._, XXXV, 128; _cf._ J. Six, _Jb._, XXIV, 1909,
-pp. 7 f.
-
-[601] _H. N._, XXXIV, 61; see Jex-Blake, p. XLVIII.
-
-[602] _H. N._, XXXIV, 65.
-
-[603] However, other fourth-century artists, notably Praxiteles, used
-impressionism in the treatment of the hair: see Bulle, pp. 444 f.
-
-[604] In XXXIV, 80, he mentions Menaichmos, who wrote on the toreutic
-art probably in the fourth century B. C.; in XXXIV, 83 (_cf._ XXXV,
-68), he mentions Xenokrates, of the school of Lysippos, who wrote books
-on art; he is probably identical with an artist of the same name known
-to us from inscriptions from Oropos and Elateia: _I. G. B._, 135, a, b
-(Oropos), c (Elateia); _Arch. Eph._, 1892, 52 (Oropos); the identity
-is doubted by Jex-Blake, p. xx, n. 2. In XXXIV, 84 (_cf._ XXXV, 68)
-he speaks of Antigonos, who wrote on painting and who was employed
-by Attalos I of Pergamon to work on the trophies of his victory
-over the Gauls. For Antigonos as a writer on the criticism of art,
-see Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, _Antigonos von Karystos_ (Kiessling and
-Wilamowitz, _Philolog. Untersuchungen_, IV, 1881), Ch. I, pp. 7 f.
-
-[605] _H. N._, XXXIV, 55. According to the exact words of Pliny, the
-_Canon_ and the _Doryphoros_ were distinct works. It is probable,
-however, that Pliny’s words conceal the same statue under two names,
-his commentary on each coming from a different source: see Furtw.,
-_Mp._, p. 229 and n. 4; _Mw._, p. 422 and n. 2; _cf._ Muenzer,
-_Hermes_, XXX, 1895, p. 530, n. 1.
-
-[606] Cicero, _Brut._, 86, 296. On the fame of the _Doryphoros_, see
-_id._, _Orator_, 2.
-
-[607] _Instit. Orat._, V, 12.21. In Philon’s treatise περὶ βελοποιϊκῶν,
-IV, 2, we read: τὸ γὰρ εὖ παρὰ μικρὸν διὰ πολλῶν ἀριθμῶν ἔφη γίνεσθαι,
-sc. Πολύκλειτος, (“Beauty,” he said, “was produced from a small
-unit through a long chain of numbers”), a description which rightly
-characterizes the _Doryphoros_. The system given by Vitruv., III, 1,
-hardly agrees with Polykleitan statues and so has been connected by
-Kalkmann, though on insufficient grounds, with the canon of Euphranor:
-see _50stes Berlin Winckelmannsprogr._, 1890 (Proport. des Gesichts),
-pp. 43 f.; _cf._ H. Stuart Jones, _op. cit._, p. 129.
-
-[608] _Guida Museo Napoli_, no. 146; Collignon, I, Pl. XII, opp. p.
-488; Bulle, 47 and analysis on pp. 97-102.
-
-[609] Kalkmann, _op. cit._, p. 53, gives the height as 1.98-1.99 m.;
-Bulle, p. 97 to no. 47, as 1.99 m.
-
-[610] In Rayet, I, Text to Pl. 29; reproduced in _Études d’art antique
-et moderne_, 1888, pp. 399 f.; _cf._ also Collignon, I, pp. 492 f. and
-P. Gardner, _Principles of Greek Art_, pp. 21 f.
-
-[611] _De plac. Hipp. et Plat._, 5.
-
-[612] B. B., 321; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 956; _Guide_, 617; F. W., 215;
-to be discussed _infra_, pp. 201-2.
-
-[613] _Orat._, XXXI, 89 f. (614 R).
-
-[614] In the present discussion we shall confine ourselves to the
-assimilation of mortal types to those of athletic gods and heroes,
-omitting the larger question of assimilation to divine types in
-general. A good example of the latter is afforded by P. VIII, 9.7-8.
-Here, in noting that the Mantineans worshipped Antinoos as a god by the
-erection of a temple and the celebration of mysteries and games, he
-says that images and paintings of the hero were in the Gymnasion there,
-the latter Διονύσῳ μάλιστα εἰκασμέναι.
-
-[615] Kabbadias, no. 218; _Rev. Arch._, III (1er Sér.), 1846, Pl. 53,
-fig. 2; Ph. Le Bas, _Voyage archéologique_ (ed. Reinach), Pl. CXVIII,
-p. 107; B. B., 18; von Mach, 191; F. W., 1220; Reinach., _Rép._, II, i,
-149, 10.
-
-[616] _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 49.
-
-[617] Kabbadias, no. 219.
-
-[618] Formerly known as the _Antinous_: M. W., II, Pl. 28, 307; Clarac,
-IV, Pl. 665, 1514; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 367,2 (with restored arms); von
-Mach, no. 192; Amelung, _Vat._, II, no. 53 (pp. 132 f.) and Pl. 12; F.
-W., no. 1218; Baum., I, pp. 675 f. and fig. 737.
-
-[619] _B. M. Sculpt._, III, no. 1599 and Pl. IV; Clarac, IV, Pl. 664,
-1539; Reinach, _Rép._, II, i, 149, 1; Springer-Michaelis, p. 317, fig.
-567. A corresponding replica from Melos is described by F. W., 1219;
-for a replica of the head (on a torso which does not belong to it) in
-the Braccio Nuovo of the Vatican, see Amelung, _Vat._, I, no. 132 (p.
-155) and Pl. 21; for others, see Koerte, _A. M._, III, 1878, pp. 98 f.
-The height is given in _B. M. Sculpt._ as 6 ft. 7-1/2 in. (without the
-plinth).
-
-[620] Amelung, _Vat._, II, p. 656 and Pl. 61; Furtw., _Mw._, p. 361,
-fig. 48. It is a marble copy of an original bronze of Myronian origin.
-Its height is 1.98 meters (Amelung).
-
-[621] Duetschke, IV, no. 416; M. W., II, Pl. 30, 329.
-
-[622] _Ibid._, no. 416; Koerte, _A. M._, III, 1878, p. 350, no. 72.
-
-[623] Duetschke, IV, no. 876; Clarac, 958, 2473; Conze, in _A. A._,
-1867, pp. 105-6. Here Conze gives a list of which three reliefs and one
-statue represent dead men as Hermes.
-
-[624] Duetschke, IV, no. 46; Conze, _l. c._, p. 106 (mentioned in
-preceding note).
-
-[625] _E. g._, the well-known bust of the emperor Commodus with the
-attributes of Hercules in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome: Helbig,
-_Fuehrer_, I, 930; Baum., I, p. 398, fig. 432; Arndt-Bruckmann,
-_Griech. u. roem. Portraets_, 230; Hekler, _Greek and Roman Portraits_,
-1912, Pl. 270 a; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 583, 7.
-
-[626] _Not. Scav._, 1885, p. 42; _Ant. Denkm._, I, I, 1886, Pl. V;
-Bulle, 75 and fig. 27, p. 141; B. B., 246; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II.,
-1347, and references; Arndt-Bruckmann, _Griech. u. roem. Portraets_,
-Pls. 358-360; Hekler, _Greek and Roman Portraits_, Pls. 82-4;
-Collignon, II, p. 493, fig. 257; Murray, _Hbk._ Gr. _Archæol._, 1892,
-pp. 305 f., fig. 100; Lanciani, _Ruins and Excavations of Anc. Rome_,
-1897, Pl. on p. 303; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 548, 7; _cf._ Furtw.,
-_Mp._, p. 364, n. 2, and _Mw._, p. 597, n. 3. The height of the statue
-is 2.08 meters, or 2.37 meters to the hand (Bulle).
-
-[627] _E. g._, Philip V, Perseus, Alexander Balas (who usurped the
-Seleucid throne in 149 B. C.), Demetrios I (Soter), of Syria (who
-reigned 162-150 B. C.), and Antiochos II, (Theos, who reigned 261-246
-B. C.), have been suggested.
-
-[628] See Imhoof-Blumer, _Portraetkoepfe auf ant. Muenzen hellenischer
-und hellenisierter Voelker_, 1885, Pls. I, 6; III, 24; V, 21; VI, 29
-and 31.
-
-[629] A small replica of this famous statue may probably be seen in
-the bronze statuette in the Nelidoff collection: Wulff, _Alexander mit
-der Lanze_, 1898, Pls. I, II; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, p. 134, fig. 35.
-On supposed replicas, see Bernouilli, _Das Bildniss Alex. d. Gr._, p.
-107; and Th. Schreiber, Studien ueber das Bildniss Alex. d. Gr., _Abh.
-d. philolog.-histor. Cl. d. k. saechs. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch._, XXI,
-1903, no. III, pp. 100 f.
-
-[630] Kabbadias, 235; Collignon, in _B. C. H._, XIII, 1889, p. 498 and
-Pl. III; Bulle, 74.
-
-[631] _Cf._ the _Farnese Herakles_, Bulle, 72; etc.
-
-[632] Collignon, I, p. 253, fig. 122; see below, p. 119 and note 5.
-
-[633] _E. g._, in the _Payne Knight_ bronze of the British Museum (_B.
-M. Bronz._, no. 209 and Pl. 1) and the _Sciarra_ bronze (Collignon, I,
-p. 321, fig. 161; _R. M._, II, 1887, Pls. IV, IVa, V), which will be
-discussed in Ch. III, pp. 108, 119.
-
-[634] He won Ol. (?) 80 (= 460 B. C.): P., VI, 4.11; Hyde, 45;
-Foerster, 255; _Inschr. v. Ol._ 149. _Cf._ Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 249 f.;
-_Mw._, pp. 452 f.
-
-[635] _Mp._, p. 255; an almost exact copy of the Eleusis statue is in
-the Museo Torlonia, no. 37.
-
-[636] Froehner, _Les medaillons de l’Empire romain_, 1878, p. 123;
-Furtw., _Mp._, _l. c._
-
-[637] _Mp._, pp. 229 f., especially pp. 233 f.; _Mw._, pp. 422 f.,
-especially pp. 426 f.
-
-[638] On an Argive funerary relief: see _A. M._, III, 1878, pp. 287 f.
-and Pl. XIII: this free adaptation of the _Doryphoros_ dates from the
-middle of the fourth century B. C.; it will be treated later on in our
-discussion of the _Doryphoros_.
-
-[639] _Cf._ Ph., 16, (the palæstra of Hermes, the first known); Babr.,
-48,5 (παλαιστρίτης θεός). A trainer of professional athletes was called
-a γυμνάστης (a term sometimes applied to athletic gods): Xen., _Mem._,
-II, 1.20; Plato, _de Leg._, 720 E; etc.
-
-[640] _E. g._, _Suppl._, 189, 333; _Agam._, 513.
-
-[641] As in Iliad, XV, 428; XVI, 500; XXIV, 1. Eustathius in a scholion
-on the latter passage wrongly says that Aischylos called the ἀγοραῖοι
-θεοί “ἀγώνιοι θεοί.”
-
-[642] As in Hesychios, who says ἀγώνιοι θεοὶ = οἱ τῶν ἀγώνων προεστῶτες.
-
-[643] 509, ὕπατος χώρας, “lord of Nemea.”
-
-[644] _Ibid._, ὁ Πύθιος ἄναξ.
-
-[645] 515.
-
-[646] _E. g._ Plato, _de Leg._, 783 A; Pindar, _Isthm._, I, 60, _Ol._,
-VI, 79, and _Pyth._, II, 10 (of Hermes); Soph., _Trach._, 26 (of Zeus,
-the decider of contests); _C. I. G._, II, 1421 (of Hermes); _cf._ also
-Simonides, quoted by Athenæus, XI, 90 (p. 490); Aischyl., _fragm._ 384
-(of Hermes); Aristoph., _Plut._, 1161 (of Hermes); _C. I. G._, I, 251;
-etc.
-
-[647] See Preller-Robert, _Griech. Mythol._^4, 1894, p. 415, n. 3.
-
-[648] _Cf._ Krause, pp. 169 f.; Preller-Robert, _op. cit._, pp. 415 f.;
-Urlichs, _Skopas_, p. 42; Nissen, _Pompej. Stud._, p. 168; Roscher,
-_Lex._, I, 2, p. 2369; S. Eitrem, in Pauly-Wissowa, VIII, pp. 786-7.
-
-[649] Pindar, _Nem._, X, 52-3; _Oxy. Pap._, VII, 1015, 8.
-
-[650] _E. g._, at Messene, P., IV, 32.1 (along with that of Theseus).
-
-[651] _B. M. Sculpt._, III, 2156; _C. I. G._, I, 250, and Neubauer,
-_Hermes_, XI, 1876, p. 146, no. 12; for the dedication of a torch to
-Hermes, see _A. G._, VI, 100.
-
-[652] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1225-6; IV, 2, 1225b; 1226, b, c, d.
-
-[653] _Inschr. Gr. Insul._, III (Thera), 390; _cf._ Cougny, _Epigr.
-Anth. Pal._, III, 1890 (_Appendix nova_), p. 26, no. 168.
-
-[654] Schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, VI, 134, Boeckh, p. 148. He is
-represented as a wrestler in a bronze group from Antioch, with wings in
-his hair: R. Foerster, _Jb._, XIII, 1898, pp. 177 f., and Pl. XI (to be
-discussed _infra._, p. 233 and note 2).
-
-[655] Servius on Virgil’s _Aen._, VIII, 138.
-
-[656] I, 2.5.
-
-[657] V, 14.9 (Ἑρμοῦ ... Ἐναγωνίου).
-
-[658] VIII, 14.10. An inscription (_Inschr. v. Ol._, 184) records that
-a certain Akestorides of Alexandria Troas (whose name is left out of
-the text of Pausanias, VI, 13.7) won a victory at Pheneus, and this was
-probably at these games; on this victor, see Hyde, 119, and pp. 49-50.
-
-[659] V, 7.10.
-
-[660] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, no. 324; _Guide_, 331; B. B., 131; Bulle,
-54; von Mach, 126 b; Baum., I, p. 458, fig. 503; Reinach, _Rép._, I,
-526,8; Collignon, II. p. 124, fig. 60; Overbeck, I, pp. 380 f. and
-fig. 102; F. W., no. 465; _A. Z._, XXIV, 1866, Pl. CCIX, 1-2, pp. 169
-f. (Kekulé) and Pl. 209, 1, 2; _Annali_, LI, 1879, pp. 207 f. (Brunn);
-_Jb._, XIII, 1898, pp. 57 f. and fig. 1 (Habich); _J. H. S._, XXVIII,
-1907, p. 25, fig. 13; _A. J. A._, VII, 1903, pp. 445 f. (von Mach);
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 268, fig. 482; replicas in the Louvre (photo
-Giraudon, no. 1209), London (_B. M. Sculpt._ III, no. 1753), Duncombe
-Park, England (Michaelis, p. 295, no. 2), and elsewhere; for series,
-see J. Six, _Gaz. arch._, 1888, pp. 291 and Pl. 29, fig. 10 A.
-
-[661] _Mw._, p. 122; also Smith, _B. M. Sculpt._, III, no. 1753.
-
-[662] First by Visconti, _Mus. Pio Clem._, III, p. 130; lately by G.
-Habich, _l. c._, and others.
-
-[663] _H. N._, XXXIV, 72; _S. Q._, 826. It was the only bronze work
-which the sculptor is known to have made, all his other works being in
-marble.
-
-[664] Kekulé (_l. c._), Furtwaengler (_l. c._), and others make the
-identification.
-
-[665] Long ago Turnebus (_Advers._, 1580, p. 486) explained the word
-in the sense of ἔγκρισις ἀθλητῶν, as used by Lucian, _pro Imag._, 11;
-_cf._, Cicero’s _probatio_, in his _de Off._, I, 144. Most modern
-commentators, however, refer the word to the statue, translating it
-“classical” or “chosen”: thus Urlichs, _Chrest. Pl._, 1857, p. 325; O.
-Jahn, Ueber die Kunsturteile des Plinius (_Ber. saechs. Ges. d. Wiss._,
-1850), p. 125; H. L. von Urlichs, _Blaetter f. d. bayr. Gymnasialsch._,
-1894, pp. 609 f., translates it “klassisch” or “mustergueltig,” _i.
-e._, serving as a pattern or standard. But the term was too well known
-as an athletic one for it ever to have been applied to a statue. The
-present participle, instead of the usual aorist (ἐγκριθείς), shows
-that Alkamenes’ statue represented an athlete in the act of undergoing
-selection. The old emendation into ἐγχριόμενος has been recently
-defended by Klein, _Praxiteles_, p. 50, who identifies Pliny’s statue
-with the Glyptothek _Oil-pourer_ (Pl. 11); it is discredited by the
-occurrence of the epithet _Encrinomenos_ as a Roman proper name, _C. I.
-L._, V, 1, 4429, which shows how familiar it was. See Jex-Blake, on the
-passage of Pliny.
-
-[666] _Cf._ Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 345; Helbig, _l. c._
-
-[667] It seems to be a Hadrianic copy of an original which stood on the
-Athenian Akropolis.
-
-[668] Now in the Antiquarium, Rome: Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, no. 1030;
-noted in _B. Com. Rom._, XXXVIII, 1910, p. 249, and fully discussed,
-_ibid._, XXXIX, 1911, pp. 97 f. (L. Mariani), and Pls. VI, VII (three
-views), and VIII (head, two views).
-
-[669] _H. N._, XXXIV, 80: _Naucydes Mercurio et discobolo et immolante
-arietem censetur_, etc.
-
-[670] _Ueber den Diskoswurf bei den Griechen_, 1892, p. 55. However,
-von Mach discusses a r.-f. deinos in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston,
-which resembles the pose of the statue: _A. J. A._, VII, 1903, p. 447,
-fig. 1.
-
-[671] As in a vase by Douris: _A. Z._, 1883, Pl. II; Furtw., _Berliner
-Vasen_, no. 2283 A; also on a Hellenistic gem in Berlin: Furtw.,
-_Gemmen Katalog_, no. 6911. Philostr., _Imag._, I, 24, says that the
-left foot was advanced.
-
-[672] Coin of Amastris: Schlosser, _Numism. Zeitschr._ (Vienna), XXIII,
-1891, p. 19, Pl. 2, no. 35; a better reproduction by Imhoof-Blumer,
-in Sallet’s _Zeitschr. f. Numism._, XX, 1897, p. 269, Pl. 10, n. 2 (=
-Habich, p. 58, fig. 2); another in _B. M. Coins_ (Pontus), Pl. XX, 7,
-pp. 87 and 21. On this and the Thracian coin, see also Habich, Hermes
-Diskobolos auf Muenzen, in _Journ. internat. d’arch, num._, II, 1898,
-pp. 137 f. Habich gives a gem showing the god with a kerykeion in the
-left hand, and a diskos in the right and with the right foot advanced:
-p. 61, fig. 3.
-
-[673] _E. g._, Michaelis, _Jb._, XIII, 1898, pp. 175-6. He looks upon
-the statue simply as that of a diskobolos.
-
-[674] In the National Museum, Athens, no. 13399: Staïs, _Marb. et
-Bronz._, pp. 353-354 and fig.; _Arch. Eph._, 1902, Pl. 17; Svoronos,
-Textbd., I, pp. 42-3; Tafelbd., I, Pl. VIII, no. 1; _J. H. S._, XXI,
-1901, p. 351 (Bosanquet). This statuette is 0.25 meter in height and
-the base 0.09 meter (Svoronos).
-
-[675] Svoronos, p. 43, reproduces the coins of Amastris and
-Philippopolis.
-
-[676] Stuart Jones, _Cat. Mus. Capitol._, p. 288, no. 21 and Pl. 71;
-Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, no. 858; _Guide_, 509; B. B., 387; Furtw.,
-_Mp._, p. 303 and n. 7; _Mw._, p. 525 and n. 1; Clarac, II, 859, 2170;
-Reinach, _Rép._, I, 525, 1; Lange, _Motiv des aufgestuetzten Fusses_,
-1879, pp. 13 f. Helbig speaks of a replica in Paris, but confounds it
-with the type of the so-called _Sandal-binder_ of the Louvre (Fig. 8).
-The Capitoline statue is 1.845 meters in height (Stuart Jones).
-
-[677] The motive of the “aufgestuetztes Bein” is more likely Lysippan
-than Skopaic, as Furtwaengler wrongly assumed.
-
-[678] Svoronos, Textbd., I, pp. 18 f. (with bibliography of all the
-objects down to 1903, on p. 15, n. 1.); Tafelbd., I, Pls. I and II
-(front and back); Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, pp. 302-304 and fig.;
-Bulle, 61; von Mach, 290; _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, Pls. VIII (head),
-IX (body, three views); H. B. Walters, _Art of the Greeks_, Pl. XVI;
-Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. LXXVIII; for bibliographical notice and
-discussion, see _A. J. A._, V, 1901, p. 465, and VII, 1903, pp. 464-5;
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 297, fig. 531; the best account of the statue in
-English is by Dr. A. S. Cooley, in _Record of the Past_, II, 1903, pp.
-207-13 (with two illustrations). It is 1.94 meters in height, _i. e._,
-slightly over life-size (Svoronos).
-
-[679] _J. H. S._, XXI, 1901, pp. 205 f; he also briefly described all
-the bronzes found in _A. A._, 1901, pp. 17-19, (4 figs.), in _Rev. des
-Ét. gr._, XIV, 1901, pp. 122-6 (5 figs.), and in _C. R. Acad. Inscr._,
-1901, pp. 58-63 (3 figs.) and 158-9 (3 Pls.). All the bronzes were
-published after cleansing in _Arch. Eph._, 1902, pp. 145 f., with Pls.
-7-17 and figs. 1-18 in the text; see also Staïs, _Les trouvailles dans
-la mer de Cythère_, 1905; the last publication of all the pieces is by
-Svoronos, Textbd., I, pp. 1-86; Tafelbd., I, Pls. I-XX.
-
-[680] In his popular discussion of the bronzes in _Monthly Review_,
-June, 1901, pp. 110-127 (with 5 Pls., and 5 figs.). Similar praise is
-that of W. Klein, II, p. 403; he calls it _die wundervollste aller uns
-erhaltenen Bronzestatuen des Altertums_.
-
-[681] _London Illustrated News_, June 6, 1903 (with double-page plate).
-
-[682] _Gaz. d. B.-A._, XXV, Pér. III, 1901, pp. 295-301 (with 3
-figures).
-
-[683] In a monograph entitled Ὁ Ἔφηβος τῶν Ἀντικυθήρων (pp. 1-42, and
-6 figs.), Athens, 1903.
-
-[684] It was restored by the French sculptor André, who covered it
-with putty to conceal the jointures and the rivets which were used in
-welding the fragments together. He also colored it to resemble bronze.
-The method used in the restoration is certainly open to objection, but
-not to the extent asserted by certain scholars, _e. g._, by von Mach,
-who asserts that no Greek statue has received such unworthy treatment,
-and that the restoration makes it possible to refer the statue to
-almost any age or admixture of influences: _Greek Sculpture, Its
-Spirit and Principles_, p. 326. Much of the beauty of the statue, to
-be sure, is gone, but the style is not obscured. It has been restored
-too full, which gives it a sensuous appearance. For the statue, before
-restoration, see Svoronos, Textbd., p. 18, fig. 2; Staïs, _Marbres et
-Bronzes_, fig. on p. 304.
-
-[685] _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, pp. 152 f.; _cf._ _Sculpt._, pp. 244 f.;
-_Hbk._, pp. 532 f. In Chap. VI of the present work we shall follow the
-view which ascribes the _Herakles_ to Lysippos: _infra_, pp. 298, 311.
-The Praxitelean and Lysippan influences in the bronze under discussion
-are noted by Richardson, p. 276.
-
-[686] _Ibid._, pp. 217 f.
-
-[687] For the former, see Amelung, _Fuehrer_, 249; von Mach, 327;
-Reinach, I, 452, 2. On the hem of the cloak is an Etruscan dedicatory
-inscription to one Metilius by his wife, containing the name of Tenine
-Tuthines as the bronze-caster: see Corssen, _Sprache d. Etrusker_, I,
-pp. 712 f. (quoted by von Mach). For the latter, see Helbig, _Fuehrer_,
-I, no. 5; _Guide_, 5; _Mon. d. I._, VI and VII, 1857-63, Pl. 84, 1;
-_Annali_, XXXV, 1863, pp. 432 f. (Koehler); Rayet, II, Pl. 71; B. B.,
-225; Bernouilli, _Roem. Ikonogr._, II, i, pp. 24 f., fig. 2; etc.
-
-[688] Text on pp. 115 f.; Klein, _op. cit._, pp. 403 f., believes that
-the enigma of its interpretation remains unsolved. He looks upon it as,
-perhaps, a pre-Lysippan work, a sort of _Vorstufe_ to the _Apoxyomenos_.
-
-[689] _Cf._ Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 534.
-
-[690] On this gesture, see von Mach, _op. cit._, pp. 325-6.
-
-[691] Textbd., I, figs. 13-14, pp. 26-7. For the gem, see _ibid._, fig.
-3, p. 22; Reinach, _Pierres gravées_, Pl. 56, 34.
-
-[692] _H. N._, XXXIV, 77. So Miss Bieber, _Jb._, XXV, 1910, pp. 159 f.,
-following the suggestion of Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, ed. I, 1907,
-pp. 254 f. (view reiterated in ed. 2, 1910, p. 304), and Loeschke.
-Pliny says that the statue of Euphranor displayed every phase of Paris’
-character, in the triple aspect of judge of the goddesses, lover of
-Helen, and slayer of Achilles. On this statue, of which we know so
-little, _cf._ the very different results reached by Furtwaengler
-(_Mp._, pp. 357 f.; _Mw._, pp. 591-2) and Robert (_Hallisches
-Winckelmannsprogr._, XIX, 1895, pp. 20 f.). Edw. Vicars, in the _Pall
-Mall Magazine_, XIX, 1903, pp. 551 f., followed by Dr. Cooley, believes
-that the bronze should be restored as Paris holding the apple of
-discord in the right hand.
-
-[693] _Suppl. de la Gaz. d. B.-A._, 1901, pp. 68 f., and 76 f.
-
-[694] VI, 100 f.; VIII, 372 f.; in the latter connection it is an
-adjunct to the dance.
-
-[695] Athenæus, I, 44 (p. 24 b), quotes the Pergamene Karystios
-(= _F. H. G._, IV, p. 359, fragm. 14) as saying that the women of
-Kerkyra played ball in his time. For Rome, _cf._ Hor., _Sat._, II,
-2.11; Suetonius, _Octav._, 83; Pliny, _Ep._, III, 1.8; Seneca, _de
-Brev. vit._, 13; etc. On ball-playing, see Grasberger, _Erziehung und
-Unterricht_, I, 1864, pp. 84 f.; L. Becq de Fouquières, _Les Jeux des
-Anciens_,^2 1873, Ch. IX, pp. 176-199.
-
-[696] Athen., I, 25 (p. 14 d, e).
-
-[697] Athen., I, 25-26 (pp. 14 f, 15 a).
-
-[698] In his περὶ τοῦ διὰ σμικρᾶς σφαίρας γυμνασίου. _Cf._ Sidon.
-Apoll., V, 17; Martial, IV, 19; etc.
-
-[699] Athen., I, 34 (p. 19 a).
-
-[700] Athen., I, 26 (p. 15); _cf._, Eustath., on Od., VI, 115, p. 1553;
-only the Milesians were opposed to it: _id._, on Od., VIII, 372, p.
-1601.
-
-[701] Theophr., _Char._, V, 9; Pliny, _Ep._, II, 17.12 and V, 6.27;
-Suetonius, _Vit. Vespas._, 20; etc.
-
-[702] _B. S. A._, X, 1903-4, pp. 63 f; _cf._, XII, 1905-6, p. 387.
-
-[703] The σφαιρεῖς are mentioned in _C. I. G._, I, 4, 1386, 1432;
-P., III, 14.6, mentions a statue of Herakles there, to which these
-youths sacrificed. Mueller, _Die Dorier_, 4, 5, §2, classed these
-competitions as a sort of football.
-
-[704] _Rev. des Ét. gr._, XIV, 1901, pp. 445-8.
-
-[705] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, no. 1299; B. B., 413; Bulle, 44;
-Arndt-Amelung, _Einzelaufnahmen_, III, text to no. 1127; F. W., text
-to 1630; Rayet, II, text to Pl. 70, fig. on p. 5; Kekulé, _Die griech.
-Skulpt._,^2 fig. on p. 349 (the _Germanicus_ on p. 348; _cf._ Bulle,
-p. 94, fig. 17); Loewy, _Griech. Plastik_, Pl. 94, fig. 176 a, p.
-80. The statue is 1.83 meters high (Bulle). Head alone in Overbeck,
-II, p. 446, and _cf._ 456, n. 4; Arndt-Amelung, nos. 270-271. A fine
-herma-replica of the head is at Broadlands, England: Michaelis, p. 219,
-no. 9; Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 58, fig. 13 (three views). A poorer copy
-is in the Uffizi, Florence: Duetschke, III, no. 13; Arndt-Amelung,
-_Einzelaufnahmen_, 83-84.
-
-[706] Graef, _Aus der Anomia_, 1890, p. 69. Bulle finds the head
-similar to that of the _Lemnian Athena_ and the body to that of
-the _Farnese Anadoumenos_ of the British Museum (= Bulle, no. 49).
-Furtwaengler thinks that its relation to the _Lemnia_ is not close
-enough to warrant us in assigning it to Pheidias: _Mp._, p. 57; _Mw._,
-pp. 86 and 742. On the basis of a Phokaian coin (Berlin example, _Mp._,
-Pl. VI, 19; copy in British Museum, _B. M. Coins_, Ionia, IV, 23),
-which represents a similar Hermes, he ascribes the statue to an Ionian
-artist and conjectures Telephanes mentioned by Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV,
-68.
-
-[707] Helbig finds the head Myronian, but the body unconnected with any
-of the well-known artistic tendencies of his day.
-
-[708] As shown in the _Germanicus_ copy; the right arm is wrongly
-restored in the Ludovisi statue. In the _Germanicus_ the arm is bowed
-more at the elbow, the hand reaching the level of the temples.
-
-[709] Froehner, pp. 213 f., no. 184 (and bibliography); F. W., 1630;
-Rayet, II, Pls. 69 (statue), 70 (head); etc.
-
-[710] _A. J. A._, XV, 1911, Pl. VI and pp. 215-16 (Caskey); _Jb._,
-XXIV, 1909, Pls. I and II (from Munich cast), pp. 1 f. (Sieveking).
-For the _Hermes_ of the Boboli gardens, see _ibid._, figs. 1 and 3,
-pp. 2 and 4; Arndt-Amelung., _Einzelauf._, 103-105; Duetschke, II, no.
-84; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 230, _Mw._, p. 424. Another replica is in the
-Hermitage: Kieseritzky, _Kat._, no. 179; Sieveking, figs. 4-5, p. 5;
-_Mp._, p. 290, _Mw._, 506; another in the Torlonia Museum in Rome, no.
-[475] Sieveking, fig. 6, p. 5.
-
-[711] _Gaz. d. B.-A._, 1911, p. 251.
-
-[712] Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 230 and _cf._ p. 290; _Mw._, p. 424 and
-_cf._ p. 506.
-
-[713] See the _Annual Report of the Museum of Fine Arts_, 1898, p. 20.
-Mahler, _Polyklet u. seine Schule_, p. 27, no. 34, wrongly thought that
-it was a replica of the _Doryphoros_.
-
-[714] Froehner, no. 183, pp. 210 f. (bibliography on pp. 212-13; later
-bibliogr. in Klein, _Praxitel. Stud._, 1899, p. 4, n. 2); B. B., no.
-67; von Mach, 238 b; Clarac, Pl. 309, no. 2046. Replica in Munich (with
-a head of Apollo not belonging to the torso): Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr.
-d. Glypt._^2, 1910, 287 (with list of replicas); von Mach, 238a;
-Clarac, V, 814, 2048; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 487, 7; Klein, pp. 4 f.; one
-in London, in Lansdowne House: Michaelis, pp. 464f., no. 85 and Pl.
-opp. p. 464; Clarac, V, 814, 2048 A; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 487, 6; one
-in the Vatican: Reinach, _Rép._, I, 487, 5; head and torso in Athens:
-_ibid._, II, i, 153, 10; _A. M._, XI, 1886, Pl. IX (middle), pp. 362 f.
-(Studniczka); head in Copenhagen, formerly in the Borghese Coll., Rome:
-P. Arndt, _Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, 1912, Pls. 128, 129, and text pp. 177
-f., (fig. 95 = bronze restoration for the municipal Museum in Stettin,
-combining the Lansdowne body and the Fagan head in the British Museum;
-for the Fagan head see _B. M. Sculpt._, III, 1785).
-
-[715] See von Mach, 170; R. Kekulé, _Die Reliefs an der Balustrade der
-Athena Nike_, with Pls. 1-6.
-
-[716] From the _Ekphrasis_ of Christodoros, _A. G._, II, _vv._ 297-302.
-It was first shown to be a statue of Hermes by Lambeck, _de Mercurii
-statua_, Thorn, 1860.
-
-[717] Pick, _Die antiken Muenzen Nordgriechenlands_, I, Pl. XVI, 25;
-_cf._ Froehner, p. 211.
-
-[718] Duetschke, IV, no. 151; _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, Pl. XVI, pp. 239
-f. (Wace).
-
-[719] _E. g._, _B. M. Bronzes_, nos. 1200, 1202, 1207; for a herm in
-the Braccio Nuovo of the Vatican, after a fourth-century B. C. type,
-see Amelung, _Vat._, I, p. 84, no. 65 and Pl. X.
-
-[720] _B. M. Sculpt._, III, no. 1600 and Pi. III; _Jb._, I, 1886, p.
-54, and Pl. 5, and fig. 1 (Wolters); Kalkmann, Proport. d. Gesichts,
-pp. 41 and 98; Furtw., _Mp._, Pl. XVIII. opp. p. 346; for a full
-discussion of this head, see the note by translator in _Mp._, pp.
-346-7. The head is 11-1/2 inches high (_B. M. Sculpt._).
-
-[721] Nissen, _Pompej. Stud._, p. 166.
-
-[722] _H. N._, XXXIV, 18.
-
-[723] _E. g._, one in Paris, in the Cab. des Médailles, no. 3350;
-Clarac, 666 D, 1512 F.
-
-[724] _E. g._, E. von Sacken, _Die ant. Bronzen des k. k. Muenz-und
-Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien_, 1871, Pl. 10, 4; a bronze _Mercury_ in
-Paris, in the Cab. des Méd., Coll. Oppermann (0.20 m. tall): Furtw.,
-_Mp._, p. 233, fig. 94, and _Mw._, p. 428, fig. 64; bronze statuette
-of Mercury in the British Museum with chlamys over the left shoulder:
-_Mp._, p. 232, fig. 93; _Mw._, p. 427, fig. 63.
-
-[725] _Mp._, p. 231, n. 3.
-
-[726] _B. M. Bronzes_, no. 1217.
-
-[727] _Mp._, pp. 288 f.; _Mw._, pp. 502 f.
-
-[728] _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 165 (renewed); base pictured, _Mp._, p.
-288, fig. 123; _Mw._, p. 503; fig. 90. Furtwaengler had ascribed the
-statue of Aristion to the younger Polykleitos; this was disproved by
-the date of Aristion’s victory, Ol. 82 (= 452 B. C.), given by the
-_Oxy. Pap._
-
-[729] Michaelis, p. 446, no. 35; Clarac, V, 946, 2436 A; Furtw., _Mp._,
-p. 289, fig. 124; _Mw._, p. 504, fig. 91.
-
-[730] XXIII, 660; _cf._ Od., XIX, 86: “By Apollo’s grace he hath so
-goodly a son”—meaning that Apollo gave increase of physical strength to
-men, just as Artemis did to women. _Cf._ Hesiod, _Theog._, 346-7.
-
-[731] V, 7.10.
-
-[732] _Quaest. conviv._, VIII, 4 (= p. 724 C, D.); here he also
-mentions a Gymnasion of Apollo at Athens.
-
-[733] Told by many writers: _e. g._, Apollod., II, 6.2.
-
-[734] P., X, 13.7, describes a group at Delphi representing Apollo and
-Hermes grasping the tripod before the fight; in VIII, 37.1 he mentions
-the same subject on a marble relief at Lykosoura, and in III, 21.8
-says that Gythion was founded by the two after the contest, and that
-their images stood in the agora there. The subject was represented in
-the gable of the Siphnian Treasury at Delphi: Frazer, V, p. 274 (in
-connection with P., X, 11.2). Stephani enumerated 89 existing works of
-art which represent this subject, of which 58 appear on black-figured,
-18 on red-figured vases, 8 on marble reliefs, 3 on terra-cottas, and 2
-on gems: _Comptes rendus de la comm. impér. archéol._, St. Petersburg,
-1868, pp. 31 f.; Overbeck has added to the list: _Griech. Mythol._,
-III, Apollon, 1889, pp. 391-415.
-
-[735] The _Choiseul-Gouffier_ statue: _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 209;
-_Marbles and Bronzes_, Pl. III; _Specimens_, II, Pl. V; _Museum
-Marbles_, XI, Pl. 32; F. W., no. 221; _J. H. S._, I, 1881, Pl. IV, and
-pp. 178 f., and _cf._, II, 1882, pp. 332 f. (Waldstein); von Mach,
-Pl. 67; Collignon, I, p. 403, fig. 208; Clarac, III, 482, 931 H, and
-p. 213: Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 85, 10; Conze, _Beitr. zur Gesch. d.
-gr. Pl._^2, 1869, Pl. VI; Springer-Michaelis, p. 234, fig. 429. The
-height of the statue is 5 feet, 10.5 inches (_B. M. Sculpt._). The
-_Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_: Kabbadias, 45; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_,
-pp. 23-24 and fig.; _J. H. S._, I, Pl. V, fig. 3; Collignon, I, p. 405,
-fig. 209; B. B., 42; von Mach, 66; F. W., 219; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1,
-85, 7; Conze, _op. cit._, Pls. III-V, and text, pp. 13 f.; Murray, I,
-Pl. VIII, opp. p. 234 (both statues); torso in Munich, Arndt-Amelung,
-_Einzelauf._, nos. 849-50; for list of other copies, see _A. M._, IX,
-1884, pp. 239-40.
-
-[736] _Cf._ _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 209 (A. H. Smith).
-
-[737] See Waldstein, p. 180; F. W., no. 219; _A. M._, IX, 1884, p. 248.
-
-[738] Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 85, 9; M. D., I, p. 47, no. 179; _cf._ F.
-W., 219. Overbeck, _Griech. Kunstmythol._, III. _Apollon_, p. 162, fig.
-9.
-
-[739] _A. M._, I, 1876, Pl. X, and pp. 178 f. (Kekulé); Bulle, 105
-(Left) and p. 208, fig. 47.
-
-[740] Published in _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, pp. 278-80 (Dickins); here,
-on p. 279, we have the fragment photographed with the lower parts
-of the _Choiseul-Gouffier_ and _Omphalos_ copies on either side;
-Dickins says that with the possible exception of the Athens statue
-this fragment shows the best workmanship of all the copies. Helbig,
-_Fuehrer_, no. 1268.
-
-[741] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 211; it shows the _krobylos_ best.
-
-[742] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 210.
-
-[743] Braun, _Vorschule d. Kunstmythol._, Pl. V, (quoted by A. H.
-Smith).
-
-[744] _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-78, Pl. 54; discussed in _Annali_, L, 1878,
-pp. 61 f. (Brizio).
-
-[745] _Cf._ Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, no. 859; Beulé, _Monnaies d’Athênes_,
-p. 271, quoted in _Jb._, II, 1887, p. 235, n. 54.
-
-[746] _Jb._, II, pp. 234 f.; on p. 234, the Athens statue and the
-figure from the Bologna krater are shown side by side.
-
-[747] _Fuehrer_, under no. 859 (the Capitoline replica), and especially
-under no. 1268.
-
-[748] _Beitraege zur Gesch. d. gr. Pl._^2, p. 19.
-
-[749] Roscher, _Lex._, I, p. 456.
-
-[750] _A. M._, IX, 1884, p. 244.
-
-[751] Mentioned by P., I, 3.4; this view has been upheld by Conze,
-_l.c._; Murray, I, p. 235; _cf._ Furtw., _l. c._, and on the artist,
-see his article in _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1907, pp. 160 f.
-
-[752] _S. Q._, nos. 508-526.
-
-[753] Furtw., _l. c._; the coin in the British Museum is pictured in
-_J. H. S._, XXIV, 1904, p. 205, fig. 2. Conze’s theory of identifying
-the type with the _Alexikakos_ has been questioned among others also by
-Overbeck: I, n. 226, to pp. 280 (on p. 301).
-
-[754] Dionys. Halic., _de Isocrate Judicium_, III, p. 542 (ed. Reiske);
-_S. Q._, 531.
-
-[755] _Op. cit._, especially p. 182.
-
-[756] P., VI, 6.6. He won in the early fifth century, in Ols. 74, 76,
-77 (= 484, 476, 472 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195,
-207.
-
-[757] F. W., nos. 219 and 221. Clarac, Text, Vol. III, p. 213, leaves
-it in doubt whether it be Apollo or an athlete; however, he calls the
-Capitoline copy an athlete.
-
-[758] Published by Miss K. A. McDowall, _J. H. S._, XXIV, 1904, pp.
-203-7 and fig. 1.
-
-[759] The untrustworthy character of the Torlonia copy has been shown
-by Overbeck, _Kunstmythologie_, III, _Apollon_, pp. 109 and 162.
-The Roman copy in the Capitoline is also inferior, and the legs are
-wrongly restored—for at that period in art there was little difference
-between the free and the rest leg; see Helbig, _Fuehrer_, no. 859;
-Stuart Jones, _Cat. Mus. Capit._, p. 287, no. 20 and Pl. 69; Conze,
-_Beitraege zur Gesch. d. gr. Pl._^2, Pl. VII; Clarac, 862, 2189; head
-in Arndt-Amelung, _Einzelaufnahmen_, Serie II, 452-4, p. 35.
-
-[760] Waldstein ascribed the original to Pythagoras, partly because
-this artist was famed for the detail of veins, sinews, and hair: see
-Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 59.
-
-[761] _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 223 f.; Tafelbd., Pl. LVII, 3-5.
-The original height was 2.60 meters.
-
-[762] _Strena Helbigiana_, 1900, p. 293; discussed also by Miss
-McDowall (_l. c._ and fig. 3, p. 206); a poor replica is in Munich:
-Furtw., _Mw._, p. 115, and fig. 21.
-
-[763] _B. M. Coins, Troas_, etc., Pl. XXXII, 1; McDowall, _l. c._, fig.
-4, p. 207.
-
-[764] Bulle, 50, who gives the height 1.86 meters; von Mach, 115;
-Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 547, 9; other references _infra_, on p. 152, n.
-5.
-
-[765] _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, VIII, 1905, pp. 42 f.; IX, 1906, pp. 279
-f.; _cf._, Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkm._, pp. 105-6, n. 1 (Engl. ed., p.
-120).
-
-[766] _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, XII, 1909, pp. 100 f. He thinks that the
-original may have been identical with the statue of Ἀπόλλων ἀναδούμενος
-standing before the temple of Ares at Athens, P., I, 8.4, and that the
-παῖς ἀναδούμενος of Pheidias at Olympia, P. VI, 4.5, also may have
-been an Apollo. He also interprets the figure of a charioteer entering
-a chariot on an Attic relief (Fig. 63), to be discussed later, as an
-Apollo: _Jb._, VII, 1892, pp. 54 f. For the relief, see B. B., 21; von
-Mach, 56; F. W., no. 97; _infra_, pp. 269 f.
-
-[767] _Cf._, Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 18 (_Achilleae_). On these
-“Achillean” statues (a generic name for statues of athletes leaning
-on their spears, from Achilles, the typical hero of ephebes), see
-Furtwaengler, _Jahrbuecher f. cl. Philol._, Supplbd., IX, 1877, p. 47,
-n. 11.
-
-[768] _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, VIII, 1905, pp. 269 f. Miss McDowall,
-in the article already cited, p. 204, has also argued that there is no
-necessary connection between the quiver slung over the tree-support and
-Apollo.
-
-[769] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 162-3; Loewy, _op. cit._, X, 1907, pp. 326
-f. Studniczka, _ibid._, IX, 1906, pp. 311 f., discusses the base and
-believes that the pose of the statue of Pythokles was the same as that
-of the _Borghese Ares_ of the Louvre (von Mach, 125; F. W., 1298;
-Reinach, _Rép._ I, 133, 1-3; etc.), the weight on the left foot, _i.
-e._, essentially different from the Polykleitan pose.
-
-[770] _R. M._, XXVII, 1912, p. 37.
-
-[771] Duetschke, IV, no. 52 (= wrongly female); _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906,
-Pl. XV (three views), and pp. 235 f. (Wace).
-
-[772] _Mp._, p. 247; _Mw._, pp. 448-449; he assigns it to the third
-quarter of the fifth century B. C.
-
-[773] Amelung, _Rev. arch._, II, 1904, p. 344.1; Wace, _l. c._, p. 237.
-
-[774] Both Schreiber, _A. M._, VIII, 1883, pp. 246 f., and Studniczka,
-_Jb._, XI, 1896, pp. 255 f., have shown that the hair arranged in the
-double plait, whether the κρωβύλος or not, is Attic, and that similarly
-the mass of locks over the ears is common in Attic works.
-
-[775] P., V, 7.9. In V, 7.7, the Idæan Herakles is said to have first
-crowned his brother as victor there; _cf._ V, 8.3-4. We have already
-(p. 10) spoken of the difference of opinion as to whether it was the
-Cretan (Idæan) Herakles, or the more famous son of Zeus and Alkmena,
-who founded the games. On the traditional connection of the hero with
-Olympia, see E. Curtius, _Sitzb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. zu
-Berlin_, 1894, pp. 1098 f.; Busolt, _Gr. Gesch._,^2 I, pp. 240 f.;
-Krause, _Olympia_, pp. 26 f.
-
-[776] With the river-god Acheloos, III, 18.16 (the contest pictured
-in relief on the throne of Apollo at Amyklai; _cf._ the same scene
-represented by the cedar-wood figures inlaid with gold on the treasury
-of the Megarians at Olympia, VI, 19, 12); with Antaios, IX, 11.6
-(pictured in the sculptures of the gable of the Herakleion at Thebes);
-with Eryx, III, 16.4 and IV, 36.4.
-
-[777] P., V, 8.4.
-
-[778] P., V, 21.9; he won in Ol. 178 (= 68 B. C.): Foerster, 570-1.
-
-[779] V, 21.10.
-
-[780] These victors were Kapros of Elis, who won in Ol. 124 (= 212 B.
-C.): Hyde, 150; Foerster, 474, 475; he had two statues, the remains of
-which may have been recovered: see _Bronzen v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pls. II,
-III; Aristomenes of Rhodes, who won in Ol. 156 (= 156 B. C.): Foerster,
-505-6; Protophanes of Magnesia ad Maiandrum (ad Lethaeum in P., _l.
-c._), who won in Ol. 172 (= 92 B. C.): Foerster, 538-9; Marion of
-Alexandria, who won in Ol. 182 (= 52 B. C.): Foerster, 579-80; Aristeas
-of Stratonikeia, who won in Ol. 198 (= 13 A. D.): Foerster, 609-10;
-Nikostratos of Aigeai in Kilikia, who won in Ol. 204 (= 37 A. D.):
-Foerster, 621-2.
-
-[781] Two men entered later, but were disqualified: Sokrates, who won
-in wrestling (?) in Ol. 232 (= 149 A. D.): Foerster, 704; and Aurelios
-Ailix, or Helix, of Phœnicia, who won the pankration in Ol. 250 (=
-221 A. D.): Foerster, 734. See Dio Cassius, LXXIX, 10; Philostr.,
-_Heroicus_, III, 13 (p. 147, ed. Kayser); _cf._ Ph., 46 and note by
-Juethner, _ad loc._ Ailix won in both events on the same day at the
-Capitoline games in Rome, which no one had done before: Foerster, _l.
-c._ Frazer, III, p. 625.
-
-[782] Such victors were numbered in two ways; some authorities in the
-way mentioned above, _e. g._, Dio Cassius, _l. c._; others numbered
-them δεύτερος, τρίτος, κ. τ. λ., _e. g._, Africanus; _cf._ Rutgers, pp.
-73 f. and n. 1, and p. 97 and n. 2.
-
-[783] See F. Kindscher, Die herakleischen Doppelsieger zu Olympia,
-_Jahn’s Archiv f. Phil. u. Paedag._, II, 1845, pp. 392-411.
-
-[784] P., IV, 32.1 (statues of the three in the Gymnasion at Messene).
-He mentions, IX, 11.7, a Gymnasion and Stadion of the hero near the
-Herakleion in Thebes.
-
-[785] _B. C. H._, XXIII, 1899, pp. 455-6.
-
-[786] On the difficulty of distinguishing statues of victors from those
-of Herakles, see also Arndt, _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, Text, p. 138, to
-Pl. 94.
-
-[787] P., VI, 2.1.
-
-[788] Ch. VI, pp. 293 f., especially pp. 298-299.
-
-[789] _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, Pl. 117 (three views). It was formerly
-in the Tyszkiewicz collection.
-
-[790] See Arndt, _l. c._ Furtwaengler believed the head Praxitelean:
-see Roscher, _Lex._, I, 2, p. 2166 ll. 61 f. S. Reinach saw in it a
-_mélange_ of Skopaic and Praxitelean elements: _Gaz. d. B.-A._, 3,
-Pér., XVI, 1896, II, p. 332 and fig. on p. 328; _Têtes_, Pl. 176, p.
-139; he is followed by Arndt.
-
-[791] _Antichita di Ercolano, Bronzi_, I, Pls. 49 and 50; D. Comparetti
-e G. de Petra, _La Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni_, 1883, Pl. VII, 3, p.
-261, 4; Rayet, II, Pl. 66; B. B., no. 364; F. W., 1302. Similarly, the
-bronze head of a youth in Naples, with a rolled fillet, may be from the
-statue of a victor or of the hero: Invent., 5594; B. B., 365.
-
-[792] For the Naples replica, see Comparetti e de Petra, _Villa
-Ercolan._, Pl. XXI, 3; Furtw., _Mp._ p. 234, fig. 95; _Mw._, p. 430,
-fig. 65; poorer copy in the Museo Chiaramonti of the Vatican (no.
-139): Helbig, _Guide_, 69; B. B., 338; another in Broadlands, England:
-Michaelis, p. 220, no. 10; _Mp._, p. 235, fig. 96; _Mw._, p. 431, fig.
-66. Graef had already conjectured the type to be that of a Polykleitan
-_Herakles: R. M._, IV, 1889, p. 215. He is followed by Furtwaengler,
-_Mp._, p. 23.
-
-[793] Amelung., _Vat._, I, p. 738, no. 636 and Pl. 79; Helbig,
-_Fuehrer_, I, no. 108; _Guide_, 113; B. B., no. 609; Furtw., _Mp._,
-p. 341, fig. 146 (head, on p. 342, fig. 147); _Mw._, p. 575, fig. 109
-(head, on p. 577, fig. 110). The group is 2.12 meters high (Amelung.).
-
-[794] Helbig, _Guide_, no. 242.
-
-[795] Helbig, _ibid._, no. 470; _R. M._, IV, 1889, p. 197, no. 12
-(Skopaic).
-
-[796] It was found in Genzano: _B. M. Sculpt._, III, no. 1731 and Pl.
-V, fig. 2; height, 1 foot, 4-7/8 inches; for references, see _infra_,
-p. 169, n. 8.
-
-[797] _B. M. Sculpt._, III, no. 1732; _Specimens_, I, Pl. 57; _Museum
-Marbles_, III, Pl. 12. A similar head, half portrait and half ideal,
-appears on coins of Macedonia. Such filleted heads as nos. 1733 and
-1740 of _B. M. Sculpt._ are probably from statues of Herakles. The
-statuette of a seated Herakles, _ibid._, no. 1726, with the lion-skin
-and wearing a laurel wreath tied on with a fillet (= Reinach, _Rép._,
-II, 1, p. 227, no. 3; _J. H. S._, III, 1882, Pl. XXV.) and inscribed
-as the work of Diogenes (_I. G. B._, 361), recalls the description of
-the pose of the _Hermes Epitrapezios_ made by Lysippos for Alexander:
-Statius, _Silv._, IV, 6; _cf._ Martial, IX, 44.
-
-[798] _B. M. Bronz._, nos. 1254, 1276, 1292, etc.
-
-[799] _B. M. Bronz._, Pl. II (upper right-hand); text, no. 212.
-
-[800] Friedrichs, _Kleinere Kunst_, 1850; mentioned by Furtw., _Mw._,
-p. 525, n. 2.
-
-[801] III, nos. 9 and 19; no. 19 has swollen ears.
-
-[802] See Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 234 and 236; _Mw._, pp. 429 and 433. He
-gives as an example the Polykleitan ephebe head-type discussed _supra_,
-p. 95.
-
-[803] P., V, 8.4.
-
-[804] P., V, 15.5.
-
-[805] P., III, 14.7 (ἀφετήριοι).
-
-[806] P., II, 34.10.
-
-[807] Iliad, III, 237 (= Od., XI, 300); Homeric Hymn to the Dioskouroi,
-XXXIII, 3; Pindar, _Isthm._, I, 16 f.; _Pyth._, V. 9; etc. Kastor was
-famed also for throwing the quoit: Pindar, _Isthm._, I, 25.
-
-[808] Iliad and Od., _ll. cc._; Simonides, frag. 8 (_P. l. G._, III, p.
-390); Apoll. Rhod., _Argon._, II, 1 f.
-
-[809] Apoll. Rhod., _op. cit._, I, 146; Theokr., XXII, 2-3 and 34;
-Pindar, _Pyth._, XI, 61-2; _Nem._, X, 49-50; _Isthm._, V, 32-3; etc.;
-various Roman poets: see Bethe, in Pauly-Wissowa, V, I, pp. 1092-4.
-
-[810] _R. M._, XV, 1900, 1 f. (with illustrations).
-
-[811] _I. G. A._, 37.
-
-[812] _B. M. Bronz._, no. 3207; _C. I. G. G. S._, III, 1, 649; _Rev.
-arch._, Sér. 3, XVIII, 1891, Pl. 18, and pp. 45 f. (Froehner);
-_Wochenschr. f. kl. Phil._, VIII, 1891, p. 859; Gardiner, p. 317, fig.
-73. Froehner reads the name “Exotra,” that of a woman victor.
-
-[813] _I. G. A._, 43 a (p. 173).
-
-[814] Duetschke, IV, no. 534. Another relief fragment in the Uffizi
-shows the upper part of the two with horses, each wearing the chlamys
-and pilleus and carrying spears: Duetschke, III, 446.
-
-[815] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 780; _Museum Marbles_, II, Pl. 11;
-_cf._ a similar relief, no. 781. The relief _ibid._, III, no. 2206,
-supposedly representing Kastor, has been pronounced a modern forgery by
-Treu: see F. W., 1006.
-
-[816] Ch. I, pp. 27 f. and 37 f.
-
-[817] This is the usual division of victor monuments: Scherer, pp. 21
-f.; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 530; Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkmaeler griech.
-und roem. Skulptur_, Handausgabe^3, 1911, pp. 104 f. (translation by
-H. Taylor, 1914, pp. 120 f.) Reisch, p. 40, divides _Siegerbilder
-in Motiven von allgemeiner Geltung und Bilder in Motiven, die der
-speciellen Veranlassung der Weihung entlehnt sind_—a division
-practically amounting to that of rest and motion statues, as we shall
-see.
-
-[818] Discussed _infra_ in Ch. VII, pp. 334 f.
-
-[819] VIII, 40.1.
-
-[820] See _infra_, Ch. VII, pp. 327-8.
-
-[821] We know of one case, at least, where an “Apollo” (draped) was
-transferred to a relief—on a column drum of the old Artemision in
-Ephesos, now in the British Museum: _J. H. S._, X, 1889, Pl. III, pp. 4
-f., and figs. 4a, 5 (Murray); Overbeck, I, p. 106, fig. 9; Richardson,
-p. 53, fig. 16. According to Herodotos, I, 92, most of these columns
-were the gifts of Crœsus, who reigned 560-546 B. C. On the whole series
-of “Apollos,” see W. Deonna, _Les Apollons archaïques_, 1909; _cf._
-F. W., text to no. 14, pp. 9 f; _B. M. Sculpt._, I, pp. 82-3, with
-references; etc.
-
-[822] See Richardson, pp. 39 f.
-
-[823] Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, pp. 11-12 and fig.; _B. C. H._, X,
-1886, Pl. V (two views) and pp. 98 f. (Holleaux); Collignon, I, p. 117,
-fig. 58; Deonna, _op. cit._, p. 161, no. 35; Richardson, p. 44, fig.
-12. It is in the National Museum at Athens, where most of the “Apollos”
-are to be found. The sanctuary of Apollo Ptoios on Mount Ptoion,
-Bœotia, is mentioned by P., IX, 23.6, Hdt., VIII, 135, and other
-writers.
-
-[824] In Athens: Kabbadias, no. 8; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 10;
-Deonna, p. 227, no. 129; _A. M._, III, 1878, Pl. VIII; Collignon, I, p.
-132, fig. 66; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 131, fig. 16; Richardson, p. 39, fig.
-5; B. B., no. 77C; von Mach, 12; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 76, 10; F. W.,
-14; Springer-Michaelis, p. 172, fig. 336; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 319,
-fig. 133.
-
-[825] Kabbadias, no. 9; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, pp. 9-10 (1.27
-m. high); _Annali_, XXXIII, 1861, pp. 79 f. and Pl. E; Deonna, _op.
-cit._, p. 148, no. 26; _B. C. H._, V, 1881, Pl. IV, and pp. 319 f.;
-Collignon, I, p. 114, fig. 56; Overbeck, I, fig. 14; Gardner, _Hbk._,
-p. 166, fig. 29; Richardson, p. 40, fig. 8; B. B., 77A; von Mach, 11 b;
-Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 509, fig. 260; F. W., 43; Reinach, _Rép._, II,
-1, 76, 11.
-
-[826] Kabbadias, no. 10; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 8 (1.30 meters
-high); Deonna, p. 153, no. 28; _B. C. H._, X, 1886, Pl. IV, and p.
-66 (Holleaux); Collignon, I, p. 196, fig. 92; von Mach, 15a (left);
-Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 168, fig. 30; B. B., 12 (left); Reinach, _Rép._,
-II, 1, 76, 7. In another found at Mount Ptoion in 1903, the left arm is
-almost entirely broken away: _B. C. H._, XXXI, 1907, Pl. XX.
-
-[827] Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 10, no. 1558; Deonna, p. 217,
-no. 114, _B. C. H._, XVI, 1892, Pl. XVI (two views) and pp. 560 f.
-(Holleaux); von Mach, no. 13; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 321, fig. 134;
-Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 132, fig. 17; Richardson, p. 39, fig. 6; Reinach,
-_Rép._, II, 1, 76, 1.
-
-[828] Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschreib. d. Glypt._,^2 pp. 49 f., no.
-47; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 158, fig. 26; Gardiner, p. 87, fig. 7;
-Richardson, p. 40, fig. 7; B. B., no. I; Bulle, 37 (right); von Mach,
-14; Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkm._, Pl. I, pp. 3 f; _Mon. d. I._, IV,
-1847, Pl. XLIV; Baum., I, fig. 340; Collignon, I, p. 202, fig. 96;
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 174, fig. 338; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 401,
-figs. 187, 188; F. W., 49; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 76, 2. It is 1.53
-meters high (Bulle).
-
-[829] Left: torso found in 1885: _B. C. H._, XI, 1887, Pl. VIII, and
-pp. 185 f. (Holleaux); Collignon, I, p. 198, fig. 49; Richardson, p.
-41, fig. 9 (without the head); head found in 1903: _B. C. H._, XXXI,
-1907, Pls. XVII-XVIII; entire figure, _ibid._, Pl. XIX; text, pp. 187
-f. (Mendel); Kabbadias, 12; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 9 and fig.;
-Deonna, p. 156, no. 30. Right: Staïs, pp. 12-13, no. 20; Deonna, no.
-35; Collignon, I, p. 315 and fig. 157 (two views); _B. C. H._, XI,
-1887, Pls. XIII and XIV, and pp. 275 f., and X, 1886, fig. VI (without
-head) and pp. 269 f.; von Mach, 15b (right); Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 169,
-fig. 31; Richardson, p. 42, fig. 10 (two views); Reinach, _Rép._, II,
-1, 77, 4 (without head); _cf._ II, 1, 18, 4 and 5.
-
-[830] See Holleaux, _B. C. H._, XI, p. 186, n. 1. Richardson, p. 41,
-wrongly thought that they were of marble, explaining the preservation
-of the arms by their presence; the arms, however, were formerly broken
-off and have since been readjusted to the statue.
-
-[831] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 206; _Mon. d. I._, IX, 1869-73, Pl. XLI;
-_Annali_, XLIV, 1872, pp. 181 f.; B. B., 51; von Mach, 16; Overbeck, I,
-p. 237, fig. 61; F. W., 89; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 81, 6. It is 3 feet
-4 inches in height.
-
-[832] See Holleaux, _B. C. H._, X, 1886, p. 271; XI, p. 186; and _cf._
-Vischer, _Kleine Schriften_, II. pp. 302 f.
-
-[833] B. B., no. 76.
-
-[834] See Holleaux, in _B. C. H._, XI, 1887, p. 178.
-
-[835] From the inscription on its thigh.
-
-[836] In the Athens Museum; it dates from the middle of the sixth
-century B. C.: Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 11, no. 1906 and fig.
-(1.78 m. high); Deonna, p. 133, no. 5; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, figs.
-189-190; Kabbadias, _Arch. Eph._, 1902, pp. 43 f. and Pls. 3 and 4;
-Bulle, no. 37 (left), who gives its height as 1.79 meters.
-
-[837] See Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkm._, text to Pl. I, p. 4.
-
-[838] Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkm._, p. 4, ascribe it to the Cretan
-sculptors Skyllis and Dipoinos, who worked in Argos, Sikyon, and
-Corinth, or to their school.
-
-[839] Statue A: _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, Pl. I; _B. C. H._,
-XXIV, 1900, Pls. XIX-XXI (front, side, and rear) and pp. 445 f.
-(Homolle); Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 155, fig. 25; Gardiner, p. 89, fig. 8;
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 174, fig. 337; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, Pls. IX, X.
-Statue B (fragmentary): _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, p. 7, fig. 7; _B.
-C. H._, XXIV, 1900, Pl. XVIII. See also the following: _Gaz. B.-A._,
-III Pér., XII, 1894, pp. 444-6; XIII, pp. 32 f.; _C. R. Acad. Inscr._,
-1894, p. 585; especially Homolle, _l. c._, pp. 445 f. (he exchanges B
-for A); _cf._ _A. J. A._, 1895, p. 115; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 77, 6
-and 7.
-
-[840] VI, 10.5; the epigram reads:
-
- Εὐτελίδας καὶ Χρυσόθεμις τάδε ἔργα τέλεσσαν
- Ἀργεῖοι, τέχναν εἰδότες ἐκ προτέρων.
-
-Damaretos of Heraia won two victories in the heavy-armed race in Ols.
-65, 66 (= 520, 516 B. C.); Theopompos two in the pentathlon in Ols. (?)
-69, 70 (= 504, 500 B. C.). Their monument was one in common: Hyde, nos.
-94, 95 and pp. 42 f.; Foerster, 135, 140 and 168, 169.
-
-[841] P., VI, 15.8; he won in the boys’ wrestling match and in the
-pentathlon in Ol. 38 (= 628 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 148; Foerster, 61, 62.
-
-[842] Hoplite victor in Ol. 68 (= 508 B. C.): Foerster, 151.
-
-[843] Victor in three running races on the same day (τριαστής) in Ol.
-67 (= 512 B. C.): Afr.; Foerster, 144-6.
-
-[844] They won in boxing in Ol. 59 (= 544 B. C.) and the pankration in
-Ol. 61 (= 536 B. C.) respectively: P., VI, 18.7; Hyde, 187, 188, and p.
-56; Foerster, 113 and 120. Pausanias, _l. c._, wrongly says that they
-were the oldest statues at Olympia.
-
-[845] He won the double foot-race in Ol. 35 (= 640 B. C.): Afr.; P., I,
-28.1; Foerster, 55.
-
-[846] He won five victories in wrestling at the beginning of the sixth
-century B. C.: P., III, 13.9; Foerster, 86-90. The statue of Oibotas
-of Dyme, who won the stade-race in Ol. 6 (= 756 B. C.), was set up in
-Ol. 80 (= 460 B. C.): Afr.; P., VI, 3.8; Hyde, 29; Foerster, 6; that of
-Chionis of Sparta, who won seven running races in Ols. 28-31 (= 668-656
-B. C.), was made by Myron, and consequently was erected in the fifth
-century B. C.: P., VI, 13.2; Afr.; Hyde, 111, and p. 48; Foerster,
-39, 41-6: these two, therefore, did not necessarily conform with the
-“Apollo” type.
-
-[847] VI, 14.5 f; he won in Ol. (?) 61, and in Ols. 62, 63, 64, 65, 66
-(= 536-516 B. C.): Hyde, 128; Foerster, 116, 122, 126, 131, 136, and
-141; Afr. gives the second victory as Ol. 62; see Foerster, 122.
-
-[848] _Vit. Apoll. Tyan._, IV, 28.
-
-[849] VI, 14.6-7.
-
-[850] Frazer, IV, p. 44, believes that this description may be
-imaginary, concocted from stories of Milo’s feats of strength; but
-Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 601, cite Guttman, _de olympionicis apud
-Philostratum_, p. 7, Matz, _de Philostr. in describ. imag. Fide_, p.
-33, and Gurlitt, _Ueber Pausanias_, 1890, p. 413, as believing that it
-was based on the appearance of the statue. Scherer, pp. 23 f., thought
-that Philostratos followed Pausanias in interpreting the attributes of
-the statue, and that the latter got his idea of the strength of the
-victor from the statue or from a cicerone. Pliny, _H. N._, VII, 19,
-says of Milo: _Malum tenenti nemo digitum corrigebat_. Aelian mentions
-Milo’s feat with the pomegranate in _Var. Hist._, II, 24 and _de Nat.
-anim._, VI, 55.
-
-[851] _Cf._ Philostr., _l. c._, ll. 27, 28: καὶ τὸ μήπω διεστὼς τῇ
-ἀρχαίᾳ ἀγαλματοποιίᾳ προσκείσθω.
-
-[852] _Op. cit._, p. 31.
-
-[853] _Cf._ P., VIII, 46.3.
-
-[854] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 75.
-
-[855] For the type, see the Payne Knight bronze statuette in the
-British Museum: _B. M. Bronz._, no. 209 and Pl. I; Frazer, IV, p. 430,
-fig. 45; the same type appears on Milesian coins. _Cf._ Brunn, I, 77.
-Frazer is against Scherer’s contention.
-
-[856] II, 2, pp. 601-2. See P., VI, 9.1 (statue of Theognetos).
-
-[857] _H. N._, XXXIV, 59.
-
-[858] _Anachar._, 9; _cf._ _A. G._, IX, 357.
-
-[859] No. 38; _cf._ for the left-hand figure, p. 83, fig. 11 (side
-view).
-
-[860] _B. C. H._, XVIII, 1894, pp. 44 f., Pls. V, VI (de Ridder);
-Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 547, fig. 332; A. de Ridder, no. 740, pp.
-268-9, and Pls. III, IV. It is similar in pose to bronzes in the same
-museum, nos. 736 (= de Ridder, Pl. II, 1), 737 (= Pl. II, 3), and 738
-(= Pl. II, 2). It is 0.27 meter high (Bulle).
-
-[861] It will be considered later on in this chapter: p. 119 and n. 3.
-It is 0.185 meter high (Bulle).
-
-[862] This statuette, showing Peloponnesian tendencies, is in the
-Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; it is 0.25 meter high (Bulle).
-
-[863] In the same way the pediment statues from Aegina differ from
-Attic works by straighter lines and more compact forms.
-
-[864] He won a chariot victory some time between Ols. (?) 98 and 101
-(= 388 and 376 B. C.): P., VI, 2.8; Hyde, 17 (= 105 d; P., VI, 1.26);
-Foerster, 310.
-
-[865] He won in chariot-racing some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130
-(= 320 and 260 B. C.): P., VI, 13.11; Hyde, 122; Foerster, 513. The
-date is from the lettering on the recovered base: _Inschr. v. Ol._,
-177; _cf._ Hyde, p. 51. On such statues, _cf._ Reisch, p. 41.
-
-[866] The spelling Ηαγελαιδας occurs on two blocks, d, e, from the
-Praxiteles bathron at Olympia: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 631 = _I. G. B._,
-30; for the whole Praxiteles bathron see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 266.
-Dittenberger and Purgold keep the reading Hagelaïdas. Possibly the
-spelling Ἁγελαίδα stands for ὁ Ἀγελαίδα; the MSS. of Pliny read
-Hagelades; see _I. G. B._, p. xviii, Add. to no. 30; Gardner, _Hbk._,
-p. 217, n. 1. On the sculptor, see Lechat, p. 380 and n. 4, and pp. 454
-f.; Collignon, I, pp. 316 f.; Joubin, pp. 14 f., 83 f., 92 f., etc.;
-Brunn, pp. 63 f.; Gardner, _Hbk._, pp. 216 f.; and especially Pfuhl, in
-Pauly-Wissowa, VII, pp. 2189 f.
-
-[867] For Myron, see Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 57. Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p.
-196, _Mw._, 379-80, thinks that the connection is not literally true,
-even if considerations of chronology are not against it, and derives
-the story of Hagelaïdas teaching Myron from the similarity between
-the work of the two. For Polykleitos, see Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 55.
-The tradition that Hagelaïdas was the master of Polykleitos has been
-unreasonably assailed by many scholars: _e. g._, by Robert, _Arch.
-Maerchen_, 1886, p. 97; Mahler, _Polyklet u. s. Sch._, 3912, pp. 6 f.;
-Klein, I, p. 340; _cf._ II, p. 143; _cf._ Springer-Michaelis, I, p.
-210. Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 196, _Mw._, p. 380, believes it impossible
-because of chronological difficulties, and assumes a sculptor of an
-intermediate generation as the teacher of Polykleitos; he, followed
-by Mahler, _l. c._, and Klein, I, 340, names Argeiadas (mentioned in
-_I. G. B._, no. 30) as this intermediate artist. However, he admits
-that the statement is true in a general sense, since Polykleitos
-developed his canon from that of Hagelaïdas: _cf._ _50stes Berl.
-Winckelmannsprogr._, p. 149; Pfuhl, however, p. 2192, has shown that
-the relationship is perfectly possible.
-
-[868] To be mentioned _infra_, p. III and note 2.
-
-[869] Dio Chrysost., _de Hom. et Socr._, 1; here Mueller amends the
-MSS. reading ΗΠΟΥ to ΗΓΙΟΥ; E. A. Gardner, _Class. Rev._, 1894, p. 70,
-wrongly reads Ἡγελάδου.
-
-[870] _Mp._, pp. 53 and 196; _Mw._, pp. 80-81, and 380.
-
-[871] Wilamowitz has shown that it comes from Apollonios, son of
-Chairis, who lived _circa_ 100 B. C., and that it goes back probably
-to the _Chronica_ of Apollodoros of Athens, who lived in the middle of
-the second century B. C.: _Aus Kydathen_ (Kiessling and Wilamowitz,
-_Philolog. Untersuchungen_, I, 1880), pp. 154 f. Kalkmann, in his
-_Quellen der Kunstgesch. d. Plinius_, p. 41, believes that the date
-which is given by Pliny (XXXIV, 49) for the _floruit_ of Hagelaïdas,
-Ol. 87 (= 423-429 B. C.), comes from the same Apollodoros.
-
-[872] _Op. cit._, pp. 41 and 65 f.; Pfuhl, p. 2194. Brunn, _l. c._,
-Overbeck, I, p. 140, and Robert, _l. c._, had assumed an earlier plague
-at the beginning of the fifth century B. C.; but the real occasion for
-the dedication of the _Herakles_ remains obscure.
-
-[873] P., IV, 33.2.
-
-[874] P., VI, 8.6; Hyde, 82; Foerster, 142, 148.
-
-[875] P., VI, 14.11; Hyde, 132; Foerster, 133, 134.
-
-[876] P., VI, 10.6 f.; Hyde, 99; Foerster, 143. There is no reason for
-following Brunn in his contention that these statues were set up some
-time after the victories, as these dates fit the chronology of the
-artist outlined above.
-
-[877] A fifth-century type of statue occurs on these coins,
-representing the god standing with the left foot forward, the knee
-slightly bent, a thunderbolt held in the extended right hand and an
-eagle in the extended left: _B. M. Coins_, Pelop., Pl. XXII, nos. 1 and
-6; Hitz.-Bluemn., I, 2, Muenztafel, III, 20 and 12; Springer-Michaelis,
-I, p. 211, fig. 393; Collignon, I, p. 318, figs. 158-159. Frickenhaus,
-quoted by Pfuhl, p. 2194, believes that the pose is seen also in the
-small bronze pictured in _B. S. A._, III, 1896-7, Pl. X, 1.
-
-[878] P., VII, 24.4. See _B. M. Coins, Pelop._, Pl. IV, nos. 12 and 17,
-and _cf._ 14; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 1, Muenztafel, IV, 16-17; Svoronos,
-_Journ. int. d’arch. num._, II, 1898, 302, Pl. 14, 11.
-
-[879] Furtwaengler, _50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1890 (Eine
-argivische Bronze), pp. 152-153 and Pl. I (3 views); from which plate
-Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 221, fig. 49; Waldstein, _J. H. S._, XXIV, 1904, p.
-131, fig. 1; Gardiner, p. 93, fig. 11; von Mach, 17 b; Reinach, _Rép._,
-II, 1, 85, 1; _cf._ Frost, _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, pp. 223 f., and
-fig. 1, who compares its style and pose with a later bronze statuette
-found off Cerigotto (_Arch. Eph._, 1902, Pl. 14). Ligourió is on the
-site of the ancient Lessa: Curtius, _Peloponnesos_, II, 1852, p. 418.
-The bronze without the base is 135 millimeters high (Furtwaengler).
-
-[880] B. B., 302; Bulle, 43; Springer-Michaelis, p. 234, fig. 428;
-Furtw., _Mp._, p. 52, fig. 10 (upper part); _Mw._, p. 79, fig. 3;
-Overbeck, II, p. 473, fig. 228 b. It is 1.60 meters high (Bulle).
-
-[881] Listed by Furtwaengler, _50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, p.
-139, n. 61. For the relation of these copies to each other, _id._,
-_Berl. Philol. Wochenschr._, XIV, 1894, pp. 81 f.; he ascribes them to
-Hegias.
-
-[882] B. B., no. 301; Bulle, 41; von Mach, 321; Helbig, _Fuehrer_,
-II, 1846; _Guide_, 744; Baum., II, p. 1191, fig. 1391; Collignon, II,
-p. 661, fig. 346; Overbeck, II, p. 473, fig. 228, a; Reinach, _Rép._,
-II, 2, 588, 9; F. W., 225; _A. Z._, XXXVI, 1878, Pl. XV, and pp. 123
-f.; _Annali_, XXXVIII, 1865, Pl. D and pp. 58 f.; Kekulé, _Gruppe des
-Kuenstlers Menelaos in Villa Ludovisi_, 1870, Pl. II, 2, pp. 20 f.;
-Joubin, p. 87, fig. 15; Springer-Michaelis, p. 211, fig. 398. The best
-copy of the head of the statue by Stephanos is in the Lateran Museum,
-Rome: see Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 217, fig. 92; _Mw._, p. 405, fig.
-62. The statue is 1.44 meters high (Bulle). For the inscription on the
-tree-trunk, see _I. G. B._, no. 374.
-
-[883] The best example is in Naples, the group being known, and
-probably correctly, since Winckelmann’s day, as _Orestes_ and
-_Elektra_: B. B., no. 306; Kekulé, _Gruppe d. Menelaos_, Pl. II, 1;
-Bulle, 141 (height 1.44 meters); Collignon, II, pp. 662, fig. 347;
-Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 557, fig. 151; Clarac, V, 836, 2093; Reinach,
-_Rép._, I, 506.4. A sketch of the Naples _Orestes_ and the Ligourió
-bronze, showing their great resemblance, is given by Furtwaengler,
-_50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, p. 137. A replica of the female
-figure is cited by Michaelis as in Marbury Hall, England: p. 503, no.
-6; _cf._ Conze, _Beitraege zur Gesch. d. gr._ Pl.^2, p. 25, n. 3.
-
-[884] _E. g._, the so-called group of _Orestes_ and _Pylades_ in the
-Louvre: von Mach, 323; Collignon, II, p. 663, fig. 348; Reinach,
-_Rép._, I, 161, 2 (= _Mercury_ and _Vulcan_).
-
-[885] Kalkmann, _53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1893, pp. 77
-f., thought that the Stephanos figure went back to an original by
-Pythagoras, the rival of Myron, which Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 49,
-rightly characterizes as “wide of the mark”; Pfuhl, p. 2197, Bulle,
-and others regard its ascription to the school of Hagelaïdas as
-probable, even if not capable of proof. Furtwaengler, _50stes Berl.
-Winckelmannsprogr._, p. 152, believes it was _vermutlich ein Werk des
-Meisters_ (_i. e._, _Hagelaïdas_) _selbst_: on pp. 146-7 he pronounces
-the life-size marble torso of a statue of a nude man found in a wall
-over the ruins of the Palaistra at Olympia (Treu, _A. Z._, XXXVIII,
-1880, p. 45)—because of its resemblance in pose to that of the Ligourió
-statuette—a Roman school copy of an original bronze victor statue going
-back to Hagelaïdas.
-
-[886] _E. g._, the marble group formerly in the Boncompagni-Ludovisi
-collection, now in the Museo delle Terme, Rome: Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II,
-1314; _Guide_, 887; B. B., no. 309; von Mach, 322; Baum., II, p. 1193,
-fig. 1393; Springer-Michaelis, p. 454, fig. 834; Kekulé, _Die Gruppe d.
-Menelaos_, Pl. I; Schreiber, _Bildw. d. Villa Ludovisi_, p. 89, no. 69;
-Collignon, II, p. 665, fig. 349; F. W., 1560; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 506,
-6.
-
-[887] V, 10.8.
-
-[888] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 72, and XXXVI, 16.
-
-[889] See Brunn, pp. 236-7 and 244-5.
-
-[890] Loeschke (_Dorpaterprogr._, 1887, p. 7, on the basis of an early
-suggestion of Furtwaengler in _A. M._, III, 1878, p. 194) and J.
-Six (_J. H. S._, X, 1889, pp. 109 f.), assumed two sculptors of the
-name of Alkamenes, ascribing the gable statues and that of _Hera_ at
-Phaleron (mentioned by P., I, 1.5) to the elder one. Furtwaengler later
-retracted the theory of two artists and assumed but one (_Mp._, p. 90,
-n. 3; _Mw._, p. 122 and n. 6). Koepp has shown that the _Hera_ is of no
-use in dating, since the story of Pausanias that the temple of Hera was
-destroyed by the Persians is an invention (_Jb._, V, 1890, p. 277). The
-idea of an elder Alkamenes based on the inscription on a herm recently
-found in Pergamon (_A. A._, 1904, fig. on p. 76) has also been refuted
-by Winter (_A. M._, XXIX, 1904, pp. 208-211, and Pls. XVIII-XXI), who
-has shown that the inscription and statue do not go so far back.
-
-[891] See Baum., pp. 1104 KK.
-
-[892] P. 243.
-
-[893] _A. Z._, XLI, 1883, pp. 141 f.
-
-[894] No. 135.
-
-[895] _Arch. Stud. H. Brunn dargebr._, pp. 67 f.
-
-[896] _A. M._, VII, 1882, pp. 206 f. He also found the style of the two
-pediments unlike.
-
-[897] _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, p. 78, n. (= Argive-Sikyonian); _cf._
-_Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 44-95; Tafelbd., Pls. IX-XVII (East
-Gable), XXII-XXXI (West Gable).
-
-[898] _A. M._, XII, 1887, pp. 374-5 (= Argive-Sikyonian); _cf._ _R.
-M._, II, 1887, pp. 53 f., where he excepts the four corner figures of
-the West Gable as Attic, because they are of Pentelic marble, and not
-Parian, like the others.
-
-[899] I, pp. 460-1.
-
-[900] I, p. 330 (= Elean).
-
-[901] For a discussion of the whole question of the artists, see
-Hitz.-Bluemn., II, i, pp. 329 f.; Frazer, III, pp. 512 f. For a
-restoration of the two groups, see Treu, _Jb._, III, 1888, Pls. 5,
-6 (West), and _ibid._, IV, 1889, Pls. 8, 9 (East); whence Gardner,
-_Hbk._, p. 246, figs, 57 and 56 respectively; see also _Bildw. v. Ol._,
-Tafelbd., Pls. XVIII-XXI; Textbd., pp. 114-137; Overbeck, I, Pl. opp.
-p. 309; etc.
-
-[902] Richardson, p. 101, fig. 49 (side), and p. 154 for the statement;
-Lechat, _Au Musée_, Pl. XVI; Bulle, pp. 462-3, figs. 135, 136; B.
-B., no. 461 (middle row, bottom); _A. M._, XII, 1887, pp. 372 f.
-(Studniczka); de Ridder, no. 467; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 679, fig.
-347; it is 0.10 meter high (Graef., _A. M._, XV, 1890, p. 16, n. 1).
-For the figure of Apollo, see Bulle, no. 42; _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd.,
-Pl. XXII, and Textbd., p. 69; von Mach, 86 (statue), 446 (head). The
-original height was 3.10 meters (Bulle).
-
-[903] _Mp._, p. 53; _Mw._, p. 80; _50stes Bert. Winckelmannsprogr._,
-pp. 140-1 and 148.
-
-[904] The torso was found in 1865, the head in 1888: torso, _A. M._,
-V, 1880, p. 20 and Pl. I, with wrong head (Furtwaengler); head, _Arch.
-Eph._, 1888, p. 81 and Pl. III; figure in outline, Collignon, I, pp.
-374-5, figs. 191-2; Dickins, no. 698, pp. 264 f.; B. B., 461 b; Bulle,
-40 and figs. 15, 14 on pp. 87-8 (from a cast); von Mach, 57; Overbeck,
-I, p. 205, fig. 48; Lechat, p. 452, fig. 38; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2,
-588, 1; Springer-Michaelis, p. 217, fig. 403; Furtwaengler, _A. A._,
-1889, p. 147, _Mw._, pp. 76, n. 2, and 81; Wolters, _A. M._, XIII,
-1888, p. 226. Bulle dates it toward 480 B. C.
-
-[905] The same turn appears in the sixth-century Rampin head:
-Collignon, I, p. 360, fig. 182. It will be discussed later on, pp.
-126-127.
-
-[906] Furtwaengler, _50stes Bert. Winckelmannsprogr._, pp. 132 and 150;
-_Mp._, p. 19; Dickins, p. 265.
-
-[907] It is a dedication by Euthydikos: Collignon, I, Pl. VI (right),
-opp. p. 356; von Mach, no. 26 (right); Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 212, fig.
-47; Bulle, 240; Lechat, _Au Musée_, p. 367, fig. 37; Perrot-Chipiez,
-VIII, p. 595, fig. 299; Richardson, p. 78, fig. 33; Springer-Michaelis,
-p. 207, fig. 390. Bulle gives it as half life-size.
-
-[908] Dickins, pp. 248 f., no. 689; Bulle, no. 198; B. B., 460; von
-Mach, 440 and 443 (left); Collignon, I, p. 362, fig. 184, and bibliog.,
-note 3, p. 363; Overbeck, I, p. 206, fig. 49; Gardner, _Hbk._, p.
-213, fig. 48; Lechat, p. 362 and _Au Musée_, p. 374, fig. 39; Furtw.,
-_50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, p. 151; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, Pl.
-XIV; _Arch. Eph._, III, 1888, Pl. II. It is slightly under life-size.
-
-[909] Here again Furtwaengler ascribes it to Hegias, whose art he
-derives from Hagelaïdas.
-
-[910] Richter, _Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes in the Metropolitan
-Museum_, p. 49, fig. 78; it will be discussed _infra_ in Ch. IV, pp.
-220-1.
-
-[911] See _supra_, p. 105 and n. 3.
-
-[912] On Chrysothemis, see Robert in Pauly-Wissowa, III, 2, p.
-2521; Brunn, pp. 61-2; Overbeck, I, p. 140; Collignon, I, pp. 225
-(= forerunners of Hagelaïdas and Polykleitos), and _cf._ p. 320. On
-Eutelidas, see Pauly-Wissowa, VI, 1, p. 1493.
-
-[913] Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 55; others, _e. g._, P., VI, 6.2, call him
-an Argive. He belonged to a family of sculptors, some of whom worked in
-Sikyon and others in Argos.
-
-[914] Kyniskos: P., VI, 4.11; Hyde, 45; Foerster, 255; _Inschr. v.
-Ol._, 149; Pythokles: P., VI, 7.10; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 70; Foerster,
-295; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 162-3; Aristion: P., VI, 13.6; _Oxy. Pap._;
-Hyde, 115; Foerster, 376; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 165 (renewed); _I. G. B._,
-92; Thersilochos: P., VI, 13.6; Hyde, 114; Foerster, 369.
-
-[915] _H. N._, XXXIV, 91. In the same book, § 72, Pliny mentions
-another pupil of Polykleitos, Aristeides, as the fashioner of
-chariot-groups. Pausanias merely mentions him in connection with
-improvements in the hippodrome at Olympia made by Kleoitas: VI, 20.14;
-see Pauly-Wissowa, II, pp. 896-7.
-
-[916] Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 226, makes Naukydes, Daidalos, and
-the younger Polykleitos sons of Patrokles, the brother of the great
-Polykleitos. Naukydes and Daidalos describe themselves as sons of
-Patrokles in two inscriptions: _I. G. B._, 86 and 88. Pausanias,
-however, calls Naukydes a brother of Polykleitos and son of Mothon: II,
-22.7.
-
-[917] Cheimon: P., VI, 9.3; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 88; Foerster, 285;
-Baukis: P., VI, 8.4; Hyde, 77; Foerster, 318; Eukles: P., VI, 6.2;
-Hyde, 52; Foerster, 297; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 159 (renewed). Naukydes’
-activity extended from Ol. 83 to Ol. 95 (= 448-400 B. C.): Hyde, p. 39.
-
-[918] _H. N._, XXXIV, 49.
-
-[919] P., VI, 8.1; Hyde, 72; Foerster, 268.
-
-[920] P., VI, 6.2, expressly distinguishes between the elder and
-younger Polykleitos; in speaking of the statue of the boy wrestler
-Agenor, he says that Polykleitos, the pupil of Naukydes, “not the one
-who made the statue of Hera,” fashioned it. Robert, _O. S._, pp. 186
-f., gives his activity as Ols. 98 to 103 (= 388-368 B. C.).
-
-[921] Antipatros: P., VI, 2.6; Hyde, 16; Foerster, 309; Agenor: P.,
-VI, 6.2; Hyde, 53; Foerster, 355; Xenokles: P., VI, 9.2; Hyde, 85;
-Foerster, 308; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 164; _I. G. B._, 90; Furtwaengler
-wrongly ascribed the statue of Xenokles to the elder Polykleitos and
-that of Aristion to the younger: _Mp._, pp. 224-5. Loewy had already
-assumed the eider for Aristion, _Strena Helbigiana_, p. 180, n. 4, and
-this was confirmed by the early dating of his victory in the _Oxy. Pap._
-
-[922] P., VI, 16.7; Hyde, 162; Foerster, 515. On this sculptor, see
-Pauly-Wissowa, I, p. 2137; _I. G. B._, 475; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 318; etc.
-
-[923] Before 600 B. C.; Robert, in Pauly-Wissowa, V, pp. 1159 f.; _cf._
-Collignon, I, pp. 131 and 222 f.; Overbeck, I, pp. 84 f.
-
-[924] P., VI, 9.1, f.
-
-[925] Antipatros of Sidon, in _A. Pl._ (XVI), no. 220; on Aristokles,
-see Pauly-Wissowa, II, p. 937; Robert, _Arch. Maerch._, pp. 95 ff.
-
-[926] Longpérier, _Notice des bronzes antiques du Louvre_, I, 1868,
-no. 69; de Ridder, _Les bronzes antiques du Louvre_, I, 1913, Pl.
-2, 2, and p. 7; B. B., no. 78; Collignon, I, Pl. V, opp. p. 312;
-von Mach, 18 (two views); Overbeck, I, p. 235, fig. 60 (two views);
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 211, fig. 397; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, Pl. XI;
-Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 84, 9. For bibliography, see Deonna, _Les
-Apollons archaïques_, p. 274. It is only 3 feet 4 inches tall. The
-_Apollo Philesios_, stolen from Miletos at the destruction of the city
-by Darius in 493 B. C. (Hdt., VI, 19; but P., VIII, 46.3, and later
-writers wrongly say by Xerxes; see E. Meyer, _Gesch. d. Altertums_,^2
-1912, III, p. 309), was restored from Ekbatana in Media in 306 B. C. by
-Seleukos Nikator (P., _l. c._, and _cf._ I, 16.3). It is also mentioned
-by P., II, 10.5. The genuineness of the Piombino statuette has been
-assailed, but Overbeck has proved it genuinely archaic: _Griech.
-Kunstmyth._, III, _Apollon_, 1889, pp. 22 f.; _cf._ _Gesch. d. gr.
-Pl._, I, pp. 234 f.
-
-[927] _H. N._, XXXIV, 75; _cf._ Jex-Blake _ad loc._, p. 60. Pausanias
-mentions a cedar replica of the _Apollo_ at Thebes: II, 10.5 and IX,
-10.2. See p. 336, n. 1.
-
-[928] P. Gardner, _The Types of Greek Coins_, 1883, Pl. XV, nos.
-15-16; Collignon, I, p. 312, figs. 153-155; _cf._ B. Head, _Historia
-Nummorum_^2, 1911, p. 586; Overbeck, _Apollon_, pp. 23 f., and
-Muenztafel I, nos. 22 f. Also on gems: see M. W., I, Pl. XV, no. 61;
-_B. M. Gems_, no. 720; etc.
-
-[929] _L. c._
-
-[930] _B. M. Bronzes_, no. 209 and Pl. I (middle); _Specimens_, Pl.
-12; _Annali_, VI, 1834, Pl. D, fig. 4; Overbeck, I, p. 144, fig.
-24, and _Apollon_, p. 24, fig. 5; Murray, I, p. 193, fig. 49; Rayet
-et Thomas, _Milet et le golfe Latmique_, Pl. 28, 2; Collignon, I,
-p. 313, fig. 156; Dar.-Sagl., I, p. 318, fig. 375; von Mach, 17 a;
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 183, fig. 350; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 475,
-fig. 242; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 80, 9; Fowler and Wheeler, _Hbk. of
-Greek Archæology_, 1909, p. 331, fig. 251; Furtwaengler, in Roscher,
-_Lex._, I, 1, p. 451; Frazer, IV, p. 430, fig. 45, Bulle, 28 (middle).
-A modern copy is in the Antiquarium, Munich: F. W., 51. It is 0.185
-meter high (Bulle).
-
-[931] _R. M._, II, 1887, pp. 90 f. (Studniczka) and Pls. IV, IV a, V;
-Collignon, I, p. 321, fig. 161; Overbeck, I, p. 239, fig. 62; Michaelis
-in _A. Z._, XXI, 1863, pp. 122 f. (Anzeiger). It is 1.11 meters in
-height.
-
-[932] Collignon, I, p. 253, fig. 122; Overbeck, _Griech. Kunstmythol._,
-III, _Apollon_, p. 36, fig. 8; Fraenkel, in _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, pp.
-84-91, and Pl. 7.
-
-[933] The small bronze also found there, 0.155 meter high, belongs
-to the same series: _B. C. H._, X, 1886, pp. 190 f., and Pl. IX. It
-greatly resembles the statuette from Naxos. For a list of replicas of
-the statue of Kanachos, see Rayet, _Études d’archéologie et d’art_, p.
-164; etc.
-
-[934] On the style of Kanachos and the _Apollo_, see also Kekulé,
-_Sitzb. d. preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin_, 1904, I, pp. 786-801; O.
-Mueller, _Kleine Schriften_, II, p. 537; F. W., to no. 51; Brunn, pp.
-74 f.; Collignon, I, pp. 310 f.; etc.
-
-[935] P., VI, 1.3 and 8.5; Hyde, 1, 2, 3, and 78; Foerster, 296, 300,
-299, 290 and 305; on Alypos, see Pauly-Wissowa, I, p. 1711; Brunn, p.
-280; _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, pp. 287 f.; and _cf._ P., X, 9.10.
-
-[936] P., VI, 13.7; Hyde, 116; Foerster, 291; on the sculptor, see
-Brunn, p. 277.
-
-[937] P., VI, 3.13; Hyde, 34; Foerster, 575; on the sculptor, see
-Brunn, pp. 292 and 419; _cf._ Hyde, p. 34.
-
-[938] Timon and Aigyptos, who won some time between Ols. (?) 98 and
-[101] P., VI, 2.8; Hyde, 17, 18; Foerster, 310, 301; Aristodemos, Ol.
-[98] P., VI, 3.4; Hyde, 25; Foerster, 312; Eupolemos, Ol. 96: Afr.; P.,
-VI, 3.7; Hyde, 28; Foerster, 294. On Daidalos, see Pauly-Wissowa, IV,
-pp. 2006 f.; Robert, _O. S._, pp. 191 f.; Brunn, pp. 14 f.
-
-[939] P., VI, 3.5; Hyde, 26; Foerster, 325. On Damokritos, see
-Pauly-Wissowa, IV, p. 2070; Brunn, p. 105.
-
-[940] Deinolochos: P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 5; Foerster, 330; Hysmon: P.,
-VI, 3.9; Hyde, 31; Foerster, 347; Kritodamos: P., VI, 8.5; Hyde, 80;
-Foerster, 337; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 167; _I. G. B._, no. 96; Alketos: P.,
-VI, 9.2; Hyde, 86; Foerster, 320; Lykinos: P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 100;
-Foerster, 336. On Kleon, see Brunn, pp. 285; _I. G. B._, to no. 95.
-
-[941] Troilos: P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338 and 345; _Inschr.
-v. Ol._, 166; the dates of his two victories, Ols. 102, 103, are
-known; Philandridas: P., VI, 2.1; Hyde, 10; Foerster, 393; his victory
-fell either in Ol. 102 or Ol. 103; Cheilon: P., VI, 4.6-7; Hyde, 41;
-Foerster, 384 and 392; P., because of the dating of Lysippos, inferred
-that this victor fell either at Chæroneia (338 B. C.) or Lamia (322
-B. C.), both of which dates fall within the working years of the
-sculptor; see P. Gardner, _J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, p. 246; Polydamas:
-P., VI, 5.1; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279; Africanus gives us the date of
-his victory as Ol. 93, though the statue was set up after the victor’s
-death; Kallikrates, of Magnesia on the Mæander: P., VI, 17.3; Hyde,
-175; Foerster, 390 and 397 (for two victories). Lysippos made two honor
-statues for Pythes of Abdera: P., VI, 14.12; Hyde, 134 a.
-
-[942] Kallon: P., VI, 12.6; Hyde, 106; Foerster, 410; Nikandros: P.,
-VI, 16.5; Hyde, 157; Foerster, 408 and 413 (two victories). On the
-sculptor, see Pauly-Wissowa, IV, p. 2013; Brunn, p. 407.
-
-[943] P., VI, 17.5; Hyde, 181; Foerster, 401. On Daitondas, see Robert
-in Pauly-Wissowa, IV, p. 2015 (who dates the sculptor at the beginning
-of the third century B. C., because of an inscribed base found at
-Delphi: _I. G. B._, 97; _C. I. G. G. S._, I, 2472); _cf._ Schmidt, _A.
-M._, V, 1880, pp. 197-8, no. 58; _cf._ Brunn, p. 418.
-
-[944] P., VI, 2.6 f.; Hyde, 15; Foerster, 424.
-
-[945] _H. N._, XXXIV, 51; _cf._ XXXIV, 78 (for his image of the Eurotas
-river); XXXV, 141 (as painter). The _Tyche_ is mentioned by P., VI,
-2.7. Many copies of this work in marble, bronze, and silver have been
-identified, especially a marble statuette in the Vatican: B. B., no.
-154; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 362; F. W., 1396; von Mach, 256; etc. For a
-list of copies, see R. Foerster, _Jb._, XII, 1897, pp. 145 f.; _cf._
-Amelung, _Fuehrer d. Florenz_, nos. 261-2; and P. Gardner, _J. H. S._,
-IX, 1888, pp. 75 f. and Pl. V (silver statuette). On the sculptor, see
-Robert in Pauly-Wissowa, VI, pp. 1532-3; Brunn, I, pp. 411 f.; II, p.
-157 (painter); Overbeck, II, pp. 172 f.; Collignon II, pp. 485 f.;
-Murray^2, II, pp. 354 f. Robert, _l. c._, gives three other sculptors
-of the same name; _cf._ _I. G. B._, nos. 143 and 244-9; Homolle, _B. C.
-H._, XVIII, 1894, pp. 336 f.
-
-[946] Kratinos: P., VI, 3.6; Hyde, 27; Foerster, 433; Alexinikos: P.,
-VI, 17.7; Hyde, 184; Foerster, 438. On the sculptor, see Pliny, XXXIV,
-85; Brunn, p. 415.
-
-[947] P., V, 25.12-13.
-
-[948] P., V, 27.8 (= joint work of Onatas and Kalliteles).
-
-[949] P., V, 25.8 f. The base has been found _in situ_ east of the
-temple of Zeus: _Ergebn. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., II, Pl. XVII, 12; Textbd.,
-pp. 145 f. See Plans A and B.
-
-[950] P., VI, 12.1. Hiero won three victories in Ols. 76, 77, 78 (=
-476-468 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._, Hyde, 105; Foerster, 199, 209, 215. The
-monument was dedicated in 467 B. C. after the death of the king. For
-the sculptor, see Brunn, p. 88.
-
-[951] P., VI, 9.4-5; Hyde, 90; Foerster, 180; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 143.
-
-[952] Philon: P., VI, 9.9; Hyde, 91; Foerster, 167 and 179; he won in
-Ols. (?) 72 and 73 (= 492 and 488 B. C.); Glaukos (boy boxer): P., VI,
-10.1-3; Hyde, 93; Foerster, 137; he won in Ol. 65 (= 520 B. C.), but
-his statue was set up by his son at the beginning of the fifth century
-B. C.: Hyde, p. 42; Theagenes: P., VI, 11.2 f.; he won in Ols. 75 and
-76 (= 480 and 476 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._, Hyde, 104; Foerster, 191, 196.
-
-[953] For the meaning of the word σκιαμαχεῖν, see _infra_, Ch. IV, p.
-243 and n. 4.
-
-[954] Theognetos: P., VI, 9.1; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 83; Foerster, 193,
-193 N; Epikradios: P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 101; Foerster, 228.
-
-[955] P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 103 and p. 44; Foerster, 519. On the
-sculptor, see Brunn, p. 96.
-
-[956] P., VI, 14.2; Hyde, 133; Foerster, 327. For the sculptor, see
-Brunn, p. 96.
-
-[957] Lechat, _Au Musée_, Pl. XV; _Arch. Eph._, 1887, Pl. III and pp.
-43 f.; Bulle, 226 (two views); von Mach, 442, 443 (right); S. Reinach,
-_Têtes_, nos. 5 and 6; Overbeck, I, p. 198, fig. 44 (two views);
-Collignon, I, p. 304, fig. 151; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, pp. 526-7, figs.
-271-2; E. A. Gardner, _J. H. S._, VIII, 1887, p. 191. While Overbeck
-and Lechat regard it as Attic, most scholars call it Aeginetan. The
-helmet is separately made and fastened on. Bulle dates it in the first
-decade of the fifth century B. C. It is 0.27 meter high (Bulle).
-
-[958] Comparetti e de Petra, _La Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni_, 1883,
-Pl. VII, 1, p. 260; Collignon, I, p. 303, fig. 150; _Mon. d. I._, IX,
-1869-73, Pl. XVIII; Kekulé, _Annali_, XLII, 1870, pp. 263 f.; von
-Mach, 441; F. W., 229; for its style, see Rayet, I, text to Pl. 26.
-Studniczka, _R. M._, II, 1887, p. 105, n. 47, believes that the closely
-allied colossal marble head in the Museo Torlonia (no. 501) in Rome is
-a copy of the colossal _Apollo_ of Onatas at Pergamon, mentioned by P.,
-VIII, 42.7. The head of the _Zeus_ found at Olympia (_Bronz. v. Ol._,
-Pl. I, 1, 1 a) has been regarded as Aeginetan.
-
-[959] Collignon, I, p. 306; fig. 152 on p. 305.
-
-[960] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 206; etc. Brunn, _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._,
-1872, pp. 529 f., referred it to the school of Kallon; _cf._ also
-Collignon, I, p. 302.
-
-[961] Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 169, fig. 31; von Mach, no. 15 (right); etc.
-
-[962] _Aegina, das Heiligtum der Aphaia_, 1906; see Tafelbd., II,
-Pls. 104 (West Gable), 105 (East Gable), (the pediment groups in
-colors); whence Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 226, Pls. 50-51; _cf._ also
-Springer-Michaelis, pp. 214-15, figs. 400 (West Gable), 401 (East
-Gable); fig. 399 gives an older arrangement of the West Gable statues,
-as set up in plaster in the Strasbourg Museum. Since Furtwaengler’s
-death new attempts at reconstruction have been made, notably by P.
-Wolters, _Aeginetische Beitraege_, and D. Mackenzie, in _B. S. A._, XV,
-1908-09, pp. 274 f. and PI. XIX (East Gable). For various figures, see
-von Mach, nos. 78-83. See Furtwaengler-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glypt._^2,
-pp. 95 f. and figs. 74 f.
-
-[963] While Overbeck dates them about 500 B. C., Furtwaengler, Bulle,
-Gardner, and others date them about 480 B. C.
-
-[964] Hdt., VIII, 93.
-
-[965] P., X, 13. 10.
-
-[966] Furtw., _op. cit._, Tafelbd., Pl. 95, no. 82, and Textbd., pp.
-248-9, and fig. 178 on p. 23; B. B., no 26; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 229,
-fig. 52; it is from the north half of the gable.
-
-[967] Furtw., fig. 204, p. 248.
-
-[968] Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glyptothek_,^2 no. 78; Furtw., _op.
-cit._, Tafelbd., Pl. 96, no. 32, and Textbd., pp. 223-4; the figure
-on our plate to the right = Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr._, no. 77 and
-Furtw., _op. cit._, Pl. 96, no. 29, Textbd., p. 221. No. 78 should
-stand, however, in front of 77 as arranged by Furtwaengler, _op. cit._,
-Tafelbd., Pl. 104, and both should be placed in the south half of the
-West Pediment and not in the north. For the two figures in Fig. 21,
-see also von Mach, 78 (middle and right). For another figure (armed
-with helmet, shield, and spear) from the East Gable, see Bulle, 86 =
-Furtw.-Wolters, no. 86 (formerly no. 56).
-
-[969] Recently these sculptures, and especially the limestone (λίθος
-πώρινος) fragments, have been dated from 490 B. C., rather than from
-[480] see Svoronos, I, p. 92. The Akropolis was destroyed by Xerxes in
-480 B. C., but it is problematical if with the completeness recorded
-by Hdt., VIII, 53; see Doerpfeld in _A. M._, XXVII, 1902, pp. 379 f.;
-Dickins, pp. 5 f. The next year Mardonios destroyed the city by fire:
-Hdt., IX, 13.
-
-[970] See von Mach, 25 f.; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, pp. 635 f.;
-for details, Lechat, _Au Musée_, and Schrader, _Die archaischen
-Marmorskulpturen im Akropolis-Museum zu Athen_, 1909. See also Dickins,
-_op. cit._; Perrot-Chipiez, pp. 574 f. and p. 577, fig. 289 (= _Au
-Musée_, fig. 26), and p. 578, fig. 290 (= _Au Musée_, fig. 8); etc.
-
-[971] _Mon. gr._, VII, 1878 (publ. in vol. I, 1882), Pl. I and pp. 1-14
-(A. Dumont); _Mon. Piot_, VII, Pl. XIV, and pp. 146-7 (Lechat); Rayet,
-I, Pl. 18; Collignon, I, p. 360, fig. 182; Reinach, _Têtes_, 3, 4;
-Bulle, 225; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 641, fig. 328.
-
-[972] So Richardson, p. 83, and others.
-
-[973] So Bulle; he dates it in the first half of the sixth century B.
-C., doubtless a little too early.
-
-[974] It is now in the National Museum at Athens: Kabbadias, no. 38;
-Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 17; _Arch. Eph._, 1874, p. 484 and Pl.
-71, Γ, a (Koumanoudis); Sybel, _Kat. d. Skulpt. zu Athen_, 1881, no.
-2904; von Mach, 351; Overbeck, I, p. 202, fig. 46; Collignon, I, p.
-385, fig. 200; F. W., 99; Conze, _Die attischen Grabreliefs_, I, 1890,
-Pl. IV, pp. 5-6; Kirchhoff and Curtius, _Philolog. u. histor. Abh. d.
-k. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin_, 1873, pp. 156 f. (and two illustrations,
-one of a second fragment); Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 664, fig. 342.
-
-[975] The breadth of 14 inches at top would become 30 inches at bottom.
-A second fragment, apparently belonging to the first, contains a part
-of the leg: _Arch. Eph._, 1874, Pl. 71, Γ, b.
-
-[976] The same motive occurs on vases: _e. g._, Gerhard, I, Pl. XXII,
-and IV, Pl. CCLXXII.
-
-[977] This very low relief is the most perfect of the older Attic
-grave-stelæ, and dates from the second half of the sixth century B. C.:
-Kabbadias, no. 29; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 15 and fig. (2.40
-m. high); Sybel, _op. cit._, no. 3361; Overbeck, I, p. 200, fig. 45;
-Conze, _Die attischen Grabreliefs_, I, Pl. II, 1, p. 4; B. B., no. 41
-A; Baum., I, p. 341, fig. 358; Kekulé, _Die ant. Bildw. im Theseion_,
-no. 363; Springer-Michaelis, p. 195, fig. 371; F. W., no. 101. Overbeck
-dates it at the beginning of the fifth century B. C.; Richardson, p. 91
-and fig. 43, about 525 B. C. For a duplicate stele from Ikaria, see _A.
-J. A._, V, 1889, Pl. I and pp. 9 f. (Buck); Conze, _op. cit._, I, Pl.
-II, 2.
-
-[978] Dickins, no. 692 and fig.; mentioned by Furtwaengler, _A. M._, V,
-1880, pp. 25 and 32; discussed by R. Delbrueck, _ibid._, XXV, 1900, pp.
-373 f., Pls. XV, XVI (bottom).
-
-[979] _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, 1896, Pls. 1, 2 (and text by Arndt);
-Reinach, _Têtes_, Pls. 1, 2; Rayet, _Mon. gr._, VI, 1877 (publ. in
-vol. I, 1882), Pl. I; _id._, _Ét. d’archéol. et d’art_, pp. 1-8 and
-Pl. I; Collignon, I, pp. 361, fig. 183; B. B., no. 116; Bulle, 197;
-Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 643, fig. 329.
-
-[980] Collignon, I, p. 376, fig. 193; Bulle, fig. 128 on p. 440.
-
-[981] Brunn-Arndt, _Gr. und roem. Portraets_, Pls. XXIII-XXIV.
-
-[982] _Gaz. arch._, 1887, Pl. XI.
-
-[983] _Cf._ Arndt, _La Glyptothèque Ny-Carlsberg_, text to nos. 1 and 2.
-
-[984] _Sammlung Sabouroff_, 1883, I, Einleitung, p. 5.
-
-[985] Found in two fragments in 1822 and 1859-60: Dickins, no. 1342,
-pp. 275 ff., and fig.; B. B., 21; von Mach, 56; Overbeck, I, p. 203 and
-fig. 47; H. Schrader, _A. M._, XXX, 1905, pp. 305 f., and Pl. XI. Other
-references are given _infra_, p. 269, n. 9.
-
-[986] See Hauser, _Jb._, VII, 1892, pp. 54 f., who discusses the
-question of the sex of the figure at length.
-
-[987] So Hauser, _l. c._; followed by Robinson, _Cat. Museum of Fine
-Arts in Boston_, no. 33.
-
-[988] _E. g._, Gerhard, I, Pls. XX and XXI.
-
-[989] See _infra_, Ch. V, pp. 269 f.
-
-[990] While Schrader (_op. cit._, p. 313) dates it in the last quarter
-of the sixth century B. C., Dickins finds it earlier than the remnants
-of the sculptures of the Hekatompedon and, because of the delicate
-carving of the drapery and hair, despite its Attic features, calls it
-“typically Ionian in its elaboration of detail.” However, I follow
-Overbeck’s date at the beginning of the fifth century B. C. (_op. cit._
-p. 204), and believe that it represents a time near the close of Ionic
-influence on Attic art.
-
-[991] P., VI, 6.1; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208; _Inschr. v.
-Ol._, 146.
-
-[992] Of the Spartan hoplite and chariot victor Lykinos, who won two
-victories in Ols. (?) 83 and 84 (= 448 and 444 B. C.): P., VI, 2.1;
-Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211 N; of the pancratiast Timanthes of Kleonai,
-who won in Ol. 81 (= 456 B. C.): P., VI, 8.4; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 76;
-Foerster, 232; of the unknown Arkadian boxer, mentioned by P., VI, 8.5,
-who won in Ol. 80 or Ol. 84 (= 460 or 444 B. C.): Hyde, 79, and pp.
-39-41; _cf._ Foerster, 222 a, Hyde, 79 a; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 174; of the
-Spartan runner Chionis, who won in Ols. 28, 29, 30, 31 (= 668-656 B.
-C.), but his statue was erected in Ol. 77 or 78 (= 472 or 468 B. C.):
-P., VI, 13.2; Afr.; Hyde, 111 and p. 48; Foerster, 39, 41-6. On two
-statues of Lykinos, see _infra_, p. 187, n. 6.
-
-[993] Of the Elean boxer Satyros, who won two victories in Ols. (?)
-102, 103 (= 372, 368 B. C.): P., VI, 4.5; Hyde, 39; Foerster, 342, 348;
-of the boy boxers Telestas and Damaretos of Messene, who won some time
-between Ols. 102 and 114 (= 372 and 324 B. C.): P., VI, 14.4; Hyde,
-127; Foerster, 378; and P., VI, 14.11; Hyde, 130; Foerster, 373. On the
-sculptor, see Hyde, p. 35.
-
-[994] P., VI, 4.5; Hyde, 40; Foerster, 494.
-
-[995] P., VI, 12.8 f.; Hyde, 109; Foerster, 529; _cf._ Robert,
-_Hermes_, XIX, 1884, pp. 306 f. On the artist family of Polykles, his
-sons Timokles and Timarchides, Polykles Minor and Timarchides Minor,
-see Robert, _l. c._, pp. 300 f.; Hyde, pp. 45-47 and table on p. 46.
-
-[996] _E. g._, _H. N._, XXXIV, 73 (Boëdas); XXXIV, 78 (Euphranor);
-XXXIV, 90 (Sthennis). In XXXIV, 91, he gives a list of artists who made
-statues of _sacrificantes_.
-
-[997] In the Iliad, I, 450; VIII, 347; XV, 371; Aischylos, _Prom._,
-1005 (ὑπτιάσμασι χερῶν); etc. On the attitude of prayer in Greek art,
-see L. Gurlitt, _A. M._, VI, 1881, pp. 158 f. (who tries to show that
-the gestures of prayer and adoration were distinct); Sittl, _Die
-Gebaerden der Gr. und Roem._, pp. 305 f.; _cf._ Conze, _Jb._, I, 1886,
-pp. 1-13 (on the _Praying Boy_ of Berlin, Pl. 10.) See also Dar.-Sagl.,
-I, pp. 80 f., _s. v._ _adoratio_.
-
-[998] V, 25. 5.
-
-[999] See article by P. Girard and J. Martha in _B. C. H._, II, 1878,
-pp. 421 f. (lists of inventories of objects consecrated there).
-
-[1000] Scherer, p. 33, shows that the gesture in such statues was meant
-to invoke victory rather than to pay thanks for one that had been
-gained.
-
-[1001] Scherer agrees with Philostratos, _Vit. Apoll. Tyan._, IV, 28,
-that the gesture of the right hand of the statue was one of prayer, and
-argues from it that many similar statues existed there: p. 31. Rouse
-wrongly assumes that all such statues were votive: p. 170.
-
-[1002] P., VI, 1.7; he won in Ol. (?) 79 (= 464 B. C.): Hyde, 8;
-Foerster, 233.
-
-[1003] Ol. VII, Argum., Boeckh, p. 158.
-
-[1004] Fragm. no. 264 (= _F. H. G._, II, p. 183).
-
-[1005] Fragm. no. 7 (= _F. H. G._, IV, p. 307).
-
-[1006] Diagoras won in Ol. 79 (= 464 B. C.): P., VI, 7.1 f.; Hyde, 59;
-Foerster, 220; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 151 (renewed). For the sculptor of the
-statue, Kallikles, see Robert, _O. S._, pp. 194 f. On Diagoras, see van
-Gelder, _Gesch. d. alt. Rhodier_, p. 435. Akousilaos won in Ol. 83 (=
-448 B. C.): P., _l. c._; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 60; Foerster, 252.
-
-[1007] _Beschr. d. Skulpt._, Inv. 6306; _A. M._, VI, 1881, p. 158.
-Rouse, p. 171, following Scherer, pp. 31 f., doubts if this statue
-represents the attitude of any of the Olympic victor statues.
-
-[1008] She won two victories in Ols. (?) 96, 97 (= 396, 392 B. C.): P.,
-VI, 1.6 f.; Hyde, 7; Foerster, 326, 333; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 160 (here
-the name appears in the uncontracted form Ἀπελλέας).
-
-[1009] _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, pp. 151-2 (on no. 301 = _Inschr. v. Ol._,
-160); he is followed by Foerster, _l. c._
-
-[1010] _H. N._, XXXIV, 86.
-
-[1011] XXXIV, 70. For the motive, see the small bronze in Kassel,
-representing Aphrodite: _Jb._, IX, 1894, Pl. IX (two views), and pp.
-248-50 (W. Klein), though its connection with Praxiteles must not be
-pressed; also bronze statuette in British Museum: Bulle, 1, pp. 332 f.,
-and fig. 81.
-
-[1012] Described by R. von Schneider, Die Erzstatue vom Helenenberge,
-in _Jahrb. d. Samml. d. oesterr. Kaiserhauses_, XV, 1893;
-illustrated by E. von Sacken, _Die ant. Bronz. d. k. k. Muenz.- und
-Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien_, 1871, I, Pls. XXI-XXII, pp. 52 f., and
-_cf._ _A. M._, VI, 1881 p. 155 (Gurlitt).
-
-[1013] _Cf._ F. W., 1562.
-
-[1014] _C. I. L._, III, 2, 4815.
-
-[1015] _Mp._, p. 290; _Mw._, pp. 506-7.
-
-[1016] _Beschr. d. ant. Skulpt._, no. 2 (for history and bibliography);
-B. B., 283; von Mach, 273; Bulle, 64; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 459, 4; _cf._
-Conze, _Jb._, I, 1886, pp. 1 f.; _ibid._, pp. 217 (Furtwaengler);
-_ibid._, pp. 219 f. (Puchstein); Springer-Michaelis, p. 341, fig. 614.
-A similar attitude of prayer appears on the figure of Phineus on a
-r.-f. Attic amphora in the British Museum: _A. Z._, XXXVIII, 1880, pp.
-143 f. and Pl. XII, 1 (Flasch). The statue is 1.28 meters high (Bulle).
-
-[1017] Loewy, _R. M._, XVI, 1901, pp. 391 f. and Pls. XVI-XVII, by a
-comparison with the Vatican _Apoxyomenos_ (Pl. 29), and the Naples
-resting _Hermes_ (von Mach, 237; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 367, 1), has shown
-its Lysippan character; _cf._ also Mau, _l. c._ in next note, Bulle,
-and others, who refer it to the same school; Bulle assigns it possibly
-to Boëdas, the pupil of Lysippos, who made a praying figure: Pliny, _H.
-N._, XXXIV, 73; similarly Amelung, in Thieme-Becker, _Lex. d. bild.
-Kuenstler_, IV, p. 187, Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 452, and others.
-
-[1018] _R. M._, XVII, 1902, pp. 101 f.
-
-[1019] _Muenchner Allg. Ztg._, 1902, Nov. 29, Beilage, no. 297; _cf._,
-for his restoration of the arms, _ibid._, 1903, Beilage, no. 277, p.
-445 (quoted by von Mach and Bulle, respectively).
-
-[1020] _Jb._, I, 1886, fig. on p. 217; reproduced in _A. A._, 1904,
-p. 75 (Conze); also on coins, _Jb._, III, 1888, pp. 286 f. and Pl. IX
-(Imhoof-Blumer).
-
-[1021] _Rev. arch._, Sér. IV, II, 1903, pp. 205-10, 411-12 (Lechat),
-and Pl. XV; reproduced in _A. A._, _l. c._ Babelon, _C. R. Acad.
-Inscr._, 1904, p. 203, thought that the stele represented a seer in
-liturgic attitude as on certain coins of Sikyon; he argued, therefore,
-that the Berlin statue did not represent an athlete.
-
-[1022] _E. g._, Levezow, _de juvenis adorantis Signo_, Berlin, 1808, p.
-12; and Welcker, _Das akad. Mus. zu Bonn_, p. 42 (quoted by Gurlitt,
-_op. cit._ in the next note, p. 157); _cf._ Scherer, pp. 32-3.
-
-[1023] _A. M._, VI, 1881, pp. 154 f. (Gurlitt), and Pl. V (from cast in
-Berlin): it is 2.18 meters high and 1.11 meters broad.
-
-[1024] In the National Museum, Athens; discussed by Kekulé, _Die
-antiken Bildwerke im Theseion zu Athen_, 1869, no. 151; illustrated in
-_Exped. scientifique de Morée_, III, 1838, Pl. XLI (= from Aegina).
-
-[1025] See O. Jahn in _Annali_, XX, 1848, pp. 213 f. and Pl. K a (=
-Orestes); _A. Z._, XXX, 1872, p. 60, Pl. 46 (Heydemann); Gurlitt, _op.
-cit._, p. 156; _cf._ Sophokles, _Aias_, 815 f., to explain the scene.
-
-[1026] See Richter, _Gk., Etrusc., and Rom. Bronz. in the Metropolitan
-Museum_, 1918, no. 89 (7 inches high) and fig. on p. 59; _Cat. Class.
-Coll._, p. 115, fig. 73; published by Furtwaengler, _Sitzb. Muen.
-Akad._, 1905, II, p. 264, fig. 1 and Pl. IV (who considered it Etruscan
-and not Greek); Reinach, _Rép._, III, 24, 3. Richter, _op. cit._, no.
-79 (11-3/4 inches high), and figs. on p. 53 (two views); _Cat. Class.
-Coll._, p. 91, fig. 54; _Burlington Fine Arts Club, Cat. Anc. Gk. Art_,
-1904, p. 46, no. 36, and Pl. LIII; Reinach, _Rép._, IV, 370, 6.
-
-[1027] On the custom of athletes smearing themselves with oil and
-dust in the palæstra before entering the wrestling match, see Lucian,
-_Anacharsis, sive de exercitationibus_, 28.
-
-[1028] _H. N._, XXXV, 144.
-
-[1029] Several cited by L. Bloch, _R. M._, VII, 1892, pp. 88 f.; and
-especially one in _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, Pl. IV (red-figured krater
-by Euthymides from Capua, now in Berlin); Hartwig, _Die griech.
-Meisterschalen_, 1893, p. 570. _Cf._ Furtw., _Mp._, p. 259, _Mw._, p.
-466.
-
-[1030] _Cf._ Brunn, _Annali_, LI, 1879, pp. 201 f.
-
-[1031] Michaelis, pp. 601-2, no. 9; Bulle, p. 109, fig. 19; Furtw.,
-_Mp._, p. 257, fig. 107, _Mw._, p. 465, fig. 77. It is 1.68 meters high
-(Michaelis).
-
-[1032] It has the same foot position as that on the base of the statue
-of the boxer Kyniskos, by Polykleitos: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 149.
-
-[1033] _E. g._, by F. W., 462-4.
-
-[1034] Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glypt._,^2 no. 302; B. B., 132 (=
-front view, from cast), 134 (left = back view), 135 (= head, from cast,
-two views); Bulle, 55; _Mon. d. I._, XI, 1879-83, Pl. VII; Brunn,
-_Annali_, LI, 1879, pp. 201 f. and Pl. ST, 1, 2; F. W., 462; Reinach,
-_Rép._, I, 522, 2; Clarac, V, 857, 2174; for replicas, Furtw., _Mw._,
-p. 466, n. 4 and _Mp._, p. 259, n. 4; Duetschke, IV, pp. 53 f. on no.
-82; etc. It is 1.93 meters high with the plinth, 1.80 meters without
-(Furtw.-Wolters).
-
-[1035] The right arm is wrongly restored in the Munich statue; its
-proper restoration is given in a cast in Brunswick: Bulle, p. 112, fig.
-20. Bulle, however, says that the Munich statue may be that of a boxer
-and not of an oil-pourer (wrestler).
-
-[1036] Pointed out by Kekulé, _Ueber den Kopf des Praxitelischen
-Hermes_, 1881, p. 8.
-
-[1037] _H. N._, XXXIV, 72; Klein, _Praxiteles_, 1898, p. 50; _id._,
-_Arch.-epigr. Mitt. aus Oest._, XIV, 1891, pp. 6-9. We have discussed
-it _supra_, p. 77.
-
-[1038] For the _Marsyas_ in the Lateran Museum in Rome, see Bulle, no.
-95, and text, pp. 183 f., and Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, no. 1179. See
-Brunn, _op. cit._, p. 204.
-
-[1039] B. B., 557, text by Sieveking; described also by Furtwaengler,
-_Beschr. d. Glypt._,^2 p. 313.
-
-[1040] F. W., no. 463; _Annali_, LI, 1879, Pl. ST, 3; B. B., 133 (=
-front view), 134 (right = back view); Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 259-60, _Mw._,
-pp. 467-8; for list of replicas of this torso, see _Mp._, p. 259, n. 9,
-_Mw._, p. 467, n. 4. Brunn, _op. cit._, p. 217, thought it a copy of
-the Munich statue.
-
-[1041] One in Turin, F. W., 464; Duetschke, IV, no. 82; two statuettes
-in the Vatican (Braccio Nuovo), discussed by Bloch in _R. M._, VII,
-1892, pp. 93 f.; Helbig, _Guide_, nos. 42 and 44.
-
-[1042] Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glypt._,^2 no. 458; Clarac, Pl. 858,
-2175; Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 263 f.; _Mw._, pp. 473 f. It is 1.54 meters
-high. A replica is in the Vatican: see Furtwaengler, _l. c._; we shall
-treat it later in reference to the statue of the pentathlete Pythokles;
-Hyde, 70; Foerster, 295; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 162-3; see _infra_, p. 144
-and n. 4.
-
-[1043] _B. M. Bronzes_, no. 514, on p. 71, and Pl. XVI; _Specimens_,
-I, Pl. 15; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 91, 7; _Mon. gr._, II, no. 23, Pl. XV
-and p. 1 (ascribing it to the Argive school). It forms the basis for a
-mirror.
-
-[1044] Furtwaengler, _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1897, II, pp. 129 f. and Pl.
-6 (influence of Kalamïs).
-
-[1045] _B. C. H._, X, 1886, pp. 393 f. (S. Reinach) and Pl. XII,
-3 (this should be numbered XIV, 4; see text); Pottier et Reinach,
-_Nécrop. de Myrina_, Pl. XLI, 3, pp. 450 f. It is 0.205 meter high.
-
-[1046] _E. g._, F. W., 1798; relief found in 1830 in Hermione, now in
-Athens; it is of the second or third century B. C.
-
-[1047] _E. g._, on the stone of Gnaios: _Jb._, III, 1888, pp. 315
-f., no. 3; Pl. X, no. 12; Furtwaengler, _Die antiken Gemmen_, 1900, Pl.
-L, no. 9, and Vol. II, p. 241; also on the gem pictured by Toelken,
-_Erklaer. Verzeichn. d. ant. vertieft geschnittenen Steine d. preuss.
-Gemmensammlung_, 1835, Klasse VI, 107 (= _Die ant. Gemmen_, Pl. XLIV,
-no. 24, and Vol. II, pp. 213); Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 260, n. 6,
-and _Mw._, p. 468, n. 4, who mentions it, believes that these gems
-correspond more nearly with the Dresden than with the Petworth athlete
-type.
-
-[1048] The strigil was a curved blade hollowed out inside with both
-edges sharp; the general form remained largely the same from the sixth
-century B. C., down into Roman days, though the curve and the handle
-changed. The commonest were of bronze or iron: see Dar.-Sagl., IV,
-2, pp. 1532 f., _s. v._ _strigilis_ (S. Dorigny); K. Friederichs,
-_Kleinere Kunst und Industrie im Altertum_, 1871, pp. 88 f. Examples
-in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, are given by Richter, in _Gk.,
-Etr. and Rom. Bronzes_, nos. 855 f.; others (strigils and handles)
-are in the British Museum: _B. M. Bronzes_, nos. 320-326, 665, and
-2420-2454, and figs. 74-75, p. 319; on the operation, see Kuppers, _Der
-Apoxyomenos des Lysippos_, 1874.
-
-[1049] _E. g._, on an amphora in Vienna: Schneider, _Arch.-epigr. Mitt.
-aus Oest._, V, 1881, p. 139, Pl. IV; Hoppin, _Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases_,
-I. p. 334, no. 25 and Pl. (right-hand fig.); on a kylix formerly in
-possession of Lucien Bonaparte, now in the British Museum, E 83:
-Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLXXVII, 2 (left-hand figure), and p. 50; Murray,
-_Designs from Greek Vases_, no. 58; others on which the athlete is
-cleansing the strigil and not the body are given by Hartwig in _Jh.
-oest. arch. Inst._, IV, 1901, p. 154 and figs. 178 (Peleus on krater
-from Bologna), 179 (athlete on B. M. vase mentioned above, E. 83, third
-figure from left, middle row), 180 (cup in Rome, Museo Gregoriano), 181
-(jug, _ibid._); Hartwig, pp. 153-4, mentions an athlete on a cup in the
-Museo Papa Giulio, Rome. For the motive of an apoxyomenos on a vase in
-the Louvre, see Hartwig, _Die greich. Meisterchalen_, pp. 24 f. and
-fig. 2a.
-
-[1050] _H. N._, XXXIV, 55, 62 and 76, respectively.
-
-[1051] Pliny, XXXIV, 86 and 87, respectively.
-
-[1052] A list is given by Furtw., _Mp._, p. 262, n. 2; _Mw._, p. 471,
-n. 1; a gem from the Hermitage is shown in _Mp._, p. 262, fig. 109;
-_Mw._, p. 471, fig. 79; = _Die antiken Gemmen_, Pl. XLIV, no. 19; _cf._
-also _ibid._, no. 18; Hartwig, in the article cited in note 1 above,
-adds two more gems showing an athlete in a similar position, in the
-Boston Museum of Fine Arts: p. 155, figs. 183, 184. Here the youth,
-as Hartwig against the interpretation of Furtwaengler makes clear, is
-cleansing the strigil and not his body.
-
-[1053] So J. Sieveking, _Die Bronzen der Samml. Loeb_, 1913, Pl. 11,
-pp. 27 f.; _cf._ _Burlington Fine Arts Club, Cat. Anc. Gk. Art_, 1904,
-Pl. 50, B. 47, and von Duhn, _Sitzb. d. Heidelberger Akad. d. W._, Abt.
-6, p. 9. It is 0.09 meter high.
-
-[1054] Von Mach, 235; F. W., 1264; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 515, 6 and 7;
-_cf._ II, 2, 546, 2; etc.
-
-[1055] _H. N._, XXXIV. 65.
-
-[1056] _Infra_, pp. 288 f.
-
-[1057] Amelung, _Fuehrer_, no. 25; Duetschke, III, 72 (1.93 meters
-high); B. B., 523-4 (text by Arndt); Bulle, p. 116, fig. 21; _cf._
-Helbig, _Guide_, I, pp. 26 f., on nos. 42 and 44 (statuettes);
-Benndorf, _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, 1898, Beiblatt, pp. 66 f.; Klein,
-_Praxiteles_, pp. 51 f.; Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 261-2; _Mw._, pp. 469-71;
-Bloch, _R. M._, VII, 1892, pp. 81 F., and fig. on p. 83 and Pl. III
-(head, two views). The right underarm and hand and the left underarm
-and part of the hand, the vase, and the basis, are all modern
-restorations.
-
-[1058] _Die antiken Gemmen_, Pl. XLIV, no. 17, and text, II, p. 212;
-_Mp._, p. 261, fig. 108; _Mw._, p. 470, fig. 78; Hartwig, in _Berl.
-Phil. Wochenschr._, XVII, Jan. 2, 1897, p. 31, corrects the mistake of
-Furtwaengler and Amelung that the athlete on the gem is cleansing the
-thigh and not the strigil itself.
-
-[1059] Arndt dates it about 400 B. C.; Furtwaengler ascribes it and
-the Dresden torso of the _Oil-pourer_, already discussed, to an Attic
-master of the end of the fifth or beginning of the fourth century B. C.
-
-[1060] Listed by Furtw., _Mp._, p. 262, n. 1; _Mw._, p. 470, n. 5.
-Especially the reduced mediocre copy in the Braccio Nuovo of the
-Vatican: Helbig, _Guide_, no. 45; Clarac, 861, 2183; _R. M._, VII,
-1892, pp. 92 f., and fig.
-
-[1061] Bulle, no. 60 (who dates it in the middle of the fourth
-century B. C., and considers it a copy of an original statue);
-Hauser, _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, V, 1902, pp. 214 f. and fig. 68;
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 297, fig. 530; _cf._ _A. J. A._, VII, 1902, pp.
-352-3, figs. 1 and 2. It is 1.925 meters high (Bulle).
-
-[1062] Babelon et Blanchet, _Cat. des bronzes antiques de la Biblioth.
-Nat._, 1895, no. 934, p. 411; it is 0.075 meter high.
-
-[1063] Discussed by P. Hartwig, _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, IV, 1901, pp.
-151-9, figs. 176 and 177 (four views of statuette), and Pls. V-VI (two
-views of the head). Without its base it is 0.679 meter high.
-
-[1064] It is in the Hamilton Coll.; see _B. M. Cat. Engraved Gems_,
-1888, no. 335; _cf. ibid._, no. 432, a cut scarab from the Blacas
-Coll., representing a nude athlete seated on a rock, holding a lekythos
-and strigil suspended from the right hand.
-
-[1065] Bulle, no. 265; B. B., 601 (text by L. Curtius); H. Pomtow,
-_Beitr. z. Topogr. v. Delphi_, Pl. XII; Homolle, _Société des
-Antiquaires de France_, Centennaire 1804-1904, Pl. XII. The figures are
-life-size (Bulle).
-
-[1066] _H. N._, XXXIV, 59: _Hic primus nervos et venas expressit_.
-
-[1067] In the Louvre: Longpérier, _Notice des bronzes antiques du
-Louvre_, I, 1868 (reprinted 1879), no. 214; de Ridder, _Les bronzes
-antiques du Louvre_, I, 1913, Pl. 19, no. 183, and pp. 34 f.; Furtw.,
-_Mp._, Pl. XIII, and p. 280, fig. 119; text, pp. 279 f.; _Mw._, Pl.
-XXVIII, 3 (middle), and text, pp. 492 f.; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 588,
-3. It is 0.21 meter high. For the same style and conception, _cf._ a
-statuette from Cyprus in the Cesnola Collection, Metropolitan Museum,
-New York: Richter, _Gk., Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes_, p. 57, fig. 87
-(two views). Here the left leg is the rest leg.
-
-[1068] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 164; base reproduced in _Mp._, p. 279, fig.
-118; _Mw._, p. 491, fig. 85.
-
-[1069] See list, Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 281 f.; _Mw._, p. 493; a completer
-one by Lippold, _Jb._, XXIII, 1908, pp. 203-8.
-
-[1070] Amelung, _Vat._, II, pp. 414 f., no. 251, and Pl. 46; Furtw.,
-_Mp._, p. 281, fig. 120; _Mw._, p. 494, fig. 86; Clarac, 856, 2168. As
-the head and torso are of different marbles, we really have parts of
-two copies of the same original. In reconstructing the statue, another
-copy in the Galleria delle Statue is better: Amelung, _Vat._, II, pp.
-583 f., no. 392 and Pl. 56; it has a head of Septimius Severus upon
-it; the position of its feet is almost exactly that of the statue of
-Xenokles mentioned.
-
-[1071] Publ. by Miss A. Walton, _A. J. A._, XXII, 1918, pp. 44 f., Pls.
-I, II, and figs. 1-5 in the text; Matz-Duhn, _Ant. Bildw. in Rom_, no.
-1000; von Duhn doubts whether the head belongs to the trunk. The statue
-was acquired by Wellesley College in 1905 from a Roman dealer.
-
-[1072] Copies of the head-type are listed by Furtw., _Mp._, p. 282;
-_Mw._, pp. 494-5.
-
-[1073] Invent., 5610; _Bronzi d’Ercolano_, I, Pls. 53-54, p. 187;
-Comparetti e de Petra, _Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni_, 7, 4; Furtw.,
-_Mp._, p. 284, figs. 121 a, b; _Mw._, pp. 496-7, figs. 87-8; B. B., 339
-(left).
-
-[1074] _Mp._, p. 283; _Mw._, p. 495.
-
-[1075] Amelung, _Vat._, II, p. 416.
-
-[1076] In the Museo Archeologico: Amelung, _Fuehrer_, no. 268 (and
-bibliography); B. B., 274-77; Bulle, 52-53 and 204-5 (head); von Mach,
-123 (front and back views); Collignon, I, pp. 479 f. and figs. 247
-(statue), 248 (head); Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 588, 2; Furtw., _Mp._, p.
-285, fig. 122 (head); _Mw._, p. 499, fig. 89; Robinson, _Cat. Boston
-Museum of Fine Arts_, Suppl., no. 113; Springer-Michaelis, p. 272, fig.
-488. It is 1.48 meters high (Bulle).
-
-[1077] Ueber die Bronzestatue des sog. Idolino (_49stes Berl.
-Winckelmannsprogr._, 1889), p. 10. He classed it stylistically with the
-_Oil-pourer_ of Munich and the _Standing Diskobolos_ of the Vatican,
-which Brunn had called Myronic. He later, however, renounced his
-Myronic theory and merely called it Attic, because of its resemblance
-to figures on the Parthenon frieze: _Beilage zu den amtlichen Berichten
-aus den k. Kunstsamml._, XVIII, no. 5, Juli, 1897, p. 73 (quoted by
-Richardson, p. 161, n. 8).
-
-[1078] _Festschr. f. Benndorf_, p. 175: here he assigns it not to Myron
-himself, but to his son.
-
-[1079] II, p. 30; he also admits its Polykleitan features.
-
-[1080] _Polyklet u. s. Sch._, pp. 70 f., 1902; he assigns it to an
-artist of the master’s circle.
-
-[1081] _Mp._, 286; _Mw._, p. 500.
-
-[1082] _Cronaca_, pp. 29-30, fig. 2 (= _Supplemento di Bolletino
-d’Arte_, Roma, XII, Fasic. V-VIII) 1918 (Lucia Mariani). _Cf._ review
-in _A. J. A._, XXIII, 1919, p. 319 and fig. 2; and also Mariani, _Rend.
-della Reale Accad. dei Lincei_, XXVI, 1918, pp. 125-138, and fig. in
-text.
-
-[1083] Matz-Duhn, _Ant. Bildw._, no. 1111; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 287;
-_Mw._, p. 502.
-
-[1084] See material collected by Stephani, _Comptes rendus de la
-commiss. impér. archéol._, St. Petersburg, 1873; _cf._ Fritze, _de
-Libatione veterum Graecorum_, Berl. Diss., 1893.
-
-[1085] II, pp. 416 f.
-
-[1086] No. 2723; Svoronos, Tafelbd., II, Pl. CXXI (CI is a poor copy of
-it); Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, pp. 240-242 (0.45 meter high; 0.57
-meter broad). Staïs also regards it as an _ex voto_ to Herakles.
-
-[1087] It is broken away, but its outline is clear.
-
-[1088] Kabbadias, 248; Staïs, _op. cit._, p. 86; Arndt-Bruckmann,
-_Einzelaufnahmen_, 627 and 628 (head alone); noticed in _A. A._, 1889,
-p. 147, and _A. M._, XIII, 1888, p. 231 (Wolters); _ibid._, XXXI,
-1906, pp. 352 f. (von Salis); _Jb._, VIII, 1893, pp. 224 f., fig. 3
-(restored), and Pl. IV (Mayer). It may be one of the statues seen by
-Pausanias in the temenos: I, 18.6. It is 1.50 meters high without the
-plinth (Mayer).
-
-[1089] Furtwaengler, _Mw._, p. 378, n. 3 (_cf._ _Mp._, p. 196, n. 1),
-p. 685, n. 2 and p. 737; he ascribes it to Kalamis or his school.
-
-[1090] _H. N._, XXXIV, 81; statue also mentioned, _ibid._, XXII, 44.
-
-[1091] In the National Museum, no. 12; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, pp.
-362, 363 and fig. (0.09 meter high); three photographs, _A. M._, XXXI,
-Pl. XXII; a poor photograph in Carapanos, _Dodone et ses ruines_, 1878,
-Pl. XIV, 3, and p. 186.
-
-[1092] In the statuette it is bent, but its original horizontal
-position is indicated by the position of the hand.
-
-[1093] Two copies: Hettner, _Die Bildw. d. koenigl. Antikensamml._,^4
-1881, nos. 70, 88; F. W., 1217; Furtw., _Mp._, pp., 310-11, figs.
-131-2; _Mw._, pp. 534-5, figs. 97-8; Springer-Michaelis, p. 314, fig.
-562; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 139, 5-6; M. W., II, 39, 459; Clarac, IV,
-712, 1695.
-
-[1094] Listed, _Mp._, p. 310, n. 2; _Mw._, p. 533, n. 3; one, formerly
-in the Museo Boncompagni-Ludovisi, now in the Museo delle Terme, in
-Rome: Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 139, 7; B. B., 376; Helbig, _Fuehrer_,
-II, 1308; Collignon, II, p. 265, fig. 131; von Mach, 197. The original
-must have been of bronze.
-
-[1095] _H. N._, XXXIV, 69. For discussion, see F. W., note on p. 421
-(to no. 1217).
-
-[1096] In the Museo Chiaramonti, no. 297; Amelung, _Vat._, I, p. 509
-and II, Pl. 53; Clarac, 479, 916.
-
-[1097] _Cf._ _Beschr. d. Skulpt. zu Berlin_, no. 44; a poor torso of
-the type is in the Museo Chiaramonti of the Vatican: Amelung, _Vat._,
-no. 295 and Pl. 52; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 173, 2.
-
-[1098] Michaelis, p. 609, no. 24; _Specimens_, I, Pl. 30; _Mp._, p.
-163, fig. 65 (front), p. 162, fig. 64 (profile), from an old cast from
-the Mengs Collection in Dresden; _Mw._, Pl. XVI; other replicas, _Mp._,
-p. 161, n. 3.
-
-[1099] _Cat. Class. Coll._, pp. 214-17, and fig. 130 on p. 215.
-
-[1100] _H. N._, XXXIV, 76: _Ctesilaus doryphoron et Amazonem volneratam
-(fecit)_. Bergk long ago proposed to alter this name to Kresilas
-(_Zeitschr. fuer Alterthumswissensch._, 1845, p. 962), and was
-followed by Brunn (I, p. 261)—an emendation accepted by most recent
-investigators. The argument derived from the _Amazon_ of Kresilas,
-mentioned by Pliny, XXXIV, 53, and apparently repeated in the present
-passage, is strong. Jex-Blake, however, finds the name Ktesilaos a good
-Greek formation, though uncommon: see his note on p. 62.
-
-[1101] _Mp._, pp. 161 f.; _Mw._, pp. 332 f.
-
-[1102] It is plainly visible in the example from Petworth House, and in
-the poor one lately in the possession of the Roman dealer Abbati: B.
-B., 84 (from cast); _Bull. del. Inst._, 1867, p. 33 (Helbig); _Mon. d.
-I._, IX, 1869-73, Pl. XXXVI; _Annali_, XLIII, 1871, pp. 279 f. (Conze);
-it is also visible in the New York copy.
-
-[1103] As on an Attic fifth-century B. C. grave-relief from the
-Peiræus: Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 157 (who gives the height as
-0.45 meter and the breadth as 0.32 meter); von Sybel, _Kat. d. Skulpt.
-zu Athen_, 1881, no. 171; _Annali_, XXXIV, 1862, p. 212; Conze, _Die
-Attischen Grabreliefs_, no. 929 and Pl. CLXXX; F. W., 1017; for similar
-reliefs, see _Annali_, 1862, Pl. M.
-
-[1104] Michaelis wrongly dated the original in the fourth century B.
-C.; Brunn first recognized its fifth-century character: _Annali_,
-XLVII, 1875, p. 31 (_apud_ Leop. Julius).
-
-[1105] _Ant. Denkm._, I, 1, 1886, Pl. IV; B. B., no. 248; Bulle, 167;
-Collignon, II, p. 492, fig. 256; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1350; _Guide_,
-1051; Hekler, _Greek and Roman Portraits_, 1912, pp. 85-86; Gardner,
-_Hbk._, p. 536, fig. 146; Amelung, _Museums and Ruins of Rome_, I, fig.
-156; _Not. Scav._, 1885, p. 223; _Gaz. B.-A._, XXXIII, Pér. 2, I, 1886,
-fig. on p. 427; Springer-Michaelis, p. 401, fig. 743; Reinach, _Rép._,
-II, 2, 550, 10; Reinach classes it as an athlete or Herakles. It is
-1.28 meters high (Bulle).
-
-[1106] Discussed _infra_, Ch. IV, pp. 254-5.
-
-[1107] For this reason Helbig wrongly assigned it to about 400 B. C.
-
-[1108] _Ueber die griech. Portraetkunst_, 1894, pp. 12 f. (and fig.).
-
-[1109] XXVII, 9.
-
-[1110] _Philologus_, LVII (N. F., XI), pp. 1 f. and 649 f. Kleitomachos
-won in Ols. 141, 142 (= 216, 212 B. C.): P., VI, 15.3; Hyde, 146;
-Foerster, 472, 476. _Cf._ Suidas, _s. v._ Κλειτόμαχος. His statue was
-set up by his father, and his victory sung by Alkaios of Messenia: _A.
-G._, IX, 588.
-
-[1111] _Cf._ Petersen, _R. M._, XIII, 1898, pp. 93-5; this theory of
-Wunderer is also rejected by Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 609.
-
-[1112] Erected about 477 B. C.; Bulle, 84 (_Aristogeiton_) and 85
-(_Harmodios_); etc.
-
-[1113] Discussed _infra_, Ch. IV, pp. 220-1 and n. 5 on p. 220.
-
-[1114] See Stephanos, _Lex._, _s. vv._ ταινία, ταινίδιον, ταινόω. This
-victor fillet is mentioned by Lucian in reference to the _Diadoumenos_
-of Polykleitos: _Philops._, 18.
-
-[1115] Xen., _Symp._, V, 9; Plato, _Symp._, 212 E; it appears often
-on statues of Dionysos: _e. g._, on one in Furtwaengler’s _Samml.
-Sabouroff_, Pl. XXIII; Dionysos is called Χρυσομίτρης in Soph., _Oed.
-Tyr._, 209. The fillet was used as a breast-band for women’s dresses:
-Pollux, VII, 65; etc.
-
-[1116] _J. H. S._, I, 1880, p. 177. In older days the athletic fillet
-was called μίτρα (Lat. _mitella_): Pindar, _Ol._, IX, 84; _Isthm._,
-V, 62 (of wool); Boeckh, _Explic. ad Pind._, p. 193. In the Iliad
-μίτρα was the kilt or apron worn around the waist under the cuirass
-(a ζωστήρ being worn outside): IV, 137; IV, 187; V, 857; etc. It was
-used also later as a wrestler’s girdle: _A. G._, XV, 44; and for
-women’s headbands: Alkm., I; _cf._ Eurip., _Bacchae_, 833. Athletes on
-vase-paintings representing palæstra scenes often wear the fillet: _e.
-g._, the wrestlers and other athletes on the Philadelphia r.-f. kylix
-pictured in Fig. 50, have red bands in their hair. Later the μίτρα
-was specially used of women; if of men, it was a sign of effeminacy:
-Aristoph., _Thesmophoriazusae_, 163. The home of the μίτρα appears to
-have been Asia, as it was commonly worn by Asiatics: see Hdt., I, 195;
-VII, 62 (headdress); Virgil, _Aen._, IV, 216. We learn from Alkman
-that it came from Lydia to Greece: fragm. 23, verses 67 f. On it, see
-Bekker, _Charikles_, II, pp. 393 f., and Pauly-Wissowa, VII, 2, p. 2033
-(Bremer).
-
-[1117] See F. W., on 322. It appears on the “Apollo” type of early
-sculpture, _e. g._, on the “Apollo” of Orchomenos (Fig. 7).
-
-[1118] _Stud. z. Parthenon_, 1902, pp. 1 f.
-
-[1119] VI, 2.2; Lichas won the chariot victory in Ol. 90 (= 420 B. C.):
-Hyde, 14; Foerster, 270.
-
-[1120] P., V, 11.1.
-
-[1121] Bulle, no. 207; Furtw.-Wolters, _Besch._,^2 457; B. B., 8; here
-it was inlaid with silver.
-
-[1122] This may, however, be merely the remains of a wreath of gold:
-see Rayet, II, text to no. 67 (J. Martha).
-
-[1123] Bulle, no. 202; Lechat, p. 482, fig. 44. It is 0.23 meter high
-(Bulle).
-
-[1124] _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LIV; F. W., 322; Wolters thinks
-this is scarcely a victor fillet.
-
-[1125] This head, in the possession of Lord Leconfield, is a replica
-of the same original as the one in the Metropolitan Museum (Pl. 15);
-Michaelis, p. 609, no. 24. See discussion _supra_, pp. 144-5.
-
-[1126] Noted by Furtw., _Mp._, p. 161.
-
-[1127] P., VI, 1.7; he won in Ol. (?) 89 (= 424 B. C.): Hyde, 9;
-Foerster, 796.
-
-[1128] _A. M._, XIX, 1894, pp. 137-9 (J. Ziehen); fig. in text. It is
-now in the Museum of the Peiræus Gymnasion.
-
-[1129] On such representations in art, see Stephani, _Comptes rendus
-de la commission impériale archéologique_, St. Petersburg, 1874, pp.
-214-16.
-
-[1130] Παῖς ἀναδούμενος: VI, 4.5; _S. Q._, 757.
-
-[1131] _Hermes_, XXIII, 1888, pp. 444 f.; P., V, 11.3. Robert is
-followed by Kalkmann, _Pausanias der Perieget_, 1886, pp. 90 f.
-
-[1132] _Cf._ Frazer, IV, p. 11. Figures of athletes appear beneath the
-throne on vases: Overbeck, _Griech. Kunstmythol._, Pl. I, 9 and 16;
-Gerhard, I, Pl. VII. Flasch has tried to show that the throne figure
-did not represent Pantarkes: Baum., II, p. 1099, 2; _cf._ Gurlitt,
-_Ueber Pausanias_, 1890, p. 380.
-
-[1133] VI, 10.6. Pantarkes won the boys’ wrestling match in Ol. 86 (=
-436 B. C.): Hyde, 98; Foerster, 254.
-
-[1134] Amongst others it has been assumed by Loeschke, Der Tod des
-Pheidias (in _Histor. Untersuch. zum Schaefer-Jubilaeum_, Bonn, 1882),
-p. 36; Schoell, _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1888, I, p. 37 (Der Prozess des
-Pheidias). Foerster, p. 19, n. 1, is against the identification. The
-παῖς ἀναδούμενος is omitted in my victor lists (_de olympionicarum
-Statuis_).
-
-[1135] The παῖς ἀναδούμενος is mentioned between victors nos. 38 and 39,
-_i. e._, in the Zone of the _Eretrian Bull_, while Pantarkes (98) is
-mentioned among the statues in the Zone of the _Chariots_: see _infra_,
-Ch. VIII, pp. 343 and 345, and Plans A and B.
-
-[1136] _Cf._ Gurlitt, _Ueber Pausanias_, pp. 378 f.
-
-[1137] _Cf._ Doerpfeld, _Baudenkmaeler v. Ol._, p. 21 and n. 1; Furtw.,
-_Mp._, pp. 39-40; Frazer, _l. c._
-
-[1138] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 501; _Marbles and Bronzes_, Pl. VI; B.
-B., 271; Bulle, 49; von Mach, 117; Springer-Michaelis, p. 259, fig.
-461; F. W., 509; _Annali_, L, 1878, Pl. A and pp. 20 f. (two views)
-(Michaelis); Clarac, V, 858 C, 2189 A; M. W., I, Pl. 31, fig. 136;
-Reinach, _Rép._, I, 524, 2. The palm-trunk shows that the Roman artist
-intended to represent a victor in his copy. It is 4 ft. 10.25 in. high
-(Smith); 1.48 meters (Bulle).
-
-[1139] Brunn, following older writers such as Winckelmann, had
-pronounced it Polykleitan: _Annali_, LI, 1879, pp. 218 f.; _cf._
-Murray, I, pp. 313 f. and Pl. IX. Kekulé called it Myronian: _49stes
-Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1889, p. 12; Gardner, _Sculpt._, p. 128,
-finds it unrelated to Polykleitos and defends its Attic origin.
-Everything about it—except the mode of tying the fillet—differs from
-the copies of Polykleitos’ statue, and especially the pose. Against
-Brunn’s view, see Michaelis, _Annali_, LV, 1883, pp. 154 f.
-
-[1140] So Bulle, Arndt (text to B. B., 271), Furtwaengler (_Mp._,
-pp. 244-5; _Mw._, pp. 444-5), Zimmerman (in Knackfuss-Zimmermann,
-_Kunstgesch. des Altertums und des Mittelalters_, I, p. 152), and many
-others.
-
-[1141] _Cf._ especially the resemblance of the statue to the youth on
-the West frieze: Michaelis, _Der Parthenon_, Pl. V, no. 9.
-
-[1142] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 55, praises it equally with the
-_Doryphoros_, and says that 100 talents were paid for it; in another
-passage he says that a like sum was paid by King Attalos for a picture
-of Dionysos by the Theban painter Aristeides: _ibid._, VII, 126; _cf._
-XXXV, 24 and 100. A painting by Timomachos of Byzantium brought 80
-talents: _ibid._, XXXV, 136.
-
-[1143] _H. N._, XXXIV, 56; here he quotes Varro, who was drawing
-probably from Xenokrates of Sikyon: see Jex-Blake, pp. xvi f.
-
-[1144] Listed by Furtwaengler, _Mp._, pp. 239 f.; the torsos, by
-Petersen, _B. com. Rom._, 1890, pp. 185 f.
-
-[1145] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 500; _Marbles and Bronzes_, Pl. IV; B.
-B., 272; von Mach, 114; F. W., 508; _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-78, Pl. XLIX
-(3 views); Rayet, I, Pl. 30; Collignon I, p. 479, fig. 253; Murray, I,
-Pl. X; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 547, 5. Michaelis, by a comparison with
-the _Doryphoros_, first showed that it was a copy of the _Diadoumenos_:
-_Annali_, L, 1878, pp. 10 f. It is 6 ft. 1 in. tall (Smith).
-
-[1146] Kabbadias, no. 1826; Bulle, 50; Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. 35; von
-Mach, 115; _Mon. Piot_, III, 1896, pp. 137 f. (Couve), and Pls. XIV
-and XV; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, pp. 84-85 and fig.; _B. C. H._,
-XIX, 1895, pp. 460 f. (account of the Delian excavations by L. Couve)
-and Pl. VIII (the statue in its surroundings at the excavations);
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 277, fig. 498; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 547, 9.
-It is 1.86 meters high without the base (Couve).
-
-[1147] Discussed _supra_, on pp. 92-3.
-
-[1148] _Mon. Piot_, IV, Pls. VIII-IX; von Mach, no. 116 a; Furtw.,
-_Mp._, p. 241, fig. 98; _Mw._, p. 439, fig. 68 (who called it the most
-beautiful of all the copies); Reinach, _Rép._, I, 475, 6. The right arm
-is wrongly restored.
-
-[1149] Listed by Furtwaengler, _Mp._, pp. 240-2; _cf._ Gardner,
-_Sculpt._, pp. 125 f.
-
-[1150] Hettner, _Die Bildw. d. Antikensamml. zu Dresden_, pp. 80 and
-86; _Annali_, XLIII, 1871, Pl. V, pp. 281 f. (Conze); Furtw., _Mp._,
-Pls. X and XI; _Mw._, Pl. XXV; Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. 36 (two views);
-F. W., 511.
-
-[1151] B. B., no. 340; Conze, _Beitraege zur Geschichte d. griech.
-Pl._^2, 1869, pp. 3 f., Pl. 2 (two views); F. W., 510.
-
-[1152] _B. M. Sculpt._, III, no. 2729 (Addenda); _Mon. Piot_, III, p.
-145 (Couve); _ibid._, IV, p. 73 (Paris); Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. 37.
-
-[1153] _J. H. S._, VI, 1885, pp. 243 f. (Murray), and Pl. LXI.
-
-[1154] _J. H. S._, XXXIX, 1919, pp. 69 f., and Pl. 1 (two views), and
-p. 232 (with illustration of the palmette head-band).
-
-[1155] _Mp._, p. 246, fig. 99 (with original head); _Mw._, p. 447, fig.
-69.
-
-[1156] Michaelis, p. 438, no. 3; Clarac, V, 851, 2180 A (headless); it
-is 1.49 meters high (Michaelis). He believes that it originally was an
-oil-pourer.
-
-[1157] _Mp._, p. 246; _Mw._, p. 448. It is 12 centimeters high
-(Furtwaengler).
-
-[1158] κοτίνου στέφανος, P., VIII, 48.2; _cf._ _A. G._, IX, 357;
-Aristoph., _Plut._, 586; Theophr., _Hist. Plant._, IV, 13.2. The custom
-of using the olive crown is probably very ancient, despite Phlegon’s
-statement that it was introduced in Ol. 7 (= 752 B. C.): frag. 1 (= _F.
-H. G._, III, p. 604). Pindar says that it was introduced from the land
-of the Hyperboreans by Herakles: _Ol._, III, 14 f; Bacchylides calls it
-Aetolian: VII, 50 (γλαυκὸν Αἰτωλίδος ἄνδημ’ ἐλαίας). It probably goes
-back to some form of popular magic.
-
-[1159] B. B., no. 324; here small leaves are still remaining over the
-forehead.
-
-[1160] _Bronz. v. Ol._, II, 2 and 2 a. Here the leaves have
-disappeared. See pp. 254-5.
-
-[1161] _B. C. H._, V, 1881, Pl. III, text, pp. 65 f. (Pottier). Here is
-listed a number of funerary reliefs representing athletes, which list
-could easily be enlarged.
-
-[1162] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1241; _Guide_, 977. On the motive, see
-_Archaeol. Studien H. Brunn dargebr._, 1893, pp. 62 f.
-
-[1163] The λημνίσκος (Lat. _lemniscus_) was merely the woolen fillet
-by which chaplets were fastened on; Hesychios says it is a Syracusan
-word; in any case it is used only by Roman writers and Greek writers of
-the Roman age; _A. G._, XII, 123; Plut., _Sulla_, 27; Polyb., XVIII,
-46 (where στέφανοι and λημνίσκοι are differentiated, though they are
-usually interchangeable); _C. I. G._, III, 5361; _C. I. A._, III, 74.
-Pliny says that it was of Etruscan origin, _H. N._, XXI, 4, and that
-it was at first made of wool or linden-bark and later of gold; _cf._
-XVI, 25. It was used at Rome at feasts, as a sign of special honor to
-guests: Plaut., _Pseudolus_, (line 1265); Livy, XXXIII, 33.2; Suet.,
-_Nero_, 25. For the Roman use of the _lemniscus_ for athletic victors
-and poets, _cf._ Cicero, _Or. pro Sext. Roscio Amerino_, 35, 100;
-Ausonius, _Epist._, XX, 6; etc. On the _lemniscus_, see Dar.-Sagl.,
-III, 2, pp. 1099-1100.
-
-[1164] _R. M._, VI, 1891, p. 304, no. 3.
-
-[1165] _Mon. Piot_, XVII, 1909, Pls. II, III and pp. 29 f. (Merlin and
-Poinssot).
-
-[1166] _B. M. Sculpt._, III, no. 1754; B. B., 46; _Marbles and
-Bronzes_, Pl. XXII; Collignon, I, fig. 255, on p. 500; Furtw.,
-_Mp._, p. 252, fig. 105; _Mw._, p. 457, fig. 75 (back view);
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 275, fig. 495; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 546, 9.
-It is 4 ft. 11 in. high (Smith), _i. e._, 1.48 meters.
-
-[1167] Helbig, _Cat. Coll. Barracco_, no. 99, Pls. 38 and 38 a; _id._,
-_Fuehrer_, I, 1083; sketches of the Westmacott and Barracco copies in
-Kekulé, _49stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1889, Pl. IV.
-
-[1168] No. 254; _Arch. Eph._, 1890, pp. 207 f. (Philios) and Pls. X and
-XI. Bulle, 51, gives the Westmacott and Barracco examples side by side;
-in _J. H. S._, XXXI, 1911, Pl. II, we have the Westmacott, Barracco,
-and Eleusis copies together. Furtwaengler, _Mp._, pp. 250 f., _Mw._,
-pp. 453 f., Helbig, _Cat. Coll. Barracco_, p. 36, and Petersen, _R.
-M._, VIII, 1893, pp. 101 f., have added many more torsos and heads as
-copies or variants of the original.
-
-[1169] See Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 1083. Its soft expression and forms
-led Furtwaengler to derive it from the Praxitelean circle, from the
-period when Praxiteles was influenced by Polykleitos, and to believe
-that it represented a divinity, perhaps Triptolemos: _Mp._, p. 255 and
-n. 2.
-
-[1170] _Burlington Fine Arts Club, Catalogue Anc. Gk. Art_, 1904, no.
-45, Pl. XXXIII; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 251, fig. 103; _Mw._, p. 454, fig.
-73. It was formerly in the van Branteghem collection.
-
-[1171] For the Dresden head, see _A. A._, 1900, p. 107, figs. 1 a and 1
-b.
-
-[1172] Furtw., _Mp._, p. 252, fig. 104; _Mw._, p. 455, fig. 74.
-
-[1173] First published by F. H. Marshall, _J. H. S._, XXIX, 1909, pp.
-151-2 and figs. 1 a, b; more fully by E. A. Gardner, _ibid._, XXXI,
-1911, pp. 21 f. and Pl. I and fig. 1.
-
-[1174] Nelson head: _J. H. S._, XVIII, 1898, pp. 141 f., and Pl. XI;
-B. B., 544; Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. XXXIX; Capitoline _Amazon_: _Mp._,
-p. 132, fig. 53 (restored); _Mw._, p. 292, fig. 39. A head of the
-Capitoline type has been wrongly placed on the Pheidian Mattei torso in
-the Vatican: _Mp._, p. 133, fig. 54 (head); _Mw._, Pl. XI; B. B., 350;
-von Mach, 121; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 483, 1.
-
-[1175] B. B., 128 (original and cast).
-
-[1176] As, _e. g._, in the bronze head of a victor in Naples, already
-discussed (Fig. 25); B. B., 339.
-
-[1177] _E. g._, Furtwaengler and Collignon; the latter, I, pp. 499-500.
-
-[1178] _Hypnos_, pp. 30 f.; accepted by Wolters (_apud_ Lepsius,
-_Griech. Marmorstudien_, p. 83, no. 164), Treu (_A. A._, 1889, p. 57),
-Collignon, Petersen, _l. c._, Kekulé (_Idolino_, p. 13), Furtwaengler
-(_Mp._, pp. 252-3, _Mw._, pp. 458-9 and 747), and others; see Philios,
-_op. cit._
-
-[1179] _E. g._, by Philios (_op. cit._), Amelung (_Bert. Phil.
-Wochenschr._, XXII, 1902, p. 273). This scraping motive is seen in the
-bronze statuette in the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 934.
-
-[1180] This is inconsistent with the position of the hand in the
-Barracco copy, which is too far from the head. This was an older view
-of Helbig, _Rendiconti della Reale Accad. dei Lincei_, 1892, pp. 790
-f.; refuted by Furtwaengler, Petersen, Helbig himself later (in the
-_Fuehrer_), and others.
-
-[1181] Quoted by E. A. Gardner, _J. H. S._, XXXI, pp. 25-6, as the
-theory of E. N. Gardiner.
-
-[1182] _H. N._, XXXIV, 55; for this theory, see Mahler, _Polyklet u. s.
-Sch._, p. 50.
-
-[1183] Michaelis, _Der Parthenon_, 1870, Block 131 (from the North
-frieze).
-
-[1184] F. W., 1665; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 256, fig. 106; _Mw._, p. 463,
-fig. 76; M. W., Pl. 70, 879; etc.
-
-[1185] For list, see Furtw., _Mp._, p. 254, n. 2. For a restoration of
-the original statue, see _ibid._, p. 250, fig. 102; _Mw._, p. 453, fig.
-72.
-
-[1186] VI, 4.11; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 149; _I. G. B._, 50.
-
-[1187] Those of the Elean pentathlete Pythokles: _Inschr. v. Ol._,
-162-3; _I. G. B._, 91; and the Epidaurian boxer Aristion: _Inschr. v.
-Ol._, 165 (renewed); _I. G. B._, 92. The feet of the Aristion were both
-flat upon the ground.
-
-[1188] That of the boy wrestler Xenokles of Mainalos: _Inschr. v. Ol._,
-164; _I. G. B._, 90.
-
-[1189] In one of the Olympia _Zanes_: _I. G. B._, 95.
-
-[1190] On the Kyniskos basis there are no traces, as on that of
-Pythokles, to show that the original had been removed from the Altis
-and replaced by a copy long before Pausanias visited Olympia.
-
-[1191] _O. S._, p. 186, on the basis of the _Oxy. Pap._; followed
-by Hyde, 45. Foerster’s date, Ol. (?) 86 (= 436 B. C.), follows the
-earlier dating of Polykleitos by Robert, _Arch. Maerchen_, 1886, p.
-107, _i. e._, before the discovery of the Oxyrhynchus Papyrus; see
-Foerster, 255. Robert later dated the birth of the sculptor about Ol.
-75.4 (= 477 B. C.). Thus, even if the _Kyniskos_ were his earliest
-statue, it must have been erected some time after the victory.
-Furtwaengler dates the original of the _Westmacott Athlete_ about 440
-B. C.: _Mp._, p. 252.
-
-[1192] Bulle, Furtwaengler, E. A. Gardner, and others find the
-assumption of identity not completely convincing. Thus Furtwaengler
-looks upon the identification as “no far-fetched theory,” but says:
-“Unfortunately, however, absolute certainty can scarcely be attained”
-(_Mp._, pp. 249-50).
-
-[1193] VIII, 48.2; _cf._ Vitruv., _de Arch._, IX, 1 (p. 212).
-
-[1194] Homer mentions the palm: _e. g._, Od., VI, 163; the various
-kinds of palm are given by Theophr., _Hist. Plant._, II, 6.6 and 8.4.
-Its fronds (σπάθαι, _cf._ Hdt., VII, 69) were formed into victory
-crowns: Plut., _Quaest. conviv._, VIII, 4, p. 723.
-
-[1195] _H. N._, XXXV, 75.
-
-[1196] _Arch. Stud. H. Brunn dargehracht_, 1893, pp. 62 f.
-
-[1197] _Mp._, p. 256 and n. 1; _Mw._, p. 462 and n. 2.
-
-[1198] _Cf._ Waldstein, _J. H. S._, I, 1880, p. 187, n. 1.
-
-[1199] _B. C. H._, V, 1881, PI. III. See _supra_, p. 155.
-
-[1200] So Waldstein, _l. c._, p. 186.
-
-[1201] _E. g._, on a Panathenaic vase: _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-78, Pl.
-48, e, g.
-
-[1202] Mentioned by Helbig, _Guide_, 977; discussed by Arndt in _La
-Glyptothèque Ny-Carlsberg_, text to Pls. XXI-IV. Arndt believes that
-the right arm with the palm in the hand is modern, like the head and
-left arm; they are of a different marble from the torso. The torso
-is a replica of a statue in the Villa Albani, Rome: _op. cit._, fig.
-13; _cf._ Furtwaengler, _Mw._, p. 738 (= god type). On representing
-athletes in the act of placing wreaths on their heads with the right
-hand and holding palm-branches in the left, see Milchhoefer, and
-others, in the work already cited, _Arch. Stud. H. Brunn dargebracht_,
-pp. 62 f.
-
-[1203] VI, 10.4. The scholiast on Pindar, _Pyth._, IX, 1, Boeckh, p.
-401, says that the hoplites ran with bronze shields.
-
-[1204] See _supra_, pp. 105, n. 3, and 116.
-
-[1205] P., VI, 13.7. He won in Ol. 81 (= 456 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde,
-117; Foerster, 184.
-
-[1206] Schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._, IX, Inscript. a. Boeckh, p. 401.
-
-[1207] Head A: _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 29 f.; Tafelbd., Pl. VI,
-1-4; _Ausgrab. v. Ol._, V, 1881, pp. 12 f., Pls. XVIII (front), XIX
-(side); F. W., 316; Overbeck, I, pp. 198-9 and _cf._ p. 178. Head B:
-_Bildw._, pp. 31 f., and Pl. VI, 9-10; _Ausgrab._, p. 13; Overbeck, p.
-178; F. W., 315.
-
-[1208] _Bildw._, Pl. VI, 5-6; fig. 30, on p. 30 in Textbd.; _Ausgrab._,
-V, Pl. XIX, 4 and p. 12; F. W., 317.
-
-[1209] _Bildw._, Textbd., fig. 31, on p. 30.
-
-[1210] _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., fig. 32, on p. 31.
-
-[1211] _Ibid._, pp. 31 f., and Pl. VI, 7-8; _Ausgrab. v. Ol._, V, Pl.
-XIX, 5 and p. 12; F. W., 319. Both the foot and arm are of Parian
-marble, like the head.
-
-[1212] Hyde, pp. 42-4; _cf_. Foerster, 151, 155; he also won the
-stade-race at Delphi: Pindar, _Pyth._, X, 12-16. Robert accepts my
-ascription: Pauly-Wissowa, VI, p. 1493. Liddell and Scott, _Lexicon_,
-_s. v._ Φρικίας (= “Bristle”), believe this to be the name not of the
-victor but of his horse, so called because of his long outstanding
-mane; _cf_. Herrmann, _Opuscula_, VII, 166 n. This is also the
-interpretation of Sandys, _Odes of Pindar_, Loeb Library, 1915, p. 291,
-n. 1.
-
-[1213] P., VI, 10.4-5; R. Foerster, _Das Portraet in d. gr. Plastik_,
-1882, p. 22, n. 5.
-
-[1214] Treu, A. Z., XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 48 f.; _Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 34
-and n. 2. He explained the shield device of the ram and Phrixos by the
-fact that Eperastos traced his descent from that hero. _Cf._ Overbeck,
-I, p. 198.
-
-[1215] VI, 17.5; Hyde, 183 and p. 62; Foerster, 765 (undated).
-
-[1216] _Preus. Jb._, LI, p. 382; _cf._ _Sammlung Sabouroff_, Einleitung
-zu den Skulpturen, p. 5, n. 4; followed by Flasch, Baum., II, p. 1104 U
-f.
-
-[1217] V, 27.7.
-
-[1218] Textbd., pp. 31-2.
-
-[1219] Hyde, _l. c._ For the date, see Afr; Foerster, 144-6; he was the
-first Olympic τριαστής, _i. e._, he gained victories in three events on
-the same day (stade-, double stade- and hoplite-races).
-
-[1220] Matz-Duhn, _Ant. Bildw._, no. 1097; here it is called a
-diskobolos; Clarac, 830, 2085; Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 204; _Mw._, p.
-392.
-
-[1221] Hauser, _Jb._, II, 1887, p. 101, n. 24, points out its
-resemblance to the Tuebingen bronze, but because of the tree-trunk does
-not regard it as a representation of a hoplitodrome. Furtwaengler, _l.
-c._, regards the helmet as belonging to the head, while others believe
-it alien thereto.
-
-[1222] No. 795; _A. Z._, XXXVI, 1878, Pl. XI and pp. 58-71; Gardiner,
-p. 105, fig. 17; _cf._ another in Copenhagen: Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLXXXI.
-
-[1223] P., VI, 3.10; he won the pentathlon some time between Ols. 94
-and 103 (= 404 and 368 B. C.): Hyde, 31; Foerster, 347.
-
-[1224] P., V, 26.3.
-
-[1225] V, 27.12.
-
-[1226] _A. Z._, XLI, 1883, Pl. XIII, 2 and pp. 227-8 (Milchhoefer).
-
-[1227] _Inventar_, no. 6306; mentioned by L. Gurlitt in _A. M._, VI,
-1881, p. 158.
-
-[1228] Duetschke, II, no. 22; a very similar statue, no. 25, has no
-_halteres_; both are poor Roman copies.
-
-[1229] _Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 217; Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 3.
-
-[1230] So schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, VII, Argum., Boeckh, p. 158. He
-won in Ol. 83 (= 448 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 7.1 f.; Hyde, 60;
-Foerster, 252.
-
-[1231] Matz-Duhn, _Ant. Bildw. in Rom_, no. 1096; _J. H. S._, II,
-1881, p. 342, fig. 3. Thongs appear on both forearms of the Polykleitan
-statue, copies of which are in Kassel (Furtw., _Mp._, p. 246, fig.
-99; _Mw._, p. 447, fig. 69), and on a headless one in Lansdowne House
-(Michaelis, p. 438, no. 3; Clarac, 851, 2180 A); similarly on the
-Lysippan boxer by Koblanos found at Sorrento, and now in Naples (Fig.
-57; Kalkmann, Die Proport, des Gesichts in d. gr. Kunst = _53stes Berl.
-Winckelmannsprogr._, 1893, Pl. III); on the bronze statue of a boxer
-from Herculaneum in Naples; and on the delle Terme _Seated Boxer_ (Pl.
-16); etc.
-
-[1232] So interpreted, and rightly, by Waldstein (_J. H. S._, I, 1880,
-p. 186), and others; Juethner, pp. 68-9, thinks that the object here
-represented is a victor fillet, being too short for thongs.
-
-[1233] P. 26 and n. 2; against him, Reisch, p. 43; Hitz-Bluemn., II,
-2, p. 577; etc. Oil-flasks of various kinds—_lekythoi_, _aryballoi_,
-_alabastra_, _olpai_—are mentioned repeatedly by Greek writers;
-_e. g._, λήκυθος, by Homer, Od., VI, 79; Aristoph., _Plutus_, 810;
-ἀρύβαλλος, Aristoph., _Equites_, 1094; Pollux, VII, 166 and X, 63;
-ἀλάβαστρον, Theokr., XV. 114; ὄλπη (of leather), Theokr., II, 156; etc.
-
-[1234] VI, 14.6.
-
-[1235] VI, 9.1. Theognetos won in the boys’ wrestling match in Ol. 76
-(= 746 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 83; Foerster, 193 and 193 N.
-
-[1236] We have already in the present chapter mentioned this “Apollo”
-in connection with the statuette from Piombino (Fig. 19); Studniczka,
-_R. M._, II, 1887, pp. 99-100, believed that it represented a victor.
-See _supra_, p. 119.
-
-[1237] _E. g._, on the bronze statuette from Naxos, now in Berlin: see
-_supra_, p. 119 and n. 5.
-
-[1238] Boy wrestlers especially wore caps in the palæstræ, but not at
-the games; we see them on the wrestler group in the palæstra scene on
-the r.-f. kylix in Munich (no. 795) already mentioned.
-
-[1239] Stuart Jones, _Cat._, pp. 65-6, no. 8; Helbig, _Fuehrer_,
-I, 769; _Guide_, 418; B. B., 527 (and fig. 6 in text, by Arndt);
-Furtw., _Mp._, p. 204, _Mw._, p. 392. Helbig finds it Myronian, while
-Furtwaengler considers it Attic, but non-Myronic; for a copy in
-Stockholm, see B. B., figs. 7, 8, 9, in the text to no. 527.
-
-[1240] I, 17.2. Furtw., _Mp._, p. 204, n. 6, shows that the Athens head
-bears no resemblance to the Capitoline. Furthermore, heads on coins of
-Juba differ from both and show no trace of the complicated head-dress.
-A marble head from Shershel (= Cæsarea) seems to be an authentic
-portrait of Juba II: see _Annali_, XXIX, 1857, Pl. E, no. 2, and p.
-194; and Waille, _de Caesareae Monumentis_, 1891, title page (vignette)
-and p. 92 (quoted by Helbig, _Guide_, _l. c._).
-
-[1241] See B. B., text to no. 527, figs. 1, 2, 3.
-
-[1242] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 972; _Guide_, 595; _B. Com. Rom._, XII,
-1884, Pl. XXIII, pp. 245-253. The meaning is explained by a similar
-archaistic Parian marble relief in Wilton House, Wiltshire, England,
-where the youth stands before a statue of Zeus, washing his hands
-preparatory to making a thank-offering to the god who gave him victory:
-see Michaelis, p. 680, no. 48 and wood-cut on p. 681; Arndt, _La Glypt.
-Ny-Carlsberg_, text, fig. 33; F. W., 239; its inscription is not
-genuine. The same archaistic traits are seen on a votive relief to Zeus
-Xenios in the Museo delle Terme: Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1405; Arndt,
-_op. cit._, fig. 34; this is to be dated in the first century B. C., or
-A. D., because of its inscription: _I. G. Sic. et Ital._, no. 990.
-
-[1243] See Fabretti, _de Columna Trajani_, p. 267; Gardiner, p. 433,
-fig. 149; Schreiber, _Bilderatlas_, Pl. XXIV, no. 8. _Cf._ Krause, I,
-pp. 517 f.
-
-[1244] _Cf._ Reisch, pp. 42-3.
-
-[1245] _Cf._ Philostr., _Heroicus_, XII b (p. 315); τὰ δὲ ὦτα κατεαγὼς
-ἦν οὐχ ὑπὸ πάλης.
-
-[1246] Thus Furtwaengler calls the Ince-Blundell head that of a boxer
-statue: _Mp._, p. 173, and fig. 71 on p. 172; _Mw._, p. 348, and fig.
-44 on p. 347.
-
-[1247] _Cf._ discussion by Gardiner, pp. 425-6.
-
-[1248] _Gorgias_, 515 E; _Protag._, 342 B. In the latter passage he
-says: καὶ οἱ μὲν ὦτά τε κατάγνυνται μιμούμενοι αὐτούς, καὶ ἱμάντας
-περιειλίττονται καὶ φιλογυμναστοῦσι καὶ βραχείας ἀναβολὰς φοροῦσιν,
-κ. τ. λ. The boxer’s swollen ears are mentioned by Theokritos, XXII,
-45. The word ὠτοκάταξις seems to have meant a boxer whose ears were
-battered by the gloves: Aristoph., _Fragm._, 72; Pollux, II, 83
-(whence Dindorf corrects the form ὠτοκαταξίας in Poll., IV, 144). For
-references, see Krause, I, pp. 516-17; and _cf._ _J. H. S._, XXVI, p.
-13.
-
-[1249] _E. g._, on a fragment of a red-figured kylix in Berlin: _J.
-H. S._, XXVI, p. 8, fig. 2; Hartwig, _Die griech. Meisterschalen_,
-Textbd., p. 90, fig. 12; Gardiner, p. 438, fig. 153. Here one of the
-contestants in the pankration is bleeding at the nose.
-
-[1250] _B. C. H._, XXIII, 1899, pp. 455; _cf._, p. 457, where he speaks
-of _le detail réaliste de l’oreille tuméfiée par les coups_. For the
-statue of Agias mentioned, see _infra_, Ch. VI, pp. 286 f., and Pl.
-28 and fig. 68. _Cf._ on this subject also Neugebauer, Studien ueber
-Skopas (in _Beitraege zur Kunstgesch._, XXXIX, 1913, p. 35, n. 172).
-
-[1251] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., IV, Pl. II, 2, 2 a; F. W., 323; etc.
-
-[1252] See _infra_, Ch. VI., pp. 293 f.
-
-[1253] _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, Pls. LXIII-LXIV.
-
-[1254] _Ant. Denkm._, I, 1, 1886, Pl. IV.
-
-[1255] Duetschke, III, no. 72.
-
-[1256] _Gaz. arch._, VIII, Pl. I, and p. 85 (Rayet); F. W., 461.
-
-[1257] B. B., no. 8.
-
-[1258] Bulle, no. 105 (right); and fig. 46 on p. 205.
-
-[1259] _A. M._, XVI, 1891, Pls. IV, V (two views).
-
-[1260] F. W., 505; Collignon, I, p. 495, fig. 252. As the swollen ears
-do not occur on other copies, they are here doubtless a modification by
-a late artist.
-
-[1261] _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, Pl. XXXVI (= copy of fifth century B.
-C.); XCIV (Herakles or athlete, from the Tyszkiewicz coll., Skopasian
-in character; = Reinach, _Têtes_, Pls. CL, CLI); XCV (similar to
-preceding, though later in style: _Têtes_, Pls. CLVI, CLVII); CXX (copy
-of head of athlete of the fourth century B. C.).
-
-[1262] _Cat. Class. Coll._, pp. 228 f.; fig. 141 on p. 231. Miss
-Richter points out its affinity to the _Hermes_ and assigns it to the
-immediate influence of Praxiteles. This fragment of a statue appears
-to have been trimmed into its present shape in modern times. Miss
-Richter’s statement (p. 230) that swollen ears are a characteristic
-which applies in representations of heroes to Herakles alone is
-contradicted by what we shall say below about heads of Diomedes.
-
-[1263] Rayet, II, Pls. 64, 65 (head); B. B., 75; von Mach, 286; F. W.,
-1425; M. W., I, Pl. 48, 216; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 154, 1-4. Rayet calls
-the statue that of a hoplitodromos.
-
-[1264] Brunn, _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1892, pp. 651 f.; Furtw.-Wolters,
-_Beschr. d. Glypt._^2, no. 304; B. B., 128 (left = original; right
-= cast); Furtw., _Mp._, p. 147, fig. 60 (from a cast with modern
-restorations omitted), and p. 150, fig. 61 (head, two views); text, pp.
-146 ff.; _Mw._, Pls. XII, XIII; text, pp. 311 f.; Clarac, 871, 2219
-and 633, 1438 A.; Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. XVII (cast). Its Kresilæan
-origin has been shown by Brunn (_l. c._, pp. 660 and 673), Flasch
-(_Vortraege an der 41sten Philologenversamml._, 1891, p. 9, quoted
-by Furtwaengler), Loeschke and Studniczka (quoted by Furtwaengler)
-and Furtwaengler. It also shows Myronic traces. It stands 1.86 meters
-(without the base).
-
-[1265] Furtw., _Mp._, p. 151, fig. 62; _Mw._, Pl. XIV and p. 313. This
-and a head in private possession in England, B. B., 543 (three views),
-are the best and truest copies of the lost original.
-
-[1266] Froehner, _Notice_, 128; Bouillon, _Musée des antiques_
-(statues), Pls. II and III; Clarac, 314, 1438.
-
-[1267] Duetschke, II, no. 163; Amelung, _Fuehrer_, 210; B. B., 361;
-F. W., 458. It will be discussed further on in Ch. IV, pp. 180 f. The
-Berlin replica is given in _Mp._, p. 167, fig. 67; _cf._ text, p. 165,
-n. 2.
-
-[1268] Roscher, _Lex._, I, 2, p. 2163, fig.; Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p.
-155, n. 2.
-
-[1269] _R. M._, IV, 1889, P. 197, no. 12 (B. Graef).
-
-[1270] _B. M. Sculpt._, III, 1731, and Pl. V, fig. 2; _Marbles and
-Bronzes_, Pl. XXI; _Museum Marbles_, II, Pl. XLVI; _Specimens_, I, Pl.
-LX; Collignon, II, p. 240, fig. 120; Wolters, _Jb._, I, 1886, Pl. V,
-fig. 2 and p. 54. Two other copies of the same original are the one
-in the Capitoline Museum, Rome, and one found in 1876 on the Quirinal
-and now in the Palazzo dei Conservatori there. B. Graef, _R. M._, IV,
-1889, p. 189 f, and Pls. VIII (Capitoline bust) and IX (Quirinal bust),
-attributes the type to Skopas; he is followed by Collignon, II, p. 240,
-n. 1; _cf._ S. Reinach, _Gaz. d. B-A._, 3d Per., III, 1890, pp. 338 and
-340. Wolters tried to show that it was Praxitelian. But the similarity
-between these heads and that of the _Lansdowne Herakles_ (Pl. 30 and
-fig. 71), which we ascribe to Lysippos in Ch. VI, pp. 298, 311, is
-easily apparent.
-
-[1271] Amelung, _Vat._, I, p. 738, no. 636 and II, Pl. 79; Helbig,
-_Fuehrer_, I, no. 108; _Guide_, 113; B. B., 609; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 341,
-fig. 146; p. 342, fig. 147 (head, two views); _Mw._, p. 575, fig. 109
-and p. 577, fig. 110.
-
-[1272] Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr., d. Glypt._,^2 no. 245 (the so-called
-Lenbach head); Arndt-Bruckmann, _Griech. und roem. Portraets_, Pls.
-335-6. See Furtw.-Wolters, for replicas in the Louvre, etc.
-
-[1273] B. B., 338; Helbig, _Guide_, 69 (= boxer).
-
-[1274] Comparetti e de Petra, _La Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni_, 1883,
-Pl. XXI, 3; Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 234 f. and fig. 95; _Mw._, pp. 428 f.
-and fig. 65. Both Furtwaengler (_l. c._) and B. Graef (_R. M._, IV,
-1889, pp. 215 and 202) have shown the Polykleitan origin of the type.
-The former believes that it may have been copied from a statue of
-Herakles by the master, which is mentioned by Pliny (_H. N._, XXXIV,
-56) as at Rome. For other replicas of the type, see Furtw., _Mp._, p.
-234, n. 1; _Mw._, p. 429, n. 1.
-
-[1275] _A. A._, 1889, pp. 57-8 (Treu, who referred it to Polykleitos);
-Furtw., _Mp._, p. 92 and fig. 40; _Mw._, p. 124 and Pl. VI (he called
-it Pheidian).
-
-[1276] _Museo Torlonia_, Pl. 26, no. 104.
-
-[1277] Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glypt._,^2 no. 272; Arndt-Amelung,
-nos. 832 and 833 (text by Flasch).
-
-[1278] _Chabrias_, 3: _Ex quo factum est ut postea athletae ceterique
-artifices his statibus in statuis ponendis uterentur, in quibus
-victoriam essent adepti_; _cf._ Diod., XV, 33, 4 (who speaks of
-“statues”). This statue was erected in Athens after his campaign to
-aid Thebes against Agesilaos in 378 B. C.: Xen., _Hell._, V, 4.38 f.
-(though here Chabrias is not mentioned by name); Diod., XV, 32-33;
-Demosth., _Contra Lept._, 75-76 (p. 479); _cf._ Aristotle, _Rhet._,
-III, 10.7. Chabrias seems to have been the first to order his troops to
-assume a kneeling posture when receiving the charge of the enemy. These
-tactics when used against Agesilaos were so favorably regarded by the
-Athenians that his statues were represented in the attitude of kneeling.
-
-[1279] _E. g._, Reisch, p. 43.
-
-[1280] See Joubin, p. 46. It probably took place under the restored
-democracy of Kleisthenes. The assassination of Hipparchos took place in
-514 B. C. Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 17, says that the group was set up in
-the year in which the kings were expelled from Rome (= 509 B. C.).
-
-[1281] P., I, 8.5; _cf._ _Marmor Parium_, l. 70 (= _C. I. G._, II,
-2374; _F. H. G._, I, pp. 533 f., etc.), and Lucian, _Philopseudes_, 18.
-
-[1282] Arrian, _Anab._, III, 16.18 (he says it was of bronze); Pliny,
-_H. N._, XXXIV, 70; restored by Seleukos: Val. Max., II, 10, Extr. 1;
-by Antiochos: P., I, 8.5.
-
-[1283] B. B., nos. 326 (_Aristogeiton_), 327 (_Harmodios_), and 328
-(head of _Harmodios_, two views); Bulle, 84, 85; von Mach, 58 (both
-statues) and 59 (_Aristogeiton_); Collignon, I, pp. 367 f. and figs.
-189 (group) and 190 (head of _Harmodios_); relief from Athens showing
-the group, _ibid._, p. 369, fig. 88; Overbeck, I, p. 155, fig. 27;
-Baum., I. p. 340, fig. 357; Lechat, pp. 444-5, figs. 36, 37 (restored
-by Michaelis); _R. M._, XXI, 1906, Pl. XI; F. W., 121-4; Reinach,
-_Rép._, I, 530, 3 (_Harmodios_), and 5 (_Aristogeiton_); _cf._ II,
-2, 541, 5 (group); Clarac V, 869, 2202 and 870, 2203 A; head of
-_Harmodios_, _Annali_, XLVI, 1874, Pl. G. The height is about 2 meters
-(Bulle).
-
-[1284] _A. M._, XV, 1890, pp. 1 f.; followed by Overbeck, I, pp. 152
-f.; Frazer, II, p. 98. The difference is not only noticeable in the
-head structure and treatment of the hair, but in the whole character of
-the work. While Antenor’s work is stiff and lifeless, the Naples group
-is full of vigor. For the statue of Antenor (in the Akropolis Museum),
-see _Ant. Denkm._, I, 5, 1890, Pl. 53, and pp. 42 f. (Wolters);
-Overbeck, I, Pl. 25, opp. p. 152; _Les Musées d’Athènes_, I, Pl. VI;
-_Jb._, II, 1887, pp. 135 f. (Studniczka), and Pl. X, 1 (head); von
-Mach, 28; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, Pl. II.
-
-[1285] However, some archæologists still favor Antenor for this group:
-_e. g._, Wachsmuth, _Die Stadt Athen_, I, pp. 170 f.; II, 393-8;
-Collignon; Lechat, _op. cit._, and _cf._ _B. C. H._, XVI, 1892, pp.
-485-9.
-
-[1286] _Rhet. praecept._, 9: ἀπεσφιγμένα καὶ νευρώδη καὶ σκληρά, καὶ
-ἀκριβῶς ἀποτεταμένα ταῖς γραμμαῖς. See Brunn, pp. 101-5; _cf._ Pliny,
-_H. N._, XXXIV, 49.
-
-[1287] The best restoration is that of Meier in bronzed plaster in
-the Ducal Museum in Brunswick: Bulle, p. 172, figs. 38, a, b, c; here
-Aristogeiton has received a bearded head. For another restoration, in
-the Museum of Strasbourg, see Springer-Michaelis, p. 216, fig. 402, a,
-b.
-
-[1288] _Bulletin of Museum of Fine Arts_, III, 27; _R. M._, XIX, 1904,
-p. 163, Pl. VI (Hauser).
-
-[1289] A vase by Douris shows a warrior similar to _Aristogeiton_, but
-his onset is fiercer: Hartwig, _Die griech. Meisterschalen_, 1893, Pl.
-XXI, and Textbd., pp. 206 f. For other representations in art of the
-_Tyrannicides_, see Frazer, II, pp. 94 f.
-
-[1290] _Darstellung des Menschen in der aelt. griech. Kunst_, 1899, p.
-xi; _cf._ Richardson, p. 120, n. 2.
-
-[1291] _Cf._ Dickins, p. 265 (quoting the view of Furtwaengler).
-
-[1292] Furtwaengler, _Sammlung Somzée_, 1897, Pl. III. He ascribes it
-to Mikon and identifies it with the statue of the pancratiast Kallias
-at Olympia whose base has been found: _Bildw. v. Ol._ 146; Hyde,
-50; see _infra_, in the section on _Pancratiasts_, p. 251. For the
-_Pelops_, see _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. IX, 2, and XI, 1 (head).
-
-[1293] I, 23.9. The inscribed base has been found: _C. I. A._, I, 376;
-_I. G. B._, 39.
-
-[1294] P., VI, 10.1-3; Hyde, 93; Foerster, 137.
-
-[1295] Ols. 72 to 76 (= 492 to 476 B. C.); Hyde, p. 42.
-
-[1296] _Cf._ Bulle, p. 493, on no. 225.
-
-[1297] On the origin and early development of motion figures in Greek
-art, see Bulle, pp. 157 f., and the works cited on p. 674 (notes to p.
-158); especially, J. Langbehn, _Fluegelgestalten der aeltesten griech.
-Kunst_, Diss. inaug., 1881; F. Studniczka, _Die Siegesgoettin, Gesch.
-einer antiken Idealgestalt_, 1898; E. Curtius, _Die knieenden Figuren
-d. alt. griech. Kunst_ (_29stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1869);
-Eadweard Muybridge, _Human Figure in Motion_, 1907; _cf._ also J.
-Lange, _op. cit._
-
-[1298] In the Museo Archeologico, Florence: Bulle, no. 10.
-
-[1299] _Cf._ the realistic scenes of wrestling, boxing, and running,
-in relief on the archaic Attic tripod vase from Tanagra now in Berlin,
-dating from the second half of the sixth century B. C.: _A. Z._, XXXIX,
-1881, pp. 30 f. (Loeschke) and Pls. 3 and 4. _Cf._ also scenes from
-the pentathlon on a Panathenaic amphora of the sixth century B. C. in
-Leyden: _ibid._, Pl. 9; etc.
-
-[1300] _B. C. H._, III, 1879, pp. 393 f. and Pls. VI-VII (Homolle), and
-V, 1881, pp. 272 f. (Homolle, on the artist and his father Mikkiades);
-von Mach, no. 32 (restored in the text opp. p. 26, fig. 1); Richardson,
-p. 51, fig. 15; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, pp. 300-1, figs. 122-3 and
-Treu’s restoration, p. 303, fig. 125; restored in Springer-Michaelis,
-p. 187, fig. 358; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 389, 5. Though first called
-an _Artemis_ by Homolle (because of its resemblance to the so-called
-Oriental winged _Artemis_ on a bronze relief from Olympia, von Mach,
-text, opp. p. 36, fig. 5), it has generally been called a _Nike_ since
-its first ascription by Furtwaengler (_A. Z._, XL, 1882, pp. 324 f.),
-and brought into connection with a base in two parts found near the
-statue on Delos in 1880 and 1881, inscribed with the names of Archermos
-and his father Mikkiades. If the connection with the base were certain,
-the statue should be referred to the beginning of the sixth century
-B. C.; B. Sauer (_A. M._, XVI, 1891, pp. 182 f.), and others, have
-disputed the connection.
-
-[1301] Now in the National Museum, Athens: Kabbadias, no. 1; von Mach,
-20; Springer-Michaelis, p. 174, fig. 340; Richardson, p. 43, fig. 11;
-Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 645, 1. Its inscription should date it about
-600 B. C. It is over 6 feet in height (including the base: von Mach).
-
-[1302] Bulle, pp. 157-8, fig. 33; de Ridder, no. 808. It is 0.123 meter
-high (Bulle). _Cf._ similar bronzes _ibid._, nos. 799-814, and also
-a flying harpy on a sixth-century B. C. Ionic vase in the University
-Museum in Wuerzburg: Bulle, pp. 159-160, fig. 34; Furtw.-Reichhold,
-_Griech. Vasenmalerei_, I, pp. 209 f. and Pl. 41; _cf._ also the very
-similar pose on the small bronze statuette in the British Museum of a
-winged _Nike_ represented in violent motion: von Mach, 33; the marble
-torso of another in Athens: _id._, text, opp. p. 26, fig. 2; and the
-bronze winged _Gorgon_ from Olympia (0.12 meter high): _Bronz. v. Ol._,
-Pl. VIII, no. 78, text, p. 25 (and for the type, _cf._ Roscher, _Lex._,
-art. Gorgonen in der Kunst, I, 2, p. 1710, ll. 67 f.).
-
-[1303] _Nike of Archermos_, 1891.
-
-[1304] Salzmann, _Nécropole de Camiros_, Pl. LIII; Bulle, pp. 161-2,
-fig. 35; _cf._ Brunn, _Griech. Kunstgeschichte_, I, p. 142. Its
-diameter is 0.385 meter (Bulle).
-
-[1305] See R. Kekulé and H. Winnefeld, _Bronzen aus Dodona in den
-koenigl. Museen zu Berlin_, Pl. II and pp. 13 f.; _A. Z._, XL, 1882,
-Pl. I and pp. 23-27 (Engelmann); Rayet, I, Pl. 17 (S. Reinach); Bulle,
-83 (right). As the figure is only 0.143 meter tall, it seems to have
-decorated the rim of a bronze bowl. It may be later than the Tuebingen
-bronze (Fig. 42) and is certainly of a different school. The presence
-of a breastplate proves that it is meant for a warrior and not for a
-hoplitodrome.
-
-[1306] For a full discussion of this sculptor, see Lechat, _Pythagoras
-de Rhegion_, 1905; _cf._ _S. Q._, §§ 489-507.
-
-[1307] _H. N._, XXXIV, 59.
-
-[1308] VI, 4.3; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 38; Foerster, 202, 203.
-
-[1309] VI, 6.1; Hyde, 48; Foerster, 200.
-
-[1310] VI, 6.4 f.; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207.
-
-[1311] VI, 7.10; Hyde, 69; Foerster, 183, 189.
-
-[1312] VI, 13.1; _Oxy. Pap._; Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 59; Hyde, 110;
-Foerster, 176-7; 181-2; 187-8; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 145.
-
-[1313] VI, 13.7; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 117; Foerster, 184.
-
-[1314] VI, 18.1; Hyde, 185; Foerster, 193a.
-
-[1315] Reisch, p. 43, n. 4, wrongly assumed this to be one of the
-oldest statues of Pythagoras, since the same sculptor made the statue
-of the son Kratisthenes; but the son’s victory was probably only two
-Olympiads later than that of the father, as we have seen.
-
-[1316] VIII, 47; _S. Q._, 507. Diogenes repeats the tradition that
-there were two sculptors of the name, one from Rhegion, the other from
-Samos; also Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 59-60.
-
-[1317] _J. H. S._, II, 1881, pp. 332 f.; _cf._ his _Essays on the Art
-of Pheidias_, 1885, p. 323. The recovered base of Euthymos’ statue
-has no footmarks: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144. Waldstein is followed in his
-ascription of the statues to Euthymos by Urlichs, _Arch. Analekt._,
-1885, p. 9.
-
-[1318] B. B., no. 542 (two views); Furtw. _Mp._, p. 171, fig. 70; _A.
-M._, XVI, 1891, pp. 313 f. and Pls. IV, and V (two views), (P. Hermann).
-
-[1319] _Mp._, pp. 171-2; _Mw._, pp. 345-6.
-
-[1320] _Mon. d. I_., X, 1874-78, Pl. II (head); _Annali_, XLVI, 1874,
-Pl. L. Arndt, _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, p. 62, doubts if the head
-belongs to the torso.
-
-[1321] Duetschke, II, no. 77 (= one of two statues); _Mon. d. I._,
-VIII, 1864-68, Pl. XLVI, 6-8, and _Annali_, XXXIX, 1867, pp. 304 f.
-(Benndorf); Arndt-Amelung, nos. 96-98; _cf._ _A. Z._, XXVII, 1869, pp.
-106 f. and Pl. 24, 2 (Benndorf, _Tyrannicides_ on a Panathenaic amphora
-in the British Museum, etc.), and XXXII, 1875, pp. 163 f. (Duetschke,
-group of two statues); Reinach, _Rép._ II, 2, 541, 6. Both Duetschke
-(_A. Z._, _l. c._) and Furtwaengler (_Berl. Philol. Wochenschr._, VIII,
-1888, p. 1448) have shown that it represents an athlete.
-
-[1322] Michaelis, p. 446, no. 36; Clarac, V, 856, 2180. Furtwaengler
-believes the statue later in style than the Louvre boxer.
-
-[1323] _E. g._, P. Hermann, _op. cit._, pp. 332-3; Arndt, text to B.
-B., no. 542.
-
-[1324] B. B., no. 361; Amelung, _Fuehrer_, 210; Duetschke, II, 163;
-Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 165 f. and fig. 66 (two views); _Mw._, pp. 339 f.
-and Pl. XVII (from a cast); F. W., 458. For three replicas of the
-Riccardi type, see Arndt, text to B. B., 542. Furtwaengler believed
-this head a prototype of the _Diomedes_ of Kresilas known to us from
-copies in Munich (Pl. XXI); _Mw._, pp. 311 f. and Pls. XII, XIII;
-_Mp._, pp. 146 f. and figs. 60 (body), and 61 (head, two views); B. B.,
-128; Brunn, _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1892, pp. 651 f.; in Paris: Froehner,
-_Notice_, no. 128; Clarac, 314, 1438; and elsewhere. See _supra_ p. 169.
-
-[1325] Michaelis, p. 367, no. 152; _Mp._, p. 172, fig. 71; _Mw._, p.
-347, fig. 44; A. Z., XXXI, 1874, Pl. III; F. W., 459. Kekulé was the
-first to class it as Myronian: _Ueber d. Kopf des Praxitel. Hermes_, p.
-12, 1 (quoted by F. W., _l. c._). Graef curiously found it Pheidian:
-_Aus d. Anomia_, p. 69, 63.
-
-[1326] _H. N._, XXXIV, 58; _cf._ _Mp._, p. 173.
-
-[1327] _La Glypt._ _Ny-Carlsberg_, Pl. XXXVI and p. 60; the other,
-unpublished, is mentioned _ibid._ He also adds the cast of a lost
-original statue of a boxer in the Royal Academy of Fine Arts in
-Copenhagen, whose head belongs stylistically to the same series:
-_ibid._, pp. 60-61, and figs. 30 (head), 31-32 (body). If the head and
-body belong together it is the only statuary type of the group.
-
-[1328] Kieseritzky, _Kat. d. Ermitage_, 1901, p. 27, no. 68; Furtw.,
-_Mp._, p. 177, fig. 74; _Mw._, p. 353 fig. 46 (two views).
-
-[1329] _Mp._, p. 176, fig. 73; _Mw._, Pl. XX (two views).
-
-[1330] Text to B. B., no. 542; _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, text to Pl.
-XXXVI, p. 60.
-
-[1331] _B. M. Sculpt._, 1603, Pl. V, fig. 1; B. B., 224; F. W., 460.
-
-[1332] _A. M._, XXXVI, 1911, pp. 193 f., and Pl. VII (Athleten Kopf in
-Athen).
-
-[1333] _H. N._, XXXIV, 59.
-
-[1334] Brunn, pp. 133-4, connected _Libyn_ and _puerum_, and believed
-that only one statue was meant by Pliny’s sentence, identical with
-Pausanias’ statue of Mnaseas. Stuart Jones, _Select Passages from Anc.
-Writers Illustrative of the History of Gk. Sculpt._, 1895, p. 57, makes
-two alterations in Pliny’s text, inserting _et_ between _Libyn_ and
-_puerum_, and replacing _tabellam_ of the MSS. with _flagellum_. The
-boy holding the whip, then, is Mnaseas’ son Kratisthenes, the chariot
-victor mentioned by P., VI, 18.1. Stuart Jones follows Furtwaengler
-(_Jahrbuecher fuer Class. Philol._, 1876, p. 509) in having Pliny
-translate παῖδα of his Greek authority by _puerum_ instead of _filium_.
-
-[1335] P. 44.
-
-[1336] Cat. no. 51; Benndorf, _Griech. und Sicilische Vasenbilder_, I,
-pp. 13 f. and Pl. IX.
-
-[1337] In his _Chrestomathia Pliniana_, 1857, p. 320.
-
-[1338] _Rheinisches Museum_, XLIV, 1889, pp. 264 f.
-
-[1339] Antigonos of Karystos, _apud_ Zen., V, 82 (passage given by
-Jex-Blake, p. xxxix and n. 2).
-
-[1340] Ancient writers differed as to the authorship of the statue.
-Thus P. (I, 33.3), Mela (_de Situ orbis_, II, 3.6), Tzetzes (S. Q.,
-838-9), and Zenobios (_l. c._), say that it was Pheidias, while Pliny
-(_H. N._, XXXVI, 17) and Strabo (IX, I. 17, C. 396) say Agorakritos. A
-fragment of the colossal head of the statue came to the British Museum
-in 1820: _B. M. Sculpt._, I, p. 460; also fragments of the figure on
-the base, described by P., I, 33.7, were found in 1890 and are now in
-the National Museum in Athens: Kabbadias, 203-14; Frazer, II, p. 457,
-fig. 40.
-
-[1341] See his Ueber einige Werke des Kuenstlers Pythagoras, in
-_Verhandl. d. 40sten Versamml. deutscher Philologen u. Schulmaenner in
-Goerlitz_, Leipsic, 1890 (pp. 329-336), p. 334.
-
-[1342] _Archaeolog. Analekten_, 1885, p. 9. Lucian, _Anachar._, 9, says
-that apples formed a part of the Delphic prize; Dromeus is also known
-to us as a Pythian victor. In _Chrest. Plin._, p. 320, L. von Urlichs
-had identified the _nudus_ as Meilanion or Hippomenes with the apples
-with which he had beaten Atalanta; see _S. Q._, § 499, note a.
-
-[1343] _H. N._, XXXIV, 59: _Syracusis autem claudicantem, cuius ulceris
-dolorem sentire etiam spectantes videntur_. Gronovius, following
-Lessing, _Laokoön_, Ch. 2, identified it with a wounded Philoktetes:
-see Bluemner, _Comm. zu Lessing’s Laokoön_, pp. 508 f.; the words
-_cuius ... videntur_ seem to have been derived from _A. Pl._, IV, 112,
-1.4 (which refers to a bronze statue of Philoktetes): _cf._ Brunn, p.
-134 and Jex-Blake, _ad loc._
-
-[1344] _Cf._ Benndorf, _Anz. d. Wiener Akad._, 1887, p. 92; von Sybel,
-_Weltgesch. d. Kunst_, p. 139.
-
-[1345] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 146; Kallias won Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): _Oxy.
-Pap._; P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.
-
-[1346] In the Plinian passage Leontiskos figures rather as an artist,
-probably through Pliny’s misunderstanding of some Greek sentence in his
-authority; see L. von Urlichs, _Rheinisches Museum_, XLIV, 1889, p. 261.
-
-[1347] P. 44.
-
-[1348] L. von Sybel, _Athena und Marsyas, Bronzemuenze des Berliner
-Museums_, 1879.
-
-[1349] This characteristic is expressed by the word αὐτάρκεια; _cf._
-Plato, _Phil._, 67 A; Aristotle, _Eth. Nicom._, 1, 7.5-6 (= 1097 b);
-etc.
-
-[1350] Marble copy of the _Marsyas_ was found in 1823 on the Esquiline
-and is now in the Lateran Museum, Rome: Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1179;
-Rayet, I, Pl. 33; B. B., 208; Bulle, 95; von Mach, 65a; Baum., II, p.
-1002, fig. 1210; Collignon, I, pp. 467 f. and fig. 234; F. W., 454;
-Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 15, 6. It is 1.95 meters high (Bulle). It is
-wrongly restored and only the head can be considered approximately
-faithful to the original. _Cf._ another copy of the head of Parian
-marble in the Museo Barracco, Rome: Helbig, I, 1104; Reinach, _Têtes_,
-pp. 53 f. and Pls. LXVI-LXVII; F. W., 455. A fourth-century B. C.
-bronze statuette from Patras, now in the British Museum, appears also
-to give the motive of the original group in Athens mentioned by Pliny,
-_H. N._, XXXIV, 57, and P., I, 24. 1: _B. M. Bronzes_, 269; _Gaz.
-Arch._, 1879, Pls. XXXIV-V and pp. 241 f.; _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, Pl.
-VIII (two views), pp. 91 f.; Rayet, I, Pl. 34; von Mach, 656; Reinach,
-_Rép._, II, 1, 51, nos. 5 and 7. It is 0.75 meter high. For other
-representations, see G. Hirschfeld, Athena und Marsyas, _32stes Berl.
-Winckelmannsprogr._, 1872, Pls. I and II. For a copy of the head of
-Athena in Dresden, see B. B., 591 (three views).
-
-[1351] Walter Pater, in his _Greek Studies_ (in the essay on The Age of
-Athletic Prizemen), ed. 1895, pp. 309 f., calls the _Diskobolos_ a work
-of _genre_. However, the _Diskobolos_ can hardly be called a decorative
-statue, _i. e._, “a work merely imitative of the detail of actual
-life.” On p. 313 he rightly classes the _Doryphoros_ as an “academic”
-work.
-
-[1352] It was formerly in the Palazzo Massimi alla Colonna, and hence
-is often called the Massimi _Diskobolos_: B. B., no. 567, _cf._ 256
-(head from cast); von Mach, 63; Collignon, I, Pl. XI, opp. p. 472; H.
-B. Walters, _The Art of the Greeks_, 1906, Pl. XXX; Gardner, _Sculpt._,
-Pl. XIII (head from cast); Overbeck, I, fig. 74, opp. p. 274; Reinach,
-_Rép._, I, 527, 1; for description, see M. D., 1098.
-
-[1353] Furtwaengler, _Mp._, pp. 168 f., _Mw._, pp. 341 f., lists three
-other copies of the head: one in Basel (_cf._ Kalkmann, Proport. des.
-Gesichts., _53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1893, pp. 73-74); one at
-Catajo (_Mp._, fig. 68; _Mw._, fig. 43; Arndt-Amelung, nos. 54-55); and
-one in Berlin (_Mp._, fig. 69).
-
-[1354] H. N., XXXIV, 58: _(Myron) videtur ... capillum quoque et pubem
-non emendatius fecisse quam rudis antiquitas instituisset._
-
-[1355] B. B., nos. 631, 632 (restored from bronzed cast; text by
-Rizzo); Bulle, 98; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1363; _Boll. d’Arte_, I,
-1907, pp. 1 f. and Pls. I-III; _cf._ _Zeitschr. fuer bild. Kunst_,
-1907, pp. 185 f. It is pieced together from fourteen fragments; the
-fragment of the right lower leg was found in 1910. Height to right
-shoulder, 1.53 meters (Bulle).
-
-[1356] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 326; _Guide_, 333; von Mach, 62;
-Collignon, I, p. 473, n. 1; F. W., 451; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 545, 5.
-
-[1357] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 250; von Mach. 61; _Specimens_, I, Pl.
-XXIX; _Museum Marbles_, XI, Pl. XLIV; _Marbles and Bronzes of the
-British Museum_, Pl. XLVII; F. W., 452; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 525, 5;
-Clarac, V, 860, 2194 B. It is 5 feet 5 inches tall (Smith).
-
-[1358] H. Stuart Jones, _Museo Capitolino Cat._, 1912, no. 50, p. 123,
-and Pl. 21; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 788; _Guide_, 446; Clarac, V, 858 A,
-2212. It is 1.48 meters high from lower edge of base to the right hand
-(Jones).
-
-[1359] B. B., no. 566; von Mach, 64; Gardner, _Sculpt._, PI. XI;
-Gardiner, p. 96, fig. 13 (from a copy of the Munich cast in the
-Ashmolean Museum, Oxford).
-
-[1360] Pl. no. 97; _cf._ Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. XII, and
-Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkmaeler_, Pl. XXXIII.
-
-[1361] _Philopseudes_, 18; _S. Q._, §544; translation of H. Stuart
-Jones, _Select Passages from Ancient Writers Illustrative of the
-History of Greek Sculpture_, p. 69.
-
-[1362] For the late Roman one in the Munich Antiquarium, see B. B.,
-text to Pl. 567, fig. 1; F. W., 453; for the one in Arolsen, see F. W.,
-1786.
-
-[1363] _B. M. Gems_, no. 742, Pl. G; also given in _B. M. Sculpt._, I,
-p. 91, fig. 5.
-
-[1364] _Inst. orat._, II, 13.10: _Quid tam distortum et elaboratum
-quam est ille discobolos Myronis? si quis tamen, ut parum rectum,
-improbet opus, nonne ab intellectu artis abfuerit, in qua vel praecipue
-laudabilis est ipsa illa novitas ac difficultas?_
-
-[1365] Translation by G. F. Hill, in his _One Hundred Masterpieces of
-Sculpture from the Sixth Century B. C. to the Time of Michelangelo_,
-1909, p. 10.
-
-[1366] Enumerated above in Ch. III (Attic Sculptors), p. 129, n. 7. The
-Spartan Lykinos had two statues: P., VI, 2.1. As he won in both the
-hoplite-race and chariot-race, Foerster, 211 a, assumed that the two
-statues represented victor and charioteer, and that they stood upon
-the quadriga, which Pausanias does not mention. I follow Robert, _O.
-S._, p. 172, however, in assuming that the two statues represented the
-victor in the two events.
-
-[1367] _H. N._, XXXIV, 57.
-
-[1368] VI, 8.5; Hyde, 79 (Arkadian) and 79a (Philippos), and commentary
-on pp. 39 f.
-
-[1369] The interpretation of Murray, _Class. Rev._, I, 1887, pp. 3-4.
-
-[1370] The emendation of Loeschke, _Dorpaterprogr._, 1880, p. 9;
-accepted by Reisch, p. 44, n. 3, Richardson, p. 151, and others.
-
-[1371] _Der Dornauszieher und der Knabe mit der Gans_, 1876, p. 89, n.
-30.
-
-[1372] Quoted by Jex-Blake, Add. to p. 46, 1.
-
-[1373] _Select Passages from Anc. Writers Illustrative of the History
-of Gk. Sculpt._, p. 66.
-
-[1374] Mayer, in _A. M._, XVI, 1891, pp. 246 f., showed that on
-vase-paintings of Myron’s time and on coins of Elaia, Aeolis, a woman
-is often represented as standing in the chest, while two men, Perseus
-and the carpenter, stand beside it.
-
-[1375] _E. g._, the statue of the boy boxer Athenaios of Ephesos was
-represented in motion, _i. e._, in the act of sparring, as we see from
-the footprints on the recovered base: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 168; he won
-some time between Ols. (?) 93 and 103 (= 384 and 368 B. C.): P., VI,
-4.1; Hyde, 36; Foerster, 419.
-
-[1376] See Grenfell and Hunt, _Oxyrhynchus Papyrus_, II, 1899, pp. 222
-f.; Robert, _O. S._, Beilage, opp. p. 192; Diels, _Hermes_, XXXVI,
-1901, pp. 72 f.; Koerte, _ibid._, XXXIX, 1904, pp. 224 f.; Weniger,
-_Klio_ (_Beitraege zur alten Gesch._), IV, pp. 125 f.; V, pp. 1 f. and
-184 f.
-
-[1377] Late inscriptions mention “Pythian” and “Isthmian boys”: see F.
-M. Mie, _Quaestiones agonisticae ad Olympia pertinentes_, Diss. inaug.,
-1888, p. 48; Dittenberger, _Sylloge_,^2 II, nos. 677-8; the ἀγένειοι
-and ἄνδρες at Nemea are mentioned by Pindar, _Ol._, VIII, 54. The boys
-in these contests were probably aged 12-16, the ἀγένειοι, 16-20 (_cf._
-Roberts-Gardner, _Greek Epigraphy_, II, p. 166), and the men over 20
-years old.
-
-[1378] For Olympia, see P., VI, 2.10; 6.1; 14.1-2; etc.
-
-[1379] _C. I. G._, I, 1590.
-
-[1380] Dittenberger, _op. cit._, II, no. 524: ἐφήβων νεωτέρων, μέσων,
-πρεσβυτέρων.
-
-[1381] _I. G._, II, 444. For the _Panathenaia_, see Suidas, _s. v._
-Παναθήναια; Mommsen, _Heortologie_, 1864, p. 141; etc.
-
-[1382] P., V, 16.2.
-
-[1383] _De Leg._, VIII, 833 C, D.
-
-[1384] _C. I. G._, inscriptions relating to ephebes, _e. g._, I, 232;
-1590; Dittenberger, _de Ephebis atticis_, 1863, p. 24; Dumont, _Essai
-sur l’Ephébie attique_, 1876, pp. 215-16. This classification is
-followed by E. Pottier, _B. C. H._, V, 1881, p. 69.
-
-[1385] Bussemaker, in Dar.-Sagl., I, Pt. 1, _s. v._ _athleta_, p. 517
-(also quoted by Pottier), proposed the division into παῖδες, 12-16
-years old, ἀγένειοι, 16-20, and ἄνδρες, from 20 on. Pollux, VIII, 105,
-and Harpokration, _s. v._ ἐπιδιετές, give the ephebe age as 18-20;
-Xen., _Cyr._, 1, 2.8, puts the age at 16 or 17 for the Persians.
-
-[1386] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, 56. On the whole subject, see Krause, pp.
-262 f., especially p. 263, n. 3; Gardiner, pp. 271-2.
-
-[1387] VI, 1.3 to VI, 18.7. We also know of 61 other victors with 63
-monuments from inscribed base fragments recovered at Olympia; these
-will be treated _infra_ in Ch. VIII, pp. 353 f.
-
-[1388] See Ch. VIII, _infra_, p. 339 and notes 3-4.
-
-[1389] On _Ol._, IX, 150, Boeckh, p. 228; _cf._ _Etym. magn._, _s. v._
-στάδιον, p. 743, 25.
-
-[1390] Thus Apollo beat Hermes in running at Olympia, P., V, 7.10;
-the Idæan Herakles instituted a race among his brothers, P., V,
-7.7; and Endymion set his sons to run, and so instituted the boys’
-running race there, P., V, 1.4. The running race appears in the Boread
-legend, Ph.,3; pseudo-Dio Chrysost., XXXVII, p. 296 (Dindorf); it was
-represented on the Kypselos chest: P., V, 17.10, and appears on many
-archaic vases. On the age of the event, see Grasberger, _Erziehung und
-Unterricht_, I, 1864, p. 310 and III, 1881, p. 199. The Cretans and the
-Lacedæmonians sacrificed to Apollo δρομαῖος: Plut., _Quaest. conviv._,
-VIII, 4.4.
-
-[1391] See Ph., 3, for the four running races; _cf._, Plato, _de Leg._,
-833 A, B.
-
-[1392] Iliad, XXIII, 740 f.; Od., VIII, 120 f. (in l. 121 it is
-called δρόμος). In some historic games, the stade-race remained the
-only event; _e. g._, at the _Hermaia_ on Salamis: _C. I. G._, I, 108.
-For the stade-race, see P., I, 44.1; III, 14.3; IV, 4.5, etc. On its
-origin, see Ph., 5.
-
-[1393] Schol. on Aristoph., _Aves_, 292 (ed. J. W. White, 1914); P., V,
-8.6. On its origin, see Ph., 6 and _cf._ Krause, pp. 345 f.
-
-[1394] Ch. 4.
-
-[1395] Suidas, _s. v._ δόλιχος; schol. on Aristophanes, _Aves_, 292 (=
-seven stadia); Boeckh, _C. I. G._, I, no. 1515, p. 703 (= ordinarily
-seven stadia); schol. on Soph., _Electra_, 691. See Krause, I, p. 348,
-n. 13; Grasberger, _op. cit._, I, pp. 312 f.
-
-[1396] Poll., III, 151; schol. on Aristoph., _Acharn._, 214; etc.
-
-[1397] P., _passim_; _Oxy. Pap._; etc.
-
-[1398] Ph., 7. For two theories of its origin, see _ibid._
-
-[1399] P., X, 7.5; Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen, und Isthmien_, pp. 136
-f.
-
-[1400] _Cf._ Plato, _de Leg._, I, p. 625 E. Thus the Cretans Ergoteles
-and Sotades won the distance race twice each; Ergoteles in Ols. 77
-and 79 (= 472 and 464 B. C.): P., VI, 4.11; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 46;
-Foerster, 206, 213; Sotades in Ols. 99, 100 (= 384, 380 B. C.): P., VI,
-18.6; Hyde, 186; Foerster, 317, 323. The Cretan Philonides, courier
-of Alexander the Great, had an honor statue at Olympia: P., VI, 16.5;
-Hyde, 154a. At the games at Trapezous over sixty Cretans entered: Xen.,
-_Anab._, IV, 8, 27; _cf._ Krause, pp. 352 f.
-
-[1401] _De Leg._, VIII, 833 C.
-
-[1402] V, 16.3.
-
-[1403] V, 8.6; _cf._ IV, 4.5; VIII, 26.4. His statement about the
-antiquity of the event is corroborated by Plutarch, _Quaest. conviv._,
-V, 2.12, Ph. (= only event until Ol. 14), and Eusebios, _Chronika_, I,
-p. 193 (ed. Schoene). Gardiner, p. 52, believes that if the Olympic
-games developed from a single event, it was probably not from the
-stade-race, but from either the fight in armor or the chariot-race.
-
-[1404] P., V, 8.6, etc.; Foerster, 1.
-
-[1405] Discussed by Gardiner, pp. 52 and 272-3.
-
-[1406] III, 8 (= Dorieus of Rhodes, who won his second victory in Ol.
-88 (= 428 B. C.): P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 61; Foerster, 260); V, 49 (=
-Androsthenes of Mainalos, who won his first victory in Ol. 90, = 420 B.
-C.: P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 51; Foerster, 267).
-
-[1407] Dittenberger, _Sylloge_^2, I, no. 256 (= Agesidamos of Messenia,
-who won in Ol. 140, = 220 B. C.).
-
-[1408] V, 8.6; confirmed by Ph., 12, and Eusebios, _Chron._, I, p. 193
-(ed. Schoene).
-
-[1409] _L. c._; corroborated by Ph., 12.
-
-[1410] P., V, 8.9; Eusebios agrees with Pausanias, but Philostratos
-says Ol. 46 (= 596 B. C.), _l. c._
-
-[1411] P., V, 8.10; _cf._ III, 14.3. It was introduced at Delphi in 498
-B. C.: see Gardiner, p. 70.
-
-[1412] On running races, see Krause, I, pp. 337 f.; Gardiner, Ch. XIII,
-pp. 270 f.; Dar.-Sagl., I, Pt. 2, pp. 1643 f.; Grasberger, _Erziehung
-und Unterricht_, I, pp. 312 f.; etc.
-
-[1413] Fig. 37 left = _Mon. d. I._, I, 1829-33, Pl. XXII, 6b; _cf.
-ibid._, 4b, and X, 1874-78, Pl. XLVIII, f, and Panathenaic amphora
-in Dar.-Sagl., I, Pt. 2, p. 1643, fig. 2229. Fig. 36A = Gerhard, IV,
-Pl. CCLIX, 1. Also _cf._ a sixth-century B. C. amphora in Munich,
-no. 498: _Mon. d. I._, X, Pl. XLVIII, m; Gardiner, p. 281, fig.
-52; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 129, fig. 92 (right); a fourth-century
-Panathenaic amphora: Gardiner, p. 283, fig. 53, from Stephani, _Comptes
-rendus de la comm. impér. archéol._, St. Petersburg, 1876, Atlas, Pl. I.
-
-[1414] Ph., 32: οἷον πτερούμενοι ὑπο τῶν χειρῶν.
-
-[1415] The first = _B. M. Vases_, B 609; Gardiner, p. 280, fig. 51;
-_Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-78, Pl. XLVIII, e, 4; G. F. Hill, _Illustrations
-of School Classics_, 1903, fig. 390; the second (Fig. 37, right) =
-_Mon. d. I._, I, 1829-33, Pl. XXII, 7b; Gardiner, p. 279, fig. 50;
-Dar.-Sagl., p. 1644, fig. 2230. _Cf._ another in _Mon. d. I._, X, Pl.
-XLVIII, f, 6.
-
-[1416] National Museum, no. 761.
-
-[1417] _Cf._ Reisch, p. 46.
-
-[1418] On this mode of representing runners, see Schmidt in _Muenchener
-archaeol. Studien zum Andenken A. Furtwaengler dargebracht_, 1909, pp.
-249 f. (especially p. 257).
-
-[1419] See Kalkmann, _Jb._, X, 1895, pp. 56 f, and fig. 4, p. 56 (=
-Gerhard, IV, 256; Murray, _Designs from Greek Vases_, V, 18) two
-runners; the interior of the same vase also represents such a runner:
-p. 61, fig. 7. _Cf._ also p. 58, fig. 5 (= Murray, X, 37; _Mon. d. I._,
-IV, 1844-48, Pl. XXXIII), representing Hermes on a r.-f. vase of the
-severe style; also p. 59, fig. 6; etc. Also _cf._ Juethner, p. 41, fig.
-36a (a later r.-f. kylix in Munich, no. 803 A), showing a pentathlete
-running with an _akontion_. The following b.-f. vases, which show
-representations of such archaic runners, are taken from Perrot-Chipiez,
-X, 1914: the proto-Attic amphora of Nettos, p. 71, fig. 63 (= _Ant.
-Denkm._, I, Text, p. 46); cup from Aegina, p. 77, fig. 68 (= _A. Z._,
-XL, 1882, Pl. IX); Corinthian amphora, p. 103, fig. 74 (= Pottier,
-_Vases antiques_, Pl. LIX, E 855); the Gorgon on the François Vase,
-p. 165, fig. 108 (from Furtw.-Reichhold, _Griech. Vasenmalerei_, Pls.
-I-III); on neck of an amphora by Pamphaios in the Louvre, p. 388, fig.
-233 (= Pottier, _op. cit._, Pl. LXXXVIII).
-
-[1420] Discussed (wrongly, I think, as Etruscan) by G. H. Chase: _A. J.
-A._, XII, 1908, pp. 287 f., Pls. VIII-XVIII (especially XII-XVIII); Pl.
-XV = Richardson, p. 69, fig. 27.
-
-[1421] Richter, _Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes_, no. 46, fig. on
-p. 30; _Museum Bull._, 1911 (April), pp. 92 f., and fig. 5 (Richter);
-it is 4-5/8 inches tall.
-
-[1422] No. 1959. It will be discussed in our treatment of hoplitodromes
-_infra_, p. 209 and n. 2.
-
-[1423] Richter, no. 16, fig. on p. 10; _Mus. Bull._, 1909 (May), p. 78
-(Robinson); it is 2-7/8 inches tall.
-
-[1424] Richter, no. 62, fig. on p. 43; Mus. Bull., 1913 (Dec.), pp. 268
-f. and fig. 7 (Richter); it is 3-1/16 inches tall.
-
-[1425] _Op. cit._, pp. 65 and 74.
-
-[1426] _Aegina, das Heiligtum der Aphaia_, Pl. XCVI, nos. 32 and 3; in
-the Glyptothek these are nos. 78 and 82; see von Mach, Pl. 78 (middle).
-
-[1427] The Lapith G and the boy P: Treu, _Jb._, III, 1888, pp. 117 f.,
-Pl. V (= Q and F in the new arrangement on Pl. VI); Kalkmann, _op.
-cit._, p. 75.
-
-[1428] Bulle, 180; it is 0.79 meter high.
-
-[1429] _Ant. Denkm._, I, Pt. 5, 1890, Pl. LVI (text, pp. 45-46, by
-Winter); B. B., no. 249; Bulle, 92 (two views) and 93; von Mach, 226;
-Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, no. 1353; _Guide_, 1063; Collignon, II, p. 361,
-fig. 184; Gardiner, _Sculpt._, Pl. LXXIII; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 419,
-7. It is 1 meter high (Bulle).
-
-[1430] _E. g._, Kalkmann, _Jb._, X, 1895, pp. 46 f., Pl. I and fig. I
-in text; he defends this view, _ibid._, XI, 1896, pp. 197 f.
-
-[1431] To the fifth by Kalkmann, Bulle, Furtwaengler (_Sitzb. Muen.
-Akad._, 1907, Pt. II, pp. 219-220, = Hadrianic copy), and others;
-to the fourth by Winter, Collignon, and von Mach; Collignon, II,
-pp. 359 f., connects it stylistically with the so-called _Ilioneus_
-of the Glyptothek, represented in a similar pose (= Furtw.-Wolters,
-_Beschr._,^2 270; B. B., 432; F. W., 1263), and with the _Hypnos_ in
-the Prado, Madrid (= Huebner, _Die ant. Bildw. in Madrid_, no. 39;
-Furtw., _Mw._, pp. 648 f.; Collignon, II, p. 357, fig. 181; F. W.,
-1287; for small replicas in bronze, see Winnefeld, _Hypnos_, p. 8, n.
-2), and assigns all three to the fourth century B. C. and to Skopaic
-art. Amelung assigns the Subiaco youth to Hellenistic times: _Mus. and
-Ruins of Rome_, I, fig. 60.
-
-[1432] For a list of ten such interpretations, see de Ridder, _Rev.
-arch._, XXXI, Sér. 3, 1897, p. 265, n. 5; and B. Sauer, Der Knabe von
-Subiaco, _Festgabe H. Bluemner ueberreicht_, 1914, pp. 143 f., and note
-1 on p. 143.
-
-[1433] _E. g._, by Bulle; Brizio, _Ausonia_, I, 1906, p. 21; _cf._
-Winter, _l. c._; etc. If a Niobid, he was probably wounded in the neck
-(_cf._ the one in Milan) and formed part of a group.
-
-[1434] By Lucas, _Neue Jahrbuecher f. kl. Altertum_, V, 1902, pp. 427
-f; _cf._ _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, IX, 1906, pp. 273 f.
-
-[1435] Formerly by G. Koerte, _Jb._, XI, 1896, pp. 11 f.; _cf._ the
-Pompeian wall-painting, _ibid._, p. 15, fig. 2; he has since given up
-this view: see Sauer, _l. c._
-
-[1436] De Ridder, _op. cit._, the hands seem to have been placed wrong
-for this interpretation, though Helbig and Amelung find it possible.
-
-[1437] Petersen, _Jb._, XI, 1896, pp. 202 f.; such a motive was unknown
-to antiquity and is based on the wrong assumption that a marble hand
-holding a rope-like object, which was found in the same excavations,
-belongs to the statue: see Helbig, _l. c._
-
-[1438] Sauer, in the publication mentioned, believes the riddle best
-solved by assuming that the figure formerly was part of a gable group;
-see the reconstruction (by Luebke), p. 145, fig. 4. He dates it in the
-second half of the fifth century B. C., contemporary with the _Idolino_.
-
-[1439] The fleetness of Ladas was often extolled, especially by late
-Greek and Roman writers: P, III, 21.1; Plut., _Praecip. ger. reip._,
-10; Catullus, LV, 25; Juvenal, XIII, 97; Martial, II, LXXXVI, 8, and
-XC, 5; Seneca, _Ep._, LXXXV, 4; Solinus, 7; etc.
-
-[1440] _A. Pl._, IV, no. 53; here line 3 was added by Jacobs, and line
-4 by Benndorf, from two parodies of the epigram in _A. G._, XI, 86
-and 119; in the first parody ἄλλος stands for Λάδας and Περικλῆς for
-κάμνων. See Benndorf, _de anthologiae Graecae Epigrammatis quae ad
-artes spectant_, Diss. inaug., 1862, pp. 13 f., and Kalkmann, _Jb._,
-X, 1895, pp. 76-77 and notes. Studniczka (see next note) reads line 4:
-Λάδας, οἱ δ’ ἄλλοι δάκτυλον οὐ προέβαν.
-
-[1441] _A. Pl._, IV, 54. Benndorf corrects the Mss. reading of the
-last half of l. 2 as νεῦρα ταθεὶς ὄνυχι; others read the whole line:
-θυνὸν [= δρόμον] ἐπ’ ἀκροτάτῳ σκάμματι θεὶς ὄνυχα. On the two epigrams,
-see Studniczka, Myron’s Ladas, _Ber. saechs. Gesellsch. d. Wiss.,
-Philolog.-histor. Cl._, 52, 1900, pp. 329 f. (especially pp. 333 f.).
-
-[1442] Reading φυσῶν ... θυμόν for φεύγων ... Θῦμον, “flying from
-wind-footed Thymos,” of Jacobs. On possible readings, see Studniczka,
-_l. c._, pp. 337 f.
-
-[1443] _Sculpt._, p. 69.
-
-[1444] See Kalkmann, _op. cit._, pp. 77-8; Reisch, p. 44; _cf._ Gercke,
-_Jb._, VIII, 1893, p. 115, on the meaning of the words πνεῦμα and ἆσθμα.
-
-[1445] _Polyklet u. s. Sch._, p. 17; von Mach, no. 289; B. B., 354.
-
-[1446] No. 249, 249 a; he fixes his victory in Ol. (?) 85 (= 440 B.
-C.), because of the late dating of Myron by Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 49
-(_floruit_ Ol. 90 = 420 B. C.: _cf._ Brunn, I, 142 f.); Furtwaengler
-dated his activity within the first half of the fifth century B. C.:
-_Mp._, p. 182; Robert provisionally dates the victory of Ladas in
-Ol. (?) 76 (= 476 B. C.), though he finds that Ols. 80 and 81 (= 460
-and 456 B. C.) are possible: see _O. S._, p. 184; here he dates the
-sculptor (?) 476-444 B. C.
-
-[1447] _Cf. infra_, Ch. VIII, p. 365, n. 1.
-
-[1448] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, nos. 913, 914; _Guide_, 573, 574; _B. Com.
-Rom._, IV, 1876, Pls. IX-X, pp. 68 f.; B. B., 353 (right and left);
-Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 540, 4, and for the torso, see II, 2, 541, 3 (=
-_B. Com. Rom._, Pl. XI).
-
-[1449] Helbig, 914.
-
-[1450] Helbig, 913.
-
-[1451] So Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 128, n. 1, _Mw._, p. 285, n. 3, and
-Helbig (3d ed.); on the other hand, Reisch (p. 46), B. B., and formerly
-Helbig (in the first edition of his _Guide_), have regarded them as
-wrestlers.
-
-[1452] The statuette and relief are pictured in _Mon. ant._, XI, 1901,
-Pl. XXVI, 2, and pp. 402 f. The statuette also in Arndt-Amelung,
-_Einzelaufnahmen_, no. 552, and Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 540, 6.
-
-[1453] _Mp._, pp. 126 f., and fig. 51; _Mw._, pp. 284 f., fig. 38; here
-the restored parts have been removed and his own restoration is given
-in an outline drawing. See also B. B., no. 129; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I,
-322; Clarac, 837, 2099.
-
-[1454] Mentioned by P., I, 28.2 and I, 25.1; the inscribed base has
-been found (see Lolling, Ἀρχαιολογικὸν Δελτίον, 1889, p. 35, n. 2).
-The _Perikles_ is exemplified by two inscribed copies: a terminal bust
-in London: _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 549 and fig. 23 on p. 289; _Ancient
-Marbles in the British Museum_, 1815, Pl. XXXII; _A. Z._, XXVI, 1868,
-Pl. II, fig. 1 and pp. 1 f. (Conze); Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 117 f., Pl.
-VII and fig. 46 (profile); _Mw._, Pl. IX and pp. 270 f.; F. W., 481;
-a terminal bust in the Vatican: Visconti, _Iconogr. gr._, 1824-26,
-I, Pl. XV and p. 178; B. B., no. 156; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 276;
-Arndt-Bruckmann, _Griech. u. roem. Portraets_, 413, 414: Bernouilli,
-_Griech. Ikonogr._, I, Pl. XI, p. 108; etc.
-
-[1455] _H. N._, XXXIV, 74; in this passage Pliny also mentions an
-_Olympius Pericles_. The Naples statue has been wrongly restored as a
-gladiator; it is pictured, minus the restorations, in _Mp._, p. 125,
-fig. 50; _Mw._, p. 282, fig. 37; _cf._ Clarac, 870, 2210 and 872, 2210.
-Furtwaengler connects this statue with the bronze one of a certain
-Diitrephes pierced with arrows, which Pausanias saw on the Akropolis,
-I, 23.3; a basis found there, inscribed with the name Kresilas,
-supported a votive offering of Hermolykos, the son of Diitrephes, to
-Athena: _I. G. B._, 46; _C. I. A._, I, 402 (Kirchhoff, who opposes the
-connection); _cf._ p. 373. The base shows that a figure stood upon it
-in the pose of another figure, which appears on a white-faced Attic
-lekythos in the Cab. des Médailles in Paris (_Mp._, p. 124, fig. 48),
-which Furtwaengler believes a free rendering of the Kresilæan statue.
-
-[1456] In Ols. 83, 84, 85 (= 448-440 B. C.): Afr.; Foerster, 239, 245,
-248. Krison is mentioned by Plato, _Protag._, 335 E, and _de Leg._,
-VIII, 840 A; Aristophanes of Byzantion (_apud_ Zonaras, I, p. 451, and
-_apud_ Hesych., _s. v._ Γρίσων); Plut., _de adul. et amici Discr._, 16;
-and _de Tranqu. anim._, 12; etc.
-
-[1457] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 157. He won Ol. (?) 80 (= 460 B. C.): P. VI,
-8.1; Hyde, 71; Foerster, 280.
-
-[1458] B. B., no. 321; Bulle, 164, and fig. 93 on pp. 361-2 (cast
-on round base in Erlangen); von Mach 72; Collignon, I, p. 417, fig.
-215; Rayet, I, Pl. 35; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 956; _Guide_, 617;
-Zielinski, _Rhein. Mus._, XXXIX, 1884, pp. 116 f. (who refers the
-original possibly to Strongylion); F. W., 215. For replicas, see _Gaz.
-Arch._, 1881, p. 130; Rayet, text to Pl. 35; and Furtwaengler, _Der
-Dornauszieher und der Knabe mit der Gans_, 1876, pp. 7 f; Reinach,
-_Rép._, 1, 344, 6. It was called a runner first by Visconti, _Opere
-varie_, 1827-31, IV, Pl. XXIII, pp. 163 f., who has been followed by
-Collignon, Zielinski, Rayet, Reisch (p. 46), Richardson (p. 144), and
-others. It is 0.80 meter high (Bulle).
-
-[1459] _E. g._, Overbeck, II, pp. 182-185, and notes 10-24 on p. 186.
-On p. 183, fig. 186, he gives illustrations of the three principal
-copies—the marble one in the British Museum (a), the bronze statuette
-in Baron Rothschild’s collection in Paris (b), and the Capitoline
-bronze in Rome (c). He brings it into relation with the sculptor
-Boëthos, who is known to have made seated _genre_ figures of boys, _e.
-g._, one in the Heraion at Olympia, P., V., 17. 4 (= S. Q., 1596).
-
-[1460] Von Mach, no. 86; _cf._ Kekulé, _A. Z._, XLI, 1883, p. 244, and
-F. W., 215.
-
-[1461] See _B. M. Sculpt._, III, pp. 109-110.
-
-[1462] See K. Woelke, Dornauszieher-Maedchen, _Jb._, XXIX, 1914, pp.
-17-25, figs. 1, 2, etc.
-
-[1463] _E. g._, bronze statuettes, formerly in the Dreyfus collection
-in Paris, dating from the second half of the fifteenth century: Bulle,
-p. 364, fig. 94; _Mon. Piot_, XVI, 1909, Pl. XII, 3 (nos. 2, 3 =
-Italian bronzes of the same subject in the Louvre and in the collection
-of Charles Haviland; see text, by G. Migeon, pp. 95 f.).
-
-[1464] _B. M. Sculpt._, III, no. 1755 and Pl. VIII; _Mon. d. I._, X,
-1874-78, Pl. XXX; _Annali_, XLVIII, 1876, Pl. N (and pp. 124 f); _A.
-Z._, XXXV, 1877, p. 127, and XXXVII, 1879, p. 19, Pls. II, III; Rayet,
-Pl. 36; von Mach, 284; Bulle, p. 365, fig. 95; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1,
-144, 2. It is 0.63 meter high (Bulle).
-
-[1465] _Gaz. arch._, 1881, Pls. IX-XI; Collignon, I, p. 420, fig. 216;
-Rayet, text to no. 36; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 143, 7. It is 9.5 inches
-tall.
-
-[1466] See Lange, _Das Motif des aufgestuetzten Fusses_, 1879, pp. 9
-f.; Reisch, p. 46, n. 5; B. B., no. 67 (Paris copy); von Mach, 238a
-(Munich copy), 238b (Louvre copy). See _supra_, pp. 86-87.
-
-[1467] See E. N. Gardiner, _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, p. 281; on the
-race, see Gardiner, pp. 285-91, and _J. H. S._, _l. c._, pp. 280 f.;
-Krause, I, pp. 353-359; Dar.-Sagl., I, Pt. 2, p. 1644; etc.
-
-[1468] At Olympia, P., III, 14.3; Plut., _Quaest. conviv._, II, 5;
-Artemidoros, _Oneirokritika_, I, 63; Heliod., _Aethiop._, IV., _init._;
-_Oxy. Pap._; at Delphi, Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen, und Isthmien_,
-1841, p. 26, no. 4; at the _Panathenaia_, Mommsen, _Feste d. Stadt
-Athen_, 1898, p. 70. On its origin, see Ph., 7.
-
-[1469] P., II, 11.8; X, 34.5. In the first passage Pausanias speaks
-of a victor who won the _diaulos_ twice—once γυμνός, the second time
-σὺν τῇ ἀσπίδι. De Ridder, _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, pp. 211 f., discusses
-Hauser’s futile argument (_Jb._, II, 1887, pp. 95 f.) that the
-hoplite-runner covered the stadion four times, the first and fourth
-with helmet and shield, the second and third without the shield, and
-conclusively shows that the race was a _diaulos_. For Athens, see
-Aristoph., _Aves_, 291 f., and scholion. The race was four stades long
-at Nemea: _cf._ Ph., 7, and Juethner’s note (p. 196).
-
-[1470] Ph., 8; _cf._ also 24.
-
-[1471] VI, 10.4. In V, 12.8 he says that 25 shields for this race were
-officially kept in the nave of the temple of Zeus.
-
-[1472] We see shield, helmet, and greaves on the vase pictured in
-Dar.-Sagl., I, 2, p. 1644, fig. 2231; Baum., III, p. 2110, fig. 2360;
-on the b.-f. vases in Gerhard, IV, Pls. CCLVII, CCLVIII, and CCLXIII;
-on the b.-f. vases pictured in Schreiber, _Bilderatlas_, Pl. XXII,
-figs. 3 (sixth century B. C., = Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLVIII) and 5 (=
-amphora in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_, II, B 608); we see no
-greaves on the r.-f. kylix in Berlin (Fig. 41); _cf._ Krause, pp. 354 f.
-
-[1473] _Jb._, II, 1887, pp. 95 f.; X, 1895, pp. 199 f.
-
-[1474] P., VI, 10.4.
-
-[1475] P., X, 34.5. Mnesiboulos won stade- and hoplite-races at Olympia
-in Ol. 235 (= 161 A. D.): Afr.; Foerster, 712-713; _cf._ Hitz.-Bluemn.,
-II, 2, p. 582. He was also περιοδονίκης in both events.
-
-[1476] _E. g._, by Ph., 7.
-
-[1477] A bronze helmet found at Olympia, recently in the possession of
-the Bishop of Lincoln, is pictured in _J. H. S._, II, 1881, Pl. XI, 1.
-
-[1478] _E. g._, on the vase in Dar.-Sagl., I, 2, p. 1644, fig. 2231; on
-the Panathenaic vase in the British Museum, already mentioned, dating
-from the second half of the fourth century B. C.: _B. M. Vases_, II,
-B. 608; = Gardiner, p. 290, fig. 58; = _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-78, Pl.
-XLVIII, e, 3; = Baum, III, p. 2110, fig. 2361; here the runners are
-running with the feet flat on the ground.
-
-[1479] In the Cabinet des Médailles of the Bibliothèque Nationale, no.
-523; Hartwig, _Die griech. Meisterschalen_, 1893, pp. 132-142, Pls. XV,
-2 and XVI; Gardiner, p. 286, fig. 54, and _J. H. S._, XXIII, p. 278,
-fig. 7; Hoppin, _Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases_, I, p. 427, no. 58.
-
-[1480] No. 2307; Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLXI; _J. H. S._, XXIII, p. 277,
-fig. 6; Gardiner, p. 288, fig. 56; Dar.-Sagl., II, 2, p. 1644, fig.
-2232; _Jb._, II, 1887, p. 105; _cf._ similar runners on a r.-f. kylix
-in the British Museum, E 22: Murray, _Designs from Greek Vases_, no.
-18; Hoppin, _Hbk._, I, p. 372, no. 21.
-
-[1481] _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, p. 278, fig. 8; Gardiner, p. 287, fig.
-55. It was formerly in Berlin.
-
-[1482] E 818; _J. H. S._, _l. c._, p. 285, fig. 12; Gardiner, p. 289,
-fig. 57; noted by Hartwig, _Die griech. Meisterschalen_, p. 373, no. 8;
-Hoppin, _Hbk._, I, p. 134, no. 69.
-
-[1483] For a reconstruction of the various phases of the armed-race
-from vase-paintings, see _J. H. S._, _l. c._, p. 279, fig. 9.
-
-[1484] See Gardiner, p. 291 and _J. H. S._, _l. c._, pp. 284 f. Perhaps
-this is the explanation of a kylix in Berlin (no. 4039), reproduced by
-Furtwaengler in _Samml. Sabouroff_, I, Pl. LIII.
-
-[1485] _E. g._, on a r.-f. kylix in Munich (no. 1240); _J. H. S._,
-_l. c._, p. 284, fig. 11; Gardiner, p. 292, fig. 59. This painting
-represents a palæstra scene, as is shown by the sponges on the wall.
-
-[1486] 291.
-
-[1487] _H. N._, XXXV, 71.
-
-[1488] I, 23.9. In 1838 the inscribed base of this statue was found,
-the inscription being: Ἐπι[χ]αρῖνος [ἀνέ]θηκεν ὁ ... Κριτίος καὶ
-Νησ[ι]ώτης ἐπο[ιησ]άτην: _C. I. A._, I, 376; Loewy, _I. G. B._, 39.
-This shows that Pausanias got his information about the pose from the
-statue itself and not from the inscription. It also gives us the right
-spelling of the artist’s name.
-
-[1489] First published, long after it had passed from the possession
-of Herr Tux to the University Collection, by Gruneisen in Schorn’s
-_Kunstblatt_, 1835, pp. 21 f., and separately the same year. See also
-Hauser in _Jb._, II, 1887, pp. 95-107; L. Schwabe, _Jb._, I, 1886, pp.
-163 f., Pl. IX (= three views); de Ridder, _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, pp.
-211 f. (reviewed in _A. J. A._, II, 1898, pp. 268 f.); Collignon, I, p.
-305, fig. 152; Bulle, no. 89 (two views); Springer-Michaelis, p. 217,
-fig. 403a; Brunn, _Griech. Kunstgesch._, 1893, II, p. 249 f.; F. W.,
-90; Rouse, p. 174, n. 1; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 543, 5.
-
-[1490] Bulle, no. 86.
-
-[1491] _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, V, 1902, pp. 165-70 and Pl. IV (three
-views). It was probably made in Campania. It is 0.07 meter high.
-
-[1492] M. D., 1097; Clarac, 830, 2085.
-
-[1493] Furtw., _Mp._, p. 204, and n. 4; _Mw._, p. 392, and n. 4. He
-believes that the helmet is not alien to the statue as some think, but
-points out that the head, which is much restored and is akin to the
-_Perseus_, is wrongly attached to the body. Hauser, _Jb._, II, 1887, p.
-101, n. 24, because of the tree-trunk, does not believe that the statue
-represents a hoplite-runner; but Furtwaengler shows that the tree-trunk
-offers no objection to restoring a shield to the statue.
-
-[1494] Rayet, II, Pls. 64, 65 (head); B. B., no. 75; Bulle, 88; von
-Mach, 286; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 154 1-4; M. W., I, Pl. 48, 216; F.
-W., 1425; H. B. Walters, _The Art of the Greeks_, Pl. XLIX; Gardner,
-_Hbk._, p. 513, fig. 136; J. Six, _De Beteekenis van het Leelijke in
-de Grieksche Kunst_, p. 29; his theory has been contested by Kalkman,
-_Jb._, X, 1895, p. 64 and n. 50. The statue is 1.55 meters high (Bulle).
-
-[1495] Bulle, and also Klein (III, pp. 265 f.), believe that Agasias
-was no mere copyist, while Amelung (Becker-Thieme, _Lex. d. bild.
-Kuenstler_, I, 113) classes him as one. The inscription on the base of
-the statue dates it about 100 B. C.
-
-[1496] No. 1959; _Arch. Eph._, 1904, pp. 43-56 (Philios) and Pl. I;
-Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, pp. 648-51 and fig. 333; Staïs, _Marbres et
-Bronzes_, Pl. on p. 20; Svoronos, I, pp. 89-96, and Tafelbd., I, Pl.
-XXVI (upper left corner); Bulle, 263; E. Schmidt, _Muenchner archaeol.
-Stud. zum Andenken A. Furtwaengler_, p. 254 and fig. 351; Lechat, p.
-206, fig. 25. Its dimensions are 1.01 meters high and 0.72 meter broad.
-See p. 194.
-
-[1497] Bulle dates it loosely after the middle of the sixth century B.
-C.
-
-[1498] He shows that a similar type appears on Athenian dekadrachmai,
-which were struck soon after the date of the battle of Marathon, in any
-case before 480 B. C.; _cf._ Babelon, _Journ. Int. d’arch. Num._, 1905.
-
-[1499] _A. Pl._, I, 3, v. 2, and _P. l. G._, III, no. 153, p. 500.
-_Cf._ also the epigram quoted by Eustathius, in the scholion on the
-Iliad, XXIII, 621, p. 1320, and one by Lucilius, _A. G._, XI, no. 84.
-The five events are repeatedly mentioned by Greek writers: Ph., 3,
-11, etc.; Artemidoros, _Oneir._, I, 55; many scholiasts, _e. g._, on
-Pindar, _Isthm._, 1, 35, Boeckh, p. 519, and Soph., _Electra_, 691.
-On the event, see P. Gardner, _J. H. S._, I, pp. 210 f.; Gardiner,
-Ch. XVII, pp. 359 f.; _id._, _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, pp. 54 f. (The
-Method of Deciding the Pentathlon); E. Myers, _J. H. S._, II, 1881,
-pp. 217 f.; F. Fedde, _Der Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen_, 1888, and _Ueber
-den Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen_, 1889; Heinrich, _Ueber das Pentathlon d.
-Griechen_, 1892; Pinder, _Ueber den Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen_, 1867;
-Krause, I, pp. 476-497, and 921 f.; Bluemner, in Baum., I, pp. 512 f;
-Legrand, in Dar.-Sagl., IV, 1, pp. 804 f., _s. v._ _Quinquertium_. On
-the order of events and method of deciding the victory, see Gardiner,
-pp. 362 f.
-
-[1500] _Isthm._, I, 26-27.
-
-[1501] Od., VIII, 103. In line 129 he mentions the diskos. Boxing was
-never a part of the later pentathlon.
-
-[1502] P., V, 8.7; Philostratos, 12; in Ch. 3 he says that it was
-introduced by Jason.
-
-[1503] P., V, 9.1.
-
-[1504] Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLIX. See _supra_, p. 192.
-
-[1505] It represents jumping, javelin-throwing, and diskos-throwing; it
-is a Panathenaic vase of the sixth century B. C. in the British Museum:
-B 134; _J. H. S._, XXVII, 1907, Pl. XVIII; Gardiner, p. 360, fig.
-107; _cf._ these three events pictured on another amphora of similar
-date in Leyden: _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, Pl. IX; Gardiner, p. 361, fig.
-108. A gymnasium scene (_i. e._, figures of a jumper, diskobolos, and
-apparently an akontistes) appears on a r.-f. vase-painting by Douris:
-see Pottier, _Douris et les Peintres de Vases grecs_, 1904 (engl. ed.
-1909), fig. 6; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 549, fig. 315.
-
-[1506] In addition to those cited we may add the vase in the British
-Museum, B 142 (= diskos-throwing and javelin-throwing); one in Munich,
-no. 656 (= javelin-throwing and jumping); two others in the British
-Museum, B 136 and 602 (= diskos-throwing); another there, B 605 (=
-javelin-throwing); etc.
-
-[1507] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 162, 163; _I. G. B._, 91; upper surface
-outlined in Furtw., _Mp._, p. 263, fig. 110; _Mw._, p. 472, fig. 80.
-For the discussion of Pythokles, see _Mp._, pp. 262 f.
-
-[1508] Furtwaengler believed in the first century B. C.; Dittenberger
-and Purgold, in the first century A. D.: _cf._ _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 284.
-
-[1509] Gatti, _B. Com. Rom._, XIX, 1891, pp. 280 f., Pl. X, 1; _cf._
-Petersen, _R. M._, VI, 1891, pp. 304 f.
-
-[1510] Statuette in the Braccio Nuovo of the Vatican: Helbig,
-_Fuehrer_, I, 32; _Guide_, 43; Amelung, _Vat._, I, no. 101 on p. 116,
-and Pls. XVI, XVII; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 264, fig. 111; _Mw._, p. 474,
-fig. 81; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 549, 2; Clarac, 861, 2184; a black
-marble statue found at Porto d’ Anzio in 1758, now in the Glyptothek:
-Furtwaengler-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glypt._,^2 no. 458; Clarac, 858,
-2175; it is 1.54 meters high.
-
-[1511] _Wiener Studien_, XXIV, 1902, pp. 398 f.; he is, therefore,
-against the Pythokles ascription; see also Studniczka in _Jh. oest.
-arch. Inst._, 1906, p. 131.
-
-[1512] _Cf._ also Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, pp. 570 f.
-
-[1513] Hettner, _Die Bildw. d. kgl. Antikensamml. zu Dresden_, no. 90
-(= a doryphoros); Furtw., _Mp._, Pl. XII (whence our plate) and fig.
-112 (head from cast, two views), on p. 267; discussion, pp. 265 f;
-_Mw._, Pls. XXVI, XXVII (the head from a cast and the restored left
-forearm omitted) and text, pp. 475 f.; Clarac, 948, 2437. Furtwaengler
-mentions three other copies of the statue and three of the head.
-
-[1514] On a fourth-century B. C. Panathenaic prize vase we see an
-athlete in a similar pose holding a diskos in his left hand: _Mon. d.
-I._, X, 1874-78, Pl. XLVIII, g, 10 (quoted by Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p.
-266, n. 6).
-
-[1515] Formerly in the Coll. Pourtalès, and then in the Coll. Gréau: W.
-Froehner, _Cat. des bronzes antiques de la Collection Gréau_, 1885, Pl.
-XXXII, p. 204, no. 964; de Ridder, _Les Bronzes antiques du Louvre_, I,
-1913, Pl. 19, no. 184, and p. 34; Mahler, _Polyklet und seine Schule_,
-pp. 57 f. and fig. 13; Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 278, _Mw._, p. 490;
-Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 546, 3. It is 0.218 meter high. Froehner had
-interpreted the statuette as that of an oil-pourer, though the position
-of the hands is against it.
-
-[1516] P., VI, 14.13; Hyde, 139 and pp. 54-55; Foerster, 451, 456;
-_Inschr. v. Ol._, 176.
-
-[1517] Od., VIII, 103 and 128. On jumping, see Krause, I, pp. 383 f.;
-Gardiner, Ch. XIV, pp. 295 f.; etc.
-
-[1518] IV, 465 f.
-
-[1519] _Cf._ Stesichoros, _apud_ Athenaeum, IV, 72 (pp. 172 f.).
-
-[1520] _De Incessu animalium_, Ch. 3 (p. 705 a).
-
-[1521] As, _e. g._, on the statues at Olympia of the Elean pentathlete
-Anauchidas (P., V, 27.12) and Hysmon (P., VI, 3.10). See _supra_, p.
-164.
-
-[1522] Juethner, _Antike Turngeraete_, pp. 3-13; Gardiner, Ch. XIV, pp.
-295 f. and _J. H. S._, XXIV, 1904, pp. 179 f., (especially pp. 181 f.).
-The following section is taken chiefly from these two sources. _Cf._
-also _Bronz. v. Ol._, pp. 180-1; Pinder, _A. A._, 1864, pp. 230 f.
-
-[1523] National Museum, no. 9075; _Arch. Eph._, 1883, fig. on p. 190;
-Juethner, fig. 1; Gardiner, p. 298, fig. 60. The inscription = _C. I.
-A._, IV, 422^4. This weight is 4.5 inches long with concave sides and
-weighs 4 lbs. 2 oz.
-
-[1524] _E. g._, one of lead, in the British Museum: _J. H. S._, XXIV,
-1904, p. 182; Gardiner, p. 299, fig. 61 c. It weighs 2 lbs. 5 oz.
-
-[1525] V, 26.3; the group dates from the second half of the fifth
-century B. C.: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 267-9.
-
-[1526] _Arch. Eph._, 1883, fig. on p. 104; Juethner, fig. 8; Gardiner,
-p. 300, fig. 62; Schreiber, _Bilderatlas_, Pl. XXII, fig. 10. It is 10
-inches long. (The illustrations show one weight seen from three sides.)
-
-[1527] _Bronz. v. Ol._, p. 180, fig. 1101; Juethner, fig. 9; Gardiner,
-p. 299, fig. 61a (from cast in the British Museum). It is probably of
-diorite and is 11.5 inches long, and weighs over 10 pounds.
-
-[1528] Ch. 55; _cf._ Lucian, _Anach._, 27 (καὶ μολυβδίνας χειροπληθεῖς
-ἐν ταῖν χεροῖν ἔχοντες, _i. e._, cylindrical); _Etym. magn._, p. 71, 20.
-
-[1529] Such is the limestone _halter_ from Kameiros, Rhodes, in the
-British Museum; _B. M. Guide to Gk. and Rom. Life_, 1908, fig. 41;
-Gardiner, p. 299, fig. 61 b. It is 7.5 inches long.
-
-[1530] Juethner, fig. 11.
-
-[1531] Duetschke, II, 22.
-
-[1532] _Mon. d. I._, VI, VII, 1857-63, Pl. LXXXII; _Annali_, XXXV,
-1863, pp. 397 f.; Gardiner, p. 177, fig. 22.
-
-[1533] See Caelius Aurelianus, _de Morb. acut. et chron._, V, 2.38
-(= of the early ? fifth century A. D.). The imperial physicians
-recommended them: see Galen and Antyllos, _apud_ Oribasium, _Coll.
-Medicin._, ed. Bussemaker et Daremberg, 1851, VI, 14 and 34,
-respectively; see Krause, I, pp. 395 f., and Juethner, p. 16.
-
-[1534] Ch. 55.
-
-[1535] _De Incessu anim._, Ch. 3 (p. 705a).
-
-[1536] Made by E. O. Gourdin, in Cambridge, U. S. A., July 23, 1921.
-
-[1537] See _J. H. S._, II, 1881, p. 218, n. 1; the jump took place at
-Chester in 1854; here is also recorded a standing jump of 13 ft. 7 in.
-with 23-lb. weights, at Manchester in 1875.
-
-[1538] Mentioned by Pinder, _Ueber d. Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen_ (quoted
-by Juethner, p. 16).
-
-[1539] So Fedde, p. 22. A record of 49 ft. 3 in. (hop, skip, and jump)
-was made at Harwich in 1861: _J. H. S._, II, p. 281, n. 1.
-
-[1540] _A. Pl._, 297; _cf._ schol. on Aristophanes, _Acharn._, 213, and
-other evidence gathered by Gardiner, in _J. H. S._, XXIV, 1904, pp. 70
-f.
-
-[1541] Rutgers, p. 11.
-
-[1542] On the controversy about these jumps, see Gardiner, Fedde, _ll.
-cc._, and _A. A._, 1900, pp. 104-6 (Kueppers, Diels, and Stengel). On
-Greek jumping, see also Krause, I, pp. 383 f.; Pinder, pp. 108 f.;
-Fedde, pp. 14 f.; Grasberger, _Erziehung und Unterricht_, I, pp. 303
-f.; Girard, _L’éducation athénienne_, 1889, pp. 200 f.; etc.
-
-[1543] See Gardiner’s summary in _J. H. S._, XXIV, 1904, p. 189.
-
-[1544] _E. g._, on a r.-f. pelike in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_,
-E 427; _J. H. S._, XXIV, 1904, p. 185, fig. 6; etc.
-
-[1545] _E. g._, on a r.-f. krater in Copenhagen (?): _Annali_, XVIII,
-1846, Pl. M; Gardiner, p. 303, fig. 64; _J. H. S._, _l. c._, p. 185,
-fig. 7 (left-hand figure).
-
-[1546] _E. g._, on a r.-f. kylix in Bologna: _J. H. S._, _l. c._, p.
-186, fig. 8; Gardiner, p. 304, fig. 65; Juethner, fig. 16; on interior
-of an early r.-f. vase, signed by Chelis, in the Louvre, G 15: Pottier,
-_Vases antiques_, Pl. 89; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 366, fig. 211.
-
-[1547] _E. g._, on a r.-f. kylix from Orvieto, formerly in the
-Bourguignon Coll. in Naples, but now in Boston: _A. Z._, XLII, 1884, p.
-243 (Meier), Pl. XVI, 2b; Reinach, _Rép. vases peints_, I, p. 454, 1,
-5, 6; _J. H. S._, _l. c._, p. 183, fig. 3; Gardiner, p. 305, fig. 66
-(interior showing diskobolos, _ibid._, p. 326, fig. 80 = _J. H. S._,
-XXVII, 1907, p. 20, fig. 9); Juethner, p. 15, fig. 14; Girard, _L’éduc.
-athén._, pp. 201, 207, figs. 22 and 27; Hoppin, _Hbk. Attic r.-f.
-Vases_, p. 423, no. 44; Dar.-Sagl., III, 1, p. 5, fig. 3691, IV, 2, p.
-1055, fig. 6083.
-
-[1548] _E. g._, on a b.-f. imitation Corinthian amphora in the British
-Museum: _B. M. Vases_, B 48; middle figure is given in _J. H. S._,
-_l. c._, p. 183, fig. 4; Gardiner, p. 306, fig. 67; Juethner, fig. 15
-(three figures).
-
-[1549] Inghirami, _Mus. Chius._, Pl. CXXV (quoted by Gardiner).
-
-[1550] _E. g._, on a Panathenaic amphora in Leyden: _J. H. S._,
-XXVII, 1907 p. 260; on a later r.-f. kylix of Euphronios: Klein,
-_Euphronios_^2, 1887, p. 306; _J. H. S._, XXIV, 1904, p. 188, fig. 9;
-Gardiner, p. 307, fig. 68.
-
-[1551] _B. M. Bronzes_, 248, p. 26, fig. 10 (right); _Gaz. arch._,
-1875, Pl. XXXV, p. 131; Schreiber, _Bilderatlas_, Pl. XXII, no. 15;
-Murray, _Hbk. Gk. Archæology_, 1892, p. 123, fig. 53. The diskos is
-8.25 inches in diameter and is to be dated about 500 B. C. On the
-other side is represented a jumper, with measuring cord in his hands,
-measuring his leap. A similar figure appears on a metrological relief
-at Oxford: _J. H. S._, IV, 1883, Pl. XXXV, p. 335.
-
-[1552] Richter, _Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes_, no. 81, fig. on
-p. 54 (three views); _Burlington Fine Arts Club, Cat. Anc. Gk. Art_,
-1904, p. 46, no. 37; Reinach, _Rép._, IV, 345, 9.
-
-[1553] Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 543, 7 (quoted by Miss Richter).
-
-[1554] _E. g._, the jumper with _halteres_ on the British Museum pelike
-already mentioned, E 427; see p. 216, n. 10; a still closer resemblance
-is found in a jumper without _halteres_ on a r.-f. pelike discussed in
-_J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, p. 272; Gardiner, p. 309, fig. 69.
-
-[1555] Krause, I, pp. 439 f. _E. g._, Apollo unintentionally slays
-Hyakinthos while contending with him in diskos-throwing: Euripides,
-_Helena_, 1469 f.; etc.
-
-[1556] Iliad, XXIII, 826 f. Later imitators of Homer use the word also:
-_e. g._, Apoll. Rhod., III, 1366.
-
-[1557] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 717; _I. G. A._, 370; Juethner, pp. 22-23. A
-larger block of volcanic rock weighing 480 kilograms has been found at
-Santorin with an inscription dating from about 500 B. C. stating that
-one Eumastas lifted it from the ground: _I. G._, XIII, no. 449. See _J.
-H. S._, XXVII, 1907, p. 2. Such a scene is depicted on the interior of
-a r.-f. kylix in the Louvre, G 96; _J. H. S._, _l. c._, fig. 1.
-
-[1558] Od., IV, 626 and VIII, 186 f. The diskos-throw was well known
-as a measure: _e. g._, Il., XXIII, 431. Scholiasts tried to show the
-difference between the _solos_ and the diskos: see Juethner, pp. 19 f.
-
-[1559] _Ol._, X, 72; _Isthm._, I, 25.
-
-[1560] _E. g._, on a b.-f. amphora in the British Museum: _B. M.
-Vases_, B 271; _J. H. S._, XXVII, Pl. I; Gardiner, p. 314, fig. 71;
-_cf._ the Panathenaic amphora, B 134 (= Fig. 44); _J. H. S._, XXVII,
-Pl. XVIII.
-
-[1561] _B. M. Bronzes_, no. 3207; Gardiner, p. 317, fig. 73; _Rev.
-arch._, XVIII, 1891, Pl. XVIII, p. 45. It is 6.5 inches in diameter.
-The inscription is written retrograde.
-
-[1562] See list of fifteen in _J. H. S._, XXVII, p. 6; Gardiner, p.
-316; eight of these are from Olympia.
-
-[1563] I, 35.5.
-
-[1564] Furtwaengler shows that there are numerous representations of
-Myron’s _Diskobolos_ on gems: _Die antiken Gemmen_, _e. g._, Pls. XLIV,
-nos. 26, 27, and LXVI, 8; _cf._ also a gem in the British Museum: _B.
-M. Gems_, 742 and Pl. 11.
-
-[1565] _J. H. S._, XXVII, 1907, pp. 1 f., Pls. I-III, summary on p. 36;
-_Greek Athl. Sports_, Ch. XV, pp. 313 f. _Cf._ also E. Pernice, _Jb._,
-XXIII, 1908, Zum Diskoswurf, pp. 94 f., who corrects and augments the
-evidence furnished by Gardiner’s article in the _J. H. S._ On the
-diskos and mode of casting, see also Juethner, pp. 18-36; Krause, I,
-pp. 442 f.; Grasberger, _Erziehung und Unterricht_, I, pp. 321 f.;
-_Gaz. arch._, 1888, pp. 291 f. (J. Six); Dar.-Sagl., II, 1, pp. 277
-f.; Fedde, _Der Fuenfkampf der Hellenen_, pp. 37 f.; Girard, _L’éduc.
-athén._, pp. 201 f.; Kietz, _Der Diskoswurf bei den Griechen_, 1892,
-pp. 15 f.
-
-[1566] _E. g._, on a lekythos from Eretria: _J. H. S._, XXVII, p. 23,
-fig. 12.
-
-[1567] _E. g._, on a b.-f. Attic lekythos in the British Museum: _B. M.
-Vases_, B 576; _J. H. S._, _l. c._, Pl. II; Gardiner, p. 328, fig. 82;
-on a r.-f. kylix: _J. H. S._, p. 26, fig. 15; Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCXCIV,
-no. 6.
-
-[1568] _E. g._, on the reverse of a r.-f. kylix in the British Museum
-signed by Pheidippos: _B. M. Vases_, III, Pl. I, E 6; _J. H. S._, _l.
-c._, p. 13, fig. 3; Gardiner, p. 323, fig. 76; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p.
-368, fig. 214; on a b.-f. kelebe in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_,
-E 361; Gardiner, p. 324, fig. 77; on an Attic b.-f. panel-amphora in
-the University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia: _Museum Journal_,
-VI, No. 4 (Dec., 1915), fig. 90, p. 170; _A. J. A._, XX, 1916, p. 440,
-fig. 4; (the obverse of this vase, representing a boxing scene, is
-given in our Fig. 56); on a b.-f. amphora pictured by Gerhard, IV, Pl.
-CCLX., and Pernice, _l. c._, fig. on p. 98. The left foot is generally
-forward in this position: _e. g._, on a r.-f. kylix in Munich, no. 795;
-_J. H. S._, _l. c._, p. 26, fig. 14; the right is forward on two b.-f.
-vases: Gerhard, Pls. CCLIX, 2 (= our Pl. 36 B), and CCLX. On a r.-f.
-amphora in Naples (Pernice, fig. on p. 96), a youth is represented
-holding the diskos with the right hand on the shoulder, against which
-his face is silhouetted as in the famous archaic relief from the
-Dipylon gate discussed _supra_, Ch. III, p. 127.
-
-[1569] _E. g._, on the amphora pictured by Pernice, p. 99.
-
-[1570] The left is forward on a r.-f. krater of Amasis from
-Corneto: _J. H. S._, XXVII, p. 16, fig. 5; Hartwig, _Die griech.
-Meisterschalen_, p. 416, fig. 56a; Gardiner, p. 324, fig. 78; the right
-is forward on a r.-f. pelike in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_, E
-395; _J. H. S._, _l. c._, Pl. III; Gardiner, p. 325, fig. 79. The left
-is drawn back in a fifth-century B. C. bronze: _J. H. S._, _l. c._, p.
-18, fig. 7; _Burlington Fine Arts Club, Cat. Anc. Gk. Art_, 1904, Pl.
-L. Another example is found on a r.-f. kylix in Paris: _J. H. S._, _l.
-c._, p. 27, fig. 17; Hartwig, _Die griech. Meisterschalen_, Pl. LXIII,
-2; Gardiner, p. 331, fig. 85.
-
-[1571] For variations, see early fifth-century B. C. coins of Kos in
-the British Museum: _J. H. S._, _l. c._, p. 30, fig. 19; Gardiner, p.
-332, fig. 86.
-
-[1572] _E. g._, on a Panathenaic amphora in Naples: _J. H. S._, XXVII,
-1907, p. 32, fig. 20; Juethner, fig. 31; Gardiner, p. 333, fig. 87; on
-a b.-f. hydria in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_, E 164; _J. H. S._,
-_l. c._, p. 32, fig. 21; Gardiner, p. 334, fig. 88.
-
-[1573] _E. g._, on a r.-f. kylix in Boulogne: _J. H. S._, _l. c._,
-p. 34, fig. 23; Gardiner, p. 335, fig. 89; Hoppin, _Hbk. Attic r.-f.
-Vases_, I, p. 370, no. 11; _cf._ Beazley, _Attic r.-f. Vases in Amer.
-Mus._, 1918, no. 19 (= ascribed to Euergides).
-
-[1574] _E. g._, on the kylix just mentioned (the figure to the right).
-
-[1575] _E. g._, the archaic Pourtalès bronze: Panofka, _Cabinet
-Pourtalès_, Pl. XIII, 3; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 545, 3; _cf._ also
-another in the Antiquarium in Berlin: _Inventar_, no. 8570; _A. A._,
-1904, p. 36, n. 7 and fig. on p. 35. The latter is 0.10 meter high.
-
-[1576] _Mus. Bull._, III, Feb., 1908, pp. 31-36; Richter, _Greek,
-Roman, and Etruscan Bronzes_, no. 78, p. 49 (three views); _Cat. Class.
-Coll._, pp. 89-90, figs. 52 and 53 (side views); Gardiner, p. 329, fig.
-83. It is 9.25 inches tall.
-
-[1577] _E. g._, on a r.-f. krater in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, no.
-561; on another in Munich: _cf._ J. D. Beazley, _J. H. S._, XXXI, 1911,
-Pl. VIII, 2; both quoted by Miss Richter, _l. c._
-
-[1578] In the National Museum, no. 7412; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_,
-p. 321 and fig. on p. 270. It was found in the sanctuary of the
-Kabeiroi in Bœotia and is 0.19 meter high. _Cf._ a similar position
-on a r.-f. amphora in Munich painted by Euthymides: no. 374;
-published by Hoppin, _Euthymides and his Fellows_, 1917, Pl. II;
-Furtwaengler-Reichhold, _Griech. Vasenmalerei_, Pl. LXXXI.
-
-[1579] _B. M. Bronzes_, no. 675; _J. H. S._, XXVII, p. 22, fig. 11;
-Murray^2, 1, p. 274, fig. 59; Gardiner, p. 330, fig. 84; Reinach,
-_Rép._, II, 2, 544, 10. It is 6.5 inches tall.
-
-[1580] _Cf._ also two very rude bronzes in the British Museum
-representing diskoboloi: _B. M. Bronzes_, nos. 502 (diskos held up in
-right hand), 504 (diskos in right hand), the first 3.37 inches tall,
-the other 4.87 inches; the latter has a fillet in the hair and so
-represents a victor.
-
-[1581] _B. M. Bronzes_, no. 559; _J. H. S._, _l. c._, p. 17, fig. 6. As
-the whole lebes is only 18.5 inches tall, this lid figure is very small.
-
-[1582] _A. A._, 1904, p. 36, fig. 8. _Inventar_, no. 8569. It is 0.115
-meter high.
-
-[1583] Published by H. G. E. White in _J. H. S._, XXXVI, 1916, pp. 16
-f., Pls. I, II and 3 figs, in text. Pl. I is the more archaic: Museum
-no. 6615; _Arch. Eph._, 1883, p. 86; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p.
-267; de Ridder, pp. 281-2, no. 757, and fig. 265. Pl. II is the less
-archaic: Museum no. 6614; _Arch. Eph._, 1883, p. 46; _J. H. S._, X,
-1889, pp. 268-9 (E. A. Gardiner); Staïs, _op. cit._, p. 267; de Ridder,
-pp. 275-7, no. 750, and fig. 257.
-
-[1584] Pliny, _H. N._, VII, 201, traces its origin to Aetolus, son of
-Mars. Phrastor won a victory in such a contest at Olympia: Pindar,
-_Ol._, X, 71. See Krause, pp. 465 f.; Juethner, pp. 36 f.; Gardiner,
-Ch. XVI, pp. 338 f.; _id._, _J. H. S._, XXVII, 1907, pp. 258 f.;
-Dar-Sagl., I, 1, pp. 226 f.; Pauly-Wissowa, I, pp. 1183 f. (Reisch);
-Girard, _L’éduc. athén._, pp. 203 f.; Grasberger, _Erziehung und
-Unterricht_, I, pp. 327 f., and III, pp. 168 f.; etc. In the following
-account we are chiefly indebted to Juethner and Gardiner.
-
-[1585] See Stassoff _apud_ Stephani, _Comptes rendus de la comm. impér.
-archaéol._, St. Petersburg, 1872, p. 302. _Cf._ Juethner, _Ph._, p. 64.
-
-[1586] Iliad, XXIII, 884 f.; _cf._ 637.
-
-[1587] The athletic style appears on many vases, especially on r.-f.
-ones; see _infra_, pp. 223-4 and notes.
-
-[1588] The javelin is held horizontally by the warrior on the interior
-of a b.-f. kylix in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_, B 380; _J. H.
-S._, XXVII, p. 252, fig. 2; Gardiner, p. 342, fig. 93. It was commonly
-held slopingly over the shoulder level with the head in representations
-of the athletic style; _e. g._, the second athlete from the left in the
-sixth-century B. C. b.-f. Panathenaic amphora in the British Museum
-(Fig. 44): _B. M. Vases_, B 134; _cf._ also a similar figure on the
-sixth-century B. C. amphora in Leyden: _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, Pl. IX;
-Gardiner, p. 361, fig. 108.
-
-[1589] At Athens as early as the fifth century B. C. there were
-practical javelin contests from horseback with a target, and such
-contests kept up in Thessaly to the time of Hadrian: Gardiner, pp.
-356-8. Throwing the javelin at a target from horseback is seen on a
-Panathenaic amphora in the British Museum: Gardiner, p. 357, fig. 106;
-_J. H. S._, XXVII, Pl. XX. Pindar mentions javelin-throwing three
-times, and in each case the throw was for distance: _Nem._, VII, 70-1;
-_Isthm._, II, 35; _Pyth._, I, 44. Lucian, in a passage referring to
-the pentathlon at Olympia, says that athletes competed for distance:
-_Anacharsis_, 27. On this question, see Juethner, pp. 54 f.
-
-[1590] Hesychios calls it ἀποτομάς, _s. v._; see also Pollux, X, 64.
-
-[1591] _A. Z._, XLI, 1883, Pl. XIII, 2, and _cf._ p. 228 (Milchhoefer).
-
-[1592] See Juethner, figs. 34, 35, 36 on pp. 40-41 (representing
-akontistai holding the javelin in one hand and the _amentum_ in the
-other). Fastening the thong is commonly depicted on vases: _e. g._, a
-youth seated on the ground attaching the _amentum_ is pictured on a
-r.-f. hydria in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_, E 164; _J. H. S._,
-XXVII, p. 32, fig. 25; Gardiner, p. 334, fig. 88; _B. C. H._, XXIII,
-1899, p. 164, fig. 3; on a r.-f. kylix in Wuerzburg (no. 432), a youth
-is seen winding the _amentum_ around the akontion, drawing one end
-of the thong tight by means of his left foot: Juethner, p. 42, fig.
-37; Gardiner, p. 340, fig. 91; Dar.-Sagl., III, 1, p. 599, fig. 4116;
-Hoppin, _Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases_, I, p. 93, no. 7. On a r.-f. amphora
-from Vulci attributed to Euthymides, and now in the British Museum, we
-see an akontistes holding the spear pointed to the ground and drawing
-the _amentum_ tight preparatory to the throw: _B. M. Vases_, E 256; _J.
-H. S._, XXVII, Pl. XIX; Gardiner, p. 348, fig. 99; Hoppin, _Euthymides
-and his Fellows_, p. 49, Pls. IX, XI; _id._, _Hbk._, I, pp. 442-3, no.
-19. For the various methods of attaching the _amentum_, see collection
-of drawings from vases in Gardiner, p. 341, fig. 92 = _J. H. S._,
-XXVII, p. 250, fig. 1.
-
-[1593] See _J. H. S._, XXVII, pp. 262 f.; Gardiner, pp. 350 f.
-
-[1594] _E. g._, on a r.-f. kylix in Rome: _J. H. S._, XXVII, p. 266,
-fig. 14; Gardiner, p. 354, fig. 104; Juethner, p. 48, fig. 43.
-
-[1595] Downwards in the r.-f. amphora in the British Museum, mentioned
-above, E 256.
-
-[1596] No. 2667 (Jahn, no. 562 A); _J. H. S._, XXVII, 1907, p. 262,
-fig. 9; Gardiner, p. 349, fig. 100; Juethner, p. 47, fig. 41; Hoppin,
-_Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases_, p. 198, no. 8.
-
-[1597] _E. g._, on a r.-f. kylix in the Torlonia collection: _J. H.
-S._, XXVII, p. 264, fig. 11; Gardiner, p. 351, fig. 102; Juethner, p.
-58, fig. 49.
-
-[1598] _E. g._, badly done on the Munich kylix mentioned, no. 2667;
-also on a r.-f. kylix of Panaitios from Vulci in Munich, no. 2637
-(Jahn, no. 795): _A. Z._, XXXVI, 1878, p. 66, Pl. XI (= Reinach, _Rép.
-vases peints_, I, p. 422, 2); _J. H. S._, XXVII, p. 264, fig. 12;
-Gardiner, p. 105, fig. 17; Schreiber, _Bilderatlas_, Pl. XXI, 3; Baum.,
-I, p. 613, fig. 672; Hoppin, _Hbk._, p. 426, no. 54; Dar.-Sagl., II, 2,
-p. 1452, fig. 3478; IV, 2, p. 1056, fig. 6086; on a r.-f. amphora in
-Munich (Jahn, no. 408): _J. H. S._, XXVII, p. 265, fig. 13; Gardiner,
-p. 353, fig. 103; Furtwaengler-Reichhold, _Griech. Vasenmalerei_, Pl.
-XLV.
-
-[1599] P. 48.
-
-[1600] See _23stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._
-
-[1601] B. B., no. 273; Bulle, 47, and pp. 97-102 and fig. 18; von Mach,
-113; Collignon, I, pp. 488 f. and Pl. XII; Rayet, I, Pl. 29; Gardner,
-_Sculpt._, Pl. XXXIV; Springer-Michaelis, p. 276, fig. 496; F. W., 503.
-
-[1602] _Polyklet u. s. Schule_, 1902. For the Apollonios bust, see B.
-B., no. 336; F. W., 505. An almost identical bust—except for a wide
-fillet around the locks and shoulders—was found in the _tablinum_ of
-the same villa (_Invent._, no. 6164). Many of these heads doubtless
-come from busts or statues which decorated gymnasia and palæstræ.
-
-[1603] Duetschke, III, no. 535 (0.81 meter high).
-
-[1604] F. W., 507; _cf._ Rayet, I, text to Pl. 29.
-
-[1605] No. 293; Amelung, _Museums and Ruins of Rome_, I, pp. 7 f.;
-_id._, _Vat._, I, no. 126 on p. 151 and Pl. 19; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I,
-45; _Guide_, I, 58; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 545, 10. It is 2.11 meters
-high (Amelung). _Cf._ Loewy, _Lysipp und Seine Stellung in der gr.
-Plastik_, pp. 5-7 and 23-4; Hauser, _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, XII, 1909,
-pp. 104-14. For other replicas, see Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 228 f.; _Mw._,
-pp. 421 f.
-
-[1606] Mahler, _op. cit._, p. 29.
-
-[1607] As we see from the careful copy on a Berlin gem: Helbig,
-_Fuehrer_, I, p. 31, fig. 3; _Guide_, I, p. 35, fig. 4; and on a
-funerary relief in Argos: _A. M._, III, 1878, pp. 287 f. and Pl. XIII
-(Furtwaengler); B. B., 279A; Collignon, I, p. 491, fig. 250; F. W.,
-504; _cf._ _Annali_, LI, 1879, p. 219 (Brunn); Mitchell, _Hist. Anc.
-Sculpt._, 1883, p. 386 and fig. 176.
-
-[1608] The _uno crure insistere_ of Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 56. Here
-Pliny quotes Varro to the effect that Polykleitos’ statues were almost
-exactly after the same type (_paene ad unum exemplum_).
-
-[1609] See _Mp._, pp. 212 f. and figs. 90 and 91 (head, two views);
-_Mw._, pp. 403 f., and Pls. XXIV, XXV. For the statue, see also
-Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glypt._^2, no. 295 (= god or athlete);
-Kekulé, _Jb._, III, 1888, p. 37 and Pl. 1 (= Polykleitan and Zeus); B.
-B., 122.
-
-[1610] _De instit. Orat._, V, 12.21.
-
-[1611] _H. N._, XXXIV, 18.
-
-[1612] _A. M._, III, 1878, p. 292, n. 2.
-
-[1613] _Mp._, pp. 163 and 228; _Mw._, p. 420.
-
-[1614] _E. g._, that of Ktesilaos (= Kresilas; see below) in _H. N._,
-XXXIV, 76; of Polykleitos, _ibid._, 55, and of Aristodemos, _ibid._, 86.
-
-[1615] This torso is of Pentelic marble, like many of the later victor
-statues at Olympia, and is fleshier than the Naples and Vatican copies:
-_Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., p. 250 and fig. 284 (back view); Tafelbd.,
-Pl. LXII, I; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 228, _Mw._, p. 420. It is in the Museum
-at Olympia.
-
-[1616] The Naples copy is 1.99 meters high; see Kalkmann, Die Proport.
-des Gesichts in d. gr. Kunst, _53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1893,
-p. 53; the Olympia torso is 1.10 meters high for the preserved part
-(Treu).
-
-[1617] _Pro Imag._, 11.
-
-[1618] _E. g._, the statue of Polydamas, P., VI, 5.1; the base of the
-statue of Kallias, _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 146; of Eukles, _ibid._, no.
-159; etc.
-
-[1619] Collignon, I, p. 490; he believed that the original statue by
-Polykleitos stood in a Gymnasion at Argos.
-
-[1620] _Cf. infra_, Ch. VIII, p. 342 and n. 2.
-
-[1621] Richter, _Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes_, nos. 87 (pp. 56
-f., and fig., showing front and back, on p. 57; _cf._ _Cat. Class.
-Coll._, p. 114, fig. 72; it is from Cyprus), and 88 (fig. on p. 58;
-_Mus. Bull._, Dec., 1913, p. 270, Richter). No. 87 is 6.25 inches tall;
-88 is 5.56 inches.
-
-[1622] _Mp._, pp. 279 f. Furtwaengler wrongly ascribed the statue of
-Xenokles to the elder Polykleitos.
-
-[1623] See the fine drawings of these and other groups from tomb no.
-17 (of Khety) in Champollion, _Monuments de l’Égypte et de la Nubie_,
-1845, IV, Pls. CCCLXXII-CCCLXXVIII; Pl. CCCLXXIII, 3 = Perrot-Chipiez,
-I, p. 793, fig. 521; CCCLXXIV, 4 = _ibid._, p. 792, fig. 520.
-Another scene from the tomb of Nevothph is pictured in Champollion,
-Pl. CCCLXIV, I. See also _Arch. Survey of Egypt, Beni Hasan_, Pt.
-II, 1894, Pl. XV; _cf._ a poor reproduction of several scenes in
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 27, fig. 68.
-
-[1624] _De Leg._, VII, 796 A, B, C.
-
-[1625] Philostr., _Imag._, II, 32 (p. 857), ascribes its origin to
-Hermes’ daughter Palaistra; Apollodoros, II, 4.9, says that the same
-god’s son Autolykos was the teacher of Herakles. Pausanias, I, 39.3,
-says that the systematic instruction in the art began with Theseus.
-Eustathius, schol. on _Il._, XXIII, p. 1327, says that Kerkyon
-discovered it. In a scholion on Pindar, _Nem._, V, 49, Boeckh, p. 465,
-Pherekydes and Polemon are quoted as saying that Theseus’ charioteer
-Phorbas invented the art, and Istros is quoted as saying that Athena
-taught Theseus. At Olympia Herakles was a victor in wrestling: P., V,
-8.4.
-
-[1626] Ajax (Telamon) and Odysseus contended in a wrestling bout
-which ended in a draw: Il., XXIII, 710-734; in line 701, and in Od.,
-VIII, 126, it is called παλαισμοσύνη ἀλεγεινή; it appears among the
-Phaiakians in Od., VIII, 103, 246. It was pictured along with boxing on
-the shield of Herakles by Hesiod: _Scut._, 302 (= ἑλκηδόν).
-
-[1627] P., V, 8.7; Ph., 12.
-
-[1628] P., V, 8.9.
-
-[1629] On rules and representations of wrestling in literature and
-art, see especially E. N. Gardiner, _J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, pp. 14-31;
-pp. 263-293, and Pls. XI and XII; _id._, _Greek Athl. Sports_, Ch.
-XVIII, pp. 372-401; _cf._ Krause, I, pp. 400 f; Grasberger, _Erziehung
-u. Unterricht_, I, pp. 345 f. An excellent account of a wrestling
-match is found in the oldest Greek prose romance, the _Aethiopica_ of
-Heliodoros, X, 31 f.; _cf._ also the fine account of a bout between
-Diomedes and Aias in Quintus Smyrnæus: IV, 215 f.; etc.
-
-[1630] Grenfell and Hunt, _Oxy. Pap._, III, 466; discussed by Juethner,
-with part of the text and translation, in his edition of the _de Arte
-gymn._ of Philostratos, p. 26. On the method of selecting antagonists
-at Olympia, the number engaged, byes, etc., see Gardiner, pp. 374-5.
-
-[1631] For coins in the British Museum, see Gardiner, p. 373, fig.
-109, a, b, c (from Aspendos, of the fifth and fourth centuries B. C.),
-d (from Herakleia in Lucania, of the fourth), e, f (from Syracuse, of
-about 400 B. C.), g (from Alexandria of the time of Antoninus Pius);
-see also _id._, _J. H. S._, XXV, p. 271, fig. 9.
-
-[1632] See especially, Gardiner, _ll. cc._
-
-[1633] Described by Lucian, _Anach._, 24.
-
-[1634] Described by Quintus Smyrnæus, IV, 215 f. and Nonnos, XXXVII,
-553 f.; discussed in _J. H. S._, XXV, pp. 25 f.
-
-[1635] No. 2159; _A. J. A._, XI, 1896, p. 11, fig. 9; _J. H. S._, XXV,
-p. 270, fig. 8; Gardiner, p. 386, fig. 116; Furtwaengler-Reichhold,
-_Die griech. Vasenmalerei_, III, pp. 73 f., and Pl. CXXXIII; Gerhard,
-_Trinkschalen und Gefaesse des k. Museums zu Berlin und anderer
-Sammlungen_, 1848-50, Pls. XIX, XX; Overbeck, _Griech. Kunstmythol._,
-III, _Apollon_, p. 400, n. 1 and Pl. XXIV, 2; W. Klein, _Die griech.
-Vasen mit Meistersignaturen_^2, 1886, no. 4; Hoppin, _Hbk. Attic r.-f.
-Vases_, I, p. 32, Pl. on p. 33.
-
-[1636] No. 2444; _Trans. Univ. Penn. Mus._, II, 1906-1907, Pl. XXXV,
-a, and pp. 140 f. (W. N. Bates); J. D. Beazley, _Attic r.-f. Vases
-in Amer. Museums_, 1918, p. 111 (Lysis, Laches, and Lykos group);
-Gardiner, p. 392, fig. 122.
-
-[1637] _Invent._, 5626-5627; B. B., 354; Comparetti e de Petra, _La
-Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni_, 1883, Pl. XV, 2 and 3; Bulle, 91;
-Gardiner, p. 378, fig. 110 (= one statue); von Mach, 289; Reinach,
-_Rép._, II, 2, 541 (= one statue); etc. They appear to be boys of about
-sixteen, and consequently may represent contestants in the πάλη παίδων.
-The statues are 1.18 meters high (Bulle). The advanced foot in no. 5626
-is wrongly restored.
-
-[1638] Kalkmann, _Jb._, X, 1895, p. 64, n. 49 (dolichodromoi).
-
-[1639] _Cf._ Gardiner, p. 382.
-
-[1640] _Jb._, IV, 1889, pp. 116, n. 8; _cf._ Benndorf, _Jh. oest. arch.
-Inst._, IV, 1901, pp. 172-3 and n. 12. Mahler wrongly thought that the
-heads were different: _Polyklet u. s. Schule_, p. 18; he assigned one
-to the fifth century B. C., the other to the influence of Praxiteles.
-Benndorf believed the two figures to be copies of one statue, later
-used to make a group.
-
-[1641] Bulle, no, 90; in the Landesmuseum of Darmstadt: see Adamy,
-_Archaeol. Samml. des grossherz. Hess. Museums_, 1897, p. 21, no. 19.
-The figures are only 0.075 meter high.
-
-[1642] Bulle, p. 179, fig. 40; Reinach, _Rép._, IV, 318, 2; for other
-similar ones, _cf. ibid._, II, 2, 539, 2 (cover of a cista from
-Praeneste), 5 (in the Louvre), 6 (in Vienna = E. von Sacken, _Die ant.
-Bronz. d. k. k. Muenz-und Ant.-Cabinetes in Wien_, 1871, Pl. XLV, 7),
-and III, 155, 3 (in Forman Collection, London).
-
-[1643] Richter, _Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes_, no. 124 and fig.
-on p. 79; it is 4.5 inches high.
-
-[1644] _E. g._, Walters, _B. M. Bronzes_, no. 639; _Mon. d. I._, X,
-1877, Pl. XLV, 1 a.; Babelon et Blanchet, _Cat. des bronzes antiques de
-la Bibl. Nationale_, 1895, no. 935.
-
-[1645] Παναθήναια, II, Plates.
-
-[1646] Gardiner, p. 395, fig. 126; _J. H. S._, XXV, p. 286, fig. 23;
-Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 328, fig. 81.
-
-[1647] Gardiner, p. 396, fig. 127; Clarac, 802, 2014.
-
-[1648] J. Sieveking, _Die Bronzen der Samml. Loeb_, 1913, pp. 52-4 and
-Pl. XXI; it is 0.165 meter high. Others there listed include one in
-the British Museum: _J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, Pl. XI, b (front and back),
-and text on p. 288; Gardiner p. 398, fig. 129; another from Vienne
-in Bonn; two in Paris, in the de Clercq and Warrocqué collections
-respectively; and a fifth, whose location is unknown. All are of rough
-Roman workmanship, either of the second or first centuries B. C.
-
-[1649] See Petersen in _R. M._, XV, 1900, pp. 158 f.; Klein, III, pp.
-309 f.; Sieveking, _op. cit._, p. 53, n. 1. The copies are in Florence
-(_Galleria di Firenze_, III, Pl. 123, 2; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 538,
-5); in St. Petersburg (_Comptes rendus de la comm. impér. archéol._,
-St. Petersburg, 1867, Pl. I, pp. 5 f., text by Stephani; _J. H. S._,
-XXV, 1905, p. 290, fig. 25; Gardiner, p. 399, fig. 130; Reinach,
-_Rép._, II, 2, 538, 1 and 3); in Constantinople, from Antioch (_Jb._,
-XIII, 1898, Pl. XI and pp. 177 f., Foerster; _Rev. arch._, XXXV, 1899,
-Pl. XVIII, pp. 207 f., Joubin; _J. H. S._, 1905, p. 291, fig. 26;
-Gardiner, p. 400, fig. 131); in the Louvre, from Egypt (no. 361; _Jb._,
-XVI, 1901, fig. on p. 51; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 234, 2); and in the
-British Museum (_B. M. Bronzes_, 853 and Pl. XXVII, middle one below).
-In the St. Petersburg copy the arms of the victor are changed around.
-
-[1650] Duetschke, III, 547; Bulle, 184; von Mach, 288; F. W., 1426;
-Reinach, _Rép._, I, 523, 1.
-
-[1651] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1382 (= Attic); _Jb._, XXV, 1910, Pl.
-VII, and pp. 171 f. (Bieber = Euphranor); _cf._ _R. M._, VI, 1891, p.
-304, n. 2 (Petersen = Skopaic); Furtw., _Mw._, p. 515, n. 4 (= Skopaic).
-
-[1652] _H. N._, XXXIV, 80.
-
-[1653] _H. N._, XXXV, 71; so Reisch, p. 45, n. 5. See _supra_, p. 206.
-
-[1654] _H. N._, XXXV, 130. It was probably votive in character.
-
-[1655] Ol. 141 (= 216 B. C.): P., VI, 16.9; Hyde, 167; Foerster, 471;
-_Inschr. v. Ol._, 179.
-
-[1656] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 164; drawing of the base also in Furtw.,
-_Mp._, p. 279, fig. 118; _Mw._, p. 491, fig. 85. The inscription dates
-from the end of the fifth or beginning of the fourth century B. C.,
-which shows that the statue was the work of the younger Polykleitos.
-Xenokles won sometime between Ols. (?) 94 and 100 (= 404 and 380 B.
-C.): P., VI,9.2; Hyde, 85 and p. 41; Foerster, 308.
-
-[1657] Pp. 45-6; he won in Ol. 83 (= 448 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI,
-9.3; Hyde, 88; Foerster, 285.
-
-[1658] _Cf._ Lucretius, V, 1282: _arma antiqua manus ungues dentesque
-fuerunt_; Hor., _Sat._, I, 3.101; etc.
-
-[1659] Between Epeios and Euryalos, Il., XXIII, 653 f.; Odysseus and
-Iros, Od., XVIII, 1 f.; _cf._ the match between Entellus and Dares in
-Virgil, _Aen._, V, 362 f.; Polydeukes and Amykos in Theokr., XXII,
-80 f.; and in Apollon. Rhod., _Argon._, II, 67 f. For the Homeric
-and Virgilian matches, see _Fencing, Boxing, and Wrestling_, 1889
-(Badminton Library), pp. 125 f.
-
-[1660] Il., XXIII, 653; he uses the same epithet of wrestling, _ibid._,
-701, and Od., VIII, 126. Eustath. _ad_ Il., XXIII, p. 1322, speaks of
-the πύκτης τλησίπονος.
-
-[1661] πυκτοσύνη ἀλγινόεσσα: frag. 19, l. 4 (= _Philos. Fragm._, ed.
-Didot, I, p. 104 = Athen., X, 6, p. 414a). Apollon. Rhod. calls it
-ἀπηνέα πυγμαχίην, II, 76-7. The parts injured were especially the nose,
-ears, cheeks, chin, and teeth; _cf._ Krause, p. 516 and n. 18.
-
-[1662] See Orsi, _Museo Ital. di antich. class._, II, Pl. V, p. 808;
-_cf._ Juethner, pp. 65-6, and Frothingham, _A. J. A._, IV, 1888, P. 444.
-
-[1663] See Krause, pp. 497 f. Ph., 9, says that it was an invention of
-the Spartans and was first used among the Bebrykes.
-
-[1664] P., V, 7.10; _cf._ Plut., _Quaest. conviv._, VIII, 4.4 (which
-speaks of victories of Apollo in boxing).
-
-[1665] P., V, 8.4.
-
-[1666] XXIII, 660.
-
-[1667] Plut., _l. c._
-
-[1668] The schol. on Pindar, _Nem._, V, 89, Boeckh, p. 465, says that
-Theseus instituted the art of boxing.
-
-[1669] P., V, 8. 7; Afr., _s. v._ Onomastos; Ph., 12; _Homeric Hymn to
-Apollo_, 149; _cf._ Foerster, 28. The date is also given by Ph., _l. c._
-
-[1670] P., V. 8. 9; Ph., 13.
-
-[1671] See K. T. Frost, _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, pp. 213f; Gardiner, Ch.
-XIX, pp. 402 f.; Krause, pp. 497 f.
-
-[1672] See Krause, I, pp. 502 f.; Juethner, pp. 65 f.; Gardiner, pp.
-403 f.
-
-[1673] Mosso, _The Palaces of Crete_, 1907, p. 339, and fig. 160 on p.
-341. Orsi, _l. c._, believes the object over the fists in the bronze
-shield fragment from Mount Ida to be part of a glove, though Juethner
-rejects this view, interpreting it merely as an ornament.
-
-[1674] Schol. on Plato, _de Leg._, VIII, 796 A; Clem. Alexandr.,
-Strom., I, 16.76.
-
-[1675] ἱμάντας ἐϋτμήτους βοὸς ἀγραύλοιο: Il., XXIII, 684. In the
-Odyssey Iros and Odysseus fight with bare fists.
-
-[1676] _E. g._, P., VI, 23.4 and VIII, 40. 3; Apoll. Rhod., _Argon._,
-II, 52-53; _cf._ Plato, _de Leg._, VIII, 830 B.
-
-[1677] _E. g._, on a r.-f. kylix in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_,
-E 63, and Pl. III; Juethner, p. 68, fig. 54; Gardiner, p. 403, fig.
-132; it represents boxers with bundles of thongs in their hands
-standing before an official.
-
-[1678] _B. M. Vases_, E 39; _J. H. S._, XXVI, Pl. XII; Gardiner, p.
-404, fig. 133; Juethner, p. 66, fig. 53; Hoppin, _Hbk. Attic r.-f.
-Vases_, p. 237, Pl. On the interior of another a youth is seen, thongs
-in hand, standing before an altar: Murray, _Designs from Gk. Vases in
-the British Museum_, Pl. VI, 24.
-
-[1679] Museum no. 2444; _Trans. Univ. Penn. Mus._, II, 1906-1907, Pl.
-XXXV, b. and p. 142 (text by W. N. Bates).
-
-[1680] IX, 116. A similar game is mentioned by Plato, _Theaet._, XXVII
-(= 181 A). On both games, see Krause, pp. 323 f.
-
-[1681] Juethner, pp. 69 f., rightly explains such objects as boxing
-thongs.
-
-[1682] Ch. 10; _cf._ P., VIII, 40.3.
-
-[1683] _E. g._, on the kylix just mentioned, E 39; on a r.-f. amphora
-in Munich (Jahn, no. 411B): Hartwig, _Die griech. Meisterschalen_, p.
-410. fig. 55; on the interior of a r.-f. kylix in Munich, no. 1156:
-Juethner, p. 70, fig. 56; and on the interior of the r.-f. kylix in
-the British Museum to be discussed, E 78 (= Fig. 55): Murray, _Designs
-from Gr. Vases in the B. M._, Pl. XIV, 55; Juethner, p. 72, fig. 58;
-Gardiner, p. 406, fig. 134; on a r.-f. amphora in the Hofmuseum in
-Vienna by Epiktetos we see (figure at the left) a boxer who is just
-finishing tying the thongs on his left hand and wrist: Dar-Sagl., IV,
-1, p. 755, fig. 5854; Schneider, _Arch.-epigr. Mitt. aus Oesterr._, V,
-1881, pp. 139 f., and Pl. IV; Hoppin, _Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases_, p. 334,
-no. 25, and Pl. on p. 335.
-
-[1684] Tafelbd., Pl. V, no. 4; Textbd., p. 35.
-
-[1685] P., VIII, 40.5; _cf._ II, 20. 1.
-
-[1686] VIII, 40.3. _Cf._ the statues of Damoxenos and Kreugas by Canova
-in the Gabinetto di Canova of the Vatican, to see in how exaggerated a
-way a modern sculptor has interpreted the boxing bout of these famous
-athletes: Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, nos. 136, 137; _Guide_, 139, 140;
-Pistolesi, _Il Vaticano Descritto_, IV, 91.
-
-[1687] _De Leg._, VIII, 830 B; Plut., _de Profectibus in virtute_, IX
-(80 B); Pollux, III, 150; Bekker, _Anecd. gr._, 1814-1821, I, P. 62, l.
-25.
-
-[1688] _E. g._, on an amphora in the British Museum: _B. M. Vases_,
-B 607; _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-78, Pl. XLVIII, e 2; Gardiner, p. 407,
-fig. 135; Juethner, p. 83, fig. 67; on the Ficoroni Cista in the Museo
-Kircheriano, Rome: Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1752; _Guide_, 437; Juethner,
-p. 82, fig. 66, a, c. On this cista, see F. Behn, Die ficoronische
-Cista, _Arch. Studie_, 1907; O. Jahn, _Die ficoronische Cista_, 1852;
-etc.
-
-[1689] Late writers generally use the terms σφαῖραι and ἱμάντες ὀξεῖς
-interchangeably.
-
-[1690] _E. g._, ἐπίσφαιρα in Plut., _Praecept. ger. resp._, 32 (= 825
-e).
-
-[1691] Juethner, p. 78, fig. 63; Gardiner, p. 409, fig. 137. For this
-and the delle Terme glove, see Huelsen, _R. M._, IV, 1889, pp. 175 f.
-
-[1692] Juethner, p. 79, fig. 54.; _Antichi di Ercolano_, Bronzi, II,
-pp. 411 f.
-
-[1693] In the Museo Civico there; mentioned by Juethner, p. 78.
-
-[1694] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1145; _Guide_, 625; Baum., I, p. 524,
-fig. 566; Juethner, p. 85, fig. 68.
-
-[1695] The word μύρμηκες, _A. G._, XI, 78, may be merely a comic
-name for the gloves—certain protuberances (“metal studs” or “nails”
-= Liddell and Scott, _s. v._ looking like warts (μυρμηκίαι); _cf._
-Pollux, III, 150.
-
-[1696] _Aen._, V, 404-5; 468-71.
-
-[1697] _B. M. Vases_, E 39; _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, Pl. XII.
-
-[1698] _B. M. Vases_, E 78; _J. H. S._, XXVI, Pl. XIII; Gardiner, p.
-436, fig. 151.
-
-[1699] _Mus. Journ._, VI, no. 4 (Dec., 1915), p. 169, fig. 89; text by
-Dr. S. B. Luce, who believes this class of vases to be a prototype of
-the “Nolan” vases; another “Nolan” amphora is given, _ibid._, fig. 90
-(also published in _A. J. A._, XX, 1916, p. 440, fig. 4), which shows a
-diskobolos, who is holding a diskos in a way similar to that on a r.-f.
-kelebe in the British Museum (_B. M. Vases_, B 361; Gardiner, p. 324,
-fig. 77). On the division of Attic b.-f. amphoræ into “panel-amphoræ”
-and “red-bodied amphoræ,” see H. B. Walters, _Hist. Anc. Pottery,
-Greek, Etruscan, and Roman_, 1905, I, pp. 160-62.
-
-[1700] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 149.
-
-[1701] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 155 (renewed); the date of the victory is
-given by P., VI, 7.8; Hyde, 65; Foerster, 263.
-
-[1702] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 147, 148. The statue stood equally on both
-feet, the left being slightly advanced. He won in Ol. 77 (= 472 B.
-C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237.
-
-[1703] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 165 (renewed); base drawn in outline in
-Furtw., _Mp._, p. 288, fig. 123; _Mw._, p. 503, fig. 90. He won in Ol.
-82 (= 452 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 13.6; Hyde, 115; Foerster, 376.
-Here the body weight rested upon the left foot, the right being flat
-on the ground and turned to one side, _i. e._, in the old scheme of
-Hagelaïdas and his school.
-
-[1704] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 159 (renewed); _I. G. B._, 86. This statue
-was in the same attitude as that of Aristion and was slightly over
-life-size. He won some time between Ols. (?) 90 and 93 (= 420 and 408
-B. C.): P., VI, 6.2; Hyde, 52; Foerster, 297.
-
-[1705] Michaelis, p. 446, no. 35; Clarac V, 946, 2436 A (wrongly =
-Antinous). See Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 288 f. (and fig. 124); _Mw._, pp. 503
-f. (and fig. 91). Height 1.75 meters (Michaelis).
-
-[1706] Furtw., _Mp._, p. 246, fig. 99; _Mw._, p. 447, fig. 69; a
-headless copy in Lansdowne House: Michaelis, p. 438, 3; Clarac, V, 851,
-2180 A. Here the present head is of different marble from the torso and
-does not belong to it; the body forms recall those of the _Doryphoros_.
-It is 1.49 meters high.
-
-[1707] _Not. Scav._, 1888, pp. 289 f. (Barracco); _Atti dell’ Accad.
-di Napoli_, 1889, pp. 35 f. (Sogliano); _R. M._, IV, 1889, pp. 179 f.
-(Huelsen); Kalkmann, Die Proport. d. Gesichts in d. gr. Kunst, _53stes
-Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1893, Pl. III (profile and front views), and
-fig. on p. 68 (head); B. B., no. 614 (statue), 615 (head, two views);
-Juethner, p. 84; etc.
-
-[1708] Furtwaengler (_Statuenkopien im Altertum_) and Sogliano (_l.
-c._) date the statue in the period of Augustus.
-
-[1709] B. B., no. 613; Kalkmann, Die Prop. des Gesichts, Pls. I
-(statue) and II (head, two views).
-
-[1710] B. B., nos. 132, 134-5; F. W., 462.
-
-[1711] Pl., _H. N._, XXXIV, 50 and 79. For this view, see text to B.
-B., no. 614. Furtwaengler had suggested Lykios as the sculptor of the
-_Oil-pourer_: _Mp._, p. 259.
-
-[1712] Though winning in Ol. 65 (= 520 B. C.), his statue was set
-up later by his son: P., VI, 10.1-3; Hyde, 93 and p. 42; Foerster,
-137. The word σκιαμαχεῖν (lit. “to fight in the shade,” and hence to
-practice in the gymnasium) is used synonymously with χειρονομεῖν in the
-sense “to spar:” Plato, _de Leg._, VIII, 830 C; P., VI, 10.3; Pollux,
-III, 150; etc. _Cf._ Paul’s phrase in _I Corinthians_, 9, 26. A derived
-meaning is “to fight with a shadow”: _e. g._, Plato, _Apol._, 18 D;
-etc. Dio Chrysostom, _Or._, XXXII (367 M), speaks of χειρονομοῦντες as
-gymnasium practisers. See Krause, pp. 510 f.
-
-[1713] The κώρυκος was such a bag used by athletes: _cf._ the
-proverb, πρὸς κώρυκον γυμνάζεσθαι, “to labor in vain”: Diog., 7, 54.
-The Ficoroni cista has been mentioned _supra_, p. 237, n. 4. The
-description and use of the bag are given by Ph., 57.
-
-[1714] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 704; _Guide_, II, 207.
-
-[1715] Amelung, _Vat._, I, 372 B, pp. 554-5 and Pl. LVIII; Clarac, 883,
-2256. It is 0.535 meter high.
-
-[1716] _Beschr._, no. 469; Overbeck, _Griech. Kunstmyth._, III,
-_Apollon_, pp. 218 f. and fig. 14 (restored), interpreted the torso as
-that of an Apollo; but the Phrygian coin there pictured (Muenztafel,
-IV, 31), of the time of Lucius Verus, may merely show that the motive
-later was transferred to the god.
-
-[1717] _Bronzen v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 21-2; Tafelbd., Pl. VIII, no. 57.
-It is only 0.112 meter high.
-
-[1718] _E. g._, _Bronzen v. Ol._, Pl. VIII, nos. 51-54 (statuettes);
-Pl. VI, nos. 59 and 63 (arm and right lower leg respectively); _cf._
-Reisch, p. 39.
-
-[1719] _J. H. S._, I, 1880, p. 199. See B. B., no. 51; F. W., 89; etc.
-Theagenes won in Ols. 75, 76 (= 480, 476 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI,
-11.2 f.; Hyde, 104; Foerster, 191, 196.
-
-[1720] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 168. He won some time between Ols. (?) 99 and
-103 (= 384 and 368 B. C.): P., VI, 4.1; Hyde, 36; Foerster, 419.
-
-[1721] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 158; _I. G. B._, 98; he won some time between
-Ols. (?) 95 and 100 (= 400 and 380 B. C.): P., VI, 6.3; Hyde, 54;
-Foerster, 319.
-
-[1722] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 186; _I. G. B._, 176. He won two victories
-in boxing some time between Ols. (?) 144 and 147 (= 204 and 192, B.
-C.): P., VI, 15.6; Hyde, 147; Foerster, 510, 512 (who dates the artist
-toward the middle of the second century B. C.; but I have followed the
-earlier dating of Hiller von Gaertringen, _Woch. f. kl. Philol._, X,
-1893, p. 856, which date has been accepted by Dittenberger).
-
-[1723] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 174.
-
-[1724] VI., 8.5.
-
-[1725] See Hyde, _de olymp. Stat._, pp. 39-41. There Ol. 80 or 84 (=
-460 or 444 B. C.) has been suggested for the original victory.
-
-[1726] Philippos won some time between Ols. (?) 119 and 125 (= 304 and
-280 B. C.): Hyde, 79 a.
-
-[1727] Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 575, in discussing my solution of the
-difficulty, call it “_sinnreich, aber doch ungemein kompliziert_,” and
-the assumption that a victor would use an older statue of a fellow
-countryman to celebrate his own victory “_sehr bedenklich_.”
-
-[1728] _Cf._ Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 296.
-
-[1729] _Op. cit._, p. 41. See also _supra_, p. 188.
-
-[1730] _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-78, Pl. II (head, two views); _Annali_,
-XLVI, 1874, Pl. L and pp. 51 f. (Brizio); Photo. Giraudon, no. 1207.
-
-[1731] Furtwaengler sees in this statue a work by Pythagoras: _Mp._, p.
-171 f.; _Mw._, pp. 345 f.; Brizio, _l. c._, ascribes it to Hagelaïdas.
-
-[1732] _Supra_, pp. 180-1.
-
-[1733] On the pankration, see Gardiner, Ch. XX, pp. 435 f.; _id._, _J.
-H. S._, XXVI, 1906, pp. 4 f. and Pls. III-V; Krause, I, pp. 534 f.; etc.
-
-[1734] For the etymology, see Plato, _Euthydem._, 271 C, D; definition,
-Pollux III, 150; Plut., _Quaest. conviv._, II, 4 (containing also
-fanciful etymologies of πάλη); _cf._ Philostr., _Imag._, II, 6
-(containing a full account of the contest in the description of the
-death of Arrhachion); _cf._ schol. on Plato, _de Rep._, I, 338 C, D.
-
-[1735] _Vita Demonactis_, 49 (against biting).
-
-[1736] _L. c._ (against biting and gouging).
-
-[1737] _Aves_, 442-3; _Pax_, 898-9.
-
-[1738] E 78; another example is seen on a r.-f. kylix in Baltimore:
-Gardiner, p. 437, fig. 152; _J. H. S._, XXVI, p. 9, fig. 3; Hartwig,
-_Die griech. Meisterschalen_, Pl. LXIV; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 629, fig.
-350.
-
-[1739] _Nem._, II, III, V; _Isthm._, IV, V, VI, VII, VIII.
-
-[1740] Frag. 19, l. 5 (_ap._ Athenæum, X, 6 = 414 a).
-
-[1741] _E. g._, Mahaffy, in his _Old Greek Life_, 1886, p. 56; see
-Gardiner, pp. 435-7, in refutation of such an exaggerated view.
-
-[1742] _De Leg._, VIII, 832 E; 834 A.
-
-[1743] Older writers, _e. g._, Faber, _Agonisticon_ (published in
-1592), I, 9, p. 1828, thought that the glove was used, an opinion long
-ago refuted by Krause, I, p. 539, n. 2. Waldstein, _J. H. S._, I,
-1880, p. 185, wrongly says that the pancratiast sometimes wore gloves.
-Pausanias does not mention them, nor do we see them on any of the
-vase-paintings.
-
-[1744] VI, 6.5.
-
-[1745] VI, 15.5. _Cf._ also V, 17.10, where, in describing the
-boxing match between Admetos and Mopsos represented on the chest
-of Kypselos, he says οἱ δὲ ἀποτετολμηκότες πυκτεύειν—a hint of the
-dangerous character of boxing.
-
-[1746] _Oneir._, 1, 62. This, at best, seems to be an exaggeration.
-
-[1747] Philostr., _l. c._
-
-[1748] VIII, 40.3-5.
-
-[1749] To Theseus: schol. on Pindar, _Nem._, V, 89, Boeckh, p. 465;
-_cf._ schol. on _Nem._, III, 27, Boeckh, p. 442; to Herakles: P., V,
-8.4.
-
-[1750] P., V, 8.8; Ph., 12; and Afr.
-
-[1751] P., V, 8.11; Ph., 13.
-
-[1752] _E. g._, at Nemea; Pindar composed _Nem._, V, in honor of the
-boy Pytheas of Aegina, who won in (?) 485 B. C.; it was introduced at
-Delphi in the 61st Pythiad: P., X, 7.8; at the Isthmus in mythical
-times: P., V, 2.4.
-
-[1753] Collected by Gardiner, _op. cit._
-
-[1754] Described by Lucian, _Anachar._, I.
-
-[1755] This throw is depicted on the walls of the tombs of Beni-Hasan
-on the Nile and is practised to-day by the Japanese; it is described by
-Dio Cassius, LXXI, 7.
-
-[1756] Κλιμακισμός: described by Soph., _Trachiniae_, 520 f., and the
-schol.; see also Ovid, _Met._, IX, 51. _Cf._ _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906,
-pp. 15-16.
-
-[1757] _E. g._, on four Græco-Roman gems in the British Museum pictured
-in _J. H. S._, XXVI, p. 10, fig. 4; Gardiner, p. 447, fig. 162.
-
-[1758] _B. M. Vases_, B 604; _J. H. S._, XXVI, Pl. III; Gardiner, p.
-442, fig. 157.
-
-[1759] E 78.
-
-[1760] Mentioned by Plato, _Alcibiades_, I, 107 E; Ph., 50; Pollux,
-III, 150; Suidas, _s. v._ ἀκροχειρίζεσθαι and _s. v._ Σώστρατος;
-Lucian, _Lexiphanes_, 5; _de Saltatione_, 10; Reisch, _ap._
-Pauly-Wissowa, I, p. 1197; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 548; Grasberger,
-_Erziehung und Unterricht_, I, pp. 349-50; Krause, I, pp. 421 f., 510
-f.; _J. H. S._, XXVI, pp. 13-15, where Gardiner discusses the word in
-ancient writers and concludes that it had nothing to do with wrestling,
-but only with boxing (both the separate event and part of the
-pankration), and meant “to spar lightly with an opponent for practice.”
-
-[1761] He won three victories in Ols. (?) 104, (?) 105, and 106 (=
-364-356 B. C.): P., VI, 4.1; Hyde, 37; Foerster, 349, 353, 359.
-This explanation of Pausanias has been accepted by Krause and most
-modern authorities, but is found untenable by Gardiner, who bases his
-interpretation, not on Pausanias, but on the accurate definition of
-Suidas.
-
-[1762] _B. C. H._, VI, 1882, pp. 446 f.
-
-[1763] He won in Ols. 81 and 82 (= 456 and 452 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P.,
-VI, 4.3; Hyde, 38; Foerster, 202, 203; _cf._ Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV,
-59. He was probably merely represented in the preliminary tactics of
-getting a grip.
-
-[1764] See Reisch, p. 46; _I. G. B._, 120.
-
-[1765] _Anz. d. Wiener Akad._, 1887, pp. 86 f. (Benndorf); Reisch, _l.
-c._
-
-[1766] A. de Ridder, _Les bronzes antiques du Louvre_, I, 1913, Pl.
-63, no. 1067, and p. 131 (= pancratiast); _Rev. arch._, 1869, II, p.
-292; Bulle, no. 96 (right); Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 543, 4. It is 0.275
-meter high.
-
-[1767] See _supra_, p. 167.
-
-[1768] _H. N._, XXXIV, 55. Hauser, _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, XII, 1909,
-pp. 116 f. His reasoning is accepted by Bulle.
-
-[1769] _Ges. Stud. zur Kunstgesch._, Festschr. fuer A. Springer, 1885,
-pp. 260.
-
-[1770] See _S. Q._, 1463-67.
-
-[1771] _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LV, 4-5; Textbd., pp. 212 f.,
-and fig. 239; F. W., no. 336; _cf._ Immerwahr, _Kulte und Mythen
-Arkadiens_, I, 1891, p. 288.
-
-[1772] _Archiv fuer lateinische Lexikographie u. Grammatik_, IX, 1894,
-1, pp. 109 f.
-
-[1773] _Mp._, p. 249, n. 2; _Mw._, pp. 451-2; he adduced two passages
-from Ovid’s _Met._, XIV, 402 (_saevisque parant incessere telis_), and
-XIII, 566-7 (_telorum lapidumque incessere iactu coepit_).
-
-[1774] This explanation has been followed by Treu, _Bildw. v. Ol._, _l.
-c._; Sittl, _Parerga zur alten Kunstgesch._, p. 24; Klein, II, pp. 362
-f.; Jex-Blake, p. 235; and others.
-
-[1775] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 146; _I. G. B._, 41. He won in Ol. 77 (= 472
-B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.
-
-[1776] _Collection Somzée_, 1897, Pls. 3-5; see Hyde, to no. 50, on p.
-8. Its quiet and reserved pose recalls that of the _Pelops_ of the East
-gable of the temple of Zeus at Olympia (_Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl.
-IX, 2; Textbd., pp. 46 f.). Because of its archaic grace, though it
-shows no trace of archaic stiffness, it might even be referred to the
-school of Kritios and Nesiotes.
-
-[1777] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 153; _I. G. B._, 29. He won the pankration in
-Ols. 87, 88, 89 (= 432-424 B. C.); P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 61; Foerster,
-258, 260, 262.
-
-[1778] VI, 2.1; to be discussed _infra_, Ch. VI, pp. 293 f.
-
-[1779] _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, pp. 592 f. Agias was not only a victor at
-Delphi three times, at Nemea five times, and at the Isthmus five times,
-but was also an Olympic victor in the pankration, Ol. (?) 80 (= 460 B.
-C.): see inscription, _B. C. H._, _l. c._, p. 593, and for the date of
-the Olympic victory, K. K. Smith, in _Class. Philol._, V, 1910, pp. 169
-f.; _cf._ _A. J. A._, XIII, 1909, pp. 447 f.
-
-[1780] Duetschke, III, no. 547; Amelung, _Fuehrer_, 66; B. B., 431;
-Bulle, 184; von Mach, 288; F. W., 1426; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 523, I;
-Clarac, V, 858 A, 2176; M. W., I, XXXVI, 149; _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906,
-p. 19; Gardiner, p. 449, fig. 163. The group is 0.98 meter high and
-0.71 meter broad (Duetschke).
-
-[1781] Bulle dates it at the beginning of the third century B. C.; both
-he and Amelung believe it to be the work of a follower of Lysippos;
-see also B. Graef, _Jb._, IX, 1894, pp. 119 f., who believes that
-the original heads of the group are preserved, the one still on the
-under pancratiast, the other on the statue of a Niobid in the Uffizi
-(Duetschke, III, no. 253), the head now on the upper pancratiast being
-a modern copy of it. See Amelung’s reply in _A. A._, 1894, pp. 192 f.
-
-[1782] _E. g._, von Mach, Pls. 265 f.
-
-[1783] _H. N._, XXXVI, 24; see note _ad loc._ by Jex-Blake.
-
-[1784] _Aeth._, X, 31, 32; quoted in full by Krause, II, pp. 912 f.
-
-[1785] Duetschke, Wolters, von Mach, and Lucas (the latter in _Jb._,
-XIX, 1904, pp. 127 f. and figs.) thought that the wrestling groups on
-the Roman mosaic of the Imperial period found in Tusculum in 1862 were
-influenced by the Florence group: _Mon. d. I._, VI, VII, 1857-63, Pl.
-LXXXII; _Annali_, XXXV, 1863, pp. 397 f.; Schreiber, _Bilderatlas_, Pl.
-XXIII, 10; Gardiner, p. 177, fig. 22.
-
-[1786] _J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, p. 30.
-
-[1787] He won in Ol. 142 (= 212 B. C.): P., VI, 15.10; _cf._ V., 21.10;
-Hyde, 150; Foerster, 474, 475.
-
-[1788] _E. g._, by Gardiner, p. 146.
-
-[1789] Bulle, no. 72; B. B., 285; von Mach, 236; Collignon, II, p. 427,
-fig. 222; Overbeck, II, p. 448, fig. 221; F. W., 1265; M. W., 1, Pl.
-XXXVIII, 152; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 465, 1, 2, 3; Clarac, V, 789, 1978;
-Gardiner, p. 147, fig. 21; etc. It is 3.17 meters high (Bulle).
-
-[1790] An excellent one is in the Uffizi: Amelung, _Fuehrer_, 40;
-Reinach, _Rép._, I, 474, 1; a colossal replica was found in the sea off
-Antikythera: _Arch. Eph._, 1902, Suppl., Pl. B, 7; one in the Pitti
-Gallery will be mentioned immediately.
-
-[1791] _I. G. B._, 345.
-
-[1792] Duetschke, II, no. 36; Amelung, _Fuehrer_, p. 134; B. B.,
-284; M. W., XXXVIII, 151; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1, 210, 5. For the
-inscription, see _I. G. B._, 506; it has been needlessly attacked
-as a forgery—an ancient one by Winckelmann, _Mon. Inediti_, pp.
-LXXVI f., and a modern one by Maffei, _Ars critica_, III, 1, p. 76
-(both quoted by Duetschke), and more recently by Stephani, _Der
-ausruhende Herakles_, pp. 164 f. The inscription is at least as old
-as the sixteenth century, as it is mentioned by Flaminius Vacca (see
-Duetschke).
-
-[1793] _Numism. Chron._, Sér. 3, III, 1883, Pl. I, 5, p. 9.
-
-[1794] Mentioned by Strabo, VI, 3.1 (= C. 278), and described by the
-late writer Niketas, _Chron. de signis Constant._, 5 (who wrongly calls
-Lysippos Lysimachos).
-
-[1795] _Gesch. d. bild. Kuenste_, II^2, PP. 245 f.
-
-[1796] P. 234.
-
-[1797] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. II, 2a and 2; Textbd., pp. 10-11;
-F. W., 323.
-
-[1798] _De olymp. Stat._, p. 56.
-
-[1799] On the “_finsterer Blick_” of this class of victor monuments,
-see Furtw., _Mp._, p. 173; _Mw._, p. 348; and _Bronz. v. Ol._, Text,
-pp. 10-11.
-
-[1800] Thus Furtwaengler assigns it to the statue of the Akarnanian
-pancratiast (Philandridas) mentioned by Pausanias, VI, 2.1; see _Bronz.
-v. Ol._, p. 11. I have assigned an earlier marble head to Philandridas,
-_infra_, pp. 293 f.
-
-[1801] So Overbeck, II, p. 168; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 534; F. W.,
-_l. c._; etc.
-
-[1802] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. III, 3, 3a; Textbd., pp. 11-12;
-F. W., no. 324.
-
-[1803] _De olymp. Stat._, p. 56.
-
-[1804] _Cf._ P., VI, 20, 13: ἐπίδειξις ἐπιστήμης τε ἡνιόχων καὶ ἵππων
-ὠκύτητος; Pindar, _Ol._, III, 36 f.: θαητὸν ἀγῶνα ... ἀνδρῶν τ’ ἀρετᾶς
-πέρι καὶ ῥιμφαρμάτου διφρηλασίας.
-
-[1805] On the hippodrome and its events at Olympia and elsewhere,
-see A. Martin, in Dar.-Sagl., III, 1, 1900, pp. 193 f. (art.
-_Hippodromos_); on the chariot, Saglio, _ibid._, I, 2, pp. 1633 f.
-(art. _Currus_); K. Schneider, in Pauly-Wissowa, VIII, pp. 1735 f.;
-Julius, in Baum., I, pp. 692 f.; Pollack, _Hippodromica_, Diss. inaug.,
-1890; Gardiner, Ch. XXI, pp. 451 f.; Krause, I, pp. 557 f.; etc.
-
-[1806] See Isokrates, XVI (_de Bigis_), 33 (p. 353 c); Xenophon, _de Re
-equestr._, II, 1; Aristotle, _Politics_, VI, 3.2 (= 1289 b 35), VIII,
-7.1 (= 1321 a 11); Plut., _de Adul. et Amic._, Chs. 7 and 16 (latter
-quoting Karneades). On the expense of horse-breeding (ἱπποτροφία), see
-also Xen., _Ages._, I, 23; _id._, _Oecon._, II, 6; Plut., _Ages._, XX,
-1; Pindar, _Isthm._, II, 38; IV, 29; etc.
-
-[1807] The first, second, and fourth, according to Thukyd., VI, 16; the
-first, second and third, according to Eurip., _fragm._ 3 (= _P. l. G._,
-II, p. 266), and Isokr., _de Bigis_, 34 (p. 353 d). See Foerster, 275.
-
-[1808] See _Oxy. Pap._, II, p. 222.
-
-[1809] Besides 24 victories of both in various running races. The older
-part of the inscription (with a chariot-group in relief) was discovered
-by Leake: see _Travels in the Morea_, 1830, II, p. 521, and Pl. 71 (at
-the end of III); better reproduction by Dressler and Milchhoefer, _A.
-M._, II, 1877, pp. 318 f.; _I. G. A._, 79; Tod, _Sparta Museum Cat._,
-no. 440. The newer portion is discussed in _B. S. A._, XIII, 1906-07,
-pp. 174 f.
-
-[1810] See Hill, _Coins of Sicily_, pp. 43 f.
-
-[1811] VIII, 38.5; see _Exped. scientif. en Morée_, 1831-1838, II, p.
-37, and Pls. XXXIII, XXXIV. It was 240 by 105 meters in extent, though
-the actual course was probably only a stade long.
-
-[1812] See list in Pauly-Wissowa, VIII, pp. 1743-4.
-
-[1813] Described by P., V, 15.5 f., and VI, 20.10 f. For its position,
-see Doerpfeld, _Ergebn. v. Ol._, I, p. 78; Curtius u. Adler, _Olympia
-und Umgegend_, 1882, p. 30; Boetticher, _Olympia: Das Fest u. seine
-Staette_^2, 1886, p. 119; G. Herrmann, _de Hippodromo olympiaco_, 1839
-(= _Opusc._, VII, pp. 388). Five attempts at reconstruction are given
-by Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, pp. 643 f., and Pl. VI: those of Visconti
-(1796); A. Hirt (_Gesch. d. Baukunst bei d. Alten_, 1827, III, pp.
-148 f., and Pl. XX, 8; reproduced in Baum., I, p. 693, fig. 750;
-Smith, _Dict. Antiq._^3, 1890, I, p. 963; Frazer, IV, p. 83, fig. 6);
-Lehndorff (_Hippodromos_, 1876); Pollack (_op cit._, p. 52); Wernicke
-(_Jb._, IX, 1894, p. 199). To these should be added those of A. Martin
-(_op. cit._, p. 198, fig. 3844); Weniger (_Klio_, IX, 1909, p. 303, the
-_aphesis_ transcribed by Gardiner, p. 453, fig. 164). See also Guhl u.
-Koner, _Das Leben d. Gr. u. Roem._^6, 1893, pp. 233 f. and Fig. 271 (=
-restoration of Pollack), and _cf._ Krause, I, p. 150, n. 9.
-
-[1814] See Blass, in _Hermes_, XXIII, 1888, p. 222 (n. 1); R. Schoene,
-_A. A._, 1897, pp. 77-8; _id._, _Jb._, XII, 1897, pp. 150 f. (Neue
-Angaben ueber den Hippodrom zu Olympia); Gaspar, in article on
-_Olympia_ in Dar.-Sagl., IV, 1, p. 177 and n. 5; Frazer, V, p. 617; etc.
-
-[1815] VI, 20.8.
-
-[1816] Il., XXIII, 262-650. The four-horse chariot-race fills more
-than one and one-half times as many verses as the seven other contests
-combined (vv. 651-897). Homer’s description was often imitated by later
-poets, especially by Sophokles, _Electra_, 698-763 (race at Delphi);
-Nonnos, _Dionys._, XXXVII, 103-484; Quintus Smyrnæus, IV, 500-595;
-Statius, _Theb._, VI, 274-527; etc. Hesiod describes a race as wrought
-on Herakles’ shield: _Scut._, 305 f.
-
-[1817] P., V, 10.6-7; VI, 21.6-7; VIII, 14.10-11; etc.; Pindar, _Ol._,
-I, 67 f.
-
-[1818] Diod., IV, 73.3.
-
-[1819] VIII, 4.5.
-
-[1820] _E. g._, Nestor won at the games of Amarynkeus, Iliad, XXIII,
-630 f. On such myths, see Krause, I, pp. 558 f.
-
-[1821] _E. g._, the race between Pelops and Oinomaos was represented
-on the chest of Kypselos, P., V, 17.7, and in the sculptures on the
-East gable of the temple of Zeus at Olympia, P., V, 10.6-7. It appears
-also on many early vases: _e. g._, on the François vase in Florence and
-the Amphiaraos vase in Berlin. For the latter, see _Mon. d. I._, X,
-1874-78, Pls. IV-V; _Annali_, XLVI, 1874, pp. 82 f. (Robert); Gardiner,
-p. 29, fig. 3.
-
-[1822] V, 8.7.
-
-[1823] See Plato, _de Rep._, III, 19 (= 412 B); Isokr., _de Bigis_,
-33 (p. 353 c); Dio Cassius, LII, 30; Hdt., I, 167; Andok., 4, 26
-(_Contra Alcib._); Soph., _Electra_, 698; etc.
-
-[1824] VI, 2.2; he won in the hoplite-race and chariot-race in Ols. (?)
-83, 84 (= 448, 444 B. C.): Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211 A.
-
-[1825] Foerster thinks that the story arose from the small size of one
-of the horses in the monument of Lykidas.
-
-[1826] These and the following figures are given in the Constantinople
-MS. The length of the four-horse chariot-race there given agrees with
-passages in Pindar (_Ol._, II, 50; III, 33; VI, 75; _cf._ _Pyth._, V,
-33, for Delphi) and the scholiasts (on _Ol._, III, 59, Boeckh, p. 102,
-and _Pyth._, V, 39, Boeckh, p. 380). See also Pollack, _Hippodromica_,
-pp. 103 f., and Gardiner, p. 457.
-
-[1827] P., V, 8.10.
-
-[1828] Length stated by the MS. and by a scholiast on Pindar, _Pyth._,
-V, 39, Boeckh, p. 380.
-
-[1829] Those of Troilos of Elis, who won in Ol. 103 (= 368 B. C.):
-P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 6; Foerster, 345; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 166; and of
-Akestorides of Alexandria in the Troad, who won between Ols. 142 and
-144 (= 212 and 204 B. C.): P., VI, 13.7; Hyde, 119 and pp. 49-50;
-Foerster, 501; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 184.
-
-[1830] For the date, see P., V, 8.10; Xen., _Hell._, I, 2.1; for the
-event, Krause, I, pp. 567 f.
-
-[1831] Troilos, already mentioned, who won in Ol. 102 (= 372 B. C.) and
-had a statue by Lysippos: P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338.
-
-[1832] Euryleonis: P., III, 17.6; Foerster, 344.
-
-[1833] The συνωρίς was introduced at Delphi in 398 B. C., while the
-ἅρμα τέλειον was introduced there in 582 B. C.: see Dar.-Sagl., III, 1,
-p. 202, for these and other dates of equestrian events at the Pythian
-games.
-
-[1834] _B. M. Vases_, B 130.
-
-[1835] The date is given in the Armenian version of Afr.; _cf._ also
-P., V, 8.11.
-
-[1836] P., V, 8.8.
-
-[1837] P., V, 8.11.
-
-[1838] XV, 679-84; Hesiod, _Scut._, 285 f. On myths relating to it,
-see Krause, I, p. 582, n. 1. We read of _equi desultorii_ at the games
-inaugurated by Cæsar in Rome: Sueton., _Julius_, 39. See _supra_, p. 3.
-
-[1839] VI, 13.9.
-
-[1840] P., V, 9.1. Polemon, frag. 21 (= _F. H. G._, III, p. 122),
-_apud_ schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, V, Argum. (Boeckh, p. 117), says
-that the κάλπη ceased in Ol. 84 (= 444 B. C.), if we accept Boeckh’s
-correction πδʹ for οδʹ. A scholiast on Pindar, _Ol._, V, lines 6 and 19
-(Boeckh, pp. 119 and 122) says Ol. 85 (= 440 B. C.); another on _Ol._,
-VI, Argum. (Boeckh, p. 129), says Ol. 85 or Ol. 86. But Ol. 85 may be
-reconciled with Pausanias’ and Polemon’s date by assuming that the
-proclamation of abolition fell in Ol. 84, but that the event was first
-omitted in Ol. 85; see Bentley, _Diss. upon the Epistles of Phalaris_,
-p. 200 (ed. W. Wagner).
-
-[1841] VI, 9.2; Hyde, 84.
-
-[1842] V, 9.1; he won Ol. 70 (= 500 B. C.); Foerster, 157.
-
-[1843] Anaxilas of Rhegion, whose victory fell sometime between Ols.
-(?) 70 and 76 (= 500 and 476 B. C.), and was celebrated by Simonides,
-frag. 7 (= _P. l. G._, III, p. 390); Agesias of Syracuse, whose victory
-fell Ol. (?) 77 (= 472 B. C.), and was celebrated by Pindar, _Ol._,
-VI; and Psaumis of Kamarina, whose victory, falling Ol. (?) 81 (= 456
-B. C.), was sung by the pseudo-Pindar, _Ol._, V (= _P. l. G._, I, pp.
-109 f.); he also won in the chariot-race in Ol. (?) 82 (= 452 B. C.), a
-victory sung by Pindar in _Ol._, IV. See Foerster, nos. 173, 210, 234,
-and 238.
-
-[1844] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 220, 221; Foerster, 601.
-
-[1845] The corrupt text of Africanus is here corrected by Gelzer, _S.
-Jul. Afr. und die byzant. Chronographie_, 1880, I, pp. 168 f. Gardiner,
-p. 165, n. 3, wrongly gives the victory of Germanicus as Ol. 194, thus
-confusing it with that of Tiberius.
-
-[1846] Foerster, 642-647.
-
-[1847] Ol. 208 (= 53 A. D.); Foerster, 634.
-
-[1848] Most of the gems representing such contests, however, refer to
-the Roman circus.
-
-[1849] For illustrations of the two, see Dar.-Sagl., I, 2, pp. 1636
-f., figs. 2203 f., and _cf._ Gardiner, pp. 458 f.; an excellent
-illustration of a four-horse chariot and driver is seen on an
-Attic-Corinthian goblet (dinos) in the Louvre: Perrot-Chipiez, X, Pl.
-II, opp. p. 116; also several at rest and racing on the _François
-Vase_: Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 141, fig. 93, p. 154, fig. 101 (=
-Furtw.-Reichhold, _Griech. Vasenmalerei_, 1904-1912, Pls. III, 10, and
-XI-XII.).
-
-[1850] Von Mach, no. 5.
-
-[1851] See, _e. g._, P. Gardner, _Sculptured Tombs of Hellas_, 1896,
-figs. 18-20.
-
-[1852] C. Smith, _B. S. A._, III, 1896-7, pp. 183 f., dates these
-prize amphoræ from the middle of the sixth to the close of the fourth
-centuries B. C., as the last of the series is dated 313 B. C. In this
-article he publishes a mosaic found on Delos (Pl. XVI, a) and dating
-from the early second century B. C., which reproduces a Panathenaic
-amphora with an illustration of a chariot-race—the latest date at which
-either a prize-amphora (or picture of one) can be proved to have been
-used. He believes (p. 187) that it is the representation of an amphora
-won long before by the ancestor of the owner of the mosaic, carefully
-preserved in his family.
-
-[1853] _B. M. Guide to Greek and Roman Life_, 1908, p. 200.
-
-[1854] _E. g._, on a Panathenaic amphora in the British Museum, dating
-from the sixth century B. C.: _B. M. Vases_, B 132; Gardiner, p. 458,
-fig. 166; _cf._ also a silver tetradrachm from Rhegion in the British
-Museum, from the early fifth century B. C.: Gardiner, p. 460, fig. 168.
-
-[1855] Philip won κέλητι in Ol. 106 (= 356 B. C.): Plut., _Alex._,
-3 and 4; _cf._ Justin, XII, 16, 6; ἅρματι twice at unknown dates:
-Foerster, 360, 364, 370. As we have no record of a victory by him
-υνωρίδι], the two-horse chariot appearing on his coins (_e. g._, a
-gold stater in the British Museum, Gardiner, p. 459, fig. 167, right)
-may refer to unrecorded victories, or else may be interpreted (with
-Gardiner) as a pun on his name.
-
-[1856] _E. g._, on a silver tetradrachm of Rhegion in the British
-Museum: Gardiner, p. 460, fig. 168. This and other coins commemorate
-the victory in this event of the Rhegion prince Anaxilas, already
-mentioned: Aristotle, frag. 228a, _ap._ Pollux, V, 73 (= _F. H. G._,
-II, p. 173); Foerster, 173.
-
-[1857] _E. g._, a decadrachm of Akragas (dating from the end of the
-fifth century B. C.) and another of Syracuse (from the beginning of the
-fourth century B. C.) in the British Museum; reproduced by Gardiner, p.
-465, fig. 172.
-
-[1858] _B. S. A._, XIII, 1906-7, Pl. V; Gardner, p. 456, fig. 165.
-
-[1859] Gerhard, IV, Pls. CCXLIX and CCL; Dar.-Sagl., _l. c._, fig.
-2219. It was formerly in Lucien Bonaparte’s collection.
-
-[1860] _A. V._, Pls. CCLI-CCLIV.
-
-[1861] B. B., 586-7 and figs. 1-14 (text by Furtwaengler); Richter,
-_Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes in the Metropolitan Museum_, 1915,
-pp. 17 f., no. 40, and figs.; P. Ducati, _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._,
-XII, 1909, pp. 74 f.; J. Offord, _R. Arch._, Sér. IV, III, 1904, pp.
-305-7 and Pls. VII-IX, etc. Closely allied in style to its decorative
-designs are fragments of another chariot found at Perugia and now
-distributed among the Perugia, Munich, and British Museums: Petersen,
-_A. M._, X, 1894, pp. 253 f.; B. B., 588-589. _Cf._ also fragments of
-similar technique from Capua: Froehner, _Cat. de la Collection Dutuit_,
-1897-1901, II, p. 199, no. 250, and Pls. 190-195.
-
-[1862] _A. J. A._, XII, 1908, pp. 312 f., with plates and figures.
-
-[1863] _H. N._, XXXVI, 31.
-
-[1864] Vitruv., _de Arch._, VII (Praef.), §§ 12-13.
-
-[1865] See _B. M. Sculpt._, II, nos. 1000-1005 and Pl. XVI; for
-discussion of the group, _J. H. S._, XXX, 1910, pp. 133-162 (J. B. K.
-Preedy).
-
-[1866] _E. g._, XXXIV, 71 (_Calamis et alias quadrigas bigasque fecit
-se impari, equis sine aemulo expressis_); XXXV, 99 (_Aristides ...
-pinxit et currentes quadrigas_); XXXIV, 78 (Euphranor); 64 (_Lysippus
-... fecit et quadrigas multorum generum_); 66 (Euthykrates); 80
-(Pyromachos); 88 (Menogenes); 86 (Aristodemos).
-
-[1867] P., VI, 12.1; to be mentioned _infra_, p. 279.
-
-[1868] P., VI, 9.4-5.
-
-[1869] P., V, 27.2.
-
-[1870] P., VI, 14.12.
-
-[1871] P., VI, 10.8 and 19.6, and _cf._ 10.8; Hdt., VI, 36; Hyde, 99a
-and p. 44; Foerster, 105. Pausanias here confuses this elder Miltiades
-with the son of Kimon, as does also the pseudo-Andok., IV, 33.
-
-[1872] P., VI, 10.8; _cf._ Hdt., VI, 103; Hyde, 99b and p. 44;
-Foerster, 77-79.
-
-[1873] Some time between Ols. (?) 68 and 70 (= 508 and 500 B. C.): P.,
-VI, 16.6; Hyde, 160 and pp. 58-9; Foerster, 797 (undated).
-
-[1874] Kalliteles won some time between Ols. (?) 66 and 68 (= 516 and
-508 B. C.): _Inschr. v. Ol._, 632; Hyde, 161; Foerster, 774 (undated).
-
-[1875] Pindar, _Pyth._, V, 34 f.; date given by schol. on _Pyth._,
-IV, Argum., Boeckh, p. 342. Pindar’s _Pyth._, IV and V celebrate this
-victory. The same scholiast also records a chariot-victory of Arkesilas
-at Olympia in Ol. 80 (= 460 B. C.); Foerster, 229.
-
-[1876] P., V, 12.5; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 634; _I. G. B._, 100. Kyniska won
-two chariot-victories in Ols. (?) 96, 97 (= 396, 392 B. C.), and for
-them also had an equestrian group set up in the Altis, the work of the
-Megarian artist Apellas, which we shall discuss later: P., VI, 1.6 f.;
-Hyde, 7; Foerster, 326, 333; see _infra_, p. 267.
-
-[1877] P., VI, 12.7; Hyde, 108; Foerster, 801 (undated).
-
-[1878] He won some time between Ols. (?) 128 and 137 (= 268 and 232 B.
-C.): P., VI, 1.9; Hyde, 169; Foerster, 446; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 178.
-
-[1879] P., VI, 17.5; _cf._ 10.6-8. In the latter passage (§8)
-Pausanias says that Kleosthenes, who won in Ol. 66, was the first to
-dedicate his statue together with a chariot and horses and the statue
-of a charioteer. Foerster, 38, following Westermann, believes that
-Archidamas is the name which has fallen out of Phlegon, fragm. 4 (= _F.
-H. G._, III, p. 605), that of a victor from Dyspontion in Elis, and
-therefore wrongly gives the date of the victory as Ol. 27 (= 672 B.
-C.); for a refutation of this view and an indeterminate date, see Hyde,
-182 and p. 62.
-
-[1880] He won Ol. (?) 79 (= 464 B. C.): P., VI, 1.7; Hyde, 8; Foerster,
-233.
-
-[1881] He won in two events, the hoplite-race and charioteering,
-in Ols. (?) 83, 84 (= 448, 444 B. C.): P., VI, 2.1-2; Hyde, 12;
-Foerster, 211A. Perhaps one of his two statues by Myron represented
-his charioteer (so Foerster), though more probably the two statues
-represented the victor for his two victories.
-
-[1882] He won some time between Ols. (?) 98 and 101 (= 388 and 376 B.
-C.): P., VI, 2.8; Hyde, 17; Foerster, 310; his statue stood beside that
-of his son Aigyptos on horseback; the latter won κέλητι about the date
-of his father’s victory: P., VI, 2.8; Hyde 18; Foerster, 301. The two
-monuments were by the Sikyonian Daidalos.
-
-[1883] He won συνωρίδι καὶ τεθρίππῳ in Ols. 102, 103 (= 372, 368 B.
-C.): P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338, 345.
-
-[1884] He won some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130 (= 320 and 260 B.
-C.): P., VI, 13.11; Hyde, 122; Foerster, 513: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 177.
-
-[1885] Polykles won in Ol. (?) 89 (= 424 B. C.): P., VI, 1.7; Hyde,
-9; Foerster, 796 (undated). For this athletic _genre_ group, see
-Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 534. On children’s hoops (τρόχοι) see L. Becq
-de Fouquières, _Les Jeux des Anciens_^2, 1873, Ch. VIII, pp. 159 f.
-
-[1886] 1, 96 (quoting Ephoros, fragm. 106 = _F. H. G._, 1, pp. 262-3).
-Periandros won a chariot victory at Olympia at the end of the seventh
-or beginning of the sixth century B. C.: Foerster, 80, who assumes that
-it was a statue of Zeus, and not of Periandros.
-
-[1887] Gelo won in Ol. 73 (= 488 B. C.): P., VI, 9.4; Hyde, 90;
-Foerster, 180; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 143. This inscription on the recovered
-base and another from the base of the monument of Pantarkes, who won
-apparently in the chariot-race at the end of the sixth century B. C.
-(_Inschr. v. Ol._, 142; Foerster, 149), are the two oldest inscriptions
-known of chariot victors at Olympia.
-
-[1888] He won Ol. 66 (= 516 B. C.): P., VI, 10.6-7; Hyde, 99; Foerster,
-143.
-
-[1889] P., VI, 10.7.
-
-[1890] We have mentioned the inscribed relief _supra_, pp. 257 and 258,
-and n. 1 on p. 258.
-
-[1891] Line 15.
-
-[1892] Pindar, _Pyth._, V, 26. For the above examples, see also
-Gardiner, p. 463.
-
-[1893] P., VI, 2.8; he was represented on horseback.
-
-[1894] P., III, 8.1; _cf._ VI, 1.6.
-
-[1895] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 160; Loewy, _I. G. B._, 99; see _A. G._, XIII,
-16.
-
-[1896] _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, p. 151.
-
-[1897] Noted in _A. J. A._, XV, 1911, p. 60.
-
-[1898] _H. N._, XXXIV, 86: _et adornantes se feminas_. For the five
-larger bronze figures, see Inv., 5604-5, 5619-21; for the smaller sixth
-figure, usually known as the _Praying Child_, see Inv., 5603. All six
-are pictured in E. R. Barker’s _Buried Herculaneum_, 1908, Figs. 18-19.
-
-[1899] P., VI, 12.1; _cf._ VIII, 42.9-10; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 105;
-Foerster, 199, 209, and 215. Pindar celebrates the victory of 476 B. C.
-in his first _Olympian ode_.
-
-[1900] P., V, 27.2. See _supra_, pp. 28, 62, and 163.
-
-[1901] P., VI, 14.12.
-
-[1902] _H. N._, XXXIV, 71. On the basis of this and other references,
-Reisch built up a theory that there was also a fourth-century B. C.
-Kalamis, the contemporary of the younger Praxiteles: _Jh. oest. arch.
-Inst._, IX, 1906, pp. 199 f. He was followed by Amelung (_R. M._, XXI,
-1906, pp. 285 and 287) and Studniczka (_Abh. d. k. saechs. Gesellsch.
-d. Wiss., philolog.-histor. Klasse_, XXV, no. IV, 1907, pp. 5 f.).
-Furtwaengler has shown the weakness of such an argument and has rightly
-referred the monument mentioned by Pliny to the great Kalamis and his
-younger contemporary, the elder Praxiteles: _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1907,
-pp. 160 f.
-
-[1903] P., VI, 18.1. Kratisthenes won Ol. (?) 83 (= 448 B. C.): Hyde,
-185; Foerster, 193 A.
-
-[1904] P., VI, 12.6; Hyde, 105d. The same Timon is mentioned again:
-P., VI, 2.8; Hyde, 17. This monument may have been set up for a
-second victory or even for the victory mentioned by Pausanias, VI,
-2.8; however, I have classed it as an honor dedication, assuming two
-monuments: Hyde, p. 45.
-
-[1905] Lampos won some time after Ol. (?) 105 (= 360 B. C.): P., VI,
-4.10; Hyde, 44; Foerster, 420. Philippi, the native city of Lampos, was
-founded in Ol. 105 by Philip, father of Alexander, on the site of an
-older town, Krenides.
-
-[1906] _H. N._, XXXIV, 89; it was by the statuary Piston.
-
-[1907] Reisch, p. 49, believes that she represented a _Nike apteros_;
-Rouse, p. 164, also believes that such figures were Victories.
-
-[1908] _H. N._, XXXV, 108.
-
-[1909] _Ant. Denkm._, I, 4, 1889, Pl. XLIV.
-
-[1910] _B. M. Sculpt._, I, 814; _Museum Marbles_, IX, Pl. XXXVIII,
-fig. 2. A. H. Smith (_op. cit._, no. 814; _cf._ _Guide to Græco-Roman
-Sculpt._, I, no. 176) also mentions another similar votive tablet in
-the British Museum. It is mounted on a pilaster and represents the
-visit of Dionysos to Ikarios. Such tablets seem to have been commonly
-dedicated by agonistic victors.
-
-[1911] Schoene, _Griech. Reliefs_, 1872, Pl. XVIII, fig. 80; F. W.,
-1142; von Sybel, _Kat. d. Skulpt. zu Athen_, 1881, no. 7014. Here only
-the arms and wings of Nike are left.
-
-[1912] E. Huebner, _Die antiken Bildw. in Madrid_, 1862, 241, 559;
-_Annali_, XXXIV, 1862, Pl. G., and p. 103; Reisch, p. 51.
-
-[1913] _Arch. Eph._, 1893, pp. 128 f. (Kabbadias) and Pl. IX; Rouse, p.
-177.
-
-[1914] _Cf._ Reisch, pp. 49-50; Rouse, p. 176.
-
-[1915] Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, 1752; _Guide_, I, 437.
-
-[1916] P., V, 17.8.
-
-[1917] Frazer, III, p. 609, fig. 77; etc. See _supra_, p. 13 and n. 1.
-
-[1918] We have already discussed the style and date of this relief
-in Ch. III, pp. 128-9. For the relief, see Dickins, no. 1342 and
-illustration on p. 275; von Sybel, _Kat. d. Skulpt. zu Athen_, no.
-5039; Baum., I, p. 342, fig. 359; Studniczka, _Jb._, XI, 1896, p. 265,
-fig. 7; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 664, fig. 342; B. B., 21; von Mach,
-56; Collignon, I, pp. 378 f. and fig. 194; Overbeck, I, p. 203 and fig.
-47; Le Bas, _Voyage archeol._ (Reinach’s ed.), pp. 50-51 and Pl. I; F.
-W., 97; cast in British Museum, _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 155. A small
-piece of the adjacent slab to the right (found on the eastern slope
-of the Akropolis in 1859-1860), fitting the main block exactly, shows
-two horses’ tails and one hind leg and proves that the chariot was
-represented at rest.
-
-[1919] This fragment contains a head whose pointed beard and petasos
-have been thought to indicate the god: Dickins, no. 1343; Collignon, I,
-p. 378, fig. 195; von Mach, fig. 11, opp. p. 58; Conze, _Nuove Memorie
-dell’ Instituto_, II, pp. 408 f. and Pl. XIII A; F. W., 96.
-
-[1920] So O. Hauser, _Jb._, VII, 1892, pp. 54 f.; he is followed by
-Robinson, _Cat. of Museum of Fine Arts, Boston_, no. 33. J. Braun,
-_Gesch. d. Kunst_, 1858, II, pp. 188 and 549 (quoted by F. W.), Conze,
-_op. cit._, Michaelis, _Der Parthenon_, 1870, p. 123, Helbig, _Das
-homerische Epos_^2, 1887, p. 179 and n. 11, Springer-Michaelis, pp.
-207-8 (and fig. 389), Dickins, and many others, also interpret the
-figure as male.
-
-[1921] This coiffure, however, appears on several female heads:
-_e. g._, on the Harpy monument, F. W., 127 f. Knapp (_Nike in d.
-Vasenmalerei_, p. 10), Brunn (_Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1870, II, pp. 213
-f.), W. Mueller (_Quaestiones vestiariae_, 1890, p. 44), Collignon,
-Overbeck, Friedrichs-Wolters, Reisch (p. 49), and many others call the
-figure of the charioteer female.
-
-[1922] _E. g._, the headless draped statue, resembling the _Korai_, in
-the Akropolis Museum: B. B., 551.
-
-[1923] _A. M._, XXX, 1905, pp. 305 f. (especially 321) and Pls. XI, XII
-(the rebuilding of the temple referred to the time of Peisistratos). He
-also (p. 320) favors the well-known view of Doerpfeld (_A. M._, XII,
-1887, pp. 25-61, 190-211; XV, 1890, pp. 420-439) that the Hekatompedon
-or Old Temple of Athena, rebuilt by the Athenians shortly after the
-Persian wars, existed not only down to 406 B. C., when Xenophon says
-that it was burnt (_Hell._, I, 6), but down at least to the time of
-Pausanias. This view is held by J. Harrison, _Mythology and Monuments
-of Ancient Athens_, 1890, pp. 505 f., Dickins, _l. c._, and many
-archæologists. It has been rejected by many others, _e. g._, Petersen
-(_A. M._, XII, pp. 62-72), Wernicke (_ibid._, pp. 184-189), and _in
-extenso_ Frazer (_J. H. S._, XIII, 1892-1893, pp. 153-187; reprinted
-in his edition of Pausanias, II, pp. 553-82). Murray, I, p. 143 and
-fig. 35, referred the relief to one of the metopes of the Old Temple of
-Athena.
-
-[1924] _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1906, II, pp. 147 f.; _cf._ also _ibid._,
-1905, pp. 433 f.
-
-[1925] Springer-Michaelis (_l. c._) think that it may represent a
-chariot victor; similarly Purgold (_Arch. Eph._, 1885, p. 251).
-Boetticher (_Die Akropolis_, 1888, pp. 85-6) believes that it
-represents a Panathenaic victor.
-
-[1926] In the British Museum: _B. M. Sculpt._, II, 951 and Pl. XIII;
-Sir Charles Fellows, _An Account of Discoveries in Lycia_, 1841, p.
-166. The Chimæra may be introduced as a heraldic device of the owner
-of the tomb (Smith). Bellerophon appears on Pegasos on a relief from a
-rock tomb of Pinara: _B. M. Sculpt._, I, 760. We should also compare
-with these the reliefs found by Fellows at Xanthos and now in the
-British Museum. They show a two-horse chariot with a seated charioteer
-(F. W., 131; Murray, I, Pl. IV), a two-horse chariot with a charioteer
-and a seated man (F. W., 133; Murray, Pl. III), and a young rider (F.
-W., 134). See Fellows, pp. 172, 176; Murray, I, pp. 124 f.
-
-[1927] Michaelis, _Der Parthenon_, 1870, slabs XI-XXIII; _B. M.
-Sculpt._, I, no. 325. The charioteers on slabs XII and XIV have long,
-close-fitting tunics.
-
-[1928] Michaelis, _op. cit._, slabs XXIV-XXXIV; _B. M. Sculpt._, no.
-327.
-
-[1929] Theophrastos, _ap._ Harpokr., _s. v._ ἀποβάτης), says that
-it was peculiar to Athens and Bœotia, but there is evidence of its
-existence elsewhere, _e. g._, at Aphrodisias in Karia (_C. I. G._, II,
-no. 2758, G. col. IV, line 3, p. 507, and C. col. IV, l. 3), Naples
-(_ibid._, no. 5807, l. 4), Rome (_C. I. L._, VI, 2, 10047, b, line 8
-= _pedibus ad quadrigam_), etc. On the race at the _Panathenaia_, see
-Michaelis, _op. cit._, pp. 324 f.; Mommsen, _Heortologie_, 1864, pp.
-153 f., and _Die Feste d. Stadt Athen im Altertum_, 1898, pp. 89 f.;
-and for the race in general, Pauly-Wissowa, I, pp. 2814 f.
-
-[1930] For a description of the race, see Bekker, _Anecd. gr._, I,
-pp. 425-6 and _Dionys. Halikarn._, VII, 73, 2-3; the former account
-says that the _apobates_ mounted the chariot in full course by setting
-his foot on the wheel and dismounted again; the latter only that he
-dismounted in the last lap; the two are apparently describing different
-moments of the same race.
-
-[1931] National Museum, no. 1391; Svoronos, II, pp. 340-1, Tafelbd.,
-Pl. LVI (right); noted in _A. M._, XII, 1887, p. 146, no. 1; Staïs,
-_Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 237 and fig.; _Arch. Eph._, 1910, pp. 251 f.;
-Reisch, p. 51. Staïs gives the measurements as 0.60 meter high and 0.36
-meter broad.
-
-[1932] _A. M._, III, 1878, pp. 410-14, no. 193 (Koerte); _Mon. d.
-I._, IV, 1844-48, Pl. 5; _Annali_, Pl. XVI, 1844, pp. 166 f. (F. J.
-Welcker), and Pl. E.
-
-[1933] A third relief from Oropos, showing the same subject, is in
-Berlin (no. 725): see Furtwaengler, _Samml. Sabouroff_, I, Pl. XXVI
-(and text, on the subject of the race).
-
-[1934] _B. C. H._, VII, 1883, Pl. XVII and pp. 458 f. (Collignon);
-Gardiner, p. 238, fig. 34; F. W., 1836.
-
-[1935] Its antiquity has been questioned by Kekulé, who is quoted by F.
-W.; see on no. 1838.
-
-[1936] _B. M. Sculpt._, II, 1037, Pl. XVIII; von Mach, 231; _Ant.
-Denkm._, II, 2, 1893-4, Pl. XVIII, 0; Collignon, II, p. 327, fig. 165;
-Newton, _Travels and Discoveries in the Levant_, 1865, II, p. 133, Pl.
-XVI; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 430, fig. 111. It is 2 feet 1.5 inches high.
-
-[1937] For the sarcophagus, see the work of Hamdy Bey and Th. Reinach,
-_Une nécropole royale à Sidon_, 1892; Text, pp. 272 f., and Pls.
-XXIII-XXVIII, XXX-XXXI, XXXIV-XXXVII; also Studniczka, _Jb._, IX, 1894,
-pp. 211 f. (who assigned it to Lysippos’ pupil, Eutychides); Judeich,
-_ibid._, X, 1895, pp. 165 f. and figs. 1-6; _J. H. S._, XIX, 1899,
-pp. 273 f.; Gardner, _Hbk._, pp. 466 f. and fig. 124 (= Hamdy-Bey et
-Reinach, Pl. XXIX); von Mach, 379-83; Richardson, p. 242, fig. 116;
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 348, fig. 627; etc.
-
-[1938] We see it, _e. g._, on the cuirass of the statue of _Augustus_
-in the Vatican: von Mach, no. 418.
-
-[1939] Von Mach, no. 232; Robinson, _Report of the Trustees of the
-Museum of Fine Arts_, 1897, pp. 18-19; Klein, _Praxitelische Studien_
-(= Suppl. to his _Praxiteles_), 1899, p. 1; in n. 1 Klein says that the
-statue was found in the Tiber.
-
-[1940] _Griech. Kunstmythol._, III, _Apollon_, pp. 149 f.
-
-[1941] Noted by Klein, _op. cit._, figs. 5 and 7.
-
-[1942] _E. g._, on the vase in the British Museum, discussed in _Guide
-to Greek and Roman Life_, 1908, p. 200. Here the driver stands clothed
-in the regular chiton like that on the _Charioteer_ from Delphi. (Fig.
-66.) We see similarly clothed charioteers on various r.-f. vases: _e.
-g._, on those pictured by Gerhard, IV, Pls. CCLI-CCLIII; on those
-enumerated by Hauser, _Jb._, VII, 1892, p. 60 (including some r.-f.
-ones, _e. g._, the fifth-century B. C. one from Corneto by Euxithoos
-and Oltos = Baum., III, Pl. XCIII, 2 and p. 2141). Hauser also adds the
-draped charioteer in the _Helios_ group from the Great Pergamene Altar
-relief (pictured in Baum., II, Pl. XXXIX, and pp. 1255-6). The general
-statement of W. Mueller (_Quaestiones vestiariae_, Goettingen, 1880, p.
-44), _nam aurigae semper fere longa tunica sola vestiti sunt_, is, of
-course, correct.
-
-[1943] _E. g._, the statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori to be
-mentioned _infra_, p. 276; also other examples in Reinach, _Rép._,
-II, 2, 536, 6 (in Rome: _B. Com. Rom._, I, 1888, Pl. XV) and 7 (in
-Athens: _Jb._, I, 1886, p. 173; Staïs, _op. cit._, p. 221). We see nude
-charioteers entering two four-horse chariots on a r.-f. lebes, formerly
-in the collection of Lucien Bonaparte, now in Munich: Gerhard, IV, Pl.
-CCLIV (below).
-
-[1944] Von Mach, no. 274; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 488, 7: _A. Z._,
-XVIII, 1860, pp. 1 f. (Friedrichs) and Pls. CXXXIII, CXXXIV; _Bonner
-Jb._, XXVI, Pl. IV. It is 4 ft. 7 in. tall and represents a boy of
-about 14.
-
-[1945] Friedrichs, though at first, because of the crown on the hair,
-interpreting it as a _Bonus Eventus_ (_A. Z._, XVIII, 1860, pp. 1 f.),
-later (_Beschr. d. Skulpt._, no. 4, pp. 5-6) called it a charioteer.
-
-[1946] _B. Com. Rom._, XVI, 1888, Pls. XV, XVI, 1, 2 (pp. 335 f.);
-Joubin, pp. 134 f., and fig. 40; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 973 (restored on
-p. 557, fig. 29); _Guide_, 597 (restored on p. 442, fig. 28); Furtw.,
-_Mp._, pp. 81-82; _Mw._, pp. 115-116; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 536, 6.
-Mentioned _supra_, p. 275, n. 7.
-
-[1947] Hamdy Bey and Th. Reinach, _Une nécropole royale à Sidon_, Pl.
-XXII, 2.
-
-[1948] Including the _Hestia Giustiniani_ in the Museo Torlonia, Rome:
-B. B., 491; von Mach, 75; the so-called _Aspasia_ head, with copies
-in Paris (Photo Giraudon, no. 1219) and Berlin (_A. Z._, XXXV, 1877,
-Pl. VIII, two views), and the _Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_ in Athens (Pl.
-7B); he assigns the later related _Athena_ in the Villa Albani to
-Praxias, the pupil of Kalamis and contemporary of Pheidias: F. W.,
-524; _Mp._, p. 78, figs. 29 and 30 (head); _Mw._, pp. 112-113, figs.
-19 and 20 (head). However, as Richardson points out, pp. 137 and 207,
-the _Hestia_ bears a strong resemblance to the East gable figures at
-Olympia, especially to those of _Sterope_ and _Hippodameia_, and to
-several female statues in Copenhagen: Arndt, _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_,
-Pls. VII (= Joubin, p. 161, fig. 53), XXXVIII, and fig. 3 on p. 13.
-
-[1949] _C. R. Acad. Inscr._, 1896, pp. 178, 186, 362, 388, and Pls. I,
-II; _A. A._, 1896, pp. 173 f. (with fig.); Homolle, in _Mon. Piot_, IV,
-1897, Pls. XV, XVI, pp. 169 f.; _id._, _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, pp. 579,
-581-3; _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, 1904, Pls. XLIX, L (4 views); Bulle,
-199 and fig. 134 on p. 460; von Mach, 60; H. B. Walters, _Art of the
-Anc. Greeks_, 1906, Pl. XXVIII; Gardner, _Sculpt._, pp. 49 f. and Pls.
-VIII, IX; G. F. Hill, _One Hundred Masterpieces of Sculpture_, 1909,
-pp. 7-8 and Pl. V; Springer-Michaelis, p. 225, fig. 482; Robinson,
-_Cat. Mus. Fine Arts in Boston_, Suppl., pp. 1 f., no. 85; cast in
-British Museum, _B. M. Sculpt._, III, 2688; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2,
-536, 1. It is 5 feet 10.75 inches high (A. H. Smith) or 1.80 meters
-(Bulle).
-
-[1950] See Svoronos, p. 131, n. 3.
-
-[1951] O. M. Washburn, _Berl. Philol. Wochenschr._, XXV, 1905, cols.
-1358 f.; _A. J. A._, X, 1906, pp. 151-3; XII, 1908, pp. 198-208.
-
-[1952] P., X, 15.6.
-
-[1953] _L. c._, and _Berl. Philol. Wochenschr._, 1905, col. 1549.
-
-[1954] Lechat, _Rev. Arch._, XI, 1908, pp. 126 f., Furtw., _Sitzb.
-Muen. Akad._, 1907, II, pp. 157 f., Studniczka, _Jb._, XXII, 1907, pp.
-133 f., and others, support Washburn’s view.
-
-[1955] P., X, 9.7-8; _cf._ VI, 3.5, where Amphion is called the pupil
-of Ptolichos, the pupil of Kritios.
-
-[1956] So von Duhn, _A. M._, XXXI, 1906, pp. 421 f.; a conclusion also
-reached independently by E. A. Gardner, _Sculpt._, p. 51.
-
-[1957] So von Duhn, Gardner, and Mahler; the latter in _Jh. oest. arch.
-Inst._, III, 1900, pp. 142 f. Furtwaengler, _l. c._, found von Duhn’s
-view that the _Charioteer_ is an original work of Pythagoras untenable.
-He also combated his interpretation of πολύζαλος as a proper name,
-preferring the suggestion of Washburn that it might be an adjective.
-However, in a former article (_Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1897, pp. 129
-f.) he had emphasized the similarity between the statue and a bronze
-statuette in London (_B. M. Bronzes_, 515 and Pl. XVI; _Sitzb._, _l.
-c._, Pl. V, two views) which he believed was almost certainly a product
-of Magna Græcia. He found the style of the _Charioteer_ Ionic-Attic
-without Peloponnesian affiliations, and referred it to Amphion or
-to some unknown artist of the circle of Kritios and Nesiotes. For a
-similar view, see Homolle, _Mon. Piot_, IV, 1897, p. 207. Pottier
-(_ap._ Homolle, _l. c._) assigned it to Kalamis. _Cf._ also Lechat,
-_Pythagoras de Rhegion_, 1905, p. 100.
-
-[1958] A. D. Keramopoullos, _A. M._, XXXIV, 1909, pp. 33 f. Homolle,
-_op. cit._, pp. 176 f., and O. Schroeder, _A. A._, 1902, pp. 12 f., had
-also referred it to Gelo’s dedication.
-
-[1959] P. 152.
-
-[1960] See G. F. Hill, _l. c._
-
-[1961] Besides the Olympic victories already recorded, Hiero also
-won the chariot-race at Delphi in Pythiad 29 (= 470 B. C.), and the
-horse-race there twice in Pythiads 26 and 27 (= 482 and 478 B. C.); he
-also won a chariot-race probably at the Theban _Iolaia_ in (?) 475 B.
-C.; Pindar celebrates the four victories in _Pyth._, I-III; Bergk, _P.
-l. G._,^5 I, pp. 175 f.
-
-[1962] P., VI, 14.4; he won either before Ol. 67 (= 512 B. C.) or in
-Ols. 69 or 70 (= 504 or 500 B. C.): Hyde, 126 and p. 52; Foerster, 778
-(undated).
-
-[1963] He won κέλητι in Ols. 66 or 67 (= 516 or 512 B. C.): P., VI,
-13.9; Hyde, 120; Foerster, 129, 149a (two victories).
-
-[1964] They won in Ol. 68 (= 508 B. C.): P., VI, 13.10; Hyde, 121;
-Foerster, 152.
-
-[1965] So Hyde, pp. 50-1.
-
-[1966] So Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 598.
-
-[1967] P., VI, 12.1.
-
-[1968] P., VI, 2.8.
-
-[1969] Xenombrotos won in Ol. (?) 83 (= 448 B. C.): Hyde, 133
-(following Robert, _O. S._, pp. 180-181); Foerster, 327; Xenodikos in
-Ol. (?) 84 (= 444 B. C.): Hyde, 134; Foerster, 332.
-
-[1970] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 154; _I. G. A._, 552a; Robert, _O. S._,
-pp. 179-81. However, Kirchhoff referred this base to the statue
-of a runner: _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, p. 84; and Dittenberger to the
-victor D[amasi]ppos, who won in some running race at an unknown
-date: Foerster, 812. Robert read the mutilated inscription ἐλάσιππος
-(“horse-driving”) instead of the proper name Δαμάσιππος.
-
-[1971] _H. N._, XXXIV, 75 and 78 (_celetizontes pueri_).
-
-[1972] Pliny, XXXIV, 71.
-
-[1973] _B. M. Vases_, B 133; Gardiner, p. 461, fig. 169; see also a
-Panathenaic amphora pictured in Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 129, fig. 92
-(left).
-
-[1974] Gardiner, p. 459, fig. 167 (left). He won κέλητι in Ol. 106 (=
-356 B. C.): Plut., _Alex._, 3; Foerster, 360. _Cf._ a similar jockey on
-horseback on a coin of Tarentum: Head, _Guide to the Principal Gold and
-Silver Coins ... in the British Museum_, Pl. XXIV, 7.
-
-[1975] _B. M. Vases_, B 144; Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCXLVII (lower half);
-Gardiner, p. 243, fig. 37.
-
-[1976] See _supra_, p. 13 and n. 1.
-
-[1977] Mentioned in _J. H. S._, XIV, 1894, p. 66 (H. Stuart Jones).
-
-[1978] III, i, p. 200, fig. 3846 (from Dubois-Maisonneuve, _Introd. à
-l’Étude des vases_, Pl. XLIII); others are there mentioned, _e. g._,
-_Mon. d. I._, I, 1829-33, Pl. XXII, 3b and II, 1834-38, Pl. XXXII
-(bottom).
-
-[1979] _B. C. H._, V, 1881, pp. 436 f., with figure (Collignon). This
-and the following three reliefs are mentioned by Rouse, p. 176.
-
-[1980] F. W., 1206, formerly interpreted as Alexander and Boukephalos.
-
-[1981] Von Sybel, _Kat. d. Skulpt. zu Athen_, 1881, no. 307.
-
-[1982] Von Duhn, in _A. Z._, XXXV, 1877, pp. 167, no. 89 (_cf._ no. 88).
-
-[1983] On the North frieze, Michaelis, _Der Parthenon_, 1870, Tafelbd.,
-slabs XXIV-XLII; _B. M. Sculpt._, I, 325, pp. 175 f.; West frieze,
-Michaelis, slabs II, IV, VI-VII, IX-XI; _B. M. Sculpt._, 326, pp.
-179-80; South frieze, Michaelis, slabs I, III, X-XVI, XXII-XXIII; _B.
-M. Sculpt._, 327, pp. 181-85.
-
-[1984] _C. I. A._, IV, 2, 373, line 99; _cf._ Studniczka, _Arch. Eph._,
-1887, p. 146.
-
-[1985] _Vit. X Orat._, 42 (p. 839b); he says that it stood in the
-ball-court of the maidens known as _arrephoroi_. Pausanias, I, 18.8,
-also mentions a statuette of Isokrates on a column near the Olympieion.
-
-[1986] Carapanos, _Dodone et ses ruines_, 1877, p. 183 and Pl. XIII, 1;
-Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 527, 1.
-
-[1987] Arndt-Amelung, _Einzelaufnahmen_, no. 242.
-
-[1988] Dickins, nos. 700, found in 1887 (height 1.12 meters, length of
-fragment 0.76 meter) and 697 (height 1.13 meters); Winter, Archaische
-Reiterbilder von der Akropolis, _Jb._, VIII, 1893, pp. 135-156, figs.
-13a and b, 14a and b; Collignon, I, pp. 358-9, figs. 180 and 181;
-Schrader, _Arch. Marmor-Skulpt. im Akropolis-Museum zu Athen_, 1909, p.
-81, figs. 72-3 (assuming a Chian sculptor for no. 700); B. B., 459; no.
-700 = Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 639, fig. 327; 697 = _ibid._, p. 637,
-fig. 326. Winter, in the article cited, gives fourteen cuts of such
-archaic horse monuments.
-
-[1989] See preliminary account by Th. Reinach in _C. R. Acad. Inscr._,
-1919, (Jan.-Feb.), pp. 56-59 and fig. on p. 58. It is 49 centimeters
-high.
-
-[1990] J. Sieveking, _Die Bronz. d. Samml. Loeb_, 1913, p. 70, Pl. 29;
-it is 0.12 meter high. An exact copy is in the Cabinet des Médailles in
-Paris; Babelon et Blanchet, _Cat. des bronzes ant. de la Bibliothèque
-Nationale_, 1893, no. 893. For further examples of horsemen in bronze
-and marble, see Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, pp. 527-533.
-
-[1991] The race is described by P., V, 9.2; _cf._ Plutarch, _Quaest.
-conviv._, V, 2 (675 C.) For possible examples in sculpture, see
-Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, pp. 532-3.
-
-[1992] _E. g._, on a silver stater of the early third century B. C.
-from Tarentum in the British Museum: Gardiner, p. 462, fig. 170 (right).
-
-[1993] _Les_ ἱππεῖς _athéniens_, 1902 (_Extrait des Mémoires de l’Acad.
-des Inscr. et Belles-Lettres_, Vol. XXXVII). _Cf._ Gardiner, pp. 71-2.
-
-[1994] _Heralds_ (κήρυκες), trumpeters (σαλπισταί), flutists
-(αὐληταί), cithara-players (κιθαρισταί), and those who sang with them
-(κιθαρῳδοί), are mentioned as victors in many inscriptions: _e. g._,
-at Oropos, _C. I. G. G. S._, I, nos. 419-20; at Tanagra, _ibid._, 540;
-at Plataiai, _ibid._, 1667; at Thespiai, _ibid._, 1760 and 1773; on
-Mt. Helikon, _ibid._, 1776; at Akraiphia, _ibid._, 2727; at Koroneia,
-_ibid._, 2871; etc. _Cf._ Frazer, III, p. 628. Also on Samos: see
-inscription discussed in _J. H. S._, VII, 1886, p. 150.
-
-[1995] Afr.; Foerster, nos. 302 (Timaios) and 303 (Krates); they are
-not mentioned by Pausanias in his account of the introduction of
-various contests at Olympia, V, 8.6 f. Lucian mentions the contests of
-heralds at Olympia: _de morte Peregrini_, 32.
-
-[1996] V, 22.1.
-
-[1997] Nestor (_F. H. G._, II, p. 485^*, quoted by Athenæus, X, 7, p.
-415a) says that he was _periodonikes_ ten times, while Pollux (IV, 89)
-says seven times. For the dates of the victories, which fell some time
-between Ols. (?) 113 and 122 (= 328 and 292 B. C.), see Foerster, nos.
-395, 399, 402, 404, 406, 411, 415, 422, 425, and 428.
-
-[1998] Athen., X, 7 (p. 414e).
-
-[1999] Amarantos of Alexandria, _apud_ Athen., _l. c._, says that he
-was 3.5 ells in height; Pollux, _l. c._, four ells. Athenæus relates
-examples of his voracity.
-
-[2000] For the inscribed basis of his statue at Olympia, see _Inschr.
-v. Ol._, 232; _cf._ Foerster, 815-19 (undated). The inscription appears
-to belong to the first century A. D.
-
-[2001] _B. S. A._, XIII, 1906-7, pp. 146-7 (Dickins) and fig. 3; _cf._
-_A. J. A._, XIII, 1909, p. 83 and fig. 6. It is 0.131 meter high.
-
-[2002] _B. M. Bronzes_, 223 (quoted by Dickins, _l. c._).
-
-[2003] See P., X, 9.2.
-
-[2004] Fragm. 65 (= _F. H. G._, I, 207, quoted by Strabo, VI, 1.9, C.
-260). For the story about his victory, see Timaios, Strabo, _l. c._,
-Clemens Alexandr., _Protrept._, I, p. 2, and poetically in _A. G._, VI,
-54 (Paulus Silentiarius), and IX, 584.
-
-[2005] _Cf._ Reisch, p. 52.
-
-[2006] IX, 30. 2 f.
-
-[2007] In another passage, X, 7. 2, Pausanias says that Thamyris won a
-prize for singing at the Pythian games; he also mentions a painting of
-him by Polygnotos: X, 30. 8. On Thamyris, _cf._ also P., IV, 33. 3 and
-7.
-
-[2008] For the story of the poet Arion and the dolphin, see P. III, 25.
-7.
-
-[2009] In X, 7. 4, Pausanias says that Sakadas won in flute-playing at
-Delphi three times, the first in the third year of Ol. 48 (= 585 B.
-C.). In another passage, II, 22.8, he says that Sakadas was the first
-to play the “Pythian tune” on the flute. For a description of this
-tune, see Pollux, IV, 84, and Strabo, IX, 3.10 (C. 421).
-
-[2010] XIV, 24 (p. 629a).
-
-[2011] _C. I. A._, I, 357.
-
-[2012] Froehner, _Notice_, no. 16; Clarac, 122, 342; M. W., I, Pl. 13,
-46; etc.
-
-[2013] _A. M._, XII, 1887, pp. 378 f. (Wolters) and Pl. XII.
-
-[2014] V, 7.10; _cf._ Plutarch, _de Musica_, 26. Athenæus, IV, 39 (p.
-154a), quotes from the first book of the catalogue of Olympic victors
-by Eratosthenes to the effect that the Etruscans used to box to the
-music of the flute.
-
-[2015] P., V, 17. 10.
-
-[2016] Ph., 55.
-
-[2017] Plut., _l. c._
-
-[2018] See Pinder, _Ueber den Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen_, 1867, pp. 97 f.
-
-[2019] He won sometime between Ols. (?) 58 and 62 (= 548 and 532 B.
-C.): P., VI, 14.9-10; Hyde, 128b and p. 52. He also won six victories
-at Delphi and fluted at the pentathlon: _cf._ P., _l. c._ and Ph., 55.
-
-[2020] So Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 604. An example, on the other hand,
-of a very small man erecting a large statue is that of the poet Lucius
-Accius, whose statue was set up in the temple of the Camenae in Rome:
-Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 19; _cf._ Bernouilli, _Roem. Ikonogr._, I, p. 289.
-
-[2021] _E. g._, to Aristotle of Stagira: P., VI, 4.8; Hyde, 41b; to
-Gorgias of Leontini: P., VI, 17.7; Hyde, 184a; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 293;
-etc.
-
-[2022] The first part of the present chapter appeared under the
-caption, Lysippus as a Worker in Marble, in _A. J. A._, 2d Series, XI,
-1907, pp. 396-416, and figs. 1-6; the second part, entitled, The Head
-of a Youthful Heracles from Sparta, appeared _ibid._, XVIII, 1914,
-pp. 462-478, and fig. 1. Both parts have been rewritten. The author
-is indebted to the former editor-in-chief, Dr. James M. Paton, for
-permission to use the original papers in writing the present chapter.
-
-[2023] First noted by Homolle, _Gaz. B.-A._, XII, 1894, III Sér., pp.
-452 f.; _id._, _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, pp. 592 f.; _id._, _ibid._,
-XXIII, 1899, pp. 421 f.; _id._, _Rev. Arch._, 1900, p. 383; P. Gardner,
-_J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, pp. 234 f. (The Apoxyomenos of Lysippos). For
-a good summary and a new identification of the figures of the group
-(without discussing the style), see Miss E. M. Gardner and K. K. Smith,
-_A. J. A._, XIII, 1909, pp. 447 f. (Pl. XIV and 21 text-cuts).
-
-[2024] The group was composed of nine statues: three of athletes, those
-of the brothers Agias, a pancratiast, Telemachos, a wrestler, and
-Agelaos, a boy runner; four statesmen, and the son of the dedicator,
-and one unknown: _B. C. H._, XXI, pp. 592 f.; _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._,
-1913, III, no. 4, pp. 45-46.
-
-[2025] _Gaz. B.-A._, XII, 1894, p. 452: “_un des meilleures exemples de
-la manière de Lysippe_.”
-
-[2026] _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, p. 598.
-
-[2027] _B. C. H._, XXIII, 1899, pp. 470-1: “_L’auteur de la statue
-d’Agias ... ne peut être cherché que dans l’école de Lysippe ou dans
-sa dépendance immédiate...._” On p. 472 he says that in the _Agias_ we
-have a statue “_qui approche aussi près que possible d’un original de
-Lysippe_.”
-
-[2028] _Ein delphisches Weihgeschenck_, 1900; for the inscription
-referring to the statue of Agias, see _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, pp.
-592-593. Preuner’s ingenious theory was based on a combination of the
-inscriptions on the bases of the group.
-
-[2029] _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, 1904, Pls. LXIII (full length), LXIV
-(head); statue of Sisyphos I, Pl. LXV; Sisyphos II, LXVIII (= _B. C.
-H._, XXIII, Pl. IX); Agelaos (= _B. C. H._, XXIII, Pl. IX). For the
-_Agias_, see also _B. C. H._, XXIII, 1899, Pls. X (head, two views)
-and XI (statue); von Mach, 234; Springer-Michaelis, p. 336, fig. 596;
-Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 549, 11 (before the discovery of the lower
-legs). The name is to be spelled either Agias or Hagias; the former has
-now become usual.
-
-[2030] Baron Otto Magnus von Stackelberg (1760-1836) visited Pharsalos
-in September 1811.
-
-[2031] In the Braccio Nuovo: Amelung, _Vat._, I, p. 86, no. 67 and Pl.
-XI; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, no. 23; _Guide_, I, no. 31; B. B., 281 (head
-= 487); Bulle, 62 (head = 213); and reconstruction in a bronzed cast on
-a high pedestal in the Museum of the University of Erlangen, _ibid._,
-pp. 117-18, fig. 22, a, b, c (_cf._ _Muenchner Jb. f. bild. Kunst._,
-1906, p. 36); von Mach, 235; Baum., II, p. 843, fig. 925; _Mon. d. I._,
-V, 1849-53, Pl. XIII; Rayet, II, Pl. 47 (text by Collignon); Overbeck,
-II, p. 157, fig. 182; Collignon, II, p. 415, fig. 218; Furtw.-Urlichs,
-_Denkm._, Pl. XXXIV and pp. 107-10; Springer-Michaelis, p. 337, fig.
-603; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 546, 2; Clarac, V, 848B, 2168A; F. W.,
-1264; etc.
-
-[2032] _Cf._ F. W., p. 449, paragraph 2 of the notes. E. Braun
-(_Annali_, L, 1850, pp. 223 f.) first identified the statue with
-Lysippos’ _Apoxyomenos_; _cf._ also Brunn (_Bulletino d. Inst._, 1851,
-p. 91).
-
-[2033] _Cf._ Becker, _Gallus_,^3 III, p. 108; and especially J.
-Kueppers, Der Apoxyomenos des Lysippos, in _Progr. des Bonner Gymnas._,
-1869.
-
-[2034] _H. N._, XXXIV, 62.
-
-[2035] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 65.
-
-[2036] Especially its surface modeling was supposed to confirm Pliny’s
-criticism of the master: _op. cit._, XXXIV, 65.
-
-[2037] _One Hundred Masterpieces of Sculpture_, 1909, p. 39.
-
-[2038] Unless we except the Athenian torso to be mentioned _infra_, p.
-290, n. 4.
-
-[2039] _Cf._ Tarbell, _Congress of Arts and Sciences_, St. Louis, 1904,
-III, p. 614.
-
-[2040] _De Alex. Magn. fort. aut virt._, _Orat._ II, 2 (p. 335, b, c);
-_S. Q._, no. 1479.
-
-[2041] _J. H. S._, XXIII, p. 130, n. 28; it is also quoted by Gardner,
-_Sculpt._, pp. 220-1.
-
-[2042] See Ada Maviglia, _L’attività artistica di Lisippo ricostruita
-su nuova base_, 1914. For the Uffizi statue, see _supra_, pp. 136-137.
-
-[2043] In his discussion of the Athenian torso, which he believed was
-another copy of the original of the Vatican statue: _A. M._, II, 1877,
-pp. 57-8, Pl. IV; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 819, 1. This torso had the
-left leg free, while the Vatican one had the right one free; it is also
-dry and hard in its technique.
-
-[2044] That of Emil Braun, in _Annali_, L, 1850, p. 249.
-
-[2045] _E. g._, Loewy, _R. M._, XVI, 1901, p. 392. Furtwaengler,
-_Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1904, II, p. 379, n. 1, says that the _Agias_
-“_dem Lysipp gaenzlich ferne steht_,” and assigns it to an Athenian
-artist.
-
-[2046] Especially the Gardner brothers: P. Gardner, _J. H. S._,
-XXIII, 1903, pp. 130-131 (where he identifies the _Apoxyomenos_ with
-the _Perixyomenos_ of Daïppos, the son or pupil of Lysippos, a work
-mentioned by Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 87); _ibid._, XXV, 1905, pp. 234
-f., especially p. 236 (on pp. 255 f. he dates the _Apoxyomenos_ just
-after 300 B. C., though ultimately deriving it from the school of
-Lysippos); _id._, _Class. Rev._, 1913, p. 56; E. A. Gardner, _Sculpt._,
-p. 222; _Hbk._, p. 443. T. L. Shear, _A. J. A._, XX, 1916, p. 292,
-makes the _Agias_ the centre of his treatment of Lysippos. Still others
-who think that the two statues can not be by the same sculptor are
-cited by Wolters, _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1913, III, no. 4, p. 44, n. 3.
-See also F. Paulson, _Delphi_, 1920, pp. 288-289.
-
-[2047] _E. g._, Collignon, _Lysippe_, p. 31; Amelung, _R. M._, XX,
-1905, pp. 144 f.; _id._, _Vat._, I, p. 87 (where he says that the
-_Agias_ offers the closest analogies in style to the _Apoxyomenos_);
-Michaelis, _Die archaeol. Entdeckungen des 19ten Jahrh._, 1906, p. 276;
-_A Century of Archæological Discoveries_ (transl. of preceding, by
-Bettina Kahnweiler, 1908), p. 323; _id._, Springer-Michaelis, p. 335;
-for others, _cf._ Wolters, _l. c._, n. 2.
-
-[2048] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 61 (= S. Q. no. 1444), quotes Douris
-as saying that Lysippos was the pupil of no artist. He tells how
-the painter Eupompos advised the sculptor as a boy _naturam ipsam
-imitandam, esse non artificem_. Such a judgment, of course, can not be
-literally true, as every artist is to a large extent a child of his age
-and circumstances. _Cf._ Jex-Blake, pp. xlviii f., for the anecdotal
-character of Pliny’s statement. That the statement comes, perhaps, from
-Eupompos is the view of Kalkmann, _Quellen der Kunstgeschichte des
-Plinius_, 1898, p. 165.
-
-[2049] _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, p. 598; _id._, XXIII, 1899, p. 471; _cf._
-T. L. Shear, _A. J. A._, _l. c._ On the relation of Skopas to Lysippos,
-see P. Gardner, _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, pp. 126 f., and E. A. Gardner,
-_Sculpt._, p. 198. The influence of Skopas is especially observable
-in Lysippos’ treatment of forehead and eyes and in the consequent
-intensity of expression.
-
-[2050] _Jb._, XXV, 1910, pp. 172-3.
-
-[2051] See Wolters, _l. c._, pp. 45 f. Most scholars have followed the
-contention of Preuner that the statue at Pharsalos was the older: _e.
-g._, Kern, _I. G._, IX, 2, 249.
-
-[2052] _Cf._ Hill, _op. cit._, p. 39.
-
-[2053] _Mp._, p. 364 and n. 2; _Mw._, p. 597 and n. 3; for the Berlin
-athlete, see _Beschr. d. ant. Skulpt._, no. 471; for a copy of the
-Berlin head in the Museo delle Terme, Rome, see Helbig, _Fuehrer_,
-II, 1380 _bis_; _Jb._, XXVI, 1911, p. 278, n. 1; and _cf._ _R.
-M._, XX, 1905, pp. 147 f., figs. 5-7; for the Dresden statues, see
-Hettner, _Bildw. d. kgl. Antiken-samml._, nos. 245-6; one of these
-has a beardless head, which is analogous to a more beautiful head in
-Copenhagen: _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, no. 1072. Of this head, which
-is earlier than that of the _Apoxyomenos_, Furtwaengler says that it
-is “one of the finest and most purely Lysippan works in existence.”
-In _Mp._, p. 338, he mentions a bronze statuette of Hermes from
-Athens now in Berlin (Invent. 6305) “in the swinging posture of the
-_Apoxyomenos_,” and says that it is of the purest Lysippan style.
-
-[2054] _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, pp. 239-40 and Pl. XVI; Duetschke, IV,
-151.
-
-[2055] _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_, no. 240; Mahler ascribes this work to
-Lysippos: _Polykl. u. s. Sch._, 1902, p. 153, n. 1.
-
-[2056] _B. M. Sculpt._, 1747, p. 102; _Mp._, p. 298 and fig. 126;
-_Mw._, pp. 515 and 517 and fig. 93; _cf._ Mrs. Strong, in _Strena
-Helbigiana_, 1900, p. 297. It is 6 ft. 8 in. high without the plinth
-(Smith).
-
-[2057] A better copy is the torso in the Louvre, _Photo Giraudon_, no.
-1289; a head is in the Lateran, no. 891.
-
-[2058] _De olymp. Stat._, Halle, 1902, and enlarged, 1903, pp. 27 f.
-
-[2059] _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LIV, 3-4, and Textbd., p. 209,
-fig. 237; _Ausgr. v. Ol._, V, 1881, Pl. XX.
-
-[2060] VI, 2.1.
-
-[2061] The head is still exhibited at Olympia in the same room as the
-_Hermes_.
-
-[2062] _A. Z._, XXXVIII, 1880, p. 114; _cf._, _Ausgr. v. Ol._, V, pp.
-13-14.
-
-[2063] _Olympia_^2, 1886, pp. 343 f. and Pl. XVI (right).
-
-[2064] _Restauration d’Olympie_, 1889, p. 137.
-
-[2065] In Roscher, _Lex._, I, 2, _s. v._ Herakles, p. 2166.
-
-[2066] _E. g._, Graef, _R. M._, IV, 1889, pp. 189-226, especially p.
-217; von Sybel, in _Luetzow’s Zeitschr. fuer bild. Kunst_, N. F., II,
-pp. 253 f.
-
-[2067] _Bildw. v. Ol._, pp. 209 and n. 1.
-
-[2068] _B. C. H._, XXIII, 1899, pp. 456-7.
-
-[2069] _Polyklet u. seine Schule_, p. 149.
-
-[2070] Preuner (_op. cit._, p. 12) dates the dedication
-339-331 B. C.; Homolle (B. C. H., XVIII, 1899, p. 440) more closely,
-338-334 B. C. Preuner dates Agias’ victory about 450 B. C.
-
-[2071] Treu, _Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 208, gives these measurements: height
-with neck, 0.270 meter; height of head alone, 0.215 meter; breadth of
-face, 0.127 meter; height of face, 0.155 meter.
-
-[2072] _H. N._, XXXIV, 65.
-
-[2073] The hair, however, of the _Apoxyomenos_ is an exception, for,
-even if worked out with some care, it is devoid of expression.
-
-[2074] The use of the drill is seen in the Praxitelian _Hermes_, but is
-not seen in the Tegea heads, nor is it common in the first half of the
-fourth century B. C.: _cf._ Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 309.
-
-[2075] So Treu, _Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 208 (though formerly in _A. Z._,
-XXXVIII, 1880, p. 114, he called it a pancratiast with Herakles
-features); Reisch, p. 43, n. 1; Flasch, in Baum., p. 1104 00;
-Furtwaengler, in Roscher’s _Lex._, _s. v._ Herakles, I, 2, p. 2166; etc.
-
-[2076] See pp. 75 and 94.
-
-[2077] _E. g._, Treu, _Bildw. v. Ol._, pp. 208 f.
-
-[2078] _Supra_, pp. 167 f.
-
-[2079] Michaelis, pp. 451 f., no. 61; _Specimens_, I, Pl. XL;
-Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 297, fig. 125, _Mw._, p. 516, fig. 92; Graef,
-_R. M._, IV, 1889, pp. 189 f., and Pls. VIII-IX; Springer-Michaelis, p.
-336, fig. 600; Clarac, V, 788, 1973; etc. It was found in 1790 in the
-ruins of Hadrian’s villa at Tivoli.
-
-[2080] VI, 1.4.
-
-[2081] VI, 2.1.
-
-[2082] VI, 5.1.
-
-[2083] VI, 4.6.
-
-[2084] VI, 17.3.
-
-[2085] East of the temple of Zeus; see _infra_, Ch. VIII, p. 342, n. 4.
-
-[2086] See list in Hyde, pp. 3 f. Here nos. 91 and 136 refer to the
-same victor.
-
-[2087] VI, 1.3.
-
-[2088] _Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 209. See Plans A and B.
-
-[2089] P., VI, 1.4.
-
-[2090] P., VI, 1.6.
-
-[2091] P., VI, 3.2.
-
-[2092] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 166 (Troilos), 160 (Kyniska), 172
-(Sophios). See Plans A and B.
-
-[2093] This fact, together with its place of finding not far from the
-Great Gymnasion, led Treu to believe that the statue once adorned the
-interior of the exercise-place of the athletes: _Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 209.
-
-[2094] The Praxitelian _Hermes_ similarly shows an unfinished treatment
-of the back hair; in fact the entire back of the statue is carelessly
-done (_Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 203, fig. 233), though chisel-rasps show
-a subsequent attempt to better it. This condition led Treu at first
-(_Ausgrab. v. Ol._, V, p. 10; followed by Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p.
-308, n. 7; _Mw._, p. 531, n. 3) to believe that the statue was made
-at Olympia with regard to its position in the Heraion. Later (_Bildw.
-v. Ol._, pp. 204-5) Treu believed that this merely indicated that the
-statue was intended to stand against a wall; and since the present
-base is not the original one (see Bulle, _apud_ Purgold, _Ergebnisse
-v. Ol._, II, pp. 157 f.), that the statue was not originally meant for
-the temple, but was moved thither, perhaps in Nero’s day; _cf._ also
-Wernicke, _Jb._, IX, 1894, pp. 108 f. For the _Hermes_, mentioned by
-P., V, 17.3, and found in the cella of the Heraion on May 8, 1877, see
-_Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pls. XLIX-LIII; Textbd., pp. 194 f. and
-figs. 225-234.
-
-[2095] However, Lysippos made the statue of Polydamas of Skotoussa,
-who won the pankration in Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.), many years after the
-victory: see P., VI, 5.1; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279; H. L. von Urlichs,
-_Ueber Griech. Kunstschriftsteller_, Diss. inaug., 1887, p. 26.
-
-[2096] P. 27.
-
-[2097] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 166; _cf._ P., VI, 1. 4 (both victories
-wrongly in Ol. 102); Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338 and 345.
-
-[2098] Date given by P., VI, 4.2. See Hyde, 37; Foerster, 349, 353, 359.
-
-[2099] For the earlier dating of Lysippos, see Winter, _Jb._, VII,
-1892, p. 169 (who begins the artist’s activity with the seventies),
-Treu, _Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 211, and Milchhoefer, _Arch. Stud. fuer H.
-Brunn_, p. 66, n. 2; see also Hyde, pp. 26-7, (who gives the sculptor’s
-artistic activity as Ols. 103-115 = 368-320 B. C.); E. A. Gardner,
-_Sculpt._, pp. 216-217, who dates his activity 366-316 B. C.; P.
-Gardner, _infra_, next note.
-
-[2100] _J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, pp. 243-249; on p. 245 he says: “There is
-some evidence for work by Lysippos at a later date than B. C. 320. And
-if he were born, as seems probable, about B. C. 390, he may well have
-accepted commissions, to be executed mainly by his pupils, for several
-years after 320.”
-
-[2101] P., VI, 4, 6-7; Hyde, 41; Foerster, 384 and 392, who, on the
-basis of _I. G. B._, p. 75, to no. 93b, dates the victories Ols. (?)
-112 and 113 (= 332 and 328 B. C.).
-
-[2102] _L. c._, p. 246.
-
-[2103] P., VI, 17, 3; Hyde, 175; Foerster, 390 and 397 (= Ols. ? 113
-and 114, = 328 and 324 B. C. on the basis of _I. G. B._, p. 75).
-
-[2104] _E. g._, Furtwaengler, who gives 350-300 B. C. as the period of
-his artistic activity: _Mw._, p. 523, n. 3.
-
-[2105] _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, p. 598 (and copied in XXIII, 1899, p.
-422). The _Agias_ is but slightly later than the _Hermes_, if we
-accept Furtwaengler’s dating for the latter, about 343 B. C.: _Mp._,
-pp. 307-308; _Mw._, pp. 529-531. Brunn had regarded the _Hermes_ as
-a youthful work of Praxiteles: _Deutsche Rundschau_, VIII, 1882, pp.
-188 f. Purgold, _Aufsaetze E. Curtius gewidmet_, pp. 233 f., and S.
-Reinach, _Gaz. Arch._, 1887, p. 282, n. 9, had assigned it to the year
-363 B. C.
-
-[2106] _H. N._, XXXIV, 37.
-
-[2107] _Ibid._, 61 f.
-
-[2108] The two are contrasted in XXXV, 156: _[Varro] laudat et
-Pasitelen qui plasticen matrem caela turae et statuariae scalpturaeque
-(= sculpturae) dixit_, etc. _Cf. infra_, Ch. VII, p. 324, n. 4. They
-are also contrasted in XXXVI, 15. _Sculptura_ is the modern title of
-Bk. XXXVI.
-
-[2109] II, p. 150. See also Bulle, p. 137. Amongst recent writers who
-oppose this view are Koepp, _Ueber d. Bildnisse Alex. d. Gr._, p. 29,
-and Preuner, _op. cit._, pp. 46-7.
-
-[2110] Thus the Sikyonian Kanachos worked in marble, bronze, gold and
-ivory, and cedar-wood: Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 50 and 75; XXXVI, 41; P.,
-II, 10.5; IX, 10.2; etc.
-
-[2111] F. Spiro, _Woch. f. kl. Philologie_, XXI, 1904, col. 792 (in his
-review of my _de olymp. Stat. a Paus. commem._).
-
-[2112] See _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LV, 1-3; Textbd., pp. 209 f.
-
-[2113] This is substantially Preuner’s view: _op. cit._, pp. 39-40 and
-46-47; the later view of P. Wolters that the Delphi group was older
-than the statue at Pharsalos has already been mentioned _supra_, p.
-292; see _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1913, III, no. 4, pp. 44-45.
-
-[2114] In _A. J. A._, XI, 1907, pp. 414-16, I argued that the statue of
-Agias was an original and not a copy; in the present work this view is
-somewhat modified.
-
-[2115] So Homolle, _B. C. H._, XXIII, 1899, pp. 445 and 459; S.
-Reinach, _C. R. Acad. Inscr._, 1900, pp. 8 f.; H. Lechat, _Rev. des
-Études anciennes_, II, 1900, pp. 195 f.; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 441;
-P. Gardner, _J. H. S._, XXIII, p. 127; _cf._ Preuner, _op. cit._,
-p. 38; etc. Homolle, _l. c._, p. 471, says that if the _Agias_ is a
-copy, “_c’est celui d’une copie authentique immédiate, contemporaine
-du modèle_.” The view that the Delphi group was not original is well
-expressed by P. Wolters, _l. c._, p. 50, who says that “_niemand die
-delphischen Statuen fuer Originale des Lysippos erklaeren wird_.”
-
-[2116] _Hbk._, p. 441, n. 2; only two small marble props, reaching to
-the calves, support the ankles.
-
-[2117] This treatment gives the impression of texture and profusion;
-see Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 309.
-
-[2118] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 69-71 (list of bronze works).
-
-[2119] Mechanically exact copies were unknown in the fourth century
-B. C. Furtwaengler has shown that such copies began to be made in the
-second century B. C., or possibly at the end of the third, and became
-common only in the first: _Ueber Statuencopien im Altertum_, 1896.
-
-[2120] It is mentioned by Pausanias, IX, 35.3, and the Surname
-“_Oulios_” by Strabo, XIV, 1.6 (C. 635); it is described by Plutarch,
-_de Musica_, 14 (= 1136 A), and Macrobius, _Sat._, I, 1713.
-
-[2121] Schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, XIV, 16, Boeckh, p. 293.
-
-[2122] Bekker, _Anecd. gr._, p. 299, 8-9; _cf._ Athen., X, 24 (p. 424
-f.). It appears on Athenian coins also: see Frazer, V, p. 174, figs.
-8-9.
-
-[2123] P., VIII, 46.3; Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 75. _Cf._ Brunn, I, pp.
-74 f.
-
-[2124] P., IX, 10.2.
-
-[2125] _Op. cit._ The transference to the minor arts—reliefs, coins,
-gems and vase-paintings—was, of course, especially common at all times.
-See also F. Hauser, _Die neu-attischen Reliefs_, 1889, and Flasch, _A.
-Z._, XXXVI, 1878, p. 119.
-
-[2126] P., VI, 8.5 and VII, 27.5. He won the pankration in Ol. 94 (=
-404 B. C.): Hyde, 81; Foerster, 286.
-
-[2127] _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, pp. 616-20 (Homolle).
-
-[2128] See Amelung, _R. M._, IX, 1894, pp. 162 f. and Pl. VII. _Cf._,
-Treu, _Bildw. v. Ol._, pp. 190-191, and fig. 222 B, on pp. 188-189.
-
-[2129] _J. H. S._, XXIX, 1909, pp. 151-2, fig. 1 a and b (F. H.
-Marshall).
-
-[2130] XIII, 1909, pp. 151-7, with Pl. IV and figs. 1-3 (A head of
-Heracles in the style of Scopas.)
-
-[2131] _Ibid._, pp. 156 and 157.
-
-[2132] _Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin_, VIII, no. 46 (Aug., 1910), p. 26.
-
-[2133] II, 10.1.
-
-[2134] F. Imhoof-Blumer and P. Gardner, p. 30 (reprinted from articles
-which appeared in the _J. H. S._, VI-VIII, 1885-1887).
-
-[2135] Discussed by Graef, _R. M._, IV, 1889, pp. 189-226. For the
-coin, see _ibid._, pp. 212-14.
-
-[2136] For the two heads of heroes, see Kabbadias, pp. 154 f., nos.
-179, 180; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 33; B. B., no. 44; Collignon,
-II, pp. 239, figs. 118 and 119; _Ant. Denkm._, I, 3, 1888, Pl. XXXV,
-2-3, 4-5 (from casts); Milchhoefer, _A. M._, IV, 1879, pp. 133-4, nos.
-24-25; G. Treu, _A. Z._, XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 98 f.; Luetzow, _Zeitschr.
-f. bild. Kunst_, XVII, 1882, pp. 322 f.; Baum., III, pp. 1667 f. and
-figs. 1733 and 1734; von Sybel, _Weltgesch. d. Kunst_, pp. 255 f.;
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 306, figs. 544, a, b; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 412,
-fig. 105; von Mach, 469.
-
-[2137] VIII, 45.6-7; see Mendel, _B. C. H._, XXV, 1901, pp. 257 f.,
-and Pls. IV, V (= head of Atalanta?), VI (= torso of Atalanta?), VII,
-VIII (= heads of Herakles); Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 416, fig. 106, has
-reconstructed the _Atalanta_ from Pls. IV and VI just mentioned.
-
-[2138] _L. c._, p. 259. The head has been restored by a German
-sculptor, and the chin appears to have been made too retreating: see
-_Encyl. Brit._, 11th ed., vol. XII, _s. v._ “Greek Art,” Pl. III, fig.
-63.
-
-[2139] From his Atalanta of Tegea, in _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, pp.
-172-3, quoted in part by Dr. Bates, _l. c._, pp. 155-6.
-
-[2140] It was chiefly the preponderance of the lower part of the face
-over the upper, in consequence of the large chin and strongly marked
-cheek-bones, that led Treu to predicate Peloponnesian rather than Attic
-influence in the Tegea heads: _A. M._, VI, 1881, p. 408. He found
-them Polykleitan in character, as did also Graef, _l. c._, p. 210,
-Furtwaengler, _Mp._, p. 523, and Collignon, II, p. 238. L. R. Farnell,
-however, long ago combated the theory of Peloponnesian influence, and
-found analogies in fifth-century Attic works of the time of Pheidias,
-as well as in works from the beginning of the fourth century B. C.: see
-_J. H. S._, VII, 1886, pp. 114 f.
-
-[2141] _Descriptiones stat._, B (in _Philostrati opera_, ed. Kayser,
-p. 891). He also says (_ibid._) that Skopas ὥσπερ ἔκ τινος ἐπιπνοίας
-κινηθεὶς εἰς τὴν τοῦ ἀγάλματος δημιουργίαν τὴν θεοφορίαν ἐφῆκε.
-The words with which Diodoros (Fragm. 1, Bk. XXVI) characterized
-Praxiteles, as ὁ καταμίξας ἄκρως τοῖς λιθίνοις ἔργοις τὰ τῆς ψυχῆς
-πάθη, apply much better to Skopas, for Praxiteles’ “emotions of the
-soul” are mood and temperament rather than emotion and passion.
-
-[2142] _B. C. H._, XXV, 1901, Pls. IV-V.
-
-[2143] The same overhanging masses of flesh, which we see in the male
-heads, are, however, visible in several other female heads attributed
-to Skopas: _e. g._, in the colossal one called _Artemisia_ from the
-Eastern pediment of the Mausoleion: Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. LIX; in the
-head of an _Aphrodite_ found in the sea off Laurion: _J. H. S._, XV,
-1895, pp. 194f. and fig. (Aphrodite?); in the head of a goddess found
-south of the Akropolis (and in the copy of it in Berlin): Gardner,
-_Hbk._, p. 457, fig. 119; and in the Dresden statuette of a _Mænad_:
-Treu, _Mélanges Perrot_, Pl. V; Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. LII; etc.;
-they are also plainly visible in the _Demeter of Knidos_: Gardner,
-_Sculpt._, Pl. LIII; etc. These heads are discussed by Gardner,
-_Sculpt._, pp. 190f., and are ascribed by him to Skopas.
-
-[2144] _J. H. S._, XXVI, 1906, p. 174. Gardner (_ibid._) does not
-explain this contrast in expression between the _Atalanta_ and the
-surrounding heroes on the analogy of the contrast in the calmness of
-_Apollo_ among the struggling _Lapiths_ from the Olympia pediment,
-since the action in the torso of _Atalanta_ shows that she was no mere
-spectator. He finds the explanation rather in the sex and youth of the
-heroine; for this reason he thinks that the sculptor did not represent
-her as sharing equally with the others the passion of the combat. He
-finds a truer analogy in the contrast between calm and passion in the
-_Lapiths_ and _Centaurs_ of the Parthenon metopes, where the human and
-bestial are thus distinguished; just so the heroine-goddess is here
-distinguished from her human companions. He also supposes that Skopas
-was not ready thus early in his career (just after 395 B. C., when the
-temple of Athena Alea was destroyed by fire) to apply his new extreme
-of expression to female heads. However, it must not be overlooked that
-these male heads—because of their marked individuality—presuppose
-a more mature genius, and so can just as well be assigned to the
-period of the Arkadian revival of 370 B. C. It has recently been
-seriously disputed whether the _Atalanta_ should be assigned at all
-to the Eastern pediment, where the French excavators placed it; thus
-Cultrera has looked upon it as an akroterion figure, while Thiersch
-and Neugebauer have identified it with a single figure representing
-_Nike_. See Cultrera, _Atti dell’ Accad. dei Lincei_, 1910, pp. 22f.;
-H. Thiersch, Zum Problem des Tegeatempels, _Jb._, XXVIII, 1913, p.
-270; Neugebauer, _Studien ueber Skopas_, Leipsic, 1913; the latter has
-argued that the head and torso do not belong together, while Dugas has
-maintained the older view, that the turn and position of the neck fit
-the torso: _Rev. de l’art anc. et mod._, 1911, pp. 9f.
-
-[2145] The effect in the Tegea heads is heightened by the abrupt
-transition from the brow to the socket—the outer end of the upper lid
-being almost hidden.
-
-[2146] Kabbadias, I, p. 416, no. 869; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_,
-pp. 168 f. and fig.; Conze, _Griech. Grabreliefs_, IX, 1897, no. 1055
-and Pl. CCXI; B. B., 469; Bulle, 267; von Mach, 369; P. Gardner,
-_Sculptured Tombs of Hellas_, 1896, Pl. XIV and p. 152; Gardner,
-_Sculpt._, Pl. LXV and p. 208; Graef, _R. M._, IV, 1889, pp. 199 f.;
-von Sybel, _Weltgesch. d. Kunst_, fig. 204; _id._, _Zeitschr. f. bild.
-Kunst_, N. F., II, p. 293; _cf._ Wolters, _A. M._, XVIII, 1893, p. 6.
-It is 1.68 meters in height and 1.07 in breadth (Staïs). The likeness
-of the head of the athlete in this relief to that of the _Agias_ is
-striking.
-
-[2147] It was formerly in the Sala di Meleagro, but was later removed
-to the Sala degli animali; Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 128, and Nachtrag;
-_Guide_, I, p. 78, no. 133; Amelung, _Vat._, II, p. 33, no. 10, and
-Pls. II and XII; B. B., 386; von Mach, 216; _id._, _Greek Sculpture,
-Its Spirit and Principles_, 1903, pp. 279 f.; Bulle, p. 484, fig. 145;
-_Ant. Denkm._, I, 4, 1889, Pl. XL, 1a, 1b (head); Graef, _R. M._, IV,
-pp. 218 f.; Reinach, _Rép._, 1, 479, 2; Clarac, 805, 2021. It is 2.10
-meters high (Amelung).
-
-[2148] _De olymp. Stat._, p. 28.
-
-[2149] _Mp._, 296 f.; _cf._ Homolle, _B. C. H._, XXIII, 1899, p.
-450, n. 2. Furtwaengler thought that the head was Attic and believed
-that it was the direct successor of the Munich _Oil-pourer_ (Pl.
-11), the _Standing Diskobolos_ of the Vatican (Pl. 6), the Florence
-_Apoxyomenos_ (Pl. 12), and analogous to the Ilissos relief (Fig. 74),
-two bronze heads from Herculaneum (a = F. W., 1302, and Comparetti e de
-Petra, _La Villa Ercol._, Pl. VII, 3; b = _ibid._, Pl. X, 2), and other
-works; Graef, _op. cit._, p. 199, and Gardner, _Sculpt._, pp. 198-9,
-regard it as Skopasian; Kalkmann, Die Proport. d. Gesichts in d. gr.
-Kunst, _53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, p. 60, n. 3, believes that it
-shows Polykleitan influence.
-
-[2150] _Ancient Marbles in Great Britain_, p. 451.
-
-[2151] P. Gardner, _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, p. 128 (_cf._ XXV, 1895, p.
-240), has called it “definitely a Lysippic work”; similarly Cultrera,
-Una Statua di Ercole, _Mem. della R. Accad. dei Lincei_, p. 188;
-recently, T. L. Shear, _A. J. A._, XX, 1916, pp. 297-298.
-
-[2152] _Op. cit._, pp. 219 f.
-
-[2153] Von Mach, 214; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 484, 1; another in
-Copenhagen: Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkm._, Pl. XXXII (opp. p. 98); a head is
-also in the Ny-Carlsberg collection there: _La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg_,
-no. 362 and Pl. 100.
-
-[2154] _Ant. Denkm._, I, 4, 1889, Pl. XL, 2a, 2b, p. 29 (Petersen);
-Collignon, II, p. 250, fig. 127; Bulle, 212 and fig. 144, on p. 481;
-Furtw., _Mp._, Pl. XV. For the _Apollo_ torso, see M. D., I, no. 215.
-
-[2155] Mentioned in _Not. Scav._, 1895, p. 196, and figs. 1-2, and in
-_R. M._, X, p. 92 (Petersen); briefly described by R. Norton, _Harvard
-Graduates’ Magazine_, VIII, 1900 (June), pp. 485 f.; von Mach, 215;
-Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 555, 6. _Cf._ _A. J. A._, IV, 1900, p. 275
-and V, 1901, pp. 29 f. (latter = abstract of paper by von Mach). The
-Cambridge copy was found about 300 feet from the spot where the Berlin
-copy was discovered.
-
-[2156] _H. N._, XXXIV, 66; in the text, _et Alexandrum Thespiis
-venatorem_, it is best to understand _venatorem_ as an appositive,
-therefore indicating a statue of Alexander as hunter. As the boar (in
-the bronze original no support was necessary) is a Roman accessory
-like the chlamys, it is best to call the work under discussion not
-_Meleager_, but merely hunter and dog (so Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkm._, _l.
-c._). It was probably dedicated by a successful hunter to Artemis, or
-else it was a grave-monument, as such figures are common on sarcophagi:
-see Robert, _Ant. Sarcoph. Reliefs_, IV, Pls. XLVII, 154, and XLIX,
-155, pp. 188 f.; and also on Attic grave-reliefs: _e. g._, on the
-Ilissos relief mentioned above (Fig. 74).
-
-[2157] Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 304-5; Furtw.-Urlichs, Amelung, Helbig, von
-Mach, Arndt, E. Sellers-Strong (see introduction to Furtw., _Mp._, p.
-XIII), etc.
-
-[2158] _J. H. S._, XXIII, 1903, pp. 128-129.
-
-[2159] _Sculpt._, p. 219.
-
-[2160] _Cf._ P. Gardner, _Types of Greek Coins_, 1883, Pl. XII, 16.
-
-[2161] Pl. LXIX in _Six Greek Sculptors_. E. A. Gardner (p. 226) is
-doubtless right in believing that this form of brow was a personal
-peculiarity of Alexander, as it recurs so often in his portraits. It
-is seen in the head of Alexander on the sarcophagus from Sidon (either
-by a pupil of Lysippos or by some sculptor under his influence), the
-reliefs from which portray the same subject as the bronze group by
-Lysippos in Delphi mentioned by Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 64, dedicated
-by Krateros on the occasion narrated by Plutarch, _Vita Alex. Magni_,
-40, who states that the group was executed conjointly with Leochares:
-see Hamdy Bey et Th. Reinach, _Une nécropole royale à Sidon_, 1892,
-Pl. XXXIII, no. 6 (reproduced by Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. LXXI). So
-far as I know, it occurs in Lysippan work to a prominent degree
-only in likenesses of Alexander. We know that Lysippos created the
-Alexander-type of head, as he alone could reproduce his manly and
-leonine air (_cf._ Plut., _de Alex. M. fortuna aut virtute_, _oratio_
-II, 2, = p. 335). It is, to a less extent, present in the Azara
-head in the Louvre, which, owing to its likeness to the head of the
-_Apoxyomenos_, used to be taken as the nearest copy of the original by
-Lysippos.
-
-[2162] It should be observed that the axis of the right eye in the head
-from Sparta droops slightly, which causes the eyeball to turn in. This
-seems to me to be merely the result of imperfect skill in modeling. It
-has a tendency to give to the face a look of greater intensity.
-
-[2163] See _supra_, pp. 295-6.
-
-[2164] _B. C. H._ XXIII, 1899, p. 455. Furtwaengler, _Bronz. v. Ol._,
-pp. 10 f., has shown that it was a favorite device to represent boxers
-and pancratiasts with a sombre look (“_der finstere Blick_”).
-
-[2165] 1102: κοὐδεὶς τροπαῖ’ ἔστησε τῶν ἐμῶν χερῶν.
-
-[2166] In the passage already cited from _de Alex. Magn. fort. aut
-virtute_, Orat. II, 2, (= p. 385c); ... καὶ τῶν ὀμμάτων τὴν διάχυσιν
-καὶ ὑγρότητα, κ. τ. λ.; _cf._ also his _Vita Alex. Magni_, IV (= p.
-666), ... τὴν ὑγρότητα τῶν ὀμμάτων.
-
-[2167] The hair of the head from Sparta, like that of the _Agias_ and
-the _Philandridas_, has not the expression displayed in some Lysippan
-heads (notably in portraits of Alexander), nor the detail which we
-should expect from Pliny’s statement that Lysippos excelled in his
-treatment of hair (_H. N._, XXXIV, 65; see next note). But the _Agias_
-and the _Philandridas_ represent pancratiasts, and here we should not
-expect such expression. In the _Agias_, the hair, even if lacking in
-detail, is treated carefully and with variety.
-
-[2168] _H. N._, XXXIV, 65: _propriae huius videntur esse argutiae
-operum custoditae in minimis quoque rebus_. Here the word _argutiae_
-means “subtlety,” rather than “animation,” as given in Harper’s Latin
-Dictionary.
-
-[2169] I need hardly add that such an idealizing tendency should be
-carefully distinguished from the deification of mortals which came into
-prominence after the time of Alexander, but existed in Greece from the
-early fifth century B. C., at least. The case of heroizing the Thasian
-Theagenes, who won at Olympia in boxing and the pankration in Ols. 75
-and 76 (= 480 and 475 B. C.), has been discussed with similar ones in
-Ch. I, p. 35. But the fact that a victor wanted his statue to be more
-or less assimilated to the ideal type of the hero, whom he regarded as
-his athletic prototype and ideal, does not mean that he had any idea of
-looking upon himself as a god.
-
-[2170] This would explain the simple, even sketchy, treatment of the
-closely cropped hair, just as in the _Agias_ and the _Philandridas_.
-The similarly parted lips of the Sparta head are certainly more
-appropriate to an athlete represented as weary with his toil than
-to a youthful Herakles. The slightly fierce expression of the face,
-augmented by the already noted imperfection in the modeling of the
-right eyeball, recalls the γοργόν look characteristic of boxers and
-pancratiasts; _cf. supra_, p. 317, n. 2. On the threatening eyes
-of contestants in general, see Xenophon, _Mem._, III, 10, 6-8, and
-_supra_, p. 59.
-
-The head appears to me to be that of a boy of about sixteen years;
-its style is too early for a victor in the boys’ pankration, as this
-event was not introduced at Olympia until the 145th Olympiad (= 200 B.
-C.): see Paus., V, 8.11 and Ph., 13. The wrestling match for boys was
-introduced in 01. 37 (= 632 B. C.): see Paus., V, 8.9, and Afr. Boys
-were first allowed to box in Ol. 41 (= 616 B. C.): see Paus., _ibid._
-(though Philostratos, 13, gives two traditions, Ols. 41 and 60).
-
-[2171] We have record of only one statue of a victor set up in Sparta,
-that of the wrestler Hetoimokles, who won at the beginning of the sixth
-century B. C.: see Paus., III, 13.9, and _cf. infra_, Ch. VIII, p. 362,
-no. 4.
-
-[2172] In the present chapter I have partly rewritten two articles
-which have appeared in the _A. J. A._; the first, entitled, Were
-Olympic Victor Statues Exclusively of Bronze?, in vol. XIX, 2d Ser.,
-1915, pp. 57-62; the second, The Oldest Dated Victor Statue, in vol.
-XVIII, 2d Ser., 1914, pp. 156-164 and Fig. I. I am indebted to Dr. J.
-M. Paton, former editor-in-chief, for permission to use them in the
-present work.
-
-[2173] On p. 16 he says: _id unum dubitari non potest quin
-Olympionicarum statuae posteriorum temporum omnes ad unam aeneae
-fuerint_; on p. 17 he again says: _fieri non potest quin existimemus
-illas statuas omnes ex aere factas fuisse_.
-
-[2174] _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 235.
-
-[2175] II, 2, p. 530 (note on P., VI, 1.1).
-
-[2176] F. W., under no. 213, p. 101.
-
-[2177] _Denkm._^3, p. 101; Engl. ed., p. 117.
-
-[2178] VI, 1.1-18.7.
-
-[2179] Pauly-Wissowa, VII, pp. 2189 f.; and _cf._ Brunn, I, p. 72. See
-_supra_, Ch. III, School of Argos, pp. 109-110.
-
-[2180] Brunn, I, p. 34; etc.
-
-[2181] The inscription gives a fragmentary enumeration of various
-victories: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 234, p. 346; see _infra_, Ch. VIII, p. 360
-and n. 3.
-
-[2182] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 235, pp. 346-347; see _infra_, Ch. VIII, p.
-360 and n. 4.
-
-[2183] Ch. IV, pp. 254-5; _Bronz. v. Ol._, pp. 10-11; Tafelbd., Pl. II,
-2, 2a; F. W., 322; etc.
-
-[2184] _Bronz. v. Ol._, pp. 11-12; Tafelbd., Pl. III, 3, 3a; F. W.,
-324. See _supra_, p. 255.
-
-[2185] _Bronz. v. Ol._, p. 12; Tafelbd., Pl. IV, 5, 5a. Furtwaengler
-assigned it to a statue “_freien Stiles_.” _Cf._ F. W., 325.
-
-[2186] _Bronz. v. Ol._, p. 22; Tafelbd., Pl. VI, no. 63. Even the veins
-are here indicated.
-
-[2187] _Bronz. v. Ol._, pp. 12-13; Tafelbd., Pl. IV, nos. 6, 7, 8, 10,
-11, etc., and see text on p. 16. In this connection we have omitted
-bronze fragments in modern museums known to have once stood in the
-Altis, _e. g._, the head from Beneventum (Fig. 3) in the Louvre: B. B.,
-324; von Mach, 481. These have been already discussed in Ch. II, pp. 62
-f.
-
-[2188] E. Curtius, _Peloponnesos_, 1851-2, I, p. 85; II, pp. 16 and 96,
-n. 14; F. Dahn, Die Germanen in Griechenland, in _A. Z._, XL, 1882, pp.
-128 f. Of course, long before the barbarians entered Greece many of the
-best of these statues had been removed to Italy by Roman generals and
-emperors, especially Nero, and others were destroyed in various ways.
-
-[2189] He won in Ol. 59 (= 544 B. C.): P., VI, 18.7; Hyde, 187;
-Foerster, 113.
-
-[2190] He won in Ol. 61 (= 536 B. C.): P., _l. c._; Hyde, 188;
-Foerster, 120.
-
-[2191] That of Rhexibios was of fig-wood and that of Praxidamas
-of cypress, and consequently less decayed than the other. We know
-that cypress-wood was largely used for the early ξόανα because of
-its hardness and durability: _e. g._, the gilded statue in Ephesos,
-mentioned by Xenophon, _Anab._, V, 3.12. Theophrastos speaks of the
-durability of this wood: _de Plant. hist._, V, 4.2 (χρονιώτατα δοκεῖ τὰ
-κυπαρίττινα εἶναι). _Cf._ Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere_^6, 1894,
-pp. 276 f.; H. Bluemner, _Technologie und Terminologie d. Gewerbe und
-Kuenste bei Griechen und Roemern_, 1879, II, pp. 257 f.; Hitz.-Bluemn.,
-II, 2, p. 625.
-
-[2192] VII, 27.5. Scherer also, p. 18, n. 4, adduces a passage from
-the work of the second-century A. D. rhetorician Aristeides, κατὰ
-τῶν ἐξορχ., II, p. 544 (ed. Dindorf), which he thinks points to the
-exclusive use of metal for victor statues: τοὺς ἐπὶ στεφανιτῶν ἀγώνων
-σκεψώμεθα, οἷον τὸν Δωριέα ... καὶ πάντας, ὧν εἰκόνες χαλκαί; he also
-refers to a passage in Dio Chrysost., _Orat._, XXVIII, A, p. 531 R (289
-M).
-
-[2193] F. W., no. 213, p. 101; Scherer, p. 18, n. 3; Vischer,
-_Aesthetik_, III, §607, p. 377; and _cf._ S. Reinach, _R. Ét. Gr._, XX,
-p. 413.
-
-[2194] See Koehler, _Gesam. Schriften_ (ed. Stephani), VI, p. 345.
-
-[2195] VI, 1.2.
-
-[2196] See Hyde, _op. cit._, Catalogue, pp. 3-24. There 188 victors are
-listed, Philon of Corcyra appearing twice, nos. 91 and 136.
-
-[2197] _H. N._, XXXIV, 16.
-
-[2198] P., VI, 1.1, says that not all victors set up statues. This has
-been discussed in Ch. I, p. 27.
-
-[2199] Pliny differentiates carefully between _ars sculptura_ (_i.
-e._, sculpture in stone) and _ars statuaria_ (_i. e._, in bronze):
-thus Bk. XXXIV of the _H. N._ is concerned with the latter, Bk. XXXVI
-with the former. In XXXVI, 15, he says that _sculptura_ is the older,
-and that both bronze statuary and painting began with Pheidias in Ol.
-83 (= 448-445 B. C.), a statement which is inconsistent with XXXIV,
-83, where he speaks of Theodoros (of the middle or second half of the
-sixth century B. C.) as casting a likeness of himself in bronze. But
-it is well known that Pliny in his long work quotes from a variety of
-sources, without any attempt to reconcile them.
-
-[2200] Gurlitt, _Ueber Pausanias_, p. 414, says, less correctly,
-one-sixth. Forty inscribed bases may be referred to victor statues
-mentioned by Pausanias, while 63 others have been referred to victor
-statues not mentioned by him: see _infra_, Ch. VIII, pp. 340 f., 353 f.
-
-[2201] Taken from Treu’s account in _Bildw. v. Ol._, pp. 29-34 and
-216-218.
-
-[2202] Chapter III, _supra_, pp. 162-3; _a_ = _Bildw. v. Ol._,
-Tafelbd., Pl. VI, 1-4 (with fragments, _ibid._, 5-6, 7-8, and figs.
-30-32 in the text); _b_ = _ibid._, Pl. VI, 9-10.
-
-[2203] Textbd., p. 216, fig. 241; Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 2. Furtwaengler,
-despite the size and material of this torso, ascribed it to the statue
-of a boy victor: _50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1890, pp. 147-148;
-similarly Treu, _l. c._; both refer it to the fifth century B. C. and
-to a Peloponnesian sculptor.
-
-[2204] Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 3; F. W., 330.
-
-[2205] Tafelbd., Pl. LVI. 4.
-
-[2206] P. 216, n. 4 and fig. 242; _a_ = buttocks; _b_ = right upper
-leg; _c_ = bent upper leg with knee; _d_ = upper arm bent at elbow.
-
-[2207] V, 17.3; here he enumerates images of ivory and gold, the marble
-_Hermes_ of Praxiteles, an _Aphrodite_ in bronze. Similarly, in II,
-17.6, he mentions dedications, of different materials, in the Heraion
-of Argos; in I, 26.3, he mentions a bronze statue of Olympiodoros at
-Delphi dedicated by the Phokians, but says nothing of the material of
-two statues at Athens, where most of the offerings were marble; in I,
-28.1, he speaks of a bronze statue of Kylon on the Akropolis; etc.
-
-[2208] P., VIII, 40.1; to be discussed in the second part of the
-present chapter, pp. 326 f.
-
-[2209] _R. Ét. Anc._, X, 1908, pp. 161 f.
-
-[2210] _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pls. XLVI-XLVIII; Textbd., pp. 182
-f. and Figs. 210 f.; and _Ergebnisse_, II (_Baudenkmaeler_), Pl. XCIII
-(basis) and pp. 153-5; _cf._ P., V, 26.1.
-
-[2211] P., V, 17.3 (already mentioned on p. 325, n. 3).
-
-[2212] See Treu, _Bildw. v. Ol._, p. 216. To-day marble is far commoner
-than bronze for artistic work; the reverse was true in antiquity.
-Many varieties of bronze—a combination of copper and tin in varying
-proportions—were named from places where it was manufactured: _e. g._,
-Corinthian, Delian (the favorite with Myron), Aeginetan (the favorite
-with Polykleitos), etc.
-
-[2213] _Cf._ Furtwaengler, _Bronz. v. Ol._, pp. 21-2; _50stes Berl.
-Winckelmannsprogr._, p. 147; Reisch, p. 39. Good examples are the
-Tuebingen bronze hoplitodrome discussed in Ch. IV, pp. 206 f. (Fig. 42)
-and the παῖς κέλης from Dodona (Carapanos, _Dodone et ses Ruines_, Pl.
-XIII. 1). For diskoboloi, see E. von Sacken, _Die ant. Bronzen des k.
-k. Muenz- und Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien_, 1871, Pls, XXXV, 1, XXXVII, 4.
-
-[2214] VIII, 40.1: Φιγαλεῦσι δὲ ἀνδριάς ἐστιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς Ἀρ<ρα>χίωνος
-τοῦ παγκρατιαστοῦ, τά τε ἄλλα ἀρχαῖος καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα ἐπὶ τῷ σχήματι· οὐ
-διεστᾶσι μὲν πολὺ οἱ πόδες, καθεῖνται δὲ παρὰ πλευρὰν αἱ χεῖρες ἄχρι
-τῶν γλουτῶν. πεποίηται μὲν δὴ ἡ εἰκὼν λίθου, λέγουσι δὲ καὶ ἐπίγραμμα
-ἐπ’ αὐτὴν γραφῆναι. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἠφάνιστο ὑπὸ τοῦ χρόνου, κ. τ. λ.
-
-On the various spellings of the name, Arrhachion, Arrhachon,
-Arrhichion, etc., see critical note in Rutgers, p. 19, and Foerster,
-no. 103.
-
-[2215] Both Africanus (see Rutgers, _l. c._), and Pausanias (_l. c._)
-date the third victory. Pausanias and Philostratos, 21, place the other
-two victories in the Ols. just preceding. _Cf._ Rutgers, p. 20, n.
-1, and Foerster, nos. 98, 101, 103. The story how Arrhachion expired
-at the moment of victory, throttled by his adversary, whose toe he
-succeeded in putting out of joint, is told by Africanus, Pausanias
-(VIII, 40.2), and Philostratos (_Imag._, II, 6 = p. 411); Pausanias
-also mentions that the body was crowned.
-
-[2216] Frazer, IV, pp. 391-2; III, pp. 40-1. The statue has otherwise
-not been published. In all probability it is the same one listed by
-Waldemar Deonna, in his _Les Apollons archaïques_, Geneva, 1909, p.
-187, no. 79. This was seen at Phigalia in 1891 by M. Chamonard and
-notices of it are to be found in the following works: _B. C. H._, XV,
-1891, pp. 440 and 448; _Chroniques d’Orient_, II, p. 36; _R. Ét. gr._,
-1892, p. 127; Mueller, _Nacktheit und Entbloessung in d. altoriental.
-und aelteren griech. Kunst_, Diss. inaug., 1906, p. 100; Rouse, p. 307.
-
-Pausanias’ description of Arrhachion’s statue is discussed by the
-following: Scherer, pp. 16 and 23; Iwan v. Mueller, _Handbuch_, VI,
-p. 530: Dumont, _Mélanges d’ Arch._, p. 53; Lange, _Darstellung
-des Menschen in der aelteren griech. Kunst_, 1899; Brunn, _Griech.
-Kunstgesch._, II, p. 73; Overbeck, _Griech. Kunstmythol._, III,
-_Apollon_, p. 12, no. 9; Klein, p. 146; Reisch, p. 40; Collignon, I, p.
-117, n. 1, and _B. C. H._, V, 1881, p. 321; _cf._ Deonna, _op. cit._,
-p. 13, n. 4.
-
-[2217] See Lange, _op. cit._, pp. XI f., who states the formula, which
-we have already given _supra_, Ch. IV, p. 175, _cf._ Loewy, _Die
-Naturwiedergabe in der aelteren griech. Kunst_, 1900, pp. 25, 27;
-_id._, _Lysipp und seine Stellung in der griech. Kunst_, pp. 17-18. On
-the pose, _cf._ S. Reinach, _Manuel de Philologie classique_ (ed. 2),
-1907, II, p. 91 n. 2.
-
-[2218] Deonna, _op. cit._, p. 85, says that the size of the αἰδοῖα is
-an indication of archaism, as the earlier artists exaggerated them in
-order to show the sex better. Figs. 7 (example from the Kerameikos) and
-72 (example from Delphi), on pp. 132 and 179 respectively of his work,
-resemble our statue in this feature.
-
-[2219] I, pp. 21 f.; _cf._ _Rhein. Mus._, N. F., X, 1856, pp. 153 f.
-
-[2220] See bibliography in Collignon, I, pp. 117-18; _cf._ G.
-Kieseritzky, _Jb._, VII, 1892, pp. 182 f.
-
-[2221] _A. Z._, XL, 1882, pp. 55 f.
-
-[2222] _Mw._, p. 712.
-
-[2223] I, pp. 117-19; more fully in _Gaz. Arch._, 1886, pp. 235 f.;
-_cf._ also his later treatment in _Mon. Piot_, XX, 1913, pp. 5 f.; he
-assumes less influence in the corresponding archaic draped female type.
-_Cf._ also, for a similar view, F. W., p. 11 (to no. 14); von Sybel,
-_Weltgesch. d. Kunst_, p. 114; Kieseritzky, _l. c._; Loewy, _Jh. oest.
-arch. Inst._, XII, 1909, pp. 243 f.; _cf._ _id._, _ibid._, XIV, 1911,
-pp. 1 f,; _id._, _Griech. Plastik_, 1911, p. 5. While Loewy believes
-Egyptian influence reached Greece via Crete, Poulson believes that it
-came via Phœnicia: see the latter’s _Der Orient u. d. fruehgriech.
-Kunst_, 1912, and _cf._ his article in _Berl. Philol. Wochenschr._,
-XXXIV, 1914, cols. 61 f.; Richardson, p. 39; E. Kroker, _Jb._, I, 1886,
-pp. 114 f.; etc.
-
-[2224] _Gaz. B.-A._, XXI, 1899, pp. 177 f.; 313 f.; for a similar view,
-see also Overbeck, I, pp. 37 f.
-
-[2225] _Les Apollons archaïques_, pp. 21 f.; _id._, _L’Archéologie, sa
-valeur, ses methodes_, II, pp. 193 f.; _id._, L’influence égyptienne
-sur l’attitude du type statuaire debout dans l’archaïsme grec, in
-_Festgabe H. Bluemner ueberreicht_, 1914, pp. 102-142.
-
-[2226] _Greek Sculpture, Its Spirit and Principles_, 1903, p. 84. On
-p. 324, however, he admits Oriental influence on the Greek minor arts,
-especially that of Assyria on early vases.
-
-[2227] So Pottier, _B. C. H._, XVIII, 1894, pp. 408 f.; _cf._ Gardner,
-_Hbk._, pp. 47 f.; _Sculpt._, pp. 17 f.; etc.
-
-[2228] Schliemann, _Orchomenos_, Pl. I (restored); Perrot-Chipiez,
-VIII, p. 543, fig. 220 (fragment), (restored on p. 544, fig. 221, from
-Schliemann); Springer-Michaelis, p. 115, fig. 246; etc.
-
-[2229] _E. g._, I, 42.5; II, 19.3; VII, 5.5; _cf._ IV, 32.1.
-
-[2230] I, 98.
-
-[2231] Bulle dates the Old Kingdom from the 30th to the 25th centuries
-B. C. But early Egyptian dates are too unsettled to be discussed here.
-For a tabular view of the chronology of the Egyptian dynasties as given
-by different scholars—Sethe, Meyer, Petrie, Breasted, Maspero, etc.,
-see _Encycl. Brit._, eleventh ed., vol. IX, p. 79 (in the article on
-Egypt, Chronology and History, by R. S. Poole and F. Ll. Griffith).
-Breasted, _A History of Egypt_^2, 1916, chart on p. 21, dates dynasties
-I-VI, 3400-2475 B. C.; XI-XVII, 2160-1580 B. C.; XVIII-(part of) XX,
-1580-1150 B. C.
-
-[2232] Both are given by Bulle, Pl. 5; _cf._ _id._, Pl. 37 (“Apollos”
-of Tenea and Volomandra); Ra-nefer, in Maspero, _Art in Egypt_, 1912,
-p. 82, fig. 148; Perrot-Chipiez, I, 1882, p. 655, fig. 436; Tepemankh,
-in Maspero, p. 84, fig. 155, and in Perrot-Chipiez, p. 678, fig. 461.
-The statue of Ra-nefer is 1.73 meters tall, that of Tepemankh 1.66
-meters.
-
-[2233] Ka-aper in Bulle, Pls. 6 and 7 (two views of the head); von
-Bissing, _Denkm. aegypt. Skulpt._, I, 1914, Pl. XI; Perrot-Chipiez,
-I, p. 11, fig. 7; Maspero, _op. cit._, p. 83, figs. 151, 152; _id._,
-_Manual of Egyptian Archæology_, 1895, p. 218, fig. 188, and p. 221,
-fig. 191. The “wife,” in Bulle, Pl. 9 (two views); Maspero, p. 83, fig.
-154; _id._, _Manual_, p. 222, fig. 192.
-
-[2234] Breasted, _A History of Egypt_^2, _l. c._, dates dynasties
-XI-XII, 2160-1788 B. C.; the Hyksos, dynasties XIII-XVII, 1788-1580 B.
-C.
-
-[2235] Bulle. Pls. 11 (two views) and 12 (head); von Bissing, _op.
-cit._, I, Pl. XL, A (left); Maspero, _Art in Egypt_, p. 110, figs.
-203-204.
-
-[2236] We should add to the New Empire the Deltaic dynasties, from the
-twenty-first on. Breasted, _l. c._, assigns to the New Empire dynasties
-XVIII-XIX and part of XX, 1580-1150 B. C.
-
-[2237] Bulle, Pl. 17 (left); Maspero, _Hist. anc. des peuples de
-l’Orient classique_, II, p. 531; _id._, _Art in Egypt_, p. 201, fig.
-390 (= the Lady Naï); _Mon. Piot_, II, 1895, Pls. II-IV.
-
-[2238] Bulle, Pl. 17 (right); von Bissing, II, Pl. LXIV; Maspero,
-_Hist._, III, pp. 503-504 and Pl. II; _id._, _Art in Egypt_, p. 238,
-fig. 455; Perrot-Chipiez, I, p. 714, fig. 481 (profile). Though the
-face is lifeless, the bust and lower trunk are delicately modeled.
-
-[2239] We see the Egyptian treatment of the hair especially marked
-in the upper part of a stone “Apollo” discovered at Eleutherna in
-Crete, which is now in the Candia Museum: _Rendiconti della R. Accad.
-dei Lincei_, 1891, p. 599 (Loewy); _Rev. Arch._, 1893, Pls. III-IV
-(Joubin); Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 147, fig. 21; Perrot-Chipiez, p. 431,
-fig. 208; etc.
-
-[2240] _E. g._, in the statue of Ra-nefer.
-
-[2241] _E. g._, in the statue of the _Sheik-el-Beled_.
-
-[2242] High-placed ears are common to many archaic Greek works other
-than the “Apollos.” They persist even in some of the figures on the
-Parthenon frieze.
-
-[2243] On these common characteristics, see Richardson, p. 39; _cf._ H.
-N. Fowler, _History of Sculpture_, 1916, pp. 59-60; etc.
-
-[2244] Pottier, _op. cit._, p. 414, assumes a religious reason for
-the left foot being advanced in both types. For another, natural
-explanation, see Homolle, _de antiquiss. Dianae Simul._, p. 95, quoted
-by Collignon, I, p. 118, n. 3.
-
-[2245] The Greeks first copied the type in statuettes: _e. g._,
-alabaster figurines from Naukratis: W. Flinders Petrie, _Naukratis_^2,
-1888, I, Pls. 1, 3, 4; G. Kieseritzky, _Jb._, VII, 1892, Pl. VI (with
-head, three views); _ibid._ p. 189 (figure in Boston). Pottier, _op.
-cit._, p. 409, cites two alabaster examples from Egypt (probably
-from Naukratis) which are nude, and on Pl. XVII, he reproduces four
-terra-cotta draped figurines in the Louvre, of Phœnician manufacture,
-similar to Egyptian works. The nudity of the “Apollos” marks the
-distinction between Greek and barbarian art.
-
-[2246] Brunn, in his _Kunst bei Homer_, 1868, quoted by Gardner,
-_Hbk._, p. 47, showed by a very true analogy the way in which the Greek
-artist became an imitator. The Greeks borrowed their alphabet from
-Phœnicia, but wrote Greek and not Phœnician with it; just so the Greek
-artist borrowed the alphabet of art from Egypt, but with it wrote his
-own language of art.
-
-[2247] _Gesch. des Materialismus_,^3 I, p. 127 (quoted by F. W., on p.
-12).
-
-[2248] This is the view of K. Kouroniotis, who carefully examined them.
-I quote his words incorporated in Dr. Svoronos’ letter to me of Dec.
-29, 1911: τὰ γράμματα ἐπὶ τοῦ κορμοῦ, νομίζω ὅτι δὲ ἔχουσι καμμίαν
-σημασίαν, ἴσως δὲ μάλιστα εἶνε τὰ χαράγματα νέου τινός.
-
-The inscriptions on the great majority of victor monuments found at
-Olympia were engraved upon the horizontal upper face of the base in
-front of the feet—at least down to the fourth century B. C.: see
-_Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 235. Dittenberger and Purgold have referred two
-inscribed convex bronze fragments found in the Altis to the flanks of
-victor statues set up in imperial times: _ibid._, nos. 234-5.
-
-[2249] Only one other victor from Phigalia is known, Narykidas, who
-won πάλῃ some time in the first half of the fourth century B. C., as
-the mutilated epigram and artist’s name found upon fragments of the
-pedestal of his statue at Olympia attest, a date out of the question
-for our statue: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 161: _cf._ P., VI, 6, 1;
-Foerster, no. 324.
-
-[2250] P., VI, 15.8; Hyde, 148; Foerster, 61, 62.
-
-[2251] P., I, 28.1; _cf._ for the date, Foerster, no. 55. See _infra_,
-p. 362.
-
-[2252] P., III, 13.9; Foerster, nos. 86-90. See _infra_, p. 362.
-
-[2253] P., VI, 3.8; Hyde, 29; Foerster, 6.
-
-[2254] P., VI, 13.2; it was accordingly set up about Ols. 77-8 (=
-472-468 B. C.): see Hyde, no. 111, and _cf._ p. 48; Foerster, 39,
-41-46. See _infra_, p. 362.
-
-[2255] The god was so described in the Homeric Hymn to the Delian
-Apollo, v. 134, and that to the Pythian Apollo, v. 272. On the
-grounds of long hair and nudity G. Koerte identified the example from
-Orchomenos: see his article, Die Antiken Skulpturen aus Boeotien, _A.
-M._, III, 1878, pp. 305 f.
-
-[2256] So Vitet, _Gaz. B.-A._, XII, 1862, p. 29.
-
-[2257] See list in Deonna, _Les Apollons archaïques_, p. 13, n. 1.
-
-[2258] _E. g._, on an amphora from Vienne: see _Annali_, XXI, 1849, Pl.
-D., and pp. 159 f.; on another from Nola, now in the British Museum:
-_B. M. Vases_, III, p. 230, E 336; _cf._ also _ibid._, E 313; on a
-wall-painting from Pompeii: _A. Z._, XL, 1882, p. 58; on a marble
-bas-relief in the Palazzo Corsini in Florence: Duetschke, II, p. 114,
-no. 283. These examples represent the god only.
-
-[2259] I, 98. _Cf._ Brunn, _Griech. Kunstgesch._, II, p. 76, and
-_Griech. Kuenstler_, I, pp. 36-37, no. 11; Mueller, _Nacktheit und
-Entbloessung in d. altorient. und aelteren griech. Kunst_, Diss.
-inaug., 1906, pp. 112 and 122; Roscher, _Lex._, I, _s. v._ Apollon, p.
-450; Overbeck, I, pp. 38 and 78.
-
-[2260] P., VIII, 53. 7-8.
-
-[2261] P., II, 32. 5; _cf._ IX, 35. 3; described by Plut., _de Musica_,
-14 (p. 1136); _cf._ _Annali_, XXXVI, 1864, p. 254; etc. Discussed
-_infra_, p. 335 and n. 7.
-
-[2262] See list in _B. M. Sculpt._, I, pp. 81 f. (from which we have
-taken some of the following examples).
-
-[2263] Petrie, _Naukratis_, I, Pl. 1, fig. 4.
-
-[2264] _A. Z._, XL, 1882, p. 323.
-
-[2265] Deonna, _op. cit._, nos. 1, 2; _cf._ _Gaz. Arch._, 1886, p. 235.
-
-[2266] See Deonna, nos. 28 f.; _B. C. H._, X, 1886, pp. 66 f.; B. B.,
-12; etc.
-
-[2267] _B. M. Sculpt._, no. 210.
-
-[2268] _B. M. Sculpt._, nos. 202 (torso = Petrie, _Naukratis_, I, Pl.
-I, fig. 9) and 204 (torso = _Naukratis_, I, Pl. I, fig. 3).
-
-[2269] _Ibid._, no. 203 (= _Naukratis_, II, Pl. XIV, fig. 13).
-
-[2270] See _A. M._, IV, 1879, p. 304.
-
-[2271] _See_ Rapporto d’un viaggio nella Grecia nel 1860, in _Annali_,
-XXXIII, 1861, p. 80.
-
-[2272] _J. H. S._, I, 1880, pp. 168 f., already quoted. For the
-monument of Dermys and Kitylos, see _Gaz. Arch._, 1878, Pl. 29; _A.
-M._, III, 1878, Pl. XIV; F. W., 44.
-
-[2273] On the subject of hair on “Apollo” statues, see Overbeck,
-_Griech. Kunstmythol._, III, _Apollon_, p. 14 (_cf._ note f); and _cf._
-Milchhoefer, _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, p. 54, who discards this feature as
-a criterion.
-
-[2274] For examples, see Deonna, _Les Apollons archaïques_, p. 12, n. 4
-and n. 5.
-
-[2275] _Cf._ the colossal bearded statue of Dionysos found in the
-quarries on Naxos (Komiaki), described by Deonna, p. 221. In a
-preceding note (p. 334, n. 4) we have already listed examples of the
-type of Apollo appearing on vases, etc.; see _B. M. Sculpt._, I, p. 82.
-
-[2276] The date of these sculptors is fixed by that of their pupil,
-the Aeginetan Kallon, who lived at the beginning of the fifth century
-B. C.; _cf._ Akropolis inscription, _I. G. B._, no. 27. This statue
-is mentioned by P., IX, 35. 3, as holding the _Graces_ in one hand.
-Plutarch, who cites Antikles and Istros as his authorities, gives a
-better description of it in _de Musica_, 14; he says that it held the
-bow in the right hand and the _Graces_ playing on musical instruments
-in the left. A scholion on Pindar, _Ol._, XIV, 16, Boeckh, p. 293,
-mentions such an image of Apollo in Delphi, manifestly a copy of the
-Delian one. Both the scholiast and Macrobius, _Saturnalia_, 1, 17.
-13, place the bow in the left hand and the _Graces_ in the right, an
-arrangement confirmed by Athenian coins which are copied from the
-replica of the statue in Athens (Bekker, _Anecdota gr._, I, p. 299, ll.
-8-9). Frazer, V, p. 174, figs. 8-9, reproduces two of these coins.
-
-[2277] This image, known as the _Philesian Apollo_, already discussed
-on pp. 118f., is described by Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 75. It was made
-between 494 and 479 B. C.: see Frazer, IV, pp. 429-30. It is copied on
-Milesian coins, which represent the god nude, holding a stag in the
-right hand and a bow in the left: see Overbeck, _Griech. Mythol._,
-III, _Apollon_, Muenztafel I, 22 f. P., IX, 10.2, mentions a cedar
-replica of the statue in Thebes. In the British Museum is a bronze, the
-so-called Payne Knight statuette, a copy of the one on the coins; it is
-reproduced by Frazer, _l. c._, p. 430, fig. 45 (= _B. M. Bronzes_, no.
-209); Frazer mentions as other copies a statuette in Berlin, described
-in _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, pp. 84-91, and one from the Ptoian sanctuary,
-described in _B. C. H._, X, 1886, pp. 190-6, and Pl. IX. On Milesian
-reliefs, see one published by Kekulé von Stradonitz, Ueber d. Apoll.
-des Kanachos, _Sitzb. Berl. Akad. d. Wiss._, 1904, I, fig. on p. 787,
-and p. 797, and another by Th. Wiegand, Siebenter vorlaeufiger Bericht
-ueber Ausgrabungen in Milet und Didyma (_Abh. Berl. Akad. d. Wiss.,
-Philosoph.-histor. Cl._, 1911), p. 21.
-
-[2278] Mentioned by P., X, 24. 5, and Philochoros, in _F. H. G._, I,
-fragm. 22 on p. 387. Imperial Delphic coins from the time of Hadrian on
-represent the god nude with outstretched arms; such coin-types may be
-copies of this statue; _cf._ Frazer, V, p. 352.
-
-[2279] See _B. C. H._, XII, 1888, p. 468.
-
-[2280] In the Ottoman Museum, Invent. no. 374; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 1,
-78, 2. It is described by Mendel, in _B. C. H._, XXVI, 1902, pp. 467
-f.; _cf._ Deonna, _Les Apollons archaïques_, p. 226, no. 127.
-
-[2281] See Deonna, pp. 191 f., no. 81 and figs. 84-90; _cf._ Annali,
-XXXVI, 1864, p. 253 (Michaelis).
-
-[2282] _Ibid._, pp. 185 f., no. 77 and fig. 82.
-
-[2283] _E. g._, the two colossal statues from Cape Sounion discovered
-by Staïs in 1906 in front of the ruins of the temple of Poseidon, and
-now in Athens, possibly meant for the Dioskouroi: see Deonna, pp.
-135-8, nos. 7-8 and figs. 14-17; for one, see _A. M._, XXXI, 1906, pp.
-363-4; Deonna, no. 7, pp. 135 and 347; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_,
-no. 2720, pp. 6-7 and fig.; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 197, fig. 40; it is
-3.05 meters high (Staïs); two from Delphi, called either Kleobis and
-Biton, or the Dioskouroi by Homolle, _B. C. H._, XXIV, 1900, pp. 445 =
-B) and 446 (= A), and 450 f.; Homolle here has the letters changed; his
-B = _Fouilles de Delphes_, IV, 1 (= our A, = Pl. 8B); see Deonna, pp.
-176-8, nos. 65-6, figs. 66-9; see list of statues from sanctuaries of
-Apollo and other gods, _ibid._, pp. 18-19.
-
-[2284] See Milchhoefer, _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, pp. 54-55.
-
-[2285] See Loeschke, _A. M._, IV, 1879, p. 304; _cf._ Furtwaengler, _A.
-Z._, XL, 1882, p. 57; Hiller von Gaertringen, _Thera_, III, 1904, p.
-285; Ross, _Reisen auf d. griech. Inseln des Aegaeischen Meeres_, I,
-1840, p. 8.
-
-[2286] See Deonna, _Les Apollons archaïques_, pp. 238-9, no. 141; _B.
-M. Sculpt._, 207 (= torso).
-
-[2287] Deonna, p. 247, no. 155. This is one of the most recent of the
-series and belongs to the end of the sixth or beginning of the fifth
-century B. C.: Orsi, _Monumenti antichi_, I, pp. 789 f.
-
-[2288] Bulle, 37 (left).
-
-[2289] _Vit. Apoll. Tyan._, IV, 28; see _supra_, pp. 106-7. Scherer,
-_op. cit._, pp. 23 ff., thought that this statue conformed with the
-type of the _Apollo_ of Kanachos already mentioned. Reisch, p. 40,
-rightly believes that it had “_noch geschlossene Beine, aber geloeste
-Arme_,” _i. e._, like the _Apollo_ of Tektaios and Angelion already
-discussed.
-
-[2290] Arndt, _La Glyptothèque Ny-Carlsberg_, pp. 1-2 and Pls. I-II;
-Deonna, pp. 143-4, no. 21. It has been ascribed to different artists
-of the last quarter of the sixth century B. C.: Lechat, _Au Musée de
-l’Acropole_, pp. 359-60; Klein, I, p. 246 f.; we have already discussed
-it on pp. 127-8. E. A. Gardner, _J. H. S._, VIII, 1887, p. 190, refers
-some of the statues found at the Ptoian sanctuary to athletes, but
-Holleaux believes that these statues represent Apollo: _B. C. H._, X,
-1886, p. 68; _cf._ also Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, p. 8. W. Vischer,
-_Kleine Schriften_, II, 1878, p. 307, admits that some of the “Apollos”
-can be athletes, as Conze and Michaelis had done: _Annali_, XXXIII,
-861, p. 80.
-
-[2291] See Deonna, p. 253.
-
-[2292] Thus Scherer, p. 22, n. 3, and Reisch, p. 40, leave the question
-unsettled; Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 98, n. 1, thinks that the material for
-a decision as to a given statue, whether of this god or that, or of a
-worshiper or athlete, hardly exists; Collignon, _Mythol. figurée de la
-Grèce_, p. 84, recognizes that these statues stood for both gods and
-athletes; Hitz.-Bluemn., III, 1, p. 262, think that the type passes
-equally well for gods and sepulchral statues; Overbeck, I, pp. 114-115,
-and F. W., p. 11, believe that it represents a general scheme for
-athletes, sepulchral statues, and Apollos.
-
-[2293] The first part of this chapter appeared, under the title The
-Positions of Victor Statues at Olympia, in _A. J. A._, XVI, 2d Ser.,
-1912, pp. 203-229, with Plan; the second part, entitled, Greek Literary
-Notices of Olympic Victor Monuments outside Olympia, appeared in
-_Trans. Amer. Philol. Assn._, XLII, 1912, pp. 53-67. I am indebted
-to Dr. J. M. Paton, former editor-in-chief of the _A. J. A._, for
-permission to use the former, and to Prof. Clarence Bill, the present
-secretary of the American Philological Association, for permission to
-use the latter. Only slight changes have been made in the original
-articles for the present work. The summary of the last section,
-Statistics of Olympic Victor Statuaries, is revised from my note
-published in _Proceedings of the American Philological Association_,
-XLIV, 1913, pp. xxx-xxxi. I am also indebted to Professor Bill for
-permission to use it in the present work.
-
-[2294] ἵππων ἀγωνιστῶν ... καὶ ἀνδρῶν ἀθλητῶν τε καὶ ἰδιωτῶν ὁμοίως (VI, 1.1).
-
-[2295] VI, Chs. 1-16. 169 in my _de olympionicarum Statuis_: Philon of
-Kerkyra, who had two statues, is there named twice, under nos. 91 and
-136.
-
-[2296] VI, Chs. 17-18.
-
-[2297] See _Ergebn. v. Ol._, Karten u. Plaene, 1899, III, IV
-(Doerpfeld); _cf._ also H. Luckenbach, _Olympia und Delphi_, 1904, p.
-11, fig. 5 (= _A. J. A._, XVI, 1912, p. 204, fig. 1).
-
-[2298] _A. Z._, XL, 1882, pp. 119 f. (and Sketch-plan).
-
-[2299] Pp. 45 f.
-
-[2300] In Baum., II, pp. 1094 f.
-
-[2301] _Olympia, Ergebnisse_, Textbd., I (_Topographie und
-Geschichte_), pp. 87 f.; _cf._ _A. M._, XIII, 1888, pp. 335 f.
-
-[2302] _De olymp. Stat._, Ch. III, pp. 63 f. The outline therein forms
-the basis of the present treatment. The numbers of the victors from the
-catalogue of that work, showing the order of presentation by Pausanias,
-are here retained in parentheses: _e. g._, Telemachos (122). A letter
-after the number indicates either that an adjacent “honor” statue,
-_e. g._, Philonides (154a), stood next to a victor statue, _e. g._,
-Menalkeas (154), or that no statue is mentioned.
-
-[2303] _E. g._, Kalkmann, _Pausanias der Perieget_, 1886, p. 88.
-
-[2304] _E. g._, nos. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6 were Eleans; 7-9 and 11-14 were
-Spartans; 17-18 and 23-26 were Eleans; 45 and 48-49, 51, 54, 57 were
-Arkadians; 6-9 and 11-14 were victors in chariot-races; 30, 34, 37, 40
-were pancratiasts; 25-28 had statues by Sikyonian artists; 39-40 had
-statues by Athenian artists; 59-63 formed a family group; etc.
-
-[2305] _Ueber Pausanias_, 1890, p. 393.
-
-[2306] The lack of continuity in describing the altars led R. Heberdey,
-_Eranos Vindobonensis_, 1893, pp. 39 f., (Die Olympische Altarperiegese
-des Pausanias), to conclude wrongly that Pausanias took over bodily
-from an earlier work his enumeration of the altars, only here and
-there interposing a remark of his own, as _e. g._, V, 15. 2, where he
-parenthetically describes the Leonidaion.
-
-[2307] _E. g._, the statue of the Akarnanian boxer (10) stood among
-those of Spartan victors (7-14); Eukles (52), a grandson of Diagoras,
-had his statue away from his family group (59-63); the two statues of
-Timon (17 and 105 d) stood in different parts of the Altis.
-
-[2308] VI, 1.3.
-
-[2309] So Furtwaengler, _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, p. 146; Treu, _ibid._,
-p. 207; Flasch, Hirschfeld, and Scherer, in the works already cited.
-
-[2310] So Doerpfeld, _l. c._, p. 88; Michaelis, _A. Z._, XXXIV, 1876,
-p. 164; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 531; etc.
-
-[2311] Hyde, p. 64. I here append three such passages: in V, 24.3, in
-speaking of the statue of the _Zeus_ of the Lacedæmonians, he says
-that it τοῦ ναοῦ δέ ἐστιν ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ μεγάλου Ζεὺς πρὸς ἀνατολὰς
-ἡλίου, _i. e._, at the southeast corner of the temple near where
-the pedestal was found (_cf._ _Inschr. v. Ol._, 252, and _Olympia,
-Ergebn._, Textbd., I, p. 86); in V, 26.2, in speaking of the offerings
-of Mikythos, he says that they stood παρὰ δὲ τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ μεγάλου τὴν
-ἐν ἀριστερᾷ πλεύραν, _i. e._, on the northern side of the temple of
-Zeus, where most authorities find their foundations (_cf._ _Inschr. v.
-Ol._, 267-269, and Flasch, _op. cit._, p. 1093); in VIII, 38.2, he says
-that Mount Lykaion is ἐν ἀριστερᾷ δὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τῆς Δεσποίνης, _i. e._,
-to the north of that temple. _Cf._ also V, 21.2. Professor Bluemner,
-reviewing my monograph _de olymp. Stat._, in the _Berl. Philol.
-Wochenschr._, XXIV, 1904, col. 1382, objects to my interpretation of ἐν
-δεξιᾷ, and admits not one but three possibilities: (_a_) of the temple
-_pro persona_, _i. e._, its south side; (_b_) of a spectator facing
-the chief, _i. e._, east front, the northern half of the space before
-it; (_c_) of a spectator with his back to this front, _i. e._, the
-southern half of this space. But if Pausanias had meant either of the
-two latter, he would have said πρὸ τοῦ ναοῦ, as in VIII, 37.2, κατὰ τὸν
-ναόν, _cf._ V, 15.3, or ἀντικρὺ τοῦ ναοῦ, _cf._ V, 27.1.
-
-[2312] For locations of bases, see _Insch. v. Ol._, nos. 166 (Troilos),
-160 (Kyniska), 172 (Sophios). Because of the finds in the Prytaneion
-both Hirschfeld and Scherer started this ἔφοδος west of the Heraion.
-
-[2313] From the unfinished condition of the back of the Lysippan marble
-head from the statue of Philandridas (10), as well as its excellent
-surface preservation (Frontispiece and Fig. 69), we have already argued
-that some of these early statues may have stood along the southern
-steps of the temple against the columns of the peristyle: _supra_, p.
-300.
-
-[2314] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 248; _cf._ P., V, 27.9.
-
-[2315] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 161 (Narykdas); 146 (Kallias); 159
-(Eukles); 144 (Euthymos); 156 (Charmides); 155 (Hellanikos). Other
-bases of statues which must have stood in this vicinity have also been
-found, far from their original positions: _i. e._, those of Athenaios
-(36), 56 meters west of the Leonidaion; of Polydamas (47), fragments
-26 meters southeast of the Echo Hall; of Diagoras (59), five fragments
-near the Metroon; of Damagetos (62), in the Leonidaion; of Dorieus
-(61), near the _Victory_ of Paionios; of Kyniskos (45), inside the
-Byzantine church; of Damoxenidas (54), near the Heraion. See _Inschr.
-v. Ol._, nos. 168 (Athenaios), 151 (Diagoras), 152 (Damagetos), 153
-(Dorieus), 149 (Kyniskos), 158 (Damoxenidas); for the sculptured base
-of Polydamas (47), see _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., PI. LV, 1-3; Textbd.,
-pp. 209 f.
-
-[2316] Argum., Boeckh, pp. 157-8. Pausanias names them in the order:
-Diagoras, Akousilaos, Dorieus, Damagetos, Peisirhodos. The scholiast
-names them in the order: Diagoras, Damagetos, Dorieus, Akousilaos,
-Eukles, Peisirhodos.
-
-[2317] See for Aristotle, _F. H. G._, II, p. 183, fragm. 264. Apollas
-Ponticus is little known: _cf._ _F. H. G._, IV, p. 307, fragm. 7; he
-probably copied from Aristotle’s work.
-
-[2318] This is Dittenberger’s explanation, _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 151
-and 159; and also that of Robert, _O. S._, p. 195, Scherer, p. 49, and
-Gurlitt, _op. cit._, p. 411; Purgold, however, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p.
-262, has tried to reconcile the two accounts on the theory of no change.
-
-[2319] However, Kalkmann, _Pausanias der Perieget_, p. 90, thinks that
-the two groups of Diagoras and Alkainetos stood apart.
-
-[2320] The base of the statue of Pythokles was found between the
-Heraion and the Pelopion: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 162-163.
-
-[2321] Gurlitt, _Ueber Pausanias_, p. 412, assumed the possibility of
-the existence of two different statues of Lysandros, one 35 a, and the
-other somewhere after Charmides (58) in the family group of Diagoras;
-Kalkmann, _op. cit._, p. 105 and note 4, explains the discrepancy
-between the scholiast and Pausanias on the theory that the latter
-borrowed from older lists; Purgold, _Aufsaetze E. Curtius gewidmet_,
-pp. 238 f., assumed but one statue of Lysandros.
-
-[2322] Scherer, p. 51 (_cf._ Plan opposite p. 56), and Flasch, _l. c._,
-p. 1095, note 1, proposed a route south from the Heraion to the west of
-the so-called Great Altar site, while Hirschfeld, _l. c._, p. 119, made
-it run to the east of it. Doerpfeld, _op. cit._, p. 88, starting east
-of the Heraion, made the route run first to the west along the south
-side of the temple, and thence around the western side of the Pelopion,
-and so across to the _Eretrian Bull_; Michaelis, _l. c._, p. 164, with
-the same starting-point, had it bear first to the east parallel with
-the Treasury Terrace, and thence south. See Plans A and B.
-
-[2323] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 259, and _Ol., Ergebn._, Textbd., II,
-pp. 153-155, etc.; _cf._ P., V, 26.1.
-
-[2324] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 157 (So[si]krates; for the
-restoration of the name, see Hyde, p. 37); 167 (Kritodamos); 164
-(Xenokles). The plate from the pedestal of the statue of the unknown
-Arkadian victor (79) was found far away from this point, in the
-Palaistra. We have shown (_supra_, pp. 244-5,) that the statue of
-Philippos (79a), mentioned by Pausanias as the work of Myron (_cf._ VI,
-8.5), was probably only that of this older unknown Arkadian, later used
-for Philippos, who won some time between Ols. (?) 119 and 125 (= 304
-and 280 B. C.); see _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 174; _cf._ Hyde, _op. cit._,
-pp. 39-41.
-
-[2325] On the name, see Hyde, p. 42.
-
-[2326] See _Ol., Ergebn._, Textbd., I, p. 86, and _cf._ II, p. 78. A
-slit in the lower step of the base of the _Zeus_ may have contained the
-tablet mentioned by P., V, 23.4. Three of the four inscribed blocks
-of Gelo’s chariot base were found in the Palaistra: _Inschr. v. Ol._,
-under no. 143.
-
-For Doerpfeld’s identification of the Council-house (Bouleuterion) with
-the tripartite building south of the temple of Zeus just outside the
-South Altis wall, see _Ausgrab. zu Ol._, IV, 1878-1879, pp. 40-46, and
-_Olympia, Ergebn._, Textbd., II, pp. 76-79. Others, on the basis of a
-passage in Xenophon’s _Hell._, VII, 4.31, wrongly place it near the
-Prytaneion in the northwestern part of the Altis. _Cf._ Frazer, III,
-pp. 636 f., and Doerpfeld, _l. c._, pp. 78 f. See Plans A and B.
-
-[2327] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 177. It stands on the south edge of
-the South Terrace wall between its gateway and the later East Byzantine
-wall of the Altis.
-
-[2328] Hyde, pp. 49 f., where I assume that the passage VI, 13.8 is a
-digression, and that the name of a victor has dropped out at the end
-of 13.7. There I have inserted, from a recovered inscription, the name
-of Akestorides of Alexandria Troas, placing his statue next to that of
-Agemachos (118) of similar date, the only other Asiatic in this part
-of the Altis. Foerster, 501, dates Akestorides wrongly in the second
-century B. C. (on the basis of Furtwaengler, _A. M._, V, 1880, p. 30,
-n. 2, end), although the inscription from the base is referred by
-Dittenberger to the end of the third; Agemachos won in Ol. 147 (= 192
-B. C.); I have therefore dated Akestorides tentatively between Ol. (?)
-142 and Ol. (?) 144 (= 212 and 204 B. C.).
-
-[2329] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, 147, 148 (Tellon, inscription renewed in
-the first century B. C.); 165 (Aristion); 184 (Akestorides).
-
-Roehl (_I. G. A._, no. 355 and Add., p. 182) referred an inscription
-on two marble fragments found in 1879 (_cf._ _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, p.
-161, no. 312), one found near the Heraion, the other east of the temple
-of Zeus, to the victor Agiadas (103); Dittenberger (_cf._ _Inschr.
-v. Ol._, no. 150) and others have rightly rejected this ascription.
-Similarly the inscribed base of the statue of Areus (105 b), son of
-Akrotatos, King of Sparta, found in the Heraion (see _Inschr. v.
-Ol._, no. 308), belongs rather to the second statue of Areus (148 a)
-dedicated by Ptolemy Philadelphus; _cf._ Hyde, pp. 44-45. I have also
-referred the second inscription of the artist Pythagoras (_Inschr. v.
-Ol._, no. 145) found in the Leonidaion, to the statue of Astylos (110),
-because of its similarity to that on the base of the statue of Euthymos
-(56) likewise by Pythagoras: _ibid._, pp. 47-48.
-
-[2330] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 169 (Aristophon), 154 (Xenombrotos
-and Xenodikos), following Robert’s ascription, _O. S._, 1900, pp.
-179 f.; a second epigram referring to Xenombrotos alone (_Inschr. v.
-Olymp._, no. 170) must belong to a second monument not mentioned by
-Pausanias; _cf._ Hyde, p. 53.
-
-[2331] _E. g._, Furtwaengler, _A. Z._, XXXVII, 1879, p. 140 (quoted by
-Dittenberger); Frazer, IV, p. 43.
-
-[2332] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 176 (Aischines; see Foerster, no.
-451), 173 (Archippos), 186 (Epitherses), 304 (Antigonos); [a fragment
-of the base of the statue of Demetrios (147 e) was also found, the
-exact location not being recorded, no. 305]; 276 (Philonides; a second
-mutilated copy of this inscription was found nearby built into a late
-wall north of the Byzantine church; see no. 277); Pausanias (VI, 15.10)
-mentions two statues of Kapros. For the bronze foot (Fig. 62) of one of
-them, see _supra_, p. 255 and n. 3.
-
-[2333] VI, 18.7. He gives this honor to Praxidamas and Rhexibios
-(187-188), who won in Ols. 59 and 61 (= 544 and 536 B. C.)
-respectively. We have already pointed out that the statue of Oibotas
-(29), who won in Ol. 6 (= 756 B. C.), was set up in Ol. 80 (= 460 B.
-C.) by the Achæans (VI, 3.8).
-
-[2334] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 294 (Leonidas; _cf._ _A. M._, XIII,
-1888, p. 322, note 1, Treu); 183 (Seleadas; this is my own ascription;
-see Hyde, p. 58; Dittenberger wrongly restored the name as Σέλευκος);
-632 (Polypeithes and Kalliteles); 171 (Deinosthenes); 178 (Glaukon;
-his monument was a little bronze chariot, not a statue, thus imitating
-earlier sixth-century victor dedications, like that of Kyniska (7);
-no. 296 is another inscription from a statue of Glaukon dedicated by
-Ptolemy Euergetes).
-
-The pedestal of the statue of Paianios (167) was found behind the south
-side of the Echo Colonnade and therefore far removed (_Inschr. v. Ol._,
-no. 179); Pausanias again mentions Paianios in VI, 15.10. Another
-pedestal (no. 632), found south of the west end of the Byzantine
-church, has been referred by Purgold to the statue of Lysippos (162):
-_cf._ _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, pp. 85 f., no. 387. Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2,
-p. 615, and others have rejected the ascription.
-
-[2335] Διέστηκε δὲ ἀγυιὰν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐσόδου τῆς πομπικῆς, τοὺς γὰρ δὴ ὑπὸ
-Ἀθηναίων καλουμένους στενωποὺς ἀγυιὰς ὀνομάζουσιν οἱ Ἠλεῖοι.
-
-[2336] See _A. M._, XIII, 1888, pp. 327-336 and Pl. VII (Die Altis
-Mauer in Olympia). On the west of the Altis are the ruins of two
-parallel walls, the inner Greek, the outer Roman; the original South
-wall of the Altis ran along the line of the South Terrace wall, the
-later Roman wall (dating from Nero’s time) to the south of it. Thus
-in Pausanias’ day, the ἔσοδος πομπική was opposite the Leonidaion.
-In two other passages, however, it appears to be at the southeast
-corner of the Altis (V, 15.7; VI, 20.7). R. Heberdey (in _Eranos
-Vindobonensis_, 1893, pp. 34-47) explains this discrepancy by saying
-that Pausanias, in mentioning the southwestern entrance, is writing
-from his own observation after the Roman extension, and in the other
-passages is copying from other writers who wrote before that extension.
-Doerpfeld’s explanation, however, is better: in the Roman extension a
-gate was built at the southwest corner of the new West wall superseding
-the older southeast entrance. Processions still passed along the same
-way, but were now _inside_ the Altis, the great gateway of Nero at the
-southeast corner being given up after his death. _Cf._ Frazer, III, pp.
-570-572; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, pp. 375-6.
-
-[2337] P., VI, 17.1.
-
-[2338] _A. M._, XIII, 1888, pp. 317-326 (Die Bauinschrift des
-Leonidaions zu Olympia); and _cf._ _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 651, and
-_Olympia, Ergebn._, Textbd., II, _Die Baudenkmaeler_, pp. 83-93, and
-Tafelbd., Pls. LXII-LXVI (R. Borrmann).
-
-[2339] _E. g._, K. Lange, _Haus und Halle_, 1885, pp. 331 f;
-Hirschfeld, _A. Z._, XL, 1882, p. 121; Flasch, in Baum., II, pp.
-1095 and 1104 K. Others placed it elsewhere: _e. g._, Curtius-Adler,
-_Olympia und Umgegend_, 1882, pp. 23 f.; Scherer, _op. cit._, pp. 55 f.
-(and Plan), identified it with the “_South-east Building_,” where he
-had this second ἔφοδος begin.
-
-[2340] V, 13.9. For full account of the altar, see V, 13.8-11.
-
-[2341] Thus Curtius, Altaere v. Ol., _Abhandl. d. k. Preuss. Akad.
-d. Wiss. zu Berlin_, 1882, p. 4 (= _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, 1894,
-II, pp. 42 f.); Adler, _A. A_., 1894, p. 85; _ibid._, 1895, pp. 108
-f. (_cf._ his reconstruction in _Olympia, Ergebn._, Tafelbd., II,
-Pl. CXXXII and Textbd., II, pp. 210 f.); Curtius-Adler, _Olympia u.
-Umgegend_, p. 35; Flasch, _op. cit._, p. 1067 (_cf._ _Funde v. Ol._,
-pp. 238-239); Boetticher, _Olympia_^2, 1886, pp. 190 f. (and Plan);
-Furtwaengler, _Bronzen v. Olympia_, p. 4; Hirschfeld, _op. cit._, p.
-119 (= Plan); Scherer, _op. cit._, p. 56 (with Plan); Trendelenburg,
-_Der grosse Altar des Zeus in Olympia_, 1902, pp. 17 f.; Doerpfeld,
-_Olympia, Ergebn._, Textbd., II (_Baudenkmaeler_) p. 162, (_cf._ I,
-p. 82, where he admits the possibility that it may have stood further
-northwest, nearer the Heraion); Frazer, III, p. 556; etc.
-
-[2342] See _A. M._, XXXIII, 1908, pp. 185-192 (Olympia in
-praehistorischer Zeit); _cf._ _Year’s Work in Classical Studies_, III,
-1908, p. 12.
-
-[2343] For Puchstein’s location and form of the altar of Zeus, see _A.
-A._, 1893, p. 22; _ibid._, 1895, p. 107; _Jb._, XI, 1896, pp. 53 f.
-(with “oblong” reconstruction by Koldewey, pp. 76-77); for Wernicke’s
-view, see _Jb._, IX, 1894, pp. 93 f. This view was already refuted
-by Adler, _A. A._, 1895, p. 108, and Doerpfeld, _Ergebn. v. Ol._,
-Textbd., II, pp. 162 f. Doerpfeld later referred these remains also to
-prehistoric houses (_cf._ preceding note)
-
-[2344] V, 13.8. The exact site of the Pelopion is given in V, 13.1 (see
-Plans A and B). Wernicke, (_l. c._, pp. 94 f.) placed the older altar
-of Zeus (who was at first worshiped in common with Hera) between the
-Heraion and Pelopion (as Puchstein also did). He believed that later,
-however, after the building of the temple of Zeus and the Pelopion,
-the altar was moved east of both and stood somewhere northwest of the
-elliptical depression, where Pausanias saw it. He explained the lack
-of remains on the theory that the Christians would completely destroy
-this, the chief pagan altar. But it is difficult to see why the few
-Christian settlers in this out of the way place should have shown any
-such anger. Doerpfeld (_Ergebn. v. Ol._, Textbd., II, _Baudenkmaeler_,
-p. 163) suggested that it may have stood south of the _Exedra_ of
-Herodes Attikos, where its site must certainly be sought.
-
-[2345] Hitz.-Bluemn., II, i, p. 359, rightly say that the words of
-Pausanias point to a place in the Altis where there are neither
-foundations nor ashes. Since it is incredible that the Christians
-should have destroyed it so completely, they assume that Pausanias
-made a mistake in his directions. Their conclusion that the elliptical
-depression best fits the conditions is untenable now.
-
-[2346] _Op. cit._, p. 164.
-
-[2347] See _A. M._, XIII, 1888, pp. 335-336, and _Ergebn._, Textbd., I,
-p. 88. In the latter he says: “_Zu unserer Verwunderung sehen wir, dass
-der zweite Teil die ununterbrochene Fortsetzung des ersten Teiles ist,
-also in Wirklichkeit nur eine Ephodos, nur ein einziger Rundgang._”
-
-[2348] This pillar stood between the Great Altar and the temple of
-Zeus: P., V, 20. 6.
-
-[2349] Ἀνδριάντας δὲ ἀναμεμιγμένους οὐκ ἐπιφα<νέ>σιν ἄγαν ἀναθήμασιν,
-κ. τ. λ., (VI, 17.7); again in VI, 18.2 he says that he discovered the
-statue of Anaximenes “by searching” (ἀνευρών).
-
-[2350] Similarly, on arriving at the statue of Telemachos, he
-moved first to the east and then returned (passing the chariot of
-Kleosthenes) before proceeding west, without mentioning it: see
-_supra_, p. 345.
-
-[2351] On analogy with V, 15.1. See Hyde, p. 68.
-
-[2352] The Terrace wall can still be traced before the western front
-of the temple and also to the north-east of it; _cf._ Treu, _A. Z._,
-XXXVI, 1878, p. 36: “_So umgab denn vermutlich einst den ganzen Tempel
-eine statuenbekroente Terrasse._” Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 619, suppose
-such a road to the west and north of the temple, but would interpret it
-as being ἐν ἀριστερᾷ.
-
-[2353] _Cf._ Hyde, p. 70. Hitz.-Bluemn. (see preceding note) rejected
-this textual change of mine as unnecessary, and followed Hirschfeld and
-Doerpfeld in having Pausanias return along the south side of the temple
-of Zeus. I proposed this change by analogy with the text of V, 24.1, V,
-21.2, and other passages.
-
-[2354] The bronze tablet of Demokrates (170), found south of the
-southwest corner of the temple of Zeus, did not belong to his victor
-statue, but to a base which stood probably inside the temple: _Inschr.
-v. Ol._ no. 39. Also the archaic marble helmeted head and arm with
-the remains of a shield attached (see _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl.
-VI, 1-4, and 5-6), the head being found west of the temple and the
-arm before the gate of the Pelopion, wrongly ascribed by Treu (_A.
-Z._, XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 48 f., and _Bildw. v. Ol._, III, pp. 33-34)
-and Overbeck (I, pp. 198 f., and p. 178) to Eperastos (183), I have
-referred to an older hoplite, Phrikias of Pelinna (Foerster, nos. 151,
-155): see Hyde, p. 43, and _supra_, Ch. III, pp. 162-3 and Fig. 30a, b.
-
-[2355] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 293.
-
-[2356] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 267-269. The supposed foundation was
-found thirty feet north of the temple; _cf._ Frazer, III, pp. 646 f.;
-etc.
-
-[2357] V, 20.6 f. A large foundation, between the pedestal of Dropion,
-King of the Paionians, _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 303, (see Plans A and B),
-and the pedestal of the _Eretrian Bull_, may have formed part of the
-house of Oinomaos (_cf._ Curtius-Adler, _op. cit._, p. 40; Flasch, _l.
-c._, p. 1074). Wernicke, (_Jb._, IX, 1894, p. 95), however, refers it
-to the oval depression called the Great Altar site. Doerpfeld (_Ergebn.
-v. Ol._, Textbd., I, p. 82) is opposed to this view and places it
-further north, near the Metroon.
-
-[2358] This is Kalkmann’s theory (_op. cit._, p. 89), who calls this
-section (VI, 18.7) the “_letzter Trumpf_,” an addition having no
-connection with the second ἔφοδος. He compares it with V, 24.9, where
-Pausanias, after ending the _periegesis_ of the altars, adds one more,
-that of “Zeus Horkios,” which stood in the Council House, though he had
-already passed this point twice without mentioning the fact. Kalkmann
-also compares it with V, 27.12 (the transition to the account of the
-victor statues). Gurlitt (_op. cit._, p. 392) explains this last
-section, _i. e._, V, 27.12, as due to a later revision of Pausanias’
-work.
-
-[2359] VI, 19.1.
-
-[2360] See the Catalogue in my _de olymp. Stat._, (pp. 3 f.) for dates;
-and _cf. ibid._, Ch. IV, pp. 72 f., for results. The summaries are
-made only on the basis of the 153 monuments which can be exactly or
-approximately dated.
-
-[2361] Eutelidas (148), Praxidamas (18), Rhexibios (188), Polypeithes
-and Kalliteles (160-161).
-
-[2362] On the date of the temple of Zeus (?468-456 B. C.), _cf._
-Doerpfeld, _Ol., Ergebn._, Textbd., II, pp. 19. f.
-
-[2363] Enation (176) is simply called an Arkadian by P., VI, 17.3.
-
-[2364] VI, 1.2, and _cf._ his words in VI, 17.1.
-
-[2365] The last dated victor statue at Olympia, known from
-inscriptions, is that of Valerios Eklektos of Sinope, four times victor
-as herald, winning in Ols. 256, 258, 259, 260 (= 245, 253-261 A.
-D.): Foerster, 741-744. Philoumenos of Philadelphia in Lydia, victor
-in wrestling (?) in Ol. (?) 288 (= 373 A. D.), Foerster, 750, had a
-statue, as we learn from the conclusion of an epigram preserved by
-Panodoros in Cramer’s _Anecd. gr. Parisiensia_, 1839-41, II, p. 155, 17
-f.; _cf._ _Inscr. Graecae metricae_, ed. Preger, 1891, no. 133. It may
-have been in Olympia.
-
-[2366] On his use of older lists of victors and especially of the Elean
-register, see P. Hirt, _de Fontibus Pausaniae in Eliacis_ (Greifswald,
-1878), pp. 12 f.; Mie, _Quaestiones agonisticae_ (Rostock, 1888),
-pp. 17 f.; Kalkmann, _Pausanias der Perieget_, pp. 72 f. and 103 f.;
-Gurlitt, _Ueber Pausanias_, p. 426, note 43; Robert, _Hermes_, XXIII,
-1888, pp. 444 f.; Hirschfeld, _A. Z._, XL, 1882, pp. 105 and 111; J.
-Juethner, _Philostratos ueber Gymnastik_, pp. 60-74 (Elean register),
-and 109 f.; Gardiner, p. 50. Pausanias frequently mentions such
-sources himself, especially the Elean register: _e. g._, III, 21.1; V,
-2.19; VI, 2.3. Hirschfeld (_l. c._, pp. 105 and 113) and others have
-unreasonably doubted whether Pausanias ever visited Olympia at all.
-
-[2367] Hyde, 146; Foerster, 472, 476; P., VI, 15.3 f.
-
-[2368] Hyde, 150; Foerster, 474, 475; P., VI, 15.10 (two statues).
-
-[2369] Hyde, 119 and pp. 49-50; Foerster, 501; P., VI, 13.7, and
-_Inschr. v. Ol._, 184.
-
-[2370] Hyde, 42; Foerster, 800; P., VI, 4.9.
-
-[2371] Hyde, 40; Foerster, 494; P., VI, 4.5.
-
-[2372] Hyde, 152; Foerster, 391; P., VI, 16.2.
-
-[2373] Hyde, 162; Foerster, 515; P., VI, 6.7.
-
-[2374] Hyde, 125a; Foerster, 651; P., VI, 14.2.
-
-[2375] Hyde, 111b; Foerster, 648-650; P., VI, 13.3.
-
-[2376] Hyde, 111a; Foerster, 654-6, 659, 660, 662-664; P., VI, 13.3.
-
-[2377] _H. N._, XXXIV, 16. See _supra_, pp. 27 and 54.
-
-[2378] _Cf._ _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 235. P., VI, 1.1, distinctly states
-that not all victors had statues, adding that some of the most
-distinguished had none.
-
-[2379] Thus the epigram on the base of a monument of Xenombrotos (133;
-_cf._ P., VI, 14.12) states that it was a portrait of the victor:
-_Inschr. v. Ol._, 170. We have, however, aside from this inscription,
-no record that he was a victor more than once. See _supra_, pp. 54-5.
-On the basis of three or more victories, several victors should have
-had portrait statues: _e. g._, Foerster, 60, 86, 144, 351, 358, 495,
-603, 741, 815.
-
-[2380] Discussed _supra_, Ch. II, p. 58.
-
-[2381] For dates, places of finding, and contests, references are
-constantly made by number to Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._; the number
-of each victor is given also from Foerster’s lists, which, though
-incomplete, are the best that have yet appeared. Where the exact dates
-are known they are cited from Foerster; otherwise, the probable dating
-of the inscription as given by Dittenberger is followed. See Plans A
-and B.
-
-[2382] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, 142 (Pantares, son of Menekrates of Gela);
-Foerster, 149, = Ol. (?) 67 (= 572 B. C.); Gelo won in Ol. 73 (= 488 B.
-C.): Foerster, 180.
-
-[2383] Phrikias won twice, in Ols. 68 and 69 (= 508 and 504 B. C.):
-Foerster, 151 and 155. Phanas was three times victor on the same day
-(τριαστής), in the στάδιον, δίαυλος and as ὁπλίτης, in Ol. 67 (= 512 B.
-C.): Foerster, 144-146. For the ascriptions, see _supra_, pp. 162-3.
-
-[2384] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 150. Roehl (_I. G. A._, 355 and Add., p. 182)
-wrongly ascribed it to Agiadas (103), boy boxer of Elis, whose statue
-was by the Aeginetan Serambos (P., VI, 10.9). His victory should fall
-between Ols. 72 and 74 inclusive (= 492 and 484 B. C.): Hyde, p. 44.
-Foerster, 519, following Roehl and Gurlitt (_op. cit._, pp. 369 and
-419), who placed Serambos in the second century B. C., referred the
-victory of Agiadas to Ol. (?) 161 (= 136 B. C.). Robert, _O. S._, p.
-181, identifies the inscription with Epitimiadas mentioned in the _Oxy.
-Pap._ as victor in παγκράτιον in Ol. 78 (= 468 B. C.). Dittenberger and
-Loewy (latter in _I. G. B._, 416) refer the inscription to the first
-half or middle of the fifth century B. C.
-
-[2385] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 170; _cf._ Hyde, p. 53.
-
-[2386] _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 175; Foerster, 375. Foerster’s proposed
-dating of this victor, Ol. 110 (= 340 B. C.), is wrong.
-
-[2387] _Ibid._, no. 180.
-
-[2388] _Ibid._, no. 181.
-
-[2389] _Ibid._, no. 182.
-
-[2390] _Ibid._, no. 185.
-
-[2391] _Ibid._, no. 187.
-
-[2392] _Ibid._, no. 188.
-
-[2393] _Ibid._, no. 189.
-
-[2394] This Greek building dates from the first half of the fifth
-century B. C. _Cf._ F. Adler, _Ol., Ergebn._, Textbd., II (_Die
-Baudenkmaeler_), pp. 93-105 (especially 98 f.), and Flasch, in Baum.,
-pp. 1070-1 and 1104 M f., both of whom identify it with the workshop of
-Pheidias (P., V, 15.1); Curtius, Die Altaere v. Ol., _Abhandl. d. k.
-Preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin_, 1882, p. 20 (= _Gesamm. Abhandl._,
-1894, II, pp. 57 f.), refers it to the Theekoleon, generally identified
-with the easternmost of the two buildings further north. See Plans A
-and B.
-
-[2395] _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 190.
-
-[2396] _Ibid._, no. 192.
-
-[2397] _Ibid._, no. 193.
-
-[2398] _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 194; Foerster, 484.
-
-[2399] _Ibid._, no. 195.
-
-[2400] _Ibid._, no. 196.
-
-[2401] _Ibid._, no. 197; Foerster, 808 (undated).
-
-[2402] _Ibid._, no. 191; Foerster, 807 (undated).
-
-[2403] _Ibid._, nos. 198-204; see Foerster, 542-547; one of the group,
-Telemachos, son of Leon, had another statue at Olympia: _Inschr. v.
-Ol._, 406.
-
-[2404] _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 205; Foerster, 822 (undated).
-
-[2405] _Ibid._, no. 206; Foerster, 828 (undated).
-
-[2406] _Ibid._, no. 207.
-
-[2407] _Ibid._, no. 208.
-
-[2408] _Ibid._, no. 209; Foerster, 482.
-
-[2409] _Ibid._, no. 210.
-
-[2410] _Ibid._, no. 211.
-
-[2411] _Ibid._, no. 212.
-
-[2412] _Ibid._, no. 213; Foerster, 614, 619.
-
-[2413] _Ibid._, nos. 214, 215.
-
-[2414] _Ibid._, nos. 216, 217; Foerster, 550.
-
-[2415] _Ibid._, no. 218; Foerster, 535 (= Ol. ? 171 = 96 B. C.).
-
-[2416] _Ibid._, no. 219; Foerster, 593; he won in Ol. 190 (= 20 B. C.).
-
-[2417] _Ibid._, no. 220; Foerster, 601, who dates the victory in Ol.
-(?) 194 (= 4 B. C.).
-
-[2418] _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 221; Foerster, 612. He won τεθρίππῳ in Ol.
-199 (= 17 A. D.); his statue was set up by M. Antonios Peisanos.
-
-[2419] _Ibid._, no. 222; Foerster, 585, 587. He won two victories
-(perhaps after 17 A. D.) in an unknown contest; Foerster dates them
-Ols. (?) 184 and 185 (= 44 and 40 B. C.).
-
-[2420] _Ibid._, no. 223; Foerster, 568; his statue was erected by his
-mother, Klaudia Kleodike.
-
-[2421] _Ibid._, no. 224; Foerster, 823 (undated); his statue was set up
-by his native state.
-
-[2422] _Ibid._, no. 225; Foerster,632. The base contained two epigrams
-by T. Klaudios Thessalos, of Kos: E. Cougny, _Epigramm. Anth. Pal._,
-III, 1890 (_Appendix nova_), p. 26, no. 169.
-
-[2423] _Ibid._, 226; Foerster, 634. His statue was erected by L.
-Betilenos Phloros, of Elis.
-
-[2424] _Ibid._, no. 227; Foerster, 666; he won Ol. 217 (= 89 A. D.).
-His brother Diodoros set up the statue. The victor was an ἔφεδρος; see
-A. E. J. Holwerda, _A. Z._, XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 171 f.
-
-[2425] _Ibid._, 228; Foerster, 671.
-
-[2426] _Ibid._, nos. 229, 230 (newer inscription); _I. G. B._, 125;
-Foerster, 624-625. He was a περιοδονίκης and won in Ols. (?) 205 and
-207 (= 41 and 49 A. D.).
-
-[2427] _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 231; Foerster, 595 and 597. Foerster dates
-his two Olympic victories in Ols. (?) 191 and 192 (= 16 and 12 B. C.).
-Hermas was περιοδονίκης twice, and also gained victories besides at the
-Nemean and other games.
-
-[2428] _Ibid._, no. 232; Foerster, 815-819 (undated). He was twice
-περιοδονίκης and won besides at the Isthmus, Nemea, and at other
-games—eighty victories in all.
-
-[2429] _Ibid._, no. 234 and p. 346; he won in either πάλη or παγκράτιον.
-
-[2430] _Ibid._, no. 235 and pp. 346-347. These bronze fragments have
-been noted in our list of surviving fragments of victor statues, Ch.
-VII, p. 322.
-
-[2431] _Ibid._, no. 233 (name restored from no. 440, line 4). On her
-father, see Foerster, under no. 634.
-
-[2432] _Ibid._, 236; Foerster, 686. Both Gurlitt, _op. cit._, p. 421,
-and Foerster think that this monument is mentioned by P., V, 20.8 (that
-of a Roman senator). Dittenberger is against this view, and the place
-of finding also is against it. On the victor’s full name and that of
-his father, see Foerster, _l. c._
-
-[2433] _Ibid._, no. 237; Foerster, 692. He won at Olympia in Ol. 229 (=
-137 A. D.), and the inscription names many other victories elsewhere.
-
-[2434] _Ibid._, no. 238; Foerster, 679 and 681, who dates the victories
-in Ols. (?) 224 and 225 (= 117 and 121 A. D.), while Dittenberger dates
-them in the next century. He was twice περιοδονίκης: see Foerster, _l.
-c._
-
-[2435] _Ibid._, no. 239; Foerster, 746 (date = end of second or third
-centuries B. C.). For the epigram, see also Cougny, Epigramm. Anth.
-Pal., III (_Appendix nova_), p. 46, n. 284.
-
-[2436] _Ibid._, nos. 242-243; Foerster, 741-744. He was a τρισπερίοδος,
-_i. e._, three times περιοδονίκης. For his other victories outside
-Olympia, see Foerster, _l. c._
-
-[2437] _Ibid._, nos. 240-241; Foerster, 739. Asklepiades won the
-πένταθλον in Ol. 255 (= 241 A. D.).
-
-[2438] Philinos, son of Hegepolis of Kos (173), won 24 victories, 5
-at Olympia, 4 at Delphi, 4 at Nemea, 11 at the Isthmus, mostly in the
-στάδιον, he was, therefore, four times περιοδονίκης. He won in Ols. 129
-and 130 (= 264 and 260 B. C.): _cf._ P., VI, 17.2 and Foerster, 441 and
-442; Leonidas of Rhodes (111c) was τριαστής in the four different Ols.
-154-157 (= 164-152 B. C.), winning 12 races: _cf._ P., VI, 13.4, and
-Foerster, 495-497, 498-500, 502-504, 507-509.
-
-[2439] Omitting the votive bronze diskos of the victor P. Asklepiades
-of Corinth mentioned above.
-
-[2440] Foerster, pp. 26-30, records the names of 634 Olympic victors
-who are known to us from all available sources.
-
-[2441] Sepulchral monuments are either entirely excluded or mentioned
-only incidentally. The tombs of nine Olympic victors are known from
-various sources.
-
-[2442] The dating of victories in the present section will necessitate
-certain repetitions of dates already given elsewhere in this work.
-While heretofore dates have been referred usually to the compilations
-of Foerster and Hyde, the original authorities for them will be cited
-in this section.
-
-[2443] Chionis, (= Charmis in Afr.), according to P., III, 14.3, won
-seven victories at Olympia: four in the στάδιον, in Ols. 28 to 31 (=
-668 to 656 B. C.); 1-4 = Afr.; 1 = P., IV, 23.4; 2 = IV, 23.10; 3 =
-VIII, 39.3; three in the δίαυλος, probably in Ols. (?) 29-31: see
-Rutgers, p. 11, n. 4, and pp. 10-11; Hyde, 111 and p. 48; Foerster, 39,
-41-46.
-
-[2444] Kylon won the δίαυλος in Ol. 35 (= 640 B. C.): Afr.; _cf._
-Rutgers p. 13; Foerster, 55.
-
-[2445] Hdt., V, 71; Thukyd., I, 126; Plut., _Solon_, 12.
-
-[2446] _A. M._, V, 1880, p. 27 and n. 1. Kuhnert, _Jahrb. f. classische
-Philol._, Supplbd., XIV, 1885, pp. 278 f., and n. 2, agrees with
-Furtwaengler, and thinks that it was set up long after the death of
-Kylon, and that it is possible that the name of the conspirator became
-mixed with that of an Athenian victor of the same name, but of later
-date.
-
-[2447] _A. Z._, XXIV, 1866, pp. 183 f.; he is followed by Frazer, II,
-p. 348.
-
-[2448] Thukyd., I, 134.
-
-[2449] Loeschke, _A. M._, IV, 1879, p. 295, n. 1.
-
-[2450] See also Hitz.-Bluemn., I, 1, pp. 299-300.
-
-[2451] His six victories in πάλη are mentioned by P., III, 13.9; he won
-πάλη παίδων in Ol. 37 (= 632 B. C.): P., V, 8.9; Afr.; πάλη ἀνδρῶν in
-Ols. 39-43 (= 624-608 B. C.): Afr.; Foerster, 60, 64, 66, 68, 71, 73.
-He is mentioned by Ph., I.
-
-[2452] See Wide, _Lakonische Kulte_, 1893, pp. 38 f.; Hitz.-Bluemn., I,
-2, pp. 792-3.
-
-[2453] Pausanias, III, 13.9, mentions his five victories in πάλη. He
-must have won after his father’s victories, and so at the beginning of
-the sixth century B. C. Rutgers, pp. 109 f., conjectures that the first
-victory was πάλη παίδων; Foerster, 86-90.
-
-[2454] Arrhachion (on various spellings of the name, _cf._ Rutgers, p.
-19) won thrice in the παγκράτιον in Ols. 52-54 (= 572-564 B. C.). The
-third victory is recorded by Afr. and P., VIII, 40.1; the first two by
-P., _l. c._ _Cf._ also Ph., 21. Foerster, 98, 101, 103. See _supra_,
-pp. 326 f.
-
-[2455] He had the nickname _Koalemos_: Plut., _Cimon_, 4. He won two
-victories τεθρίππῳ in Ols. 62 and 64 (= 532 and 524 B. C.); his horses,
-under the name of Peisistratos, won in the same event in Ol. 63 (= 528
-B. C.): Hdt., VI, 103; they were buried in front of the city beyond
-the so-called “Hollow Way,” opposite the tomb of Kimon; Hdt., _l. c._;
-Plutarch, _Cato Major_, 5. _Cf._ Aelian, _de Animal._, XII, 40, where
-he says that the mares of Miltiades—meaning Kimon—were buried in the
-Kerameikos. See Foerster, 124, 128 and 132.
-
-[2456] _Var. Hist._, IX, 32.
-
-[2457] Hdt., VI, 103.
-
-[2458] IV, 33.
-
-[2459] On _Nubes_, 64.
-
-[2460] Foerster, 85.
-
-[2461] He won in an unknown contest. He accompanied Dorieus, the
-younger brother of Kleomenes I of Sparta, on his futile expedition to
-Sicily, and died there: Hdt., V, 47. Kleomenes began to reign in 519
-B. C., and the Sicilian expedition occurred about 510 B. C.; Foerster,
-138, therefore dates the victory of Philippos about Ol. 65 (= 520 B.
-C.).
-
-[2462] Hdt., V, 47; Eustath., on Iliad, Bk. III (p. 383, 43).
-
-[2463] Astylos (on variations of the name, see Rutgers, pp. 32 f.) won
-victories in στάδιον and δίαυλος in three successive Ols.: P., VI,
-13.1: στάδιον in Ols. 73-75 (= 488-480 B. C.): 1 = Afr., and Dionys.
-Hal., VIII, 1; 2 = Afr., and Dionys., VIII, 77; 3 = Afr., Dionys., IX,
-1, and Diod. Sic., XI, 1. So the victories in δίαυλος, 1, 2, 3, must
-have been in the same Ols. The _Oxy. Pap._ also names Astylos a victor
-twice as ὁπλίτης, in Ols. 75 and 76 (= 480 and 476 B. C.). So Grenfell
-and Hunt thought that P. had mixed the victories in δίαυλος and as
-ὁπλίτης; Robert, _O. S._, pp. 163 f., however, supports P., and thinks
-that Astylos won eight victories, the victories in δίαυλος and στάδιον
-all preceding Ol. 76, as other names appear here in the _Oxy. Pap._
-Astylos, therefore, won three victories in Ol. 75, one in Ol. 76, and
-the other four in Ols. 73-74. _Cf._ Rutgers, pp. 32, 34-35; Foerster,
-176-177, 181-182, 187-188; Hyde, 110.
-
-[2464] Rutgers, p. 34, n. 1 (_cf._ Robert, _O. S._, p. 164)
-has shown that the tyrant named Hiero by Pausanias should be Gelo;
-_cf._ Hertzberg, _Gesch. v. Hellas u. Rom_, I, 1879, p. 181; Foerster,
-181-2.
-
-[2465] I, pp. 409-410; Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 59, calls the statue of
-Astylos that of a _stadiodromos_.
-
-[2466] Euthymos won πύξ three times in Ols. 74, 76, and 77 (= 484, 476,
-and 472 B. C.): 1 = P., VI, 6.5; 2 and 3 = P., VI, 6.6 and _Oxy. Pap._
-_Cf._ Rutgers, pp. 34, 38, 41; Foerster, 185, 195, 207; Robert, _O.
-S._, pp. 167, 184 f.; Hyde, 56.
-
-[2467] Inscribed base found: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144; _I. G. B._, 23;
-_I. G. A._, 1882, 388.
-
-[2468] See Kallimachos, _apud_ Plin., _H. N._, VII, 152.
-
-[2469] Strabo, VI, 1.5 (= C. 255); Aelian, _Var. Hist._, VIII, 18;
-Suidas, _s. v._ Εὔθυμος; P., VI, 6. 7-11. _Cf._ also E. Curtius on the
-Olympia base, _A. Z._, XXXVI, 1878, p. 83, no. 127. On the legend of
-the statue, see Eusebios, _Praep. evang._, V, 34.7.
-
-[2470] Theagenes won πύξ in Ol. 75 (= 480 B. C.): P., VI, 6.5;
-_Oxy.Pap._; and παγκράτιον in Ol. 76 (= 476 B. C.): P., VI, 11.4; _Oxy.
-Pap._; he was twice περιοδονίκης and won many victories elsewhere,
-carrying off 1400 crowns, according to P., VI, 11.5, and 1200,
-according to Plut., _Praec. reipub. ger._, 15, p. 811 D. _Cf._ Rutgers,
-pp. 36, 38; Foerster, 191, 196; Hyde, 104. Dio Chrys., _Orat._, XXXI,
-p. 339 M, wrongly mentions three Olympic victories.
-
-[2471] _Op. cit._, p. 340 M.
-
-[2472] _Praep. evang._, V, 34.7.
-
-[2473] _Deor. Conc._, 12; _cf._ P., VI, 11.9.
-
-[2474] _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1900, p. 332, n. 2.
-
-[2475] Ladas won δόλιχος in Ol. (?) 76 (= 476 B. C.): Robert, _O.
-S._, p. 165, because of an older dating for Myron, 480-444 B. C.,
-necessitated by the _Oxy. Pap._ (see also _ibid._, p. 184). Foerster,
-249, has given Ol. (?) 85 (= 440 B. C.) as the date of the victory, on
-the basis of the earlier dating of Myron, 460-420 B. C.; _cf._, _e. g._,
-Brunn, 1, p. 142; Bergk, _P. l. G._, III, p. 473, no 125 and note, and
-Rutgers p. 107.
-
-[2476] _A. Pl._, nos. 53, 54; see _supra_, Ch. IV, pp. 196-197.
-
-[2477] Foerster assumed that the statue by Myron stood in
-Olympia. Against this view, see Furtwaengler (_Mw._, p. 379, n. 5),
-Kalkmann (_Jb._, X, 1895, p. 56, and XI, 1896, p. 197), Studniczka
-(article cited in note on Theagenes preceding), Brunn (_Sitzb. Muen.
-Akad._, 1880, pp. 474 f.). Benndorf (_de anthol. Gr. Epigram._, 1862,
-15, n. 1) thought it more probable that the statue stood formerly at
-Olympia, but in the time of Pausanias was in Rome. Thus it is best
-to assume two statues, the one in Argos not by Myron. Brunn (p. 475)
-showed that Ladas was a Spartan because of P., III, 21. I and VIII,
-12.5; Benndorf (_op. cit._, p. 13) thought that he was an Argive.
-Kuhnert (_Jahrbuecher f. cl. Philol._, Supplbd., XIV, p. 269 n. 13)
-argued that the Argive statue was set up by the Argive state, an
-improbable assumption if Ladas were a Spartan. A different Ladas is the
-stade runner from Aigion, mentioned by P., III, 21.1, and X, 23.14.
-
-[2478] Kallias won παγκράτιον in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): P. V, 9.3.
-He was περιοδονίκης: _C. I. A._, I, 419. _Cf._ Foerster, 208; Hyde,
-50. Three other Athenian victors at Olympia named Kallias are known:
-Kallias, son of Pheinippos, won κέλητι in Ol. 54 (= 564 B. C.):
-Foerster, 104; Rutgers, p. 21; Kallias, son of Hipponikos, grandson of
-preceding, won τεθρίππῳ thrice in Ol. (?) 74, and Ols. 83, 84 (= 484,
-448, 444 B. C.): Foerster, 186 a, 242, 247; Rutgers, p. 142; Kallias,
-mentioned by Polyb., XXVIII, 16, won παγκράτιον in the second century
-B. C.: _cf._ Foerster, under no. 208.
-
-[2479] Inscribed base found: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 146; _I. G. B._, 41.
-
-[2480] _C. I. A._, I, 419. The painter Mikon, mentioned by Pliny, _H.
-N._, XXXV, 59, is also named by him as a sculptor of athlete statues:
-_op. cit._, XXXIV, 88; he is also known from an inscription found on
-the Akropolis at Athens: _C. I. A._, I, 418; _I. G. B._, 42.
-
-[2481] Diagoras won πύξ in Ol. 79 (= 464 B. C.): schol. on Pindar,
-_Ol._, VII, Argum., Boeckh, p. 157, and _Oxy. Pap._ He was
-περιοδονίκης, and his other victories are mentioned by Pindar and the
-scholiast on the ode cited. On Diagoras, see H. van Gelder, _Geschichte
-der alten Rhodier_, 1900, p. 435; on Kallikles, see Robert, _O. S._,
-pp. 194 f. _Cf._ Rutgers, p. 43; Foerster, 220; Hyde, 59.
-
-[2482] Boeckh, p. 157 and _cf._ p. 159; _F. H. G._, IV, p. 410 (=
-Gorgon, fragm. 3).
-
-[2483] Agias was περιοδονίκης. The date of his victory in the
-παγκράτιον at Olympia can not be determined exactly. Although the
-dedication of Daochos occurred in the latter half of the fourth century
-B. C., the time of Lysippos (Preuner = between 339 and 331 B. C.: see
-_Ein delphisches Weihgeschenk_, 1900, p. 12; Homolle dates it more
-closely between 338 and 334 B. C.; _B. C. H._, XXIII, 1899, 440), the
-victory of Agias fell over a century earlier. Homolle proposed 428
-B. C. as the _floruit_ of Agias, but gave no date for his victory at
-Olympia; Preuner (p. 17) sets the victory before the middle of the
-fifth century B. C.; K. K. Smith (_Class. Phil._, 1910, pp. 169-174)
-has proposed Ol. 80 (= 460 B. C.), the only lacuna for παγκράτιον in
-the _Oxy. Pap._; however, Robert (_O. S._, p. 183) has placed Timodemos
-of Acharnai in that place. Foerster, 214, dates Timodemos Ol. (?) 78 (=
-468 B. C.).
-
-[2484] _Pharsalos_, p. 28. See _supra_, pp. 286-287.
-
-[2485] Cheimon won πάλη in Ol. 83 (= 448 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; _cf._
-Robert, _O. S._, pp. 171 and 191; Hyde, no. 88. Foerster, 285, had
-proposed Ol. (?) 94 (= 404 B. C.), on the basis of the older dating of
-Naukydes = 423-390 B. C. (see Robert, _Arch. Maerchen_, 1886, p. 107).
-Kalkmann, _Pausanias der Perieget_, 1886, p. 192, n. 1, thought that
-the statue at Olympia and the one at Rome were identical; Gurlitt,
-_Ueber Pausanias_, 1890, pp. 374 and 423, n. 38 a, has shown that the
-assumption is unfounded.
-
-[2486] The temple of Peace was built by Vespasian (between A. D. 70 and
-75) east of the _Forum Augusti_. Pliny (_H. N._, XXXIV, 84, and XXXV,
-102) mentions works of art in it; Josephus (_de Bell. Judaico_, VII,
-5.7) also describes it.
-
-[2487] Leon, according to Eustathius, on Iliad, II, 851 (= p. 361,
-10), won τεθρίππῳ in Ol. 85 (= 440 B. C.). This date is followed by
-Schubart, Pausanias und seine Anklaeger, _Jb. f. cl. Philol._, XXX,
-1884, p. 99, and Preger, _Inscript. Gr. metricae ex scriptoribus
-praeter anthologiam collectae_, (Lipsiae, 1891), on no. 128. He won
-in Ol. 89 (= 424 B. C.), according to Polemon (fragm. 22), the date
-followed by Foerster, 264 and 264 N. Foerster places Arkesilaos of
-Sparta (= 250) as victor τεθρίππῳ in Ol. (?) 85; Hyde (13) places
-Arkesilaos either in Ol. 86 or Ol. 87, leaving Ol. 85 free for Leon.
-Polemon (fragm. 22) calls Leon the “father of Antikleidas”; Preger,
-_op. cit._, p. 49, proposes the “son of Antikleidas,” thus having Leon
-win with his father’s chariot. Bergk, _P. l. G._, III, p. 40, note,
-changed the name to Antalkidas.
-
-[2488] Fragm., 22 (= schol. on Euripides, _Hippolytus_, 230); see _F.
-H. G._, III, p. 122; _cf._ _P. l. G._, _l. c._
-
-[2489] Eubotas (on the name, _cf._ Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, pp. 573-574)
-won στάδιον in Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.): Afr.; Xen., _Hell._, I, 2.10;
-Diodoros, XIII, 68.1; and τεθρίππῳ in Ol. 104 (= 304 B. C.): P., VI,
-8.3 and _cf._ VI, 4.2; Foerster, 277, 350; Hyde, 75. Pausanias (VI,
-8.3) says that his Olympia statue was made before his victory. Ol. 104
-was a non-Olympiad; see on no. 28 _infra_ (Xenodamos), p. 369 and notes.
-
-[2490] Aelian, _Var. Hist._, X, 2.
-
-[2491] Promachos won παγκράτιον in Ol. 94 (= 404 B. C.): see Rutgers,
-p. 56, n. 4, who gives this date on the basis of P., VII, 27.6, and
-Ph., 22. _Cf._ Foerster, 286; Hyde, 81.
-
-[2492] He won in an unknown contest, either in the fifth or the
-fourth century B. C.: Preger, _op. cit._, no. 144, on the basis of
-the epigram. _Cf._ Foerster, 293a; Foerster, in another place, under
-no. 159, wrongly refers this same epigram (which he there ascribes to
-Simonides) to another unknown victor of Argos who won in some gymnic
-contest, some time between Ols. 65 and 76 (= 527 and 476 B. C.), the
-dates of Simonides’ sojourn in Greece (_cf._ K. Sittl, _Gesch. d.
-griech. Litt._, 1884-1887, III, pp. 59 f.). It can, however, refer to
-but one victor.
-
-[2493] I, 7, p. 1365a and I, 9, p. 1367b.
-
-[2494] _Ap._ Eustath., on Od., XIV, 350 (= p. 1761, 25).
-
-[2495] See G. Kaibel, Quaestiones Simonideae, _Rhein. Mus._, XXVIII,
-1873, pp. 452-3. _Cf._ _P. l. G._, III, p. 503; fragm. 163 (Simonides).
-
-[2496] Kyniska won τεθρίππῳ twice in Ols. (?) 96 and 97 (= 396 and 392
-B. C.): see Hyde, 7, on the basis of Robert, _O. S._, p. 195; Foerster,
-326 and 333, proposed Ols. (?) 100 and 101 (= 380 and 376 B. C.) on the
-basis of the inscription found at Olympia (_Inschr. v. Ol._, 160; _I.
-G. B._, no. 99 and p. XXI). _Cf._ Rutgers, pp. 143-144.
-
-[2497] She won συνωρίδι some time near the middle of the fourth century
-B. C.; Foerster, 344, dates the victory Ol. (?) 103 (= 368 B. C.).
-
-[2498] Curtius, _Peloponnesos_, II, 1852, p. 313, n. 29; for King
-Pausanias, see Thukyd., I, 134.
-
-[2499] Archias won as κῆρυξ in three successive Olympiads: Pollux, IV,
-92; the epigram says (ὃς τρὶς ἐκάρυξεν). Foerster, 351, 356, 361; he
-proposes (see under no. 351) Ols. (?) 104-106 (= 364-356 B. C.).
-
-[2500] _A. Pl._, 372; also in Pollux, IV, 92.
-
-[2501] [Phil]okrates won συνωρίδι about the middle of the fourth
-century B. C. (see Koehler on the inscription cited in the following
-note). Foerster, 365, proposes Ol. (?) 107 (= 352 B. C.)
-
-[2502] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1303; see L. Ross, _Die Demen von Attika_,
-1846, pp. 80 and 111.
-
-[2503] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1319; Le Bas, _Voyage archéologique_, I,
-_Attique_, no. 595. The inscription appears to belong to the fourth
-century B. C.
-
-[2504] Phorystas won as κῆρυξ some time toward the end of the fourth
-century B. C., _i. e._, in the time of the artist Kaphisias: see Loewy,
-on the inscription cited in the following note. Foerster, 405, proposes
-Ol. (?) 117 (= 312 B. C.).
-
-[2505] _C. I. G._, I, 1582; Kaibel, _Epigr. Gr. ex lapid. conlecta_,
-1878, no. 938; Loewy, _I. G. B._, 119; Collitz and Bechtel, _Samml. d.
-gr. Dialekt-Inschr._, 1883-90, no. 945.
-
-[2506] _I. G. B._, 120. See Foerster, under no. 405.
-
-[2507] Aristophon won παγκράτιον some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130
-(= 320 and 260 B. C.), as we infer from the date of the inscription
-from the base of his statue at Olympia: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 169.
-_Cf._ Hyde, 123 and p. 51. Foerster, 758 (following Rutgers, p. 122)
-had left the victory undated.
-
-[2508] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1475. See Ross, _Die Demen von Attika_, no.
-70; Le Bas, _Attique_, no. 115.
-
-[2509] Strabo, XII, 4.2 (= C. 624).
-
-[2510] Attalos won ἅρματι πώλων some time during the reign of his older
-brother Philetairos, founder of the Attalid dynasty, _i. e._, between
-Ols. 124 and 129 (= 284 and 264 B. C.): see Foerster, 436. An epigram
-of the philosopher Arkesilaos of Pitane (mentioned by Foerster),
-celebrating the chariot-race of this Attalos, is preserved by Diog.
-Laert., IV, 6.30; _cf._ Fraenkel on the inscription, no. 10 (see next
-note).
-
-[2511] _Inschr v. Pergamon_ (ed. Fraenkel), 1890, I, nos. 10-12; _cf._
-_I. G. B._, no. 157.
-
-[2512] He won παγκράτιον ἀνδρῶν in Ol. 211 (= 67 A. D.): P., X, 36.9.
-
-[2513] _A. Z._, XL, 1882, p. 110.
-
-[2514] P., VI, 22.2.
-
-[2515] _Ibid._
-
-[2516] P., VI, 22.3; 4.2; _cf._ 8.3 (where Eubotas won τεθρίππῳ, no. 17
-_supra_).
-
-[2517] V, pp. 454-455; _cf._ Hitz.-Bluemn., III, 2, p. 829.
-
-[2518] _Vit. Apoll. Tyan._, V, 7.
-
-[2519] Suetonius, _Nero_, 24; Dio Cassius, LXIII, 14. Foerster, 642-647.
-
-[2520] _Cf._ also Schubart, Pausanias u. seine Anklaeger, _Jb. f. cl.
-Philologie_, XXIX, 1883, pp. 472 f.; Brunn, _ibid._, XXX, 1884, p. 24;
-and Foerster, 641 and under no. 638.
-
-[2521] T. Phlabios Artemidoros won παγκράτιον twice. He was also
-περιοδονίκης. The _Magna Capitolia_, in which he was also victor, were
-instituted by Domitian in 86 A. D.; Foerster, 657, 661, proposes Ols.
-(?) 215 and 216 (= 81 and 85 A. D.) for the two victories.
-
-[2522] _C. I. G._, III, 5806; Kaibel, _Inscript. Gr. Sicil. et Ital._,
-1890, no. 746.
-
-[2523] T. Phlabios Metrobios won δόλιχος, first of his countrymen, in
-Ol. 217 (= 89 A. D.): _cf._ Boeckh on the inscription (see next note)
-and Rutgers, p. 91, n. 2; Foerster, 665. He was also περιοδονίκης and
-won δόλιχος at the _Capitolia_ in Rome, as “first of all men.”
-
-[2524] _C. I. G._, II, 2682.
-
-[2525] Sarapion won πὺξ παίδων in Ol. 217 (= 89 A. D.): P., VI, 23.6.
-_Cf._ Foerster, 667; Rutgers, p. 91, n. 3, who doubts whether Sarapion
-was an Olympic victor, though Pausanias says that he was.
-
-[2526] _I. e._, Sarapion, from Alexandria, who won στάδιον in Ol. 204
-(= 37 A. D.): Afr.; Foerster, 620; Rutgers, p. 86; another Sarapion,
-from Alexandria, who, Pausanias (V. 21.18) says, came to Olympia in
-Ol. 201 (= 25 A. D.) to enter the παγκράτιον, but ran away the day
-before the contest and was fined for cowardice; Sarapion of Magnesia
-ad Sipylum, victor in an unknown contest and at an unknown date, known
-from an inscription from Tralles: _C. I. G._, II, 2933; Foerster, 824;
-Rutgers, p. 156.
-
-[2527] M. Aurelios Demetrios won παγκράτιον some time before his son’s
-victory in the same contest in Ol. 240 (= 181 A. D.), as we learn from
-the inscription mentioned in the next note; _cf._ Rutgers, p. 96;
-Foerster, 719. Foerster, 682, therefore proposes Ol. (?) 225 (= 121 A.
-D.) for the father’s victory; _cf._ Rutgers, p. 122. Both father and
-son were περιοδονῖκαι. The father was called ὁ παράδοξος.
-
-[2528] _C. I. G._, III, 5912, 5913, and 5914; Kaibel, _Inscript. Gr.
-Sicil. et Ital._, 1102-1104.
-
-[2529] This victor won πάλη ἀνδρῶν, first of his countrymen, in Ol. 229
-(= 137 A. D.); date from the inscription (see next note); Foerster, 691.
-
-[2530] _B. C. H._, XI, 1887, pp. 80 f. (P. Foucart).
-
-[2531] Kranaos won στάδιον in Ol. 231 (= 145 A. D.): Afr.; and
-πένταθλον twice, δίαυλος once, and as ὁπλίτης once, according to
-Pausanias (II, 11.8), but in unknown Olympiads: Foerster, 697, 702-703,
-707-708. He dates the four last victories in Ols. (?) 232 and 233 (=
-149 and 153 A. D.).
-
-Most writers have identified the Granianos of Pausanias with Kranaos
-of Africanus, as both are from Sikyon; _cf._ Rutgers, p. 94 and n. 1.
-Kalkmann, _Pausanias der Perieget_, p. 74, note 6, however, is doubtful
-of the identification.
-
-[2532] T. Ailios Aurelios Apollonios won as κῆρυξ during the reign of
-Antoninus Pius (= 138-161 A. D.): _cf._ Dittenberger on the inscription
-(see next note). Foerster, 700, proposes Ol. (?) 231 (= 145 A. D.). He
-was περιοδονίκης.
-
-[2533] _C. I. A._, III, 120 (Dittenberger).
-
-[2534] Mnasiboulos won στάδιον in Ol. 235 (= 161 A. D.): Afr., and P.,
-X, 34.5; and as ὁπλίτης in Ol. 235: P., _ibid._ He was περιοδονίκης
-in both events: Foerster, nos. 712-713. His son of the same name had
-a statue in the temple of Athena Kranaia at Elateia, whose marble
-inscribed plate has been recovered: see _B. C. H._, XI, 1887, p. 342,
-no. 13 (P. Paris).
-
-[2535] Aurelios Toalios won (?) παγκράτιον twice in the time of
-Alexander Severus (= 222-235 A. D.): see Holleaux and Paris on the
-inscription (see next note). Foerster, 735-736, proposes Ols. (?) 251
-and 252 (= 225 and 229 A. D.).
-
-[2536] _B. C. H._, X, 1886, pp. 233 f., no. 13.
-
-[2537] Aurelios Metrodorus won παγκράτιον about the time of Alexander
-Severus (see Boeckh, on the inscription mentioned in the next note).
-Foerster, 737, proposes Ol. (?) 253 (= 233 A. D.).
-
-[2538] _C. I. G._, III, 3676.
-
-[2539] Valerios Eklektos won as κῆρυξ four times in Ols. 256, 258, 259,
-and 260 (= 245, 253, 257, and 261 A. D.): see inscription mentioned
-in the next note; Foerster, 741-744. He was περιοδονίκης thrice (=
-τρισπερίοδος), and won 80 crowns in various games.
-
-[2540] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 242-243; _A. Z._, XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 164 f.,
-no. 369.
-
-[2541] _C. I. A._, III, 129 (Dittenberger).
-
-[2542] Klaudios Rhouphos won (?) πάλη or (?) πύξ or (?) παγκράτιον
-near the beginning of the fourth century A. D. (see Kaibel and the
-inscription mentioned in the next note); Foerster, 748-749, and
-Rutgers, p. 154. He was twice περιοδονίκης.
-
-[2543] _C. I. G._, III, 5910; Kaibel, _Inscript. Gr. Sicil. et Ital._,
-no. 1107, p. 299.
-
-[2544] Philoumenos won (?) πάλη, according to Rutgers, p. 98, n. 3,
-either in Ol. 288 (= 373 A. D.) or _certe non multo prius_ (on the
-basis of the passage in Panodoros cited in the following note). He
-is also mentioned in a Roman inscription given by Rutgers, _ibid._
-Foerster, 750.
-
-[2545] _Ap._ Cramer, _Anecd. gr. Parisiensia_, 1839-41, II, p. 155, 17
-(quoted by Foerster); Preger, _Inscr. Gr. metricae_, no. 133.
-
-[2546] Ainetos was victor in πένταθλον. _Cf._ Rutgers, p. 112;
-Foerster, 754, who wrongly gives the contest as πύξ.
-
-[2547] Nikokles, according to Pausanias, _l. c._, won five prizes
-in running δρόμος in two Olympiads. Foerster, under nos. 788-792,
-explains these words by arranging victories in δίαυλος, δόλιχος, and as
-ὁπλίτης in one Olympiad, and two of these contests in the next; none
-of them could have been in στάδιον, since his name does not appear in
-Africanus. _Cf._ Rutgers, pp. 105-106, 107, and 126. Le Bas long ago
-(_R. arch._, II, 1845, p. 220) connected a restored inscription with
-this victor.
-
-[2548] Aigistratos won πάλη παίδων: Foerster, 806.
-
-[2549] _C. I. G._, II, 2527.
-
-[2550] He won in an unknown contest and was three times περιοδονίκης,
-gaining 35 crowns at various games. _Cf._ Foerster, 825-827.
-
-[2551] _C. I. G._, I, 1715.
-
-[2552] Ross, _Arch. Aufsaetze_, 1855-1861, I, pp. 163 f; _C. I. A._,
-I, 376; _I. G. B._, 39; E. S. Roberts, _An Introduction to Greek
-Epigraphy_, I, 1887, 68a.
-
-[2553] _Rhein. Mus._, XVI, 1861, p. 224.
-
-[2554] _Hermes_, XII, 1877, p. 345 and n. 29.
-
-[2555] _E. g._, by R. Schoell, _Hermes_, XIII, 1878, p. 437; _cf._
-Gurlitt, _Ueber Pausanias_, pp. 158 f., Loewy on the inscription, and
-Hitz.-Bluemn., I, 1, p. 261.
-
-[2556] IX, 105.
-
-[2557] _C. I. A._, I, 402; _I. G. B._, 46; Ross, _Arch. Aufsaetze_,
-I, pp 168 f. This is possibly to be connected with the statue of the
-_Volneratus deficiens_ mentioned by Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 74. See
-_supra_, p. 199. However, the lettering is not later than 444 B. C.,
-while Diitrephes is known to have been living as late as 411: Thukyd.,
-VIII, 64.
-
-[2558] Th. Bergk, _Zeitschr. f. d. Altertumswissensch._, III, 1845,
-pp. 961 f.; Wilamowitz, _Hermes_, XII, 1877, p. 346; Furtwaengler, _A.
-M._, V, 1880, p. 28 and n. 2; _cf._, however, Gurlitt, _op. cit._,
-pp. 159 f.; Robert, Die Marathonschlacht in der Poikile und Weiteres
-ueber Polygnot, _18stes Hallisches Winckelmannsprogr._, 1895, p. 22;
-Hitz.-Bluemn., I, I, pp. 255 f. and 262 f.
-
-[2559] II, p. 289; _cf. ibid._, pp. 275 f.
-
-[2560] _Jb._, VII, 1892, pp. 185 f. _Cf._ the remarks of Gercke,
-_ibid._, VIII, 1893, pp. 113 f.
-
-[2561] III, 75; IV, 119 and 129.
-
-[2562] _Mw._, pp. 278 f.
-
-[2563] _Vit. X Orat._, IV (Isokrates), 42, (p. 839 c.) It was in the
-ball-court of the Arrephoroi. The same author, IV, 41, (839b), also
-mentions a bronze statue (with inscription) of Isokrates set up by the
-orator’s adopted son Aphareus. See _supra_, pp. 24 and 281. I assume
-that these two passages refer to one and the same monument.
-
-[2564] Three victors, Ladas (no. 11), Agias (no. 14), and Sarapion (no.
-30), had two statues each. Theagenes (no. 10) had several, according to
-Pausanias, who, however, mentions only one definitely. We have omitted
-from our total the statue set up by T. Phlabios Artemidoros (28a) to
-his father.
-
-[2565] We have here included the tablet of Chionis at Sparta (no. 1),
-a victor of the seventh century B. C., whose monument, however, was
-erected in the fifth century B. C.
-
-[2566] Including the two Lysippan statues of Agias, a victor of the
-fifth century, B. C.
-
-[2567] Of the 192 monuments referred to 187 victors mentioned by
-Pausanias in his victor _periegesis_ at Olympia, only 153, belonging
-to 148 victors, can be exactly or approximately dated. Of these, 33
-monuments (referred to 32 victors) belong to the epoch prior to the
-approximate date of the founding of the temple of Zeus, _i. e._, prior
-to Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.); 51 monuments (referred to 50 victors) from
-this date on, to the approximate date of the battle of Aigospotamoi
-(B. C. 404), _i. e._, down to Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.); 36 monuments
-(referred to 34 victors) from then on, to about the time of the birth
-of Alexander the Great, _i. e._, to Ol. 106 (= 356 B. C.); and 33
-monuments (referred to 32 victors) from that date, to the close of the
-description of the athlete _periegesis_, i_. e._, from Ols. 107 to 149
-(= 352 to 184 B. C.). See Hyde, _op. cit._, Ch. IV, pp. 72 sq., and
-_supra_, pp. 352-3. (In my victor lists, _op. cit._, pp. 3-24, I have
-enumerated 188 victors; however, Philon of Kerkyra is listed twice,
-nos. 91 and 136, for two different statues.) Of these 153 monuments,
-nearly one-half (_i. e._, 74) belong properly to the fifth century
-(Ols. 70 to 94 = 500 to 404 B. C.).
-
-[2568] Pausanias mentions 192 (referred to 187 victors, as above);
-we have found in the present chapter that 63 others (referred to 61
-victors) are known from inscribed base fragments found at Olympia; and
-that 47 (referred to 44 victors) are known from literary sources as
-having stood elsewhere. If we deduct 10 victors who had monuments both
-at Olympia and elsewhere, we have a grand total of 282 victors, in
-whose honor these 302 monuments of various kinds were erected.
-
-[2569] See Hyde, pp. v-vi, for an alphabetic list of sculptors
-mentioned by Pausanias, or known from the recovered bases of statues at
-Olympia. See _supra_, p. 339, n. 1, end.
-
-[2570] Lysippos made two statues _honoris causa_ for Pythes, son of
-Andromachos, of Abdera: P., VI, 14.12; Hyde, 134a. Mikon made two
-statues for King Hiero of Syracuse, one represented on foot and the
-other on horseback, which I have classed as “honor” statues: P., VI,
-12.2; Hyde, 105a. All the “honor” statues at Olympia named by Pausanias
-are listed in the work cited, on p. v.
-
-[2571] _H. N._, Bk. XXXIV, _passim_. One other sculptor, Kratinos,
-named by Pausanias, is noted by Pliny as a painter only: _ibid._, XXXV,
-140 and 147.
-
-
-
-
-INDEX.
-
-
- Aberdeen head, 87.
-
- Academy, festival in honor of Athenian soldiers at the, 11.
-
- Achæans, games among, 20;
- in Homer, 1, 7;
- origin of sports among, 1.
-
- Achaia, erects victor statue at Olympia, 30;
- Pausanias’ account of, 323.
-
- _Achilleae_, definition of, 92, note 6;
- statues, 87, 226.
-
- Achilles, casts _solos_ at games of Patroklos, 218;
- fights with Telephos, on Tegea pediment, 306, 307;
- shield of, 5;
- yields prize to Agamemnon, 8.
-
- Acrobats, among Athenians, 5;
- in Crete, 2, 3;
- in Homer, 5;
- in modern Italy, 5;
- in Thessaly, 5;
- at Tiryns, 2, 3;
- on Vapheio cups, 5.
-
- Actors, statues of victorious, at Olympia, 285.
-
- _Adlocutio_, gesture of, 132.
-
- Admetos, boxing match with Mopsos, on chest of Kypselos, 285.
-
- Adonis(?), statue of, 74.
-
- _Adorantes se feminae_, statues by Apellas, 131.
-
- Adoration and prayer, as athletic motives, 130f.
-
- Aegean civilization, 1f.;
- unathletic character of, 7.
-
- Aegina, games on, 20;
- date of gable statues from temple of Aphaia, 125;
- gable statues from temple of Aphaia, 123f.;
- influence of sculptors on “Apollo” statues, 102;
- kneeling Herakles, from East gable, 195;
- movement in gable statues, 176;
- observation of nature in, 244;
- runners, from West gable, 195;
- sculptors from, 122f.;
- sculptors in favor at Olympia, 264;
- temple of Aphaia on, 123f.
-
- Aeginetans, at battle of Salamis, 125.
-
- Aelian, on bronze horses of Kimon, 363.
-
- Aesthetic judgments of classical writers, 58.
-
- Africanus, list of stade victors in, 191;
- on omission of 211th Olympiad, 369.
-
- Agamemnon, prize of, 8;
- the _Agamemnon_ of Aischylos, 75.
-
- Agasias, sculptor, 208.
-
- Agathinos, statue at Olympia, 345.
-
- Age, classification of Greek athletes by, 189;
- in Plato’s _Republic_, 189.
-
- Ageladas; see Hagelaïdas, 190.
-
- Agenor, statue at Olympia, 30, 118.
-
- Agesarchos, statue at Olympia, 129.
-
- Agiadas, statue at Olympia, 123.
-
- Agias, statue at Delphi, 46, 365, 366;
- statue at Pharsalos, 366;
- careless finish of Delphian statue, 304;
- compared with _Apoxyomenos_ of Vatican, 289;
- compared with _Farnese Herakles_, 253;
- epigram on base of statue, 328;
- as example of assimilation, 94;
- fillet on, 150;
- as statue “double,” 304;
- as statue of a pancratiast, 292;
- supplants _Apoxyomenos_ as norm of Lysippos, 290, 291f.;
- swollen ear of, 168;
- why considered copy, 303f., 316.
-
- Agids, tomb in Sparta, 362.
-
- Agilochos, statue at Olympia, 357.
-
- _Agon_ (_Contest_), figure in group of Mikythos, 164, 215.
-
- Agorakritos, sculptor, 182.
-
- Agrippa, M., removes the _Apoxyomenos_ to Rome, 289.
-
- Aiakos, games in honor of, 20.
-
- Aigion, boy from, chosen as priest for his beauty, 57.
-
- Aigistratos, Olympic victor statue at Lindos, 372.
-
- Aigospotamoi, battle of, 352;
- memorial at Delphi, 278.
-
- Aigyptos, equestrian monument at Olympia, 120, 267, 279.
-
- Ainetos, statue at Amyklai, 371.
-
- Aischines, statue at Olympia, 29, 214, 346.
-
- Aischylos, on ἀγώνιοι θεοί, 75;
- _Agamemnon_ of, 75.
-
- Aischylos, victor relief, in honor of the Dioskouroi, 96, 97.
-
- Ajax, acrobatic feat of, 3;
- combat with Diomedes, 8;
- on r.-f. Etruscan stamnos, 132.
-
- Akarnania, 318.
-
- Akastos, games of, depicted on chest of Kypselos and on throne
- of Apollo at Amyklai, 12.
-
- Akestorides, statue at Olympia, 345, 354.
-
- Akontistai; see Javelin-throwers.
-
- Akousilaos, statue at Olympia, 130, 165.
-
- Akragas, bronze statue dedicated at Olympia by people of, 130;
- decadrachm of, 48.
-
- Akropolis at Athens, Aeginetan bronze head from, 123;
- Argive bronze head from, 114, 115;
- athlete statue from, 115, 127;
- chariot-race relief from, 128;
- ephebe head, yellow-haired, from, 116;
- excavations of, 126;
- Hermes relief from, 270;
- Korai from, 115, 126;
- _la petite boudeuse_ from, 115;
- pre-Persian sculptures from, 126f.;
- Old Temple of Athena on, 128, 271.
-
- _Akroteria_, winged figures as, 177.
-
- Aktion, “Apollos” from, 103, 334.
-
- Alabastron, on statue of Milo at Olympia, 107.
-
- Alexander the Great, bust of, from Alexandria, 316;
- coin of, showing Herakles, 253;
- funeral games in honor of, 11;
- head of, in Copenhagen, from sarcophagus, 95;
- institutes funeral games for Hephaistion, 11;
- portraits of, 56;
- portraits of, by Lysippos, 290, 311, 316;
- pensiveness in portraits of, 318;
- statue of, by Lysippos, 73.
-
- _Alexander Sarcophagus_, so-called, in Constantinople, 275.
-
- Alexinikos, statue at Olympia, 122.
-
- Alkainetos, statue at Olympia, 343, 352.
-
- Alkamenes, and _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ type, 89;
- _Enkrinomenos_ of, 134;
- and Olympia gable statues, 113;
- and _Standing Diskobolos_, 76.
-
- Alkandridas, P. Ailios, statue at Olympia, 360.
-
- Alketos, statue at Olympia, 120, 344.
-
- Alki, temple of Apollo at, 336.
-
- Alkibiades, victor at Olympia, 257;
- so-called _Alkibiades_ of the Vatican, 199.
-
- Alkibios, base of statue of, from Akropolis, 284.
-
- Alkinoos, King of Scheria, 210.
-
- Alkmena, 10.
-
- Alpheios, river at Olympia, 49, 258.
-
- Altars, at Olympia: of Aphrodite, 351;
- near Stadion, 283;
- of Nymphs, 351;
- of Seasons, 351;
- scattered positions of, 341;
- of Zeus; see Great Altar of Zeus.
-
- Altis at Olympia, East Byzantine wall of, 345, 357;
- erection of statues in, 27, 99;
- excavation of, 24;
- honor statues in, 339;
- location of earliest statues in, 299;
- North Byzantine wall of, 359;
- _periegesis_ of Pausanias in, 151, 298;
- positions of victor statues in, 339f.;
- processional entrance of, 347;
- processional way of, 348;
- Roman enlargement of, 348;
- routes (ἔφοδοι) of Pausanias in, 339f.;
- South Terrace wall of, 346;
- South wall of, 339, 341, 345, 347, 352, 357;
- Southwest gate of, 360;
- statues “within,” 347;
- topography of, 339;
- West Byzantine wall of, 358;
- West wall of, 347, 355f.
-
- Alypos, sculptor, 120.
-
- Amaltheia, ivory horn of, at Olympia, 264, 265.
-
- Amastris, coin of, showing figure of Hermes, 78.
-
- Amazon, of Polykleitos, 159;
- torso of Atalanta from Tegea pediment, draped as, 306.
-
- Ambrakia, 105.
-
- Amelung, W., on supposed absence of libation-pouring in athletic art,
- 140;
- on head in Turin, 93;
- on statuette in Vatican, 212, 244.
-
- Amenartas; see Amenerdis.
-
- Amenerdis, Egyptian queen, statue of, 331.
-
- Amenemhat III, co-regent of Horfuabra, 330.
-
- Amentum; see Thong.
-
- Amertas, statue of, at Olympia, 117.
-
- Amphiaraos vase, in Berlin, 13, 269, 280;
- Amphiaraos, on chest of Kypselos, 269;
- reliefs in honor of, 273.
-
- Amphiareion, at Oropos, 272, 273.
-
- Amphidamas, games of, 19.
-
- Amphiktyonic League, 17.
-
- Amphion, sculptor, 277.
-
- Amphipolis, games at, 11.
-
- Amyklai, temple of Apollo at, 19.
-
- Amykos, boxing match of, with Polydeukes, 269;
- invention of boxing-gloves ascribed to, 236.
-
- Amyntas, statue at Olympia, 129, 354.
-
- Analogy, in Greek art, 66.
-
- Anatomy, knowledge of, in Greek sculpture, 56;
- in Aeginetan gable statues, 124;
- in Ligourió bronze, 111;
- studied in Alexandria, 289.
-
- Anauchidas, statue at Olympia, 341.
-
- Anaxandros, statue at Olympia, 130, 266.
-
- Anaxilas, as dedicator of Delphi _Charioteer_, 278.
-
- Ancestors, worship of, in Greece, 14.
-
- Ancient writings of the Eleans, 15.
-
- Andokides, vase-painter, 229, 230.
-
- Andreas, sculptor, 118.
-
- Angelion, sculptor, 122, 304, 334.
- See also Tektaios.
-
- Aniconic statues, 58.
-
- Anochos, statue at Olympia, 110, 111.
-
- Anointing, as athletic motive, 133f.
-
- Antaios, bout with Herakles, on proto-Attic amphora, 13.
-
- Antenor, sculptor, 174, 175.
-
- Anthologies, Greek, 43, 239, 368.
-
- Anthropometry in Greek sculpture, 68.
-
- Antidotos, painter, 29, 233.
-
- Antigenes, statue at Olympia, 357.
-
- Antignotos, sculptor, 136.
-
- Antigonos, statue at Olympia, 346.
-
- Antikythera, bronze statue of youth from sea near, 80f.;
- statuette from sea near, 78, 79.
-
- Antioch, date of founding of, 121.
-
- Antipatros, statue at Olympia, 118;
- father of, bribed by Syracuse, 33.
-
- Antoninus Pius, coins of, showing pine, 21.
-
- Apellas, sculptor, 131, 267, 367.
-
- Aphaia, temple of, on Aegina, 123f.
-
- Aphrodeisios, Tiberios Klaudios, statue at Olympia, 359;
- victor in horse-race, 262.
-
- Aphrodite, altar at Olympia, 351;
- statue in Heraion at Olympia, 326;
- temple at Naukratis, 334.
-
- _Apobates_, chariot-race, 272f.;
- armor worn in, 272, 273;
- known at Athens and in Bœotia, 273;
- preserves tradition of Homeric warfare, 272;
- on reliefs, 272;
- _apobates_, horse-race, at Olympia, 282f.
-
- Apollas, lost work of, on Olympic victors, 45, 130, 343.
-
- Apollo, as athlete, 88;
- beaten in running, 76;
- beats Ares in boxing, 88, 235, 285;
- beats Hermes in running, 88, 285;
- as charioteer, 129, 270;
- combat with Herakles, 88, 89;
- cult statue of, represented on vases, 335;
- as god of boxing at Delphi, 235;
- as god of boxing in Homer, 235;
- as god of contests, 75;
- as god of youth, 88;
- hymn to, 25;
- on coins of Athens, 90;
- on relief in Capitoline, 89;
- on relief with Artemis and Leto, in Louvre, 284;
- tripods in worship of, 19.
-
- Statues: _Apollo Alexikakos_, by Kalamis, 90;
- from temple of Apollo at Alki, 336;
- from Delos, 334, 335;
- colossal, from Delos, 336;
- from Mausoleion, 311;
- colossal, from Olympia, 91;
- _Philesian Apollo_, by elder Kanachos, 107, 118, 336;
- from Porto d’Anzio, 144;
- Praxitelian, in Medici Gardens, Rome, 313;
- from West gable, Olympia, 114-116.
-
- Statuettes: bronze from Naxos, in Berlin, 74, 119;
- Payne Knight bronze, British Museum, 108, 119;
- bronze, from Piombino, Louvre, 118;
- Sciarra bronze, Rome, 119.
-
- Temples: of Apollo Lykios, 364;
- at Bassai, 327;
- at Naukratis, 334.
-
- “Apollo,” type of, in sculpture, 100f.;
- Aeginetan influence on, 102;
- _Choiseul-Gouffier_, 89f., 91, 148;
- funerary in character, 336, 337;
- “grinning” and “stolid” groups, 100;
- name “Apollo,” 337;
- name rightly applied to statues found in sanctuaries of Apollo, 334-336;
- nudity of, 48;
- represents early victor statues, 334f.;
- _on-the-Omphalos_, 89f., 168.
-
- Statues of: from Aktion, 103, 334;
- from Cyprus, 337;
- from Delphi, 148;
- colossal, from Megara, 336;
- from Melos, 100f.;
- from Mount Ptoion, 100-103, 120, 123, 334;
- from Naukratis, 334;
- from Naxos, 328, 334;
- from Orchomenos, 100, 101, 103, 328, 334;
- from Pompeii, 111;
- from Tenea, 100f., 127, 148, 327, 328, 336;
- from Thera, 100f., 327, 337;
- from Volomandra, 100, 104, 337.
-
- Apollonia, head from, 157.
-
- Apollonios, sculptor, 168, 224;
- quoted by Philostratos, 107.
-
- Apollonios, T. Ailios Aurelios, Olympic victor, statue at Athens, 370.
-
- Apollonios, victor at Olympia, fined by the umpires, 34.
-
- _Apoxyomenos_, the, after Lysippos, 74;
- statue in Vatican, 136, 288f.;
- pose of, 81, 99;
- regarded formerly as center of stylistic treatment of Lysippos, 288;
- so regarded by some scholars now, 291;
- present doubts of, 290;
- display of anatomical knowledge in, 289;
- compared with the _Agias_, 289f.;
- as work of Lysippos’ school, 292;
- of third century B. C., 292;
- _Apoxyomenos_ of Polykleitos, 136;
- statue in Uffizi as, 136, 137, 168.
-
- Apples, prizes at Delphi, 21, 107, 182.
-
- Aratos, statesman, honor statue at Olympia, 42.
-
- Aratos, victor, painting of, 29.
-
- Archaism, break with, in the statue of the ephebe from the Akropolis,
- 115.
-
- Archedamos, statue at Olympia, 120.
-
- Archemoros, 10.
-
- Archery, in Homer, 8.
-
- Archiadas, statue at Olympia, 358.
-
- Archias, victor statue at Delphi, 368.
-
- Archidamas, chariot victor, statue at Olympia, 265.
-
- Archidamas III, King of Sparta, statues at Olympia, 42.
-
- Archippos, statue at Olympia, 346.
-
- Ares, beaten by Apollo in boxing, 235, 285;
- _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos converted into Ares, 74;
- head of, in Munich, 170;
- helmeted head of, in Louvre, 170;
- Ludovisi statue of, 170;
- swollen ears on heads of, 170.
-
- Argeiadas, sculptor, 110.
-
- Argive “Apollos” from Delphi, 104, 106;
- Argive and Sikyonian canons, 68.
-
- Argos, canon of early sculptors of, 68;
- characteristics of sculptors of, 116;
- Nemean games held at, 17;
- prizes at, 20;
- public chariot of, victorious at Olympia, 31, 257;
- public horse of, victorious at Olympia, 31, 257;
- school of sculptors from, 58, 109f., 105;
- schools of Argos and Sikyon, 109f.;
- square shoulders of canon of sculptors from, 112.
-
- Arion, victor statue on Helikon, 284.
-
- Aristarchos, statue at Olympia, 358.
-
- Aristeides, the Elder, painter, 29.
-
- Aristeus, statue, at Olympia, 344.
-
- Aristion, statue at Olympia, 46, 88, 117, 159 and note 3, 240, 345.
-
- Aristion, stele of, 124, 127.
- See Aristokles.
-
- Aristodamos, statue at Olympia, 356.
-
- Aristodemos, statue at Olympia, 120.
-
- Aristogeiton, statue of, 173f.
- See also Harmodios and _Tyrannicides_.
-
- Aristokles, Cretan sculptor of Sikyon, 118, 120.
-
- Aristokles, sculptor of Aristion stele, 127.
-
- Ariston, of Rhegion, kitharoidos, 284.
-
- Ariston, P. Kornelios, statue at Olympia, 359.
-
- Aristonikos of Egypt, beaten at Olympia, 147.
-
- Aristonikos of Karystos, ball-player, 84.
-
- Aristophanes, 36, 246;
- scholia on, 110, 363.
-
- Aristophanes, of Byzantion, 367.
-
- Aristophon, statue at Olympia, 31, 345, 368;
- at Athens, 368.
-
- Aristotimos, 42.
-
- Aristotle, honor statue at Olympia, 42;
- lost work of, on Olympic victors, 45, 130, 343;
- on inscribed base of statue of unknown Olympic victor, 367;
- on jumping, 214;
- on jumping-weights, 216;
- in praise of “mimetic” arts, 58.
-
- Arkadia, funeral games in, 9, 20;
- Pausanias’ description of, 326;
- statue of unnamed boxer from, at Olympia, 245.
-
- Arkas, father of Azan, 9.
-
- Arkesilaos, of Sparta, statue at Olympia, 29.
-
- Arkesilas IV, of Kyrene, chariot victor at Olympia 257;
- chariot model at Delphi, 24, 265, 267;
- as dedicator of the Delphi _Charioteer_, 277.
-
- Arm, right, of boy victor, from Olympia, 46;
- bronze right arm from statue of Olympic victor, 322.
-
- Armed contest, in early Greek art, 8-9.
-
- Armor, race in; see Hoplite-race.
-
- Arndt, P., on so-called _Jason_, of Louvre, 87;
- on the Perinthos and allied heads, 180.
-
- Arolsen, statuette of diskobolos in, 187.
-
- Arrhachion, crowned after death, 247;
- statue at Phigalia, 100, 325, 326f., 328, 335, 337, 363;
- inscription on, 333;
- one of oldest victor statues, 327, 333;
- three victories of 327;
- throttled by adversary, 247.
-
- _Ars statuaria_, defined by Pliny, 302.
-
- Artemas, P. Ailios, statue at Olympia, 360.
-
- Artemidoros, Olympic victor, 354.
-
- Artemidoros, T. Phlabios, statue in Naples, 369.
-
- Artemis, on Sparta relief, 284.
-
- Artemisia, chariot-group of, 264.
-
- Artists, statues of, at Olympia, 285.
-
- Arvanitopoullos, A. S., on bronze statue of youth found in sea off
- Antikythera, 81, 84.
-
- Aryballos, 74, 119, 137, 138, 212;
- on vase-paintings, 133;
- wrongly as wrestler attribute, 165.
-
- Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, head of _Diadoumenos_ in, 154.
-
- Asiatics, wear loin-cloth, 48.
-
- Asios, fragment of, 52.
-
- Asklepiades, M. Aurelios, dedicates statue in Rome to father, 370.
-
- Asklepiades, P., dedicates bronze diskos at Olympia, 22, 360.
-
- Asklepieion, the, at Athens, statues in, 130.
-
- Asklepios, temple at Sikyon, 370.
-
- Assimilation of statues of men to god and hero types, 71f.;
- of Olympic victor statues, 71f.;
- to types of Apollo, 88f.;
- of the Dioskouroi, 96f.;
- of Herakles, 93f., 319;
- of Hermes, 75f.
-
- Assurbanipal, reliefs from palace of, at Nineveh, 330.
-
- Assyro-Babylonian art, reliefs of, represented in motion, 177;
- influence on early Greek art, 329.
-
- Astragalos, base in form of, at Olympia, 240.
-
- Astylos, bribed by Hiero of Syracuse, 33;
- statue at Kroton, 33, 363;
- at Olympia, 179, 363.
-
- Asymmetry, example of, 70.
-
- Atalanta, soul of, chooses body of athlete, in Plato’s myth of Er, 36;
- statue of, from Tegea, 306, 310, 316.
-
- Athena, Alea, temple at Tegea, 306;
- Chalkioikos, hieron of, in Sparta, 283;
- helmeted heads of, 53;
- _Lemnia_, 53;
- Old Temple of, on Akropolis, 128, 271;
- on relief from Tarentum, 96.
-
- Athenæus, 57, 284.
-
- _Athenaia_; see _Panathenaia_.
-
- Athenaios, statue at Olympia, 244, 343, 353.
-
- Athens, athletes at, divided into two classes according to age, 189;
- coins of, showing Apollo, 90;
- statues of victors in, 26-27;
- Gymnasion of Ptolemy at, 166.
-
- Athletes: bare-foot and bare-headed, 48;
- head of, in Capitoline called Juba II, 166;
- head of, in Metropolitan Museum, showing swollen ears, 168;
- statue of, in Copenhagen resembling the _Agias_, 293;
- statue found at Ephesos, 137, 138;
- two statues in lunging attitude, in Dresden, 292;
- statue from Palazzo Farnese, now in London, 293;
- statue of late style in Lansdowne House, London, 180;
- statues of, adorn palæstræ and gymnasia, 297;
- statues of, assimilated to types of Apollo, 88f.;
- of the Dioskouroi, 96-97;
- of Herakles, 93f.;
- of Hermes, 75f.;
- bronze statuette in Louvre, 213, 214; etc.
-
- Athletics, origin and early history of Greek, 1f.;
- in Crete, 1f.;
- at Delphi, 25;
- in Homer, 7f.;
- athletics and Greek religion, 14;
- influence on sculpture, 64;
- athletic funeral scene on a Cypriote silver vase from Etruria, 13;
- Argive-Sikyonian school of athletic sculptors, 1, 109f.
-
- Attalos, base of victor statue of Attalos, father of Attalos I, at
- Pergamon, 368;
- Portico of, in Athens, 368.
-
- Attic sculptors, 126f.;
- characteristics of, 128;
- examples of pre-Persian sculptures, 281;
- influence on Polykleitos, 152, 153;
- old Attic canon of proportions, 68.
-
- Attributes of victor statues, 147f.;
- primary, 148f.;
- secondary 161f.
-
- Augustus, coins of, showing celery, 21;
- enlarges privileges of athletes in Rome, 33;
- statue from Primaporta, 82.
-
- Aura, victorious mare of Pheidolas, 279.
-
- Aurelius, M. Antoninus, 43.
-
- Authors; see Poets, Prose-writers.
-
- Autolykos, statue in Athens, 27.
-
- Autun, statuette of pancratiast from, in Louvre, 167, 250.
-
- _Aves_, the, of Aristophanes, quoted, 206.
-
- Azan, games of, in Arkadia, 9, 259.
-
-
- Bacchiadas, flutist, statue on Helikon, 284.
-
- Bacchylides, 10, 36.
-
- Ball-playing (σφαιρίζειν), in antiquity, 83, 84;
- game known as φανίνδα, 84;
- Spartan origin of, 84.
-
- Barbarians, invade Greece in Middle Ages, 322;
- destroy victor statues at Olympia, 43.
-
- Barberini Palace, Rome, statue in, 142;
- estate of the Barberini, 50.
-
- Barracco Collection, Rome, athlete statue in, 156.
-
- Bases; see Victor statue bases.
-
- Bassai, temple of Apollo Epikourios at, 327.
-
- Bates, W. N., on interpretation of head of boy statue from Sparta, 305.
-
- Bathykles, sculptor, 12.
-
- Battos of Kyrene, group of, dedicated at Delphi, 277.
-
- Baukis, statue at Olympia, 117.
-
- Beauty, contest of, among women, in Arkadia, 57;
- in Elis, 57;
- on Lesbos, 57;
- at Panathenaic games, Athens, 57;
- on Tenedos, 57;
- games in honor of, 57;
- Greek worship of, 57;
- youth chosen for, at Tanagra, 57.
-
- Bellerophon, on Chimæra tomb, Xanthos, 271.
-
- _Belvedere Hermes_, statue in Vatican, 72.
-
- Beneventum, head from, in Louvre, 63.
-
- Beni-Hasan, Egypt, wall-paintings at, 1, 228.
-
- Benndorf, on Boboli athlete in Florence, 180;
- on epigram relative to Ladas, 197;
- on Pliny’s _nudus talo incessens_ of Polykleitos, 250.
-
- Bieber, Fräulein, on various artistic tendencies in the Daochos group,
- 291.
-
- _Bigae_ and _quadrigae_, mentioned by Pliny, 264.
-
- Biting, prohibited in pankration, 246.
-
- Biton (?), statue of, from Delphi, 105.
-
- Bloch, on the Uffizi _Apoxyomenos_, 137.
-
- Boboli athlete in Florence, 180;
- _Hermes_, 85.
-
- Boeckh, on division of athletes according to age at Athens, 189.
-
- Boëdromion, month of, 18.
-
- Bœotian games in Thebes, statues erected for, 26.
-
- Boetticher, on Praxitelian origin of head from Olympia, 294.
-
- Bologna, r.-f. krater in, 90.
-
- _Bonus Eventus_ (?), statue found in Rhine, 276.
-
- Boreas, winged, on relief in Metropolitan Museum, 194.
-
- _Borghese Warrior_ (_Gladiator_), statue by Agasias, 169, 208, 209,
- 290.
-
- Borsdorf, bronze bowl from, 231.
-
- Bosanquet, R. C., on bronze statuette found in sea off Antikythera, 79.
-
- _Boudeuse, la petite_, statue from Akropolis, 115.
-
- Bouleuterion; see Council-house.
-
- Bouprasion, Nestor contends at, 9.
-
- Bow, attribute of _Philesian Apollo_, 119.
-
- _Boxer Vase_, from Hagia Triada, 6, 7, 235.
-
- Boxers, bases of statues of, at Olympia, 240, 241;
- bearded, on University of Pennsylvania Panathenaic amphora, 239;
- between groups of warriors and dancers on an eighth century B. C.
- vase, 13;
- boxer known as “man with crushed ear,” 167;
- on _Boxer Vase_, 6, 7;
- bronze head of boxer or pancratiast, from Olympia, 146, 254, 255,
- 322;
- on bronze shield from Mount Ida, 235;
- caps of, 165f.;
- head in Munich, with swollen ears, 63, 168;
- positions of, on vases, 239;
- _pyctae_ (?), by Myron, 188;
- on pyxis, from Knossos, 7;
- on r.-f. kylix in the British Museum, 239;
- on r.-f. kylix of Douris, 239;
- _Seated Boxer_, of Museo delle Terme, 145f.;
- statues of, represented in motion, 243;
- statue of, with _Diadoumenos_ motive, 155;
- statue in Kassel, 242;
- statue in Lansdowne House, London, 155;
- statue in Palazzo Albani, Rome, 165;
- statue from Sorrento, 242;
- statuette of, from Olympia, 28, 244;
- swollen ear of, 240, 241.
-
- Boxing, 234f.;
- antiquity of, 235;
- in Crete, 3, 5, 6, 7, 235;
- in Homer, 8, 234;
- invented by Theseus, 235;
- more dangerous than pankration, 246;
- most popular sport at Olympia, 235;
- one of oldest sports, 234;
- when introduced at Olympia, 235;
- boys’ contest, when introduced at Olympia, 235;
- painful character of, 234f.;
- two periods of, 235;
- at Sparta, 167;
- on vases, 239.
-
- Boxing-gloves, 235f.;
- on _Boxer Vase_, 7, 235;
- in Crete, 235;
- in Homer, 235;
- described by Pausanias and Philostratos, 236;
- forms of, 236;
- heavy (σφαῖραι or ἱμάντες ὀξεῖς), 235f.;
- soft (ἱμάντες λεπτοί or μειλίχαι) 235f.;
- method of putting on, 236;
- not used in pankration, 246;
- soft, on bronze arm found in sea off Antikythera, 236;
- on fist from Verona, 238;
- on forearms of _Seated Boxer_ of the Museo delle Terme, 237, 238;
- on statue from Herculaneum, 238;
- on statue from Sorrento, 238.
-
- _Boy Binding on a Fillet_ (ἀναδούμενος), by Pheidias, 150.
-
- _Boy Crowning Himself_, copies of statue of, identified with statue
- of Kyniskos at Olympia, 156;
- on funerary relief, 155.
-
- Boy victors, statues of, at Olympia, 31;
- fragments of, 324, 325;
- less than life-size, 46;
- boy victor (?) from Sparta, head from statue of, 305f.;
- as case of assimilation, 319f.;
- as an eclectic work, 37, 38;
- chiefly Lysippan, 311, 318;
- compared with head of Philandridas, 316;
- surface modeling of, 318.
-
- Branchidai, 304, 336.
-
- Brasidas, games in honor of, 11.
-
- Bribery, of Olympic victors, 33;
- at Epidauros, the Isthmus, etc., 34.
-
- Brimias, statue at Olympia, 346.
-
- Bronze, used for victor statues, 321f.;
- more expensive than marble, 323, 326;
- bronze and stone monuments together, 323.
-
- Brunn, on Aeginetan art, 124;
- on archaic Attic art, 124;
- on Daidalian ξόανα, 328;
- on the _Oil-pourer_ in Munich, 134;
- on Olympia pediment groups, 114;
- on _Standing Diskobolos_, 76;
- on symmetry and rhythm, 66;
- on Tux bronze, 207;
- on the Vaison and Farnese types of the _Diadoumenos_, 154.
-
- _Brutus_, the, of Cicero, 60.
-
- Brygos, r.-f. kylix in style of, 204.
-
- Bull, in Crete, 1f.;
- zone of the, at Olympia, 355.
-
- Bulle, on boxer head from Olympia, 255;
- on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, 82;
- on the Polykleitan _Diadoumenos_, 151;
- on _Doryphoros_, 227;
- on dying hoplite relief, 209;
- on Egyptian influence on early Greek sculpture, 330;
- on ephebe statue from Akropolis, 115;
- on _Farnese Herakles_, 253;
- on hair technique of Greek sculptors, 53;
- on the _Idolino_, 141, 142;
- on the _Oil-pourer_, 134;
- on Tux bronze, 207;
- on statues of two wrestlers, from Herculaneum, 231.
-
- Bull-grappling, in Crete, 2f.;
- in Tiryns, 2, 3;
- on Vapheio cups, 355;
- in Thessaly, 5;
- in Viterbo, 5.
-
- Bull-ring, ivory model of, from Knossos, 3.
-
- Burgon vase, 260.
-
- Bybon, inscribed _solos_ of, from Olympia, 22, 218.
-
- Bykelos, statue at Olympia, 120.
-
- Byzantine church, the, at Olympia, 347, 356f.
-
- Byzantine walls, at Olympia, 345, 357, 358, 359.
-
-
- Caere (Cerveteri), Amphiaraos vase from, 13 and note 1;
- hydrias from, 52.
-
- Candia, Museum at, 2, 3.
-
- Canina, discovers the _Apoxyomenos_ of the Vatican, 288.
-
- Canon, of Polykleitos, 69.
-
- Canons of proportions, 65f.
-
- Cap, of boxers and pancratiasts, 165f.;
- on athlete head called Juba II, 166;
- on relief in Rome, 166;
- on Munich kylix, 166-167;
- on statuette from Autun, 167.
-
- Capua, bronze statuette from, 207.
-
- Caracalla, baths of, 252.
-
- Caricature, Theban law against, 57.
-
- Casa Buonarroti, Florence, arm of _Diskobolos_ from, 186.
-
- Caskey, L. D., on Sparta head of boy athlete, 305, 306, 310, 319.
-
- Castel Porziano, copy of _Diskobolos_ from, 184.
-
- Castellani copy of _Spinario_, 202.
-
- Catania, coins of, showing _Nike_, 182.
-
- Cauldron, as early prize, from Cumae, 20.
-
- Celery, fresh, used for wreaths at Nemea, 20, 21;
- wild, used for wreaths at the Isthmus, 21.
-
- _Celetizontes pueri_, of Kanachos, 120.
-
- Cerveteri; see Caere.
-
- Cestus, described by Virgil, 239;
- metal, invented by Romans, 238, 239;
- not mentioned by late Greek writers, 239;
- not used in Greek contests, 235.
-
- Chabrias, general, statue of, 173.
-
- Chæroneia, battle of, 301.
-
- Chalkis, 19.
-
- _Champion_, the, of East gable of temple on Aegina, 207;
- of West gable, 126.
-
- Chamyne; see Demeter.
-
- Chancery, hold in pankration, 247, 248.
-
- Chaplet, as victor attribute, 148.
-
- Chariots, Athenian type on vases, 262;
- on Cretan relief, 262;
- war-chariot in Crete and at Mycenæ, 262;
- on Mycenæan tombstones, 262;
- dedication of, 22;
- descendant of Homeric war-chariot, 260;
- four-horse, 262;
- four-horse, on vases, 263;
- four-horse, on marble relief, 268, 269;
- miniature models of, at Olympia, 23;
- war-chariot from Monteleone, in Metropolitan Museum, 263;
- two-horse, on vases, 263;
- two types of Greek racing-chariot, 262;
- on eighth century B. C. vase, 263;
- zone of, at Olympia, 345, 346, 352.
-
- Charioteers, statues of, 274f.;
- close-fitting chiton of, 275;
- long chiton of, 48, 263, 273, 274;
- nude, 48, 275, 276;
- statue of, in Boston, 275;
- statue of, at Delphi, 48, 81, 90, 276f.;
- inscription on, 277;
- part of a group, 277;
- copies of, 277;
- deficiencies of, 278;
- Gelo as dedicator of, 278;
- as Aeginetan, 278;
- as Attic work, 278;
- assigned to Pythagoras, 278;
- statue of, from Esquiline, 276;
- statue of (?) found in Rhine near Xanten, 276;
- relief of, mounting chariot, from Akropolis, 128, 269.
-
- Chariot-groups, at Olympia, 264f.;
- remains of, 269.
-
- Chariot-race, antiquity at Olympia, 259;
- common in Greece, 257f.;
- most brilliant event at Olympia and elsewhere, 257;
- one of earliest events at Olympia, 259;
- with two colts (συνωρὶς πώλων), at Olympia, 260;
- harnessing of two horses, on b.-f. hydria, 263;
- groups, remains at Olympia, 269;
- with four colts (πώλων ἅρμα), at Olympia, when introduced, 260;
- with four horses (τέθριππον or ἵππων τελείων δρόμος), when introduced
- at Olympia, 259, 260;
- four-horse (τέθριππον), on Panathenaic vase from Sparta, 263;
- length of race with four colts at Olympia, 260;
- length of race with four full-grown horses at Olympia, 260;
- with mules (ἀπήνη), when introduced at Olympia, 261;
- at oldest funeral games, in Arkadia, 259;
- oldest monument of, at Olympia, 264, 265;
- origin of in mythical times, 259;
- originally with two horses, 260;
- when stopped at Olympia, 261;
- sport of wealthy, 257;
- representations, common on vases, 262f.;
- trotting-race with mares (κάλπη), 261, 282.
- See _Apobates_, chariot-race.
-
- Chariot victors, dedicate chariot-groups at Olympia, 264f.;
- dedicate models of chariots at Olympia, 265;
- dedicate statues at Olympia, 265;
- act as own charioteers, 266-267.
-
- Charmides, statue at Olympia, 342.
-
- Charops, statue at Olympia, 358.
-
- Chase, G. H., on bronze tripods in Loeb collection, 194, note 7;
- on Monteleone chariot, 264.
-
- Cheilon, ephor of Sparta, died of joy at Olympia, 36.
-
- Cheilon, date of second victory of, 301;
- fights at Lamia, 301;
- statue at Olympia, 32, 121, 298.
-
- Cheimon, statue at Argos, 366;
- at Olympia, 117, 234, 344, 366.
-
- Cheirisophos, sculptor, 334.
-
- Chewsurs, of the Caucasus, funeral games among, 11.
-
- Chimæra tomb, so-called, at Xanthos, 271.
-
- Chinnery _Hermes_, head, 181.
-
- Chionis, statue at Olympia, 32, 333, 352, 362;
- tablet of, at Sparta, 362;
- record jump of, at Olympia, 216.
-
- Chios, early sculpture of, 177; games on, 189.
-
- Chisel, used in hair of the _Agias_ and _Philandridas_, 297.
-
- Chiton, conventional dress of charioteers, 275.
-
- Chiusi, wall-painting from, 217.
-
- Chlamys, on statues of Meleager, 313.
-
- _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_, statue known as, 89f.;
- replica of head in British Museum, 91;
- replica of head, from Kyrene 334;
- thongs on tree-trunk nearby, 165.
-
- Chorus, of boys and girls, in honor of victors, 34.
-
- Christodoros, description of statue of Hermes by, 87.
-
- Chrysippos, quoted by Galen, 70.
-
- Chrysothemis, sculptor, 105, 116.
-
- Cicero, as art critic, 60.
-
- Cincinnatus, 87.
-
- Circassians, funeral games among, 11.
-
- Circus, Roman, hair-fashion of athletes at, 52;
- finally supersedes equestrian contests of Olympia, 261.
-
- Cloak, prize at Pellene, 20.
-
- Club, on Cretan grave-relief, 199;
- on statuette from Palermo, 199.
-
- Cockerell, on dedication from Delphi, 372.
-
- Coins: of Antoninus Pius, showing pine, 21;
- of Alexander the Great, showing Herakles, 253;
- of Athens, showing Apollo, 90;
- of Augustus, showing celery, 21;
- of Catania, showing Nike, 182;
- of Commodus as Hercules, 74;
- of Delphi, showing Apollo, 92, 336;
- of Euagoras I, King of Salamis in Cyprus, showing swollen ears, 169;
- of Geta, 306;
- of Lucius Verus, 21;
- of Markianopolis, 87;
- of Messana, showing mule-car, 263;
- of Messene, 111;
- of Miletos, 74, 118, 119, 336;
- of Nero, 21;
- of Philip II, King of Macedon, showing victorious jockey with
- palm-branch, 280;
- of Philippopolis, 78;
- of Rhegion, showing mule-car, 263;
- of Selinos, showing celery wreath, 21;
- of Sicily, showing racing chariots, 262, 263;
- of Syracuse, showing Nike with tablet, 182;
- of Tarentum, showing _apobates_ horse-race, 282;
- showing poses of Olympic victor statues, 44;
- showing scenes of wrestling, 228.
-
- Collignon, M., on statue of Astylos, at Kroton, 364;
- on so-called _Borghese Warrior_, 209;
- on the _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos, 227;
- on Egyptian influence on early Greek sculpture, 329;
- on identification of the statue of Kyniskos, 159;
- on the Olympia gable sculptures, 114;
- on Tux bronze, 207.
-
- Color, on early Attic sculpture, 126.
-
- Commodus, statue in Mantua, 72;
- coins of, showing him as Hercules, 74.
-
- Concentration (αὐτάρκεια), in Greek statues, 82;
- in Myron’s statues, 183;
- in the _Diskobolos_, 137, 201.
-
- Concord, temple of, Rome, 234.
-
- Constantinople, sack of, by Franks, 253.
-
- _Contest_ (_Agon_), figure of, in Mikythos group at Olympia, 164, 215.
-
- Conversion of athlete statues into those of gods, 74.
-
- Conze, A., on “Apollo” type as representing victors, 335;
- on _Choiseul-Gouffier_ statue type, 90;
- on statue of Commodus at Mantua, 72.
-
- Copenhagen, heads in Ny-Carlsberg collection at, with swollen ears,
- 168.
-
- Corfu, bronze from, 96.
-
- Corinth, clay tablets from, 52, 182;
- festival at Isthmus of, 1;
- meeting-place of East and West, 17;
- near Isthmian games, 25;
- end of tyranny at, 17.
-
- Corn-grinding slave woman, Egyptian statuette of, 177.
-
- Council-house (Bouleuterion), at Olympia, 227, 344, 346, 349, 350, 355,
- 357, 358.
-
- Cow, sacrificed to Hera at the _Heraia_, Olympia, 49.
-
- Cowardice, case of, at Olympia, 34.
-
- Crete, acrobats of, 2;
- center of Aegean civilization, 1;
- costumes of men and women acrobats, 2, 4;
- Cretan youths dedicate offerings to Eros, 57;
- Cretan youths sacrifice to Apollo, the runner, 88;
- famed in the long race, 191;
- motion figures from, 3;
- origin of sports in, 1;
- physical development in, 6;
- sports in, 1f.
-
- Crœsus, fall of empire of, 126.
-
- Cross-buttocks, throw in wrestling, 229;
- shown in small bronze group in the Loeb Collection, 232, 233.
-
- Crown of wild olive, as temporary reward for victor, 37, 155f.
-
- Cuirass (?), prize at Argos, 20.
-
- Cumae, inscribed cauldron from, as prize, 20.
-
- Cures, effected by victor statues, 35.
-
- Curtius, E., on the Σκήνωμα in Sparta, 367.
-
- Cypriote silver vase in repoussé from Etruria, in Florence, 13.
-
-
- Daidalian ξόανα, 328.
-
- Daidalos, of Crete, mythical sculptor, 118.
-
- Daidalos, of Sikyon, sculptor, 109, 120, 138, 266, 279;
- Daidalos and canon of Polykleitos, 69;
- statues of _destringentes se_ by, 136;
- leg position of statues of, 159.
-
- Daïkles, victor, 20.
-
- Daïppos, sculptor, statues at Olympia, 121;
- _perixyomenoi_ by, 136.
-
- Daitondas, sculptor, 121.
-
- Dalecampius, on Myron’s _pristae_, 188.
-
- Damagetos, statue at Olympia, 36, 46, 355.
-
- Damaithidas, statue at Olympia, 358.
-
- Damaretos, statue at Olympia, 105, 116, 117, 161, 203.
-
- Dameas, sculptor, 116.
-
- Damokritos, sculptor, 120.
-
- Damonon, hippodrome victories of, in and near Lakonia, 257;
- acts as own charioteer, 266.
-
- Damoxenidas, statue at Olympia, 44.
-
- Damoxenos, slays Kreugas in pankration at Nemea, 237, 247.
-
- Danaë and Perseus, in a chest, 188.
-
- Dancers, bronze, from Herculaneum, identified with statue of Kyniska,
- 267;
- ceremonial of, at Knossos, 3;
- on shield of Achilles, 5.
-
- Daochos, dedicates statuary group at Pharsalos and Delphi, 286f.
-
- Dead, cult of, as origin of Greek games, 9f.
-
- Dedication, of athletic prizes, 21f.;
- formulæ at Olympia, 37.
-
- Deida, M., statue at Olympia, 359.
-
- Deinolochos, statue at Olympia, 120.
-
- Deinosthenes, statue at Olympia, 347.
-
- _Delian Apollo_, of Angelion and Tektaios, 304;
- “doubles” of, in Athens and Delphi, 304.
-
- Delos, Apollo from, 334;
- colossal Apollo from, 336;
- copy of _Diadoumenos_ from, 92f., 152, 153;
- Ionian festival on, 15;
- contests of Theseus in honor of Apollo on, 160;
- tripods in temple of Apollo on, 9.
-
- Delphi, “Apollos” from, 104;
- athletes divided into three classes according to age, 189;
- coins of, showing Apollo, 92, 336;
- coins of, showing laurel wreath, 21;
- contests at, 25;
- athletic, 25;
- dramatic, 25;
- equestrian, 25;
- flute solo, 25;
- lyre-playing, 25;
- music, as chief contest at, 25;
- painting, 25;
- poetry, 25;
- singing, 25;
- decrees of, to athletes, 26;
- Delphians sacrifice to Apollo the boxer, 88;
- festival at, 9;
- inscribed bases of victor monuments from, 26;
- mentioned by Homer, 9;
- oracle at, 18, 30, 34;
- religious interest of Pausanias in, 24;
- statue of pancratiast at, 26;
- statuette of victor from, 28;
- temple of Apollo at, 336;
- tripods in temple of Apollo at, 19;
- victor monuments at, 26;
- victor grave-relief from, 138.
-
- Demeter, the _Eleusinia_ in honor of, 18;
- Chamyne, priestess of, admitted to Olympia, 16;
- of Knidos, statue of, 311.
-
- Demetrios, M. Aurelios, Olympic victor statue in Rome, 370.
-
- Demetrios of Phaleron, honor statues in Athens, 41.
-
- Demetrios, sculptor, 56.
-
- Demokrates, statue at Olympia, 358.
-
- Deonna, W., against Egyptian influence on early Greek sculpture, 329.
-
- Dermys and Kitylos, grave-figures of, from Tanagra, 335.
-
- _Destringentes se_, statues mentioned by Pliny, 136.
-
- Diadoumenoi, or fillet-binders, 150f.
-
- _Diadoumenos_, of Pheidias, 150f.;
- older than that of Polykleitos, 151;
- motive of, 151;
- Farnese copy, 151;
- of Polykleitos, 152f.;
- as example of rest statue, 99;
- as example of “ethical grace,” 63;
- leg position of, 159;
- copy of, from Delos, 92f., 152, 153;
- other copies of, 152f.;
- head-style of, 152;
- British Museum head of, 153, 154;
- Dresden head of, 153;
- Kassel head of, 153;
- statuette from Smyrna, 154;
- on throne of Zeus at Olympia, 150;
- pose of Vaison and Farnese copies, 155.
-
- Diagoras, most famous Greek boxer, 365;
- statue at Olympia, 130, 365;
- size of, 45;
- family group of, 342, 343, 352.
-
- Diaulodromos, or double sprinter, 193;
- on Athens inscribed vase, 194.
-
- Dickins, G., on _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, 90;
- on statuette of trumpeter from Sparta, 283.
-
- Didymaion, near Miletos, 108;
- statues at, 26.
-
- Diitrephes, statue on Akropolis, 199 and note 5, 373.
-
- Dikon, three statues at Olympia, 29, 55;
- bribed by Syracuse, 33.
-
- Dio Chrysostom, on art, 61;
- on confusing athlete and hero statues, 71;
- on difference between victor and honor statues, 41;
- on Theagenes’ statue at Thasos, 364.
-
- Diodoros, on Egyptian influence on early Greek sculpture, 330;
- on proportion in Egyptian statuary, 67, note 4;
- on family of the artist Rhoikos of Samos, 330;
- on _Pythian Apollo_ by Telekles and Theodoros, 334.
-
- Diogenes, five times victor in trumpeting, at Olympia, 283;
- base of statue at Olympia, 360.
-
- Diogenes Laertios, on gold statue vowed by Periandros, 266;
- on Pythagoras, 67, 179.
-
- Diomedes, as boxer, 169;
- Delphic tripod ascribed to, 21;
- single combat of, with Ajax, 8;
- statue known as, in Munich, 157, 169;
- statue known as, in Palazzo Valentini, Rome, 163, 207.
-
- _Dionysia_, games at the, in Kyrene, 50;
- at Sparta, 50;
- statue of victor at, in Athens, 27.
-
- Dionysios, sculptor, 268.
-
- Dionysios, tyrant of Syracuse, 33.
-
- Dionysos, bearded type of, 335;
- short hair of, on Parthenon frieze, 53;
- statue of, in group, 144;
- statue of (?), found in Rhine near Xanten, 276;
- tripods in honor of, at Athens and Rhodes, 19.
-
- Diophanes, statue at the Isthmus, 27.
-
- Diophon, pentathlete, epigram on, 210.
-
- Dioskouroi, athlete statues assimilated to, 96, 97;
- diskos dedicated to, by Exoïdas, 218;
- on grave-relief in Verona, 97;
- relief of, from Tarentum, 96;
- on votive relief in London, 97.
-
- Dipoinos, sculptor, 118, 122, 334.
- See also Skyllis.
-
- Dipylon geometric vase from Akropolis, in Copenhagen, showing funeral
- games, 13.
-
- Diskoboloi, statuettes of, 28, 218f.;
- bronze statuette in London, 221;
- bronze statuette in Metropolitan Museum, 116, 148, 220, 221;
- on cover of lebes in London, 221.
-
- _Diskobolos_, the, of Myron, 184f.;
- cast of, from various copies, 186;
- concentration of (αὐτάρκεια) 137, 183, 201;
- copies of 184f.;
- copy of, in Capitoline, 185;
- from Castel Porziano, 184;
- in Lancellotti Palace, Rome, 184;
- Græco-Roman copy from Tivoli, in London, 184, 185;
- in Vatican, from Tivoli, 184;
- on a gem, 187;
- as example of a diskos-thrower, 164;
- as example of rhythm, 66;
- Lucian’s description of, 186, 187;
- moment chosen by Myron in, 187;
- pose of, 219, 220;
- predecessors of, 222;
- Quintilian on, 187;
- relief of, from Dipylon, 127;
- represents trained athlete, 183, 184;
- right arm of, from Casa Buonarroti, Florence, 186;
- short hair of, 52;
- small bronze in Berlin, 221;
- statuettes in Munich and Arolsen, 187;
- compared with _Tyrannicides_, 183.
- See also _Standing Diskobolos_.
-
- Diskoi, bronze, from the Altis, 22, 218;
- dedication of bronze, 22;
- kept in Sikyonian treasury at Olympia, for use of pentathletes, 22;
- on r.-f. vase in Munich, 164;
- diskos, as attribute of pentathlete statues, 164;
- bronze, from Sicily, 217;
- inscribed, of Asklepiades, 40;
- inscribed, of Exoïdas, from Kephallenia (?), 97, 218;
- known to Homer, 218;
- lighter for boys than for men, 218.
-
- Diskos-throwing (δισκοβολία), goes back to mythology, 218;
- shown by statues, statuettes, reliefs, vase-paintings, etc., 164,
- 218;
- seven positions of, given by Gardiner, 218f.;
- record throw of Phaÿllos in, discussed, 216.
-
- Dittenberger, W., on division of athletes at Athens, according to age,
- 189;
- on Pliny, 27;
- on votive character of inscriptions on victor statue-bases,
- at Olympia, 39;
- Dittenberger and Purgold, on exclusive use of bronze for Olympic
- victor statues, 321.
-
- Diver (?), statuette of, from Perugia, 217.
-
- Dodona, bronze statuette from, 143;
- bronze statuette of ephebe on horse-back from, 28, 281;
- bronze statuette of warrior from, 126, 178;
- mentioned by Homer, 16;
- tripods in temple of Zeus at, 19.
-
- Doerpfeld, W., on base of the Platæan _Zeus_ at Olympia, 344;
- on bases of victors found in South wall of Altis, 347;
- on beginning of Pausanias’ first route in the Altis, 341;
- on excavations at site so-called of Great Altar of Zeus at Olympia,
- 349;
- on positions of victor statues in the Altis, 340;
- on second route of Pausanias in the Altis, 351;
- on statues, ἐν τῇ Ἄλτει, 350.
-
- Dolichodromos, endurance runner, 193.
-
- Domitian, stadion at Rome, 50.
-
- Dorians, the, 1.
-
- Dorieus, prisoner at Athens, 36;
- victor statue at Olympia, 355.
-
- Dorykleidas, victor dedication to Herakles and Hermes by, 75, 76.
-
- Doryphoroi, mentioned by Pliny, 226.
-
- _Doryphoros_, of Kresilas, 145;
- of Polykleitos, 77, 224f.;
- as an _Achilles_, 92;
- converted into god-type, 74;
- converted into Hermes, 87, 88;
- compared with _Diadoumenos_, 152;
- copy at Olympia, 227;
- green basalt torso in Florence, 225;
- marble torso formerly in Pourtalès Collection, 225;
- from Pompeii, its measurements, 70;
- copy in Vatican, 225;
- etymology and use of word, 225, 226;
- head from Herculaneum, by Apollonios, 168;
- as highest ideal of manly beauty, 141;
- as example of javelin-thrower, 164;
- leg position of, 159;
- as master of Lysippos, 70, 301;
- as norm of proportions, 58, 68, 69, 70;
- original as pentathlete victor statue, 227;
- pose of, 225;
- style of head of, 152;
- as victor statue, 226, 227.
-
- Double foot-race (δίαυλος), 190;
- date of introduction at Olympia, 191.
-
- “Doubles” of statues, 304, 305.
-
- Douris, on Lysippos, 69.
-
- Douris, vase-painter, r.-f. kylix by, 239.
-
- Dramatic contests, at Delphi, 25.
-
- _Dresden Boy_, the, statue in Dresden, 213.
-
- Dromeus, statue at Olympia, 179, 343;
- identified with _mala ferens nudus_, of Pliny, 182.
-
- _Drunkenness_, statue of, 144.
-
- Duerer, Albrecht, on proportions, 68.
-
- Duetschke, on the Mantuan _Commodus_, 72.
-
- Dumont, on division of athletes at Athens by age, 189.
-
- Dying hoplite runner, relief of, in Athens, 194, 209.
-
- Dying Gaul statues, 255.
-
- Dyneiketos, victor, represented on r.-f. Panathenaic vase, 280.
-
-
- Ear, swollen, as attribute of victor statues, 167f.;
- as professional characteristic of athlete and god statues, 168;
- on various heads, 168;
- on heads of gods and heroes, 169f.
-
- Ear-lappets (ἀμφωτίδες, ἐπωτίδες), on marble head, 167;
- worn by boys in the palæstra, 167.
-
- Echembrotos, musician, dedicates a tripod to Herakles 22.
-
- Echo Colonnade, at Olympia, 343, 345, 352, 358, 360.
-
- Egesta, Sicily, 35;
- honors Philippos, victor, with a heroön, 57.
-
- Egypt, division of, into Old and Middle Kingdoms, and New Empire,
- 330-331.
-
- Egyptian art, proportions in, 67 and note 4;
- adopted by Greeks, 330;
- becomes fixed, 331;
- influence of, on early Greek art, 328f., 332;
- Egyptian statues, characteristics of, 332;
- compared with Greek, 332.
-
- Eklektos, Valerios, statue at Athens, 371;
- at Olympia, 359, 360, 371.
-
- Elean register, 31;
- school of sculpture, 114;
- umpires, 94.
-
- Eleans, led by Oxylos from Aitolia, 15.
-
- _Electra_, of Sophokles, quoted, 267.
-
- _Eleusinia_, the, 18;
- prizes at, 20;
- statue of victor in Athens, 27.
-
- Eleusis, copy of statue of Kyniskos (?) from, 74, 156.
-
- _Eleutheria_, games at Platæa, 11, 203.
-
- Emerson, A., on statue of Kyniska, 267.
-
- Energy, as characteristic of Myron’s statues, 152.
-
- _Enkrinomenos_, statue by Alkamenes, 77, 134.
-
- Enymakratidas, hippodrome victories of, in Lakonia, 257.
-
- Epainetos, inscribed jumping-weight of, from Eleusis, 215.
-
- Epeios, boxing-match with Euryalos, 7, 88.
-
- Epeirote singer, pummelled by order of Nero, 34.
-
- Eperastos, victor at Olympia, 163.
-
- Ephebe, head of, with yellow hair, from Akropolis, 116;
- statue from Akropolis, 115, 175;
- statue from Hadrian’s villa, assimilated to Hermes, 80;
- victorious ephebes leading horses, on Athenian relief, 281;
- ephebes (ἀγένειοι), 189.
-
- _Ephodoi_ (ἔφοδοι), or routes of Pausanias, in the Altis, 339, 341f.,
- 348f.
-
- Epicharinos, statue on Akropolis, 27, 176, 179, 206, 372.
-
- Epidauros, inscription from, 34.
-
- Epigonos, erects monument to Attalos, 368.
-
- Epigrams, on Olympic victor statue bases, 43.
-
- Epikradios, statue at Olympia, 122, 352.
-
- _Epitaphia_, festival at Athens, 18.
-
- Epitherses, statue at Olympia, 31, 244, 346.
-
- Eponymus victor, at Olympia, 191.
-
- Equestrian contests, at Delphi, 25;
- at Olympia, replaced by amusements of Roman circus, 261;
- revived at Olympia under Empire, 261.
- See also Chariot-race, Horse-race.
-
- Er, myth of, in Plato’s _Republic_, 36.
-
- Erasistratos, physician at Alexandria, 290.
-
- _Eretrian Bull_, the, at Olympia, 342, 352, 357, 358, 359;
- zone of, at Olympia, 343.
-
- Eriphyle, on archaic vase, 13.
-
- Eros, offerings to, 57;
- bronze statue from Tunis, 156, 158.
-
- _Erotidia_, division of athletes at the Bœotian, according to age, 189.
-
- Etruria, funeral games of, borrowed by Romans, 11;
- athletic scenes from tombs of, 11.
-
- _Etruscan Orator_, statue in Florence, 82.
-
- Euagoras I, King of Salamis, in Cyprus, coins of, showing swollen ears,
- 169.
-
- Euagoras of Sparta, chariot-group of, at Olympia, 23, 37, 265.
-
- Eubotas, statue at Kyrene, 366;
- at Olympia, 31, 352, 366.
-
- Eudelos, of Rhodes, adversary of Straton, at Olympia, 34.
-
- Eukles, statue at Olympia, 45, 117, 241, 342, 343.
-
- Eumastas, inscribed stone of, from Thera, 218, note 3.
-
- Eunomos, kitharoidos, statue in honor of Pythian victory, 284.
-
- Euphorbos, on painted terra-cotta plate, 178.
-
- Euphranor, sculptor, 23, 36, 69;
- books of, on symmetry, 69;
- canon of, 69;
- head of athlete statue from circle of, 233.
-
- Euphronios, r.-f. kylix by, 204.
-
- Eupolemos, statue at Olympia, 120, 342.
-
- Eupolos, bribes three adversaries at Olympia and all four are fined,
- 33.
-
- Eupompos, painter, 29, 69, 160.
-
- Euripides, protests against professionalism in athletics, 36.
-
- Euryalos, 8, 88.
-
- Eurybates, pentathlete, 59.
-
- Euryleonis, victress, statue at Sparta, 367.
-
- Eurytos, 8.
-
- Eusebios, on statue of Theagenes, 364.
-
- Eutelidas, sculptor, 105, 116.
-
- Eutelidas, victor statue at Olympia, 106, 333, 337, 346.
-
- Euthykrates, sculptor, 314.
-
- Euthymenes, statue at Olympia, 120, 344, 352.
-
- Euthymos, boxing match with Theagenes, 247;
- son of river god Kaikinos, 35;
- statue at Lokroi Epizephyrioi, 364;
- statue at Olympia, 55, 62, 90, 179, 183, 342, 352;
- inscribed base from, 38;
- statue at Olympia identified by Waldstein with _Choiseul-Gouffier
- Apollo_ type, 179.
-
- Eutychides, sculptor and painter, 121, 324.
-
- Evans, A., on ivory statuettes from Knossos, 3;
- on stucco reliefs from Knossos, 4.
-
- Exainetos, victor, drawn into native city by fellow-citizens, 35.
-
- _Exhortation to the Arts_, work by Galen cited, 37.
-
- Exoïdas, bronze diskos of, 97, 218.
-
- Eye, almond-shaped, in archaic art, 127;
- in the _Agias_, 315;
- in Skopaic heads, 308, 311f.;
- treatment of, by Lysippos, 311f.
-
-
- Fabius Maximus, carries off colossal Herakles from Tarentum to Rome,
- 253.
-
- Fagan head, the, in British Museum, 87.
-
- _Farnese Diadoumenos_, statue in British Museum, 151f., 154;
- compared with _Diadoumenos_ from Vaison, 154.
-
- _Farnese Herakles_, statue in Naples, 252, 253;
- of Lysippan origin, 253;
- as realistic work, 289.
-
- _Farnese Hermes_, statue in British Museum, 72.
-
- Farnsworth Museum, Wellesley, Mass., statue of athlete in, 139.
-
- Fawn, as attribute of _Philesian Apollo_, 119.
-
- Fellows, C., discovers Chimæra tomb at Xanthos, 271.
-
- Fevers, cured by victor statues, 364.
-
- Ficoroni cista, in Rome, 243, 269.
-
- Fierce expression (γοργόν), of Philandridas head from Olympia, 294,
- 297;
- threatening look of athletes mentioned by Sokrates, 59.
-
- File, use of, on Philandridas head, 295.
-
- Fillet, victor, 168f.;
- on victor statues, 149f.;
- on statue from Piræus, 150;
- in hand of victor, 150;
- on heads, 96;
- as symposium attribute, 149;
- rolled, on heads of Herakles, 170.
- See _Tainia_.
-
- Fillet-binders, or diadoumenoi, 150f.
-
- Fine, paid by Theagenes, 247.
-
- Finger, as common measure in proportions, 68.
-
- Flasch, A. F., on bronze head of a boxer from Olympia, 255;
- on the Olympia gable sculptures, 114;
- on positions of victor statues in Altis, 340.
-
- Flaxman, John, sculptor, on proportions, 68.
-
- Flute-playing, at Delphi, 25;
- accompanies pentathlon, at Olympia, 284;
- on vases, 285.
-
- Flutists, statues of victorious, 284;
- honor statue of, 42;
- on chest of Kypselos, 285.
-
- Flying mare, throw in pankration, 247;
- throw in wrestling, 229.
-
- Foal-race, at Olympia, 260.
-
- Foerster, H., on location of statue of Ladas, 197;
- on statue of Leon, 366.
-
- Foerster, R., on head of hoplitodrome, from Olympia, 163.
-
- Foot, as common measure in proportions, 68;
- bronze, from victor statue at Olympia, 255, 322;
- left, forward in Egyptian and early Greek statues, 332.
-
- Footmarks, on bases of victor statues, at Olympia, 43.
-
- Foot-race, the, at games of Patroklos, 8;
- at the _Heraia_, at Olympia, 49.
- See Stade-race.
-
- Forearm, fragment of, with horn, in relief, 4.
-
- Fragments, bronze, of victor statues, from Olympia, 322;
- marble, from Olympia, 324;
- bronze, of boy victor statues from Olympia, 322;
- marble, of boy victor statues from Olympia, 324, 325.
-
- Frascati, statuette from, in Boston, 138.
-
- Frazer, J. G., on Arrhachion’s statue, 327;
- on funeral games, 11;
- on omission of Olympiad 211 from Elean register, 369;
- on statue of Diitrephes, Athens, 373.
-
- “Free” leg, motive in sculpture, 109, 226.
-
- Friedrichs, K., on identifying _Doryphoros_ from Pompeii, 224.
-
- Friedrichs-Wolters, on Olympia gable sculptures, 114.
-
- Fritsch, G., on body proportions in Greek sculpture, 67.
-
- Froehner, W., on the _Jason_ of the Louvre, 87.
-
- “Frontality,” law of, formulated, 175, 328.
-
- Frost, K. T., on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera,
- 82;
- on differences between the _Agias_ and _Apoxyomenos_, 290;
- on Ligourió bronze, 111.
-
- Funeral games, on archaic vases, 13;
- attested by early Greek art, 12;
- on Dipylon vase, in Copenhagen, 13;
- in honor of Azan, 9; in honor of eminent men, 11;
- in honor of Patroklos, 8, 9;
- origin of, 14;
- periodic, 13, 14;
- on sarcophagus from Klazomenai, 13;
- funeral customs survive in later ritual, 11.
-
- Funerary reliefs, Attic, 66.
-
- Furtwaengler, A., on Akropolis chariot relief, 271;
- on the _Alkibiades_ of Vatican, 199, 200;
- on the _Apoxyomenos_ of Uffizi, 137;
- on the _Apoxyomenos_ of Vatican, 136;
- on Aristion’s statue, 88, 241;
- on athlete head in Copenhagen, 95;
- on athlete statue in British Museum, 293;
- on bronze head of a boxer in Glyptothek, 63;
- on bronze head of a boxer from Olympia, 255;
- on bronze foot from Olympia, 255;
- on bronze head from Akropolis, 115;
- on bronze statuette in Louvre, 139;
- on _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ type, 90;
- on statue of Diitrephes, on Akropolis, 373;
- on so-called _Diomedes_, of Palazzo Valentini, Rome, 207;
- on doryphoroi of Pliny, 226;
- on term doryphoros, 226;
- on Dresden athlete statues, 292;
- on _Dresden Boy_, 213;
- on Egyptian influence on “Apollo” type, 329;
- on ephebe statue from Akropolis, 115;
- on erecting statues of victors at Olympia, 38;
- on Esquiline charioteer, 276;
- on Eupompos’ painting of Olympic victor, 160;
- on excavations at Aegina, 124;
- on Hagelaïdas, 110;
- on _Idolino_, 141, 142;
- on influence of athletics on Greek art, 64;
- on Kassel boxer, 155;
- on Kassel head of Polykleitos’ _Diadoumenos_, 153;
- on kneeling figures from West gable at Olympia, 195;
- on Kresilæan athlete head, 145;
- on statue of Kylon, on Akropolis, 362;
- on statue of Kyniska, at Olympia, 131;
- on Kyniska’s victor group at Olympia, 267;
- on Kyniskos’ statue, 74;
- on _Lansdowne Herakles_, 313;
- on libation-pouring, 139;
- on Ligourió bronze, 111;
- on marble head in Turin, 93;
- on Monteleone chariot in Metropolitan Museum, 264;
- on motive of Pheidias’ _Diadoumenos_, 151;
- on Munich _Oil-pourer_, 134;
- on _Munich King_, (?), 226;
- on Myron’s _pristae_, 188;
- on _nudus talo incessens_ of Polykleitos, 250, 251;
- on Olympia gable sculptures, 114;
- on Petworth ephebe, 133;
- on Pheidias’ hair treatment in goddess heads, 53;
- on Philandridas head, 294;
- on Pythagoras, 179, 180;
- on Pythokles’ statue, 212;
- on Rayet head, 128;
- on Riccardi bust in Florence, 180;
- on right arm of boy victor, from Olympia, 46;
- on rolled fillet, 96;
- on short and long hair of god heads, 52;
- on Somzée athlete, 251;
- on sparring motive in Berlin torso, 244;
- on _Standing Diskobolos_, 76;
- on statue from Carinthia, 131;
- on statue “doubles,” 304;
- on statue of youth in Berlin, 292;
- on tin-foil wheels, from Olympia, 23;
- on two heads of hoplitodromes from Olympia, 163;
- on use of marble in Olympic victor statues, 324;
- on “Vatican athlete at rest,” 140;
- Furtwaengler and Urlichs, on use of bronze for Olympic victor
- statues, 321.
-
-
- Galen, on ball-playing, 84;
- on the _Doryphoros_, 70;
- protests against professionalism in athletics, 36, 37.
-
- Games, early Greek, 1f.;
- origin of, in cult of dead, 9f.;
- origin of four national, 9;
- early history of, 14f.;
- local, 17f.
-
- Ganymedes, identified with statue of youth from Subiaco, 195.
-
- Gardiner, E. N., on _apobates_ horse-race, 282;
- on colossal _Farnese Herakles_, 252;
- on diskos-throwing, 218f.;
- on earliest event at Olympia, 37;
- on Irish fairs, 12;
- on origin of four-horse chariot-race at Olympia, 259;
- on positions in javelin-throwing, 223;
- on rules of pankration, 246;
- on shapes of jumping-weights, 214;
- on Uffizi pancratiast group, 252.
-
- Gardner, E. A., on the _Agias_, 303;
- on artist school at Olympia, 58;
- on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, 81;
- on contrast between the _Atalanta_ and other Tegea heads, 310,
- note 3;
- on epigram from statue of Ladas, 197;
- on eye treatment in the _Agias_, 315;
- on eye treatment in the _Atalanta_ from Tegea, 310;
- on honors paid to victors, 36;
- on helmeted head from Tegea, 308.
-
- Gardner, P., on date of Lysippos 300, 301;
- on Greek portraiture, 55;
- on head of _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos, in Oxford, 154, 155;
- on the _Meleager_ and _Lansdowne Herakles_ as Lysippan, 315;
- quotes K. T. Frost on the _Agias_ and the _Apoxyomenos_, 290;
- on symmetry, 66.
-
- Gelados; see Hagelaïdas.
-
- Gelo, chariot-group at Olympia, 23, 122, 257, 264, 266, 344, 355;
- as dedicator of Delphi _Charioteer_, 278.
-
- Gem, showing _Apoxyomenos_ of Polykleitos, 136;
- showing _Diskobolos_, 187;
- showing Perseus and Gorgon’s head, 83;
- showing poses of Olympic victor statues, 214.
-
- Genzano, bust of Herakles from, 169, 170.
-
- Geraistos, Euboea, 373.
-
- Gerhard, E., on vases showing four-horse chariots, 263.
-
- _Germanicus_, statue so-called, 85.
-
- Germanicus Caesar, victor in chariot race at Olympia, 257, 261, 357,
- 358, 359.
-
- Germans, excavations of Olympia by, 43.
-
- Gestures, “transitory” and “stationary,” 83.
-
- Geta, coin of, 306.
-
- Girl runner, statue in Vatican, 49, 50;
- statuette from Dodona, 28.
-
- Gladiatorial shows, borrowed from Etruria by Romans, 11.
-
- Glaukias, sculptor, 32, 122, 125, 176, 243, 244, 264, 266, 278.
-
- Glaukon, chariot-group at Olympia, 23, 265, 347.
-
- Glaukos, statue at Olympia, 32, 122, 125, 176, 243.
-
- Glykon, sculptor, 252, 253.
-
- Gods, statues of, dedicated to other gods and goddesses, 335;
- worship of, supersedes that of heroes, 14.
-
- Goldsmiths, in Crete, 4.
-
- Gorgias, honor statue at Olympia, 42, 351.
-
- Gorgon, on Pindar’s VIIth Olympic ode, 365.
-
- Gorgos, statue at Olympia, 55, 59.
-
- Gouging, prohibited in pankration, 246;
- shown on r.-f. kylix, 246.
-
- Graef, B., on Antenor’s female statue from Akropolis, 174;
- on copies of original of _Lansdowne Herakles_, 313;
- Skopaic group of, 315.
-
- Grain, as prize at the _Eleusinia_, 20.
-
- Grained-hair technique, 53.
-
- Granianos; see Kranaos.
-
- Grave-relief, fragment from Dipylon, 127.
-
- Great Altar; see Zeus, Great Altar of.
-
- Greaves, early attribute of hoplitodromoi, 161;
- later discarded, 203.
-
- Greece, dependent on outside peoples in early art, 329;
- debt to Orient, 330;
- Roman conquest of, 261.
-
- Greek anthologies, see Anthologies, Greek.
-
- Greek and Egyptian statues compared, 332.
-
- “Grinning” group, of so-called “Apollo” statues, 100.
-
- Guillaume, E., on measurements of _Doryphoros_, 70.
-
- Gurlitt, W., on Pausanias’ routes in Altis, 340.
-
- Gymnasia, absent in Homer, 7;
- statues of athletes in, 297;
- statues of athletic gods in, 75, 94.
-
- Gymnasiarch, Hermes as, 78.
-
- Gymnasion, Great, at Olympia, 297, 299, 356.
-
- Gymnasium, scene from, on r.-f. kylix, 164.
-
- Gythion, statue of Herakles, at, 319.
-
-
- Habich, G., on _Standing Diskobolos_, 78.
-
- Hadrian, revives Nemean games at Argos, 17;
- villa of, at Tivoli, 80, 174.
-
- Hagelaïdas. sculptor, 36;
- canon of, 68, 148, 159;
- chariot-group of Kleosthenes, at Olympia, by, 266;
- date of, 61, 321;
- teacher of Myron and Polykleitos, 61, 110;
- teacher of Pheidias, 110;
- called Gelados by scholiast on Aristophanes’ _Ranae_, 110.
-
- Hair-fashion, athletic, 50f.;
- Bulle on hair, 53;
- ephebes dedicate hair to a god, 51;
- grained style, 53;
- on Hellenistic heads, 296.
- Long, at Athens, after Persian Wars, 51;
- long, on athletes, before Persian Wars, 335;
- braided, by boxers and pancratiasts, 51;
- discarded in wrestling, 51;
- in Homer, 50, 51;
- on monuments, 52;
- on old Attic vases, 52;
- as sign of effeminacy, 51;
- at Sparta, 51;
- at Thermopylæ, 51;
- worn by knights, 51;
- long and short, on god statues, 52;
- pearl-string style of, 53;
- pictorial treatment of, 53.
- Short hair, on “Apollo” statues, 335;
- short, on athletes, after Persian Wars, 51, 335;
- on children, at Sparta, 51;
- on early vases, 52;
- on monuments, 52;
- not characteristic of athletes, 50, 51;
- as sign of mourning, at Athens, 51;
- of slaves, 51;
- sketchy treatment, on _Hermes_ of Praxiteles, 303;
- snail-volute style of, 53.
- See _Krobylos_.
-
- Halikarnassos, funeral games at, 11;
- chariot-group from Mausoleion at, 244.
-
- Halimous, grave-relief from Attic deme of, 249.
-
- _Halteres_; see Jumping-weights.
-
- Hamilton, Gavin, 76.
-
- Harmodios, statue of, 148, 173f.
- See also Aristogeiton and _Tyrannicides_.
-
- Hartwig, P., on bronze statuette from Capua, 207.
-
- Hauser, F., on Autun statuette of pancratiast, 249-251;
- on armor worn in hoplite-race, 203;
- on bronze athlete statue from Ephesos, 138;
- on bronze wrestlers from Herculaneum, 231;
- on Delian _Diadoumenos_, 92;
- on Tux bronze, 207.
-
- Head-dress, artificial, on charioteers, 275, 276.
-
- “Healer,” epithet of the _Delian Apollo_, 304.
-
- Heave, in wrestling, 229;
- bronze wrestler-group in Paris, showing, 232;
- on metope of Theseion, 232;
- on r.-f. kylix, 230.
-
- Hegestratos, statue at Athens, 27.
-
- Hegias, sculptor, 110, 126, 175, 279;
- compared with Kallon, 122;
- criticism of, by Lucian, 60.
-
- Hekatompedon, the, on Akropolis, 128.
-
- Hektor, 7.
-
- Helbig, W., on Barracco athlete statue, 157, 159;
- on _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_, 90;
- on _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos, 226;
- on funerary relief, from Dipylon, 156;
- on Greek knights, 282;
- on head of _Standing Diskobolos_, 77, 78;
- on _Spinario_, 201;
- on Vatican statuette, 212.
-
- Helikon, Mount, statues of poets and musicians on, 284;
- tripod on, dedicated by Hesiod, 21, 22.
-
- Heliodoros, description of wrestling-match by, 252.
-
- Hellanikos, statue at Olympia, 240, 342, 343.
-
- Hellanodikai, the, at Olympia, 27 and n. 20, 29, 45, 227, 259.
-
- Hellenistic Prince, statue of a, 73;
- assimilated to type of Alexander, 73.
-
- Helmets, on _Boxer Vase_ from Crete, 7;
- as early attributes of hoplite runners, 161;
- of hoplite runners, 48.
-
- _Hemerodromoi_, institution of, 190.
-
- Hephaistion, funeral games in honor of, 11.
-
- Hera, temple of Lakinian, near Kroton, 363;
- worship of, at Olympia, earlier than that of Zeus, 16.
- See _Heraion_.
-
- _Heraia_, the, games at Argos, 20;
- games at Olympia, 49;
- girls at, divided into three classes, 189;
- reliefs vowed by girl runners at, 29;
- running race for girls at, 191.
-
- Heraion, the, at Olympia, 16, 259, 299, 341, 342, 343, 349, 352, 353,
- 358;
- monuments inside of, 325.
-
- _Herakleia_, the, at Marathon, 18, 20;
- at Thebes and elsewhere, 19, 27.
-
- Herakleides Ponticus, on the _krobylos_ hair-fashion, 52.
-
- Herakleion, the, at Sparta, 319.
-
- Herakles, as boxer, 169, 235;
- of Crete, 10;
- destroys statue of self at Elis, 178;
- as father of athlete Theagenes, 35;
- first to win pankration and wrestling on same day, 252;
- as founder of Olympic games, 10, 93;
- Herakles and Hermes, as protectors of contests, 75;
- as inventor of pankration, 247;
- at Marathon, 18;
- in Odyssey, 8;
- plants olive at Olympia, 20;
- son of Zeus and Alkmena, 10;
- in Sophokles’ _Trachiniae_, 318;
- tripods in honor of, 19, 22;
- as wrestler, 13, 93, 228.
-
- Herakles, heads of: beardless, in British Museum, 96;
- of boy athlete from Sparta so interpreted, 305;
- boyish, in British Museum, 319;
- bust from Genzano, 95;
- bust from Herculaneum, 170;
- colossal filleted, in Vatican, 95;
- from Tegea pediment, 306-311;
- marble, in Munich, 170;
- Philandridas head so interpreted, 297;
- showing swollen ears, 169;
- with rolled fillets, 96.
-
- Statues of: _Alexikakos_, by Hagelaïdas, 110;
- colossal, by Lysippos, 253;
- colossal, by Onatas, 122;
- in group with Telephos, in Vatican, 70, 95;
- in gymnasia and palæstræ, 94, 297;
- kneeling, from East gable from Aegina, 195;
- as knee-runner, bronze in Metropolitan Museum, 195;
- Kyniskos, converted into type of, 74;
- in Lakonia, 319;
- in Palazzo Altemps, Rome, 243;
- by Skopas, 306;
- victor statues assimilated to, 354f.
-
- Heralds, contests of, when introduced at Olympia, 283;
- statues of, at Olympia, 283.
-
- Herculaneum, bronze head from, in Naples, 63, 140.
-
- Hercules, guild of athletes of, in Rome, 371.
-
- _Hermaia_, the, games at Pheneus, 76.
-
- Hermann, G., on Perinthos head, 180.
-
- Hermas, base of statue of, at Olympia, 359.
-
- Hermes, altar of, ἐναγώνιος, at Olympia, 76;
- beaten by Apollo in running at Olympia, 285;
- founder of wrestling, 76;
- god of youth and sports, 75;
- gymnasion of, at Athens, 76;
- one of athletic gods, 75;
- “presider over contests,” 36;
- head, in Boston, 85;
- bearded herma, by Alkamenes, 77;
- bearded type, 335;
- compared with Philandridas head, 293, 294;
- hair-treatment of, 303;
- on relief fragment from Athens, 270.
-
- Statues: from Andros, 71f.;
- in gymnasia and palæstræ, 94;
- in Lansdowne House, 88, 241;
- Logios or Agoraios, 80, 82, 84, 131;
- Ludovisi, 84;
- by Onatas, at Olympia, 122;
- by Praxiteles, at Olympia, 72, 144;
- victor statues assimilated to type of, 181, 354;
- statuette of, in Boston, 108;
- bronze, in British Museum, 88.
-
- _Hermes-Diskobolos_, statue by Naukydes, 78.
-
- Hermes Kriophoros, festival at Tanagra, 57.
-
- Hermesianax, statue at Olympia, 30.
-
- Hermione, stadion at, 96.
-
- Hermitage, copy of head of boy athlete in, 157.
-
- Hermogenes, victor at Olympia, 354.
-
- Hermokrates, statue at Athens, 27.
-
- Hermolykos, statue on Akropolis, 27, 372, 373.
-
- Herodoros, trumpeter at Olympia, 283.
-
- Herodotos, historian, on Hermolykos, pancratiast, 373;
- style of, imitated by Pausanias, 61.
-
- Herodotos, of Klazomenai, statue at Olympia, 30.
-
- Herodotos, of Thebes, as his own charioteer, 266, 267.
-
- Heroes, nine Greek, on curved base at Olympia, 122.
-
- Heroizing, custom of, in sculpture, 71.
-
- Herophilos, physician at Alexandria, 290.
-
- Hertz, Miss, copy of head of _Nike_ by Paionios in collection of, Rome,
- 304.
-
- Hesiod, wins tripod at Chalkis, 19;
- dedicates tripod to muses on Helikon, 21, 22;
- victor statue of, on Helikon, 284.
-
- Hetoimokles, statue at Sparta, 106, 333, 337, 362.
-
- Hiero, chariot-group at Olympia, 23, 122, 257, 264, 267, 278, 279;
- Pythian victory of, 278;
- tyrant of Syracuse, 362.
-
- Hierothesion, the, at Messene, 19.
-
- Hill, G. F., on _Apoxyomenos_ and Lysippos, 288, 289.
-
- Hipparchos, tyrant of Athens, 173.
-
- Hippodameia, 14, 259.
-
- Hippodrome races, at Olympia, non-athletic, 257;
- programme of, 259f.;
- horses and colts distinguished in, 259.
- See Chariot-race and Horse-race.
-
- Hippodromes, common in Greece, 257f.;
- at Constantinople, 253;
- at Olympia, 258.
-
- Hippokleides, 5.
-
- Hippos, statue at Olympia, 120.
-
- Hipposthenes, victor, temple dedicated to, at Sparta, 362.
-
- Hirschfeld, G., on locations of victor statues in Altis, 340;
- on omission of Olympiad 211 from Elean register, 369.
-
- Hirt, A., on Pliny’s “iconic” (iconicus = εἰκονικός) statues, 54;
- on Tux bronze, 207.
-
- _Historia Naturalis_, of Pliny, 60, 321, and _passim_.
-
- Hitzig-Bluemner, on exclusive use of bronze in Olympic victor statues,
- 321;
- on statue of Milo, at Olympia, 107.
-
- Holleaux, M., on “Apollo” torso from Mount Ptoion, 119, 120.
-
- Home-coming of Olympic victors, 34, 35.
-
- Homer, athletics in, 7f.;
- does not mention Olympia, 16;
- κελετίζειν in, 3, 261;
- makes men and gods shriek, 57;
- on painful character of boxing, 234;
- warrior in, 8.
-
- Homolle, Th., on appellation “Apollo,” 336;
- on artistic influences in the _Agias_, 291, 301;
- assigns the _Agias_ to Lysippos, 292, 311;
- on expression of face of the _Agias_, 317;
- on group of Daochos at Delphi, 286;
- on resemblance between Philandridas head and that of the _Agias_,
- 294;
- on small heads outside school of Lysippos, 294;
- on differentiating statues of Herakles and victors, 94;
- on swollen ears of athlete statues, 168.
-
- Honor statues, at Olympia, 41, 42, 339f.
-
- Honors, extraordinary, paid to victors, 32f., 71.
-
- Hoplite-race (ὁπλίτης), 190f.;
- belongs to mixed athletics, 203;
- called ἀσπίς, 190, 204;
- date of introduction at Olympia, 191;
- as diaulos at Olympia and Athens, 203;
- finish of, on a r.-f. kylix, 204;
- in full armor at the _Eleutheria_, at Platæa, 203;
- last in gymnic contests at Olympia and elsewhere, 203;
- most complete representation of, on a r.-f. kylix in Berlin, 204;
- preparations for, on a r.-f. kylix by Euphronios, 204;
- racers in, turning central post, on r.-f. kylix in Berlin, 204;
- round shields and Attic helmets used in, 204;
- semi-comic character of, on vases, 205;
- start of, on a r.-f. kylix in Berlin, 204;
- weapons used in, 203.
-
- Hoplitodromoi, attributes of, 161 f.;
- so-called dying hoplite runner on grave-relief from Athens, 149, 209;
- statues of, in motion, 203f.;
- two heads from statues of, 46, 162f., 324;
- paintings of, by Parrhasios, 206;
- Tux bronze of, 206f.
-
- Horarios, inscribed votive relief of, 75.
-
- Horfuabra, statue from Dahshur, Egypt, 330.
-
- Horse, crowned by Nike, on votive relief from Athens, 269;
- imported into Crete from Libya, 1;
- models of miniature horses at Olympia, 23.
-
- Horse-race (ἵππος κέλης): common in Greece, 257f.;
- horses and colts distinguished in, 259;
- length of course at Olympia, 261;
- monuments, illustrating, 280f.;
- sport of the rich, 257;
- when introduced at Olympia, 260;
- race known as the _apobates_, at Olympia, 282f.
-
- Horse-racers: bronze statuette of, from Dodona, 281;
- bronze statuette of, in Loeb collection, 282;
- bronze statuette of, from Volubilis, Morocco, 281;
- dedications of, at Olympia, 23, 278f.;
- on funerary relief, from Sicily, 281;
- on galloping horse, on terra-cotta relief from Thera, 281;
- mounted, on Athens relief, 281;
- nude, on vases, 281;
- small figures of, from Olympia, 24;
- statue of, in Florence, 281;
- two fragments of statues of, from Akropolis, 281;
- victorious racer leading-horse, on Athenian relief, 281.
-
- Human sacrifice, as origin of funerary games, 14.
-
- Hunter, honor statue at Olympia, 42.
-
- Hyblæans, the _Zeus_ of the, at Olympia, 344.
-
- Hydriæ, from Caere (Cerveteri), 52;
- bronze, as prize at the _Panathenaia_, 20.
-
- Hylas, identified with statue of youth from Subiaco, 196.
-
- Hyperboreans, home of wild olive among, 20.
-
- Hysmon, statue at Olympia, 120, 164.
-
-
- Iapygians, King of the, 125.
-
- Iconic and aniconic statues, 54f.
-
- Ida, Mount, grotto of Zeus in, 235.
-
- Idealism, in Greek art, 56, 71;
- idealism and realism, 57.
-
- Identification of athlete statues in Roman copies, 44.
-
- _Idolino_, the, statue in Florence, 131, 139, 141f.;
- as highest ideal of boyish beauty, 141;
- interpretation of, 142f.
-
- Ikkos, slain by Kleomedes, 35;
- as teacher of gymnastics, 59.
-
- Ildefonso group, in Madrid, 158.
-
- Iliad, games of Patroklos in, 9.
-
- Ilissos, river in Attica, 20;
- relief from, 312.
-
- Impressionism, in hair technique, by Greek artists, 53;
- by Lysippos, 69.
-
- Ince Blundell head of athlete, 167, note 4, 168, 180, 181.
-
- Indians, the, of North America, funeral games among, 12.
-
- Information, sources of, in reconstruction of Olympic victor statues,
- 43.
-
- Inscriptions, earliest, using pankration for dates, 191;
- on pillars, in honor of victors, 34;
- on victor statue bases at Olympia, 43.
-
- Iolaos, hurls stone diskos, 218.
-
- Ionia, passes Egyptian influence to Greek sculptors, 332;
- school of sculpture from, 114;
- women of, witness games, 49.
-
- Ionians, short hair with, 52.
-
- Ionism, in Greek art, 115f., 126, 129, 175;
- reaction against, 116, 126.
-
- Iphitos, restores Olympic games, 15.
-
- _Ismenian Apollo_, the, statue in Thebes, 304.
-
- Ismenion, the, at Thebes, tripods in, 19.
-
- Isokrates, statue on Akropolis, 24, 27, 281, 373.
-
- Isthmian festival, athletes divided into three classes according to age
- at, 189;
- beast contests at, 25;
- excavations on site of, 25;
- famed in Roman days, 25;
- funerary origin of, 9;
- history and administration of, 17;
- inferior to Olympia, 25;
- later in honor of a god, 9;
- in honor of Melikertes, 10;
- most frequented, 25;
- statue of victor at, in Athens, 27;
- statues of victors at, on Isthmus, 26.
-
- Italian Archæological Mission, 3.
-
- Italy, funeral games, in ancient, 11.
-
-
- Jahn, O., on symmetry, 66;
- on the _Wounded Amazon_ of Capitoline, 157.
-
- _Jason_, statue so-called, of Louvre, 86.
-
- Javelin (ἀκόντιον), 164, 165;
- as athletic attribute, 108, 164;
- Greek names for, 223;
- size of, 223;
- on vase-paintings, 164, 223.
-
- Javelin-throwers (ἀκοντισταί), 222f.;
- two bronze statuettes of, 227, 228;
- on Spartan relief, 223.
-
- Javelin-throwing, 222f.;
- athletic type of, 223;
- for distance, 223;
- from horseback, on vase-paintings, 223;
- at games of Patroklos, 222;
- origin of, mythical, 222;
- positions in, 223f.;
- positions, given by E. N. Gardiner, 223;
- practical, in war and the chase, 223;
- in sculpture, 224;
- two types of, 222, 223.
-
- Jockey, nude, on vase-paintings, 280;
- in short-sleeved chiton, on b.-f. Panathenaic vase, 280.
-
- Jones, H. Stuart, on Pliny’s _Perseus et pristae of Myron_, 188.
-
- Joubin, A., on Delphi _Charioteer_, 278;
- on Olympia gable sculptures, 114.
-
- Juba II, King of Numidia, 166.
-
- Juethner, J., on Greek origin of javelin-throwing, 222;
- on shapes of jumping-weights, 214f.;
- on _Standing Diskobolos_, 220;
- on statue of boxer from Sorrento, 243.
-
- Jumping, 214f.;
- adapted to painter and not to sculptor, 217;
- ancient records in, 216;
- modern records in, with and without weights, 216;
- modern record in, front spring-board, 216;
- most difficult feature of pentathlon, 216;
- most representative feature of pentathlon, 214;
- in Odyssey, 9, 214;
- as part of pentathlon, 214;
- popularity of, 216;
- spring-board not used in Greece in, 216;
- various moments in, depicted on vases, 216, 217;
- with weights, 216, 217.
-
- Jumping-weights (ἁλτῆρες), 214f.;
- as attribute of pentathletes, 164;
- on bronze statue in Berlin, 164;
- dedications of, 22;
- forms of, 214f.;
- club-like form, 215;
- semispherical, 215;
- forms of, divided by Philostratos, 215;
- shown on vases, 215;
- on mosaic in Lateran, 215;
- not in Homer, 214;
- on r.-f. kylix in Munich, 164;
- on relief from Sparta, 164;
- on Roman copies of Greek athlete statues, 215;
- on statue of Hysmon, at Olympia, 164;
- on statues in Dresden and Florence, 215;
- stone, from Corinth and Olympia, 215;
- on tree-trunk beside statue, 164;
- use of, according to Aristotle and Philostratos, 216;
- use of, in medical gymnastics, 21;
- use of, according to vase-paintings, 216.
-
- Justin, on chariot-groups at Delphi, 26.
-
-
- Ka-aper, wood statue of, in Cairo, 330;
- statue of “wife” of, so-called, in Cairo, 330.
-
- Kabbadias, P., on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera,
- 81.
-
- Kabeirion, statuette from, 28.
-
- Kalamis, sculptor, 36, 324;
- Kalamis and _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ type, 89;
- characterized, 90, 279;
- chariot-groups by, 23;
- criticism of, by Cicero, 60;
- horse-groups by, 24, 279;
- horses by, characterized by Pliny, 62;
- jockeys on horseback by, 23;
- Kalamis and nude charioteer from Esquiline, 276;
- Kalamis and Onatas, 219, 264, 267, 268;
- Kalamis and Praxiteles, 268;
- as predecessor of Pheidias, 279;
- statues at Olympia by, set up by the Akragantines, 130;
- Kalamis as unrivalled sculptor of horses, 279.
-
- Kalkmann, A., on _Herakles Alexikakos_ of Hagelaïdas, 110;
- on kneeling figures from West gable of temple on Aegina, 195;
- on proportions of face in Greek sculpture, 67.
-
- Kallias, statue at Athens, 27, 182, 183, 365;
- statue at Olympia, 45, 129, 251, 352, 365.
-
- Kallikles, sculptor, 365.
-
- Kallikrates, dates of victories of, at Olympia, 301;
- statue at Olympia, 121, 298.
-
- Kallimachos, on statues of Euthymos being struck by lightning, 364.
-
- Kallippos, bribes opponents and is fined, 34.
-
- Kallistratos, characterizes Skopas, 309.
-
- Kalliteles, statue at Olympia, 265, 347.
-
- Kallon, sculptor, 122, 125.
-
- Kallon, victor, statue at Olympia, 121.
-
- Kalydonian boar hunt, represented in Tegea pediment group, 307.
-
- Kanachos, the Elder, sculptor, 24, 118, 120, 279, 324, 336;
- _celetizontes pueri_, by, 120;
- compared with Kallon, 122;
- criticism of, by Cicero, 60.
-
- Kanachos, the Younger, sculptor, 120.
-
- Kantharos, sculptor, 122.
-
- Kaphisias, sculptor, 368, 375.
-
- Kapros, boxing-match with Kleitomachos, 247;
- bronze foot from statue of, 255, 346;
- first to win pankration and wrestling at Olympia on same day, 252;
- Kapros and bronze boxer head from Olympia, 254;
- two statues at Olympia, 29, 342, 354.
-
- Karrhotos, charioteer, 267.
-
- Kasia Mnasithea, statue base at Olympia, 360.
-
- Kassel, statue of Apollo in, 360;
- statue of boxer in, 46, 155;
- head of _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos in, 153, 154.
-
- Kastor, victor in foot-race at Olympia, 96;
- as horse-racer, 96;
- hurls stone diskos, 218.
-
- Kebriones, 5.
-
- Kekulé, on the _Idolino_, 141, 142;
- on Olympia gable sculptures, 114;
- on the _Spinario_, 201;
- on the _Standing Diskobolos_, 76.
-
- Kephisodotos, sculptor, 252.
-
- Kerameikos, Athens, 11.
-
- Keramopoullos, A. D., on the Delphi _Charioteer_, 278.
-
- Kerykeion, symbol of Hermes, 71, 72, 78, 82, 88, etc.
-
- Kettle, prize at early games, 20.
-
- Kicking, allowed in pankration, 246, 247.
-
- Kietz, on the _Standing Diskobolos_, 78.
-
- Kimon, son of Miltiades, 18.
-
- Kimon, son of Stesagoras, bronze mares of, at Athens, 27, 363.
-
- Kirchhoff, A., on statue of Hermolykos on Akropolis, 373.
-
- Kirghiz, the, of India, funeral games among, 12.
-
- Kittos, boxing and wrestling scenes on Panathenaic amphora of, 248.
-
- Kitylos and Dermys, grave-figures of, from Tanagra, 335.
-
- Kladeos, the, river at Olympia, 299, 342, 357, 358.
-
- Klazomenai, paintings from, 52;
- reliefs from, 264, 268.
-
- Klein, W., on the Boston _Charioteer_ (?), 275;
- on the _Idolino_, 141;
- on the _Jason_ of Louvre, 86;
- on the _Oil-pourer_ of Munich, 134.
-
- Kleito; see Polykleitos.
-
- Kleitomachos, statue at Olympia, 353;
- identified wrongly with the _Seated Boxer_ of Museo delle Terme,
- Rome, 253;
- story of, from Polybios, 147, 247.
-
- Kleitor, son of Azan, 9.
-
- Kleitor, relief from, 132.
-
- Kleobis (?), statue of, from Delphi, 105.
-
- Kleoitas, sculptor, 27.
-
- Kleomedes, heroized at death, 35.
-
- Kleomenes, sculptor, 85.
-
- Kleon, sculptor, 69, 120, 121, 164;
- leg position of statues by, 159.
-
- Kleonai, 17.
-
- Kleosthenes, King of Pisa, 15.
-
- Kleosthenes, of Epidamnos, chariot-group of, at Olympia, 23, 266, 344,
- 345.
-
- Knee-runners, on bronze tripod reliefs, 194;
- on small bronze relief in Metropolitan Museum, 194;
- on marble relief of dying hoplite runner, 194;
- on small bronzes, 195;
- on vases, 194;
- statue of kneeling youth from Subiaco, 195.
-
- Knights, Helbig on Greek, 282;
- Homeric method of, fighting from chariot, 272, 282;
- on Parthenon frieze, 281.
-
- Knossos, bull-grappling at, 1, 2;
- ivory statuettes from, 3;
- paved inclosure at, 3;
- reliefs from, 3, 4;
- seal from, showing huge horse, 1;
- theatral area at, 3;
- toreadors on wall-paintings from, 1, 3.
-
- Koblanos, sculptor, 242.
-
- Kodias (Κῳδίας), jumping-weight of, 40.
-
- Koehler, U., on the _Apoxyomenos_ of Vatican, 290.
-
- Koerte, on name “Apollo” for early statues, 335.
-
- _Korai_, statues of, on Akropolis, 53, 115.
-
- Koroibos, victor in first recorded Olympiad, 15, 191.
-
- Kostobokoi, barbarian invaders of Greece, 370, 371.
-
- Kouroniotis, K., letter of, quoted 327.
-
- Kranaos, or Granianos, statue near Sikyon, 370.
-
- Krates, victor as herald at Olympia, 283.
-
- Kratinos, statue at Olympia, 122;
- set up by trainer of, 31.
-
- Kratisthenes, chariot-group of, at Olympia, 179, 268.
-
- Kresilas, sculptor, 36, 93;
- the _Alkibiades_ of Vatican ascribed to, by Furtwaengler, 199;
- _Doryphoros_ by, 145;
- portrait of Perikles by, 56;
- statue of the _Wounded Amazon_ by, 157.
-
- Kresilæan athlete head, five copies of, 144, 145.
-
- Kreugas, crowned after death, 247;
- killed in boxing match, 236, 247;
- statue at Argos, 236, 237.
-
- Krison, statue ascribed to, by Furtwaengler, 200.
-
- Kritios, sculptor, 115, 126, 173, 174;
- criticism of, by Lucian, 60;
- Kritios and Tux bronze 207.
-
- Kritodamos, statue at Olympia, 120, 344, 352.
-
- _Krobylos_, old Attic hair-fashion, 51, 52, 89, 128, 135, 270.
-
- Krokon, dedicates small bronze horse at Olympia, 23, 279.
-
- Kronos, altar of, at Olympia, 16;
- wrestling match of, with Zeus, 14.
-
- Krotonians, famed as pentathletes, 60.
-
- Ktesibios, philosopher, on ball-playing, 84.
-
- Kylon, conspiracy of, in Athens, 362;
- statue on Akropolis, 106, 333, 337, 362.
-
- Kylon, of Elis, honor statue at Olympia, 42.
-
- Kyniska, bronze horses of, at Olympia, 265, 267;
- chariot-group of, at Olympia, 23, 131, 267, 299, 342, 367;
- first woman to enter and win chariot-race at Olympia, 267, 367;
- shrine in honor of, at Sparta, 367.
-
- Kyniskos, statue at Olympia, 74, 117, 239;
- copies of (?), 156f., 159;
- foot position on base of statue of, 239;
- date of victory, 160.
-
- Kynosarges, Attic amphora from Gymnasion of, 13.
-
- Kypselos, chest of, at Olympia, 12, 13.
-
- Kypselos, King of Arkadia, 57.
-
- Kyrene, the _Dionysia_ at, 50;
- head from, 89;
- personified as charioteer in Delphi group, 277, 278;
- statue found in baths of, 141.
-
- Kyrnos, battle of, 373.
-
-
- Ladas, of Sparta, fleetness of, 364;
- grave of, 365;
- stadion in honor of, 365;
- statue in Argos, 364;
- statue of, by Myron, 196f., 364;
- compared with that of girl runner of Vatican, 197;
- epigrams on statue of, 196, 197;
- pose of, 197;
- story of death of, 196.
-
- Lakonia, statues of Herakles in, 319.
-
- Laloux and Monceaux, on Philandridas head, 294.
-
- Lamia, date of battle of, 301;
- relief from, 132.
-
- Lampos, chariot-group at Olympia, 268.
-
- _Lancellotti_ (or _Massimi_) _Diskobolos_, 184 and note 2.
-
- Lange, F. A., on Egyptian influence on early Greek culture, 332.
-
- Lange, J., on law of “frontality,” 175, 328;
- on Olympia gable sculptures, 114.
-
- _Lansdowne Herakles_, statue, 81, 82;
- ascribed to Myron, 181;
- head of, compared with that of Philandridas, 298;
- regarded as Lysippan, 298, 311;
- regarded as Skopaic, 313.
-
- _Laokoön_, the, group, Pliny’s praise of, 61;
- as realistic work, 289;
- of Lessing, 54, 187.
-
- Las, statue of Herakles near, 319.
-
- Lasso, boy throwing, wrongly identified with statue of kneeling youth
- from Subiaco, 196.
-
- Lateran, athlete mosaic in, 215;
- boxers on relief in, 238.
-
- Laurel, as prize at Delphi, 20, 21.
-
- Laurentum, now Castel Porziano, 184.
-
- Leaf, W., on chariot-race in the Iliad, 8.
-
- Leaping-weights; see Jumping-weights.
-
- Lechat, on bronze statue found in sea off Antikythera, 84;
- on evolution of Greek sculpture, 329;
- on the housing of stone statues, 325.
-
- Leg, right lower, fragment of victor statue, 322;
- leg holds in pankration, 247;
- “free” and “rest” legs, as motives in sculpture, 109, 226.
-
- Lekythion, athletic attribute, 84.
-
- Lekythos, 137, 138.
-
- _Lemnian Athena_, the, statue in Dresden, 53.
-
- _Lemniskos_, 155, 156.
-
- Leon, statue of, 366.
-
- Leonidaion, the, (_Suedwestbau_), at Olympia, 339, 340, 346, 347, 348,
- 350, 353, 355, 356.
-
- Leonidas, at Thermopylae, 51;
- funeral games in honor of, 11.
-
- Leonidas, of Naxos, statue at Olympia, 346, 347.
-
- Leontiskos, painter, 29.
-
- Leontiskos, of Sicily, statue at Olympia, 62, 179, 183, 249.
-
- Lessing, characterization of _Diadoumenos_ and _Doryphoros_ by, 152;
- on most fruitful moment to be chosen by artist, 178.
- See _Laokoön_.
-
- Libation-pourer, statue of, 143, 144.
-
- Libation-pouring, 138f.
-
- Libya, figure in Delphi group, 277;
- oracle of, 31.
-
- Lichas, statue at Olympia, 31, 342;
- scourged by umpires, 33, 149.
-
- Life, athlete, happy, 36.
-
- Lifelike statues, 59.
-
- Life-size statues at Olympia, 46.
-
- Ligourió, bronze statuette from, 105, 111, 114.
-
- _Limping Man_, the, statue at Syracuse, 182.
-
- Lindos, temple of Athena at, 345.
-
- Loeb collection, Munich, bronze group of wrestlers in, 232, 233;
- bronze statuette in, 136;
- bronze statuette of boy-rider in, 282;
- three bronze tripods in, 194, 264.
-
- Loeschke, G. L., on appellation “Apollo” for early statues, 335;
- on statue of Kylon on Akropolis, 362 and note 7.
-
- Loewy, E., on Delian _Diadoumenos_, 92;
- on group of Kyniska, at Olympia, 267;
- on style of statue of Pythokles, at Olympia, 213.
-
- Loin-cloth, of athletes, 47;
- absence of, on Cretan frescoes, 47;
- worn by Asiatics, 48;
- in Homer, 47;
- on early vases, 47, 48;
- dropped first by Orsippos of Megara, 47;
- Plato on, 48;
- used by boxers and wrestlers, 48.
-
- Lokroi, Ozolian, colonization of the, 201.
-
- Lokros, ancestor of the Ozolian Lokroi, 201.
-
- Longpérier, H. A., on bronze statuette in Paris, 142.
-
- Long race (δόλιχος), at Olympia, 190;
- boys admitted to, at Delphi, 190;
- men admitted to, at Olympia, 190.
-
- Lucian, on apples as prizes at Delphi, 21, 107;
- on art criticism, 60;
- criticism of Hegias, Kritios, and Nesiotes, by, 175;
- description of _Diskobolos_ by, 186, 187;
- ideal statue of, 60;
- on life-size victor statues, 45, 227;
- on prohibition against biting and gouging in pankration, 246;
- on statue of Pelichos, 56;
- on statue of Theagenes on Thasos, 364.
-
- Lucius Verus, coins of, 21.
-
- _Luctator anhelans_, painting of, by Naukeros, 233.
-
- _Lykaia_, the, statues at the games of, 26.
-
- Lykaios, Mount, in Arkadia, hippodrome on, 258.
-
- Lykidas, of Sparta, enters colts as full-grown horses at Olympia, 259.
-
- Lykinos, of Elis, statue at Olympia, 343.
-
- Lykinos, of Heraia, statue at Olympia, 121.
-
- Lykinos, of Sparta, two statues at Olympia, 24, 29, 265, 266.
-
- Lykios, sculptor, 134, 243.
-
- Lykomedes, bases of two statues at Olympia, 358.
-
- Lykourgos, of Sparta, 15, 51.
-
- Lykourgos, rhetorician, 27.
-
- Lyre-playing, at Delphi, 25.
-
- Lyres, in Parthenon, 23.
-
- Lysandros, statue at Olympia, 343.
-
- Lysippos, of Elis, victor statue of, by Andreas, 118, 354.
-
- Lysippos, sculptor, 36, 375;
- as art reformer, 301;
- borrows from other sculptors, 291;
- canon of, 68, 69, 136, 288;
- characteristics of, 311;
- chariot-groups by, 23;
- circle of, 131, 255;
- as court sculptor of Alexander, 296, 318;
- criticism of, by Pliny, 61;
- date of, 300f.;
- dates of Lysippos, Skopas, and Praxiteles, 301;
- divergent style of, 253;
- follows _Doryphoros_ and nature, 301;
- improvements in hair technique by, 53, 296;
- influence of, on realism, 56;
- influenced by Skopas, 291, 301;
- inscription on base of statue in Pharsalos by, 287;
- _Lansdowne Herakles_ ascribed to, 313;
- Lysippos and Skopas compared, 311f.;
- Lysippos and type of weary Herakles, 253;
- makes 1500 statues, 302;
- Philandridas head at Olympia, by, 298;
- portraiture after time of, 54;
- poses of statues of, 44;
- regarded exclusively as bronze founder, 302;
- statue of Agias by, 286, 366;
- statues of _destringentes se_, by, 136;
- statues of, at Olympia, 121, 266;
- surpasses earlier artists in symmetry, 66;
- as worker in marble, 302f.
-
- Lysistratos, sculptor, first to make plaster moulds from face, 56, 255,
- 304.
-
-
- Macedon, coins of, showing racing chariots, 262;
- kings of, 73;
- princes of, as horse-racers, 357.
-
- Mach, E. von, against oriental influence on Greek sculpture, 329;
- on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, 84;
- on the _Charioteer_ (?) in Boston, 275, 276;
- on original of _Farnese Herakles_, 253.
-
- Madrid, copy of _Diadoumenos_ in, 153;
- Ildefonso group in, 153.
-
- Mæcenas, and victor privileges in Rome, 33.
-
- Magna Græcia, cities of, honor victors, 35;
- fond of hippodrome contests, 258.
-
- Magnesia ad Sipylum, victor statue base from, 370.
-
- Mahler, A., on copies of _Doryphoros_, 224;
- on identifying statue of Ladas, 197;
- on the _Idolino_, 141;
- on resemblance between head of the _Agias_ and Philandridas, 294.
-
- Maiden, figure of, in chariot-groups, 268.
-
- Maltho, gymnasium in Elis, 370.
-
- Manetho, Egyptian dynasties of, 330.
-
- Mantua, statue of Apollo in, 111.
-
- Marathon, battle of, 18, 209;
- _Herakleia_, the, at, 18.
-
- Marble, less expensive than bronze, 28;
- some victor statues made of, at Olympia, 324.
-
- Markianopolis, coin of, 87.
-
- Markios, Gnaios, base of statue at Olympia, 359.
-
- _Marsyas_, the, statue by Myron, 134, 183, 184.
-
- Masks, dedication of, 22.
-
- _Massimi Diskobolos_; see _Lancellotti Diskobolos_.
-
- Materials of Olympic victor statues, 321f.
-
- Matz and von Duhn, on so-called _Diomedes_, in Palazzo Valentini,
- Rome, 207.
-
- Mau, A., on the _Praying Boy_ of Berlin, 132.
-
- Mausoleion, Halikarnassos, chariot frieze from, 271, 289;
- chariot-group from, 264;
- small chariot frieze from, 274, 275.
-
- Mausolos, games in honor of, 11.
-
- Maviglia, Ada, on _Diadoumenos_ of Delos, 93;
- rejects the _Apoxyomenos_ and the _Agias_ as evidence of style
- of Lysippos, 290.
-
- Mayer, M., on athlete (?) statue from Olympieion, 143;
- on Myron’s _pristae_, 188.
-
- Medes, the, 11.
-
- Mediterranean culture, 1;
- gymnastic exercises in, 6;
- origin of Greek athletics in, 7.
-
- Megakles, victor at Olympia, 363.
-
- Megara, colossal torso of “Apollo” from, 336.
-
- Megara Hyblaia, Sicily, necropolis in, 337;
- statue of Zeus of, at Olympia, 344.
-
- Meleager, head of, on Praxitelian trunk in Medici Gardens, Rome, 313;
- statue of, in Fogg Museum, Boston, 314;
- statue of, in Vatican, 312;
- statue of Kyniskos converted into, 74.
-
- Melikertes, 10.
-
- Melite, deme of, 110.
-
- Melos, “Apollo” from, 100, 101, 103, 104.
-
- Memorials, miscellaneous, of victors, 40, 41.
-
- Memphis, motion statuettes from, 177;
- art of, 330.
-
- Mende, offering of people of, at Olympia, 164, 341.
-
- Mendel, M., excavations of, at Tegea, 306;
- on head of Herakles, from Tegea, 306, 307.
-
- Menedemos, bases of two statues at Olympia, 358.
-
- Menelaos, sculptor, 113.
-
- Mengs, Raphael, painter, cast from collection of, showing swollen ears,
- 169;
- on proportions, 68.
-
- Messana, coins of, showing mule-car, 263.
-
- Messene, coins of, 111;
- hierothesion at, 19.
-
- Messenians, of Naupaktos, 110.
-
- Metageitnion, month of, 18.
-
- Metellus Macedonicus, base of statue at Olympia, 348.
-
- Metrobios, T. Phlabios (Flavius), base of statue at Iasos, 369.
-
- Metrodoros, Aurelios, base of statue at Kyzikos, 371.
-
- Michaelis, A., on _apobates_ chariot-race on Parthenon frieze, 272;
- on base of statue of Epicharinos, on Akropolis, 372;
- on use of ἐν δεξιᾷ and ἐν ἀριστερᾷ by Pausanias, 349;
- on _Lansdowne Herakles_, 298, 313;
- on Petworth ephebe statue, 133;
- on the _Standing Diskobolos_, 76;
- Michaelis, A., and Conze, A., on “Apollo” type as victor statues,
- 335.
-
- Middle Kingdom, Egypt, dates of, 330 and note 6;
- sculptures of, 330.
-
- Mikon, of Athens, sculptor, 61, 62, 129.
-
- Mikon, of Syracuse, sculptor, 375.
-
- Mikythos, or Smikythos, group dedicated at Olympia by, 215, 351.
-
- Milchhoefer, A., on painting by Eupompos, 160.
-
- Miletos, coins of, 74, 118, 119, 336.
-
- Military runner (δρομοκῆρυξ), 209.
-
- Milo, statue at Olympia, 31, 106f., 130, 165, 337.
-
- Miltiades, games in honor of, on Thracian Chersonesos, 11.
-
- Miltiades, son of Kypselos, votive offering at Olympia, 264, 265.
-
- Minoans, the, of Crete, 1;
- influenced by Orient, 1;
- love of sports among, 6.
- See Crete.
-
- Mnaseas, statue at Olympia, 161, 179, 181.
-
- Mnesiboulos, statue in Elateia, 204, 371.
-
- Monceaux; see Laloux and Monceaux.
-
- Mopsos, boxing match with Admetos, 285.
-
- Mosaic, athlete, in Lateran, Rome, 215.
-
- Mosso, A., on _Boxer Vase_, 6;
- on origin of Greek boxing-glove, 235;
- on Vapheio cups, 4.
-
- Motion statues, antiquity of, in Greece, 176f.;
- in Assyro-Babylonian art, 177;
- in Cretan art, 177;
- in Egyptian art, 176, 177;
- in Greece, not developed out of “Apollo” statue type, 177;
- on early vases, 177;
- victor statues in, 173f.;
- victor statues in various contests, 188f.
-
- Motives, general, of statues in motion, 188f.;
- at rest, 130f.
-
- Mounot, Étienne, sculptor, 185.
-
- Mueller, K. O., on common features of victor statues, 44.
-
- Mule-car, on Rhegian and Messanian coins, 263.
-
- Mule-race (ἀπήνη); see Chariot-race with mules.
-
- _Munich King_, statue so-called, 226.
-
- Muscles, in Cretan art, 3, 4.
-
- Muses, group of, by Hagelaïdas, Arostokles and Kanachos, 118.
-
- Musical contests, dedications for, at Olympia and elsewhere, 283f.;
- at Delphi, 25;
- honor dedications for, at Olympia, 285;
- monuments for, victor or votive in character, 284;
- at Olympia, non-athletic, 283, 285, represented on imitation
- Panathenaic vases, 284;
- on reliefs, 284;
- victors in, at Delphi, 284;
- victor statues for musicians, on Helikon, 284.
-
- Mussius, L., gravestone of, 72.
-
- Mycenæ, 1, 7;
- lack of athletic scenes at, 8;
- no Egyptian influence on art of, 332.
-
- Mykale, battle of, 373.
-
- Myrina, terra-cotta statuettes from, 135.
-
- Myron, sculptor, 183f., 324, 353, 375;
- αὐτάρκεια of, 183;
- criticism of, by Cicero, 60;
- by Pliny, 180, 184;
- dated by Pliny, 61;
- love of movement of, 183;
- Myron and _Hermes Ludovisi_, 85;
- Myron and Pythagoras, difficulty of separating works of, 181, 245;
- Myron and _Standing Diskobolos_, 76;
- Olympic victor statues by, 129, 187f., 245, 333;
- poses of victor statues by, 44;
- pupil of Hagelaïdas, 110;
- as realist, 188;
- statue of Ladas by, 196f.;
- surpasses Polykleitos in rhythm and symmetry, 66;
- versatility of, 188;
- victor statues at Delphi by, 26, 188.
-
- Myron, tyrant of Sikyon, dedicates bronze chapel at Olympia, 41.
-
- Mytilene, statue from, 92.
-
-
- Narkissos, 158.
-
- Narykidas, base of statue at Olympia, 342.
-
- Natalis, L. Minikios (Minicius), equestrian monument at Olympia, 37.
-
- _Natural History_, of Pliny; see _Historia Naturalis_.
-
- Naturalism, in Greek Art, 44.
-
- Naukratis, Egypt, 105, 329, 334.
-
- Naukydes, sculptor, 76, 117, 120;
- leg position of statues by, 159;
- Naukydes and _Standing Diskobolos_, 76f.;
- Naukydes and canon of Polykleitos, 69;
- statue of Cheimon by, characterized by Pausanias, 62.
-
- Naupaktos, 110.
-
- Nausikaa, 83.
-
- Naxos, “Apollo” from, 328, 334;
- bronze statuette from, 74, 119;
- statue of Nikandre from, 177.
-
- Nelson, Philip, head in collection of, 157.
-
- Nemea, athletes at, divided into three classes, by ages, 189;
- athletic contests at, 25;
- athletic interest of, secondary to that of Olympia, 25;
- boy contests at, 25;
- festival at, 1;
- founded by Adrastos, 17;
- held every two years, 17;
- in honor of Opheltes or Archermoros, 10;
- later in honor of a god, 9;
- origin of, 9;
- records of victors at, 21;
- relief from, 132;
- retired valley of, 25;
- revived by Hadrian, 17;
- statues of victors at, 26;
- statues of victors at, in Athens, 27;
- summarily treated by Pausanias, 24;
- transferred to Argos, 17;
- under Argive influence, 17;
- the _Nemea_ of Thebes, 27.
-
- Nemead, first dated, 17.
-
- _Nemesis_, statue by Agorakritos at Rhamnous, 182.
-
- Neolaïdas, statue at Olympia, 120.
-
- Nepos, on first date of representing athlete statues in motion, 173.
-
- Nero, coins of, 21;
- uses force to win at the _Isthmia_, 34;
- villa of, at Subiaco, 195;
- wins chariot-races at Olympia, 257, 262, 369.
-
- Nesiotes, sculptor, criticism of, by Lucian, 60.
-
- Nestor, 8;
- contests at Bouprasion, 9;
- statue at Olympia, by Onatas, 122.
-
- Net, on Vapheio cup, 5.
-
- New Empire, Egypt, dates of, 331 and note 2;
- sculptures of, 331.
-
- Nida-Haddernheim, terra-cotta statuette from, 202.
-
- Nikandre, statue of, 177.
-
- Nikandros, statue at Olympia, 121.
-
- Nikanor, fragment of base of statue at Olympia, 359.
-
- Nikarchos, base of statue at Olympia, 356.
-
- _Nike_, the, of Archermos, 177;
- bronze figurine from Akropolis, 177;
- as charioteer, 268;
- on Ficoroni cista, 269;
- on hand of statue of Olympian Zeus, at Olympia, 149;
- on Nike balustrade from Akropolis, 86;
- on relief in Madrid, 269;
- on relief from Phaleron, 269;
- on sarcophagus from Klazomenai, 268.
- See also Paionios, the _Nike_ of.
-
- Nikeratos, date of archonship of, 194.
-
- Nikeus, casts stone diskos, 218.
-
- Nikodamos, sculptor, 244.
-
- Nikokles, victor monument at Akriai, 372.
-
- Nikomachos, painter, 268;
- _Victoria quadrigam in sublime rapiens_ by, 268.
-
- Nineveh, reliefs from, 330.
-
- Niobid, identified with statue of youth from Subiaco, 195.
-
- _Nordostgraben_, the, at Olympia, 358.
-
- _Nordwestgraben_, the, at Olympia, 356.
-
- North Greek-Thracian school of sculpture, 114.
-
- Noses, bloody, on vase-paintings, 167.
-
- _Novus Annus_ (?), nude statue found in Rhine identified as, 276.
-
- Nudity, characteristic of archaic statues, 335;
- as essential difference between Greek and foreigner, 48;
- not observed by charioteers, 48;
- of victor statues, 47f.
-
- _Nudus talo incessens_, statue by Polykleitos, 158, 249, 250;
- statuette from Autun showing the Polykleitan motive, 249, 250.
-
- Numismatic commentary on Pausanias, 306.
-
- Ny-Carlsberg Museum, Copenhagen, archaic head of youth in, 128;
- two heads in, 180, 181; etc.
-
- Nymphs, altar at Olympia, 351.
-
-
- Odysseus, 8.
-
- Oibotas, statue at Olympia, 30, 32, 333, 343, 351.
-
- Oil, used in wrestling, 165.
-
- Oil-flask, on r.-f. kylix in Munich, 164.
-
- _Oil-pourer_, bronze statuette of, from South Italy, 135;
- statue so-called, in Munich, 99, 133f., 137;
- as Attic work, 137;
- head in Boston, copy of original of, 134;
- pose of, 158;
- torso in Dresden as variant of, 134, 135.
-
- Oil-pouring, on gems, reliefs and terra-cotta statuettes, 135.
-
- Oil-scraping, as athletic motive, 135f.
-
- Oinoanda, base of victor statue from, 371.
-
- Oinomaos, chariot-race with Pelops, 14, 259;
- column at Olympia, 323, 350, 351.
-
- Olaidas, honor statue at Olympia, 42.
-
- Old Kingdom, Egypt, dates of, 330 and note 3;
- sculptures of, 330.
-
- Olive, crown of, as prize at Olympia, 155f.;
- of “Fair Crown,” at Olympia, 20, 351;
- wild, 20.
-
- Olympia, account of monuments at, by Pausanias, 24;
- age of boy victors at, 189;
- antiquity of, from excavations and religious history, 16;
- athletes at, divided into two classes, by ages, 189;
- boxer head from, 62;
- celebrated every four years, 15;
- controlled by Eleans alone after Persian wars, 15;
- early controlled by Pisa, 15;
- early overshadowed by Delphi and Delos, 14, 15;
- founded before Dorian invasion, 14;
- funeral origin of, 9;
- German excavations at, 43;
- history of, 14;
- held in honor of a god, 9;
- held in honor of Pelops, 10;
- importance of, from seventh century B. C., 15;
- later controlled by Pisa and Elis, 15;
- prehistoric buildings at, 16, 349;
- sacrifices at, to Pelops and Zeus, 11;
- as sanctuary prior to advent of Achæans, 14;
- style of head of athlete (Philandridas) from, 293f.;
- style of gable statues from, 113, 114;
- traditional history of, by Pausanias and Strabo, 15;
- two figures from West gable of temple of Zeus from, 195;
- victor statues in Altis at, 26; etc.
-
- Olympia register, 15.
-
- Olympiad, first dated, 15;
- traditional first, 8;
- the 8th, 34th, 104th, 211th, omitted from Elean register, 369.
-
- Olympieion, statue from ruins of, 143.
-
- Olympos, sculptor, 120.
-
- _Omphalos_, from Athens, 89.
-
- Onatas, sculptor, 122;
- group of Opis at Delphi by, 125;
- inscribed base from Akropolis, 24, 281;
- Onatas and East gable statues from temple on Aegina, 125;
- Onatas and Kalamis, 129, 264;
- works of, at Olympia, 122, 267.
-
- Onomastos, games of, at Cumae, 20.
-
- Onomastos, of Smyrna, institutes boxing rules at Olympia, 235.
-
- Opheltes, 10.
-
- Opis, group of, at Delphi, by Onatas, 125.
-
- _Opportunity_ (Καιρός), altar at Olympia, 76;
- statue by Lysippos, 250.
-
- Orchomenos, “Apollo” from, 100, 101, 103, 328, 334;
- ceiling of treasury of, 329.
-
- Orestes, as his own charioteer, 267.
-
- Oriental influence on early Greek art, 328f.
-
- Originals of victor statues at Olympia, 62f., 322.
-
- Orpheus and Telete, victor group on Helikon, 284.
-
- Orsippos, first athlete to drop the loin-cloth, 47.
-
- _Osthalle_, the, at Olympia, 358.
-
- Overbeck, J., on _Farnese Herakles_, 253;
- on head of hoplitodromos from Olympia, 163;
- on heads of Apollo, 275;
- on Lysippos as exclusively a bronze founder, 302;
- on Olympia sculptures, 114;
- on Piombino statuette, 119;
- _Schriftquellen_ of, 61;
- on _Standing Diskobolos_, 76.
-
- Oxylos, King of Dorian Eleans, 15.
-
- _Oxyrhynchus Papyri_, the, 31;
- order of contestants at Olympia in, 189.
-
-
- Paianios, statue at Olympia, 234.
-
- Paidotribes, or trainer of athletes, 229, 236, 248.
-
- Paint, used on sculptures, 326.
-
- Painting, competition in, at Delphi, 25.
-
- Paintings, as victor monuments, 28.
-
- Paionios, sculptor, 113;
- the _Nike_ of, at Olympia, 326, 343, 344, 352, 360;
- replica of, at Delphi, 304;
- replica of head of, in Rome, 304.
-
- Palæstra, absent in Homer, 7;
- palæstra gymnast, statuette of, 108;
- origin of name, 228;
- statues of athletes in, 297;
- statues of athletic gods in, 75, 94.
-
- Palaistra, the, at Olympia, 347, 355, 356, 359, 360, etc.;
- at Pompeii, 224.
-
- Palatine, the, at Rome, 50;
- fragment of leg of statue from, 89.
-
- Palladion, carried off by Diomedes, 169.
-
- Palm, the, as common measure in proportions, 68.
-
- Palm-branch, on so-called _Apollo-on-the-Omphalos_ and _Apollo
- Choiseul-Gouffier_, 161;
- in hand of victorious jockey on coin of Philip II, 280;
- on statue from Formiae, 161;
- on statue of girl runner in Vatican, 161;
- on stele from Dipylon, 161;
- on unfinished statue of athlete in Athens, 160;
- on vases, 161;
- as victor attribute, 50, 160f.
-
- Palm-wreath, common to many games, 21, 160.
-
- Pammachos, statue at Thebes, 368.
-
- Pamphilos, grave-relief of, in Vienna, 97.
-
- Pan, _Doryphoros_ converted into, 74.
-
- _Panathenaia_, the; see Panathenaic games.
-
- Panathenaic amphoræ, runners on, 106, 194;
- four-horse chariot on, from Sparta, 263;
- Dyneiketos, victor, on, 280; etc.
-
- Panathenaic games, Great, Athens, acrobatic feats at, 20;
- contest of beauty at, 57;
- dedication of victor in chariot-race at, 129;
- held every fourth year, 18;
- hydria as prize at, 20;
- jars of oil as prizes at, 20;
- money as prizes at, 33;
- origin of, 17;
- paintings dedicated by victors at, 29;
- remodeled by Solon, 17;
- statue of boy victor at, in Athens, 27.[s/b ;]
- Little, annual Athenian festival, 18.
-
- Pancratiasts, 246f.;
- bronze statuette of, from Autun, 249;
- cap of, 165f.;
- ear of, as no criterion of athlete statues, 95;
- group of, in Florence, 99, 233, 251f.;
- head of, from Olympia, 254, 255;
- in sculpture, 170, 248.
-
- Pan-hellenic fame of victors at four national games, 33.
-
- _Panionia_, the, festival at Mykale, 19.
-
- Pankration (παγκράτιον), Artemidoros on, 247;
- biting and gouging allowed at Sparta in, 246;
- boys’ contest introduced at Olympia, 247;
- boys’ contests outside Olympia, 247;
- as combination of boxing and wrestling, 246;
- contrasted with wrestling, 246;
- as dangerous sport, 246;
- eight Pindaric odes in honor of, 246;
- etymology of word, 246;
- “fairest” of contests, 246;
- fight on ground, 248;
- grips and throws shown on vases, 247;
- introduced at Olympia, 247;
- invented by Theseus or Herakles, 247;
- not in Homer, 247;
- not so brutal as popularly believed, 246;
- often ended with preliminary sparring, 249;
- often resulted in death, 247;
- pankration and wrestling on same day, 93, 94;
- popularity of, at Olympia, 247;
- rules of, 246.
-
- Panodoros, 371.
-
- Pantares, statue at Olympia, 354.
-
- Pantarkes, favorite of Pheidias, 150.
-
- Pantarkes, victor statue at Olympia, 150, 151.
-
- Pantheion, the, at Olympia, 21.
-
- Pantias, sculptor, 268, 279.
-
- Papyrus, containing wrestling instructions, 229.
-
- Paris, statue by Euphranor, 83.
-
- Parnon, Mount, statue of Herakles on, 319.
-
- Paros, torso of ephebe from Akropolis, work of sculptor from, 127.
-
- Parrhasios, painter, 29, 67, 206.
-
- Parsley, not used as prize wreath at Nemea, 21.
-
- Parthenon, frieze of the, 18, 53, 86, 151;
- Athenian knights on, 281;
- chariot scenes on, 271;
- representing _apobates_ race, 272;
- youth crowning self on, 158;
- metopes of, 149.
-
- Pasiteles, sculptor, 60, 112;
- Pasiteles and _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, 89;
- Pasiteles and _Spinario_, 201, 202.
-
- Patrokles, sculptor, 117, 120, 131, 138, 141.
-
- Patroklos, contests at funeral games of, 8;
- funeral games of, in Iliad, 7f., 11, 51;
- tripods in honor of, 19.
-
- Pausanias, King of Sparta, flees from ephors, 367;
- funeral games in honor of, at Sparta, 11.
-
- Pausanias, the _Periegete_, on art, 61;
- description of Greece by, 43;
- description of victor statues in Altis by, 339;
- on girl runners at the _Heraia_ at Olympia, 49, 50;
- on honor and victor statues, 39;
- mentions only part of victor statues in Altis, 324;
- on origin of Olympic games, 15;
- _periegesis_ of Altis by, 190;
- on reason for Pythian air being played at pankration, 284, 285;
- routes (ἔφοδοι) of, in Altis, 339, 341f., 348f.;
- on similarity between Greek and Egyptian sculptures, 330;
- on statue of Euthymos, at Olympia, 183;
- use of words ἐν ἀριστερᾷ and ἐν δεξιᾷ by, 299;
- on victor statues of poets and musicians on Helikon, 284;
- on votive character of victor statues at Athens and Olympia, 38; etc.
-
- Payne Knight bronze statuette, so-called, in British Museum, 108, 119.
-
- Peace, temple of, in Rome, 366.
-
- Pearl-string hair technique, 53.
-
- Peisanos, M. Antonios Kallippos, statue at Olympia, 359.
-
- Peisirhodos, victor at Olympia, 47, 49.
-
- Peisistratidai, 128.
-
- Peisistratos, tyrant, 363;
- head of, so-called, 181.
-
- Peisthetairos, in _Aves_ of Aristophanes, 206.
-
- Pelias, funeral games of, 11;
- on chest of Kypselos, 12;
- tripods in honor of, 19.
-
- Pelichos, statue of, 56.
-
- Pelopion, the, at Olympia, 348, 349, 350, 357.
-
- Peloponnesian sculptors, 109f., 114.
-
- Pelops, chariot-race with Oinomaos, 14, 259;
- contestants at Olympia sacrifice to, 11;
- Olympian games in honor of, 10;
- Peloponnesian boys lashed at altar of, 11;
- statue of, in East gable, temple of Zeus at Olympia, 176;
- worship of, at Olympia, preceded that of Zeus, 16.
-
- Pensive expression, in portraits of Alexander, 296.
-
- _Pentaëteris_, or four-year festival, 17.
-
- Pentathletes, attributes of, 164, 165;
- statues in motion, 210f.;
- statues at rest, 164;
- on vases, 164.
-
- Pentathlon, the, accompanied by flute, 284;
- all-round development from, 59, 211;
- boys’, introduced at Olympia, 210;
- events in, on r.-f. vases, 210;
- five events of, 9, 210;
- diskos throwing, 218f.;
- javelin throwing, 222f.;
- jumping, 214f.;
- jumping most difficult part of, 216;
- jumping-weights used in, 214;
- men’s introduced at Olympia, 210;
- not in Homer, 9, 210;
- Pythian air played at, 285.
-
- Pergamon, dying Gaul statues from, 255;
- frieze of Great Altar at, 252;
- small frieze from, 253.
-
- Periandros, tyrant, gold statue vowed by, 266;
- refounds Isthmian games, 17.
-
- _Periboëtos_, statue of satyr known as the, 144.
-
- Perikles, 52, 362;
- portrait of, by Kresilas, 56, 199;
- statue of slave of, 143.
-
- Perinthos, head from, 179, 180, 181;
- prototype of Riccardi and Ince Blundell heads, 181.
-
- Peripatetics, criticism of Greek sculpture by the, 58.
-
- _Perixyomenoi_, statues of, 136.
-
- Perrot and Chipiez, on so-called dying hoplite relief, 209.
-
- Perseus and head of Medusa, on engraved gem, 83;
- Perseus and Danaë, in a chest, 188.
-
- Persian Wars, 51;
- sack of Akropolis during, 126.
-
- Perugia, statuette of diver (?) from, 217.
-
- Pesaro, the _Idolino_ found at, 141.
-
- Petasos, as attribute of Hermes, 108, 207, note 1, etc.
-
- Peter cista, the, in Vatican, 243.
-
- Petersen, E., on Kyniskos’ statue, 159;
- on Pythokles’ statue base, 212.
-
- Petrograd, head of athlete in, 180; etc.
-
- Petworth House, Sussex, Kresilæan head of athlete in, 145;
- statue of ephebe in, 133.
-
- Phaistos, theatral area at, 3.
-
- Phanas, head ascribed to, 163;
- statue at Olympia, 106, 355.
-
- Pharsalos, home of Daochos, 286;
- statue base of the _Agias_ at, 303.
-
- Phaÿllos, record diskos-throw of, 216;
- record jump of, 216;
- statue at Delphi, 26.
-
- Pheidias, 36, 110;
- goddess types of, 53;
- ideal tendency of, 152;
- relation of, to _Diadoumenos Farnese_, 151;
- relation of, to _Hermes Ludovisi_, 85;
- statue of boy crowning himself at Olympia by, 150f.
-
- Pheidippides, runner, 209.
-
- Pheidolas, sons of, monument at Olympia, 23, 279.
-
- Pheidon, king of Argos, 15.
-
- Pheneus, games at, 76.
-
- Pherenike, mother of Peisirhodos, 47, 49.
-
- Phigalia, victor statue of Arrhachion in market-place of, 326.
-
- Philandridas, date of victory of, 300;
- head from statue of, at Olympia, by Lysippos, identified, 293f.;
- head called youthful Herakles by some, 297;
- compared with head of boy athlete from Sparta, 316f.;
- crushed ear of, 168;
- location of, in Altis, 300;
- under life-size, 46.
-
- _Philesian Apollo_, of elder Kanachos, 74, 107, 108, 118-120, 336 and
- note 1;
- “double” of, in Thebes, 304.
-
- Philinos, statue at Olympia, 30, 55.
-
- Philios, D., on dying hoplite relief, so-called, 209.
-
- Philip II, king of Macedon, coin of, showing victorious jockey with
- palm-branch, 280;
- coins of, showing Athenian type of chariot, 263;
- equestrian victor at Olympia, 257, 263.
-
- Philippeion, the, at Olympia, 353, 355, 356, 357, 358.
-
- Philippopolis, coin of, 78.
-
- Philippos, of Kroton, Olympic victor, heroön of, at Egesta, 35, 57,
- 363.
-
- Philippos, of Pellene, inscribed bronze plate from victor statue base
- at Olympia, 244f.
-
- Philistos, monument base at Olympia, 357.
-
- Phillen, or Philys, statue at Olympia, 344.
-
- Philon, statue at Olympia, 122.
-
- Philonides, courier of Alexander, honor statue at Olympia, 42, 346, 356,
- 359.
-
- Philonides, sculptor, 109, 266.
-
- Philonikos, base of statue at Olympia, 358.
-
- Philokrates, base of statue at Olympia, 368.
-
- Philoktetes, in Sophokles’ drama, the _Philoctetes_, 59.
-
- Philostratos, of Rhodes, adversary of Straton at Olympia, 34.
-
- Philostratos, on athletes wearing coarse mantle, 47;
- on Eleans allowing strangling in pankration, 246;
- on jumping-weights, 215, 216;
- on method of putting on boxing thongs, 236;
- on omitted 211th Olympiad, 369;
- on pankration as “fairest of contests,” 246;
- on prohibition against biting and gouging in pankration, 246;
- on reason for nudity of Olympic athletes, 47;
- on Spartans allowing biting and gouging in pankration, 246;
- on statue of Milo, 106, 337;
- on style of long race, 194;
- on reason for Pythian air being played at pentathlon, 285.
-
- Philotimos, sculptor, 123, 264, 268, 279.
-
- Philoumenos, inscription from base of statue of, 371.
-
- Philys; see Phillen.
-
- Phlegon, on olive crown, 20.
-
- Phœnicians, the, transmit Assyrian and Egyptian designs to Greece, 330.
-
- Phokis, confederacy of, sets up statue at Olympia, 30.
-
- Phormis, offering at Olympia, 28, 62, 163, 264.
-
- Phorystas, base of statue from Tanagra, 368.
-
- Phradmon, sculptor, 117.
-
- Phrikias, head ascribed to, 162, 163, 353;
- statue at Olympia, 106.
-
- Phrixos, on shield relief, 162.
-
- Physical differences, in athletes, 59.
-
- Piankhi, King of Aethiopia and invader of Egypt, 331.
-
- Pictorial hair technique, 53.
-
- Pinakotheke, the, at Athens, 29.
-
- Pinax, of victresses at the _Heraia_, at Olympia, 49;
- votive on Attic vase, 29;
- πινάκιον, iconic, 182.
-
- Pindar, on boxing and wrestling, 8;
- on connection of Pelops with Olympia, 10;
- on early value of bronze, 19;
- on non-existence of the pentathlon in heroic days, 210;
- ode on flutist Sakadas, 284;
- scholia on, 26, 130, 190;
- seventh Olympic ode of, 343;
- sings praises of victors, 36;
- sixth Pythian ode of, 267;
- writes eight odes in praise of pankration, 246.
-
- Pine, the, at the Isthmus, 21;
- wreath of, at the Isthmus, 20;
- at Nemea, 21.
-
- Piombino, bronze statuette from, 118.
-
- Pison, sculptor, 278.
-
- Plane-tree Grove, Sparta, 319, 367.
-
- Plastic hair technique, 53.
-
- Platæa, the _Eleutheria_ at, 11.
-
- Platæan _Zeus_, the, statue at Olympia, 344.
-
- Plato, on boys’ stade-race, 191;
- divides athletes into three classes, 189;
- on Egyptian art, 60;
- on happy life of victors, 36;
- on length of stade-race for boys, 191;
- on length of stade-race for ephebes, 191;
- on loin-cloth, 48;
- mentions σφαῖραι, 237;
- on mythical origin of wrestling, 228;
- omits pankration in his ideal state, 246;
- protests against competition in athletics, 36;
- on swollen ear of athletes, 167.
-
- Plectra, in Parthenon, 23.
-
- Pliny, on Alkamenes’ _Enkrinomenos_, 77;
- on the _Apoxyomenos_ of Lysippos, 289;
- on art, 60, 61;
- on custom of setting up statues of victors at Olympia, 27, 324, 354;
- on Euphranor’s canon, 69;
- on Eutychides, sculptor, 121;
- on Greek origin of equestrian monuments, 24;
- _Historia Naturalis_ of, 43, 321;
- on iconic statues, 54, 55;
- on Kanachos’ statue of the _Philesian Apollo_, 118;
- on Kanachos’ _celetizontes pueri_, 120;
- on Kresilas’ portrait of Perikles, 56;
- on Lysippos’ proportions, 46;
- on Lysistratos making portraits from plaster moulds, 56;
- on monotony in the art of Polykleitos, 152, 226;
- on Myron, 184;
- on nudity of athletes, 47;
- on the _nudus talo incessens_ of Polykleitos, 249, 250;
- on representing victors by paintings, 29;
- on the sculptor Apellas, 267;
- on the _Splanchnoptes_ of Styphax, 143;
- on statue of pancratiast at Delphi by Pythagoras, 26;
- on statue represented in prayer, 130;
- on statue of victors by Myron at Delphi, 26;
- on symmetry, 66; etc.
-
- Plutarch, on Apollo as boxer, 88;
- on art, 61;
- on portraits of Alexander by Lysippos, 290, 328.
-
- _Plutus_, the, of Aristophanes, quoted, 36.
-
- Poetic competitions at Delphi, 25.
-
- Poets, statues on Helikon, 284;
- statues at Olympia, 285.
-
- Polemon, on statue of Leon, 366;
- on statue of Epicharinos, 372.
-
- Polites, victor at Olympia, 354.
-
- Pollux, describes game of σκαπέρδη, 236.
-
- Pollux; see Polydeukes.
-
- _Pollux_, the statue in Louvre, so-called, 180, 181, 188, 245.
-
- Polybios, on Kleitomachos, boxer of Thebes, 147.
-
- _Polychalchos_, surname of Spartan victor Polykles, 266.
-
- Polydamas, relief from base of statue of, 303;
- statue of, at Olympia, by Lysippos, 32, 45, 121, 298, 299;
- statue of, cures fevers, 364.
-
- Polydeukes, boxing-match with Amykos on Ficoroni cista, 269;
- as famed boxer, 235;
- wins boxing match at Olympia, 96, 235.
-
- Polykleitos, the Elder, sculptor, 117, 118;
- _Apoxyomenos_ of, 136;
- called Kleito by Sokrates, in Xenophon’s _Memorabilia_, 59;
- canon of, 68, 111, 136, 148, 288;
- characteristics of, 152;
- date of, by Pliny, 61;
- _destringentesse_ of, 136, 288;
- _Diadoumenos_ of, 152, 154;
- _Doryphoros_ of, 211, 224f.;
- as idealist, 188;
- influence of, on Lysippos, 291;
- influenced by Attic art, 152;
- innovation of, in statue poses, 226;
- monotony of, 152, 226;
- poses of victor statues of, 44;
- pupil of Hagelaïdas, 110;
- pupils of, 139;
- victor statues of, 36.
-
- Polykleitos, the Younger, sculptor, statues of victors at Olympia by,
- 30, 117, 118.
-
- Polykles, the Elder, sculptor, 129, 324.
-
- Polykles, victor group at Olympia, 150, 266.
-
- Polymedes, sculptor, 105.
-
- Polypeithes, chariot-group at Olympia, 23, 265, 347.
-
- Polyxenos, statue at Olympia, 359.
-
- Polyzalos, brother of Gelo, 278.
-
- Pomegranate, attribute of victor statues, 107, 165.
-
- Pompeii, _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos found at, 70;
- Palaistra at, 87.
-
- Poros sculptures, 53, 128.
-
- Porto d’Anzio, statue from, 135, 144.
-
- Portraiture, Greek, 54, 55f.;
- privilege of erecting portrait statues at Olympia, 57, 354;
- privilege rarely given, 57;
- realistic, 56, 57.
-
- Poseidon, altar at Isthmus, 259;
- god of contests, 75;
- pine sacred to, 21;
- sanctuary at Isthmus, 21;
- statue from Melos, 73, 74;
- surnamed ἵππιος, at Sparta, 362.
-
- Poses, of victor statues, found on various sculptured and painted
- works, 44;
- general, of victor statues at rest, 130f.;
- general, of victor statues in motion, 188f.
-
- Poulsen, F., on the _Agias_, 291, note 2.
-
- Prado, copy of _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos in the, Madrid, 153.
-
- Praisos, seal from, 3.
-
- Praxidamas, wood statue at Olympia, 106, 322, 326, 333, 337, 351.
-
- Praxiteles, sculptor, 36, 80;
- the _Agias_ of Lysippos influenced by, 291;
- art of, rooted in fifth century B. C., 134;
- as bronze worker, 303;
- delicate male types of, 297;
- hair technique of, 53;
- head-type of, 77, 309;
- Praxiteles and boy athlete head from Sparta, 305, 311;
- Praxiteles and Kalamis, chariot-group by, 268;
- Praxiteles and Philandridas head from Olympia, 293;
- Praxiteles and Skopas differentiated, 311;
- statue of a ψελιουμένη by, 131.
-
- Prayer, as motive in votive monuments, 130;
- position of hands in Greek, 132;
- statue of youth represented in, from Carinthia, 131;
- statue of youth represented in, Berlin, 131;
- statuette of youth represented in, Metropolitan Museum, 132, 133.
-
- _Praying Boy_, the, statue so-called, in Berlin, 131, 132.
-
- Preuner, E., on inscription from statue base in Pharsalos, 286, 317,
- 318, 363.
-
- _Pristae_, by Myron, 188.
-
- Prizes, on chest of Kypselos, 13;
- at contests of beauty, 57;
- early athlete, 18f.;
- at games of Azan, 9;
- at games of Patroklos, 19.
-
- Processional entrance, the, of the Altis, 347.
-
- Processional way, the, of the Altis, 348, 349, 350.
-
- Professionalism in athletics, at Olympia, 361;
- protests against, 36, 37.
-
- Profile, first example of Greek, 116.
-
- Prokles, statue at Olympia, 345, 346.
-
- Promachos, statues at Olympia and Pellene, 31, 304, 323, 325, 326, 367.
-
- _Proportio_, in Greek art, 66.
-
- Proportions, canons of, 65f.;
- in Egyptian art, 67;
- Fritsch on, of body, 67;
- Kalkmann on, of face, 67.
-
- Prose writers, statues at Olympia, 285.
-
- Protogenes, athlete painted by, 29.
-
- Protolaos, statue at Olympia, 179, 352.
-
- Prytaneion, the, in Athens, victors eat at public expense at, 32;
- the, in Olympia, 299, 342, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360.
-
- Psammetichos, tyrant of Corinth, 17.
-
- Pseudo-Andokides, 363.
-
- Pseudo-Plutarch, on statue of Isokrates at Athens, 24 and note 11, 27
- and note 4, 281, 373.
-
- Ptoion, Mount, statues of “Apollo” from, 100, 101, 102, 103, 334;
- tripods in temple of Apollo on, 19.
-
- Ptolemy, Gymnasion at Athens, 166.
-
- Ptolichos, sculptor, 61, 122.
-
- Puchstein, O., on location of Great Altar of Zeus at Olympia, 349.
-
- Pummeling, allowed in pankration, 246.
-
- Pyanepsion, month of, 18.
-
- Pyrilampes, statue at Olympia, 343, 346, 353.
-
- Pythagoras, sculptor, 138, 178f., 364, 375;
- dated by Pliny, 61;
- first to aim at rhythm and symmetry, 67, 179;
- first to express sinews and veins, 138;
- Pythagoras and _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, 89;
- Pythagoras and Delphi _Charioteer_, 278;
- Pythagoras and Myron, 181, 245;
- Pythagoras and Tux bronze, 207;
- statue of Delphic pancratiast by, 26, 178, 182;
- statue of _mala ferens nudus_ by, 107;
- style of, 179;
- victor statues at Olympia, by, 36, 62, 161, 178f., 268.
-
- Pytheos, see Pythis.
-
- Pythes, honor statue at Olympia, 42.
-
- _Pythia_, the, festival at Delphi, 16, 17;
- as athletic meet, inferior to Nemea and Isthmia, 24, 25;
- as festival, second to Olympia, 24;
- in honor of the Python, 10;
- statue of victor at, in Athens, 27.
- See Delphi.
-
- Pythian air, played at pentathlon, 88, 285.
-
- _Pythian Apollo_, the, statue of, 330, 334.
-
- Pythis, or Pytheos, architect, 264.
-
- Python, the, at Delphi, 10, 25.
-
- Pythokles, replicas of statues of, 212f.;
- statue of, at Olympia, 93, 117, 159 and note 3, 211, 212, 343.
-
- Pythokritos, flutist, honor statue at Olympia, 42, 285, 352.
-
- Pythokritos, sculptor, 244.
-
- Pyxis, from Knossos, 7.
-
-
- _Quadrigae_, mentioned by Pliny, 264.
- See Chariot-race.
-
- Quatremère de Quincy, on _Borghese Warrior_, 208.
-
- “Quiet grandeur” (_stille Grosse_) of Greek Art, 57.
-
- Quintilian, on art, 61;
- on the _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos, 70, 226;
- on the _Diskobolos_ of Myron, 187.
-
- Quintus Smyrnæus, on jumping among the Trojans, 214.
-
- Quiver, on Torlonia copy of the _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type,
- 89.
-
- Quoit; see Diskos.
-
-
- _Ram-offerer_, statue by Naukydes, 78.
-
- Rampin head, of Louvre, 126, 128, 176;
- hair technique of, 53.
-
- Ra-nefer, limestone statue in Cairo, 330.
-
- Rayet, on _Borghese Warrior_, 208.
-
- Rayet-Jacobsen head, so-called, in Copenhagen, 127, 128, 167, 337.
-
- Realism in Greek art, 56, 57, 146f.;
- in Greek portraiture, 56, 57.
-
- Reconstruction of Olympic victor statues, 43f.
-
- Reinach, S., on bronze statue of youth from Antikythera, 83;
- on stone statues being placed under cover, 325.
-
- Reinach, Th., on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera,
- 81.
-
- Reisch, E., on javelin-throwers in sculpture, 224;
- on Pliny’s _puer tenens tabellam_ and _malaferens nudus_, 181;
- on statue of Euthymos at Olympia, 183;
- on votive character of Olympic victor statues, 39.
-
- Reliefs, of akontistai, from Sparta, 223;
- Amphiaraos, 273;
- _apobates_ chariot race, 272;
- Apollo, Artemis, and Leto, in Louvre, 284;
- Aristion, 124, 127;
- Boreas, in Metropolitan Museum, 194;
- boxers, in Lateran, 238;
- boy crowning self, 155;
- boxer, on bronze shield, from Mount Ida, Crete, 235;
- cap, in Rome, 166;
- charioteer, from Akropolis, 128;
- charioteer mounting chariot, 269;
- chariots, from Crete, 262;
- Dermys and Kitylos, from Tanagra, 335;
- Dioskouroi, set up by Aischylos, 96, 97;
- Dioskouroi, in London, 97;
- from Dipylon, 156;
- diskobolos, from Dipylon, 127;
- dying hoplite, from Athens, 194, 209;
- four-horse chariot, 268, 269;
- funerary, from Tanagra, 72;
- funerary, from Athens, 66;
- from Halimous, 249;
- Hermes, fragment from Athens, 270;
- hoplite runners, from Tarentum, 96;
- horse crowned by Nike, from Athens, 269;
- horseman, from Athens, 281;
- horse-racer, from Sicily, 281;
- horse-racer from Thera, 281;
- horse-racer leading horse, from Athens, 281;
- jumping-weights, from Sparta, 164;
- from Klazomenai, 264, 268;
- from Kleitor, 132;
- from Knossos, 3, 4;
- from Lamia, 132;
- from Loeb collection, Munich, 194;
- from Nemea, 132;
- palæstra victor, from Delphi, 138;
- in honor of Pamphilos and Alexandros, in Verona, 97;
- showing poses of victor statues, 44;
- as victor monuments, 28;
- war-chariots, from Mycenæ, 262.
-
- Religion and Greek athletics, 14.
-
- Remnants of victor statues at Olympia, 43.
-
- Renaissance, the, 4;
- bronze copies of _Spinario_ from period of, 202.
-
- “Repose” of Greek art, 57.
-
- “Rest” leg, motive in sculpture, 109.
-
- Resting after contest, athletic motive, 144.
-
- Rewards, money, of victors at Athens, 32.
-
- Rhamnous, the _Nemesis_ of Agorakritos at, 182.
-
- Rhegion, Anaxilas, tyrant of, 278;
- coins of, showing mule-car, 263.
-
- _Rhetoric_, the, of Aristotle, 58;
- inscribed base of Olympic victor mentioned in, 367.
-
- Rhexibios, wood statue at Olympia, 106, 332, 326, 337, 351;
- wrongly called oldest at Olympia by Pausanias, 333.
-
- Rhodes, scene of fighting combatants, in art of, 178;
- tripods in honor of Dionysos at, 19;
- _Zan_ at Olympia, set up by, 34.
-
- Rhoikos, bronze founder, date of, 321;
- family of, 330.
- See also Telekles and Theodoros.
-
- Rhouphos, Klaudios (Rufus, Claudius), statue in Rome, 371.
-
- Rhythm, definition of, 66;
- in Greek Art, 66.
-
- Riccardi head, 169, 180, 181, 183.
-
- Richardson, R. B., on bronze head from Akropolis, 114;
- on _Farnese Herakles_, 253, 254.
-
- Richter, G., on statuette of diskobolos in Metropolitan Museum, 220 and
- note 5.
-
- Ridder, A. de, on Tux bronze, 207;
- on two statuettes of diskoboloi from Akropolis, 221, 222.
-
- Robert, C., on _Diadoumenos_ of Pheidias, 150f.;
- on date of victor Kyniskos, 160.
-
- Robinson, D. M., 267.
-
- Robinson, E., on _Charioteer_ (?), in Boston, 275;
- on head of Hermes, in Boston, 85; etc.
-
- Roehl, H., on inscription referred to statue of Milo, 38.
-
- Roman copies of victor statues, on, 44;
- no copy proved to be of victor statue, 160;
- on Roman patrons of art, 44.
-
- Ross, L., on inscribed base from statue of Epicharinos, 372.
-
- Rothschild, E. de, bronze copy of _Spinario_, in Paris collection of,
- 202.
-
- Rouse, W. D., on votive character of victor statues at Olympia, 39, 40.
-
- Routes, of Pausanias in the Altis; see _Ephodoi_.
-
- Runners, difference in style of various, shown by vase-paintings, 193,
- 194;
- on Panathenaic amphoræ, 106, 194;
- represented as running with bent knee, 194;
- statues of boy, 200f.;
- statues of, from Velletri, in Rome, 198, 199;
- statues of, without special attributes, 170.
-
- Running race (δρόμος), various kinds of, 190f.;
- in mythology, 190;
- number of victors in, named by Pausanias, 193;
- origin of, at Eleusis, 190;
- part of all Greek games and exercises, 190.
- See Double foot-race, Hoplite-race, Long race, Stade-race.
-
-
- Sabouroff collection, head from, 128.
-
- Sacred war, the, 17.
-
- Sakadas, flutist, statue of, 284.
-
- Salamis, Aeginetans at battle of, 125;
- date of battle of, 125.
-
- Salis, A. von, on statue from Olympieion, 143.
-
- Salutation, attitude of, to a divinity, in statuette in Metropolitan
- Museum, 133.
-
- _Sandal-binder_, statue of, so-called, with copies, 86, 87, 202, 203.
-
- Sandal-binding, motive of, originates with Lysippos, 86.
-
- Sandals, worn by charioteers, 48.
-
- Santa Marinella, statue from, in Fogg Art Museum, Cambridge, Mass., 314.
-
- Sarapion, flees adversary and is fined, 34;
- two statues in Elis, 370.
-
- _Satrap Sarcophagus_, so-called, in Constantinople, 276.
-
- _Satyr_, of Praxiteles, called _Periboëtos_, 144;
- statue of, in Dresden, 144.
-
- Sawyers (?) (_pristae_), group by Myron, 188.
-
- Scarab, chalcedony, in British Museum, 138.
-
- Schaefer, A., on statue of Kylon on Akropolis, 362.
-
- Scherer, Chr., on exclusive use of bronze in Olympic victor statues,
- 321;
- on “iconic” statues of Pliny, 54;
- on Milo’s statue at Olympia, 107;
- on positions of victor statues at Olympia, 340.
-
- Scheria, games on, 210.
-
- Schnaase, on _Farnese Herakles_, 253.
-
- Schober, A., on Perinthos and allied heads, 181.
-
- Schoell, R., on votive character of victor monuments, 39.
-
- Scholiasts, statements of, on victor statues at Olympia, 43.
-
- Schrader, H., on Attic relief from the Akropolis, 271.
-
- Schreiber, T., on _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, 90.
-
- Schwabe, L., on Tux bronze, 207.
-
- Sciarra bronze, statuette so-called, in Rome, 119.
-
- Scraper; see Strigil.
-
- Sculptors, of Olympic victor statues, 36;
- statistics of, 375.
-
- _Sculptura_, definition of, from Pliny, 302.
-
- Sculpture, Greek, after Persian Wars, 278;
- ancient criticism of, 58f.;
- evolution of, on traditional lines, 67;
- knowledge of, necessary in reconstructing Olympic victor statues, 44.
-
- Sea-monsters (?) (_pristes_), group by Myron, 188.
-
- Seasons, altar at Olympia, 351.
-
- _Seated Boxer_, statue of the, in Museo delle Terme, Rome, 145f., 168;
- realism of, 57, 254.
-
- See-saw (?) (_pristae_?), group by Myron, 188.
-
- Seleados, base of statue at Olympia, 346.
-
- Seleukos I, date of founding Antioch by, 121.
-
- Selinos, coins of, showing celery wreath, 21;
- temple E at, 114.
-
- Sellers, Eugénie; see Strong, Mrs. Eugénie.
-
- Selling out, examples at Olympia, 33.
-
- Seraglio, Old, manuscript from the, 258.
-
- Serambos, sculptor, 123.
-
- Shadow-fighting; see Sparring.
-
- _Sheik-el-Beled_, the; see Ka-aper, statue of.
-
- Shield, as attribute of hoplitodromoi, 161;
- as prize at Argive _Heraia_, 21;
- 25 bronze ones kept in temple of Zeus for Olympic hoplite runners,
- 22.
-
- Siamese, funeral games among, 12.
-
- Sicily, cities of, honor victors, 35;
- coins of, showing racing chariots, 262, 263;
- Greeks of, fond of hippodrome contests, 258;
- princes of, as victors at Olympia, 357;
- school of sculpture of, 114.
-
- Sidon, _Alexander Sarcophagus_ from, in Constantinople, 275;
- _Satrap Sarcophagus_ from, in Constantinople, 276.
-
- Sikyon, athletic school of sculptors from, 58, 118f.
-
- Sikyonians, treasury of, at Olympia, 41, 265.
-
- Silanion, sculptor, 129.
-
- Silver bowl, as prize at games of Patroklos, 19;
- silver cups, as prizes at Sikyonian Pythian games, 20.
-
- Simon, sculptor, 264, 268.
-
- Simonides, of Keos, 36, 47, 210.
-
- Singing, competition in, at Delphi, 25.
-
- Single-combat, between Ajax and Diomedes, in Iliad, 8.
-
- Six, J., on _Borghese Warrior_, 208;
- on statue of Hermolykos on Akropolis, 373.
-
- Size of victor statues, 45f.
-
- _Skenoma_ (Σκήνωμα), the, at Sparta, 367.
-
- Skopas, sculptor, 36;
- characteristics of, 311;
- head in style of, in Capitoline Museum, Rome, 169;
- head-type of, 77;
- influence on the _Agias_, 291;
- intense expression of, 307;
- Kallistratos on, 309;
- knowledge of, recently augmented, 286;
- as master of expression of passion, 309;
- Philandridas head wrongly ascribed to, 293;
- Skopas and boy athlete head from Sparta, 305;
- Skopas and Lysippos compared, 311f., 315;
- style of, from Tegea heads, 306.
-
- Skripou, convent of, 334.
-
- Skyllis, sculptor, 122, 334.
- See also Dipoinos.
-
- Skyros, 18.
-
- Slings for diskoi, on r.-f. vase, 164.
-
- Smikythos; see Mikythos.
-
- Smile, in archaic sculpture, 100, 126.
-
- Smith, A. H., on _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, 89, 90;
- on athlete statue from Palazzo Farnese, Rome, in British Museum, 293.
-
- Snail-volute, hair technique, 53.
-
- _Snatcher_, the, from East gable, temple of Aegina, 125.
-
- Sodamas, statue at Olympia, 354.
-
- Sogliano, A., on boxer statue from Sorrento, 243.
-
- Sokrates, philosopher, condemns “mimetic” arts, 58;
- on physical development of runners and boxers, 59;
- visit of, to sculptor Kleito, 59.
-
- Sokrates, victor; see Sosikrates.
-
- Solon, assigns money prizes to Olympic and Isthmian victors, 25, 32.
-
- _Solos_, throwing of, in Iliad, 8;
- as type of diskos, 218.
-
- Somzée Collection, athlete from the, 176, 251.
-
- Songs, in honor of victors, 34.
-
- Sophios, statue at Olympia, 299, 342.
-
- Sophokles, _Trachiniae_ of, 318.
-
- Sorrento, statue of boxer from, by Koblanos, 242.
-
- Sosikrates (or Sokrates), victor statue of, at Olympia, 200, 344.
-
- Sostratos, dates of Olympic victories of, 300;
- inscribed base from statue, at Delphi, 249;
- statue at Olympia, 55;
- surnamed ἀκροχερσίτης, 248, 249.
-
- Sotades, Olympic victor, bribed and exiled, 33.
-
- Southeast Building, the, at Olympia, 344.
-
- Sparring, preliminary, called ἀκροχερισμός in boxing and pankration,
- 248 and note 4;
- depicted on Ficoroni cista in Rome, 243;
- depicted on Peter cista in Rome, 243;
- as motive of boxer statues, 243;
- as motive of statuette of boxer in Vatican, 243;
- as motive of marble torso in Berlin, 243;
- preliminary in pankration, 248;
- called σκιαμαχεῖν (to shadow-fight), in boxing, 122, 243 and note 4.
-
- Sparta, Akropolis, of, 305;
- _Dionysia_ at, 50;
- Δρόμος at, 309;
- funeral games at, in honor of Leonidas and Pausanias, 11;
- head of statue of boy from, 305f.;
- Σκήνωμα at, 367.
-
- Spartans, allow biting and gouging in pankration, 246;
- ball-playing among, 84;
- as boxers, 167;
- boxing of, in Plato, 167;
- excluded from Olympia on certain Olympiads, 31;
- girls contest with boys, 49;
- physical exercise among, 1;
- sacrifice to Apollo the Runner, 88;
- youths dedicate offerings to Eros in contest of beauty, 57.
-
- Spear, casting of, at games of Patroklos, 8.
-
- Sphairians (σφαιρεῖς), title of Spartan youths, 84, 319.
-
- _Spinario_, the, statue in Rome, 201f.;
- as example of asymmetry, 70;
- imitations of original of, 202.
-
- _Splanchnoptes_, statue of, by Styphax, 143.
-
- Sponges, shown on r.-f. kylix, 164.
-
- Spring-board, not used in Greek jumping, 216.
-
- Stackelberg, O. von, traveling journal of, 286, 366.
-
- Stade-race (δρόμος, στάδιον), 190f.;
- first event at Olympia and at the _Panathenaia_, 191;
- for boys, introduced at Olympia, 191;
- the oldest (?) event at Olympia, 191;
- victor in, eponymus at Olympia, 37;
- wrongly regarded as chief event at Olympia, 191.
-
- Stadia, absent in Homer, 7.
-
- Stadion, the, at Olympia, 258, 359, 360.
-
- Staïs, V., on _Hermes of Andros_, 71;
- on two statuettes of diskoboloi from Akropolis, 221, 222.
-
- Stamnos, r.-f., from Etruria, in Vienna, 132.
-
- Standard of physical development uniform in fifth century B. C., 147f.
-
- _Standing Diskobolos_, the statue in Vatican, 76f.;
- pose of, 219, 220;
- replica of, 77.
-
- _Standing Hermes_, the, statue in Vatican, 72.
-
- “_Stand-motif_,” Polykleitan, 82.
-
- “Starters of the race,” epithets of Kastor and Polydeukes at Sparta, 96.
-
- Stassoff, on supposed Oriental origin of javelin-throwing, 222.
-
- Statuettes, of ivory acrobats, from Knossos, 3;
- akontistai, two bronze, 227, 228;
- Apollo, from Naxos, in Berlin, 74, 119;
- Apollo (Payne Knight), in British Museum, 108, 119;
- Apollo, from Piombino, in Louvre, 118;
- Apollo, from Palazzo Sciarra, Rome, 119;
- apoxyomenos, in Loeb collection, Munich, 136;
- athlete, archaic, from Delphi, 28;
- athlete, from Ligourió, 105, 111, 114;
- athlete, in Louvre, 213, 214;
- boxer, from Akropolis, 28;
- boxer, from Corfu, in British Museum, 96;
- boxer, from Olympia, 28, 244;
- boxer, in Vatican Museum, 243;
- diadoumenos, terra cotta from Smyrna, in London, 154;
- diadoumenos, from Akropolis, 155;
- diskoboloi, 28, 218f.;
- diskoboloi, two bronze, from Akropolis, 222;
- diskoboloi, group in Loeb collection, Munich 232, 233;
- diskobolos, in Berlin, 221;
- diskobolos, in British Museum, 221;
- diskobolos, from cover of lebes, in British Museum, 221;
- diskobolos, from the Kabeirion, 28;
- diskobolos, in Metropolitan Museum, 220, 221;
- girl runner, from Dodona, 28;
- girl extracting thorn, terra cotta from Nida-Haddernheim, 202;
- Herakles or victor, in Berlin, 96;
- Herakles, or victors, in British Museum, 96;
- _Hermes Diskobolos_, from sea off Antikythera, 78, 79;
- hoplitodrome, from Capua, in Vienna, 207;
- hoplitodrome, Tux bronze, in Tuebingen, 28;
- horse-racer, from Dodona, 28, 281;
- horse-racer, in Loeb collection, Munich, 282;
- horse-racer, from Volubilis, 281;
- horse-racers, from Olympia, 24;
- oil-pourer, from S. Italy, in British Museum, 135;
- oil-pourers, terra cottas from Myrina, 135;
- pancratiast, from Autun, in Louvre, 249f.;
- praying boys, two bronze, in Metropolitan Museum, 132, 133;
- sacrificer, from Dodona, 143;
- trumpeter, from Sparta, 283;
- warrior, from Dodona, 126;
- wrestlers, group from Akropolis, 28;
- wrestlers, group in Loeb Collection, Munich, 232;
- statuettes in motion, from Egyptian art, 177;
- in Paris and Rome, showing motive of statue of Xenokles, 138, 139.
-
- Stelæ, in honor of victors, 40.
-
- Stephanos, sculptor, statue by, 111f.
-
- “Stolid” group of so-called “Apollo” statues, 100.
-
- Stomach throw, in pankration, 247.
-
- Stomios, famous pentathlete, 59;
- statue of, at Olympia, 42.
-
- Stone, used in Olympic victor statues, 323f.
-
- Strabo, on origin of Olympic games, 15.
-
- _Strangford Apollo_, the, statue in British Museum, 102, 103, 123, 244.
-
- Strangling, allowed in pankration, 246, 247.
-
- Straton, Olympic victor, 34, 93.
-
- Strigil, or scraper (στλεγγίς), used by athletes as a common palæstra
- attribute, 135, 138, 288.
-
- Stroganoff, statuette formerly in Collection, 166.
-
- Strong, Mrs. Eugénie (_née_ Sellers), on Apollo head, in British
- Museum, 92;
- on Beneventum head, in Louvre, 63.
-
- Studniczka, F., on the gable statues from Olympia, 114;
- on the _Idolino_, 141;
- on statues of Theagenes, 364.
-
- Styphax (or Styppax), sculptor, 143.
-
- Subiaco, statue of kneeling youth from, 195;
- date and interpretation of, 195, 196.
-
- Succession, contests of, as explanation of funerary games, 14.
-
- _Suedwestbau_; see Leonidaion.
-
- Svoronos, J. N., on bronze arm found in sea off Antikythera, 236;
- on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, 83;
- on bronze statuette found in sea off Antikythera, 79;
- on Delphi _Charioteer_, 277;
- on dying hoplite relief, from Athens, 209;
- on the _Idolino_, 142.
-
- Swollen ear, as attribute of victor statues, 167f.;
- not a determining distinction between heads of athletes and Herakles,
- 297, 319, 320;
- on various heads of athletes, gods, and heroes, 168f.
-
- Symmachos, statue at Olympia, 120, 342.
-
- Symmetry, in Greek art, 65, 66;
- Pliny and Vitruvius on, 66.
-
- _Symplegma_, group representing a, by Kephisodotos, 252.
-
- _Symposium_, of Xenophon, 59.
-
- Syracuse, coins of, representing Nike with tablet, 182;
- funeral games at, in honor of Timoleon, 11;
- Hiero and Gelo, kings of, 257.
-
-
- _Tainia_, or fillet, as victor attribute, 148f.
-
- Tanagra, ephebe chosen at, for his beauty, 57;
- grave-stele from, 72.
-
- Tarentum (Taras), captured by Q. Fabius Maximus, 253;
- coins of, showing _apobates_ horse-racers, 282.
-
- Tarsos, athlete head from, 168.
-
- Tegea, excavations at temple of Athena at, 306;
- heads from gable of temple at, 306;
- heads from, compared with small frieze from Mausoleion, 275;
- heads from, compared with boy athlete head from Sparta, 305;
- torso of the _Amazon_ from, 306.
-
- Teisikrates, chariot victor, at Delphi, 268.
-
- Teisikrates, pancratiast, inscribed base of statue of, from Delphi, 249.
-
- Teisikrates, Theban sculptor, 368.
-
- Tektaios, sculptor, 122, 304, 334, 335.
- See also Angelion.
-
- Telekles, sculptor, 330, 334.
- See also Rhoikos and Theodoros.
-
- Telemachos, base of statue at Olympia, 346, 348, 355;
- statue at Olympia, 109, 266, 339, 345;
- zone of, at Olympia, 345, 346.
-
- Telephos, battle with Achilles, in Tegea pediment, 306;
- in group, on small frieze from Pergamon, 253;
- in group, in Vatican, 95.
-
- Telesikrates, hoplite victor, statue at Delphi, 26, 162.
-
- Tellon, base of statue at Olympia, 240, 345;
- statue at Olympia, 31, 352.
-
- Temessa, Black Spirit of, 35.
-
- Tempe, vale of, as home of laurel, 21.
-
- Temple, spoken of as _pro persona_, 299.
-
- Tenea, “Apollo” of, 100, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 127, 327, 336;
- “Apollo” of, as runner, 148;
- necropolis of, 337.
-
- Tenerani, sculptor, 288.
-
- Tepemankh, wood statue in Cairo, 330.
-
- Terrace wall, South, at Olympia, 346, 348, 357, 358.
-
- Tetradrachm, silver, in honor of Olympic victory of Philip II, 280.
-
- Thaliarchos, base of statue of, 358;
- oldest prose inscription making an Olympic victor statue votive, 39.
-
- Thamyris, victor statue on Helikon, 284.
-
- _Thargelia_, the, statue of boy victor at, 27.
-
- Thasos, statue of Theagenes on, 364;
- temple of Apollo at Alki on, 336.
-
- Theagenes, Olympic victor, boxing match with Euthymos, 247;
- heroized after death, 35;
- statue at Olympia, 122, 244, 364;
- story of statue on Thasos, 364;
- too wearied by boxing to enter pankration, 247;
- wrestling match with Aethiopian, 252.
-
- Theekoleon, the, at Olympia, 353, 355, 357.
-
- Theochrestos, chariot dedicated at Olympia, 265.
-
- Theodoros, bronze founder, 321, 330, 334.
- See also Rhoikos and Telekles.
-
- Theodosius, Roman emperor, abolishes Olympic games, 15.
-
- Theognetos, statue at Olympia, 61, 165, 352.
-
- Theopompos, statue at Olympia, 161.
-
- Theopropos, base of statue at Olympia, 360.
-
- Theoros, painter, 29, 133.
-
- Theotimos, statue at Olympia, 121.
-
- Thera, “Apollo” of, 100, 101, 103, 104, 327, 337.
-
- Thermæ, the, of M. Agrippa, Rome, 289.
-
- Thermopylæ, battle of, 51.
-
- Thersias, first victor in mule-race at Olympia, 261.
-
- Thersilochos, statue at Olympia, 117.
-
- Thersonides, base of statue from Olympia, 356.
-
- _Theseia_, the, 18;
- boys at, divided into three classes, 189.
-
- Theseus, 18;
- contest of, on Delos, in honor of Apollo, 160;
- as inventor of boxing, 235;
- as inventor of pankration, 247;
- statues of, in gymnasia and palæstræ, 94;
- Theseus and Kerkyon, on metope of Theseion, 232.
-
- Thessalonika, funeral games at, 11.
-
- Thessaly, bull-grappling sport in, 5.
-
- Thong (ἀγκύλη, _amentum_), of javelin, 223.
-
- _Thorn-puller_; see _Spinario_.
-
- Thorwaldsen, sculptor, restores Aegina gable statues, 123.
-
- Thracian Chersonesos, games on, 11.
-
- Thrasyboulos, drives father’s car at Delphi, 267.
-
- Thrasymachos (or Thrasymedes), base of statue at Olympia, 358.
-
- Threatening look of victor statues, 59.
-
- Thukydides, on Diitrephes, 373;
- on _krobylos_ hair-fashion, 52;
- on loin-cloth of athletes, 48;
- on refuge of King Pausanias, 367;
- uses pancratiasts for dating, 191.
-
- Tiberius, Roman emperor, base of statue at Olympia, 357, 358;
- chariot victor at Olympia, 261;
- enamored of the _Apoxyomenos_ of Lysippos, 289.
-
- Tilting, hold in pankration, 247.
-
- Timainetos, painter, 29.
-
- Timaios, first victor in trumpeting at Olympia, 283.
-
- Timaios, historian, 284.
-
- Timarchides, sculptor, 129, 324.
-
- Timasitheos, statue at Olympia, 111, 355.
-
- Timokles, sculptor, 129.
-
- Timoleon, funeral games in honor of, at Syracuse, 11.
-
- Timon, chariot victor, statue in equestrian group, 120, 266, 268, 279.
-
- Timon, pentathlete, statue at Olympia, 109, 354.
-
- Timoptolis, honor statue at Olympia, 42.
-
- Timosthenes, statue at Olympia, 121, 342.
-
- Tiryns, fresco from, 2, 3;
- lack of athletic scenes at, 8.
-
- Titus, baths at Rome, 371.
-
- Toalios, Aurelios, base of victor statue at Oinoanda, 371.
-
- Torches, dedications of, 22.
-
- Toreadors, paintings of, male and female, at Knossos, 1, 3.
-
- Torlonia, Palazzo, Rome, copy of _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type
- in, 89;
- head of _Ares_ in, 170.
-
- _Trachiniae_, of Sophokles, 318.
-
- Trainers at Olympia, nude, 49.
-
- Treasuries, the, at Olympia, 351.
-
- Treu, G., on colossal Apollo from Olympia, 92;
- on copy of _Doryphoros_ of Polykleitos, at Olympia, 227;
- on gable statues from temple of Zeus, Olympia, 114;
- on head of hoplite runner from Olympia, 163;
- identifies Leonidaion, at Olympia, 348;
- on Philandridas head, 293, 294;
- on use of marble in Olympic victor statues, 324, 326.
-
- _Triopia_, the, at Mykale, 19.
-
- Triphylia, 15.
-
- Tripods, as early prizes, 19;
- found at Olympia and elsewhere, 22;
- in honor of various gods and heroes, 19;
- reliefs on bronze, in Loeb collection, Munich, 194.
-
- Tripping, in wrestling, 229;
- shown by five bronze groups, 233.
-
- Triptolemos (?), statue of Kyniskos converted into, 74.
-
- Troilos, dates of victories at Olympia, 300, 301;
- statue at Olympia, 29, 121, 266, 298;
- tablet from base of statue of, 299, 342.
-
- Trotting-race with mares (κάλπη), introduced at Olympia, 261;
- why introduced, 282.
-
- Trumpeters, on Attic vases, 284;
- bronze statuette of, from Sparta, 283;
- contests of, introduced at Olympia, 283;
- statues at Olympia, 283.
-
- Tuebingen bronze; see Tux bronze.
-
- Tui, wood statue of, in Louvre, 331.
-
- Tumblers, among Athenians, 5;
- among Trojans, 5;
- on shield of Achilles, 5.
-
- Turin, head of athlete in, 87;
- marble head of Apollo in, 93;
- Roman grave-stone from, 72.
-
- Tux bronze, statuette of hoplitodromos (?), in University Museum,
- Tuebingen, 28, 123, 164, 206, 207.
-
- _Tyche_, statue by Eutychides, at Antioch, 121.
-
- Types, various, of Olympic victor statues, 44, 99f., 173f.; etc.
-
- _Tyrannicides_, the, group by Kritios and Nesiotes, 60, 148, 173f.;
- break with law of “frontality,” 175;
- as first examples of honor statues, 41;
- group of, returned from Susa by Alexander, 173;
- reconstruction of, from reliefs, vase-paintings, etc., 174;
- represented on oinochoe in Boston, 175;
- sculptors of, 173f., 372;
- _Tyrannicides_ and _Diskobolos_ compared, 183.
-
-
- Umpires, at Olympia, 149.
- See also Hellanodikai.
-
- Uncritical judgments of ancient writers on art, 58.
-
- Uniformity, standard of, in physical development in fifth century
- B. C., 147f.
-
- Urlichs, H. L. von, on _pristae_ of Myron, 188;
- on _puer tenens tabellam_ of Pythagoras, 182.
-
- Urlichs, L. von, on _mala ferens nudus_, mentioned by Pliny, 182;
- on _puer tenens tabellam_ of Pythagoras, 182.
-
-
- Vaison _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos, 152.
-
- Valerian, Roman emperor, 11.
-
- Vapheio, cups from, 4.
-
- Varro, opinions of, on art, 60.
-
- Vase-paintings, showing poses of Olympic victor statues, 44.
-
- “Vatican athlete standing at rest,” so-called, 140.
-
- Veins, shown in Cretan art, 3, 4.
-
- _Venator_, statue of, by Euthykrates, 314.
-
- Ventnor head in British Museum, 89.
-
- Verona, grave-relief in, 72.
-
- Victor fillets, 52.
-
- Victor statues, assimilated to types of gods and heroes, 71f.;
- bases of, from Altis, 43, 353f.;
- carried off to Italy, 43;
- dedication of, an old Greek custom, 99;
- dedication at Olympia and elsewhere, 24f.;
- distinguished from statues of gods and heroes, 71;
- general characteristics of, 43f.;
- groups of, in Altis, 300, 340;
- hair-fashion of, 50f.;
- life-size, examples of, 46;
- materials of, 321f.;
- in motion, 173f.;
- nudity of, 47f.;
- _periegesis_ of, in the Altis, by Pausanias, 321;
- positions of, in Altis, 339f., 352;
- remnants of, 43, 62f.;
- at rest, 99f.;
- set up at Olympia, long after victory, 32;
- set up at Olympia, soon after victory, 31;
- set up at Olympia by relatives of victor, by native city of victor,
- by fellow-citizens of victor, 30;
- set up by trainers, 30;
- set up outside Olympia, 361f.;
- size of, 45f.;
- statuaries of, 375;
- two classes of, 99;
- zones of, at Olympia, 340.
-
- Victor statuettes, set up at Olympia, 27, 28;
- on Akropolis, 28.
-
- _Victoria quadrigam in sublime rapiens_, painting by Nikomachos, 268.
-
- Victors, special privileges of, at Rome, 33;
- _Victor certamine gymnico palmam tenens_, painting of, by Eupompos,
- 160;
- victor, represented as crowned, on chest of Kypselos, 13;
- victor in wrestling and pankration on same day, called παράδοξος or
- παραδοξονίκης, 94;
- victors at four national games, called περιοδονῖκαι, 361.
-
- _Victory_, of Paionios; see Paionios, _Nike_ of;
- zone of, at Olympia, 344, 355.
-
- Vincent, Edgar, head of athlete in Collection of, 156.
-
- Vinci, Leonardo da, on body proportions, 68.
-
- Visconti, on so-called _Borghese Warrior_, 209;
- on Pliny’s “iconic” statues, 54.
-
- Viterbo, bull-grappling in province of, 5.
-
- Vitruvius, on analogy, rhythm, and symmetry, in Greek art, 66.
-
- _Volneratus deficiens_, the, statue by Kresilas, 199.
-
- Volomandra, “Apollo” from, 100, 104, 337.
-
- Volubilis, Morocco, French excavations at, 281.
-
- Votive offerings (ἀναθήματα), mentioned by Pausanias, 339;
- victor monuments as, 37.
-
-
- Wace, A. J. B., on Parian marble male head in Turin, of athlete or
- Apollo, 93;
- on Roman male head in Turin, resembling the _Apoxyomenos_ of Lysippan
- school, 292.
-
- Waldstein (Walston), C., on appellation “Apollo” for early athlete
- statues, 335;
- on bronze
-
- statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, 81;
- on _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, 90, 179;
- on the _Strangford Apollo_, 244;
- on victor fillet, 149.
-
- Walking motive in sculpture, not Polykleitan in origin, 226.
-
- Walston, C.; see Waldstein, C.
-
- Warrior, or hoplitodromos, bronze head from Akropolis, 123.
-
- Washburn, O. M., on Delphi _Charioteer_, 277, 278.
-
- Wernicke, K., on Great Altar of Zeus at Olympia, 349.
-
- _Westgraben_, the, at Olympia, 358.
-
- _Westmacott Athlete_, the, 156f., 158, 305.
-
- Wheels, four-spoked, one dedicated at Argos, 97;
- tin-foil, dedicated at Olympia, 23.
-
- White, H. G. E., on two statuettes of diskoboloi from Akropolis, 221,
- 222.
-
- Wilamowitz, U. von (Wilamowitz-Moellendorf), on inscribed base of
- statue of Epicharinos on Akropolis, 372.
-
- Winckelmann, J., on character of Greek Art, 57;
- on _Jason_ of Louvre, 87.
-
- Wine-pourers, statues of, 144.
-
- Winged figures, represented in motion before sixth century B. C., 176f.
-
- Winnefeld, H., on _Westmacott Athlete_ statue type, 158.
-
- Winter, F., on _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, 90;
- on the _Seated Boxer_ of Museo delle Terme, 147.
-
- Woelfflin, E., on _nudus talo incessens_ of Polykleitos, 250, 251.
-
- Wolters, P., on bronze foot from Olympia, 255;
- on _Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo_ statue type, 90, 91;
- on head of hoplitodrome, from Olympia, 163;
- on inscribed base of the _Agias_, 292;
- on _Spinario_, 201;
- on Tux bronze, 207;
- on use of bronze in Olympic victor statues, 321.
-
- Woman, statue of Muse type, from Andros, 71;
- head in Louvre, 128.
-
- Women, admitted to chariot-race at Olympia, 49;
- excluded from Olympia, 49;
- victress statues of, draped, 48;
- admitted to the _Heraia_, Olympia, 49.
-
- Worship of victors after death, 35.
-
- _Wounded Amazon_, statue in Capitoline Museum, 151.
-
- _Wounded Man_, the, statue of; see _Volneratus deficiens_.
-
- Wreath of leaves, as prize at various games.
-
- Wrestlers, attributes of statues of, 165;
- bronze group of, in Paris, 232;
- bronze statue in Naples, 99;
- five copies of bronze group of, showing tripping, 233;
- group of, on bronze bowl from Borsdorf, showing hand grip, 231, 232;
- groups of, on cista handles, 232;
- groups of, on Etruscan cista in Metropolitan Museum, 231;
- group of, at Olympia (?), 233f.;
- paintings of wrestlers by Naukeros, and by Antidotos, 233;
- part of group of, found
-
- in sea off Antikythera, 232;
- small bronze group of, in Loeb Collection, showing cross-buttocks,
- 232;
- statues of, at Olympia, 234;
- statues of, without special attributes, 170;
- two bronze statues of, from Herculaneum showing front hold, 230, 231;
- two groups of, on rim of bronze bowl, in Boston, 232.
-
- Wrestling (πάλη), 228f.;
- bout between Theseus and Kerkyon, on metope of Theseion, 232;
- cap used in, 166;
- depicted on proto-Attic amphora, 13;
- for boys, introduced at Olympia, 228;
- at games of Patroklos, 8;
- ground wrestling, on gems and vases, 248;
- holds in, on vases (arm, body, front, neck, side, wrist), 229;
- introduced at Olympia, 228;
- oldest(?) of athletic sports, 228;
- one of most popular sports, 228;
- positions in, on various monuments, 229;
- on r.-f. kylix, in Philadelphia, 230;
- scenes in, on r.-f. vase, by Andokides, 230;
- throws in, on vases (buttocks, cross-buttocks, flying mare, heave,
- tripping), 229;
- two kinds of, upright (ὀρθὴ πάλη), ground (κύλισις), 228, 229;
- victors in wrestling and pankration on same day, 93, 94;
- on wall-paintings at Beni-Hasan, Egypt, 1, 228;
- wrestling and boxing on Panathenaic amphora of Kittos, 248;
- wrestling and boxing in pankration, 247;
- wrestling and pankration contrasted, 246.
-
- Wunderer, C., on the _Seated Boxer_ of Museo delle Terme, 147.
-
-
- Xanten, bronze statue of boy found in Rhine near, 276.
-
- Xanthos, Chimæra tomb at, 271.
-
- Xenodamos, statue at Antikythera, 369.
-
- Xenodikos, statue at Olympia, 279, 345.
-
- Xenokles, base of statue at Olympia, 234, 344;
- copies of statue of, 228, 234;
- motive of statue of, 138, 139;
- statue at Olympia, by Polykleitos the Younger, 118.
-
- Xenokrates, of Akragas, chariot victor at Delphi, 267.
-
- Xenokrates, sculptor, 61.
-
- Xenombrotos, base of statue at Olympia, 345;
- base of second statue at Olympia, 355;
- portrait statue of, at Olympia, 54;
- statue at Olympia, by Philotimos, 122, 264, 279;
- two monuments of, at Olympia, 29.
-
- Xenophanes, philosopher, on dangerous character of pankration, 246;
- on painful character of boxing, 235;
- protest of, against reverencing victors, 36.
-
- Xenophon, historian, on athletics, 58, 59;
- _Symposium_ of, 59.
-
- Xenophon, of Aigion, statue at Olympia, 120, 343.
-
- Xerxes, carries off the _Tyrannicides_ to Susa, 173;
- sacks Akropolis, 271.
-
- Xoana (ξόανα), Daidalian, 328.
-
-
- Youth, bronze head of, from Akropolis, 114;
- bronze head of, from Herculaneum, 95;
- bronze statue of, found in sea off Antikythera, 80f., 82f.;
- Polykleitan statue of, crowning himself, 155;
- youth with tablet, on Munich vase, 182.
-
-
- _Zanes_, statues of Zeus, so-called, near entrance to Stadion,
- at Olympia, 33, 34.
-
- Zenobios, 182.
-
- Zeus, contestants at Olympia sacrifice to, 11;
- diadoumenos on throne of, at Olympia, 150, 151;
- father of Herakles, 10;
- games in honor of, at Argos, 285;
- Great Altar of, at Olympia, 339, 349, 350, 351, 355;
- Nemean games in honor of, 17;
- as one of the gods presiding over contests, 75;
- sculptures from pediments of temple of, at Olympia, 53, 113, 114;
- site of Great Altar of, at Olympia, 348f.;
- statues of Hyblæan, at Olympia, 344;
- of Megarian, at Olympia, 344;
- of Olympian, by Pheidias, 52;
- of Platæan, at Olympia, 344;
- of Zeus Ithomatas, 110, 111;
- of Zeus παῖς, at Aigion, 111;
- with short hair, 52;
- temple of, at Olympia, 342, 344, 346, 347, 350, 351, 352, 353, 355,
- 356, 358, 359, 360;
- throne of, at Olympia, described by Pausanias, 61;
- worship of, at Olympia, later than that of Hera, 16;
- wrestling match of, with Kronos, 14.
-
- Zeuxis, painter, 29.
-
- Zones, of victor statues at Olympia, 340;
- of the _Chariots_, 345, 346;
- of the (_Eretrian_) _Bull_, 343, 346;
- of _Telemachos_, 345, 346;
- of the _Victory_, 344, 346.
-
-
-
-
-
-End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Olympic Victor Monuments and Greek
-Athletic Art, by Walter Woodburn Hyde
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-<pre>
-
-The Project Gutenberg EBook of Olympic Victor Monuments and Greek Athletic
-Art, by Walter Woodburn Hyde
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: Olympic Victor Monuments and Greek Athletic Art
-
-Author: Walter Woodburn Hyde
-
-Release Date: April 8, 2020 [EBook #61792]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
-produced from images generously made available by The
-Internet Archive)
-
-
-
-
-
-
-</pre>
-
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a id="fr"></a>
-<img src="images/frontis.jpg" alt="MARBLE HEAD FROM OLYMPIA MUSEUM AT OLYMPIA" width="350" height="533" />
-<div class="caption">MARBLE HEAD FROM OLYMPIA MUSEUM AT OLYMPIA</div>
-</div>
-
-<hr />
-
-<h1>OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS<br />
-
-<small>AND</small><br />
-
-GREEK ATHLETIC ART</h1>
-
-<p class="center">BY<br />
-
-WALTER WOODBURN HYDE</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a id="pm"></a>
-<img src="images/pm.jpg" alt="Printer's mark" width="150" height="147" />
-</div>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Published by the Carnegie Institution of Washington</span><br />
-
-<span class="smcap">Washington, 1921</span><br /><br />
-
-CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON<br />
-
-<span class="smcap">Publication No. 268</span><br /><br />
-
-<small>PRESS OF GIBSON BROTHERS, INC.<br />
-WASHINGTON, D. C.</small>
-</p>
-
-<hr />
-<h2>PREFACE.</h2>
-
-<p>The purpose of the present work is to study what is known of one
-of the most important genres of Greek sculpture—the monuments
-erected at Olympia and elsewhere in the Greek world in honor of
-victorious athletes at the Olympic games. Since only meagre remnants
-of these monuments have survived, the work is in the main concerned
-with the attempt to reconstruct their various types and poses.</p>
-
-<p>The source-material on which the attempt is based has been
-indicated fully in the text; it is of two kinds, literary and archæological.
-To the former belong the explanatory inscriptions on the
-bases of victor statues found at Olympia and elsewhere, many of which
-agree verbally with epigrams preserved in the <i>Greek Anthologies</i>; the
-incidental statements of various kinds and value found in the classical
-writers and their scholiasts; and, above all, the detailed works of the
-two imperial writers, the elder Pliny and Pausanias. Pliny’s account
-of the Greek artists, which is inserted into his <i>Historia Naturalis</i> as a
-digression (Books <span class="smcap">XXXIV-XXXVI</span>)—being artificially joined to the
-history of mineralogy on the pretext of the materials used—is,
-despite its uncritical and often untrustworthy character, one of our
-chief mines of information about Greek sculptors and painters. The
-portions of Pausanias’ <i>Description of Greece</i> which deal with Elis and
-the monuments of Olympia (Books <span class="smcap">V-VI</span>), although they also evince
-little real understanding of art, are of far more direct importance to
-our subject, since they include a descriptive catalogue, doubtless
-based upon personal observation, of the greater part of the athlete
-monuments set up in the Altis at Olympia, the reconstruction of
-which is the chief purpose of the present work.</p>
-
-<p>To the archæological sources, on the other hand, belong, first and
-foremost, the remnants of victor statues in stone and metal which have
-long been garnered in modern museums or have come to light during
-the excavation of the Altis. To this small number I hope I have
-added at least one marble fragment found at Olympia, the head of a
-statue by Lysippos, the last great sculptor of Greece (<a href="#fr">Frontispiece</a> and
-Fig. <a href="#f69">69</a>). To this second kind of sources belong also the statue bases
-just mentioned, on many of which the extant footmarks enable us to
-determine the poses of the statues themselves which once stood upon
-them. Furthermore, an intimate knowledge of Greek athletic sculpture
-in all its periods and phases is, of course, essential in treating a
-problem of this nature. Here, as in the study of Greek sculpture in
-general, where the destruction of original masterpieces, apart from the
-few well-known but splendid exceptions, has been complete, we are
-almost entirely dependent upon second-hand evidence furnished by
-the numerous existing antique copies and adaptations of lost originals
-executed in marble and bronze by more or less skilled workmen for
-the Roman market.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iv">iv</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Finally, not only are the innumerable statuettes and small bronzes
-surviving from antiquity of great value in any attempt to reconstruct
-the pose of a given athlete statue, but also the representations of
-various athlete figures on every sort of sculptured and painted work—vase-paintings,
-wall-paintings, reliefs, gems, coins, etc.</p>
-
-<p>By using all such sources of information, it is possible to attain
-tolerable certainty in reconstructing the various types and poses of
-these lost monuments, and in identifying schools of athletic sculpture,
-masters, and even individual statues. But it must be stated at the
-outset that such identifications, from the very nature of the problem,
-are at best tentative in character. The attempt to see in Roman
-copies certain statues of athletes has often been made by archæologists.
-However probable such identifications may seem, we must not forget
-the simple fact that up to the present time not a single Roman copy
-has been conclusively <i>proved</i> to be that of an Olympic victor statue.
-Only as our knowledge of Greek sculpture is gradually extended by
-discoveries of additional works of art, and by future researches, will it
-be possible to attain an ever greater degree of probability. The further
-identification of these important monuments, as that of masterpieces of
-Greek sculpture generally, will thus remain one of the chief problems
-for the future archæologist. In the present book, where the body of
-material drawn upon is so immense and the scientific writings involved
-are so voluminous, manifestly the author can lay no claim to an exhaustive
-treatment. With due consciousness of the defects and
-shortcomings of the work, he can claim only to have made a small
-selection of such works of art as will best illustrate the various types of
-monuments under discussion.</p>
-
-<p>The plan of the book is easily seen by a glance at the table of contents.
-After a preliminary chapter on the origin and development of
-Greek athletic games in general and on the custom of conferring
-athletic prizes on victors, the more specific subject of the work is introduced
-in Chapter II by brief discussions of the more general characteristics
-common to Olympic victor statues—their size, nudity, and hair-fashion,
-their portrait or non-portrait features, and the standard of
-beauty reached by some of them at least, as shown by the æsthetic
-judgments of certain ancient writers and by the fragmentary originals
-which have survived. The enumeration of these characteristics is
-followed by a brief account of the various canons of proportion
-assumed to have been used and taught by different schools of sculptors.
-The chapter ends with a more extended account of the little-known but
-important subject of the assimilation of this class of monuments to
-athlete types of gods and heroes.</p>
-
-<p>In Chapters III and IV, which are the most important in developing
-the problem of reconstruction, a division has been made into two
-great statuary groups: those in which the victor was represented at rest,
-where the particular contest was indicated, if indicated at all, by very<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_v">v</a></span>
-general motives or by particular athletic attributes; and those in which
-the victor was represented in movement, <i>i. e.</i>, in the characteristic pose
-of the contest in which he won his victory.</p>
-
-<p>Chapter V relates chiefly to the monuments of hippodrome victors,
-those in the various chariot-races and horse-races, and ends with a very
-brief notice of non-athlete victor dedications—those of musicians.</p>
-
-<p>Chapter VI gives a stylistic analysis of what are conceived to be two
-original marble heads from lost victor statues, one of which is ascribed
-to Lysippos, the great bronze-founder and art-reformer of the fourth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, while the other is regarded as an early Hellenistic work
-of eclectic tendencies. The publication of these marble heads and of
-the oldest-dated victor statue, which is also of marble and which is
-discussed in Chapter VII, reinforced by other evidence adduced in the
-latter chapter, overthrows the belief that all victor statues were uniformly
-made of bronze. The publication of the Olympia head also
-controverts the usual assumption of archæologists that Lysippos
-worked only in metal. The last chapter is concerned with a topographical
-study of the original positions in the Altis of the various athlete
-monuments discussed, and with a list of all the victor monuments
-known to have been erected outside Olympia in various cities of the
-ancient world. These last three chapters are based on papers which
-have already appeared in the <i>American Journal of Archæology</i> (Chapters
-VI, VII, and the first half of VIII) and in the <i>Transactions of the
-American Philological Association</i> (the last half of Chapter VIII). Permission
-to use them in the present book has been kindly granted to the
-author by Dr. James A. Paton, former editor-in-chief of the <i>American
-Journal of Archæology</i>, and by Professor Clarence P. Bill, the secretary
-of the American Philological Association.</p>
-
-<p>Although it has been my aim throughout to present my own views in
-regard to the various works of art under discussion, I must, of course,
-acknowledge that the book is largely based upon the work and conclusions
-of preceding scholars who have treated various phases of the
-same subject. It would, however, be unnecessary and even impossible
-here to acknowledge all the works laid directly or indirectly under
-contribution in the composition of the book. Most of these have been
-recorded in the footnotes.</p>
-
-<p>But I wish here to express, in a more general way, my indebtedness
-to the standard histories of Greek sculpture, by Brunn, Collignon,
-Gardiner, Lechat, Murray, Overbeck, Richardson, and others, which
-must form the foundation of the knowledge of any one who writes on
-any phase of the subject. Among these, two have been found especially
-valuable: Bulle’s <i>Der schoene Mensch im Altertum</i>, which is justly noted
-for its comprehensive views and sound judgments; and Furtwaengler’s
-<i>Die Meisterwerke der griechischen Plastik</i>, which, although it has been
-known to English readers in its enlarged edition by Miss Eugénie Sellers
-for over a quarter of a century, is still prized for its extensive first<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vi">vi</a></span>hand
-knowledge of the monuments and for its brilliant inductions, even
-if the latter at times are carried too far.</p>
-
-<p>Perhaps my greatest debt has been to the excellent volume entitled
-<i>Greek Athletic Sports and Festivals</i>, by E. Norman Gardiner, M. A., a
-scholar whose practical knowledge of modern athletic sports and wide
-familiarity with the ancient source material, both literary and monumental,
-has well fitted him to deal afresh with the subject treated so
-learnedly over three quarters of a century ago in Krause’s <i>Die Gymnastik
-und Agonistik der Hellenen</i>. I have also constantly drawn upon
-Gardiner’s collection of vase-paintings which illustrate athletic scenes.</p>
-
-<p>I should also note here several other works which have been of
-great assistance in writing this book, such as Juethner’s <i>Ueber antike
-Turngeraethe</i> and edition of Philostratos’ <i>de Arte gymnastica</i>, Reisch’s
-<i>Griechische Weihgeschenke</i>, Rouse’s <i>Greek Votive Offerings</i>, and Foerster’s
-<i>Die Sieger in den Olympischen Spielen</i>. The chronological list of
-victors in the latter compilation was, in large part, the foundation of
-my earlier work <i>de olympionicarum Statuis</i>.</p>
-
-<p>I have also received most valuable help from the standard catalogues
-of modern museums, <i>e. g.</i>, those by Amelung, Dickins, Helbig, Kabbadias,
-Lechat, Richter, de Ridder, Staïs, Svoronos, and especially the
-admirable ones of the classical collections in the British Museum. I
-regret that, owing to the recent war, some of the latest catalogues, those
-especially of the smaller foreign museums, have not been available.</p>
-
-<p>For illustrative matter, I have made no effort to reproduce merely
-striking works of art, but have, for the most part, presented well-known
-works which readily illustrate the problems treated in the
-text. I have availed myself of collections of photographs kindly placed
-at my disposal by Professors Herbert E. Everett of the School of Fine
-Arts of the University of Pennsylvania, D. M. Robinson of the Johns
-Hopkins University, A. S. Cooley of the Moravian College at Bethlehem,
-Pennsylvania, and Dr. Mary H. Swindler of Bryn Mawr College.
-The various collections of plates and the books and journals from which
-I have taken illustrations are duly noted in the List of Illustrations.</p>
-
-<p>In addition, I wish to thank the following corporations and individuals
-for permission to reproduce plates and text-cuts from the works
-cited: the Council of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies,
-of London, for the use of four plates appearing in the <i>Journal of
-Hellenic Studies</i> (Figs. <a href="#f44">44</a>, <a href="#f54">54</a>, <a href="#f55">55</a>, and <a href="#f59">59</a>); the Trustees of the British
-Museum in London for seven plates from <i>Marbles and Bronzes in the
-British Museum</i> (Pls. <a href="#p7A">7A</a>, <a href="#p17">17</a>, <a href="#p19">19</a>; Figs. <a href="#f14">14</a>, 28, <a href="#f31">31</a>, and <a href="#f35">35</a>); Professor E.
-A. Gardiner and his publishers, Duckworth and Co., of London, for
-two plates from <i>Six Greek Sculptors</i> (Pl. <a href="#p30">30</a>; Fig. <a href="#f71">71</a>); Mr. H. R. Hall, of
-the British Museum, and his publisher, Philip Lee Warner, of London,
-for one from <i>Aegean Archæology</i> (Fig. <a href="#f1">1</a>); Professor Allan Marquand, of
-Princeton University, for one text-cut from the <i>American Journal of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vii">vii</a></span>
-Archæology</i> (Fig. <a href="#f49">49</a>), and Dr. J. M. Paton, former editor-in-chief, for
-three other text-cuts from the same journal (Figs. <a href="#f70">70</a>, <a href="#f72">72</a>, <a href="#f79">79</a>).</p>
-
-<p>To the following I am also indebted for individual photographs: Dr.
-J. N. Svoronos, Director of the Numismatic Museum, Athens, Greece,
-for one of the oldest-dated statues of an Olympic victor (Fig. <a href="#f79">79</a>), which
-has already appeared in the <i>American Journal of Archæology</i>; Dr. A.
-Fairbanks, of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, for those of the statue
-of a Charioteer(?) and of the fragmentary head of the <i>Oil-pourer</i> (Pl.
-<a href="#p27">27</a>; Fig. <a href="#f23">23</a>); Dr. Edward Robinson, of the Metropolitan Museum of
-Art, New York, for those of the fine Kresilæan and Praxitelian heads
-(Pls. <a href="#p15">15</a>, <a href="#p20">20</a>), and of the bronze statuette of a diskobolos (Fig. <a href="#f46">46</a>);
-Prof. Alice Walton, of Wellesley College, for one of the Polykleitan
-athlete (Pl. <a href="#p13">13</a>); the Director of the Fogg Art Museum of Cambridge,
-Mass., for that of the so-called <i>Meleager</i> (Fig. <a href="#f77">77</a>); Dr. S. B. Luce,
-recently of the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, for photographs
-of two vase-paintings showing athletic scenes (Figs. <a href="#f50">50</a>, <a href="#f56">56</a>), and
-Dr. Eleanor F. Rambo, formerly of the same Museum, for a copy of
-the Knossos wall-painting (Pl. <a href="#p1">1</a>).</p>
-
-<p>A word might be added as to the spelling of Greek proper names.
-Since consistency in this matter seems unattainable, I have adopted
-the method outlined in the <i>British School Annual</i> (<span class="smcap">XV</span>, 1908–09, p. 402),
-whereby the names of persons, places, buildings, festivals, etc., are
-transliterated from the Greek forms, except those which have become
-a part of the English language. But even here I have sometimes
-deviated from the practice of using familiar English forms.</p>
-
-<p>In abbreviations of the names of journals (see pages <span class="smcap">XVI-XIX</span>) I
-have largely conformed with the usage long recommended by the
-<i>American Journal of Archæology.</i></p>
-
-<p>For convenience in identifying the many works of art, discussed or
-mentioned in the text and foot-notes, I have constantly referred to
-well-known collections of plates, such as those of Brunn-Bruckmann,
-Bulle, Rayet, and von Mach. For further convenience, I have also
-in most cases referred to the outline drawings of statues in Reinach’s
-<i>Répertoire de la statuaire grecque et romaine</i>, and in some cases to the
-older ones found in Clarac’s <i>Musée de sculpture antique et moderne</i>,
-and in Mueller and Wieseler’s <i>Denkmaeler der alten Kunst</i>.</p>
-
-<p>In closing, I have the pleasant duty of thanking generally the many
-friends who have given me valuable suggestions and assistance, especially
-Professor Lane Cooper, of Cornell University, for reading the
-proof-sheets of the entire work, and Professor Alfred Emerson, now of
-Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, my former teacher, for revising the list of
-<i>Corrigenda</i>.</p>
-
-<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Walter Woodburn Hyde.</span></p>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">University of Pennsylvania.</span>
-<i>Philadelphia, October, 1921.</i>
-</p>
-<hr />
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_viii">viii-ix</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>CONTENTS.</h2>
-
-<table summary="contents" border="0"><tr>
-<td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Chapter I.</span></td>
-</tr><tr>
-<td class="tdr" colspan="2">PAGE</td>
-</tr><tr>
-<td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Early Greek Games and Prizes</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_1">1</a>-42</td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Sports in Crete</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Athletics in Homer</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_7">7</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Origin of Greek Games in the Cult of the Dead</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_9">9</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Early History of the Four National Games</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_14">14</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Early Prizes for Athletes</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_18">18</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Dedication of Athlete Prizes</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_21">21</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Dedication of Statues at Olympia and Elsewhere</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_24">24</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Honors Paid to Victors by their Native Cities</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_32">32</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Votive Character of Victor Dedications</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_37">37</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Miscellaneous Memorials to Victors</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_40">40</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Honorary Statues</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_41">41</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">
-<span class="smcap">Chapter II.</span></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl">
-<span class="smcap">General Characteristics of Victor Statues at Olympia</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_43">43</a>-98</td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Size of Victor Statues</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_45">45</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Nudity of Victor Statues</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_47">47</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The Athletic Hair-fashion</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_50">50</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Iconic and Aniconic Statues</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_54">54</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Portrait Statues</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_55">55</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Aniconic Statues</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_58">58</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Aesthetic Judgments of Classical Writers</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_58">58</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Greek Originals of Victor Statues</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_62">62</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Canons of Proportion</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_65">65</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1"><p class="indent2">
-Assimilation of Olympic Victor Statues to Types of Gods and Heroes</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_71">71</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Athlete Statues Assimilated to Types of Hermes</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_75">75</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Athlete Statues Assimilated to Types of Apollo</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_88">88</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Athlete Statues Assimilated to Types of Herakles</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_93">93</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Athletes Represented as the Dioskouroi</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_96">96</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">
-<span class="smcap">Chapter III.</span></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl">
-<span class="smcap">Victor Statues Represented at Rest</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_99">99</a>-172</td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The Apollo Type</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_100">100</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The Affiliated Schools of Argos and Sikyon</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_109">109</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-The School of Argos</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_109">109</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-The School of Sikyon</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_118">118</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Aeginetan Sculptors</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_122">122</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Attic Sculptors</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_126">126</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-General Motives of Statues at Rest</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_130">130</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Adoration and Prayer</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_130">130</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Anointing</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_133">133</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Oil-scraping</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_135">135</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Libation-pouring</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_138">138</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Resting after the Contest</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_144">144</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Attributes of Victor Statues</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_147">147</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Primary Attributes of Victor Statues</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_148">148</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-The Victor Fillet</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_148">148</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Fillet-binders</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_150">150</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-The Crown of Wild Olive</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_155">155</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-The Palm-branch</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_160">160</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl">
-Secondary Attributes of Victor Statues</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_161">161</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Hoplitodromoi</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_161">161</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_x">x</a></span></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Pentathletes</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_164">164</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Boxers</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_165">165</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Wrestlers</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_165">165</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Caps for Boxers, Pancratiasts, and Wrestlers</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_165">165</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The Swollen Ear</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_167">167</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">
-<span class="smcap">Chapter IV.</span></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl">
-<span class="smcap">Victor Statues Represented in Motion</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_173">173</a>-256</td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The <i>Tyrannicides</i></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_173">173</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Antiquity of Motion Statues in Greece</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_176">176</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Pythagoras and Myron</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_178">178</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Motion Statues representing Victors in Various Contests</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_188">188</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Runners: Stadiodromoi, Diaulodromoi, Dolichodromoi</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_190">190</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-The Statue of the Runner Ladas</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_196">196</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Statues of Boy Runners</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_200">200</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Hoplitodromoi</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_203">203</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Pentathletes</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_210">210</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Jumpers</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_214">214</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Diskoboloi</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_218">218</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Akontistai</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_222">222</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Wrestlers</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_228">228</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Boxers</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_234">234</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-Pancratiasts</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_246">246</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">
-<span class="smcap">Chapter V.</span></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl">
-<span class="smcap">Monuments of Hippodrome and Musical Victors</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_257">257</a>-285</td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Programme of Hippodrome Events</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_259">259</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Representations of the Chariot-race</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_262">262</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Chariot-groups at Olympia</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_264">264</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Remains of Chariot-groups</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_269">269</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The <i>Apobates</i> Chariot-race</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_272">272</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Statues of Charioteers</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_274">274</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Dedications of Victors in the Horse-race at Olympia and Elsewhere</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_278">278</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Monuments Illustrating the Horse-race</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_280">280</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The <i>Apobates</i> Horse-race</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_282">282</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Dedications of Musical Victors at Olympia and Elsewhere</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_283">283</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">
-<span class="smcap">Chapter VI.</span></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl">
-<span class="smcap">Two Marble Heads from Victor Statues</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_286">286</a>-320</td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The Group of Daochos at Delphi, and Lysippos</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_286">286</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The <i>Apoxyomenos</i> of the Vatican, and Lysippos</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_288">288</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The <i>Agios</i> and the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> compared, and the Style of Lysippos</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_289">289</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The Head from Olympia</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_293">293</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The Olympia Head and that of the <i>Agias</i></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_294">294</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Identification of the Olympia Head</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_298">298</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The Dates of Philandridas and Lysippos</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_300">300</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Lysippos as a Worker in Marble, and Statue “Doubles”</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_302">302</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The Head of a Statue of a Boy from Sparta, and the Art of Skopas</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_303">303</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Comparison of the Tegea Heads and the Head from Sparta</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_308">308</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The Styles of Skopas and Lysippos Compared</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_311">311</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The Sparta Head Compared with that of the <i>Philandridas</i></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_316">316</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The Sparta Head an Eclectic Work and an Example of Assimilation</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_318">318</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">
-<span class="smcap"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xi">xi</a></span>Chapter VII.</span></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl vertb">
-<p class="indent2"><span class="smcap">The Materials of Olympic Victor Monuments, and the Oldest-dated Victor
-Statue</span></p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_321">321</a>-338</td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The Case for Bronze</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_321">321</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The Case for Stone</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_323">323</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-The Statue of Arrhachion at Phigalia</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_326">326</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Egyptian Influence on Early Greek Sculpture</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_328">328</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Early Victor Statues and the “Apollo” Type</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_334">334</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">
-<span class="smcap">Chapter VIII.</span></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">
-<span class="smcap">Positions of Victor Statues in the Altis; Olympic Victor Monuments Erected
-Outside Olympia; Statistics of Olympic Victor Statuaries</span></p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_339">339</a>-375</td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Statues Mentioned by Pausanias</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_339">339</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-The First Ephodos of Pausanias</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_341">341</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl2">
-The Second Ephodos of Pausanias</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_348">348</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Summary of Results</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_352">352</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Statues not Mentioned by Pausanias, but known from Recovered Bases</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_353">353</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Olympic Victor Monuments Erected Outside Olympia</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_361">361</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Summary of Results</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_374">374</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl padl1">
-Statistics of Olympic Victor Statuaries</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_375">375</a></td>
-</tr></table>
-<hr />
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xii">xii</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.</h2>
-
-<table summary="illustrations" border="0"><tr>
-<td class="tdc padl4">PLATES.</td><td class="tdr"><small>FACING PAGE</small></td>
-</tr><tr>
-<td class="tdl padl1"><p class="indent">Marble Head, from Olympia. Front view. Museum of Olympia. After <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>,
-Tafelbd., Pl. <span class="smcap">LIV</span>, 3</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#fr"><i>Frontispiece.</i></a></td>
-</tr><tr>
-<td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">1. Bull-grappling Scene. Wall-painting, from Knossos. Museum of Candia. After
-Photograph from copy in watercolor by Gilliéron in the Museum of Liverpool</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p1">2</a></td>
-</tr><tr>
-<td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">2. Marble Statue of a Girl Runner. Vatican Museum, Rome. After Photograph by
-Anderson</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p2">50</a></td>
-</tr><tr>
-<td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">3. Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor. Glyptothek, Munich. After B. B., No. 8</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p3">62</a></td>
-</tr><tr>
-<td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">4. Statue of the <i>Doryphoros</i>, from Pompeii, after Polykleitos. Museum of Naples. After
-Photograph by Alinari</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p4">70</a></td>
-</tr><tr>
-<td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">5. Statue of <i>Hermes</i>, from Andros. National Museum, Athens. After Photograph by
-Rhomaïdes</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p5">72</a></td>
-</tr><tr>
-<td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">
-6. Statue of the <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>, after Naukydes (?). Vatican Museum, Rome.
-After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p6">76</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">
-7 A and B. Statues of so-called <i>Apollos</i>. A. The <i>Apollo Choiseul-Gouffier</i>. British Museum,
-London. After <i>Marbles and Bronzes in the British Museum</i>, Pl. <span class="smcap">III</span>
-B. The <i>Apollo-on-the-Omphalos</i>. National Museum, Athens. After Photograph
-by Merlin</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p7A">90</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">
-8 A and B. Statues of so-called <i>Apollos</i>. A. The <i>Apollo of Tenea</i>. Glyptothek, Munich.
-After Photograph by Bruckmann. B. <i>Argive Apollo</i>, from Delphi. Museum
-of Delphi. After <i>Fouilles de Delphes</i>, IV, 1904, Pl. <span class="smcap">I</span></p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p8A">102</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">
-9. Statue of an Athlete, by Stephanos. Villa Albani, Rome. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p9">114</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-10. Bronze statue of the <i>Praying Boy</i>. Museum of Berlin. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p10">132</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-11. Statue of so-called <i>Oil-pourer</i>. Glyptothek, Munich. After Photograph by Bruckmann</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p11">134</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-12. Statue of an <i>Apoxyomenos</i>. Uffizi Gallery, Florence. After B. B., No. 523</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p12">136</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-13. Statue of an Athlete, after Polykleitos. Farnsworth Museum, Wellesley College,
-U. S. A. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p13">138</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-14. Bronze Statue known as the <i>Idolino</i>. Museo Archeologico, Florence. After B. B.,
-No. 274</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p14">142</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-15. Marble Head of an Athlete, after Kresilas (?). Metropolitan Museum, New York.
-After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p15">144</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-16. Bronze Statue of the <i>Seated Boxer</i>. Museo delle Terme, Rome. After <i>Ant. Denkm.</i>, I, <span class="smcap">I</span>,
-1886, Pl. <span class="smcap">IV</span></p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p16">146</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-17. Statue known as the <i>Farnese Diadoumenos</i>. British Museum, London. After <i>Marbles
-and Bronzes in the British Museum</i>, Pl. <span class="smcap">VI</span></p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p17">150</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-18. Statue of the <i>Diadoumenos</i>, from Delos. After Polykleitos. National Museum,
-Athens. After Photograph by Alinari</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p18">152</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-19. Statue known as the <i>Westmacott Athlete</i>. British Museum, London. After <i>Marbles
-and Bronzes in the British Museum</i>, Pl. <span class="smcap">XXII</span></p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p19">156</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-20. Head of an Athlete, School of Praxiteles. Metropolitan Museum, New York. After
-Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p20">168</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-21. Statue of <i>Diomedes with the Palladion</i>. Glyptothek, Munich. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p21">170</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-22. Statue of the <i>Diskobolos</i>, from Castel Porziano, after Myron. Museo delle Terme,
-Rome. After Photograph by Anderson</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p22">184</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-23. Statue of the <i>Diskobolos</i>, after Myron. A bronzed Cast from the Statue in the
-Vatican and Head from the Statue in the Palazzo Lancellotti, Rome. After
-B. B., No. 566</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p23">186</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-24. Statue of a Kneeling Youth, from Subiaco. Museo delle Terme, Rome. After
-Photograph by Anderson</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p24">196</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-25. Marble Group of Pancratiasts. Uffizi Gallery, Florence. After Photo, by Alinari</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p25">252</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-26. Racing Chariot and Horses. From an archaic b.-f. Hydria. Museum of Berlin.
-After Gerhard, IV, Pls. <span class="smcap">CCXLIX-CCL</span></p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p26">262</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-27. Statue of a Charioteer (?). Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. After Photo. by Coolidge</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p27">276</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-28. Statue of the Pancratiast Agias, from Delphi. Museum of Delphi. After <i>Fouilles de
-Delphes</i>, IV, Pl. <span class="smcap">LXIII</span></p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p28">286</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-29. Statue of the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>. After Lysippos or his School. Vatican Museum, Rome.
-After B. B., No. 381</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p29">288</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-30. Statue of <i>Herakles</i>. Lansdowne House, London. After Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl. <span class="smcap">LVI</span></p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#p30">298</a></td>
-</tr></table>
-<hr />
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xiii">xiii</a></span></p>
-
-<table summary="plans" border="0"><tr>
-<td class="tdc padl4">PLANS.</td><td class="tdr"><small>FACING<br />PAGE</small></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-A. The Altis at Olympia in the Greek Period (Third Century B.&nbsp;C.). After Doerpfeld, in
-<i>Ergebnisse von Olympia, Karten und Plaene</i>, No. <span class="smcap">III</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_376">376</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-B. The Altis at Olympia in the Roman Period (Second Century A.&nbsp;D.). After Doerpfeld,
-in <i>Ergebnisse von Olympia, Karten und Plaene</i>, No. <span class="smcap">IV</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_376">376</a></td>
-</tr></table>
-<hr />
-
-
-<table summary="illustrations" border="0"><tr>
-<td class="tdc padl4">TEXT-FIGURES.</td><td class="tdr"><small>PAGE</small></td>
-</tr><tr>
-<td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">
-1. So-called <i>Boxer Vase</i>, from Hagia Triada. From a Cast (with handle restored) in the
-Museum of Candia. After H. R. Hall, Aegean Archæology, Pl. <span class="smcap">XVI</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f1">6</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">
-2. Bronze Statuette of a Victor, from Olympia. Museum of Olympia. After <i>Bronz. v.
-Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. <span class="smcap">VIII</span>, No. 57</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f2">28</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">
-3. Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor, from Beneventum. Louvre, Paris. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f3">64</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">
-4. Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor, from Herculaneum. Museum of Naples. After
-B. B., No. 323 (Right)</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f4">65</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">
-5. Bronze Portrait-statue of a Hellenistic Prince. Museo delle Terme, Rome. After
-Photograph by Alinari</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f5">73</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">
-6. Bronze Statuette of <i>Hermes-Diskobolos</i>, found in the Sea off Antikythera. National
-Museum, Athens. After Photograph by Rhomaïdes</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f6">79</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">
-7. Bronze Statue of a Youth, found in the Sea off Antikythera. National Museum, Athens.
-After Photograph by Rhomaïdes</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f7">80</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">
-8. Statue of the so-called <i>Jason</i> (<i>Sandal-binder</i>). Louvre, Paris. After Photograph by
-Giraudon</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f8">86</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent padl05">
-9. Statue of so-called <i>Apollo of Thera</i>. National Museum, Athens. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f9">101</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-10. Statue of so-called <i>Apollo of Orchomenos</i>. National Museum, Athens. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f10">102</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-11. Statue of so-called <i>Apollo</i>, from Mount Ptoion, Bœotia. National Museum, Athens.
-After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f11">102</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-12. Statue of so-called <i>Apollo of Melos</i>. National Museum, Athens. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f12">103</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-13. Statues of so-called <i>Apollos</i>, from Mount Ptoion. National Museum, Athens. After
-Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f13">104</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-14. Statue known as the <i>Strangford Apollo</i>. British Museum, London. After <i>Marbles and
-Bronzes in the British Museum</i>, Pl. <span class="smcap">II</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f14">105</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-15. Bronze Statuette of a Palæstra Victor, from the Akropolis. Akropolis Museum,
-Athens. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f15">108</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-16. Bronze Statuette, from Ligourió. Museum of Berlin. After <i>50stes Berliner Winckelmannsprogramm</i>,
-1890, Pl. <span class="smcap">I</span> (Center and Left)</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f16">112</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-17. Statue of an Ephebe, from the Akropolis. Akropolis Museum, Athens. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f17">115</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-18. Head of an Ephebe, from the Akropolis. Akropolis Museum, Athens. After Photograph
-by Rhomaïdes</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f18">116</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-19. Bronze Statuette of Apollo, found in the Sea off Piombino. Louvre, Paris. After
-Photograph by Giraudon</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f19">119</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-20. Figure, from the East Pediment of the Temple on Aegina. Glypothek, Munich.
-After Photograph by Bruckmann</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f20">124</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-21. Two Figures, from the West Pediment of the Temple on Aegina. Glyptothek,
-Munich. After Photograph by Bruckmann</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f21">125</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-22. Archaic Marble Head of a Youth. Jacobsen Collection, Ny-Carlsberg Museum,
-Copenhagen. After Arndt, <i>La Glyplothèque Ny-Carlsberg</i>, 1896, Pl. <span class="smcap">I</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f22">128</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-23. Head of so-called <i>Oil-pourer</i>. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f23">134</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-24. Bronze Statuette of an Athlete. Louvre, Paris. After Furtwaengler, <i>Masterpieces</i>,
-Pl. <span class="smcap">XIII</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f24">139</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-25. Bronze Head of an Athlete, from Herculaneum. Museum of Naples. After B. B., No.
-339 (Left)</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f25">140</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-26. Marble Statue of an Athlete (?). National Museum, Athens. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f26">143</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-27. Head from Statue of the <i>Seated Boxer</i> (Pl. <a href="#p16">16</a>). Museo delle Terme, Rome. After
-Photograph by Anderson</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f27">146</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-28. Statue of the <i>Diadoumenos</i>, from Vaison, after Polykleitos. British Museum, London.
-After <i>Marbles and Bronzes in the British Museum</i>, Pl. <span class="smcap">IV</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f28">153</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xiv">xiv</a></span>
-29. Head of the <i>Diadoumenos</i>, after Polykleitos. Albertinum, Dresden. After Furtwaengler,
-<i>Masterpieces</i>, Pl. <span class="smcap">X</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f29">154</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-30. Marble Heads of two Hoplitodromoi, from Olympia. Museum of Olympia. After
-<i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. <span class="smcap">VI</span>, 1–2 and 9–10</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f30">162</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-31. Head of Herakles, from Genzano. British Museum, London. After <i>Marbles and
-Bronzes in the British Museum</i>, Pl. <span class="smcap">XXI</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f31">170</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-32. Statue of <i>Harmodios</i>. Museum of Naples. After B. B., No. 327</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f32">174</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-33. Head of an Athlete, from Perinthos. Albertinum, Dresden. After B. B., No. 542
-(Right)</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f33">180</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-34. Statue of the <i>Diskobolos</i>, after Myron. Vatican Museum, Rome. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f34">185</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-35. Statue of the <i>Diskobolos</i>, after Myron. British Museum, London. After <i>Marbles and
-Bronzes in the British Museum</i>, Pl. <span class="smcap">XLVII</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f35">186</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-36. A and B. Athletic Scenes from a Bacchic Amphora in Rome. A. Stadiodromoi and
-Leaper. B. Diskobolos and Akontistai. After Gerhard, IV, Pl. <span class="smcap">CCLIX</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f36">192</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-37. Athletic Scenes from a Sixth-century B.&nbsp;C. Panathenaic Amphora. Stadiodromoi (Left)
-and Dolichodromoi (Right). After <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, I, 1829–33, Pl. <span class="smcap">XXII</span>, 6 b, 7 b</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f37">193</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-38. Statue of a Runner. Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome. After Photograph by Anderson</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f38">198</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-39. Statue of a Runner. Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome. After Photograph by Anderson</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f39">198</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-40. Statue of the so-called <i>Thorn-puller</i> (the <i>Spinario</i>). Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome.
-After B. B., No. 321</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f40">200</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-41. Hoplitodromes. Scenes from a r.-f. Kylix. Museum of Berlin. After Gerhard, IV,
-Pl. <span class="smcap">CCLXI</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f41">205</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-42. Bronze Statuette of a Hoplitodrome (?). University Museum, Tuebingen. After <i>Jb.</i>, I,
-1886, Pl. <span class="smcap">IX</span> (Right)</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f42">206</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-43. Statue of the so-called <i>Borghese Warrior</i>. Louvre, Paris. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f43">208</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-44. Pentathletes. Scene from a Panathenaic Amphora in the British Museum, London.
-After <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, 1907, Pl. <span class="smcap">XVIII</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f44">211</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-45. Statue of a Boy Victor (the <i>Dresden Boy</i>). Albertinum, Dresden. After Furtwaengler,
-<i>Masterpieces</i>, Pl. <span class="smcap">XII</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f45">213</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-46. Bronze Statuette of a <i>Diskobolos</i>. Metropolitan Museum, New York. After
-Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f46">220</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-47. Bust of the <i>Doryphoros</i>, after Polykleitos, by Apollonios. Museum of Naples. After
-Photograph by Alinari</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f47">224</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-48. Statue of the <i>Doryphoros</i>, after Polykleitos. Vatican Museum, Rome. After Photograph
-by Anderson</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f48">225</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-49. Wrestling Scenes. From Obverse of an Amphora, by Andokides. Museum of Berlin.
-After <i>A. J. A.</i>, XI, 1896, P. 11, Fig. 9</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f49">230</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-50. Wrestling and Boxing Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix. University of Pennsylvania Museum,
-Philadelphia. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f50">231</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-51. Bronze Statues of Wrestlers. Museum of Naples. After B. B., No. 354</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f51">232</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-52. Bronze Arm of Statue of a Boxer, found in the Sea off Antikythera. National Museum,
-Athens. After Svoronos, Pl. <span class="smcap">V</span>, No. 4</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f52">237</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-53. Forearm with Glove. From the Statue of the <i>Seated Boxer</i> (Pl. <a href="#p16">16</a>). Museo delle Terme,
-Rome. After Juethner, Fig. 62</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f53">238</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-54. Boxing Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix by Douris. British Museum, London. After
-<i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, 1906, Pl. <span class="smcap">XII</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f54">240</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-55. Boxing and Pankration Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix. British Museum, London. After
-<i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, Pl. <span class="smcap">XIII</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f55">241</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-56. Boxing Scene. From a b.-f. Panathenaic Panel-amphora. University of Pennsylvania
-Museum, Philadelphia. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f56">242</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-57. Statue of a Boxer, from Sorrento. By Koblanos of Aphrodisias. Museum of Naples.
-After B. B., No. 614</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f57">242</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-58. Statue known as <i>Pollux</i>. Louvre, Paris. After Photograph by Giraudon</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f58">245</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-59. Pankration Scene. From a Panathenaic Amphora by Kittos. British Museum,
-London. After <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, 1906, Pl. <span class="smcap">III</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f59">248</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-60. Bronze Statuette of a Pancratiast (?), from Autun, France. Louvre, Paris. After
-Bulle, Pl. 96 (Right)</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f60">250</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-61. Bronze Head of a Boxer(?), from Olympia. A (Profile); B (Front). National Museum,
-Athens. After <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. <span class="smcap">II</span>, 2a and 2</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f61">254</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xv">xv</a></span>
-62. Bronze Foot of a Victor Statue, from Olympia. Museum of Olympia. After <i>Bronz.
-v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. <span class="smcap">III</span>, 3</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f62">253</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-63. Charioteer Mounting a Chariot. Bas-relief from the Akropolis. Akropolis Museum,
-Athens. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f63">270</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-64. <i>Apobates</i> and Chariot. Relief from the North Frieze of the Parthenon, Athens.
-After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f64">273</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-65. Charioteer. Relief from the small Frieze of the Mausoleion, Halikarnassos. British
-Museum, London. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f65">274</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-66. Bronze Statue of the Delphi <i>Charioteer</i>. Museum of Delphi. After <i>Fouilles de Delphes</i>,
-IV, Pl. <span class="smcap">L</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f66">277</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-67. Horse-racer. From a Sixth-century B.&nbsp;C. b.-f. Panathenaic Vase. British Museum,
-London. After Gerhard, IV, Pl. <span class="smcap">CCLVII</span> (Bottom).</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f67">280</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-68. Head from the Statue of Agias (Pl. 28). Museum of Delphi. After <i>Fouilles de
-Delphes</i>, IV, Pl. <span class="smcap">LXIV</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f68">287</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-69. Marble Head, from Olympia. Three-quarters Front View (<i>Cf.</i> Frontispiece).
-Museum of Olympia. After <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. <span class="smcap">LIV</span>, 4</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f69">293</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-70. Profile Drawings of the Heads of the <i>Agias</i> and the <i>Philandridas</i>. After <i>A. J. A.</i>,
-XI, 1907, p. 403, Fig. 6</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f70">295</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-71. Head of the Statue of Herakles (Pl. 30). Lansdowne House, London. After Gardner,
-<i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl. <span class="smcap">LVII</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f71">298</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-72. Marble Head of a Boy, found near the Akropolis, Sparta. In Private Possession in
-Philadelphia, U. S. A. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f72">305</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-73. So-called Head of Herakles from Tegea, by Skopas. National Museum, Athens.
-After <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXV, 1901, Pl. <span class="smcap">VII</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f73">307</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-74. Attic Grave-relief, found in the Bed of the Ilissos, Athens. National Museum,
-Athens. After A. Conze, <i>Attische Grabreliefs</i>, Pl. <span class="smcap">CCXI</span></p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f74">312</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-75. Statue of the so-called <i>Meleager</i>. Vatican Museum, Rome. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f75">313</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-76. Head of the so-called <i>Meleager</i>. Villa Medici, Rome. After <i>Ant. Denkm.</i>, I, Pl. <span class="smcap">XI</span>, 2a</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f76">314</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-77. Torso of the so-called <i>Meleager</i>. Fogg Art Museum, Cambridge, Mass. After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f77">315</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-78. Small Marble Torso of a Boy Victor, from Olympia. Museum of Olympia. After
-<i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. <span class="smcap">LVI</span>, 2</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f78">325</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-79. Stone Statue of the Olympic Victor, Arrhachion, from Phigalia. In the Guards’
-House at Bassai (Phigalia). After Photograph</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f79">327</a></td>
-</tr><tr><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">
-80. Statues of Ra-nefer and Tepemankh, from Sakkarah. Museum of Cairo. After
-Bulle, Pl. 5</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#f80">331</a></td>
-</tr></table>
-<hr />
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xvi">xvi</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>THE MOST COMMON ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE NOTES.</h2>
-
-<table summary="abbreviations" border="0"><tr>
-<td class="tdl"><i>A. A.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Archaeologischer Anzeiger</i>, Beiblatt zum Jahrbuch, 1889-.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Afr.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">S. Iulii Africani Ὀλυμπιάδων ἀναγραφή, <i>apud</i> Euseb., <i>Chron.</i>, ed. A. Schoene,
-I, pp. 194–220. Berlin, 1875. See also Rutgers.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>A. G.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Anthologia Graeca</i>, cur. F. Jacobs, I-III. Leipsic, 1813–1817.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>A. Pl.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Anthologia Planudea</i>, in <i>A. G.</i>, II, 1814.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>A. J. A.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>American Journal of Archæology</i>, 1st series, 1885–1896; 2d series, 1897-.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>A. M.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Mitteilungen des kaiserlich deutschen archaeologischen Instituts</i>, Athenische
-Abteilung. Athens, 1876-.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Amelung, <i>Fuehrer</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">W. Amelung, <i>Fuehrer durch die Antiken in Florenz</i>. Munich, 1897.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Amelung, <i>Vat.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">W. Amelung, <i>Die Skulpturen des Vatikanischen Museums</i>, Textbd., I-II:
-Tafelbd., I-II. Berlin, 1903, 1908.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Annali</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Annali dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica.</i> Rome, 1829–1885.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Ant. Denkm.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Antike Denkmaeler</i>, herausgegeben vom kaiserlich deutschen archaeologischen
-Institut. Berlin, 1886-.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Arch. Eph.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"> Ἀρχαιολογικὴ Ἐφημερίς. Athens, 3d Per., 1883-. (The title before
-1910 was Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολογική.)</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Arndt-Amelung</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Photographische Einzelaufnahmen antiker Skulpturen</i> (with text). Munich,
-1893–1902. Cited in German publications as <i>Einzelverkauf</i>.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>A. Z.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Archaeologische Zeitung.</i> Berlin, 1843–1885.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Baum.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">A. Baumeister, <i>Denkmaeler des klassischen Altertums</i>, I-III. Munich and
-Leipsic, 1889.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-B. B.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">Brunn-Bruckmann, <i>Denkmaeler griechischer und roemischer Skulptur</i>.
-Munich, 1888. Text from No. 500 (1897-) by F. Arndt. (Plates cited
-by number).</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Bulletin de Correspondance hellénique.</i> Paris, 1877-.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Olympia, Die Ergebnisse</i>, Text- und Tafelbd., III, <i>Die Bildwerke von Olympia
-in Stein und Thon</i>. By G. Treu. Berlin, 1897.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>B. M. Bronz.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Catalogue of the Bronzes, Greek, Roman, and Etruscan, in the British Museum.</i>
-By H. B. Walters. London, 1899.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>B. M. Sculpt.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Catalogue of Sculpture in the British Museum</i>, I-III. By A. H. Smith.
-London, 1892–1904.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>B. M. Vases</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Catalogue of the Greek and Etruscan Vases in the British Museum.</i> I, <small>2</small>, II,
-IV, by H. B. Walters; III, by C. H. Smith. London, 1893–1912.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Boeckh</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">A. Boeckh, <i>Pindari Opera</i>, II, <i>Scholia</i>. Leipsic, 1819.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl">
-<i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Olympia, Die Ergebnisse</i>, Text- und Tafelbd., IV, <i>Die Bronzen und die
-uebrigen kleineren Funde von Olympia</i>. By A. Furtwaengler. Berlin,
-1890.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Brunn</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">H. Brunn, <i>Geschichte der griechischen Kuenstler</i>, I (Bildhauer). Brunswick,
-1853. (Reprinted, Stuttgart, 1889).</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>B. S. A.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Annual of the British School at Athens.</i> London, 1894–1895-.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Bulle</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">H. Bulle, <i>Der schoene Mensch im Altertum</i>. Second edition, Munich and
-Leipsic, 1912. (= Vol. I of G. Hirth’s <i>Der Stil</i>.)</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>B. Com. Rom.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Bulletino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale di Roma.</i> Rome,
-1872-.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Bull. d. Inst.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Bulletino dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica.</i> Rome, 1829–1885.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>C. I. A.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum</i>, I-IV. Berlin, 1873–1897. (I, ed. A.
-Kirchhoff; II, Pts. <small>1–4</small>, and IV, Pts. <small>1–2</small>, ed. U. Koehler; III, Pts. <small>1–2</small>,
-ed. W. Dittenberger).</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>C. I. G.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum</i>, I-IV. Berlin, 1828–1877. (I-II, ed.
-A. Boeckh; III, ed. J. Franz: IV, ed. E. Curtius and A. Kirchhoff.)</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Clarac</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">F. de Clarac, <i>Musée de sculpture antique et moderne</i>. Text, I-VI: Plates,
-I-VI. Paris, 1826–1853. See also Reinach, <i>Rép.</i></p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Collignon</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">M. Collignon, <i>Histoire de la sculpture grecque</i>, I-II. Paris, 1892, 1897.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>C. R. Acad. Inscr.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Comptes-Rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.</i> Paris,
-1857-.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Dar.-Sagl.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">C. Daremberg, E. Saglio, et E. Pottier, <i>Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques
-et romaines</i>. Paris, 1877–1918.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Dickins</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">G. Dickins, <i>Catalogue of the Akropolis Museum</i>, I (Archaic Sculpture).
-Cambridge, 1912.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xvii">xvii</a></span>
-Duetschke</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">H. Duetschke, <i>Antike Bildwerke in Oberitalien</i>, I-IV. Leipsic, 1874–1880.
-(Works of art cited by number.)</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>F. H. G.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Fragmenta historiorum Graecorum</i>, coll. C. Muellerus, I-IV. Paris,
-1841–1851.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Foerster</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">H. Foerster, <i>Die Sieger in den Olympischen Spielen</i>. Wissenschaftliche
-Beilage zum Programm des Gymnasiums zu Zwickau, 1891, 1892.
-(The numbers refer to victors in chronological order.)</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Frazer</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">Sir J. G. Frazer, <i>Pausanias’s Description of Greece</i>, I-VI. London, 1898.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Froehner, <i>Notice</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">W. Froehner, <i>Notice de la sculpture ant. du musée impérial du Louvre</i>.
-Paris, 1869.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Furtw., <i>Mp.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">A. Furtwaengler, <i>Masterpieces of Greek Sculpture</i>. Translated and enlarged
-from the following work, by Miss Eugénie Sellers (now Mrs. Strong).
-London, 1895.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Furtw., <i>Mw.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">A. Furtwaengler, <i>Meisterwerke der griechischen Plastik</i>. Leipsic and Berlin,
-1893.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-F. W.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">C. Friederichs, <i>Bausteine zur Geschichte d. griech.-roem. Plastik</i>, 1868.
-Revised edition, entitled Die Gipsabguesse antiker Bildwerke, by P.
-Wolters. Berlin, 1885.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Gardiner</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">E. Norman Gardiner, <i>Greek Athletic Sports and Festivals</i>. London, 1910.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">E. A. Gardner, <i>A Handbook of Greek Sculpture</i>. Second edition revised.
-London, 1915.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">E. A. Gardner, <i>Six Greek Sculptors</i>. London, 1910.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Gaz. arch.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Gazette archéologique</i>. Paris, 1875—.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Gaz. B.-A.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Gazette des Beaux-Arts.</i> Paris, Pér. I, 1859–1868; II, 1869–1888; III,
-1889—.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Gerhard</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">E. Gerhard, <i>Auserlesene Vasenbilder</i>, Vol. IV (<i>Alltagsleben</i>). Berlin, 1840.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">W. Helbig, and others, <i>Fuehrer durch die oeffentlichen Sammlungen klassischer
-Altertuemer in Rom</i>. Third edition, I-II. Leipsic, 1912, 1913.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Helbig, <i>Guide</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Guide to the Public Collections of Classical Antiquities in Rome.</i> Translation
-from the preceding work (1st ed.) by J. F. and F. Muirhead, I-II.
-Leipsic, 1895, 1896.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Hitz.-Bluemn.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">H. Hitzig et H. Bluemner, <i>Pausaniae Graeciae Descriptio</i>. I-III (Each in
-2 Parts). Leipsic, 1896–1907.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Hyde</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">Gualterus (= Walter Woodburn) Hyde, <i>de olympionicarum Statuis a Pausania
-commemoratis</i>. Halle, 1902; enlarged, 1903. Numbers cited refer
-to victors in the order given by Pausanias.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>I. G.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Inscriptiones Graecae</i> (for contents and numbering of volumes, see <i>A. J. A.</i>,
-IX, 1905, pp. 96–97).</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>I. G. A.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Inscriptiones Graecae antiquissimae praeter Atticas in Attica repertas.</i> Ed.
-H. Roehl. Berlin, 1882.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>I. G. B.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Inschriften griechischer Bildhauer.</i> Ed. E. Loewy. Leipsic, 1885.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Olympia, Die Ergebnisse</i>, Textbd., V, <i>Die Inschriften von Olympia</i>. By W.
-Dittenberger and K. Purgold. Berlin, 1896.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Jb.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Jahrbuch des kaiserlich deutschen archaeologischen Instituts.</i> Berlin, 1886—.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Jex-Blake</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">K. Jex-Blake and E. Sellers, <i>The Elder Pliny’s Chapters on the History of
-Art</i> (chiefly Bks. XXXIV-XXXVI of the <i>Historia Naturalis</i>, cited as
-<i>H. N.</i>). London and New York, 1896.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Jahreshefte des oesterreichischen archaeologischen Institutes in Wien.</i> Vienna,
-1898—.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>J. H. S.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Journal of Hellenic Studies.</i> London, 1880—.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl">
-Joubin</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">A. Joubin, <i>La Sculpture grecque entre les Guerres Médiques et l’Époque de
-Périclès</i>. Paris, 1901.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Juethner</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">J. Juethner, <i>Ueber antike Turngeraethe</i>. Vienna, 1896.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Juethner, <i>Ph.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">J. Juethner, <i>Philostratos ueber Gymnastik</i>. Leipsic and Berlin, 1909.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Kabbadias</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">P. Kabbadias, Γλυπτὰ τοῦ Ἐθνικοῦ Μουσείου. Athens, 1890–1892.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Klein</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">W. Klein, <i>Geschichte der griechischen Kunst</i>, I-III. Leipsic, 1904–1907.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Krause</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">J. H. Krause, <i>Die Gymnastik und Agonistik der Hellenen</i>, I-II. Leipsic, 1841.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Lechat</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">H. Lechat, <i>La Sculpture attique avant Phidias</i>. Paris, 1904.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Lechat, <i>Au Musée</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">H. Lechat, <i>Au Musée de l’Acropole d’Athènes</i>. Lyon, 1903.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Mach, von</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">E. von Mach, <i>A Handbook of Greek and Roman Sculpture</i>, I-II (Text and
-University Prints). Boston, 1914.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xviii">xviii</a></span>
-M. D.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">F. Matz and F. von Duhn, <i>Antike Bildwerke in Rom</i>., I-III. Leipsic,
-1881–1882.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Michaelis</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">A. Michaelis, <i>Ancient Marbles in Great Britain</i>. Translated from the German
-by C. A. M. Fennell. Cambridge, 1882.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Mon. d. I.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Monumenti inediti dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica.</i> Rome,
-1829–1885.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Mon. ant.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Monumenti antichi publicati per cura della Reale Accademia dei Lincei.</i>
-Rome, 1889—.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Mon. gr.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Monuments grecs publiés par l’Association pour l’Encouragement des Études
-grecques en France</i>, 1872—. (Vol. I, containing reprints of articles
-from 1872, appeared in 1881).</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Mon. Piot.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Monuments et Mémoires publiés par l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.</i>
-Fondation Eugène Piot. Paris, 1894—.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Murray</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">A. S. Murray, <i>A History of Greek Sculpture</i>. Second edition, I-II. London,
-1890.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Museum Marbles</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>A Description of the Ancient Marbles in the British Museum</i>, Pts. I-XI.
-London, 1812–1861.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-M. W.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">K. O. Mueller and F. Wieseler, <i>Denkmaeler der alten Kunst</i>. Goettingen,
-1854–1877.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Not. Scav.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità comunicate alla Reale Accademia dei Lincei.</i>
-Rome, 1876—.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Overbeck</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">J. Overbeck, <i>Geschichte der griech. Plastik</i>. Fourth edition, I-II. Leipsic,
-1893–1898.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Oxy. Pap.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>The Oxyrhynchus Papyri</i>, ed. by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, II, pp. 22 f.
-London, 1899.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-P.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Pausaniae Graeciae descriptio</i>, rec. F. Spiro, I-III. Leipsic, 1903.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Pauly-Wissowa</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">G. Wissowa and W. Kroll, <i>Pauly’s Real-encyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft</i>.
-Stuttgart, 1894—.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Perrot-Chipiez</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">G. Perrot and Ch. Chipiez, <i>Histoire de l’art dans l’antiquité</i>: VI (<i>La Grèce
-primitive</i>); VIII, <i>La Grèce archaïque</i>. Paris, 1894, 1903.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Ph.</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">Philostratos, <i>de Arte gymnastica</i>, ed. Juethner, 1909 (see Juethner, <i>Ph.</i>).</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Pliny, <i>H. N.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">See Jex-Blake.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>P. l. G.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Poetae lyrici Graeci</i>, rec. Th. Bergk. Fourth edition, I-III. Leipsic, 1878–1882.
-I, Pt. 1 = ed. 5, rec. O. Schroeder, 1900.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Rayet</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">O. Rayet, ed. <i>Monuments de l’Art antique</i>, I-II. Paris, 1884.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Reinach, <i>Rép.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">S. Reinach, <i>Répertoire de la statuaire grecque et romaine</i>, I, second edition;
-II, Pts. 1, 2, second edition; 111-IV, first edition. Paris 1904–1910.
-I = Reprint of Clarac = <i>Clarac de poche</i>.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Reinach, <i>Têtes</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">S. Reinach, <i>Recueil de têtes antiques ideales et idealisées</i>. Paris, 1903.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Reisch</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">E. Reisch, <i>Griechische Weihgeschenke</i>. Vienna, 1890.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>R. Arch.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Revue Archéologique.</i> Paris, Sér. 1, 1844–1860; II, 1860–1882; III, 1883–1902;
-IV, 1903—.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>R. Ét. Gr.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Revue des Études grecques.</i> Paris, 1888—.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Richardson</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">R. B. Richardson, <i>A History of Greek Sculpture</i>. New York, 1911.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Ridder, de</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">A. de Ridder, <i>Catalogue des bronzes trouves sur l’acropole d’Athenes</i>. Paris,
-1896.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>R. M.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Mitteilungen des kaiserlich deutschen archaeologischen Instituts</i>, Roemische
-Abteilung. Rome, 1886—.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Robert, <i>O. S.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">C. Robert, Die Ordnung der Olympischen Spiele und die Sieger der
-75.-83. Olympiade: <i>Hermes</i>, XXXV, 1900, pp. 141 f.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Roscher, <i>Lex.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">W. H. Roscher, <i>Lexikon der griechischen und roemischen Mythologie</i>.
-Leipsic, 1884—.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Rouse</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">W. D. Rouse, <i>Greek Votive Offerings</i>. Cambridge, 1902.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Rutgers</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">J. R. Rutgers, <i>S. Julii Africani</i> Ὀλυμπιάδων ἀναγραφή. Leyden, 1862.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Scherer</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">Chr. Scherer, <i>de olympionicarum Statuis</i>, Diss. inaug., Goettingen, 1885.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-philologischen und der historischen Klasse
-der koeniglich Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Muenchen.</i>
-Munich, 1871—.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>Specimens</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Specimens of Ancient Sculpture ... Selected from different Collections in
-Great Britain by the Society of Dilettanti</i>, I-III. London, 1809–1835.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xix">xix</a></span>
-Springer-Michaelis</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">A. Springer and A. Michaelis, <i>Handbuch der Kunstgeschichte</i>, I. <i>Das Altertum</i>.
-Ninth edition. Leipsic, 1911.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-<i>S. Q.</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2"><i>Die Antiken Schriftquellen zur Geschichte der bildenden Kuenste bei den
-Griechen</i>, ed. J. Overbeck. Leipsic, 1868.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Staïs,&nbsp;<i>Marbres et Bronzes</i></td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">V. Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes du Musée National d’Athènes</i>. Second edition.
-Athens, 1910.</p>
-</td></tr><tr><td class="tdl vertt">
-Svoronos</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent2">J. N. Svoronos, <i>Das Athener National Museum</i>. Text and Plates, I-III.
-Athens, 1908–1911.</p>
-</td></tr></table>
-
-<p>Other abbreviations will be readily understood.</p>
-<hr />
-<h2><i>CORRIGENDA.</i></h2>
-
-<p>Besides the following, there are a few other corrections which are so obvious that they scarcely
-need to be listed.</p>
-
-<table summary="corrigenda" border="0"><tr>
-<td class="tdr">Page&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;2,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">note 1, <i>for</i> ragmentary <i>read</i> fragmentary.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">10,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 2, (and Index), <i>for</i> Archermoros <i>read</i> Archemoros.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">14,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">note 2, <i>after</i> 202f. <i>add</i> Dar.-Sagl., IV, i, pp. 194 f., list 34 local <i>Olympia</i>.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">15,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 6, <i>for</i> Dorian Eleans <i>read</i> Dorian allies, the Eleans.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">24,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 27, <i>for</i> 173 A.&nbsp;D. <i>read</i> 173 or 174 A.&nbsp;D.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">26,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 27, <i>for</i> archaistic <i>read</i> archaic.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">31,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">lines 8–9, <i>for Papyrus</i> read <i>Papyri</i>; line 20, <i>for</i> Aigira <i>read</i> Aigeira.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr vertt">46,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">note 1, line 2, <i>add</i> The Solonian cubit of 444 mm. gives 17.53 inches, the finger .73 inch,
-which makes Diagoros’ statue 6 feet 1.75 inches tall.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">58,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">note 2, <i>for</i> statues of all <i>read</i> statues by all.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">60,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">note 1, for <i>Vespes</i> read <i>Vespae</i>; note 5, for Koponios <i>read</i> Coponius.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr vertt">77,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 18, <i>for</i> staute <i>read</i> statue; note 3, line 11, <i>for</i> Encrinomenos <i>read</i> Encrinomenus.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">82,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">lines 14–15, <i>for</i> in and not outside <i>read</i> outside and not inside.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">83,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 15, <i>for</i> Svonoros <i>read</i> Svoronos.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">84,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 2 (and Index, <i>s. v.</i> Ball-playing), for φανίνδα <i>read</i> φαινίνδα.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">96,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">note 1, line 6, for <i>Hermes</i> read <i>Herakles</i>.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">110,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 20, and note 1, line 9 (and Index), <i>for</i> Argeidas <i>read</i> Argeiadas.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">128,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">note 4, for <i>Glyptothek</i> read <i>Glyptothèque</i>.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">131,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 12 (and Index, <i>s. v.</i> Praxiteles), <i>for</i> ψελιομένη <i>read</i> ψελιουμένη.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">149,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">note 2, <i>for</i> ξωστήρ <i>read</i> ζωστήρ.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">153,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 3, <i>for</i> arms <i>read</i> hands.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">166,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 17, <i>for</i> Stronganoff <i>read</i> Stroganoff.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">185,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">lines 4 and 8, and 186, line 3, <i>for</i> Lancelotti <i>read</i> Lancellotti.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">188,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">note 8, line 3, <i>for</i> Perseus <i>read</i> Akrisios.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">189,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">note 1, for <i>Papyrus</i> read <i>Papyri</i>; <i>for</i> Beilage <i>read</i> Beilag.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">191,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 21, <i>for</i> eponymous <i>read</i> eponymus.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">196,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 25, and 197, note 2, <i>for</i> Θῦμον <i>read</i> Θυμόν.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">210,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 5, <i>for</i> αλμα <i>read</i> ἅλμα.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">235,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">note 1, line 2, <i>omit</i> as.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">253,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 27, <i>for</i> 1202 <i>read</i> 1204.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">265, </td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 14, <i>for</i> Paunasias <i>read</i> Pausanias.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">268,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 26 (and Index, <i>s. v.</i> Nikomachos and <i>Victoria</i>), for <i>sublimine</i> read <i>sublime</i>.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">288,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 10 (and Index), <i>for</i> Tenerari <i>read</i> Tenerani.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">321,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 29, <i>for</i> inventors <i>read</i> so-called inventors.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">327,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 3, <i>for</i> stautes <i>read</i> statues.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">341,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 33, <i>last word of line should be</i> δεξιᾷ.
-</p></td></tr><tr><td class="tdr">348,</td><td class="tdl"><p class="indent">line 28, for <i>prothusis</i> read <i>prothysis</i>.</p></td>
-</tr></table>
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1">1</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>CHAPTER I.<br />
-
-<small>EARLY GREEK GAMES AND PRIZES.</small></h2>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Plate 1 and Figures 1 and 2.</span></p>
-
-<p>Before attempting to trace historically the development of monuments
-of victors in the gymnic and hippic contests at Olympia, and
-before attempting to reconstruct their different types, it will be
-useful to devote a preliminary chapter to the early history of Greek
-athletics and victor prizes in general.</p>
-
-<p>It is a truism that the origin of Greek athletics is not to be found in
-the recently discovered Aegean civilization of Crete, nor in the latest
-phase of the same culture on Mycenæan sites of the mainland of Greece.
-Their origin is not to be sought in the indigenous Mediterranean stock
-which produced that culture, but rather among the northern invaders of
-Greece, the fair-haired Achæans of the Homeric poems, and especially
-among the later Dorians in the Peloponnesus. It was to the physical
-vigor of these strangers rather than to the more artistic nature of the
-Mediterraneans that the later Greeks owed their interest in sports. As
-these invaders settled themselves most firmly in the Peloponnesus, Greek
-athletics may be said to be chiefly the product of South Greece. It was
-here that three of the four national festivals grew up—at Olympia,
-Nemea, and on the Corinthian Isthmus. It was in the schools of Argos
-and Sikyon that athletic sculpture flourished best and in later Greek
-history physical exercise was most fully developed among the Dorian
-Spartans.<a id="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">1</a></p>
-
-<h3>SPORTS IN CRETE.</h3>
-
-<p>Centuries before the Achæan civilization of Greece had bloomed,
-there developed among the Minoans of Crete a passion for certain
-acrobatic performances and for gymnastics. These Cretans, though
-strongly influenced by Egypt and the East, did not borrow their love
-of sport from outside any more than did the later Achæans. On the
-walls of the tombs of Beni-Hasan on the Nile are pictured many athletic
-sports, including a series of several hundred wrestling groups,<a id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> but
-these sports did not influence, so far as we know, Cretan athletics. At
-Knossos bull-grappling seems to have been the national sport, as we
-see from the frescoes on the palace walls. In the absence of the horse,
-which did not appear in early Aegean times in Crete, it is not difficult
-to understand the development of gymnastic sports with bulls. At
-Knossos a seal has been found which shows the rude drawing of a vessel
-with rowers seated under a canopy, superimposed on which is drawn
-the greater portion of a huge horse. In this design, dating from about
-1600 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> and synchronizing with the earlier part of the eighteenth
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2">2</a></span>Egyptian dynasty, we doubtless see a graphic way of indicating the
-cargo, and consequently a contemporary record, it may be, of the first
-importation of horses from Libya into Crete.<a id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">3</a></p>
-
-<p>The Cretan bull seems to have been a much larger animal than the
-species found upon the island to-day.<a id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> Bull-grappling at Knossos was
-the sport of female as well as male toreadors. A fragmentary rectangular
-fresco, dating from about 1500 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> (Pl. <a href="#p1">1</a>), was discovered
-there by Sir Arthur Evans in 1901 and is now in the Candia museum.
-It is executed with extraordinary spirit and shows a huge bull rushing
-forward with lowered head and tail straight out. A man is in the act
-of turning a somersault on its back, his legs in the air, his arms grasping
-the bull’s body and his head raised, looking back to the rear of the
-animal, where a cowgirl is standing, holding out her arms to catch his
-flying figure as soon as his feat is concluded. Another cowgirl, at the
-extreme left, seems to be suspended from the bull’s horns, which pass
-under her armpits, while she catches hold further up. However, she
-is not being tossed, but is taking position preliminary to leaping over
-the bull’s back. Both the man and the women wear striped boots and
-bracelets; the women are apparently distinguished by their white skin,
-short drawers, yellow sashes embroidered with red, and the red-and-blue
-diadems around their brows.[5] On the opposite wall a similar scene
-was pictured; among its stucco fragments was found the representation
-of the arm and shoulder of a woman grasping a bull by the horns. The
-fragmentary representation of another woman and man was also found.</p>
-
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 1</p><a id="p1"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp002.jpg" alt="Bull-grappling Scene." width="500" height="281" />
-<div class="caption">Bull-grappling Scene. Wall-painting from Knossos. Museum of Candia.
-</div></div>
-
-<p>A very similar scene has long been known from a fresco painting
-from Tiryns, now in Athens.<a id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> A bull is represented galloping to the
-left, while a man<a id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> clings to its horns with his right hand and is swept
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3">3</a></span>
-along with one foot lightly touching the bull’s back and the other
-swung aloft. Most early writers interpreted this scene as a bull-hunt,
-the artist having drawn the hunter above the bull through ignorance
-of perspective. The execution is very inferior, three attempts
-of the bungling painter being visible in the painting of the tail and
-the front legs. Others saw in it the representation of an acrobat
-showing his dexterity by leaping upon the back of an animal in full
-career, recalling the description of such a trick in the Iliad, where Ajax
-is represented as rushing over the plain like a man who, while driving
-four horses, leaps from horse to horse.<a id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> But this figure must take its
-place side by side with the one from Knossos just described as another
-bull-grappling scene. That such sports were not held in the open air,
-but in an enclosed courtyard, is shown by the seal from Praisos now in
-the Candia Museum, which depicts a man vaulting on the back of a
-gigantic ox within a paved enclosure.<a id="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> Doubtless the theatral areas
-discovered at Phaistos by the Italian Archæological Mission<a id="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> and at
-Knossos by Sir Arthur Evans in 1903<a id="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> were not large enough for bull
-scenes and were used merely for ceremonial dancing and perhaps for
-the boxing matches to be described.<a id="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> Similar acrobats are doubtless
-to be recognized in the two beautiful ivory statuettes, only 11.5
-inches in height, of so-called leapers, found by Dr. Evans at Knossos
-in 1901.<a id="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> These masterpieces of the late Minoan II period represent
-acrobats (one is probably a woman) darting through the air. “The
-life, the freedom, the <i>élan</i> of these figures is nothing short of marvellous,”
-writes Dr. Evans, who calls attention to the careful physical
-training shown in their slender legs and in the muscles, even the veins
-on the back of the hands and the finger-nails being plainly indicated
-as well as the details of the skinfolds at the joints. They doubtless
-formed a part of an ivory model of the bull-ring and are meant for
-miniature toreadors, who were hung in the air by fine gold wires<a id="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> over
-the backs of ivory bulls who stood on the solid ground. The heads of
-the figures are thrown backwards, a posture suitable for such vaulters,
-but not for leapers or divers. Minoan art culminated in these statuettes
-and in certain stucco figures in half relief found also at Knossos.
-Only a few fragments of these reliefs have survived, most of which were
-decorative or architectonic in character, though among them were also<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4">4</a></span>
-found human <i>disjecta membra</i> in high relief, such as the fragment of a
-left forearm holding a horn, and not a pointed vase, as Dr. Evans
-thought. Here the muscles are well indicated, though the veins are
-exaggerated.<a id="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> This fragment may well be a part of the same bull-grappling
-scenes as those in the frescoes, as also the life-like image of
-a bull, the details of whose head, mouth, eyes, and nostrils are full of
-expression, and whose muscles are perfectly indicated.</p>
-
-<p>When compared with the monuments described, the similarity of
-details on the design of the Vapheio cups ornamented in repoussé,
-the “most splendid specimens known of the work of the Minoan goldsmith,”<a id="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">16</a>
-never again equalled until the Italian Renaissance, makes it
-more than possible that here again we have scenes of bull-grappling
-rather than of bull-hunting. On one cup is represented a quiet pastoral
-scene—a man tying the legs of a bull with a rope, while two other
-bulls stand near, amicably licking one another, and a third is quietly
-grazing. On the other, however, are represented scenes of a very
-different character. In the centre is a furious bull entangled in a net,
-which is fastened to a tree; to the left a figure, doubtless a woman, is
-holding on to a bull’s head, while a man has fallen on his head beside
-the animal, both man and woman being dressed in the Cretan fashion.
-A third bull rushes furiously by to the right. Most commentators
-have seen bull-hunting scenes on both these cups. Thus, on the first
-cup were represented three scenes in the drama of trapping a bull by
-means of a tame decoy cow; to the right the bull is starting to go to the
-rendezvous, while in the center the bull stands by the cow’s side and to
-the left he is finally trapped and tied.<a id="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> On the other cup the furious
-animal at the left was supposed to have thrown one hunter and to have
-caught another on its horns. But Mosso’s interpretation of this design
-seems to be the right one.<a id="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> The two persons struggling with the bull<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5">5</a></span>
-have no lasso and so can hardly be hunters; besides, if the bull had impaled
-a hunter with its horns, the hunter would have been represented
-with his head up and not down. The figure is, however, uninjured and
-holds on with its knee bent over one horn and its shoulder against the
-other; it is merely, therefore, intended for a woman acrobat. The net
-shown in the centre was never used for hunting wild bulls; more probably
-it was intended as an obstacle in racing. The fallen man has been
-standing on the netted bull, which, with the gymnast on its back, was
-expected to have leaped over the net, but has not succeeded; consequently,
-the acrobat has been tumbled over the bull’s head.</p>
-
-<p>This ancient Cretan sport seems to have been similar to that known
-in Thessaly and elsewhere in historical days as τὰ ταυροκαθάψια.<a id="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> A
-survival of it still persists to our day in certain parts of Italy, as, <i>e. g.</i>,
-in the province of Viterbo.<a id="FNanchor_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">20</a></p>
-
-<p>Acrobatic feats of various sorts were attractive to the later Greeks
-from the time of Homer down. We have already mentioned one
-passage from the Iliad in which a driver of four horses leaps from horse
-to horse in motion. On the shield of Achilles tumblers appeared among
-the dancers on the dancing-place.<a id="FNanchor_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> Patroklos ironically remarks over
-the body of Kebriones, as the charioteer falls headlong like a diver
-from his chariot when hit by a missile, that there are tumblers
-also among the Trojans.<a id="FNanchor_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> In later centuries the Athenians evinced a
-great attraction to acrobatic feats. The story told of Hippokleides<a id="FNanchor_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">23</a>
-reveals that high-born Athenians did not disdain to practice them.
-They appear to have formed a sort of side-show attraction at the
-Panathenaic festival, as such scenes occur frequently on Attic vases.
-Thus on an early (imitation?) Panathenaic vase from Kameiros in the
-Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris,<a id="FNanchor_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> there is represented behind the driver
-a man standing on the back of a horse, armed with a helmet and two
-shields, while in front another appears to be balancing himself on a pole.</p>
-
-<p>But such acrobatic scenes as those of Crete and later Greece can
-not properly be classed as athletic. They betoken more the love of
-excitement than of true sport. The only form of real athletics represented
-on Minoan monuments, one which was classed in later Greece as
-one of the national sports, was that of boxing, which seems to have been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6">6</a></span>
-the favorite gymnastic contest of the Cretans, as it always was of the
-later Greeks. Boxing scenes appear on seals,<a id="FNanchor_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> on a steatite fragment
-of a pyxis found in 1901 at Knossos and, in conjunction with a bull-grappling
-<span class="figright200"><a id="f1"></a><img src="images/i_p006.jpg" width="200" height="370" alt="Boxer Vase" />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 1.</span>—So-called <i>Boxer Vase</i>,
-from Hagia Triada (Cast). Museum of Candia.</span></span>
-scene, on the so-called <i>Boxer
-Vase</i> found by the Italians at Hagia Triada
-(Fig. <a href="#f1">1</a>). The vase is a cone-shaped
-rhyton of steatite, 18 inches high, originally
-overlaid with gold foil. It belongs
-to the best period of Cretan art, late
-Minoan I.<a id="FNanchor_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> This vase alone, if no other
-monumental evidence were at hand, would
-suffice to show the physical prowess and
-love of sport of the Minoans. Because
-of its scenes of boxing and bull-grappling
-Mosso calls it “the most complete monument
-that we have of gymnastic exercise
-in the Mediterranean civilization.”<a id="FNanchor_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> The
-later Greek tradition of the high degree
-of physical development attained by the
-Cretans is proved by this monument.<a id="FNanchor_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">28</a></p>
-
-<p>The reliefs are arranged in four horizontal
-zones.<a id="FNanchor_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> One of these, the second from
-the top, represents a bull-grappling scene,
-showing two racing bulls, upon the head
-and horns of one of which a gymnast has
-vaulted (not being tossed and helpless,
-as most interpreters think).<a id="FNanchor_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> The other<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7">7</a></span>
-three represent boxers in all attitudes of the prize-ring, hitting,
-guarding, falling, and even kicking, as in the later Greek pankration.
-Some are victorious, the left arm being extended on guard and the
-right drawn back to strike; one (in the top zone) is ready to spring,
-just as Hector was ready to spring on Achilles;<a id="FNanchor_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> others are prostrate
-on the ground with their feet in the air. The violence of the action
-recalls the boast of Epeios in the famous match in the Iliad that he
-will break his adversary’s bones.<a id="FNanchor_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">32</a></p>
-
-<p>The method of attack by the right arm and defense by the left is
-the same as that formerly used by English pugilists. In the topmost
-zone the combatants wear helmets with visors, cheek-pieces, and horse-hair
-plumes, and also shoes; in the third zone down the pugilists also
-wear helmets, though of a different pattern, while the bottom zone
-shows figures, perhaps youths, with bare heads. Some of the boxers
-appear to wear boxing-gloves. In the lowest zone we see the well-known
-feat of swinging the antagonist up by the legs and throwing him—if
-we may so conclude from the contorted position of the vanquished,
-whose legs are in the air.</p>
-
-<p>A similar figure appears in relief on the fragment of a pyxis found at
-Knossos.<a id="FNanchor_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> A youth with clenched fists stands with left arm extended
-as if to ward off a blow, while his right arm is drawn back and rests on
-his hip; below we see the bent knee of a prostrate figure, evidently that
-of his vanquished opponent. The boxer has a wasp-like waist and
-wears a metal girdle. His left leg is well modeled, the muscles not
-being exaggerated.</p>
-
-<h3>ATHLETICS IN HOMER.</h3>
-
-<p>We have evidence, therefore, that the love of sport existed in Crete as
-it has existed in all countries since. But the comparatively unathletic
-character of the Aegean culture is shown by the complete absence of
-athletic representations—apart from bull-grappling scenes—in the art
-of its last phase at Mycenæ and Tiryns on the mainland. This is an
-independent argument for the view that the civilization of the mainland
-was chiefly the product of the old Mediterranean stock, which
-was finally conquered by the invading Achæans, who are represented
-in Homer as skilled gymnasts. In Homer we are immediately conscious
-of being in another world, for here we are in an atmosphere of
-true athletics, which are fully developed and quite secular in character.<a id="FNanchor_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">34</a>
-They are, however, wholly spontaneous, for there are as yet
-neither meets nor organized training, neither stadia, gymnasia, nor
-palæstræ; for such an organization of athletics did not exist until the
-sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> But Homer’s account of the funeral games of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8">8</a></span>
-Patroklos is pervaded by a spirit of true athletics and has a perennial
-attraction for every lover of sport. Walter Leaf says of the chariot-race,
-which is the culminating feature of the description, that it is “a
-piece of narrative as truthful in its characters as it is dramatic and
-masterly in description.”<a id="FNanchor_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> Such a description could have been composed
-only by a poet who belonged to a people long acquainted with
-athletics and intensely interested in them. Nestor often speaks of a
-remoter past, when the gods and heroes contended. Odysseus says he
-could not have fought with Herakles nor Eurytos, heroes of the olden
-time, “who contended with the immortal gods.” The Homeric warrior
-was distinguished from the merchant by his knowledge of sport. Thus
-Euryalos of the Phaiakians says in no complimentary tone to Odysseus:
-“No truly, stranger, nor do I think thee at all like one that is skilled
-in games ... rather art thou such an one as comes and goes in a
-benched ship, a master of sailors that are merchantmen, one with a
-memory for his freight, or that hath charge of a cargo homeward bound,
-and of greedily gotten gains.”<a id="FNanchor_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> It is beside the point whether the
-chief passages in the poems which relate to sports are late in origin or
-not, even if they are later than 776 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, the traditional first Olympiad.
-In any case the later poet merely followed an older tradition. At the
-funeral games of Patroklos all the events are practical in character,
-the natural amusements of men chiefly interested in war. They are,
-however, not merely military, but are truly athletic. The oldest and
-most aristocratic of all the events described is the chariot-race—in which
-the war-chariot is used—the monopoly of the nobles then, as it was
-always later the sport of kings and the rich.<a id="FNanchor_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> Boxing and wrestling
-come next in importance, already occupying the position of preëminence
-which they hold in the poems of Pindar. The foot-race between
-Ajax, the son of Oileus, and Odysseus follows. Of the last four events,
-three—the single combat between Ajax and Diomedes, the throwing of
-the <i>solos</i>, and the contest in archery—are admitted to be late additions.
-The last event of all, the casting of the spear, may be earlier, but we
-know little about it, as the contest did not take place, Achilles yielding
-the first prize to Agamemnon. Most of these later events are described
-in a lifeless manner and have not the vim and compelling interest of
-the earlier ones. Indeed the contest in archery seems to be treated
-with a certain amount of ridicule, which shows the contempt of the
-great nobles for so plebeian a sport. The armed contest, though it is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9">9</a></span>
-pictured in art certainly as early as the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,<a id="FNanchor_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> never had a
-place in the later Greek games.<a id="FNanchor_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> Jumping, an important part of the
-later pentathlon, is mentioned but once in the poems, as a feature of
-the sports of the Phaiakians. But the later pentathlon, as Gardiner
-says, is certainly not suggested in Homer’s account, though many
-have assumed it,<a id="FNanchor_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> merely because Nestor mentions his former contests
-at Bouprasion in boxing, in running, in hurling the spear, and in the
-chariot-race.<a id="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> This, however, is not the combination of contests
-known much later as the pentathlon, in which the same contestants
-had to compete in the series of events—running, jumping, wrestling,
-diskos-throwing, and javelin-throwing.</p>
-
-<h3>ORIGIN OF GREEK GAMES IN THE CULT OF THE DEAD.</h3>
-
-<p>In these games described in the Iliad we see an example of the origin
-of the later athletic festivals in the cult of the dead. Homer knows
-only of funeral games<a id="FNanchor_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> and there is no trace in the poems of the later
-athletic meetings held in honor of a god.<a id="FNanchor_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> However, the association
-of the later games with religious festivals held at stated times can be
-traced to the games with which the funeral of the Homeric chief was
-celebrated. The oldest example of periodic funeral games in Greece
-of which we have knowledge were those held in Arkadia in honor of the
-dead Azan, the father of Kleitor and son of Arkas, at which prizes were
-offered at least for horse-racing.<a id="FNanchor_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">44</a></p>
-
-<p>Though the origin of the four national religious festivals in Greece—at
-Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, and on the Isthmus—is buried in a mass
-of conflicting legend, certain writers agree in saying that all of them
-were founded on funeral games, though they were later dedicated to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10">10</a></span>
-gods.<a id="FNanchor_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> Thus the Isthmian were instituted in honor of the dead Melikertes,<a id="FNanchor_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">46</a>
-the Nemean in honor of Opheltes or Archemoros,<a id="FNanchor_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> the Pythian
-in honor of the slain Python,<a id="FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> the Olympian in honor of the hero Pelops.<a id="FNanchor_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">49</a>
-To both Pindar and Bacchylides the Olympian games were associated
-with the tomb of Pelops; Pausanias, on the other hand, records that the
-ancient Elean writers ascribed their origin to the Idæan Herakles of
-Crete.<a id="FNanchor_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">50</a> It was a common tradition that Herakles founded the games,
-some writers saying that it was the Cretan, others that it was the
-Greek hero, the son of Zeus and Alkmena.<a id="FNanchor_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">51</a></p>
-
-<p>Despite the variation in legends relative to the institution of the
-four national games, we should not doubt the universal tradition that
-all were funerary in origin. The tradition is confirmed by many lines
-of argument: by the survival of funeral customs in their later rituals,
-by the later custom of instituting funeral games in honor of dead
-warriors both in antiquity and in modern times, and by the testimony
-of early athletic art in Greece.<a id="FNanchor_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> We shall now briefly consider
-these arguments.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11">11</a></span></p>
-
-<p>As an example of the survival of funeral customs in later ritual,
-Pausanias says that the annual officers at Olympia, even in his day, sacrificed
-a black ram to Pelops.<a id="FNanchor_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> The fact that a black victim was offered
-over a trench instead of on an altar proves that Pelops was still worshipped
-as a hero and not as a god. The scholiast on Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, I,
-146, says that all Peloponnesian lads each year lashed themselves on
-the grave of Pelops until the blood ran down their backs as a libation
-to the hero. Furthermore, all the contestants at Olympia sacrificed
-first to Pelops and then to Zeus.<a id="FNanchor_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">54</a></p>
-
-<p>Funeral games were held in honor of departed warriors and eminent
-men all over the Greek world and at all periods, from the legendary
-games of Patroklos and Pelias and others to those celebrated at Thessalonika
-in Valerian’s time.<a id="FNanchor_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">55</a> Thus Miltiades was honored by games
-on the Thracian Chersonesus,<a id="FNanchor_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">56</a> Leonidas and Pausanias at Sparta,<a id="FNanchor_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">57</a>
-Brasidas at Amphipolis,<a id="FNanchor_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">58</a> Timoleon at Syracuse,<a id="FNanchor_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> and Mausolos at
-Halikarnassos.<a id="FNanchor_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">60</a> Alexander instituted games in honor of the dead
-Hephaistion<a id="FNanchor_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> and the conqueror himself was honored in a similar way.<a id="FNanchor_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">62</a>
-The <i>Eleutheria</i> were celebrated at Platæa at stated times in honor
-of the soldiers who fell there against the Medes in 479 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,<a id="FNanchor_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> and in
-the Academy a festival was held under the direction of the polemarch
-in honor of the Athenian soldiers who had died for their country and
-were buried in the Kerameikos.<a id="FNanchor_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">64</a> Funeral games were also common
-in Italy. We find athletic scenes decorating Etruscan tombs—including
-boxing, wrestling, horse-racing, and chariot-racing.<a id="FNanchor_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">65</a> The Romans
-borrowed their funeral games from Etruria as well as their gladiatorial
-shows, which were doubtless also funerary in origin.<a id="FNanchor_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">66</a> Frazer cites
-examples of the custom of instituting games in honor of dead warriors
-among many modern peoples, Circassians, Chewsurs of the Caucasus,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12">12</a></span>
-Siamese, Kirghiz, in India, and among the North American Indian
-tribes. Gardiner notes the Irish fairs in honor of a departed chief,
-which existed from pagan days down to the last century.<a id="FNanchor_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">67</a></p>
-
-<p>The testimony of early Greek athletic art also points to the same
-funerary origin of the games. The funeral games of Pelias and those
-held by Akastos in honor of his father were depicted respectively on the
-two most famous monuments of early Greek decorative art, on the chest
-of Kypselos dedicated in the Heraion at Olympia and on the throne of
-Apollo at Amyklai in Lakonia, the latter being the work of the Ionian
-sculptor Bathykles. Though both these works are lost, the description
-of one of them at least, that of the chest, by Pausanias,<a id="FNanchor_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">68</a> is so detailed
-and precise that the scenes represented upon it have been paralleled figure
-for figure on early Ionian (especially Chalkidian) and Corinthian
-vases, contemporary or later, and on Corinthian and Argive decorative
-bronze reliefs. Many attempts have been made, therefore, to restore
-the chest, and as more monuments become known, which throw
-light on the composition and types, these attempts are constantly growing
-in certainty, even though conjecture may continue to enter in.<a id="FNanchor_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">69</a></p>
-
-<p>The figures were wrought in relief, partly in ivory and gold and partly
-in the cedar wood itself, deployed on its surface in a series of bands,
-such as we commonly see on early vases. This use of gold and ivory
-is the first example in Greek art of the custom employed by Pheidias
-and other sculptors of the great age of Greek sculpture. We have
-already noted its use in the ivory acrobats from Crete, which were
-made, perhaps, a thousand years before the chest.<a id="FNanchor_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> Out of the thirty-three
-scenes depicted on its surface all but two or three were mythological,
-and among these were scenes from the funeral games of Pelias,
-including a two-horse chariot-race (P., §9), a boxing and wrestling<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13">13</a></span>
-match (§10), a foot-race, quoit-throwing, and a victor represented as
-being crowned (§10), and prize tripods (§11).</p>
-
-<p>The most valuable parallel to some of the scenes described by
-Pausanias is found on the Amphiaraos vase in Berlin,<a id="FNanchor_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">71</a> dating from
-the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, on which the wrestling match and chariot-race
-correspond surprisingly well with the descriptions of Pausanias,
-despite certain differences in detail. Another archaic vase depicts a
-two-horse chariot-race and the parting of Amphiaraos and Eriphyle.<a id="FNanchor_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">72</a>
-The scenes on this latter vase appear to have been copied from those
-on the chest, and it is possible that the scenes on the Berlin vase had
-the same origin.</p>
-
-<p>Funeral games are commonly pictured on early vases. Thus on a
-proto-Attic amphora, discovered by the British School of Athens in
-excavating the Gymnasion of Kynosarges, there are groups of wrestlers
-and chariot-racers. The wrestling bout here, however, seems to be to
-the death, as the victor has his adversary by the throat with both
-hands. It may be a mythological scene, perhaps representing the bout
-between Herakles and Antaios. A still earlier representation of funeral
-games is shown by a Dipylon geometric vase from the Akropolis now in
-Copenhagen, dating back possibly to the eighth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">73</a> On one
-side two nude men, who have grasped each other by the arms, are
-ready to stab one another with swords. This may represent, however,
-as Gardiner suggests, only a mimic contest. On the other side are two
-boxers standing between groups of warriors and dancers. A similar
-scene in repoussé appears on a Cypriote silver vase from Etruria now in
-the Uffizi in Florence.<a id="FNanchor_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">74</a> We should also, in this connection, note again
-the reliefs representing funeral games, which appear on the sixth-century
-sarcophagus from Klazomenai already mentioned.<a id="FNanchor_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> Here is
-represented a combat of armed men; amid chariots stand groups of
-men armed with helmets, shields, and spears, while flute-players stand
-between them; at either end is a pillar with a prize vase upon it; against
-one leans a naked man with a staff, doubtless intended to represent the
-spirit of the deceased in whose honor the games are being held.</p>
-
-<p>Games in honor of the dead tended to become periodic. The tomb
-of the honored warriors became a rallying-point for neighboring people,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14">14</a></span>
-who would convene to see the games. While some of these games
-were destined never to transcend local importance, others developed
-into the Panhellenic festivals. As the worship of ancestors became
-metamorphosed into that of heroes, the games became part of hero
-cults, which antedated those of the Olympian gods. But as the gods
-gradually superseded the heroes in the popular religion, they usurped
-the sanctuaries and the games held there, which had long been a part of
-the earlier worship. We are not here concerned, however, with the
-difficult question of the origin of funeral games. They may have taken
-the place of earlier human sacrifices, which would explain the armed
-fight at the games of Patroklos and its appearance on archaic vases
-and sarcophagi; or they may have commemorated early contests of succession,
-which would explain many mythical contests like the chariot-race
-between Pelops and Oinomaos for Hippodameia, or the wrestling
-match between Zeus and Kronos. In any case such games would
-never have attained the importance which they did attain in Greece,
-if it had not been for the athletic spirit and love of competition so characteristic
-of the Hellenic race. Whatever their origin, therefore, there
-is little doubt that out of them developed the great games of historic
-Greece. The constant relationship between Greek religion and Greek
-athletics can be explained in no other way.<a id="FNanchor_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">76</a></p>
-
-<h3>EARLY HISTORY OF THE FOUR NATIONAL GAMES.</h3>
-
-<p>By the beginning of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> the athletic spirit displayed
-in the Homeric poems had given rise to the four national festivals—at
-Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, and on the Isthmus. On these four,
-many lesser games were modeled.<a id="FNanchor_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">77</a> The origin of all these, as we have
-already remarked, is lost in a mass of legend. The myths of the origin
-of Olympia are particularly conflicting. We are practically certain,
-however, that Olympia as a sanctuary preceded the advent of the
-Achæans into the Peloponnesus, and that the foundation of the games
-preceded the coming of the Dorians, but was probably later than that
-of the Achæans. The importance of the games dates from the time
-after the Dorian invasion of the Peloponnesus, when the warring
-peoples finally became pacified.<a id="FNanchor_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">78</a> For centuries Olympia was over<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15">15</a></span>shadowed
-by Delphi and the Ionian festival on Delos. The importance
-of the latter festival in the eighth and seventh centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> is
-shown by the Homeric Hymn to the Delian Apollo. Only by the beginning
-of the seventh century had Olympia begun to gain its prestige.
-The pre-Dorian Pisatai, in whose territory the sanctuary was situated,
-probably controlled it early. The Dorian allies, the Eleans, whom legend had
-King Oxylos lead into the Peloponnesus from Aitolia,<a id="FNanchor_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">79</a> tried to wrest
-this control from the Pisatai, who, however, aided by religious reverence
-for the sanctuary, were able to maintain their rights. On account
-of the conflict the games languished, until finally a truce was made by
-the two factions and the games were re-established under their common
-management. This work was ascribed to Iphitos and Kleosthenes,
-kings respectively of Elis and Pisa, and to Lykourgos of Sparta.<a id="FNanchor_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">80</a>
-The dual control was not successful, as the jealous Pisatai constantly
-tried to regain their old honor; but the Eleans, supported by the
-Spartans, prevailed and finally, after the Persian wars, destroyed Pisa
-and the other revolting cities of Triphylia and henceforth remained
-in sole control. The restoration of the games under Iphitos and his
-colleagues took place in 776 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, from which date the festival was
-celebrated every fourth year, until it was finally abolished by the
-Roman emperor Theodosius at the end of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span> In
-776 Koroibos of Elis won the foot-race and this was the first dated Olympiad
-in the Olympian register,<a id="FNanchor_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">81</a> and from it, as Pausanias says,<a id="FNanchor_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">82</a> the
-unbroken tradition of the Olympiads began. This history of Olympia
-is very different from the orthodox mythical story told by Pausanias
-and Strabo and based on the “ancient writings of the Eleans.”<a id="FNanchor_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">83</a> According
-to it the games were originally instituted by the Eleans under
-Oxylos and refounded by Iphitos, his descendant, together with
-Lykourgos, still under the management of the Eleans. In Ol. 8 the
-Pisatans invoked the aid of the Argive king Pheidon and dispossessed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16">16</a></span>
-the Eleans, but they lost the control of Olympia in the next Olympiad.
-In Ol. 28 Elis, during a war with Dyme, allowed the Pisatans
-to celebrate the games. Six Olympiads later the king of Pisa came to
-Olympia with an army and took charge. The story leaves the Pisatans
-in control from about Olympiads 30 to 51, but some time between
-Ols. 48 and 52 the Eleans defeated Pisa and destroyed it, and henceforth
-controlled the games. Such a story was manifestly a contrivance by
-the later priests of Elis to justify their control of the games through a
-prior claim. It is contradicted by all the evidence.<a id="FNanchor_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">84</a> The antiquity
-of Olympia is known to us from the results of excavations and from its
-religious history. The latest excavations on the site have disclosed the
-remains of six prehistoric buildings with apsidal endings, below the
-geometric stratum, upon the site of what used to be considered the
-remnants of the great altar of Zeus.<a id="FNanchor_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">85</a> Such an inference is borne out
-by many primitive features in the religious history of the sanctuary.
-The altar of Kronos on the hill to the north of the Altis was earlier
-than that of Zeus; an earth altar antedated that of Zeus, while a survival
-of the earlier worship of the powers of the underworld is seen in
-the custom, lasting through later centuries, of allowing only one woman,
-the priestess of Demeter Chamyne, to witness the games. We also
-know that the worship of the Pelasgian Hera antedated that of the
-Hellenic Zeus; her temple, the Heraion, is the most ancient of which
-the foundations still stand, a temple built of stone, wood, and sun-dried
-bricks, whose origin is to be referred to the tenth, if not to the eleventh,
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">86</a> We have already remarked that the worship of the hero
-Pelops preceded that of the god Zeus.<a id="FNanchor_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">87</a> All such indications attest the
-high antiquity of Olympia. That it is not mentioned in Homer, while
-Delphi and Dodona are, only proves that in the poet’s time it was still
-merely a local shrine. Not until the beginning of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>
-did it attain the distinction, which it retained ever afterwards, of being
-the foremost national festival of Hellas.<a id="FNanchor_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">88</a></p>
-
-<p>The periodical celebration of the three other national festivals
-was not dated—except in legend—before the early years of the sixth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, though local festivals must have existed also on these
-sites long before.<a id="FNanchor_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">89</a> The old music festival at Delphi, which finally was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17">17</a></span>
-held every eight years,<a id="FNanchor_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">90</a> was changed in 586 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, in consequence of the
-Sacred War,<a id="FNanchor_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> into a Panhellenic festival celebrated thereafter every
-four years (<i>pentaëteris</i>). It was under the presidency of the Amphiktyonic
-League, which introduced athletic and equestrian events copied
-from those at Olympia<a id="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">92</a> and replaced the older money prizes with the
-simple bay wreath. About the same time the Nemean and Isthmian
-games were instituted. The local games at Nemea, said to have been
-founded by Adrastos in honor of a child, were reorganized some time
-before 573 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, the first Nemead.<a id="FNanchor_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">93</a> Thereafter they were celebrated
-every two years, in the second and fourth of the corresponding Olympiads.<a id="FNanchor_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">94</a>
-They were administered in honor of Zeus by the small town
-of Kleonai under Argive influence. The games were transferred to
-Argos some time between 460 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> and the close of the third century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Centuries later, Hadrian revived the prestige of the games at
-Argos. The games held on the Isthmus also originated as an old local
-festival, which was revived in 586 or 582 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> We are not sure whether
-they were refounded in Poseidon’s honor by Periandros or after the
-death of Psammetichos in commemoration of the ending of the tyranny
-at Corinth. The geographical location of Corinth, the meeting-place of
-East and West, involved it in many wars, and therefore the Isthmian
-games never attained the prestige of the other national festivals; they
-were held every two years in the spring of the second and fourth years
-of the corresponding Olympiads and were administered by Corinth.<a id="FNanchor_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">95</a></p>
-
-<p>Besides the four national games, many Greek cities had purely local
-ones, some of which originated in prehistoric days in honor of hero
-cults, while others were founded at historical dates. Athens was
-particularly favored in having many such local festivals. The most
-important of these were the <i>Panathenaic</i> games in honor of Athena,
-which developed from earlier annual <i>Athenaia</i> or <i>Panathenaia</i>. The
-festival was remodeled, or perhaps founded, just before Peisistratos
-seized the tyranny (561–560 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), possibly by Solon, who died 560–559
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> The name certainly points to the unity of Athens promoted by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18">18</a></span>
-Solon, if not to the earlier unification of the village communities of
-Attika ascribed to Theseus. In any case, under Peisistratos it became
-something more than a local festival, as the recitation of Homer
-became a feature of it. Following the games at Delphi and Olympia,
-the <i>Great Panathenaia</i> were held every four years (the third year of
-each Olympiad) in the month of Hekatombaion (July), while the more
-ancient annual festival continued yearly under the name of the <i>Little
-Panathenaia</i>. There were musical, literary, and athletic contests.
-The central feature of the festival was the procession which ascended
-from the lower city to the Parthenon on the Akropolis to offer the
-goddess a robe woven by noble Athenian maidens and matrons.<a id="FNanchor_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">96</a> This
-procession is known to us in detail from the great Parthenon frieze.
-The <i>Theseia</i> exemplify a festival whose origin can be definitely dated.
-Kimon, the son of the hero of Marathon, in 469 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, discovered the
-supposed bones of the national hero Theseus on the island of Skyros.
-The Delphic oracle counseled the Athenians to place them in an honorable
-resting-place. Perhaps there was a legend that the hero was
-buried on Skyros; in any case a grave was found there which contained
-the corpse of a warrior of great size, and this was brought back
-to Athens as the actual remains of Theseus. Thereafter an annual festival
-was celebrated by the Athenian <i>epheboi</i>, comprising military contests
-and athletic events—stade, dolichos, and diaulos running races,
-wrestling, boxing, pankration, hoplite running, etc. It began on the
-sixth of Pyanepsion (October), and was followed by the <i>Epitaphia</i>, a
-funeral festival in honor of national heroes and youths who had fallen
-fighting for Athens.<a id="FNanchor_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">97</a> Athletic games were held at the <i>Herakleia</i> in
-honor of Herakles at Marathon in the month of Metageitnion, and had
-attained great popularity by the time of Pindar.<a id="FNanchor_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">98</a> The <i>Eleusinia</i>, in
-honor of Demeter, took place annually in Athens in the month of
-Boëdromion, when horse-races and musical and other contests were
-held. This Attic festival claimed a greater antiquity even than
-Olympia. The great national festivals encouraged these smaller
-local ones, so that they attracted competitors from the whole Greek
-world.</p>
-
-<h3>EARLY PRIZES FOR ATHLETES.</h3>
-
-<p>The prizes which were offered at the early games in Greece were
-uniformly articles of value. Their value, however, was regarded not
-so much in the light of rewards to the victors as proofs of the generous<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19">19</a></span>
-spirit of the holders of the games, who thereby celebrated the dead in
-whose honor the contest was held. In Homer’s account of the funeral
-games of Patroklos, each contestant, whether victorious or not, received
-a prize. In one case a prize was given where the contest was
-not held. In the chariot-race five prizes were offered: for the winner a
-slave girl and a tripod; for the second best a six-year-old mare in foal;
-for the third a cauldron; for the fourth two talents of gold; and for the
-last a two-handled cup.<a id="FNanchor_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">99</a> For the wrestling match the winner received
-a tripod worth twelve oxen, while the vanquished received a skilled
-slave woman worth four oxen.<a id="FNanchor_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">100</a> For the boxing match a mule was the
-first prize and a two-handled cup the second.<a id="FNanchor_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">101</a> For the foot-race a
-silver bowl of Sidonian make, an ox, and half a talent of gold were
-the prizes.<a id="FNanchor_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">102</a></p>
-
-<p>Hesiod records his winning a tripod for a victory gained in singing
-at the games of Amphidamas at Chalkis.<a id="FNanchor_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">103</a> Tripods were the commonest
-prizes at all early games and it was not till later that they became
-connected especially with Apollo’s worship. They were presented for all
-sorts of contests, for chariot-racing,<a id="FNanchor_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">104</a> horse-racing,<a id="FNanchor_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> the foot-race,<a id="FNanchor_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> boxing,<a id="FNanchor_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">107</a>
-and wrestling.<a id="FNanchor_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> They were presented at various games in honor
-of different gods and heroes: <i>e. g.</i>, those in honor of Apollo at the <i>Triopia</i><a id="FNanchor_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">109</a>
-and <i>Panionia</i> of Mykale;<a id="FNanchor_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> of Dionysos at Athens and Rhodes;<a id="FNanchor_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">111</a>
-of Herakles at the <i>Herakleia</i> of Thebes and elsewhere;<a id="FNanchor_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">112</a> of Pelias;<a id="FNanchor_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">113</a> of
-Patroklos.<a id="FNanchor_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">114</a> They were kept in temples dedicated to various gods: <i>e. g.</i>,
-in those of Apollo at Delphi, at Amyklai,<a id="FNanchor_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">115</a> and on Delos,<a id="FNanchor_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">116</a> at the Ptoian
-sanctuary<a id="FNanchor_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> and in the Ismenion at Thebes;<a id="FNanchor_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">118</a> in the temples of Zeus at
-Olympia and Dodona;<a id="FNanchor_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">119</a> of Herakles at Thebes;<a id="FNanchor_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">120</a> at the Hierothesion in
-Messene,<a id="FNanchor_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> etc. Later, because it served the Pythian priestess, the tripod
-became a part of the Apolline cult and the special attribute of that
-god.<a id="FNanchor_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">122</a> Gold and silver vessels and articles of bronze were everywhere
-used as prizes. In early days bronze was very valuable. Pindar proves<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20">20</a></span>
-this for games held in Achaia and Arkadia;<a id="FNanchor_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> and it continued to be used
-in later times, as, <i>e. g.</i>, at the <i>Panathenaia</i>, where a hydria of bronze
-was a prize in the torch-race.<a id="FNanchor_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">124</a> At the lesser games all sorts of articles
-were offered, merely for their value. Thus a shield was offered at the
-Argive <i>Heraia</i>,<a id="FNanchor_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">125</a> a bowl at the games in honor of Aiakos on Aegina,<a id="FNanchor_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">126</a> silver
-cups at the Marathonian <i>Herakleia</i><a id="FNanchor_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">127</a> and at the Sikyonian <i>Pythia</i>,<a id="FNanchor_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">128</a> a
-cloak at Pellene,<a id="FNanchor_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">129</a> apparently a cuirass at Argos,<a id="FNanchor_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">130</a> and jars of oil from
-sacred trees at the <i>Panathenaia</i>.<a id="FNanchor_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">131</a> A kettle is mentioned in the Anthology;<a id="FNanchor_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">132</a>
-an inscribed cauldron from Cumae, which was a prize at the
-games there in honor of Onomastos, is in the British Museum,<a id="FNanchor_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">133</a> while
-measures of barley and corn were prizes at the <i>Eleusinia</i>.<a id="FNanchor_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">134</a> While
-presents of value continued to be given at the local games,<a id="FNanchor_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">135</a> a simple
-wreath of leaves gradually came to be the prize offered the victor at the
-great national festivals. Pausanias<a id="FNanchor_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> says that this was composed of wild
-olive (κότινος) at Olympia, of laurel (δάφνη) at Delphi, of pine (πίτυς)
-at the Isthmus, and of celery (σέλινον) at Nemea. Phlegon says that the
-olive wreath was first used by Iphitos in Ol. 7 (&#8239;=&#8239;752 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), when it was
-given to the Messenian runner Daïkles,<a id="FNanchor_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">137</a> and that for the preceding
-Olympiads there was no crown.<a id="FNanchor_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">138</a> Probably before that date tripods
-and other articles of value were the prizes at Olympia, as we know they
-were elsewhere. Pausanias says that the wild olive came from the land
-of the Hyperboreans.<a id="FNanchor_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">139</a> Pindar calls it merely olive (ἐλαία), and not
-wild olive.<a id="FNanchor_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> The Athenian tradition was that the olive which Herakles
-planted at Olympia was a shoot of a sacred tree which grew on the
-banks of the Ilissos in Attica.<a id="FNanchor_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">141</a> Phlegon also says that the first crown
-came from Attika. In later days the Olympic wreaths were cut from
-the “Olive of the Faircrown”;<a id="FNanchor_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">142</a> its branches were cut with a golden
-sickle by a boy whose parents must be living;<a id="FNanchor_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">143</a> it grew at Olympia in a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21">21</a></span>
-spot near the so-called Pantheion,<a id="FNanchor_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">144</a> which was probably a grove behind
-the temple of Zeus.<a id="FNanchor_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> The laurel prize at the Pythian games replaced
-the older articles of value or money in 582 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> It came from Tempe
-and was plucked by a boy whose parents must be living.<a id="FNanchor_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> The wreath is
-seen on late Delphian coins of the imperial age.<a id="FNanchor_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">148</a> Lucian also states that
-apples were given as prizes at Delphi.<a id="FNanchor_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">149</a> Wild celery was the prize at
-the Isthmus in the time of Pindar.<a id="FNanchor_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">150</a> It was dried or withered to
-differentiate it from the fresh celery used at Nemea.<a id="FNanchor_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">151</a> Later writers say
-that the wreath was of the leaves of the pine,<a id="FNanchor_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">152</a> which was the tree sacred
-to Poseidon. Probably pine leaves composed the older wreath, a practice
-certainly revived again in later Roman imperial days;<a id="FNanchor_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">153</a> for while
-on coins of Augustus and Nero celery is represented, those of Antoninus
-Pius and Lucius Verus show pine.<a id="FNanchor_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">154</a> A row of pine trees lined
-the approach to Poseidon’s sanctuary.<a id="FNanchor_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> The prize at Nemea was celery
-and not parsley, as many wrongly interpret the wreath appearing on
-Selinuntian coins.<a id="FNanchor_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">156</a> Pausanias also states that at most Greek games a
-palm wreath was placed in the victor’s right hand.<a id="FNanchor_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">157</a> The palm as a
-symbol of victory occurs first toward the end of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">158</a></p>
-
-<h3>DEDICATION OF ATHLETE PRIZES.</h3>
-
-<p>Just as soldiers on returning from successful campaigns might dedicate
-their spoils of victory, victors in athletic contests might consecrate
-to the gods their prizes. In the Homeric poems we have no certain
-evidence of such a custom. A Delphic tripod was ascribed to Diomedes
-and possibly this was a prize won at the funeral games in honor
-of Patroklos.<a id="FNanchor_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">159</a> The first literary example of such a dedication of which
-we are certain is the prize tripod dedicated to the Helikonian Muses by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22">22</a></span>
-Hesiod.<a id="FNanchor_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">160</a> Frequently such dedications were tripods; thus a Pythian
-tripod was dedicated to Herakles at Thebes by the Arkadian musician
-Echembrotos in 586 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>;<a id="FNanchor_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">161</a> a tripod was dedicated in the sixth century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> or perhaps earlier at Athens for some acrobatic or juggling trick;<a id="FNanchor_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">162</a>
-a victorious boxer dedicated one at Thebes.<a id="FNanchor_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">163</a> It became customary by
-the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> for victors at the <i>Triopia</i> to offer prize tripods to
-Apollo.<a id="FNanchor_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">164</a> Tripods or fragments of them have been found at Olympia<a id="FNanchor_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">165</a>
-and elsewhere. Many other objects were also offered.<a id="FNanchor_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">166</a> Sometimes
-a victor would dedicate the object by which he won his victory instead
-of his prize, just as a soldier might dedicate his arms instead of
-his spoils of war. Certain types of victors, <i>e. g.</i>, those especially in
-running, the race in armor, singing, etc., would be excluded from
-making such dedications owing to the nature of the contest. Pausanias<a id="FNanchor_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">167</a>
-tells us, for instance, that twenty-five bronze shields were kept
-in the temple of Zeus at Olympia for the use of hoplite runners, which
-shows that these runners did not use all at least of their own armor.
-In some cases diskoi were lent to pentathletes. Pausanias<a id="FNanchor_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">168</a> says that
-three quoits were kept in the treasury of the Sikyonians at Olympia
-for use in the pentathlon. There are, however, as we shall see,
-instances of quoits being dedicated by victors. The pentathlete
-might consecrate either his diskos, javelin, or jumping-weights.<a id="FNanchor_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">169</a> Perhaps
-the huge red-sandstone block of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, weighing
-315 pounds and inscribed with the name and feat of Bybon, may have
-been such an <i>ex voto</i>,<a id="FNanchor_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">170</a> since Pausanias says the contestants at Olympia
-originally used stones for quoits.<a id="FNanchor_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">171</a> A stone, weighing 480 kilograms
-(about 1,056 pounds), was found on Thera, inscribed “Eumastos raised
-me from the ground.”<a id="FNanchor_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> Poplios (Publius) Asklepiades, who won the
-pentathlon at Olympia in the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>,<a id="FNanchor_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> dedicated a bronze
-diskos to Zeus, showing the old custom was kept up till late. Many
-bronze diskoi have been found in the excavations of the Altis.<a id="FNanchor_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> We
-have instances of the dedication of jumping-weights (ἁλτῆρες).<a id="FNanchor_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">175</a>
-Examples of dedicated strigils have been found at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> Torches
-were dedicated at Athens.<a id="FNanchor_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">177</a> Actors dedicated their masks,<a id="FNanchor_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">178</a> while<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23">23</a></span>
-some of the ivory lyres and plectra conserved in the Parthenon were
-probably offerings of musical victors at the Panathenaic games.<a id="FNanchor_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">179</a>
-Equestrian victors dedicated their chariots, or models of them, and
-their horses. These models might be large or small. We have notices
-of large chariot-groups at Olympia of Kleosthenes,<a id="FNanchor_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">180</a> Gelo,<a id="FNanchor_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">181</a> and Hiero
-of Syracuse;<a id="FNanchor_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> of small ones of Euagoras,<a id="FNanchor_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">183</a> Glaukon,<a id="FNanchor_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">184</a> Kyniska,<a id="FNanchor_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">185</a> and
-Polypeithes.<a id="FNanchor_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">186</a> A large number of miniature models of chariots and
-horses in bronze and terra cotta have been found at Olympia,<a id="FNanchor_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">187</a> some of
-which have no wheels. Many very thin foil wheels have also been
-found.<a id="FNanchor_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">188</a> Furtwaengler<a id="FNanchor_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">189</a> believes that these wheels are conventional
-reductions of whole chariots. Some of them are cast<a id="FNanchor_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">190</a> and they are
-generally four-spoked, but two mule-car wheels are five-spoked.<a id="FNanchor_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">191</a>
-These various models are so common and of so little value, however,
-that they may have had nothing to do with chariot-races.<a id="FNanchor_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">192</a></p>
-
-<p>Many great artists, <i>e. g.</i>, Kalamis,<a id="FNanchor_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> Euphranor,<a id="FNanchor_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">194</a> and Lysippos,<a id="FNanchor_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">195</a> are
-known to have made chariot-groups and it is reasonable to assume that
-some of these were votive in character. Besides dedications of chariot
-victors, we find at Olympia also those of horse-racers. These were similarly
-both large and small, with and without jockeys. Thus jockeys on
-horseback by Kalamis stood on either side of Hiero’s chariot.<a id="FNanchor_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">196</a> Krokon
-of Eretria, who won the horse-race at the end of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,<a id="FNanchor_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">197</a>
-dedicated a small bronze horse at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">198</a> The monument of the
-sons of Pheidolas of Corinth,<a id="FNanchor_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">199</a> representing a horse on the top of a column,
-must have been small. Pausanias, in mentioning the two statues<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24">24</a></span>
-of the Spartan chariot victor Lykinos by Myron,<a id="FNanchor_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> says that one of
-the horses which the victor brought to Olympia was not allowed to
-enter the foal-race, and therefore was entered in the horse-race. This
-story was probably told Pausanias by the Olympia guides and may
-have arisen from the smallness of one of the horses in the monument.<a id="FNanchor_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">201</a>
-The sculptors Kalamis,<a id="FNanchor_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">202</a> Kanachos,<a id="FNanchor_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">203</a> and Hegias<a id="FNanchor_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">204</a> are known to have
-made groups representing horse-victors, and Pliny derives the whole
-<i>genre</i> of equestrian monuments from the Greeks.<a id="FNanchor_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> Great numbers of
-small figures of horses and riders have been excavated at Olympia<a id="FNanchor_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">206</a>
-and elsewhere.<a id="FNanchor_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">207</a> Equestrian groups of various kinds were also known
-outside Olympia. Thus Arkesilas IV of Kyrene offered a chariot model
-at Delphi for a victory in 466 <span class="smcap">B. C</span>;<a id="FNanchor_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">208</a> the base found on the Akropolis
-of Athens and inscribed with the name Onatas probably upheld such
-a group;<a id="FNanchor_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">209</a> the equestrian statue of Isokrates on the Akropolis was
-also probably a dedication for a victory in horse-racing.<a id="FNanchor_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">210</a></p>
-
-<h3>DEDICATION OF STATUES AT OLYMPIA AND ELSEWHERE.</h3>
-
-<p>Not only did equestrian contests and the pentathlon give the victor
-an opportunity to represent the means by which he gained his prize,
-but any victorious athlete could set up a statue of himself in his own
-honor, which might either represent him in the characteristic attitude
-of his contest (perhaps with its distinguishing attributes) or might be a
-simple monument showing neither action nor attribute. This brings
-us to the main subject of the present work—the discussion of the
-different types of victor statues at Olympia.</p>
-
-<p>Of all the national games of Hellas, our knowledge of Olympia is
-fullest, both because of the detailed account of its monuments by
-Pausanias, who visited Elis in 173 or 174 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>, and because of the systematic
-excavation of the Altis by the German government in the seventies
-of the last century. We shall not be concerned, except incidentally,
-with monuments set up at the other national games, which are known
-to us in no such degree as those of Olympia. The interest of Pausanias
-in Delphi was almost entirely of a religious nature, and the lesser
-renown of both Nemea and the Isthmus caused him to treat their topography
-and monuments in a most summary manner. Though the <i>Pythia</i>
-as a festival were second only to the <i>Olympia</i>, as an athletic meet<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25">25</a></span>
-they scarcely equalled the <i>Nemea</i> or the <i>Isthmia</i>. From the earliest days
-music was the chief competition at Delphi; the oldest and most important
-event in the musical programme there all through Greek history was
-the Hymn to Apollo, sung with the accompaniment of the lyre, in which
-was celebrated the victory of the god over the Python. By 582 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> singing
-to the flute (αὐλῳδία) was also added, but was almost immediately
-discontinued. In the same year a flute solo was also inaugurated.<a id="FNanchor_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">211</a>
-In 558 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> lyre-playing was introduced. Under the Roman Empire
-poetic and dramatic competitions were prominent, but the date of
-their introduction is not known. Pliny mentions contests in painting.<a id="FNanchor_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">212</a>
-After music the equestrian contests were the most important,
-even rivalling those of Olympia. By 586 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, as we have seen, athletic
-events were inaugurated. The athletic importance of the games on
-the Isthmus was inferior to that of Olympia and its religious character
-to that of Delphi, though these games were the most frequented of all
-the great national ones, because of the accessibility of the place and
-its nearness to Corinth.<a id="FNanchor_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">213</a> The inferiority of the athletics here may be
-judged by the fact that Solon assigned only 100 drachmæ to an Isthmian
-victor, while 500 were given to one from Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">214</a> We have
-little knowledge of these games through the great period of Greek
-history, only a reference here and there to a victor.<a id="FNanchor_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">215</a> We know much
-more of them under the Romans, when the prosperity of Corinth was
-revived; at that time, however, there was little true interest in athletics.
-Corinth then spent great sums in procuring wild animals for the arena.<a id="FNanchor_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">216</a>
-Excavations have added little to our knowledge of these games.<a id="FNanchor_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">217</a> The
-interest at Nemea in athletics was second only to that of Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">218</a>
-While music was the most important feature at Delphi, and the Isthmian
-games were attended chiefly for the attractions of the neighboring
-Corinth, there was nothing but the games themselves to attract people
-to the retired valley of Nemea. Athletic contests were the only
-feature here until late times and great attention was paid to those of
-boys.<a id="FNanchor_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">219</a> The records of the victors at these games are very scanty.<a id="FNanchor_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">220</a></p>
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26">26</a></span></p>
-<p>At all these three games victor monuments were set up, though in
-no such profusion as at Olympia.</p>
-
-<p>Of those set up at Delphi, Pausanias shows his disdain by these
-words: “As to the athletes and musical competitors who have attracted
-no notice from the majority of mankind, I hold them hardly worthy
-of attention; and the athletes who have made themselves a name have
-already been set forth by me in my account of Elis.”<a id="FNanchor_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">221</a> He mentions
-the statue of only one victor, that of Phaÿllos, who won at Delphi twice
-in the pentathlon and once in running. A score or more of inscriptions
-in honor of these men whom Pausanias treats so contemptuously have
-been recovered. Some of them record offerings dedicated for victories,
-though most of them record decrees passed by the Delphians, who voted
-the victors not only wreaths of laurel, but seats of honor at the games
-and other privileges.<a id="FNanchor_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">222</a> Victor statues seem to have stood outside the
-sacred precinct at Delphi and not within it, as at Olympia, since Pausanias
-mentions the sanctuary after mentioning the statue of Phaÿllos.<a id="FNanchor_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">223</a>
-Other Greek and Roman writers give us stray hints of these statues. Thus,
-Pliny mentions a statue at Delphi of a <i>pancratiastes</i> by Pythagoras of
-Rhegion<a id="FNanchor_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">224</a> and says that Myron made <i>Delphicos pentathlos, pancratiastas</i>.<a id="FNanchor_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">225</a>
-A scholion on Pindar<a id="FNanchor_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">226</a> mentions the helmeted statue of the hoplite runner
-Telisikrates as standing in the precinct. Justin, in speaking of the
-Gallic invasion of Delphi, mentions <i>statuasque cum quadrigis, quarum
-ingens copia procul visebatur</i>, thus referring to large chariot-groups,
-which would be very sightly on the slope of the precinct.<a id="FNanchor_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">227</a> An idea of
-the beauty of such groups may be gathered from the remnant of one,
-the bronze <i>Charioteer</i> discovered by the French excavators, which is one
-of the most important archaic sculptures from antiquity (Fig. <a href="#f66">66</a>).<a id="FNanchor_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">228</a></p>
-
-<p>We know from the words of Pausanias<a id="FNanchor_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">229</a> that victor statues also stood
-on the Isthmus, and we should assume the same for Nemea, though
-in both places they must have been few in number. At the various
-local games it was customary for victors to erect statues of themselves.
-Thus we know of such dedications at the Bœotian games in Thebes,<a id="FNanchor_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">230</a>
-at the Didymaion,<a id="FNanchor_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">231</a> and at the <i>Lykaia</i> in Arkadia.<a id="FNanchor_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">232</a> Many such
-victor statues decorated different localities of Athens. Thus, on the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27">27</a></span>
-Akropolis, we know of the statues of the hoplite runner Epicharinos,<a id="FNanchor_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">233</a>
-of the pancratiast Hermolykos,<a id="FNanchor_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">234</a> of a helmeted man by the sculptor
-Kleoitas,<a id="FNanchor_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">235</a> of a παῖς κελητίζων representing Isokrates;<a id="FNanchor_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">236</a> in the Prytaneion,
-of the statue of the pancratiast Autolykos.<a id="FNanchor_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">237</a> Lykourgos, the rhetor, mentions
-victor statues in the agora of Athens.<a id="FNanchor_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">238</a> Some of these Athenian
-statues may have been those of Olympic victors;<a id="FNanchor_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">239</a> and of victors certainly
-Olympic we know of the statues of Kallias the pancratiast,<a id="FNanchor_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">240</a> of
-the charioteer Hermokrates,<a id="FNanchor_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">241</a> and of the bronze mares of Kimon.<a id="FNanchor_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">242</a> Of
-the statues of Nemean victors at Athens we know of that of Hegestratos,
-victor in an unknown contest.<a id="FNanchor_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">243</a> Of Isthmian victors there we know of
-that of the pancratiast Diophanes,<a id="FNanchor_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">244</a> and of other examples.<a id="FNanchor_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">245</a> We have
-inscriptional record of the statues at Athens of a boy victor at the
-<i>Panathenaia</i> and the <i>Thargelia</i> in chariot-racing,<a id="FNanchor_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">246</a> of a victor at the
-<i>Pythia</i>, <i>Isthmia</i>, <i>Nemea</i>, and the <i>Panathenaia</i>,<a id="FNanchor_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">247</a> of one at the <i>Nemea</i>
-and <i>Herakleia</i> at Thebes,<a id="FNanchor_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">248</a> of one at the <i>Eleusinia</i>,<a id="FNanchor_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">249</a> of one at the
-<i>Panathenaia</i> and <i>Dionysia</i>,<a id="FNanchor_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">250</a> and of others at several games.<a id="FNanchor_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">251</a></p>
-
-<p>The erection of a statue in the Altis at Olympia was an honor which
-the Elean officers in charge of the games<a id="FNanchor_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">252</a> gave to victors to glorify
-their victory.<a id="FNanchor_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">253</a> Pliny, in a well-known passage of the <i>Historia Naturalis</i>,<a id="FNanchor_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">254</a>
-says it was customary for all victors to set up statues, while Pausanias<a id="FNanchor_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">255</a>
-says not all athletes did this, for “some of those who specially
-distinguished themselves in the games ... have had no statues.”
-This apparent contradiction in the statements of the two writers is to
-be explained, as Dittenberger<a id="FNanchor_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">256</a> and others have pointed out, on the
-ground that Pliny states the general privilege extended to the victor,
-while Pausanias states its practical working out, since the setting up
-of a statue was an undertaking which would be limited by the early
-death, poverty, or some other disability of the victorious athlete. The
-cost of making, transporting, and setting up a statue was considerable,
-and very often a victor must have been too poor to do it. In such a
-case he would often be contented to set up merely a statuette or small
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28">28</a></span>
-figure in bronze or marble. Several such bronze figures have been unearthed
-at Olympia,<a id="FNanchor_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">257</a> one of which we reproduce in Fig. <a href="#f2">2</a>, and we have
-many examples found outside the Altis: <i>e. g.</i>, a group of wrestlers,<a id="FNanchor_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">258</a>
-<span class="figright200"><a id="f2"></a><img src="images/i_p028a.jpg" alt="Bronze Statuette of a Victor" width="200" height="288" />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 2.</span>—Bronze Statuette of a Victor,
-from Olympia. Museum of Olympia.</span></span>
-a boxer,<a id="FNanchor_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">259</a> and the arm of a quoit-thrower<a id="FNanchor_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">260</a>
-from the Athenian Akropolis,
-an archaic girl runner from
-Dodona,<a id="FNanchor_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">261</a> an archaic statuette
-from Delphi with a loin-cloth,<a id="FNanchor_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">262</a>
-a bronze quoit-thrower dedicated
-in the Kabeirion,<a id="FNanchor_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">263</a> the Tuebingen
-bronze hoplite runner<a id="FNanchor_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">264</a> (Fig. <a href="#f42">42</a>),
-and the statuette of a παῖς κέλης
-from Dodona.<a id="FNanchor_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">265</a> We should also
-mention the great number of statuettes
-of diskos-throwers in modern
-museums.<a id="FNanchor_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">266</a> Boy victors especially
-would use the less expensive
-marble for such statuettes and we
-have the remnants of many such
-found in the excavations of the
-Altis.<a id="FNanchor_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">267</a> Pausanias mentions several
-monuments which were less
-than life-size, <i>e. g.</i>, a horse among
-the offerings of Phormis, which
-he says was “much inferior in
-size and shape to all other
-statues of horses in the Altis,”<a id="FNanchor_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">268</a>
-and the equestrian monuments already discussed. Even reliefs and
-paintings, in some cases, were offered in lieu of larger monuments,
-not only for reasons of economy, but also because they gave a better
-representation of the contest. This custom was common at the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29">29</a></span>
-lesser games, especially at the <i>Panathenaia</i>.<a id="FNanchor_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">269</a> Pausanias mentions
-painted iconic reliefs vowed by girl runners at the games in honor
-of Hera at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">270</a> On an Attic vase in Munich a victor is represented
-as holding an iconic votive <i>pinax</i> in his hands.<a id="FNanchor_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">271</a> Pausanias
-speaks of a painting by Timainetos at Athens, which represented a boy
-carrying hydriæ,<a id="FNanchor_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">272</a> and one of a wrestler by the same artist in the
-Pinakotheke on the Akropolis. Pliny mentions paintings, the works of
-great masters, representing victors: thus the <i>currentes quadrigae</i> by the
-elder Aristeides of Thebes,<a id="FNanchor_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">273</a> a <i>victor certamine gymnico palmam tenens</i>
-by Eupompos,<a id="FNanchor_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">274</a> an athlete by Zeuxis,<a id="FNanchor_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">275</a> the victor Aratos with a trophy
-by Leontiskos,<a id="FNanchor_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">276</a> an athlete by Protogenes,<a id="FNanchor_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">277</a> two hoplite runners by
-Parrhasios,<a id="FNanchor_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">278</a> a <i>luctator tubicenque</i> by Antidotos and a warrior by the
-same artist, in Athens,<a id="FNanchor_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">279</a> which represented a man fighting with a shield,
-and a man anointing himself, the work of the painter Theoros.<a id="FNanchor_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">280</a></p>
-
-<p>Apparently the Hellanodikai allowed but one statue for each victory.
-Aischines the Elean had two victories and two statues.<a id="FNanchor_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">281</a> Dikon of
-Kaulonia and Syracuse had three victories and three statues.<a id="FNanchor_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">282</a> The
-Spartan Lykinos had two victories and two statues by Myron, but we
-have already said that the second statue was probably that of his
-charioteer, the two forming part of an equestrian group.<a id="FNanchor_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">283</a> Kapros of
-Elis won two victories and had as many statues.<a id="FNanchor_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">284</a> On the other hand
-Troilos of Elis, who won in two events, had only one statue.<a id="FNanchor_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">285</a> Similarly
-Arkesilaos of Sparta had two victories in the chariot-race and
-only one statue.<a id="FNanchor_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">286</a> Xenombrotos of Cos, who appears to have won
-once only, had, however, two monuments, one mentioned by Pausanias
-and the other known to us from the recovered inscription.<a id="FNanchor_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">287</a> But this
-last case seems to be the only known exception.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30">30</a></span></p>
-
-<p>When the victor was unable to set up his monument, whether because
-of youth, poverty, early death, or other reason, sometimes the
-privilege was utilized by a relative, a friend, or by his native city. In
-any case it was a private affair with which the Elean officials had no
-concern. We have examples, consequently, of the statue being set up
-by the son,<a id="FNanchor_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">288</a> father (especially in recovered inscriptions after the time
-of Augustus),<a id="FNanchor_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">289</a> mother,<a id="FNanchor_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">290</a> and brother;<a id="FNanchor_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">291</a> also several examples of statues
-reared in honor of athletes by fellow citizens.<a id="FNanchor_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">292</a> There are cases
-in which the trainer set up the statue.<a id="FNanchor_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">293</a> Frequently the native city
-performed the duty, dedicating the statue either at Olympia or in the
-victor’s city. Thus Oibotas, who won the stade-race in Ol. 6 (&#8239;=&#8239;756
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), had a statue at Olympia which was erected by the Achæan state
-out of deference to a command of the Delphian oracle in Ol. 80 (&#8239;=&#8239;460
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">294</a> The statue of Agenor, by Polykleitos the Younger, a boy wrestler
-from Thebes, was dedicated by the confederacy of Phokis, because
-his father was a public friend of the nation.<a id="FNanchor_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">295</a> The boy runner Herodotos
-of Klazomenai had a statue erected by his native town at Olympia
-because he was the first victor from there.<a id="FNanchor_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">296</a> Philinos of Kos had a
-statue set up by the people of Kos at Olympia “because of glory won,”
-for he was victor five times in running at Olympia, four at Delphi,
-four at Nemea, and eleven at the Isthmus.<a id="FNanchor_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">297</a> Hermesianax of Kolophon
-had a statue at Olympia erected by his city.<a id="FNanchor_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">298</a> The pancratiast<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31">31</a></span>
-Promachos of Pellene had two statues erected to him by his fellow citizens,
-one at Olympia, the other in Pellene.<a id="FNanchor_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">299</a> We know of three state
-dedications of statues at Olympia from inscriptions, those of Aristophon
-of Athens,<a id="FNanchor_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">300</a> of Epitherses of Erythrai,<a id="FNanchor_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">301</a> and of Polyxenos by
-the people of Zakynthos.<a id="FNanchor_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">302</a> Lichas of Sparta, at a date when the
-Spartans were excluded from the games, entered his chariot in the
-name of the Theban people, and Pausanias says that his victory was so
-entered on the Elean register.<a id="FNanchor_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">303</a> We learn from the <i>OxyrhynchusPapyri</i>
-that the public horse of the Argives won at Olympia in Ol. 75
-(&#8239;=&#8239;480 <i>B.&nbsp;C.</i>) and the public chariot in Ol. 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 <i>B.&nbsp;C.</i>).<a id="FNanchor_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">304</a> In these
-latter two cases the public was directly interested, and had there
-been monuments erected to commemorate the victories they would
-naturally have been set up by the state.</p>
-
-<p>It has been wrongly assumed that monuments of boy victors were
-dedicated in the name of their parents or relatives.<a id="FNanchor_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">305</a> On the contrary,
-we have examples dating back to the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> of boys
-setting up statues at Olympia. Thus the inscription from the base of
-the statue of Tellon, who won in the boys’ boxing match in Ol. 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), states that he dedicated his own statue.<a id="FNanchor_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">306</a> Pausanias says that
-the Eleans allowed the boy wrestler Kratinos from Aigeira to erect a
-statue of his trainer.<a id="FNanchor_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">307</a> Of course the boy might need assistance in the
-undertaking, but this again was no concern of the Elean officials, who
-granted the privilege to the victor and not to his relatives. Usually
-the statue of a victor was erected soon after the victory. We have
-some examples of the statue being erected immediately after the victory,
-especially in the case of men victors. Thus Pausanias says that
-the victor Eubotas of Kyrene, in consequence of a Libyan oracle foretelling
-his victory in the foot-race, had his statue made before coming
-to Olympia and erected it “the very day on which he was proclaimed
-victor.”<a id="FNanchor_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">308</a> The famous Milo of Kroton spectacularly carried his statue
-into the Altis on his back before he entered the contest.<a id="FNanchor_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">309</a> There are<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32">32</a></span>
-also examples of statues being erected long after the victory, sometimes
-centuries later. We have already mentioned that a statue was erected
-to Oibotas in Ol. 80, though his victory was won in Ol. 6. Chionis, who
-won in running races in Ols. 28–31 (&#8239;=&#8239;668–656 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>) had a statue by
-Myron erected to his memory Ol. 77 or 78 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 or 468 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">310</a> Cheilon
-of Patrai, twice victor in wrestling between Ols. (?) 103 and 115 (&#8239;=&#8239;368
-and 320 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), had his statue set up after his death.<a id="FNanchor_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">311</a> Polydamas of
-Skotoussa won his victory in the pankration in Ol. 93 (&#8239;=&#8239;408 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), but
-his statue by Lysippos could not have been erected until many years
-later.<a id="FNanchor_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">312</a> Glaukos, who won the boys’ boxing-match in Ol. 65 (&#8239;=&#8239;520 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>),
-had a statue by the Aeginetan sculptor Glaukias much later.<a id="FNanchor_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">313</a> In the
-case of boy victors, the time between boyhood and coming of age was
-often so short that in many cases we may assume that the statue was
-set up some time after the victory.<a id="FNanchor_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">314</a></p>
-
-<h3>HONORS PAID TO VICTORS BY THEIR NATIVE CITIES.</h3>
-
-<p>Since the victor was deemed the representative of the state, he often
-received a more substantial reward than a statue erected at the cost of
-his fellow citizens. The herald, in proclaiming his victory, proclaimed
-also the name of his town, which thus shared in his success. At
-Athens it was customary for a victor at the great games to receive a
-reward of money. To encourage an interest in athletics there, Solon
-established money prizes for victorious athletes. We have already said
-that 100 drachmæ were given to a victor at the Isthmus, while 500
-were allotted to one at Olympia. Solon further ordained that victors
-should eat at the Prytaneion at the public expense.<a id="FNanchor_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">315</a> Probably other
-Greek states followed the Athenian custom. We know from an<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33">33</a></span>
-inscription that the Panathenaic victors in the stade-race received 50
-amphoræ of oil, the pancratiast 40, and others 30.<a id="FNanchor_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">316</a> Later, in Rome,
-victors had special privileges granted them, including maintenance
-at the public expense, a privilege which Mæcenas advised the emperor
-Augustus to limit to victors at Olympia, Delphi, and Rome.<a id="FNanchor_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">317</a> Augustus
-in other ways enlarged the privileges of athletes.<a id="FNanchor_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">318</a> When we consider
-the intimate connection between religion and athletics and the Panhellenic
-fame of a victor at the great games, we can easily understand
-the indignation of the native town when its athletes did anything dishonorable.
-Sometimes a victor was bribed to appear as the citizen of
-some other state. Thus Astylos of Kroton, who won in running
-races in Ols. 73–76 (&#8239;=&#8239;488–476 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), had himself proclaimed in his last
-two contests a Syracusan to please King Hiero. The citizens of his
-native town burned his house and pulled down his statue, which had
-been placed there in the temple of Hera.<a id="FNanchor_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">319</a> The Cretan Sotades, who
-won the long running race in Ol. 99 (&#8239;=&#8239;384 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), was bribed at the next
-Olympiad by the city of Ephesos to proclaim himself an Ephesian, and
-was in consequence exiled.<a id="FNanchor_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">320</a> Dikon, a victor in running races at the
-beginning of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, proclaimed himself first a citizen
-of Kaulonia, but later, “for a sum of money,” entered the men’s
-contest as a Syracusan.<a id="FNanchor_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">321</a> Sometimes such attempts at bribery proved
-unsuccessful. Thus the father of the boy boxer Antipatros of Miletos,
-who won in Ol. 98 (&#8239;=&#8239;388 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), accepted a bribe from some Syracusans,
-who were bringing an offering to Olympia from Dionysios, to let the
-boy be proclaimed a Syracusan. But the boy himself refused the
-bribe and had inscribed on his statue by the younger Polykleitos that
-he was a Milesian, the first Ionian to dedicate a statue at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">322</a>
-The Spartan chariot victor Lichas has already been mentioned as
-having entered his chariot in the name of Thebes. The reason was
-that at the time the Spartans were excluded from entering the games at
-Olympia. He won, and in his excitement tied a ribbon on his charioteer
-with his own hands, thereby showing that the horses belonged to him
-and not to Thebes. For this infraction of the rules he, though an aged
-man, was punished by the umpires by scourging.<a id="FNanchor_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">323</a> A more disgraceful
-act was selling out, of which we have two examples at Olympia. The
-Thessalian Eupolos bribed his three adversaries in boxing to let him win.
-All four were fined and from the money six bronze statues of Zeus,
-known as <i>Zanes</i>, were erected at the entrance to the stadion, inscribed
-with elegiac verses which warned future athletes against repeating such<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34">34</a></span>
-attempts.<a id="FNanchor_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">324</a> More than fifty years later Kallippos, a pentathlete of
-Athens, bribed his opponents and, being detected, all were fined and
-from the money, finally collected from the recalcitrant Athenians
-through the influence of the oracle at Delphi, six more <i>Zanes</i> were
-erected.<a id="FNanchor_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">325</a> Straton (or Stratonikos), of Alexandria, won in wrestling
-and the pankration on the same day in Ol. 178 (&#8239;=&#8239;68 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>). In the
-wrestling match he had two adversaries, Eudelos and Philostratos of
-Rhodes. The latter had bribed Eudelos to sell out and, being detected,
-had to pay a fine. Out of this money another <i>Zan</i> was set up and still
-another at the cost of the Rhodians.<a id="FNanchor_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">326</a> In Ol. 192 (&#8239;=&#8239;12 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>) and in Ol.
-226 (&#8239;=&#8239;125 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>), we hear of fines for such corruption out of which additional
-<i>Zanes</i> were erected.<a id="FNanchor_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">327</a> In Ol. 201 (&#8239;=&#8239;25 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>) Sarapion, a pancratiast
-from Alexandria, became so afraid of his antagonist that he fled the
-day before the contest and was fined—the only case recorded of an
-athlete being fined for cowardice at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">328</a> In Ol. 218 (&#8239;=&#8239;93 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>)
-another Alexandrine, named Apollonios, was fined for arriving too
-late for the games at Olympia. His excuse of being detained by winds
-was found to be false, and it was discovered that he had been making
-money on the games in Ionia.<a id="FNanchor_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">329</a></p>
-
-<p>Cases of bribery were known at other games. A third-century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> inscription from Epidauros records how three athletes were fined
-one thousand staters each διὰ τὸ φθείρειν τοὺς ἀγῶνας.<a id="FNanchor_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">330</a> The venality
-of Isthmian victors is shown by the account of a competitor who
-promised a rival three thousand drachmæ to let him win and then, on
-winning on his merits, refused to pay, though the defeated contestant
-swore on the altar of Poseidon that he had been promised the amount.<a id="FNanchor_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">331</a>
-The emperor Nero, in order to win in singing at the Isthmus, had to
-resort to force. A certain Epeirote singer refused to withdraw unless
-he received ten talents. Nero, to save himself from defeat, sent a band
-of men who pummelled his antagonist so that he could not sing.<a id="FNanchor_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">332</a></p>
-
-<p>Often the home-coming of a victor at one of the national games was
-the occasion for a public celebration. Sometimes the whole city turned
-out to meet the hero.<a id="FNanchor_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">333</a> The victory was recorded on pillars, and poets
-composed songs in its honor which were sung by choruses of girls and
-boys. Sometimes a statue was set up in the agora or on the Akropolis.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35">35</a></span>
-In the cities of Magna Græcia and Sicily such adulation of Olympic
-victors became at times very extravagant. Thus Exainetos of Akragas,
-who won the stade-race in Ols. 91 and 92 (&#8239;=&#8239;416–412 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), was brought
-into the city in a four-horse chariot drawn by his fellow-citizens, and
-was escorted by 300 men in two-horse chariots drawn by white horses.<a id="FNanchor_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">334</a>
-It is also in the West that we first hear of victors being worshipped as
-heroes or gods, though the custom soon took root in Greece. It was
-but natural to account for the great strength of famous athletes by
-assigning to them divine origin and by worshipping them after death.<a id="FNanchor_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">335</a>
-Philippos of Kroton, who won in an unknown contest about Ol. 65
-(&#8239;=&#8239;520 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), had a <i>heroön</i> erected in his honor by the people of Egesta
-in Sicily on account of his beauty, in which he surpassed all his contemporaries,
-and he was worshipped after his death as a hero.<a id="FNanchor_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">336</a> The
-famous boxer Euthymos of Lokroi Epizephyrioi, who won in Ols. 74,
-76, 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;484, 476, 472 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), was worshipped even before his death
-and was looked upon as the son of no earthly father, but of the river-god
-Kaikinos.<a id="FNanchor_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">337</a> Fabulous feats were ascribed to him, <i>e. g.</i>, the expulsion
-of the Black Spirit from Temessa.<a id="FNanchor_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">338</a> During and after his lifetime
-sacrifices were offered in his honor.<a id="FNanchor_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339" class="fnanchor">339</a> The equally famed boxer and
-pancratiast Theagenes of Thasos, the opponent of Euthymos, who
-won in Ols. 75 and 76 (&#8239;=&#8239;480 and 476 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), was heroized after his death.<a id="FNanchor_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340" class="fnanchor">340</a>
-The Thasians maintained that his father was Herakles.<a id="FNanchor_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341" class="fnanchor">341</a> The boxer
-Kleomedes of Astypalaia, who won in Ol. 71 (&#8239;=&#8239;496 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), was honored
-as a hero after death.<a id="FNanchor_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">342</a> Having killed Ikkos, his opponent, he became
-crazed with grief. Pausanias recounts his curious death.<a id="FNanchor_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">343</a> The worship
-of such athletes was supposed to bestow physical strength on their
-adorers and consequently statues were erected to them in many places
-and were thought to be able to cure illnesses.<a id="FNanchor_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">344</a> The life of a successful<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36">36</a></span>
-athlete was looked upon as especially happy. In Aristophanes’ <i>Plutus</i>,
-Hermes deserts the gods and serves Plutus “the presider over contests,”
-thinking no service more profitable to the god of wealth than holding
-contests in music and athletics.<a id="FNanchor_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">345</a> Plato thought an Olympic victor’s
-life was the most blessed of all from a material point of view.<a id="FNanchor_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346" class="fnanchor">346</a> In the
-myth of Er the soul of Atalanta chooses the body of an athlete, on seeing
-“the great rewards bestowed on an athlete.”<a id="FNanchor_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">347</a> The great Rhodian
-pancratiast Dorieus, who won in Ols. 87, 88, 89 (&#8239;=&#8239;432–424 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), was
-taken prisoner by Athens during the Peloponnesian war, but was freed
-because of his exploits at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348" class="fnanchor">348</a> The honor in which a victor was
-held may also be judged by the story of the Spartan ephor Cheilon,
-who died of joy while embracing his victorious son Damagetos.<a id="FNanchor_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">349</a>
-To quote from Ernest Gardner: “The extraordinary, almost superhuman
-honours paid to the victors at the great national contests
-made them a theme for the sculptor hardly less noble than gods and
-heroes, and more adapted for the display of his skill, as trained by the
-observation of those exercises which led to the victory.”<a id="FNanchor_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350" class="fnanchor">350</a> Some of
-the greatest artists were employed, and great poets from Simonides
-of Keos down, including such names as Bacchylides and Pindar, were
-employed in singing their praises. Although it must be confessed
-that the majority of the artists of victor statues at Olympia are little
-known or wholly unknown masters, Pausanias mentions among them
-such renowned names as Hagelaïdas, Pythagoras, Kalamis, Myron, Polykleitos,
-Lysippos, and possibly Pheidias. Certain other great names,
-however, are absent from his lists, <i>e. g.</i>, Euphranor, Kresilas, Praxiteles,
-and Skopas. Such extravagant reverence of Olympic and other victors
-as we have outlined met, of course, with violent protests all through
-Greek history, just as the excessive popularity of athletics has in our
-time. The philosopher Xenophanes of Kolophon, who died 480 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,
-was scandalized at the offering of divine honors to athletes.<a id="FNanchor_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">351</a> While he
-denounced the popularity of athletics, Euripides later denounced the professionalism
-which had begun to creep in after the middle of the fifth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352" class="fnanchor">352</a> Plato, though a strong advocate of practical physical
-training for war, was opposed to the vain spirit of competition in the
-athletics of his day. He complained that professional athletes paid
-excessive attention to diet, slept their lives away, and were in danger
-of becoming brutalized.<a id="FNanchor_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">353</a> The last attack on professional athletics in
-point of time was made in the second century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span> by Galen, in his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37">37</a></span>
-<i>Exhortation to the Arts</i>.<a id="FNanchor_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">354</a> In this essay the eminent physician contended
-that the athlete was a benefit neither to himself nor to the state.
-When we study the brutal portraits of prize-fighters on the contemporary
-mosaics of the Baths of Caracalla at Rome, we can see to what
-depths the old athletic ideal had sunk, and the justness of his rebuke.<a id="FNanchor_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">355</a></p>
-
-<h3>VOTIVE CHARACTER OF VICTOR DEDICATIONS.</h3>
-
-<p>That chariot and hippic monuments were votive in character can
-scarcely be doubted. Pausanias distinguishes between gymnic victors
-and equestrian ones.<a id="FNanchor_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">356</a> All authorities agree that equestrian monuments
-were different in origin and character from those of other victors.<a id="FNanchor_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">357</a>
-Gardiner believes that if the Olympic games developed out of a single
-event, it was not the stade-race, but the chariot-race or heavy-armed-race.
-He shows that the custom of making the stade runner eponymous
-for the Olympiad is not earlier than the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, and did
-not arise from the importance of that event, but from the accident of
-its coming first on the program and first on the list of victors.<a id="FNanchor_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">358</a> Equestrian
-monuments were dedicated at Olympia all through antiquity,
-from the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> to the second <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span> The oldest was that of
-the Spartan Euagoras already mentioned, who won in the chariot-race
-three times in Ols. (?) 58–60 (&#8239;=&#8239;548–540 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">359</a> The latest dated
-example is that of L. Minicius Natalis of Rome, who won in Ol. 227
-(&#8239;=&#8239;129 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360" class="fnanchor">360</a> Some of the inscriptions pertaining to equestrian groups
-are in verse,<a id="FNanchor_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">361</a> while others are in prose.<a id="FNanchor_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362" class="fnanchor">362</a> Most of them have the usual
-dedicatory word ἀνέθηκε,<a id="FNanchor_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">363</a> or the formula Διὶ Ὀλυμπίῳ,<a id="FNanchor_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">364</a> while others
-have the word ἔστησε<a id="FNanchor_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">365</a> and a few have no dedicatory word at all.<a id="FNanchor_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">366</a></p>
-
-<p>The question arises, then, whether ordinary victor monuments in
-the Altis were votive in the sense that these equestrian ones were, or
-merely honors granted to the victors. The crown of wild olive was
-merely a temporary reward suiting the occasion of the victory. The
-privilege of setting up a statue was granted in order to perpetuate
-the fame of that occasion. In a well-known passage Pausanias<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38">38</a></span>
-makes a sweeping generalization about monuments at Athens and
-Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">367</a> He says that all objects on the Akropolis—including
-statues—were ἀναθήματα or votive offerings, while some of those at
-Olympia were dedicated to the god, but that the statues of athletes
-were mere prizes of victory. In another passage<a id="FNanchor_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">368</a> also, in distinguishing
-the various sorts of monuments at Olympia, he expressly
-says that the statues of athletes were not devoted to Zeus, but were
-marks of honor (ἐν ἄθλου λόγῳ) bestowed on the victors. These
-statements of the Periegete have given rise to a good deal of fruitless
-discussion. Furtwaengler follows Pausanias in saying that the right
-of setting up statues was <i>ein wesentlicher Theil des Siegespreises</i>.<a id="FNanchor_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">369</a>
-That such erections at Olympia were considered as high honors is
-implied by the wording of many of the inscriptions which have
-been recovered from the bases of the statues. Thus on that of the
-boxer Euthymos are the words εἰκόνα δ’ ἔστησεν τήνδε βροτοῖς ἐσορᾶν.<a id="FNanchor_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">370</a>
-Furtwaengler, therefore, has promulgated the theory that the victor
-statues at Olympia were in no sense votive, though they were considered
-to be the property of the god in whose grove they stood. He
-cites the fact that the inscribed bases of such monuments down to the
-first century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, with the exception of a few metrical epigrams,
-make no mention of dedications, and that in these exceptions the
-word ἀνέθηκε was added for metrical reasons,<a id="FNanchor_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">371</a> while during the same
-centuries regular votive offerings (ἀναθῆματα) invariably have the
-word ἀνέθηκε.<a id="FNanchor_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">372</a> One inscription, that from the base of the statue
-of Euthymos of Lokroi, is both metrical and in prose;<a id="FNanchor_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">373</a> but it seems
-to have been changed later in two places, the second line originally
-ending in a pentameter, and the third line, with ἀνέθηκε, being
-added afterwards.<a id="FNanchor_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">374</a> Also the prose inscription<a id="FNanchor_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375" class="fnanchor">375</a> referred by Roehl to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39">39</a></span>
-statue of the wrestler Milo is rejected by Dittenberger. The oldest
-prose inscription which makes a votive offering out of a victor statue
-at Olympia is that of Thaliarchos, who won his second victory in boxing
-some time between 40 and 30 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376" class="fnanchor">376</a> Then follow certain prose inscriptions
-of imperial times.<a id="FNanchor_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377" class="fnanchor">377</a> Dittenberger concludes that for four hundred
-years there is no case of such a dedication.<a id="FNanchor_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">378</a> From the evidence of the
-inscriptions from statue bases, therefore, it is clear that the distinction
-made by Pausanias between honor and victor statues did not hold
-good in his day, since the words ἀνάθημα and ἀνέθηκε were then
-used on victor monuments at Olympia, as the inscriptions of the
-imperial age just cited show, but that it did hold good for centuries
-before the Roman period. Pausanias must have based his statement,
-therefore, not on observation, but on the words of some earlier writer.<a id="FNanchor_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">379</a>
-Furtwaengler’s reasoning has been followed pretty generally by archæologists.<a id="FNanchor_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380" class="fnanchor">380</a>
-While some, however, leave the question in doubt,<a id="FNanchor_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">381</a> others
-are opposed to the idea that these statues were not votive. Thus R.
-Schoell believes that the victor monuments were as truly ἀναθήματα
-as the olive crowns.<a id="FNanchor_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">382</a> Reisch, who has discussed the question at
-length,<a id="FNanchor_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">383</a> believes, in opposition to the earlier view of Furtwaengler,
-that everything within the Altis must always <i>ipso facto</i> have been
-regarded as dedications to the god. This would explain the frequent
-omission of the name of the god, which would be superfluous, the victor
-being content with inscribing his own name and the contest in which
-he was victorious. Even the name of the contest does not always
-appear.<a id="FNanchor_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">384</a> Reisch explains the omission of the formula ἀνέθηκε in
-earlier inscriptions on the ground of epigrammatic brevity.<a id="FNanchor_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385" class="fnanchor">385</a></p>
-
-<p>The truth must lie somewhere between the extremes represented by
-the views of Furtwaengler and Reisch. Some athlete statues may have
-been votive, while others were not. Thus Rouse argues<a id="FNanchor_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386" class="fnanchor">386</a> that origi<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40">40</a></span>nally
-all victor statues at Olympia were as truly votive as equestrian
-groups, and as truly as those athlete statues continued to be, which were
-dedicated in the victors’ native towns. Those inscribed with ἀνέθηκε at
-Olympia must have been votive, for we should take the dedicator at his
-word, instead of believing the formula to be added merely to make the
-verse scan.<a id="FNanchor_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387" class="fnanchor">387</a> There is no reason why an athlete should not dedicate
-a statue of himself, representing himself as forever standing in the presence
-of the god, as well as a diskos or jumping-weights; for it was customary
-to make votive offerings representative of the events, and this
-could be done best by presenting the athlete in a statue which showed
-the characteristic attitude or the appropriate attributes. Rouse furthermore
-believes that a change was slowly wrought in the course of
-centuries, by which the original votive offering became a means of
-self-glorification. Equestrian victors owed their victories not to themselves,
-but to their horses, cars, drivers, and jockeys; in such cases the
-group was a thing apart from the owner. Only seldom did such victors
-dedicate statues of themselves alone. Even when the victor added
-a statue of himself to the group, still it was the chariot and not the
-statue which was emphasized.<a id="FNanchor_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">388</a> On the other hand the ordinary gymnic
-victor relied on himself—on his strength, endurance, courage, and
-other qualities; and in representing the contest the victor himself had
-to be represented. Consequently, by the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, if not
-earlier, the statues of athletes had become memorials of personal glory.</p>
-
-<h3>MISCELLANEOUS MEMORIALS TO VICTORS.</h3>
-
-<p>A statue was not the only memorial erected in honor of an Olympic
-victor, though it was by far the commonest. We have already mentioned
-the bronze inscribed diskos dedicated by the pentathlete P.
-Asklepiades in the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span><a id="FNanchor_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">389</a> A green stone leaping-weight
-inscribed with the name Κῳδίας appears to have been dedicated
-by a victor.<a id="FNanchor_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390" class="fnanchor">390</a> In two cases stelæ were set up in honor of victors.<a id="FNanchor_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391" class="fnanchor">391</a> A<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41">41</a></span>
-curious dedication was a bronze chapel, which the Sikyonian tyrant
-Myron dedicated to Apollo at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392" class="fnanchor">392</a> In later days it became
-part of the treasury of the Sikyonians.<a id="FNanchor_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">393</a> Outside Olympia various
-monuments commemorating Olympic victors were set up. These will
-be discussed in Chapter VIII.</p>
-
-<h3>HONORARY STATUES.</h3>
-
-<p>At Olympia, as elsewhere in Greece, statues were set up to men
-<i>honoris causa</i>. Such statues would be dedicated by admirers, either
-individuals or states. They were in no sense intended to honor the
-god, though at Olympia they might be classed as ἀναθήματα, just as
-victor statues, merely because they were erected in the sacred precinct.
-They were granted to individuals not as a privilege, as victor statues
-were, but as free gifts. Dio Chrysostom gives the difference between
-victor statues—which he classes as ἀναθήματα—and such honor statues
-in these words: ταῦτα (<i>i. e.</i>, victor statues) γάρ ἐστιν ἀναθήματα·
-αἱ δ’ εἰκόνες τιμαί· κἀκεῖνα (victor statues) δέδοται τοῖς θεοῖς, ταῦτα δὲ
-(honor statues) τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν οἵπερ εἰσὶν ἔγγιστα αὐτῶν.<a id="FNanchor_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">394</a> Pliny
-records that the Athenians inaugurated the custom of a state setting up
-statues in honor of men at the public expense with the statues of the
-tyrannicides Harmodios and Aristogeiton by the sculptor Antenor,
-which were erected in 509 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, the year in which the tyrants were
-expelled.<a id="FNanchor_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">395</a> He adds that a “refined ambition” led to a universal adoption
-of the custom and that statues began to adorn public places everywhere
-and later on even private houses. The custom grew apace in the
-later history of Greece. Demetrios of Phaleron is said to have had
-over three hundred statues erected in his honor during his short régime
-of about a year in Athens. The Diadochoi and the Roman emperors
-enthusiastically took over the custom. Pliny gives several Roman
-examples of it.<a id="FNanchor_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">396</a></p>
-
-<p>At Olympia Pausanias mentions honorary statues erected to thirty-five
-men for various reasons.<a id="FNanchor_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">397</a> To several of these men more than one
-statue was erected.<a id="FNanchor_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398" class="fnanchor">398</a> The greater number of these statues were erected
-to kings and princes, to those of Sparta,<a id="FNanchor_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">399</a> Athens,<a id="FNanchor_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">400</a> Epeiros,<a id="FNanchor_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">401</a> Sicily,<a id="FNanchor_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">402</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42">42</a></span>
-Macedonia, and Alexander’s Empire.<a id="FNanchor_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403" class="fnanchor">403</a> One was erected in honor of
-the philosopher Aristotle,<a id="FNanchor_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">404</a> one in honor of the rhetorician Gorgias of
-Leontini,<a id="FNanchor_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405" class="fnanchor">405</a> one in honor of a hunter,<a id="FNanchor_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">406</a> another in honor of a flute-player,<a id="FNanchor_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407" class="fnanchor">407</a>
-and many others in honor of public and private men. These statues
-were set up for various reasons. Archidamas III of Sparta had his
-statues erected to his memory because he was the only Spartan king
-who died abroad and did not receive a formal burial. Kylon had a
-statue erected by the Aitolians because he freed the Eleans from the
-tyranny of Aristotimos.<a id="FNanchor_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408" class="fnanchor">408</a> Pythes of Abdera was thus honored by his
-soldiers because of his military prowess.<a id="FNanchor_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">409</a> Philonides of Crete was, as
-we learn from the recovered inscription on his statue base, the courier of
-Alexander the Great.<a id="FNanchor_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">410</a> Pythokritos was honored for his flute-playing,
-though he does not appear to have been a victor.<a id="FNanchor_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">411</a> The Palaians of
-Kephallenia honored Timoptolis of Elis,<a id="FNanchor_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">412</a> and the Aitolians honored
-the Elean Olaidas<a id="FNanchor_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">413</a> for unknown reasons. At least seven, if not
-eight, of those thus honored with statues were Eleans. Some of the
-men who had honor statues were also victors at Olympia, a fact which
-would appear on the inscribed base. Thus Aratos, the son of Kleinias
-of Sikyon, the statesman, had a statue erected to him by the Corinthians.
-This was doubtless an honor statue, though Pausanias also says he was a
-chariot-victor.<a id="FNanchor_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">414</a> On the other hand, the statue erected in honor of the
-pentathlete Stomios was probably a victor monument, though Pausanias
-says that its inscription records that he was an Elean cavalry
-general who challenged the enemy to a duel, in which he was slain.<a id="FNanchor_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415" class="fnanchor">415</a> In
-some cases it is hard to decide whether the statue is honorary or victor
-in character. In the course of time honor statues multiplied, while
-those of athletes decreased. The recovered inscriptions on the latter
-decrease steadily in the fourth and third centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, revive again
-in the second and first, and decrease in the first Christian century.
-They cease almost entirely after the middle of the second century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span></p>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43">43</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>CHAPTER II.<br />
-
-<small>GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF VICTOR STATUES
-AT OLYMPIA.</small></h2>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Plates 2–7 and Figures 3–8.</span></p>
-
-<p>Only a few insignificant remnants of the forest of victor statues
-which once stood in the Altis at Olympia were unearthed by the German
-excavators. Most of these statues already in antiquity had
-been carried off to Italy,<a id="FNanchor_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">416</a> while those which escaped the spoliation
-of the Roman masters of Greece were destroyed at the hands of the
-invading hordes of barbarians in the early Dark Ages. Consequently
-only here and there in modern museums can isolated fragments of
-these originals be discovered, which have accidentally survived the
-ravages of time and man.</p>
-
-<p>In the almost complete absence of originals, therefore, we depend
-for our knowledge of them on a variety of sources. In attempting
-to reconstruct them we have two main sources of information to
-aid us, the literary and the archæological. To the former belong the
-many inscriptions found on the statue bases recovered at Olympia,
-which contain the name and native city of the victor, the athletic
-contest in which his victory was won, and frequently some account of his
-former athletic history; epigrams preserved in the Greek anthologies
-and elsewhere, some of which agree with those inscribed on the statue
-bases; more or less definite statements of scholiasts and the classical
-writers in general, especially the detailed account of the monuments of
-Olympia contained in the fifth and sixth books of the Ἑλλάδος περιήγησις
-of Pausanias, who visited the Altis during the reign of Marcus Aurelius
-Antoninus,<a id="FNanchor_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417" class="fnanchor">417</a> and also the somewhat systematic treatment of Greek
-sculptors and their works in the elder Pliny’s chapters on the History
-of Art.<a id="FNanchor_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418" class="fnanchor">418</a> To the latter source belong the remnants of statues in bronze
-and marble found at Olympia, as well as the recovered bases, on many
-of which the extant footmarks enable us to recover the pose of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44">44</a></span>
-statues which formerly stood upon them. Finally, in reconstructing
-these athlete statues, an intimate knowledge of Greek sculpture in all
-its phases and periods is essential. Here, as in the general study of
-Greek sculpture, where the destruction of originals has been almost
-complete, we are largely dependent on Roman copies which were
-executed by more or less skilled workmen, chiefly for wealthy Roman
-patrons of art who wished to use them to decorate the public buildings,
-baths, palaces, and villas of Rome and other Italian cities. A
-careful study of these copies has evolved a series of groups, which have
-been assigned with more or less probability to this or that artist.<a id="FNanchor_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">419</a>
-Representations of the various poses of the athlete statues of Olympia
-and elsewhere are found also on every sort of sculptured and painted
-works—reliefs, vases, coins, gems—which are, therefore, valuable in
-any attempt to reconstruct the attitude of a given statue.</p>
-
-<p>Taking into account all these sources of knowledge, it has been
-possible to reach tolerable certainty in reconstructing the main types
-of these victor monuments, and in identifying schools, masters, and
-individual works. This identification of athlete statues, especially
-those belonging to the fifth and fourth centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, among the
-countless Roman works which people modern museums, has already
-been achieved in many cases by archælogical investigations. The work
-of many masters of the archaic period and of the most important bronze
-sculptors of the great period of Greek art has been illustrated by such
-ascriptions; especially that of Myron, who represented figures in rhythmic
-action full of life and vigor; of the elder Polykleitos, who was a
-master in representing standing figures at rest fashioned according to a
-mathematical system of proportions; of Lysippos, who introduced a
-new canon of proportions in opposition to that of his predecessor
-Polykleitos, and who inaugurated the naturalistic tendency in Greek
-art, which was destined to he carried to such unbecoming lengths in
-succeeding centuries. The further identification of such statues, as
-our knowledge of the tendencies and traditions of the schools of Greek
-sculpture and our sources of information about athletic art become
-more and more extended, will be one of the most important tasks of
-the archæologist in the future.</p>
-
-<p>Before discussing the appearance of individual types of these monuments,
-we shall consider certain general characteristics common to all
-of them. Long ago K. O. Mueller<a id="FNanchor_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420" class="fnanchor">420</a> summed up the common features
-of victor statues in these words: <i>Kurzgelocktes Haar, tuechtige Glieder,
-eine kraeftige Ausbildung der Gestalt und verhaeltnissmaessig kleine
-Koepfe characterisiren die ganze Gattung von Figuren; die zerschlagenen
-Ohren und die hervorgetriebenen Muskeln insbesondere die Faustkaempfer<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45">45</a></span>
-und Pankratiasten.</i> Though in the main this excellent summary still
-holds good, we are now in a position to correct it in part and to add
-other equally characteristic features to it. We shall briefly discuss,
-therefore, in the light of recent investigations, certain of the characteristics
-common to this <i>genre</i> of sculpture—the material and size of
-these statues, their nudity and fashion of wearing the hair, their twofold
-division into iconic and aniconic, their proportions, and, lastly, the
-assimilation of their appearance to well-known types of hero or god.</p>
-
-<h3>SIZE OF VICTOR STATUES.</h3>
-
-<p>In another section<a id="FNanchor_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421" class="fnanchor">421</a> we show that the overwhelming majority of the
-statues in the Altis were of bronze, though other materials, stone
-and wood, were also used in some cases. As to the size of these
-statues, no hard and fast rule seems to have been followed, but
-we may assume from the evidence at hand that they were in general
-life-size.<a id="FNanchor_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">422</a> Lucian would have us believe that the Hellanodikai
-did not allow victors to set up statues larger than life.<a id="FNanchor_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423" class="fnanchor">423</a> We know,
-however, that there were exceptions to such a rule. In all probability
-the statue of Polydamas of Skotoussa by Lysippos, which Pausanias says
-stood on a high pedestal, was larger than life-size, if we may conjecture
-from its elevated position and the probable source of Pausanias’ remark
-that he “was the tallest of men, if we except the so-called heroes and
-the mortal race which preceded the heroes.”<a id="FNanchor_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">424</a> The traces of footprints
-on the recovered pedestal of the statue of the Athenian pancratiast
-Kallias by the sculptor Mikon show that the statue was larger
-than life-size.<a id="FNanchor_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425" class="fnanchor">425</a> The footprints on the base of the statue of the Rhodian
-boxer Eukles by the Argive Naukydes are about 33 cm. long, and so the
-statue was slightly over life-size.<a id="FNanchor_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">426</a> We know the actual size of at least
-two of these Olympic statues. The scholiast on Pindar, <i>Ol.</i> VII, Argum.,
-on the basis of a fragment from Aristotle’s lost work on the Olympic
-victors and one from the little-known writer Apollas Ponticus,<a id="FNanchor_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">427</a> says
-that the statue of the Rhodian boxer Diagoras was 4 cubits and 5 fingers
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46">46</a></span>tall,<a id="FNanchor_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428" class="fnanchor">428</a> <i>i. e.</i>, about 6 feet 4.5 inches, somewhat over life-size.<a id="FNanchor_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429" class="fnanchor">429</a> From
-the same scholiast we learn that the statue of the son of Diagoras,
-the pancratiast Damagetos, was 4 cubits high, or less than that of
-the father by 5 fingers, and consequently just under 6 feet.<a id="FNanchor_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430" class="fnanchor">430</a> The
-footprints on the base of the statue of the boxer Aristion by the elder
-Polykleitos are 29 cm. long, and so the statue was just life-size.<a id="FNanchor_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">431</a> There
-are several examples of such life-size statues,<a id="FNanchor_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432" class="fnanchor">432</a> while others are slightly
-below life-size.<a id="FNanchor_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">433</a> The Polykleitan statue of a boxer in Kassel is under
-life-size.<a id="FNanchor_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">434</a> The marble head of a statue found at Olympia, which we
-ascribe to Philandridas, the Akarnanian pancratiast, by Lysippos,
-(Frontispiece and Fig. <a href="#f69">69</a>) is also under life-size,<a id="FNanchor_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435" class="fnanchor">435</a> as is also that of the
-pancratiast Agias found at Delphi (Pl. <a href="#p27">27</a> and Fig. <a href="#f68">68</a>). These two are
-in harmony with Pliny’s statement that Lysippos made the heads of
-his statues relatively small.<a id="FNanchor_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436" class="fnanchor">436</a> Perhaps this statement of Pliny was
-the basis of the opinion of Mueller recorded above that “comparatively
-small heads” characterize the whole <i>genre</i> of victor statues.
-We have in the preceding chapter mentioned the marble fragments
-of the statues of boy victors, two-fifths to two-thirds life-size, found at
-Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437" class="fnanchor">437</a> The two marble helmeted heads of the archaic period
-found there, which we shall later ascribe to hoplite victors (Fig. <a href="#f30">30</a>),
-are exactly life-size.<a id="FNanchor_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">438</a> Of the bronze fragments recovered at Olympia,<a id="FNanchor_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439" class="fnanchor">439</a>
-the head of a boxer of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> (Fig. <a href="#f61">61</a>, A and B)
-is life-size,<a id="FNanchor_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">440</a> while the extraordinarily beautifully sculptured right arm
-ascribed to a boy victor by Furtwaengler<a id="FNanchor_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">441</a> is a little under life-size.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47">47</a></span></p>
-
-<h3>NUDITY OF VICTOR STATUES.</h3>
-
-<p>Most of the victor statues at Olympia were nude.<a id="FNanchor_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">442</a> In the early
-period all athletes wore the loin-cloth. Cretan frescoes show it was
-the custom in the early Mediterranean world. The athletes of Homer
-girded themselves on entering the games of Patroklos,<a id="FNanchor_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">443</a> and the girdle
-appears in the earliest athletic scenes on vases.<a id="FNanchor_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">444</a> Throughout the historic
-period, however, the Greeks entered their contests in complete nudity,
-and this nudity naturally was carried over into athletic sculpture.
-Pliny’s<a id="FNanchor_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">445</a> statement, <i>Graeca res nihil velare</i>, is, therefore, correct, despite
-another of Philostratos to the effect that at Delphi, at the Isthmus,
-and everywhere except at Olympia, the athlete wore the coarse mantle.<a id="FNanchor_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446" class="fnanchor">446</a>
-The beginning of the change from wearing the loin-cloth to
-complete nudity was ascribed to an accident. The Megarian runner
-Orsippos in the 15th Ol. (&#8239;=&#8239;720 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>) dropped his loin-cloth
-while running, either accidentally or because it impeded him.<a id="FNanchor_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">447</a> The
-story was commemorated by an epigram, perhaps by Simonides,
-which was inscribed on his tomb at Megara.<a id="FNanchor_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448" class="fnanchor">448</a> A copy of this epigram
-in the Megarian dialect, executed in late Roman or Byzantine times,
-when the original had become illegible, was discovered at Megara in
-1769 and shows that its original was the source of Pausanias’ remarks.<a id="FNanchor_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">449</a>
-Philostratos says that athletes contended nude at Olympia, either because
-of the summer heat or a mishap which befell the woman Pherenike
-of Rhodes. She accompanied her son, the boy boxer Peisirhodos,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48">48</a></span>
-to Olympia disguised as a trainer, and in her joy at his victory she
-leaped over the barrier and disclosed her sex.<a id="FNanchor_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450" class="fnanchor">450</a> The practice does not
-appear to have become universal with all athletes in all the competitions
-at Olympia until some time after Orsippos’ day, since
-Thukydides says the abandonment of the girdle took place shortly
-before his time and that in his day it was still retained by certain foreigners,
-notably Asiatics, in boxing and wrestling matches.<a id="FNanchor_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">451</a> The
-change is not illustrated in sculpture. The earliest victor statues,
-<i>i. e.</i>, those of the “Apollo” type, are all nude. The nudity of this
-type shows an essential difference between Greek and foreigner and
-also between the later Greek and his rude ancestor. Plato gives the
-use of the loin-cloth as an example of convention, by which what
-seems peculiar to one generation becomes usual to another.<a id="FNanchor_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452" class="fnanchor">452</a> We see
-the change, however, in vase-paintings. The loin-cloth is common
-on seventh-century vases, but is gradually left off in later ones.</p>
-
-<p>There were exceptions to the rule of nudity. Statues of charioteers
-were usually partly or wholly dressed in the long chiton, a custom
-explained in various ways.<a id="FNanchor_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">453</a> The Delphi bronze <i>Charioteer</i> (Fig. <a href="#f66">66</a>)
-is a good example of a draped one. Another <i>auriga</i> almost nude
-is shown on a decadrachm of Akragas in the British Museum, dating
-from the end of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454" class="fnanchor">454</a> There are also several examples
-of nude charioteers.<a id="FNanchor_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">455</a> The Olympic runners and athletes
-generally were also bareheaded and barefoot. The only exceptions
-were the hoplite-runners, who wore helmets, and possibly charioteers,
-who wore sandals.<a id="FNanchor_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456" class="fnanchor">456</a> Statues of women victors also were draped.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49">49</a></span>
-Though Ionian women could witness games,<a id="FNanchor_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457" class="fnanchor">457</a> and Spartan girls took
-part in athletic contests with boys,<a id="FNanchor_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458" class="fnanchor">458</a> women were rigorously excluded
-from crossing the Alpheios during the festival at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">459</a> They
-were allowed, however, to enter horses for the chariot-race and, if
-victorious, to set up monuments.<a id="FNanchor_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460" class="fnanchor">460</a> Only one woman was allowed to
-witness the games, the priestess of the old earth cult of Demeter
-Chamyne, who could sit at the altar in the stadion during the contests.<a id="FNanchor_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461" class="fnanchor">461</a>
-Pausanias notes but one exception of a woman infringing the rule of
-admission, Pherenike, the mother of the Rhodian victor Peisirhodos
-already mentioned. She was pardoned because her father, brothers,
-and son were victors, but the umpires passed a law that thereafter
-even trainers should be nude.<a id="FNanchor_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462" class="fnanchor">462</a> While excluded from the games proper,
-women had their own festival at Olympia in honor of Hera, which
-was known as the <i>Heraia</i>. These games occurred every four years<a id="FNanchor_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463" class="fnanchor">463</a>
-and included a foot-race between virgins, in which the course
-was one-sixth less than the stadion. The victress received an olive
-crown and also a share of the cow sacrificed to Hera, and was
-allowed to set up a painted picture of herself in the Heraion.<a id="FNanchor_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464" class="fnanchor">464</a>
-It has been generally assumed that the statue of a girl runner in
-the Galleria dei Candelabri of the Vatican represents one of these
-victresses (Plate 2),<a id="FNanchor_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465" class="fnanchor">465</a> since Pausanias says they ran with their hair<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50">50</a></span>
-down and wore a tunic which reached to just above the knees,
-leaving the right shoulder bare to the breast. That the statue represents
-a girl runner seems certain,<a id="FNanchor_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466" class="fnanchor">466</a> but that it can be referred
-to one of the Olympic girl victresses is doubtful. The description of
-Pausanias fits it in many respects, except that the chiton of the
-statue is too short, and he does not mention the girdle just below the
-bosom. Furthermore, he does not mention statues of girl victresses,
-but only pictures. Nothing can be argued from the palm-branch on
-the tree-stump, except that the Roman copyist thought it the statue
-of a victress. It does not necessarily refer to a victress at Olympia,
-for Pausanias elsewhere says that the palm-branch was given at many
-contests.<a id="FNanchor_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467" class="fnanchor">467</a> The statue represents a young girl leaning forward awaiting
-the signal to start,<a id="FNanchor_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">468</a> but it is impossible to say to what games we should
-refer it. There were girls’ contests in and out of Greece—such as at
-the <i>Dionysia</i> in Sparta<a id="FNanchor_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469" class="fnanchor">469</a> and in her colony Kyrene.<a id="FNanchor_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470" class="fnanchor">470</a> Such games were
-also held in the stadion of Domitian at Rome.<a id="FNanchor_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471" class="fnanchor">471</a> In fact the Palatine
-estate of the Barberini, from whom the Vatican acquired the statue,
-embraced the area of the old stadion of Domitian on the Palatine.
-It is probably of Doric workmanship, as it certainly represents a Dorian
-victress, though not necessarily by a Peloponnesian sculptor.<a id="FNanchor_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472" class="fnanchor">472</a></p>
-
-<h3>THE ATHLETIC HAIR-FASHION.</h3>
-
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 2</p><a id="p2"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp050.jpg" width="500" height="853" alt="Marble Statue of a Girl Runner." />
-<div class="caption">Marble Statue of a Girl Runner. Vatican Museum, Rome.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The assumption long held that short hair was always characteristic
-of the athlete is incorrect.<a id="FNanchor_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473" class="fnanchor">473</a> It is controverted equally by literary
-evidence and by the monuments. The Homeric Greek took pride in
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51">51</a></span>his long hair,<a id="FNanchor_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474" class="fnanchor">474</a> and doubtless the contestants at the games of Patroklos
-in the Iliad had long hair. Long hair was worn by some Athenians
-throughout Athenian history. From the end of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,
-long hair was regarded as a mark of effeminacy<a id="FNanchor_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475" class="fnanchor">475</a> and was regularly
-worn only by the knights.<a id="FNanchor_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476" class="fnanchor">476</a> Short hair was worn as a sign of mourning
-in Athens from early days down.<a id="FNanchor_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477" class="fnanchor">477</a> Only the slaves regularly wore
-very short hair in the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478" class="fnanchor">478</a> The change to short hair
-in Athens was certainly due to the influence of the palæstra and to
-athletics in general.<a id="FNanchor_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479" class="fnanchor">479</a> We see just the opposite custom in vogue in
-Sparta. There, according to the code of Lykourgos,<a id="FNanchor_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480" class="fnanchor">480</a> men were compelled
-to wear long hair and children short hair. Thus the heroes of
-Leonidas entered the battle of Thermopylæ after combing their long
-locks.<a id="FNanchor_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481" class="fnanchor">481</a> After the Persian wars only children and men with laconizing
-or aristocratic sympathies<a id="FNanchor_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482" class="fnanchor">482</a> wore their hair long at Athens. When
-boys arrived at the age of ἔφηβοι, they had their hair cut at the feast
-of the οἰνιστήρια<a id="FNanchor_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483" class="fnanchor">483</a> and dedicated it to a god.<a id="FNanchor_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484" class="fnanchor">484</a> Soon after the Persian
-war period, athletes wore their hair short. Before that time, the
-wearing of long hair had already been discarded for obvious reasons in
-wrestling.<a id="FNanchor_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485" class="fnanchor">485</a> Similarly, in boxing and the pankration long hair was
-in the way, and was therefore early braided into two long plaits
-which were wound around the head in a peculiar way and tied into a
-knot at the top, the so-called Attic κρωβύλος, the oftenest mentioned
-manner of dressing the hair in Greek literature.<a id="FNanchor_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486" class="fnanchor">486</a> The oldest notice<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52">52</a></span>
-of this style of wearing the hair is found in a fragment of Asios.<a id="FNanchor_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487" class="fnanchor">487</a> Herakleides
-Ponticus<a id="FNanchor_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488" class="fnanchor">488</a> says it was used up to the time of the Persian wars.
-The <i>locus classicus</i> is in Thukydides, who says it was worn in his day by
-old people only.<a id="FNanchor_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489" class="fnanchor">489</a> Earlier young men wore it,<a id="FNanchor_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490" class="fnanchor">490</a> but it went out of fashion
-between 470 and 460 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> In this connection we should mention
-that the professional athlete under the Roman Empire wore his
-hair uncut and tied up in an unsightly topknot known as the <i>cirrus</i>.<a id="FNanchor_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491" class="fnanchor">491</a></p>
-
-<p>The monumental evidence bears out the literary. Thus, on old
-Corinthian clay tablets freemen are represented with long hair, while
-slaves have short hair.<a id="FNanchor_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492" class="fnanchor">492</a> Hydrias from Caere (Cerveteri) and paintings
-from Klazomenai show that the Ionians wore their hair short for the
-first time in the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, the custom not becoming general
-until the fifth. Older Spartan monuments represent the hair long.<a id="FNanchor_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493" class="fnanchor">493</a>
-Attic vases show long hair on men until the second half of the sixth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, when the black-figured vase masters began to represent
-them with short hair, a custom becoming general in the first half of the
-fifth. In statuary the <i>Diskobolos</i> of Myron (Pls. 21, 26, and Figs. 34, 35)
-has short hair, and most statues of athletes before it have long hair,
-while most after it have short. Before the time of the <i>Diskobolos</i>, b.-f.
-and early r.-f. vase-painters often represented athletes with braided hair
-in the fashion of the warriors on the Aegina pediments. When short
-hair began to be used on athlete statues, these older braids were often
-replaced by victor bands.<a id="FNanchor_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494" class="fnanchor">494</a> We may roughly summarize by saying
-that statues before the date of the <i>Diskobolos</i> which do not have long
-hair are probably those of athletes and not of gods, and, in any case,
-if they have braids bound up in the fashion of the κρωβύλος, they are
-almost always statues of athletes.<a id="FNanchor_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495" class="fnanchor">495</a> As for short hair on representations
-of gods, Furtwaengler has shown that it appears only after the
-middle of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">496</a> Prior to that date the hair of divinities
-fell over the neck and shoulders in curls, as in the statue of the
-<i>Olympian Zeus</i> by Pheidias. By the time of Perikles, however, short
-curly hair reached only to the nape of the neck on statues of Zeus,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53">53</a></span>
-and this style frequently appears on figures of the god on Attic vases
-of that period. Dionysos has short hair for the first time on the
-Parthenon frieze.<a id="FNanchor_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497" class="fnanchor">497</a> Furtwaengler has shown that Pheidias did not
-invent the short bound-up hair for goddess types, as we see it in
-the <i>Lemnian Athena</i>, but that he borrowed it from works already
-in existence.<a id="FNanchor_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498" class="fnanchor">498</a> Though the style was unknown in the archaic period,
-it appears on helmeted heads of Athena of the early fifth century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> showing Peloponnesian style—on coins, statuettes, reliefs, etc.
-It appears in Attic art exclusively on bareheaded types of Athena
-of the period just prior to that of the <i>Lemnia</i>.</p>
-
-<p>Bulle<a id="FNanchor_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499" class="fnanchor">499</a> has gone carefully into the technique of the hair by different
-Greek artists. In archaic times this was “<i>ein, man darf sagen, unmoegliches
-Problem</i>.” The primitive means at the disposal of the
-early artist made it impossible to render the hair naturally and hence
-it was conventionalized. Two styles arose in archaic times, which
-endured with modifications all through Greek art. The one was
-the pictorial (<i>malerisch</i>), where only the general appearance of the
-hair was represented, the merest necessary plastic form being added.<a id="FNanchor_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_500" class="fnanchor">500</a>
-Painting here helped the shortcomings of the sculptor to some extent.
-The second style was the plastic (<i>plastisch</i>), where individual locks
-were attempted. The plastic use of light and shade made the use of
-color now less necessary. Such examples as the <i>Korai</i> of the Akropolis
-Museum and the Rampin head in the Louvre show the difficulty which
-the early artist encountered in representing hair plastically. In the
-Rampin head<a id="FNanchor_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_501" class="fnanchor">501</a> we see examples of three sorts of plastic hair treatment:
-the pearl-string (<i>Perlschnuerre</i>) on the neck, grained hair (<i>Koerner</i>) in
-the beard, and snail-volutes (<i>geperlte Schnecken</i>) on the forehead. None
-of the three seems to belong integrally to the head, but each appears
-to have been pasted on. The pearl-string fashion was first used in
-the soft <i>poros</i> stone and was only later successfully transferred to
-marble. During the severe style of Greek sculpture, both fashions,
-pictorial and plastic, were used, as we see them in the pediment
-groups from the temple of Zeus at Olympia. In the period of Pheidias
-the plastic treatment was used almost exclusively, as we see in
-the <i>Lemnian Athena</i>. In the next century impressionism came in,
-though the plastic treatment still continued, for we see it in the
-bronze work of Lysippos and the marble work of Praxiteles. The
-old pictorial treatment was revived again in the later Hellenistic age.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54">54</a></span></p>
-
-<h3>ICONIC AND ANICONIC STATUES.</h3>
-
-<p>In a well-known passage Pliny says that “the ancients did not make
-any statue of individuals unless they deserved immortality by some
-distinction, originally by a victory at some sacred games, especially
-those of Olympia, where it was the custom to dedicate statues of all
-those who had conquered, and portrait statues if they had conquered
-three times. These are called iconic.”<a id="FNanchor_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_502" class="fnanchor">502</a> Many solutions of this passage
-have been offered. Older commentators, as Hirt and Visconti,<a id="FNanchor_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_503" class="fnanchor">503</a>
-interpreted Pliny’s word <i>iconicas</i> as life-size statues. Scherer, however,
-easily refuted this idea and showed that the adjective εἰκονικός,
-though ambiguous in its meaning, had nothing to do with size, but
-referred rather to an individual as opposed to a typical sense in relation
-to statuary. In his explanation he referred to the words of Lessing
-in the <i>Laokoön</i>: <i>es ist das Ideal eines gewissen Menschen, nicht das
-Ideal eines Menschen ueberhaupt</i>.<a id="FNanchor_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_504" class="fnanchor">504</a> Nowadays all scholars agree that
-Pliny’s word refers to portrait statues.<a id="FNanchor_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_505" class="fnanchor">505</a> However, Pliny’s dictum
-about the right of setting up portrait statues is certainly open to doubt.<a id="FNanchor_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_506" class="fnanchor">506</a>
-It can not have been true of monuments erected before the fourth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, when portrait statues were rare. Portraiture was a
-form of realism and was a product of the later period of Greek art—especially
-after the time of Lysippos. In the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>
-we find one well-attested exception to Pliny’s rule. The discovered
-inscription from the base of a monument erected to the horse-racer
-Xenombrotos of Cos,<a id="FNanchor_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_507" class="fnanchor">507</a> reads (fifth line): τοῖ[ος], ὁποῖο[ν] ὁ[ρ]ᾷς Ξεινόμβροτο[ς].
-These words indubitably point to a portrait statue. However,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55">55</a></span>
-neither the recovered epigram nor Pausanias indicates anything about
-this victor being a τρισολυμπιονίκης, and consequently he appears
-not to have merited a portrait statue.<a id="FNanchor_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_508" class="fnanchor">508</a> Pliny’s statement can be
-explained in many ways: it may be apocryphal, or different usages
-may have fitted different periods; or the rule may have held good only
-for gymnic victors and not for equestrian ones, which, being strictly
-votive in character, may not have been restricted to its operation.<a id="FNanchor_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_509" class="fnanchor">509</a></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Portrait Statues.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Pausanias mentions the monuments of several victors at Olympia
-who were entitled to portrait statues on the strength of Pliny’s rule,
-though we have no indication that they were so honored. Thus he
-mentions the statues of Dikon,<a id="FNanchor_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_510" class="fnanchor">510</a> Sostratos,<a id="FNanchor_511"></a><a href="#Footnote_511" class="fnanchor">511</a> Philinos,<a id="FNanchor_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512" class="fnanchor">512</a> and Gorgos.<a id="FNanchor_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_513" class="fnanchor">513</a>
-The early fifth-century boxer Euthymos<a id="FNanchor_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_514" class="fnanchor">514</a> also won three victories, but
-at a time before we should expect a portrait statue. The Periegete also
-mentions several victors who won three or more times, though he does
-not say that they had any statues, portrait or otherwise.<a id="FNanchor_515"></a><a href="#Footnote_515" class="fnanchor">515</a> Percy Gardner<a id="FNanchor_516"></a><a href="#Footnote_516" class="fnanchor">516</a>
-has shown how erroneous is the prevailing view that the Greeks
-neglected portraiture in their art and left it for the Romans to develop.
-He shows that Greek artists of the third and second centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>
-left a great many portraits of the highest artistic value and that portraits
-of Romans before the time of Augustus, and the best Roman
-examples during the Empire, were made by Greek sculptors. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56">56</a></span>
-number of Greek portraits in our museums, especially in Rome, is
-very great.<a id="FNanchor_517"></a><a href="#Footnote_517" class="fnanchor">517</a> From archaic times down to the middle of the fifth century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> we should not expect portraiture. In the earlier period,
-therefore, it is difficult to distinguish between statues of gods and those
-of men. In the great period of Greek art, from the time of Perikles
-on to that of Alexander, the general tendency of Greek sculpture was
-so ideal that portraits, when they existed, seem impersonal. The
-later copyists of portraits also idealized them. Thus Pliny, in speaking
-of Kresilas’ portrait of Perikles, says that this artist <i>nobiles viros
-nobiliores fecit</i>—in other words, that he idealized them.<a id="FNanchor_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_518" class="fnanchor">518</a> The portraits
-of Alexander were especially idealized. In the first half of the
-fourth century we first hear of realistic portraiture. Thus Demetrios,
-who flourished 380–360 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,<a id="FNanchor_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">519</a> made a “very beautiful” statue of a
-Corinthian general named Pelichos, which Lucian<a id="FNanchor_520"></a><a href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">520</a> says had a fat
-belly, bald head, hair floating in the wind, and prominent veins, “like
-the man himself.”<a id="FNanchor_521"></a><a href="#Footnote_521" class="fnanchor">521</a> Except for the hair this description by the satirist
-seems to have been correct. At the end of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> anatomical
-detail began to be shown in sculpture. Largely under the influence
-of Lysippos, the personality of victors began to be emphasized
-in figure and face in a very realistic way. We can distinguish between
-such portraits of victors before and after the time of Lysippos.<a id="FNanchor_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_522" class="fnanchor">522</a> Pliny<a id="FNanchor_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_523" class="fnanchor">523</a>
-says that Lysistratos, the brother of Lysippos, was the first to obtain
-portraits by making a plaster mould on the features and so to render
-likenesses exactly, as “previous artists had only tried to make them as
-beautiful as possible.” In any case, by the time of Lysippos realistic
-portraiture began to be emphasized. We see it at Olympia in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57">57</a></span>
-later bronze pancratiast’s head found there (Fig. <a href="#f61">61</a>, A and B), and
-in a still more revolting style in the <i>Seated Boxer</i> of the Museo delle
-Terme (Pl. <a href="#p16">16</a>, and Fig. <a href="#f27">27</a>).</p>
-
-<p>The reason why the privilege of erecting portrait statues was given
-so seldom to Olympic victors was probably not because it was a highly
-esteemed honor. The real reason seems to have been that portraiture,
-with its tendency to realism, subordinated beauty to that realism and
-so conflicted with the Greek artistic ideal. The Thebans had a law
-which forbade caricature and commanded artists to make their
-statues more beautiful than the models. The Greeks worshiped
-beauty and hated ugliness. Many games in Greece were held in honor
-of personal beauty. Thus a contest of manly beauty among old men
-(ἀγὼν εὐανδρίας) was a part of the Panathenaic games at Athens.<a id="FNanchor_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_524" class="fnanchor">524</a>
-A contest of beauty among women, originating in the time of
-Kypselos, king of Arkadia, was kept up until the time of Athenæus.<a id="FNanchor_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_525" class="fnanchor">525</a>
-We hear of contests of beauty in Elis, at which three prizes were
-given,<a id="FNanchor_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_526" class="fnanchor">526</a> and of similar ones on the islands of Tenedos and Lesbos.<a id="FNanchor_527"></a><a href="#Footnote_527" class="fnanchor">527</a>
-The Crotonian Philippos, who won at Olympia in an unknown contest
-about 520 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, was honored after his death by the people of Egesta
-with a <i>heroön</i> and sacrifices because of his beauty.<a id="FNanchor_528"></a><a href="#Footnote_528" class="fnanchor">528</a> At Tanagra, in
-Bœotia, the most beautiful ephebe was chosen to carry a ram on his
-shoulders around the city wall at the festival of Hermes Kriophoros.<a id="FNanchor_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_529" class="fnanchor">529</a>
-At Aigion in Achaia the most beautiful boy was anciently chosen to
-be priest of Zeus.<a id="FNanchor_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530" class="fnanchor">530</a> The most beautiful youths among the Spartans
-and Cretans dedicated offerings to Eros before battle.<a id="FNanchor_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_531" class="fnanchor">531</a> These and
-similar examples show the Greek feeling for beauty. The representation
-of passion and violence was foreign to the spirit of the best Greek
-art; it was rather the “quiet grandeur” (<i>Stille Groesse</i>) or “repose,”
-of which Winckelmann made so much, that was characteristic of that
-art. In Homer both men and gods, when wounded, shriek. Philoktetes,
-in the drama of Sophokles, wails throughout a whole act, when
-suffering from a gangrened foot. With the poets Zeus casts his thunderbolt
-in anger, but Pheidias has him hold it quietly in his hand. So we
-can see why portrait statues were rare at Olympia, where the representation
-of manly beauty and vigor was the rule. They were ruled out,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58">58</a></span>
-not because of their increasing the honor accorded to the victor, but
-rather because they honored his egotism.<a id="FNanchor_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_532" class="fnanchor">532</a></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Aniconic Statues.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Accordingly, since only victors who had won three or more contests
-at Olympia could set up iconic statues, the great majority of statues
-there represented some ideal type of common applicability, in which
-there was no attempt to show the individual features of this or that
-victor, but rather the typical athlete of muscular build. The older
-statues were merely variations of a few types which were held to be
-appropriate to the purpose. In process of time these few types in their
-treatment of details gradually approached truth to nature; this was
-especially characteristic of the Peloponnesian schools, which adopted
-the <i>Doryphoros</i> of Polykleitos as their norm of proportions. Statues
-of victors were the stock subject of the closely related schools of Argos
-and Sikyon.<a id="FNanchor_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_533" class="fnanchor">533</a> Doubtless, as E. A. Gardner says,<a id="FNanchor_534"></a><a href="#Footnote_534" class="fnanchor">534</a> there existed at
-Olympia itself a school of subordinate artists, who filled the regular
-demand for victor statues. However, some of these statues, especially
-those of the fifth and fourth centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, as we see them in originals
-and in Roman copies, and read the æsthetic judgments of them in
-Greek writers, were real works of art.</p>
-
-<h3>ÆSTHETIC JUDGMENTS OF CLASSICAL WRITERS.</h3>
-
-<p>The literary evidence for Greek sculpture is, for the most part, very
-unsatisfactory. Though classical writers were uncritical and not fond
-of analysis, still they have left us some useful opinions about works of
-sculpture and painting. The history and criticism of sculpture began
-in Greece, in the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, with the Peripatetics. Aristotle,
-whose observations on painting and sculpture were slight, did not despise
-the “mimetic” arts as did the Socrates of Plato.<a id="FNanchor_535"></a><a href="#Footnote_535" class="fnanchor">535</a> In the <i>Rhetoric</i><a id="FNanchor_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_536" class="fnanchor">536</a>
-he speaks of the beautiful bodies of youths who trained as pentathletes,
-since the varied exercises of the pentathlon made them so. We have a
-similar opinion expressed by Xenophon in what is, perhaps, the most<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59">59</a></span>
-interesting passage in Greek literature on criticism of art.<a id="FNanchor_537"></a><a href="#Footnote_537" class="fnanchor">537</a> He has
-Sokrates go to the sculptor Kleito and compliment him on his power of
-representing different physical types produced by various contests,
-noting differences between statues of runners and wrestlers and between
-those of boxers and pancratiasts. When asked how he makes statues
-lifelike, Kleito has no answer, and the philosopher says it is by the imitation
-of real men, <i>i. e.</i>, nature. He adds: “Must you not then imitate
-the threatening eyes of those who are fighting and the triumphant
-expression of those who are victorious?” Though some have thought
-that these words refer to portrait statues, which were spoken of as a
-matter of course at the beginning of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, it is more
-reasonable to suspect that Sokrates was speaking of the older sculptors—for
-we may recognize Polykleitos in Kleito<a id="FNanchor_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_538" class="fnanchor">538</a>—and consequently that
-he is not referring to portraiture. In the <i>Symposium</i> of Xenophon<a id="FNanchor_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_539" class="fnanchor">539</a>
-Sokrates also complains that the long-distance runners (δολιχοδρόμοι)
-have thick legs and narrow shoulders, while boxers have broad shoulders
-and small legs, and he therefore recommends dancing as a better
-exercise than athletics. As such differences in physique occur in vase-paintings
-of the date, but not in statuary, the philosopher seems to be
-speaking of athletics and not of sculpture. From these quotations
-of Aristotle and Xenophon, we gather that the all-round development
-of the pentathlon made beautiful athletes, and this beauty must have
-been carried over into their statues. It is essentially the young man’s
-contest,<a id="FNanchor_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_540" class="fnanchor">540</a> and some of the pentathlete victors at Olympia and elsewhere
-were noted for their strength in after life. Thus Ikkos of Tarentum,
-who won at Olympia in Ol. 76 (&#8239;=&#8239;476 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), was the best teacher of
-gymnastics of his day.<a id="FNanchor_541"></a><a href="#Footnote_541" class="fnanchor">541</a> Gorgos of Elis was the only athlete to win
-the pentathlon four times at Olympia, besides winning in two running
-races.<a id="FNanchor_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_542" class="fnanchor">542</a> Another Elean, Stomios, who won three prizes at Olympia and
-Nemea, later became a leader of cavalry and beat his enemy in single
-combat.<a id="FNanchor_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_543" class="fnanchor">543</a> The Argive Eurybates, victor in the pentathlon at Nemea,
-was very strong, and later, in a battle with the Aeginetans, killed three
-opponents in single combats, but succumbed to the fourth.<a id="FNanchor_544"></a><a href="#Footnote_544" class="fnanchor">544</a> The Spar<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60">60</a></span>tans
-and Krotonians seem to have been the best pentathletes.<a id="FNanchor_545"></a><a href="#Footnote_545" class="fnanchor">545</a> Noted
-sculptors made statues of these athletes.<a id="FNanchor_546"></a><a href="#Footnote_546" class="fnanchor">546</a> Plato, in the <i>de Leg.</i>,<a id="FNanchor_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_547" class="fnanchor">547</a> has the
-Athenian stranger praise Egyptian art because of its stationary character.
-This bespeaks but little artistic insight for the philosopher,
-though he was surrounded by the wonderful artistic creations of the end
-of the great fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> The later classical writers were fond of
-expressing criticisms of art. Thus Pasiteles, a Greek sculptor living in
-Rome in the first century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, wrote five books on celebrated works of
-art throughout the world.<a id="FNanchor_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_548" class="fnanchor">548</a> The opinions on art of the Roman Varro
-appear in the pages of Pliny.<a id="FNanchor_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_549" class="fnanchor">549</a> Of all the ancient critics, Cicero was
-perhaps the most superficial. In a passage in the <i>Brutus</i><a id="FNanchor_550"></a><a href="#Footnote_550" class="fnanchor">550</a> he gives
-us his judgment of several sculptors. He finds the works of Kanachos
-too rigid to imitate nature truthfully, while those of Kalamis, though
-softer than those of Kanachos, are hard; Myron, though not completely
-faithful to nature, produced beautiful works and Polykleitos was
-quite perfect. The most trustworthy critic of sculpture in antiquity,
-on the other hand, was certainly Lucian, as we see from many of his
-utterances, especially from his account of an ideal statue, which combined
-the highest excellences of several noted sculptures.<a id="FNanchor_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_551" class="fnanchor">551</a> His criticism
-of Hegias, Kritios, and Nesiotes, to the effect that their works were
-“concise, sinewy, hard, and exactly strained in their lines,” might have
-been made in the presence of the group of the <i>Tyrannicides</i> (Fig. <a href="#f32">32</a>).<a id="FNanchor_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_552" class="fnanchor">552</a>
-Unfortunately he touches the subject only casually, though he might
-have written a fine history of Greek art. We must also refer to two
-other imperial writers, the elder Pliny and Pausanias. Pliny’s abstracts
-on art, though our chief ancient literary authority on Greek sculpture
-and painting, are neither critical nor trustworthy. A careful analysis
-of his chapters shows that he was a borrower many times removed,
-though he seldom acknowledged it. This is excusable when we consider
-the custom of literary borrowing in antiquity and also the fact
-that his chapters on art form merely an appendix to his <i>Natural History</i>,
-being joined on to it by a very artificial bond, for his abstract on
-bronze statuary (Bk. XXXIV) is brought in merely to complete his
-account of the metals. His knowledge of the older periods of Greek<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61">61</a></span>
-art is small and his bias in favor of the two Sikyonian sculptors
-Lysippos and Xenokrates is very evident. His worst mistakes are in
-chronology. He puts Pythagoras after Myron, and both after Polykleitos,
-while Hagelaïdas, who is made the teacher of Myron and
-Polykleitos, lives on to the beginning of the Peloponnesian war.
-His real criticism of sculpture is seen in his dictum of the <i>Laokoön</i>
-group, that it is a “work superior to all the pictures and bronzes of
-the world.”<a id="FNanchor_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_553" class="fnanchor">553</a> Our debt to Pausanias, especially for our knowledge
-of the victor monuments at Olympia, is immense. This debt may
-be gauged by the fact that he mentions in his work many times more
-statues than any other writer and that a large portion of the <i>Schriftquellen</i>
-of Overbeck is concerned with him. However, he shows little
-real understanding for art. His interest in statues is confined almost
-entirely to those which are noted for their antiquity or sanctity, and
-his account of them is usually the pivot around which he spins religious
-or mythological stories. Throughout his work his chief interest is
-religious; his interest in art for its own sake is very small. He devotes
-many pages to the throne of Zeus at Olympia, and describes the temple
-sculptures merely because the statue of Zeus is within. His detailed
-account of the athlete statues in the Altis is made chiefly because of
-his religious and antiquarian interest. Though imitating the style of
-Herodotos, he does it badly, so that his book is without much charm.
-In concluding this rough estimate of the ancient criticism of art, we
-might mention the fragmentary information to be gathered from many
-other writers, Dio Chrysostom, Quintilian,<a id="FNanchor_554"></a><a href="#Footnote_554" class="fnanchor">554</a> Plutarch, and others,
-whose names occur frequently in the footnotes. All such references
-to works of art in ancient writers are conveniently collected in the
-great compilation of Overbeck so often quoted.<a id="FNanchor_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_555" class="fnanchor">555</a></p>
-
-<p>As for æsthetic judgments of the statues of victors at Olympia we
-have a few direct hints from different writers. The epigram from the
-base of the statue of the boy wrestler Theognetos by Ptolichos of
-Aegina reads in part: Κάλλιστον μὲν ἰδεῖν, ἀθλεῖν δ’ οὐ χείρονα μόρ[φης].<a id="FNanchor_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_556" class="fnanchor">556</a>
-Pliny says of the sculptor Mikon, who made the statue of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62">62</a></span>
-Athenian pancratiast Kallias: <i>Micon athletis spectatur</i>.<a id="FNanchor_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_557" class="fnanchor">557</a> The same
-writer says of the horses of Kalamis: <i>equis sine aemulo expressis</i>.<a id="FNanchor_558"></a><a href="#Footnote_558" class="fnanchor">558</a>
-Kalamis with Onatas of Aegina made a chariot-group for the Syracusan
-king Hiero.<a id="FNanchor_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_559" class="fnanchor">559</a> Pausanias, in mentioning the statue of the boxer
-Euthymos by Pythagoras, says that it is καὶ θέας ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἄξιος.<a id="FNanchor_560"></a><a href="#Footnote_560" class="fnanchor">560</a>
-In mentioning the statue by the same sculptor of the wrestler Leontiskos,
-he says: εἴπερ τις καὶ ἄλλος ἀγαθὸς τὰ ἐς πλαστικήν.<a id="FNanchor_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_561" class="fnanchor">561</a> Of the
-Argive sculptor Naukydes he says, when speaking of the statue of the
-wrestler Cheimon, that it is among the finest works of that artist.<a id="FNanchor_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_562" class="fnanchor">562</a>
-In another passage, in which he describes the dedication of Phormis
-at Olympia, he speaks of an ugly horse, which, besides being smaller
-than other sculptured horses in the Altis, has “its tail cut off, and this
-makes it still uglier.”<a id="FNanchor_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_563" class="fnanchor">563</a> However, here he is not so much interested in
-its lack of beauty as in the curious fact which he adds, that despite
-its ugliness this bronze mare attracted stallions.</p>
-
-<h3>GREEK ORIGINALS OF VICTOR STATUES.</h3>
-
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 3</p><a id="p3"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp062.jpg" width="500" height="755" alt="Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor." />
-<div class="caption">Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor. Glyptothek, Munich.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>We are not, however, dependent upon such meagre scraps of evidence
-from classical writers, nor upon contested Roman copies,<a id="FNanchor_564"></a><a href="#Footnote_564" class="fnanchor">564</a> for an idea
-of the workmanship of some of the Olympic victor statues. We can
-judge it in no uncertain way by the few originals found at Olympia
-and by others which are to be found in European museums. As
-an example of the former we have only to recall the life-size bronze
-bearded head of a boxer or pancratiast of the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,
-which is now in the National Museum at Athens<a id="FNanchor_565"></a><a href="#Footnote_565" class="fnanchor">565</a> (Fig. <a href="#f61">61</a>, A and B).
-Its only decoration, an olive crown whose leaves have disappeared,
-proves it to be from the statue of a victor, and its wild locks, brutal
-look, flattened nose, and wide mouth represent a naturalistic study of
-the utmost strength and fineness, which could only have been produced
-after the time of Lysippos. We shall discuss this remarkable
-head more fully in Chapter IV. As examples of original victor
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63">63</a></span>
-monuments in European museums we shall mention three. The bronze
-head of a boxer in the Glyptothek at Munich (Pl. <a href="#p3">3</a>) is an original of
-the first rank.<a id="FNanchor_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_566" class="fnanchor">566</a> It is from a statue found near Naples in 1730, which
-was later destroyed, and it probably represents the head of a boy of
-about twelve years, a victor in boxing, to judge from the victor band
-in the hair and the fact that the visible part of the right ear is swollen.
-Like the head of the <i>Diadoumenos</i> of Polykleitos (Figs. 28, 29) this beautiful
-head exemplifies fully the “ethical grace” or modesty<a id="FNanchor_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_567" class="fnanchor">567</a> so characteristic
-of the best Greek art, and it certainly merits Furtwaengler’s praise
-of being the “most precious treasure of the Glyptothek.”<a id="FNanchor_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_568" class="fnanchor">568</a> Another
-head, found in Beneventum and now in the Louvre (Fig. <a href="#f3">3</a>)<a id="FNanchor_569"></a><a href="#Footnote_569" class="fnanchor">569</a> is a splendid
-Greek original of the last decade of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, and, as Mrs.
-Strong says, should arouse in us a sense of what precious relics may still
-lie hidden in our museums.<a id="FNanchor_570"></a><a href="#Footnote_570" class="fnanchor">570</a> The victor fillet in the hair, consisting of
-two sprays of what seems to be wild olive (remnants of which appear
-in front), shows that the statue must once have ornamented the Altis.
-Like the one in Munich, this head shows Polykleitan inspiration tempered
-by Attic influence.<a id="FNanchor_571"></a><a href="#Footnote_571" class="fnanchor">571</a> Lastly, the bronze head of a youth from the
-<i>tablinum</i>, of the so-called villa of the Pisos at Herculaneum, now in
-Naples,<a id="FNanchor_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_572" class="fnanchor">572</a> is, to judge from its technique, an excellent original Greek
-work (Fig. <a href="#f4">4</a>). Here again the hair fillet shows it is from a victor statue,
-though its provenience from Olympia can not be established.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64">64</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter400"><a id="f3"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p064.jpg" width="400" height="539" alt="Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 3.</span>—Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor, from
-Beneventum. Louvre, Paris.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Such beautiful works of art as these last show the influence which
-the great athletic festivals, and especially the Olympian, exerted on the
-development of Greek sculpture. In the gymnastic training carried
-on in the gymnasium and palæstra, which culminated in these festivals,
-the Greek sculptor found an unrivaled opportunity to study the
-naked human figure in its best muscular development and in every
-pose. In fact, we may say with Furtwaengler that without athletics
-Greek art would be inconceivable.<a id="FNanchor_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_573" class="fnanchor">573</a> To quote from another work of
-the same scholar:</p>
-
-<blockquote>
-
-<p>“The gymnastically trained bodies of these slim boys and youths and vigorous
-men are evidence of the ennobling effect of athletics. Presented in
-complete nudity they are not faithful portraits from life, but motives or models
-from the palæstra transformed and exalted to the highest ideal of physical
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65">65</a></span>beauty and strength. They are the most splendid human beings that the
-art of any period has created.”<a id="FNanchor_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_574" class="fnanchor">574</a></p></blockquote>
-
-<h3>CANONS OF PROPORTION.</h3>
-
-<p>In attempting to identify a given statue as the copy of a work by this
-or that master, certain well-known canons of proportion, which were
-taught and practiced by various Greek sculptors and schools, must be
-taken into consideration.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter400"><a id="f4"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p065.jpg" width="400" height="498" alt="Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 4.</span>—Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor, from Herculaneum.
-Museum of Naples.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Greek art may, like Greek philosophy and poetry, be summarized
-under the names of three qualities which constantly occur in classical
-literature—συμμετρία, εὐρυθμία or ῥυθμός, and ἀναλογία.<a id="FNanchor_575"></a><a href="#Footnote_575" class="fnanchor">575</a> Symmetry
-may be defined as “that technical regard for the placing of the parts to
-the best advantage,” the symmetrical arrangement of the parts of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66">66</a></span>
-a statue or group of figures.<a id="FNanchor_576"></a><a href="#Footnote_576" class="fnanchor">576</a> Rhythm, following Vitruvius,<a id="FNanchor_577"></a><a href="#Footnote_577" class="fnanchor">577</a> is that
-<i>tertium quid</i> which is indispensable to true art. Analogy (Latin <i>proportio</i>)<a id="FNanchor_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_578" class="fnanchor">578</a>
-refers to the measured ratio of part to part in any given work
-of art, whether in architecture, painting, or sculpture. Most scholars
-nowadays interpret symmetry and analogy as the same thing. Pliny<a id="FNanchor_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_579" class="fnanchor">579</a>
-says that <i>symmetria</i> has no Latin equivalent, and in several passages<a id="FNanchor_580"></a><a href="#Footnote_580" class="fnanchor">580</a>
-keeps the Greek word, as does Vitruvius. Here Otto Jahn rightly
-says <i>proportio</i> or <i>commensus</i> would have adequately translated it.<a id="FNanchor_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_581" class="fnanchor">581</a>
-P. Gardner explains the word properly as “the proportion of one part
-of the body as measured against another.”<a id="FNanchor_582"></a><a href="#Footnote_582" class="fnanchor">582</a> Brunn held that, as symmetry
-was the relation of part to part in a statue at rest, rhythm expressed
-this relationship in one represented in motion.<a id="FNanchor_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_583" class="fnanchor">583</a> The simplest
-illustration of rhythm is seen in walking: when the right foot is advanced
-the left arm swings out in rhythm, and so the balance of the body is
-kept. Rhythm, therefore, has to do with balance in motion, and may
-refer equally to cadence in poetry and music and to movement in
-sculpture. An excellent example in sculpture is afforded by Myron’s
-<i>Diskobolos</i> (Pls. 21, 22, and Figs. 34, 35), while the balancing of figures
-on many Greek reliefs—especially on Attic funerary stelæ—illustrates
-symmetry (<i>cf.</i> Fig. <a href="#f75">75</a>). Pliny characterizes certain artists by their
-success in effecting symmetry and rhythm. Thus Myron surpassed
-Polykleitos in being more rhythmic and in paying more attention
-to symmetry.<a id="FNanchor_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_584" class="fnanchor">584</a> He says that Lysippos most diligently preserved
-symmetry by bringing unthought-of innovations into the square canon
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67">67</a></span>of earlier artists.<a id="FNanchor_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_585" class="fnanchor">585</a> Parrhasios was the first to introduce symmetry into
-painting.<a id="FNanchor_586"></a><a href="#Footnote_586" class="fnanchor">586</a> Diogenes Laertios says that the sculptor Pythagoras was
-the first to aim at rhythm as well as symmetry.<a id="FNanchor_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_587" class="fnanchor">587</a> In all such passages
-it is clear that canons of proportion are meant.</p>
-
-<p>The doctrine of human proportions is very ancient, originating
-in Egyptian art.<a id="FNanchor_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_588" class="fnanchor">588</a> It appears early in Greek architecture in the
-proportions of columns and other members of a temple,<a id="FNanchor_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_589" class="fnanchor">589</a> and it
-was soon transferred to sculpture. As Greek sculpture evolved on
-traditional lines,<a id="FNanchor_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_590" class="fnanchor">590</a> we should assume that it paid attention to the
-doctrine of proportions in the human figure, based on numerical
-ratios, and that such a doctrine would vary from age to age in the
-various schools of sculpture. Such an assumption is borne out by
-both literary and archæological evidence. Toward the end of Hellenism
-many writers refer to just such a measured basis of proportion in
-Greek art.<a id="FNanchor_591"></a><a href="#Footnote_591" class="fnanchor">591</a> Archæologists have shown by the careful study of multitudes
-of statues that such proportions exist in Greek sculpture. Thus
-A. Kalkmann<a id="FNanchor_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_592" class="fnanchor">592</a> has proved that there are sets of ratios in the treatment
-of the face used by successive schools of sculpture, which were canonical,
-whether formulated or not. G. Fritsch<a id="FNanchor_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_593" class="fnanchor">593</a> has done for the whole body<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68">68</a></span>
-what Kalkman has done for the face. In fact, anthropometry in
-relation to Greek sculpture has now become an exact science.<a id="FNanchor_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_594" class="fnanchor">594</a></p>
-
-<p>The greatest artists—architects, painters, and sculptors—of all times
-have taught and practised the doctrine that certain proportions are
-beautiful, <i>e. g.</i>, the proportion of the height of the head or the length
-of the foot to the whole body, or the length of parts of the head or body
-to other parts. In modern times we have only to mention such names
-as those of da Vinci, Duerer, Raphael Mengs, and Flaxman.<a id="FNanchor_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_595" class="fnanchor">595</a> In
-Greek days there were many artists who formulated such canons of
-proportions. Greek sculptors followed ratios of proportions so closely
-that we have statues of various schools, which are distinguished by
-fixed proportions of parts, such as the Old Attic, Old Argive, Polykleitan,
-Argive-Sikyonian or Lysippan, etc. Some of these schools
-used the foot as the common measure, while others used the palm,
-finger, or other member.<a id="FNanchor_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_596" class="fnanchor">596</a> The earliest works on Greek art were treatises,
-now lost, by artists in which they worked out their theories of the
-principles underlying the proportions of the human figure.<a id="FNanchor_597"></a><a href="#Footnote_597" class="fnanchor">597</a> We shall
-briefly consider a few of these canons, together with the usual pose of
-body which conformed with them. The earliest Peloponnesian canon,
-which we can analyze, was that followed by Hagelaïdas of Argos and his
-school, a canon which was still used in the Polykleitan circle. Here
-the weight of the body rested upon the left leg, while the right one was
-slightly bent at the knee, its foot resting flat on the ground; the right
-arm hung by the side and the left was usually in action, and the head
-was slightly inclined to the left side; the shoulders were extraordinarily
-broad in comparison with the hips, the right one being slightly raised.
-These qualities produced a short stocky figure, firmly placed.<a id="FNanchor_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_598" class="fnanchor">598</a> In
-the middle of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, Polykleitos worked out a theory of
-proportions in the form of a commentary on his famous statue known
-as the <i>Doryphoros</i>. This canon was characterized by squareness and
-massiveness of build. The weight of the body generally rested on the
-right foot, while the left was drawn back, its foot touching the ground
-with the ball only. Sometimes this pose was reversed, the left foot
-carrying the body-weight, as in the three bases of statues by the master
-found at Olympia (<i>i. e.</i>, those of the athletes Pythokles, Aristion, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69">69</a></span>
-Kyniskos, to be discussed later), and in the works of some of his pupils,
-notably in those of Naukydes, Daidalos, and Kleon.<a id="FNanchor_599"></a><a href="#Footnote_599" class="fnanchor">599</a> Euphranor,
-who flourished, according to Pliny, in Ol. 104 (&#8239;=&#8239;364–361 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), and
-wrote works on symmetry and color, was the “first” to master the
-theory of symmetry.<a id="FNanchor_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_600" class="fnanchor">600</a> Pliny, however, found his bodies too slender
-and his heads and limbs too large, a criticism of his painting which
-must have been equally applicable to his sculpture. His canon did
-not make much headway, as the majority of sculptors in his century
-were still under the domination of the canon of Polykleitos. It was
-left for Lysippos, in the second half of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, finally
-to break this domination of the great fifth-century sculptor. Pliny
-quotes Douris as saying that he was the pupil of no man, and that
-because of the advice of the painter Eupompos he was a follower of
-nature—which appears to be a cut at the schools which mechanically
-followed fixed rules.<a id="FNanchor_601"></a><a href="#Footnote_601" class="fnanchor">601</a> His statues had smaller heads, and more slender
-and less fleshy limbs, than those of his predecessors, in order that the
-apparent height of the figure might be increased.<a id="FNanchor_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_602" class="fnanchor">602</a> While Polykleitos
-made his heads one-seventh of the total height of the statue, Lysippos
-made his one-eighth—if this change may be seen in the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>
-(Pl. <a href="#p28">28</a>), which is certainly a work of his school, if not of the master
-himself. Pliny further records his saying that while his predecessors
-represented men as they were, Lysippos represented them as they
-appeared to be. This means that Pliny regarded him as the first
-impressionistic artist.<a id="FNanchor_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_603" class="fnanchor">603</a> Pliny mentions other artists who wrote on art,
-and it is probable that theories of proportions formed the main element
-of such works.<a id="FNanchor_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_604" class="fnanchor">604</a></p>
-
-<p>The best example of symmetry, <i>i. e.</i>, of the ratio of proportions, in
-Greek sculpture is afforded by the <i>Doryphoros</i> of Polykleitos, which
-Pliny says was called the <i>Canon</i>, and he adds that this sculptor was
-the only one who embodied his art in a single work.<a id="FNanchor_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_605" class="fnanchor">605</a> The identity<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70">70</a></span>
-of the canon with this statue seems to be attested by the anecdote told
-of Lysippos that the <i>Doryphoros</i> was his master,<a id="FNanchor_606"></a><a href="#Footnote_606" class="fnanchor">606</a> and by Quintilian’s
-statement that sculptors took it as a model.<a id="FNanchor_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_607" class="fnanchor">607</a> The best-preserved
-copy of the <i>Doryphoros</i>, despite its rather lifeless character, is the
-one discovered in Pompeii and now in Naples (Pl. <a href="#p4">4</a>).<a id="FNanchor_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_608" class="fnanchor">608</a> As other
-late Roman copies do not conform to the identical proportions of this
-copy, it is perhaps difficult to say exactly what the canon of Polykleitos
-was. Possibly the original, if it had been preserved, would also
-strike us as somewhat lifeless; but we must remember that the statue
-was made merely to illustrate a theory of proportions. The dimensions
-of the Naples statue are known from very careful measurements
-and the proportions agree with those given in the description
-by Galen to be mentioned. It is almost exactly 2 meters, or 6 feet 8
-inches, high.<a id="FNanchor_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_609" class="fnanchor">609</a> The length of the foot is 0.33 meter, or one-sixth of the
-total height, while the length of the face is 0.20 meter, or one-tenth of
-the height. E. Guillaume<a id="FNanchor_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_610" class="fnanchor">610</a> has made a careful analysis of it in reference
-to Galen’s<a id="FNanchor_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_611" class="fnanchor">611</a> statement that Chrysippos found beauty in the proportion
-of the parts, “of finger to finger, and of all the fingers to the
-palm and wrist, and of these to the forearm, and of the forearm to
-the upper arm, and of all the parts to each other, as they are set forth
-in the canon of Polykleitos.” He has found that the palm, <i>i. e.</i>, the
-breadth of the hand at the base of the fingers, is a common measure
-of the proportions of the body. This palm is one-third the length of
-the foot, one-sixth that of the lower leg, one-sixth that of the thigh,
-and one-sixth that of the distance from the navel to the ear, etc.
-Such a remarkable correspondence in measurements would seem to
-show, if we had no other proofs, that the Naples statue reproduces
-the canon of Polykleitos more closely than any other.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 4</p><a id="p4"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp070.jpg" width="500" height="825" alt="Statue of the Doryphoros" />
-<div class="caption">Statue of the <i>Doryphoros</i>, after Polykleitos. Museum of Naples.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>A good example of asymmetry is afforded by the so-called <i>Spinario</i>
-of the Palazzo dei Conservatori in Rome<a id="FNanchor_612"></a><a href="#Footnote_612" class="fnanchor">612</a> (Fig. <a href="#f40">40</a>). This justly
-prized statue shows more asymmetry, perhaps, than any other down to
-its date—just before the middle of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Though its
-composition is such that there is no vantage-point from which it forms
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71">71</a></span>
-a harmonious whole, still its effect on the beholder is far from displeasing.
-Such a creation shows that a Greek artist, even without
-paying attention to the symmetrical arrangement of parts, could at
-times produce an attractive piece of sculpture.</p>
-
-<h3>ASSIMILATION OF OLYMPIC VICTOR STATUES TO TYPES
-OF GODS AND HEROES.</h3>
-
-<p>Since Greek art in the main was idealistic, we should not be surprised
-to discover in athletic sculpture a tendency toward assimilating
-victor statues to well-known types of gods or heroes, especially to those
-of Hermes, Apollo, and Herakles, who presided over contests or gymnasia
-and palæstræ. This phenomenon is only a further example of the
-extraordinary, almost superhuman, honors which were paid to victors
-at the great games. In the absence of sufficient means of identification,
-it is often very difficult to distinguish with certainty between
-statues of victors and those of the gods and heroes to whom they were
-assimilated. This difficulty, as we shall see, is especially observable
-in the case of Herakles. Even later antiquity recognized that statues
-of athletes were sometimes confused with those of heroes, just as those
-of heroes were with those of gods, as we learn from a passage in Dio
-Chrysostom’s oration on Rhodian affairs.<a id="FNanchor_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_613" class="fnanchor">613</a> This difficulty is one of
-the most perplexing problems that still face the student of Greek
-sculpture.</p>
-
-<p>It was not an uncommon custom in Greece to heroize in this way an
-ordinary dead man.<a id="FNanchor_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_614" class="fnanchor">614</a> One of the most striking instances of this custom
-is afforded by the so-called <i>Hermes of Andros</i>, a statue found in a
-grave-chamber on the island in 1833 and now in Athens<a id="FNanchor_615"></a><a href="#Footnote_615" class="fnanchor">615</a> (Pl. <a href="#p5">5</a>). It
-has been a matter of dispute among archæologists whether this statue
-represents the god Hermes or a mortal in his guise. Although Staïs<a id="FNanchor_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_616" class="fnanchor">616</a>
-looks on it as <i>un problème peut-être à jamais insoluble</i>, there seems
-little reason for doubting that it represents a defunct mortal. Its place
-of finding in a tomb along with the statue of a woman of the Muse type,
-which probably represents the man’s consort,<a id="FNanchor_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_617" class="fnanchor">617</a> the presence of a snake
-on the adjacent tree trunk, the absence of sandals and kerykeion, and
-the portrait—like features—all point to the conclusion that a man and
-not a god is represented. The downcast, almost melancholy, look<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72">72</a></span>
-seems also to make it a funereal figure. The powerful proportions
-of a perfectly developed athlete, displaying no tendency toward the
-representation of brute force, show that the man is idealized into
-the type of Hermes, the god of the palæstra, rather than into the
-light-winged messenger of Olympos. The <i>Belvedere Hermes</i> of the
-Vatican,<a id="FNanchor_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_618" class="fnanchor">618</a> and a better one known as the <i>Farnese Hermes</i> of the British
-Museum,<a id="FNanchor_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_619" class="fnanchor">619</a> are noteworthy replicas of the type. The latter carries the
-kerykeion in the left hand and wears sandals, with a small chlamys over
-the left arm and shoulder. These attributes show that Hermes was
-intended in this copy. Probably the original of these various replicas,
-a work dating from the end of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, and ascribed to
-Praxiteles or his school in consequence of similarity in pose and build
-of body and head to the <i>Hermes</i> of Olympia, was intended to represent
-Hermes. In the one from Andros, at least, the copyist intended to
-heroize a mortal under the type of the god. Similarly, the statue known
-as the <i>Standing Hermes</i> in the Galleria delle Statue of the Vatican,<a id="FNanchor_620"></a><a href="#Footnote_620" class="fnanchor">620</a> which
-has the kerykeion and chlamys, whether its original represented Hermes,
-hero or mortal, has been made by the copyist to represent Hermes,
-the god of athletics, as the late attribute of wings in the hair proves.
-Other examples of dead men represented as Hermes are not uncommon.
-Thus a Greek grave-stele in Verona<a id="FNanchor_621"></a><a href="#Footnote_621" class="fnanchor">621</a> shows the dead portrayed as a
-winged Hermes, and a similar figure appears on a stele from Tanagra.<a id="FNanchor_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_622" class="fnanchor">622</a>
-The so-called <i>Commodus</i> in Mantua<a id="FNanchor_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_623" class="fnanchor">623</a> is interpreted by Conze and
-Duetschke as the figure of a dead youth in Hermes’ guise. But this
-custom of representing defunct mortals as gods was less common in
-Roman art. The bust of a dead youth on a Roman grave-stone in
-Turin,<a id="FNanchor_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_624" class="fnanchor">624</a> set up in honor of L. Mussius, is a good example. Here the
-cock, sheep, and kerykeion, symbols of the god, show that the youth
-is represented as Hermes.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 5</p><a id="p5"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp072.jpg" width="500" height="843" alt="Statue of Hermes" />
-<div class="caption">Statue of <i>Hermes</i>, from Andros. National Museum, Athens.</div></div>
-
-<p>Not only dead men, however, were heroized in this manner. It
-was not an uncommon practice in later Greece for living men, especially
-princes, to have their statues assimilated to types of gods and heroes,
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73">73</a></span>a practice which was very common in imperial Rome.<a id="FNanchor_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_625" class="fnanchor">625</a> Thus many
-of the Hellenistic princes were pleased to have their statues assimilated
-to those of the heroic Alexander. One of the best examples of
-this process is furnished by the original
-<span class="figright200"><a id="f5"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p073.jpg" width="200" height="457" alt="Bronze Portrait-statue
-of a Hellenistic Prince" />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 5.</span>—Bronze Portrait-statue
-of a Hellenistic Prince. Museo
-delle Terme, Rome.</span></span>
-bronze portrait statue of such a
-prince, which was unearthed in Rome
-in 1884 and is now in the Museo delle
-Terme there (Fig. <a href="#f5">5</a>).<a id="FNanchor_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_626" class="fnanchor">626</a> It has been
-identified as the portrait of several
-kings of Macedon and elsewhere,<a id="FNanchor_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_627" class="fnanchor">627</a>
-but the similarity of the head of the
-statue to heads portrayed on Macedonian
-coins is only superficial.<a id="FNanchor_628"></a><a href="#Footnote_628" class="fnanchor">628</a> All
-that we can say is that this beautiful
-work, representing the prince in
-the heroic guise of a nude athlete of
-about thirty years, belongs to the third
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, the epoch following Lysippos.
-The sculptor, wishing to combine
-the ideal with the real, appears to
-have copied the motive directly from
-a bronze statue by Lysippos, which
-represented Alexander leaning with his
-left hand high on a staff.<a id="FNanchor_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_629" class="fnanchor">629</a> The pose
-also recalls that of the third-century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> statue of Poseidon found on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74">74</a></span>
-Melos and now in Athens.<a id="FNanchor_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_630" class="fnanchor">630</a> The free leg, body, and head modeling
-correspond so nearly with the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> (Pl. <a href="#p28">28</a>) that it was at
-first called a work of Lysippos, but its lack of repose<a id="FNanchor_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_631" class="fnanchor">631</a> shows that it
-must be a continuation of the work of that sculptor by some pupil,
-who wished to outdo his master in both form and expression.</p>
-
-<p>Before discussing the subject of the assimilation of victor statues
-to types of god and hero, we must make it clear that often, for certain
-reasons, statues of athletes were later converted into those of gods,
-and <i>vice versa</i>. Such examples of metamorphosing statues have nothing
-to do with the process of assimilation under discussion. A few
-examples will make this clear. An archaic bronze statuette from
-Naxos,<a id="FNanchor_632"></a><a href="#Footnote_632" class="fnanchor">632</a> reproducing the type of the <i>Philesian Apollo</i> of Kanachos,
-since it has the same position of hands as in the original, as we see
-it later reproduced on coins of Miletos and in other copies,<a id="FNanchor_633"></a><a href="#Footnote_633" class="fnanchor">633</a> holds
-an aryballos in the right hand instead of a fawn. As it is absurd to
-represent Apollo with the bow in one hand and an oil-flask in the
-other, it seems clear that in this statuette the copyist has converted a
-well-known Apollo into an athlete by addition of an athletic attribute.
-Famous statues were put to many different uses by later copyists.
-Thus Furtwaengler has shown that the statue of the boy boxer Kyniskos
-by Polykleitos at Olympia,<a id="FNanchor_634"></a><a href="#Footnote_634" class="fnanchor">634</a> which represented the athlete crowning
-himself, was modified to represent various deities, heroes, etc. Thus
-a copy from Eleusis of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, because of its provenience
-and the soft lines of the face, suggests a divinity, perhaps Triptolemos.<a id="FNanchor_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_635" class="fnanchor">635</a>
-A copy of the same type in the Villa Albani (no. 222) has an
-antique piece of a boar’s head on the nearby tree-stump and, consequently,
-may represent Adonis or Meleager. A torso in the Museo
-Torlonia (no. 22) represents Dionysos, another in the Museo delle
-Terme has a mantle and caduceus and so represents Hermes, while
-on coins of Commodus the same figure, with the lion’s skin and club,
-represents Herakles.<a id="FNanchor_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_636" class="fnanchor">636</a> No ancient statue was used more extensively
-as a model for other types than the famous <i>Doryphoros</i> of Polykleitos.
-Furtwaengler<a id="FNanchor_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_637" class="fnanchor">637</a> has collected a long list of later conversions of this work
-into statues both marble and bronze, statuettes, reliefs, etc., representing
-Pan, Ares, Hermes, and in one case an ordinary mortal.<a id="FNanchor_638"></a><a href="#Footnote_638" class="fnanchor">638</a> Other<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75">75</a></span>
-examples of the conversion of statues will be given in our treatment of
-assimilation.</p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Athlete Statues Assimilated to Types of Hermes.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Hermes was one of the principal ἐναγώνιοι or ἀγώνιοι θεοί, <i>i. e.</i>,
-gods who presided over contests, or who were overseers of gymnasia
-and palæstræ, or were teachers of gymnastics (γυμνάσται).<a id="FNanchor_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_639" class="fnanchor">639</a> Greek
-writers often mention these athletic gods. Thus Aischylos<a id="FNanchor_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_640" class="fnanchor">640</a> often uses
-the term, not in the sense of ἀγοραῖοι θεοί, “the great assembled
-gods,” (ἀγὼν = ἀγορά),<a id="FNanchor_641"></a><a href="#Footnote_641" class="fnanchor">641</a> but in the sense of gods who presided over
-contests.<a id="FNanchor_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_642" class="fnanchor">642</a> This is evident from the fact that Zeus, Apollo, Poseidon,
-and Hermes are the gods especially mentioned by Aischylos in this
-sense, and the first three correspond with the Olympian and Nemean
-games (Zeus), the Pythian (Apollo), and the Isthmian (Poseidon),
-while Hermes is concerned in them all. Thus the epithet ἀγώνιοι,
-in the <i>Agamemnon</i> of Aischylos refers to Zeus,<a id="FNanchor_643"></a><a href="#Footnote_643" class="fnanchor">643</a> Apollo,<a id="FNanchor_644"></a><a href="#Footnote_644" class="fnanchor">644</a> and Hermes.<a id="FNanchor_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_645" class="fnanchor">645</a>
-If the word referred to the twelve greater gods, as some have thought,
-other deities more important than Hermes would have been included.
-Elsewhere the word ἀγώνιος always refers to contests.<a id="FNanchor_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_646" class="fnanchor">646</a> Hermes was
-worshipped at Athens and elsewhere as a god of contests.<a id="FNanchor_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_647" class="fnanchor">647</a> The agonistic
-character of this god is shown by the fact that statues and altars
-were erected to him all over Greece.<a id="FNanchor_648"></a><a href="#Footnote_648" class="fnanchor">648</a> He was sometimes coupled with
-Herakles as the protector of contests,<a id="FNanchor_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_649" class="fnanchor">649</a> and the images of the two
-often stood in gymnasia.<a id="FNanchor_650"></a><a href="#Footnote_650" class="fnanchor">650</a> A fragmentary votive relief of the second
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span> is inscribed with a dedication to both by a certain Horarios,
-victor in torch-racing.<a id="FNanchor_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_651" class="fnanchor">651</a> Athenian ephebes made offerings to
-Hermes,<a id="FNanchor_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_652" class="fnanchor">652</a> and to Hermes and Herakles in common, after their training
-was over. Thus Dorykleides of Thera, a victor in boxing and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76">76</a></span>
-the pankration at unknown games, dedicated a thank-offering to the
-two.<a id="FNanchor_653"></a><a href="#Footnote_653" class="fnanchor">653</a> Hermes was early the god of youthful life and sports, especially
-those of the palæstra. He is said to have founded wrestling<a id="FNanchor_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_654" class="fnanchor">654</a> and
-inaugurated the sports of the palæstra.<a id="FNanchor_655"></a><a href="#Footnote_655" class="fnanchor">655</a> Pausanias mentions a
-Gymnasion of Hermes at Athens<a id="FNanchor_656"></a><a href="#Footnote_656" class="fnanchor">656</a> and an altar of Hermes ἐναγώνιος
-together with one of <i>Opportunity</i> (Καιρός) at the entrance to the
-Stadion at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_657"></a><a href="#Footnote_657" class="fnanchor">657</a> He says that the people of Pheneus in Arkadia
-held games in his honor called the <i>Hermaia</i>,<a id="FNanchor_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_658" class="fnanchor">658</a> and he records the
-defeat of the god by Apollo in running.<a id="FNanchor_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_659" class="fnanchor">659</a> With such an athletic
-record there is little wonder that the Greek sculptor would often
-take his ideal of Hermes from the god of the palæstra and gymnasium,
-representing him as an athletic youth harmoniously developed by
-gymnastic exercises. It was but natural that a victor at Olympia or
-elsewhere should wish to have his statue—which rarely could be a
-portrait—conform with that athletic type.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 6</p><a id="p6"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp076.jpg" width="500" height="853" alt="Statue of the Standing Diskobolos" />
-<div class="caption">Statue of the <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>, after Naukydes (?). Vatican
-Museum, Rome.</div></div>
-
-<p>An excellent instance of this tendency seems to be afforded by the
-so-called <i>Standing Diskobolos</i> in the Sala della Biga of the Vatican
-(Pl. <a href="#p6">6</a>),<a id="FNanchor_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_660" class="fnanchor">660</a> known since its discovery by Gavin Hamilton in 1792. It
-represents a youth who is apparently taking position for throwing the
-diskos, the weight of the body resting on the left leg, the knees slightly
-bent, the feet firmly planted, and the diskos held in the left hand,
-just prior to its being passed to the right. This position is one
-which immediately precedes that of Myron’s great statue. The bronze
-original dates from the second half of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, and has
-been variously assigned to Myron by Brunn, to Alkamenes by Kekulé,
-followed by Overbeck, Michaelis and Furtwaengler,<a id="FNanchor_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_661" class="fnanchor">661</a> and to Naukydes,
-the brother and pupil of Polykleitos.<a id="FNanchor_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_662" class="fnanchor">662</a> The head of the Vatican statue
-shows no trace of Peloponnesian art, but rather resembles Attic types
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77">77</a></span>of the end of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> However, as we shall see, this head
-does not appear to belong to the statue. Among the works of Alkamenes
-Pliny mentions a bronze pentathlete,<a id="FNanchor_663"></a><a href="#Footnote_663" class="fnanchor">663</a> called the <i>Enkrinomenos</i>,
-and this work has been identified with the statue under discussion.<a id="FNanchor_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_664" class="fnanchor">664</a>
-Such an assumption is tenable only if the statue fits Pliny’s epithet.
-This epithet appears to mean “undergoing a test,” and should refer
-not to the statue, for we know nothing of any principle of selecting
-statues, but to the athlete represented, the ἔγκρισις referring to the
-selection of athletes before the contest.<a id="FNanchor_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_665" class="fnanchor">665</a> Pliny’s statue, then, presumably,
-represented a pentathlete, not in action as the Vatican statue
-does, but standing at rest before his judges. An all-round athlete
-like a pentathlete would especially fit such an ordeal, and his statue,
-albeit lighter and more graceful, would be an ideal one like the <i>Doryphoros</i>
-of Polykleitos.<a id="FNanchor_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_666" class="fnanchor">666</a> We know how Alkamenes treated Hermes from
-the bearded herma of that god found in Pergamon in 1903 and inscribed
-with his name.<a id="FNanchor_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_667" class="fnanchor">667</a> Its massive features, broad forehead, and wide-opened
-eyes bear no analogy to the head on the Vatican statue, nor to the one
-with which Helbig would replace it. The ascription of the statue to
-Naukydes is better founded. As the head of the statue is Attic and
-not Argive, it is difficult to connect the work with a Peloponnesian
-artist. However, the present head of the statue can not be shown to
-belong to it, and no other replica has a head which can be proved to
-belong to the body. A fragmentary replica of the statue, of good workmanship,
-was found in Rome in 1910, and nearby a head, which must
-belong to the torso.<a id="FNanchor_668"></a><a href="#Footnote_668" class="fnanchor">668</a> This head fits the Vatican statue better than the
-head now on it, and certainly comes from the Polykleitan circle—both
-head and body showing elements of Polykleitan style. This new
-head represents the transition from Polykleitan art to that of the next
-century, <i>i. e.</i>, to the head-types of Skopas, Praxiteles, and other Attic<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78">78</a></span>
-masters. Presumably, then, in the original of this fragment and its
-replicas, we have a famous statue—the one by Naukydes mentioned
-by Pliny.<a id="FNanchor_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_669" class="fnanchor">669</a></p>
-
-<p>A more important question for our discussion is whether the Vatican
-statue represents a victor (diskobolos) or Hermes. G. Habich has
-argued that the pose of the statue, standing with the right foot advanced,
-is not that of a diskobolos taking position. He quotes Kietz<a id="FNanchor_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_670" class="fnanchor">670</a>
-to the effect that no vase-painting or other monument has the exact
-position of this statue, and that the natural position for such a motive
-is to advance the left foot.<a id="FNanchor_671"></a><a href="#Footnote_671" class="fnanchor">671</a> Moreover, the fingers of the right hand,
-which are supposed especially to uphold the diskobolos theory, are
-modern in all the replicas. On a coin of Amastris in Paphlagonia,
-dating from the Antonines, and on one of Commodus struck at Philippopolis
-in Thrace, a figure of Hermes is pictured, which, in all essentials,
-reproduces the Vatican statue.<a id="FNanchor_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_672" class="fnanchor">672</a> Since the figure on the coins has a
-kerykeion or training-rod in the right hand and a diskos as a minor
-attribute in the left—merely a symbol of the god’s patronage of athletics—we
-should see in the Vatican statue a representation of Hermes
-as overseer of the palæstra. Pliny’s words—if we omit or transpose
-the first <i>et</i>—refer, therefore, to a statue of <i>Hermes-Diskobolos</i> and
-to the <i>Ram-offerer</i> which stood on the Athenian Akropolis, to two,
-therefore, and not to three different monuments. We should restore all
-the replicas of the statue, then, with the caduceus, to represent Hermes
-as gymnasiarch. Though this interpretation of the statue has found
-opponents,<a id="FNanchor_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_673" class="fnanchor">673</a> the evidence is strong that in it and its replicas we have an
-athlete in the guise of Hermes. If we think that the caduceus can not
-be brought into harmony with the chief motive of the statue, we must
-conclude with Helbig that the copyist in one isolated case—the one
-copied on the coins—changed an original victor statue into Hermes
-by adding the herald staff. This would make it an instance, not of
-assimilation of type, but of conversion.</p>
-
-<p>A small bronze statuette standing upon a cylindrical base, which
-was found in the sea off Antikythera (Cerigotto), reproduces almost<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79">79</a></span>
-exactly the attitude of the statue of Naukydes (Fig. <a href="#f6">6</a>).<a id="FNanchor_674"></a><a href="#Footnote_674" class="fnanchor">674</a> Here the
-left hand is stretched out horizontally at the elbow, but the right arm is
-lost, so that we get no additional evidence as to the attribute carried.
-Because of its correspondence with the aforementioned coins<a id="FNanchor_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_675" class="fnanchor">675</a> even in
-detail, Bosanquet, followed by Svoronos, looks upon this “little masterpiece”
-as a copy of the Argive master.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><a id="f6"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p079.jpg" width="500" height="603" alt="Bronze Statuette of Hermes-Diskobolos" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 6.</span>—Bronze Statuette of <i>Hermes-Diskobolos</i>, found in the Sea off
-Antikythera. National Museum, Athens.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80">80</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The statue discovered in the ruins of Hadrian’s villa in 1742 and now
-in the Capitoline Museum,<a id="FNanchor_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_676" class="fnanchor">676</a> which represents an ephebe nude, except
-for a chlamys thrown around the middle of his body, standing in an
-easy attitude with his left foot resting upon a rock and bending forward
-with the right arm extended in a gesture, was formerly looked
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f7"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p080.jpg" width="250" height="424" alt="Bronze Statue of a Youth" />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 7.</span>—Bronze Statue of a Youth,
-found in the Sea off Antikythera.
-National Museum, Athens.</span></span>
-upon as a resting pancratiast.
-Because of its general likeness to
-Praxitelean figures—the head is
-especially like the Olympia <i>Hermes</i>—Furtwaengler
-interpreted
-the figure as that of Hermes Logios
-or Agoraios, the god of eloquence,
-and assigned it to an
-artist near to Praxiteles. However,
-it is probably nothing else
-than an idealized portrait of the
-age of Hadrian or the Antonines,
-and represents an ephebe, probably
-a victor, assimilated to the
-type of Hermes.<a id="FNanchor_677"></a><a href="#Footnote_677" class="fnanchor">677</a></p>
-
-<p>Another example of assimilation
-may be the much-discussed
-bronze statue in the National
-Museum at Athens, which was
-accidentally discovered in 1901,
-along with the rest of a cargo
-of sculptures which had been
-wrecked off the island of Antikythera
-as it was on its way to
-Rome about the beginning of
-the first century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> (Fig. <a href="#f7">7</a>).<a id="FNanchor_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_678" class="fnanchor">678</a>
-This statue, the best preserved
-of the cargo, is a little over life<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81">81</a></span>size
-and represents a nude youth standing with languid grace, the
-weight of his body resting upon the left leg, while the right is slightly
-bent and the right arm is extended horizontally, the hand holding a
-round object now lost and variously interpreted. In short, the pose
-strongly resembles that of the Vatican <i>Apoxyomenos</i> (Pl. <a href="#p29">29</a>). Opinions
-as to the age and authorship of this statue have been very diverse,
-ranging from the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> down to Hellenistic times and
-ascribing it to many masters and schools. Kabbadias, who published
-it, in conjunction with the other objects, directly after their discovery,<a id="FNanchor_679"></a><a href="#Footnote_679" class="fnanchor">679</a>
-thought it would prove to “rank as high among statues of bronze as does
-the <i>Hermes</i> of Praxiteles among those of marble,” and characterized
-it as “the most beautiful bronze statue that we possess.” Waldstein
-praised it in no less exaggerated terms, and classed it along with the
-<i>Charioteer</i> from Delphi (Fig. <a href="#f66">66</a>) as among the first Greek bronzes,
-if not among the finest specimens of Greek sculpture.<a id="FNanchor_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_680" class="fnanchor">680</a> He followed
-Kabbadias in assigning it to the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> and in interpreting
-it as Hermes. He at first ascribed it to Praxiteles or his school, but
-later he thought it more Skopaic.<a id="FNanchor_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_681" class="fnanchor">681</a> Th. Reinach placed it in the early
-fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, but regarded it as the work of a sculptor influenced
-by Polykleitos, naming the youthful Praxiteles or Euphranor.<a id="FNanchor_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_682" class="fnanchor">682</a> He
-explained the pose as that of a man amusing a dog or a child with some
-round object. A Greek scholar, A. S. Arvanitopoulos, assigned the
-work to the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> and to the Attic school, referring it
-possibly to Alkamenes.<a id="FNanchor_683"></a><a href="#Footnote_683" class="fnanchor">683</a> However, as soon as the statue was properly
-cleansed and pieced together, its early dating was seen to be untenable,
-and its Hellenistic character became evident.<a id="FNanchor_684"></a><a href="#Footnote_684" class="fnanchor">684</a> E. A. Gardner found
-little resemblance in the head to that of the Praxitelean <i>Hermes</i>,
-but more in the treatment of hair and eyes to that of the <i>Lansdowne<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82">82</a></span>
-Herakles</i> (Pl. <a href="#p30">30</a>, Fig. <a href="#f71">71</a>,), which he ascribes to Skopas.<a id="FNanchor_685"></a><a href="#Footnote_685" class="fnanchor">685</a> He saw in its
-labored and even anatomical modeling similarity to the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> of
-the Vatican and concluded that it was, therefore, later than the fourth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, being an eclectic piece disclosing influences of several
-fourth-century sculptors, the work of an imitator especially of Praxiteles
-and Skopas. K. T. Frost also assigned the work to the Hellenistic
-age, but believed it was the statue of a god and not of a mortal, and
-so followed Kabbadias and Waldstein in interpreting it as a Hermes
-Logios.<a id="FNanchor_686"></a><a href="#Footnote_686" class="fnanchor">686</a> Gardner had interpreted it as probably the statue of an
-athlete “in a somewhat theatrical pose,” though admitting it might
-be a <i>genre</i> figure representing an athlete catching a ball, even if its
-pose were against such an interpretation. In any case he was right
-in saying that the pose, even if incapable of solution, was chosen by the
-sculptor with a desire for display, as the centre of attraction is outside and not
-inside the statue, and so is against the αὐτάρκεια of earlier works.
-More recently, Bulle has asserted that it is not an original work at all,
-but, as evinced by the hard treatment of the hair, merely a copy. He
-also interprets it as a <i>Hermes</i>, restoring a kerykeion in the left hand,
-and he likens its oratorical pose to that of the <i>Etruscan Orator</i> found
-near Lago di Trasimeno in 1566 and now in the Museo Archeologico in
-Florence, or the <i>Augustus</i> from Primaporta in the Vatican.<a id="FNanchor_687"></a><a href="#Footnote_687" class="fnanchor">687</a> For its date
-he believes the statue marks the end of the Polykleitan “<i>Standmotif</i>”
-(the breadth of the body showing Polykleitan influence, the head,
-however, being too small and slender for the Argive master), and
-the inception of the Lysippan (the free leg not drawn back, but
-placed further out), as we see it in the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>. He concludes
-that its author can not have been a great master.<a id="FNanchor_688"></a><a href="#Footnote_688" class="fnanchor">688</a> Doubtless, the
-statue, which is the pride of the Athenian museum, is merely a
-representative example of the kind of bronze statues made in great
-numbers in the early Hellenistic age; but it shows the high degree of
-excellence attained at that time by very mediocre artists.<a id="FNanchor_689"></a><a href="#Footnote_689" class="fnanchor">689</a></p>
-
-<p>Apart from its period, our chief interest in the statue is to determine
-whether a god or a mortal is portrayed. As there are no certain
-remnants of the round object held in the right hand, and no other<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83">83</a></span>
-accessories, many interpretations have been possible. Especially the
-gesture of the right arm has been the centre for such interpretations.
-Some have looked upon this gesture as “transitory,” <i>i. e.</i>, the sweeping
-gesture of an orator or god of orators, and this has led to the interpretation
-of the statue as Hermes Logios.<a id="FNanchor_690"></a><a href="#Footnote_690" class="fnanchor">690</a> However, the round object
-in the fingers is against this assumption. Others have therefore
-regarded the gesture as “stationary,” <i>i. e.</i>, the figure is holding an
-object in the hand, which is the main interest of the statue, and this
-view has therefore also given rise to many different explanations.
-Among mythological interpretations two have received careful attention.
-Svoronos has reasoned most ingeniously that the statue represents
-Perseus holding the head of Medusa in his hand, and finds a
-similar type on coins, gems, and rings. Thus, almost the identical
-pose of the statue is seen on an engraved stone in Florence, which
-shows Perseus holding the Gorgon’s head, and Svoronos has restored
-the bronze similarly.<a id="FNanchor_691"></a><a href="#Footnote_691" class="fnanchor">691</a> But certainly the right arm of the statue was
-not intended to carry so great a weight. Others have seen in it the
-statue of Paris by Euphranor, mentioned by Pliny as offering the apple
-as prize of beauty to Aphrodite.<a id="FNanchor_692"></a><a href="#Footnote_692" class="fnanchor">692</a> But the statue scarcely reflects the
-description of the <i>Paris</i> by Pliny. Other scholars have interpreted the
-statue as that of a mortal. S. Reinach believes that it may be a youth
-sacrificing.<a id="FNanchor_693"></a><a href="#Footnote_693" class="fnanchor">693</a> Kabbadias and E. A. Gardner admitted it might be the
-statue of a ball-player as well as of Hermes. Since this latter interpretation
-has become popular, let us consider its possibility at some length
-in reference to ball-playing in antiquity. Now we know that ball-playing
-(σφαιρίζειν, ἡ σφαιρικὴ τέχνη) was a favorite amusement of
-the Greeks from the time of Nausikaa and her brothers in the Odyssey<a id="FNanchor_694"></a><a href="#Footnote_694" class="fnanchor">694</a>
-to the end of Greek history, and that it was practiced at Rome
-from the end of the Republic to the end of the Empire.<a id="FNanchor_695"></a><a href="#Footnote_695" class="fnanchor">695</a> It seems to
-have been regarded less as a game than as a gymnastic exercise.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84">84</a></span>
-Its origin is ascribed to the Spartans and to others.<a id="FNanchor_696"></a><a href="#Footnote_696" class="fnanchor">696</a> A special sort of
-ball-playing was known as φαινίνδα,<a id="FNanchor_697"></a><a href="#Footnote_697" class="fnanchor">697</a> and this is described in a treatise
-by the physician Galen, of the second century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>, in which he recommended
-ball-playing as one of the best exercises.<a id="FNanchor_698"></a><a href="#Footnote_698" class="fnanchor">698</a> Because of his
-ability in the art of ball-playing, Aristonikos of Karystos, the ball-player
-of Alexander the Great, received Athenian citizenship and was
-honored with a statue.<a id="FNanchor_699"></a><a href="#Footnote_699" class="fnanchor">699</a> The philosopher Ktesibios of Chalkis was
-fond of the game.<a id="FNanchor_700"></a><a href="#Footnote_700" class="fnanchor">700</a> A special room, called the σφαιριστήριον, was a
-part of the later gymnasium.<a id="FNanchor_701"></a><a href="#Footnote_701" class="fnanchor">701</a> The game was specially indulged in
-at Sparta. Several inscriptions, mostly from the age of the Antonines,
-commemorate victories by teams of ball-players there.<a id="FNanchor_702"></a><a href="#Footnote_702" class="fnanchor">702</a> The name
-σφαιρεῖς was given to Spartan youths in the first year of manhood.
-These competitions took place in the Δρόμος at Sparta.<a id="FNanchor_703"></a><a href="#Footnote_703" class="fnanchor">703</a> Though,
-then, we should naturally expect statues of ball-players, like the one in
-Athens of Aristonikos already mentioned, the calm mien of the Cerigotto
-bronze and the direction of the gaze are certainly, as Th. Reinach said
-earlier, against interpreting it as the statue of one engaged in so active
-a sport. Von Mach, because of its voluptuous appearance, thought it
-might represent merely a <i>bon vivant</i>. While Lechat interpreted it as
-possibly an athlete receiving a crown from Nike,<a id="FNanchor_704"></a><a href="#Footnote_704" class="fnanchor">704</a> Arvanitopoulos would
-have the right hand either hold a lekythion or be quite empty, and the
-left a strigil, thus restoring the statue as an apoxyomenos. S. Reinach
-would regard it merely as a funerary monument.</p>
-
-<p>In all this discrepancy of opinion it is not difficult to recognize
-elements of both god and mortal blended. The resemblance in the
-expression and features of the face to those of the Praxitelean <i>Hermes</i>,
-even though superficial, as well as the pose of the right arm recall the
-god; the muscular build of the figure fits either the god Hermes, in
-his character of overseer of the sports of the palæstra, or an athlete.
-It therefore seems reasonable to see in this Hellenistic statue of varied
-artistic tendencies merely the representation of an athlete, perhaps of a
-pentathlete, who is holding a crown or possibly an apple as a prize of
-victory in the right hand, whose form and features have been assimilated
-to those of Hermes.</p>
-
-<p>How the statue of an indisputable Hermes Logios, on the other hand,
-appears, may be seen in the <i>Hermes Ludovisi</i> of the Museo delle Terme,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85">85</a></span>
-Rome,<a id="FNanchor_705"></a><a href="#Footnote_705" class="fnanchor">705</a> and in its replica in the Louvre. The original of this marble
-copy, dating from the middle of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, has been
-variously ascribed to Pheidias,<a id="FNanchor_706"></a><a href="#Footnote_706" class="fnanchor">706</a> Myron,<a id="FNanchor_707"></a><a href="#Footnote_707" class="fnanchor">707</a> and others. In this statue
-the petasos, chlamys, and kerykeion indicate the god, while the
-position of the right arm raised toward the head<a id="FNanchor_708"></a><a href="#Footnote_708" class="fnanchor">708</a> and the earnest
-expression of concentration in the face bespeak the god of oratory.
-The careful replica of the statue, except the head, in the
-Louvre, is the work of Kleomenes of Athens, a sculptor of the first
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> The copyist, however, has given to the original a
-Roman portrait-head, whence it has been falsely called <i>Germanicus</i>.<a id="FNanchor_709"></a><a href="#Footnote_709" class="fnanchor">709</a>
-The Paris statue, then, is merely another example of the conversion
-of an original god-type, for the sculptor wished to represent a Roman
-under the guise of Hermes Logios, since the inscribed tortoise shell
-retained at the feet is a well-known attribute of the god.</p>
-
-<p>Another excellent example of a true Hermes head is the fine Polykleitan
-one in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, which is a copy of a
-well-known type represented by the <i>Boboli Hermes</i> in Florence and
-other replicas.<a id="FNanchor_710"></a><a href="#Footnote_710" class="fnanchor">710</a> Though S. Reinach classed this head as Kresilæan,<a id="FNanchor_711"></a><a href="#Footnote_711" class="fnanchor">711</a>
-its true Polykleitan character has been established,<a id="FNanchor_712"></a><a href="#Footnote_712" class="fnanchor">712</a> even if it does
-not merit the praise formerly given it by Robinson, of being “easily
-the best extant copy of a work by Polykleitos.”<a id="FNanchor_713"></a><a href="#Footnote_713" class="fnanchor">713</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86">86</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The so-called <i>Jason</i> of the Louvre and its many replicas<a id="FNanchor_714"></a><a href="#Footnote_714" class="fnanchor">714</a> (Fig. <a href="#f8">8</a>)
-probably represent athletes in the guise of Hermes. These statues
-are copies of an original of the end of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, when
-<span class="figright300"><a id="f8"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p086.jpg" width="300" height="560" alt="Statue of the so-called Jason" />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 8.</span>—Statue of the so-called <i>Jason</i>
-(<i>Sandal-binder</i>). Louvre, Paris.</span></span>
-the favorite motive originated—probably
-with Lysippos—of
-representing a figure, as in this
-case, with one foot on a rock,
-bending over and tying a sandal.
-Since the replicas in Munich
-and Paris extend both arms
-to the right foot, while those in
-London and Athens extend the
-left arm over the breast, with
-the hand resting on the right
-knee, Klein has argued two different
-versions of a common
-type. He compares the former
-with figures on the west frieze
-of the Parthenon, the latter
-with the well-known relief of
-Nike tying her sandal, from
-the Nike balustrade now in the
-Akropolis Museum. The one
-type he assigns to Lysippos,
-the other (with both arms down)
-to an earlier artist. However,
-the proportions of both groups
-agree with the Lysippan canon
-and so we should assume only
-one artist. The discussion
-whether the figure is tying
-or untying the sandal is as
-barren as the similar one raised
-about the Athena from the
-Nike balustrade;<a id="FNanchor_715"></a><a href="#Footnote_715" class="fnanchor">715</a> but the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87">87</a></span>
-question as to who is represented by the type is worthy of careful
-consideration. The statue in the Louvre at first was believed to
-represent Cincinnatus called from the plough, but Winckelmann,
-without evidence, gave it its present name of <i>Jason</i>. In recent
-years it has been interpreted as Hermes tying on his sandals, his
-head raised to hearken to the behest of Zeus before going forth
-from Olympos on his duties as messenger. This interpretation was
-based on the description of a statue of the god by Christodoros,<a id="FNanchor_716"></a><a href="#Footnote_716" class="fnanchor">716</a> and
-the fact that the type conforms with a representation of Hermes on a
-coin of Markianopolis in Mœsia.<a id="FNanchor_717"></a><a href="#Footnote_717" class="fnanchor">717</a> Arndt has argued from the coin
-and from the motive of the statue that Hermes and not an athlete
-is intended; thus the inclination of the head, he thinks, is not that of
-an athlete looking out over the theatre, since the regard is not far off,
-but merely upward; the presence of the chlamys and the sandals
-also fits the god. He therefore refers the copies to a Hermes-type
-originated by Lysippos. But Froehner’s idea that they represent
-athletes, even if the type were invented for Hermes, is in line with
-our idea of the assimilation of athlete types to that of Hermes. In
-this connection it may be added that the head of an athlete in Turin,<a id="FNanchor_718"></a><a href="#Footnote_718" class="fnanchor">718</a>
-dating from the late third or early second century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, is very similar
-to that of the Louvre figure, and especially to the Fagan head in London.
-The pose of an athlete binding on a sandal was doubtless chosen
-by the sculptor merely to show the play of the muscles.</p>
-
-<p>Heads of Hermes are often found with victor fillets,<a id="FNanchor_719"></a><a href="#Footnote_719" class="fnanchor">719</a> and some of
-these doubtless are from statues of victors. The beautiful fourth-century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Parian marble head of a beardless youth in the British
-Museum, known as the Aberdeen head,<a id="FNanchor_720"></a><a href="#Footnote_720" class="fnanchor">720</a> which resembles so
-strongly the Praxitelean <i>Hermes</i>, although lacking its delicacy, may
-be from a victor statue assimilated to the god, for holes show that
-it once wore a metal wreath. In Roman days the <i>Doryphoros</i>
-of Polykleitos, as we have seen, was adapted to represent Hermes,
-and was set up in various palæstræ and gymnasia. The Naples
-copy of the <i>Doryphoros</i> stood in the Palaistra of Pompeii,<a id="FNanchor_721"></a><a href="#Footnote_721" class="fnanchor">721</a> and statues
-of ephebes carrying lances (hastae, δόρατα) and called <i>Achilleae</i> by
-Pliny,<a id="FNanchor_722"></a><a href="#Footnote_722" class="fnanchor">722</a> which must have been largely copies of Polykleitos’ great
-statue, were set up in gymnasia. A later type of Hermes-head often<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88">88</a></span>
-appeared on bodies of the <i>Doryphoros</i>,<a id="FNanchor_723"></a><a href="#Footnote_723" class="fnanchor">723</a> while other statues, showing
-the body of the <i>Doryphoros</i> draped with the chlamys,<a id="FNanchor_724"></a><a href="#Footnote_724" class="fnanchor">724</a> and many
-torsos following the attitude and form of this statue, have the chlamys,
-which shows that they were intended for the god.<a id="FNanchor_725"></a><a href="#Footnote_725" class="fnanchor">725</a> Hermes in the <i>Doryphoros</i>
-pose, in a bronze of the British Museum,<a id="FNanchor_726"></a><a href="#Footnote_726" class="fnanchor">726</a> is probably intended
-for an athlete. Furtwaengler has shown<a id="FNanchor_727"></a><a href="#Footnote_727" class="fnanchor">727</a> that the old Argive schema
-of the boxer Aristion at Olympia by Polykleitos<a id="FNanchor_728"></a><a href="#Footnote_728" class="fnanchor">728</a> was used in the
-master’s circle for statues of Hermes. The best preserved example
-of a number of existing statues of this type is one in Lansdowne
-House, London,<a id="FNanchor_729"></a><a href="#Footnote_729" class="fnanchor">729</a> in the pose of the Aristion, holding an object—probably
-a kerykeion—in the hand and a chlamys over the left shoulder.</p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Athlete Statues Assimilated to Types of Apollo.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Apollo figures in mythology as an athlete. In the Iliad, at the
-opening of the boxing match between Epeios and Euryalos,<a id="FNanchor_730"></a><a href="#Footnote_730" class="fnanchor">730</a> he is
-mentioned as the god of boxing, which refers, perhaps, to his presiding
-over the education of youths (κουροτρόφος) and to his gift of manly
-prowess. Pausanias records that he overcame Hermes in running and
-Ares in boxing.<a id="FNanchor_731"></a><a href="#Footnote_731" class="fnanchor">731</a> He gives these victories of the god as the reason why
-the flute played a Pythian air at the later pentathlon. Plutarch says
-that the Delphians sacrificed to Apollo the boxer (πύκτης), and the Cretans
-and Spartans to Apollo the runner (δρομαῖος).<a id="FNanchor_732"></a><a href="#Footnote_732" class="fnanchor">732</a> Apollo’s fight with
-Herakles to wrest from the hero the stolen tripod of Delphi,<a id="FNanchor_733"></a><a href="#Footnote_733" class="fnanchor">733</a> which is
-the subject of many surviving works of art,<a id="FNanchor_734"></a><a href="#Footnote_734" class="fnanchor">734</a> is outside the realm of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89">89</a></span>
-athletics. As with Hermes, it is often difficult to distinguish between
-statues of Apollo and those of victors assimilated to his type. A
-good instance of this doubt is afforded by the long and indecisive
-discussion of the monument represented by several replicas, especially
-by the <i>Choiseul-Gouffier</i> statue in the British Museum (Pl. <a href="#p7A">7A</a>), and
-the so-called <i>Apollo-on-the-Omphalos</i> (Pl. <a href="#p7B">7B</a>) found in 1862 in the
-ruins of the theatre of Dionysos at Athens, and now in the National
-Museum there.<a id="FNanchor_735"></a><a href="#Footnote_735" class="fnanchor">735</a> The bronze original of these marble copies must
-have been famous, to judge from the number of replicas of it. It has
-been ascribed to many different artists—to Kalamis, Pythagoras,
-Alkamenes, Pasiteles,<a id="FNanchor_736"></a><a href="#Footnote_736" class="fnanchor">736</a> to one on more, to another on less probability. As
-A. H. Smith has pointed out, the <i>krobylos</i> treatment of the hair almost
-certainly indicates an Attic sculptor of the first half of the fifth century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> But here again the main interest in these copies is to determine
-whether the original represented Apollo or an athlete. The
-connection between the Athens replica and the <i>omphalos</i> found with
-it is all but disproved<a id="FNanchor_737"></a><a href="#Footnote_737" class="fnanchor">737</a> and can not be used as evidence that the
-statue represents the god. However, the original has been called an
-Apollo because of the presence of a quiver on certain of the copies.
-Thus, while we have a tree-trunk beside the <i>Choiseul-Gouffier</i> example,
-we have a quiver on the copy in the Palazzo Torlonia in Rome,<a id="FNanchor_738"></a><a href="#Footnote_738" class="fnanchor">738</a> and on a
-similar statue in the Fridericianum in Kassel,<a id="FNanchor_739"></a><a href="#Footnote_739" class="fnanchor">739</a> and both tree and quiver
-on the fragment of a leg from the Palatine now in the Museo delle Terme.<a id="FNanchor_740"></a><a href="#Footnote_740" class="fnanchor">740</a>
-The Ventnor head in the British Museum<a id="FNanchor_741"></a><a href="#Footnote_741" class="fnanchor">741</a> has long locks suited to
-Apollo, and the head from Kyrene there<a id="FNanchor_742"></a><a href="#Footnote_742" class="fnanchor">742</a> was actually found in a
-temple of Apollo. It has also been pointed out that the head of
-a similar figure, undoubtedly an Apollo, appears on a relief in the
-Capitoline Museum,<a id="FNanchor_743"></a><a href="#Footnote_743" class="fnanchor">743</a> and a similar figure is found on a red-figured<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90">90</a></span>
-krater in Bologna, which shows the god standing on a pillar with a
-laurel wreath in the lowered left hand and a bowl in the right.<a id="FNanchor_744"></a><a href="#Footnote_744" class="fnanchor">744</a> On
-coins of Athens, moreover, we see the figure of Apollo in a similar
-attitude with a laurel wreath in the lowered right hand and a bow
-in the left.<a id="FNanchor_745"></a><a href="#Footnote_745" class="fnanchor">745</a> From such evidence a good case for an Apollo has
-been made out by many scholars—A. H. Smith, Winter,<a id="FNanchor_746"></a><a href="#Footnote_746" class="fnanchor">746</a> Helbig,<a id="FNanchor_747"></a><a href="#Footnote_747" class="fnanchor">747</a>
-Conze,<a id="FNanchor_748"></a><a href="#Footnote_748" class="fnanchor">748</a> Furtwaengler,<a id="FNanchor_749"></a><a href="#Footnote_749" class="fnanchor">749</a> Schreiber,<a id="FNanchor_750"></a><a href="#Footnote_750" class="fnanchor">750</a> Dickins, and others. The evidence
-of the quiver in the delle Terme fragment and the Torlonia replica
-is looked upon as a deliberate device of the copyist to indicate the god.
-The attempt especially to connect it with the <i>Apollo Alexikakos</i> of
-Kalamis<a id="FNanchor_751"></a><a href="#Footnote_751" class="fnanchor">751</a> must certainly fall, since the date is about the only thing
-in its favor. In the long list of statues ascribed to this sculptor,<a id="FNanchor_752"></a><a href="#Footnote_752" class="fnanchor">752</a>
-there is none of an athlete, and the <i>Choiseul-Gouffier</i> type, whether
-it represents Apollo or an athlete, has a markedly athletic character.
-If the Delphi <i>Charioteer</i> (Fig. <a href="#f66">66</a>) be ascribed to Kalamis, certainly
-this type of statue can have nothing to do with him or his school. Nor
-is the type at all identical with the <i>Alexikakos</i> appearing on coins of
-Athens,<a id="FNanchor_753"></a><a href="#Footnote_753" class="fnanchor">753</a> in which the locks of hair, in the true archaic fashion of a
-cultus statue, fall down over the god’s shoulders. Besides, the work
-of Kalamis, characterized by λεπτότης and χάρις,<a id="FNanchor_754"></a><a href="#Footnote_754" class="fnanchor">754</a> must have been
-of the delicate later archaic style of the transition period.</p>
-
-<table summary="PLATE 7A PLATE 7B" border="0"><tr>
-<td><div class="figcenter250 padr1"><p>PLATE 7A</p><a id="p7A"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp090a.jpg" width="250" height="648" alt="Statue of the so-called Apollo Choiseul-Gouffier" />
-<div class="caption">Statue of the so-called <i>Apollo Choiseul-Gouffier</i>.
-British Museum, London.</div></div></td>
-
-<td><div class="figcenter233 padl1"><p class="right">PLATE 7B</p><a id="p7B"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp090b.jpg" width="233" height="648" alt="Statue of the so-called Apollo-on-the-Omphalos" />
-<div class="caption">Statue of the so-called <i>Apollo-on-the-Omphalos</i>.
-National Museum, Athens.</div></div></td>
-</tr></table>
-
-
-<p>Waldstein, however, has made a good case against the evidence
-adduced for interpreting the original as Apollo and he believes that
-the statue represents an athlete.<a id="FNanchor_755"></a><a href="#Footnote_755" class="fnanchor">755</a> The thongs thrown over the stump
-in the <i>Choiseul-Gouffier</i> statue, doubtless those of a boxer, seem to
-point to an athlete for that copy at least. The muscular form and
-athletic coiffure of all the copies also point to the same conclusion, even
-if Waldstein’s ascription of the original statue to the boxer Euthymos,
-whose statue by Pythagoras of Rhegion stood in the Altis at Olympia,<a id="FNanchor_756"></a><a href="#Footnote_756" class="fnanchor">756</a>
-is only a guess. Wolters thinks the <i>Choiseul-Gouffier</i> statue may
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91">91</a></span>represent an athlete, but is against Waldstein’s ascription of the work
-to Pythagoras.<a id="FNanchor_757"></a><a href="#Footnote_757" class="fnanchor">757</a></p>
-
-<p>Though differing in detail, the rendering of the hair, common to
-all the replicas, is a purely athletic coiffure. The argument for
-attributing the original to Apollo, based on the curls around the face,
-is of no importance, since a similar coiffure appears on many ephebe
-heads by various Attic masters of the same or a slightly earlier period.
-The hair treatment on a little-known replica of the head in the British
-Museum<a id="FNanchor_758"></a><a href="#Footnote_758" class="fnanchor">758</a> gives us an additional argument in determining whether
-the original was an Apollo or not. On this head there are two corkscrew
-curls side by side just back of the ears, which are so inorganically
-attached and so unsuited to the style of head as to make us believe
-that they were added by the copyist, even if their absence in other
-copies were not proof enough of this fact. Apparently the copyist
-adopted a well-known type of athlete and tried to convert it into an
-Apollo by the use of this Apolline hair attribute. The only other
-Apolline attribute, the quiver on the copies in the Palazzo Torlonia<a id="FNanchor_759"></a><a href="#Footnote_759" class="fnanchor">759</a>
-and Museo delle Terme, may have been added as a fortuitous adjunct
-by the copyists, who were converting an original athlete statue into
-one of Apollo. It may be added, also, that the quiver does not always
-indicate the god, as we shall see in discussing the Delian <i>Diadoumenos</i>
-(Pl. <a href="#p18">18</a>). When we consider, therefore, the athletic pose, the massive
-outline and proportions, the high-arched chest, the muscular arms
-and thighs, the accentuation of the veins,<a id="FNanchor_760"></a><a href="#Footnote_760" class="fnanchor">760</a> the fashion of the hair,
-and the relatively small size of the head, together with the presence
-of the boxing-thongs on the London example, it seems reasonable to
-conclude that in this series of copies we may see an original athlete
-statue, which in certain cases was later transformed into statues of
-Apollo. Even if the original was actually an Apollo, its proportions
-were far better suited to the patron of athletic exercises than to the
-leader of a celestial choir.</p>
-
-<p>An instance of the similar use of the same type of head is shown
-by the colossal statue of Apollo unearthed at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_761"></a><a href="#Footnote_761" class="fnanchor">761</a> Here we see
-the same coiffure as in the heads discussed, but the presence of the
-remnants of a lyre indubitably shows that this copy was intended for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92">92</a></span>
-Apollo, and so it has been rightly assigned by Treu, not to the fifth, but
-to a later century. When long hair was no longer the fashion for
-athletes, a later artist might mistakenly think that the earlier plaits
-were genuinely Apolline, though we know that they were common to
-all early athletic art. Another head in the British Museum has been
-ably discussed by Mrs. Strong,<a id="FNanchor_762"></a><a href="#Footnote_762" class="fnanchor">762</a> who shows that it comes from an
-Apollo and not from an athlete statue. It is similar to an Apollo
-pictured on a stater struck at Mytilene about 400 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,<a id="FNanchor_763"></a><a href="#Footnote_763" class="fnanchor">763</a> and consequently,
-like the statue from Olympia, it is merely an instance of
-the process of converting an athlete statue into that of an Apollo.</p>
-
-<p>The marble copy of the <i>Diadoumenos</i> of Polykleitos, found on
-the island of Delos in 1894, and now in the National Museum in
-Athens<a id="FNanchor_764"></a><a href="#Footnote_764" class="fnanchor">764</a> (Pl. <a href="#p18">18</a>), has a chlamys and a quiver introduced on the marble
-support against the right leg. Until recently these attributes were
-regarded as the arbitrary introductions of the Hellenistic copyist,
-who wished to convert the famous athlete statue into one of Apollo,
-but lately it has been suggested that they belonged to the original
-statue, which is assumed to have represented Apollo. Thus, Hauser
-has propounded the theory that the <i>Diadoumenos</i> was originally an
-Apollo.<a id="FNanchor_765"></a><a href="#Footnote_765" class="fnanchor">765</a> He does not believe that the Delian sculptor could have
-transformed a short-haired athlete into an Apollo, since the typical
-Apollo after the time of Praxiteles was never represented as athletic.
-He later supported his theory that the <i>Diadoumenos</i> was originally an
-Apollo by the evidence of a bronze statuette and a Delphian coin, and
-reasserted his view that so virile a short-haired Apollo did not originate
-with the later copyist, but in the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_766"></a><a href="#Footnote_766" class="fnanchor">766</a> Hauser’s argument
-that Apollo was the original of the <i>Diadoumenos</i> seems as unsuccessful
-as his contention that Polykleitos’ other great creation, the
-<i>Doryphoros</i>, is to be classed as an <i>Achilles</i>.<a id="FNanchor_767"></a><a href="#Footnote_767" class="fnanchor">767</a> Loewy has sufficiently
-opposed Hauser’s theory of the <i>Diadoumenos</i>, by showing that the palm-tree
-prop in all the marble replicas of that statue points to athletic<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93">93</a></span>
-victories.<a id="FNanchor_768"></a><a href="#Footnote_768" class="fnanchor">768</a> He rightly explains the Apolline attributes of the Delian
-copy as the perfectly natural additions of an artist who lived on the
-island reputed to be the birthplace of the god. His ascription of the
-Polykleitan statue to the pentathlete Pythokles, the base of whose
-statue at Olympia has been found,<a id="FNanchor_769"></a><a href="#Footnote_769" class="fnanchor">769</a> is doubtful. More recently Ada
-Maviglia has shown the literary grounds for regarding the <i>Diadoumenos</i>
-as an athlete, and not an Apollo.<a id="FNanchor_770"></a><a href="#Footnote_770" class="fnanchor">770</a></p>
-
-<p>The difficulty of distinguishing between statues of athletes and Apollo
-is also shown by the very beautiful fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Parian marble
-head in Turin,<a id="FNanchor_771"></a><a href="#Footnote_771" class="fnanchor">771</a> which is certainly a copy of an original Greek bronze.
-Furtwaengler, because of the hair, wrongly believed it the head of a
-diadoumenos, and connected it with Kresilas,<a id="FNanchor_772"></a><a href="#Footnote_772" class="fnanchor">772</a> while Amelung and
-Wace<a id="FNanchor_773"></a><a href="#Footnote_773" class="fnanchor">773</a> have found in it Attic and Polykleitan influences. The hair is
-parted over the centre of the forehead, as in the <i>Diadoumenos</i> and
-the <i>Doryphoros</i>, and in other works attributed to the Polykleitan
-school, while the locks over the ears and the plaits wound round
-the head have Attic analogues.<a id="FNanchor_774"></a><a href="#Footnote_774" class="fnanchor">774</a></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Athlete Statues Assimilated to Types of Herakles.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Herakles was the reputed founder of the games at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_775"></a><a href="#Footnote_775" class="fnanchor">775</a> He
-was a famous wrestler, Pausanias frequently mentioning his combats
-with giants.<a id="FNanchor_776"></a><a href="#Footnote_776" class="fnanchor">776</a> He won in both wrestling and the pankration at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_777"></a><a href="#Footnote_777" class="fnanchor">777</a>
-In connection with the victory of Straton of Alexandria, who
-won in these two events on the same day,<a id="FNanchor_778"></a><a href="#Footnote_778" class="fnanchor">778</a> Pausanias names three men
-before him and three men after him who won in these events on the same<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94">94</a></span>
-day.<a id="FNanchor_779"></a><a href="#Footnote_779" class="fnanchor">779</a> We learn their dates from Africanus.<a id="FNanchor_780"></a><a href="#Footnote_780" class="fnanchor">780</a> After the date of the last
-of these victories, Ol. 204 (&#8239;=&#8239;37 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>), the Elean umpires, in order to
-check professionalism, refused to allow contestants to enter for both
-events.<a id="FNanchor_781"></a><a href="#Footnote_781" class="fnanchor">781</a> To win the crown of wild olive in both these events was
-therefore regarded as a great honor, and in the Olympic lists a special
-note was made of such victors, who were called πρῶτος, δεύτερος,
-τρίτος, κ. τ. λ., ἀφ’ Ἡρακλέους.<a id="FNanchor_782"></a><a href="#Footnote_782" class="fnanchor">782</a> They also received the title of
-παράδοξος or παραδοξονίκης.<a id="FNanchor_783"></a><a href="#Footnote_783" class="fnanchor">783</a> Statues of Herakles, like those of Hermes
-and Theseus, were commonly set up in gymnasia and palæstræ
-throughout Greece,<a id="FNanchor_784"></a><a href="#Footnote_784" class="fnanchor">784</a> and it was but natural that Olympic victors,
-especially those in the two events mentioned, should want their
-statues assimilated to those of the hero. The difficulty of deciding
-whether a given statue is one of Herakles or of a victor is even greater
-than that of distinguishing between statues of victors and those of
-Hermes or Apollo. To quote Homolle: “<i>Maintes fois, comme pour la
-tête d’Olympie, comme pour plusieurs autres encore, on peut se demander
-si le personnage représenté est le héros luimême sous les traits d’un
-athlête ou un athlête fait à l’image du héros</i>.”<a id="FNanchor_785"></a><a href="#Footnote_785" class="fnanchor">785</a> In reference to the
-statue of Agias by Lysippos discovered at Delphi, which is an excellent
-example of the assimilation process which we are discussing, he
-continues: “<i>Ici en particulier, étant donnée la nature du monument, il est
-permis de supposer que l’auteur ... ait voulu élever le personnage à la
-hauteur idéale du type divin en qu’ Agias ait été assimilé à Héraclès</i>.”<a id="FNanchor_786"></a><a href="#Footnote_786" class="fnanchor">786</a></p>
-
-<p>We shall discuss a few examples of this process of assimilation to
-types of Herakles. Our ascription of the head from Olympia mentioned
-by Homolle, which was found in the ruins of the Gymnasion, to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95">95</a></span>
-statue of the Akarnanian pancratiast Philandridas by Lysippos<a id="FNanchor_787"></a><a href="#Footnote_787" class="fnanchor">787</a> (<a href="#fr">Frontispiece</a>
-and Fig. <a href="#f69">69</a>) will be discussed in a later chapter.<a id="FNanchor_788"></a><a href="#Footnote_788" class="fnanchor">788</a> The swollen
-ears and hair-fillet might pass for hero or mortal, for in deciding
-whether a given head represents Herakles or a victor, the ears are not
-the deciding criterion, since many heroes had the “pancratiast” swollen
-ear, as we shall see later. A good example of assimilation is seen in the
-beautiful little marble head of a man, found in Athens and now in the
-Glyptothek Ny-Carlsberg in Copenhagen, dating from the early Hellenistic
-age.<a id="FNanchor_789"></a><a href="#Footnote_789" class="fnanchor">789</a> As traces of color remain in the hair, some have thought
-that this head came from the reliefs on the “Alexander” sarcophagus
-from Sidon, belonging to the body of a headless youth represented there.
-Though the marble (Pentelic) and the dimensions would fit, it would be
-the only head on the sarcophagus with a band in the hair, and so the
-question can not be definitely decided.<a id="FNanchor_790"></a><a href="#Footnote_790" class="fnanchor">790</a> The head was at first called a
-Herakles, though Furtwaengler rightly saw in it an ideal representation
-of an athlete, even if the ears are not swollen. A bronze head of a youth
-from Herculaneum, now in Naples, is evidently a part of the statue
-of a victor or of Herakles.<a id="FNanchor_791"></a><a href="#Footnote_791" class="fnanchor">791</a> A Polykleitan ephebe head-type, with
-rolled fillet around the hair and swollen ears, represented by replicas in
-Naples, in Rome, and elsewhere, may represent a boxer in the guise of the
-hero.<a id="FNanchor_792"></a><a href="#Footnote_792" class="fnanchor">792</a> In the Roman copy of the group of Herakles and Telephos in the
-Museo Chiaramonti of the Vatican, Herakles, still the god, wears a fillet.<a id="FNanchor_793"></a><a href="#Footnote_793" class="fnanchor">793</a>
-Similarly, a colossal head of mediocre workmanship in the Sala dei Busti
-of the Vatican represents the hero with a fillet,<a id="FNanchor_794"></a><a href="#Footnote_794" class="fnanchor">794</a> while another head
-in the Capitoline Museum, with fillet and swollen ears, seems to represent
-Herakles as a victorious athlete.<a id="FNanchor_795"></a><a href="#Footnote_795" class="fnanchor">795</a> Many other heads in various
-museums, which are commonly called heads of Herakles, may represent
-athletes in the heroic guise. A good example is the Parian marble
-terminal bust of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, representing a young Herakles
-wreathed with poplar, now in the British Museum (Fig. <a href="#f31">31</a>).<a id="FNanchor_796"></a><a href="#Footnote_796" class="fnanchor">796</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96">96</a></span>
-In this head the ears are bruised. It seems to have been copied from
-some well-known statue of Lysippan or Skopaic tendencies. Another
-head in the British Museum shows the beardless hero, his hair encircled
-by a diadem, and his ears broken and crushed.<a id="FNanchor_797"></a><a href="#Footnote_797" class="fnanchor">797</a> This almost
-certainly comes from a victor statue. Many bronze statuettes in the
-British Museum may be interpreted either as Herakles or as victors.<a id="FNanchor_798"></a><a href="#Footnote_798" class="fnanchor">798</a>
-A bronze from Corfu represents a nude Herakles or an athlete, with
-the left foot advanced and the left hand extended. The objects held in
-both hands are lost, but the challenging pose and expression indicate
-a boxer.<a id="FNanchor_799"></a><a href="#Footnote_799" class="fnanchor">799</a> Similarly a small bronze in Berlin, represented with a
-fillet and in the walking pose, may be a Herakles or a victor.<a id="FNanchor_800"></a><a href="#Footnote_800" class="fnanchor">800</a> Duetschke
-gives two examples of heads in the Uffizi, both of them having fillets,
-and one of them having swollen ears, which may come from statues
-of the hero or victors.<a id="FNanchor_801"></a><a href="#Footnote_801" class="fnanchor">801</a> Heads of the hero with the rolled fillet can not,
-however, according to Furtwaengler, be classed as victors, since he
-believes that this attribute was borrowed from the symposium, to
-distinguish the glorified hero rejoicing in the celestial banquet.<a id="FNanchor_802"></a><a href="#Footnote_802" class="fnanchor">802</a></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Athletes Represented as the Dioskouroi.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Kastor is said to have won the foot-race and Polydeukes the boxing
-match, at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_803"></a><a href="#Footnote_803" class="fnanchor">803</a> They had an altar at the entrance to the Hippodrome
-there,<a id="FNanchor_804"></a><a href="#Footnote_804" class="fnanchor">804</a> and were called “Starters of the Race” at Sparta.<a id="FNanchor_805"></a><a href="#Footnote_805" class="fnanchor">805</a>
-A stadion, in which they were fabled to have contended, was shown in
-Hermione, in Corinthia.<a id="FNanchor_806"></a><a href="#Footnote_806" class="fnanchor">806</a> Kastor was a famous horse-racer in Homer
-and later writers,<a id="FNanchor_807"></a><a href="#Footnote_807" class="fnanchor">807</a> and Polydeukes a famous boxer,<a id="FNanchor_808"></a><a href="#Footnote_808" class="fnanchor">808</a> both being κατ’
-ἐξοχήν the rider and boxer respectively.<a id="FNanchor_809"></a><a href="#Footnote_809" class="fnanchor">809</a> Scenes showing Athena setting
-garlands on victorious hoplite racers (?) appear on reliefs of the Dioskouroi
-from Tarentum.<a id="FNanchor_810"></a><a href="#Footnote_810" class="fnanchor">810</a> An archaic Argive inscription tells how a
-certain Aischylos won the stade-race four times and the hoplite-race<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97">97</a></span>
-three times at Argos, for which he dedicated a slab to the Dioskouroi,
-which depicted them in relief.<a id="FNanchor_811"></a><a href="#Footnote_811" class="fnanchor">811</a> An inscribed bronze quoit of the
-sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> from Kephallenia(?), now in the British Museum,
-was dedicated to the two heroes by Exoïdas for a victory (apparently
-in the pentathlon).<a id="FNanchor_812"></a><a href="#Footnote_812" class="fnanchor">812</a> A bronze four-spoked wheel with a dedicatory
-inscription in their honor was found at Argos, probably the remnant of a
-monument erected for a chariot victory.<a id="FNanchor_813"></a><a href="#Footnote_813" class="fnanchor">813</a> Doubtless certain victor
-statues were assimilated to them, though we have no direct evidence
-of the fact. Ordinary dead men appeared in the guise of the Dioskouroi
-on sepulchral reliefs, just as we have seen that in statuary they
-were heroized into statues of Hermes. Thus a grave-relief in honor
-of Pamphilos and Alexandros in Verona shows on the projecting lower
-rim the two Dioskouroi, the figure to the right carrying a lance in the
-right hand and holding the bridle of a horse in the left, while the figure
-to the left holds a lance in the left hand and touches a horse’s head with
-the right.<a id="FNanchor_814"></a><a href="#Footnote_814" class="fnanchor">814</a> A votive relief in the British Museum represents two youths
-on horseback, who, despite the absence of the conical cap or pilleus,
-are probably the Dioskouroi.<a id="FNanchor_815"></a><a href="#Footnote_815" class="fnanchor">815</a> Their short hair is bound with diadems,
-which shows that the dead men may have been victors.</p>
-
-<p>Sufficient examples of the process of assimilation have now been
-given to prove that it was not an uncommon device of the ancient
-sculptor and to show the difficulty of distinguishing between types
-of gods and athletes.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98">98</a></span></p>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99">99</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>CHAPTER III.<br />
-
-<small>VICTOR STATUES REPRESENTED AT REST.</small></h2>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Plates 8–21 and Figures 9–31.</span></p>
-
-<p>We have seen<a id="FNanchor_816"></a><a href="#Footnote_816" class="fnanchor">816</a> that it was a very old custom in Greece to dedicate
-statues of victors at the great national games to the god in whose
-honor the games were held. On many sites, especially at Olympia,
-tiny statuettes of clay or bronze of very primitive technique have been
-found in great numbers, which represent victors in many attitudes
-and ways—as horsemen, warriors, charioteers, etc. By the sixth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> this ancient custom, as we learn from literary, epigraphical,
-and monumental sources, had developed, with the rapid progress
-attained by the sculptor’s art, into the regular practice of erecting
-life-size statues of athletes at the site of the games or in the native city
-of the victor. Especially at Olympia hundreds of such monuments
-were gradually collected, whose numbers and beauty must have exerted
-an overwhelming impression on the visitor to the Altis. We shall now
-begin the consideration of these monuments in detail.</p>
-
-<p>The victor statues at Olympia, as elsewhere, may be conveniently
-divided into two main groups—those which represent the victor as
-standing or seated at rest, before or after the contest, and those which
-represent him in movement, <i>i. e.</i>, in some contest schema.<a id="FNanchor_817"></a><a href="#Footnote_817" class="fnanchor">817</a> Examples
-of statues of athletes represented at rest are common in Greek athletic
-sculpture. We need only mention the so-called <i>Oil-pourer</i> of Munich
-(Pl. <a href="#p11">11</a>), who is represented as pouring oil over his body to make
-his limbs more supple for the coming wrestling bout; the <i>Diadoumenos</i>
-of Polykleitos (Pls. 17, 18, and Fig. <a href="#f28">28</a>), who is binding a victor fillet
-around his head after a successful encounter; the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> of
-the school of Lysippos (Pl. <a href="#p29">29</a>), representing an athlete scraping off
-the oil and dirt from his body after his victory. In this class of
-statues, which forms by far the greater number and shows the richer
-motives, the poses are quiet and reserved, the figures are compact,
-and the expression earnest and even thoughtful. As examples of
-statues represented in movement we need only recall such well-known
-works as the <i>Diskobolos</i> of Myron with its rhythmic lines and vivacious
-expression (Pls. 22, 23, and Figs. 34, 35); the bronze wrestlers of
-Naples, who are bending eagerly forward watching for a grip (Fig. <a href="#f51">51</a>);
-or the artistically intertwined pancratiast group of Florence (Pl. <a href="#p25">25</a>).<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100">100</a></span>
-Such monuments show us the varied poses, the choice of the critical
-moment, the truth to life, and the masterly rhythm attained by certain
-sculptors.</p>
-
-<h3>THE APOLLO TYPE.</h3>
-
-<p>In this chapter we shall confine ourselves almost entirely to the
-statues of victors represented at rest, discussing those represented in
-motion chiefly in the next. Most of the oldest statues at Olympia,
-dating from a time when there were few variations in the sculptural
-type, must have been represented at rest and in the schema of the so-called
-“Apollos.” Ever since the discovery of the <i>Apollo of Thera</i> in
-1836 (Fig. <a href="#f9">9</a>), this <i>genre</i> of sculpture, the most characteristic of the early
-period, extending from the end of the seventh century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> to the
-time of the gable groups of Aegina, has been carefully studied. Though
-we now know that the type passed equally well for gods and mortals,<a id="FNanchor_818"></a><a href="#Footnote_818" class="fnanchor">818</a>
-we still keep the name, because of its familiarity and for the sake of
-having a common designation. That this type actually represented
-Olympic victors we have indubitable proof. Pausanias mentions the
-stone victor statue of the pancratiast Arrhachion, dating from the first
-half of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, which stood in the agora of his native
-town Phigalia. He describes it as archaic in pose, with the feet close
-together and the arms hanging down the sides to the hips—the typical
-“Apollo” schema.<a id="FNanchor_819"></a><a href="#Footnote_819" class="fnanchor">819</a> Moreover, this very statue has survived to our
-time (Fig. <a href="#f79">79</a>).<a id="FNanchor_820"></a><a href="#Footnote_820" class="fnanchor">820</a> A study, therefore, of this type of statue will give us
-an idea of how some of the early statues at Olympia looked.</p>
-
-<p>The “Apollo” statues,<a id="FNanchor_821"></a><a href="#Footnote_821" class="fnanchor">821</a>
-because of differences in facial expression,
-have been conveniently divided into two groups: those represented by
-the examples from Thera, Melos, Volomandra, Tenea, etc., sometimes
-named the “grinning” group, because the corners of the mouth are
-turned upwards into the so-called “archaic smile,” and those represented
-by the examples from Orchomenos, the precinct of Mount
-Ptoion, and elsewhere, named the “stolid” group, because in them the
-mouth forms a straight line.<a id="FNanchor_822"></a><a href="#Footnote_822" class="fnanchor">822</a>
-There are, however, essential differences
-
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f9"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p101.jpg" width="250" height="476" alt="Statue of so-called
-Apollo of Thera" />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 9.</span>—Statue of so-called
-<i>Apollo of Thera</i>. National Museum, Athens.</span></span>
-
-between the statues of each group. Thus, while some of both groups—<i>e. g.</i>,
-the examples from Melos, Volomandra, and Orchomenos—have
-square shoulders, most of the others have sloping ones. The type
-gradually improved, as in each successive attempt the sculptor overcame
-difficulties, until finally revolutionary changes had taken place<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101">101</a></span>
-in the original form. This improvement is seen in the treatment of the
-hair, in the modeling of the face and body, and in the proportions of the
-statues. In a head of a statue from Mount Ptoion<a id="FNanchor_823"></a><a href="#Footnote_823" class="fnanchor">823</a>—which is broken
-off at the neck—we seem to see the sculptor in wood making his first
-attempt in stone. In the archaic example from Thera<a id="FNanchor_824"></a><a href="#Footnote_824" class="fnanchor">824</a> (Fig. <a href="#f9">9</a>) the arms
-hang straight down close to the sides, as in the statue of Arrhachion,
-being detached only slightly from the body at the elbows, showing that
-
-
-the artist was afraid that they might
-break off. In other examples, as in the
-one from Orchomenos<a id="FNanchor_825"></a><a href="#Footnote_825" class="fnanchor">825</a> (Fig. <a href="#f10">10</a>) and one
-from Mount Ptoion<a id="FNanchor_826"></a><a href="#Footnote_826" class="fnanchor">826</a> (Fig. <a href="#f11">11</a>), the space
-between the arms and the body has become
-larger, while in the example from
-Melos<a id="FNanchor_827"></a><a href="#Footnote_827" class="fnanchor">827</a> (Fig. <a href="#f12">12</a>) only the hands are glued
-to the thighs. In the “Apollo” found
-at Tenea in 1846, and now in Munich<a id="FNanchor_828"></a><a href="#Footnote_828" class="fnanchor">828</a>
-(Pl. <a href="#p8A">8A</a>), the arms are free, but the hands
-are held fast to the body by the retention
-of small marble bridges between
-them and the thighs. The final step<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102">102</a></span>
-has been taken in two examples from Mount Ptoion (Fig. <a href="#f13">13</a>), in
-which the arms from the shoulders down are free from the bodies.<a id="FNanchor_829"></a><a href="#Footnote_829" class="fnanchor">829</a>
-The bridges shown on the photograph in the figure to the left, which
-connect the forearms with the thighs, are of plaster, being added at
-the time the statue was set up in Athens.<a id="FNanchor_830"></a><a href="#Footnote_830" class="fnanchor">830</a> The figure to the right
-is smaller and clearly discloses Aeginetan influence. The audacity
-of the sculptor in entirely freeing the arms in both examples was
-rewarded by the arms being broken off. Similarly, in the <i>Strangford
-Apollo</i> of the British Museum (Fig. <a href="#f14">14</a>),<a id="FNanchor_831"></a><a href="#Footnote_831" class="fnanchor">831</a> the arms, which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103">103</a></span>
-hung loose from the shoulders, are broken away. The larger statue
-from Mount Ptoion just mentioned also has the arms slightly crooked
-at the elbows, the forearms being extended at an oblique angle to the
-body. This represents an intermediate stage between the earlier
-“Apollos,” in which the arms adhered vertically to the sides of the
-body (as <i>e. g.</i>, in the ones from Orchomenos,
-Thera, Melos, and Tenea), and the later
-ones, in which the arms were bent, the forearms
-being extended at right angles to the
-body (see Figs. 15 and 19).<a id="FNanchor_832"></a><a href="#Footnote_832" class="fnanchor">832</a></p>
-
-<table summary="Fig. 10 Fig. 11" border="0"><tr>
-<td class="tdc padr1"><div class="figcenter200"><a id="f10"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p102a.jpg" width="200" height="401" alt="Statue of so-called
-Apollo of Orchomenos" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 10.</span>—Statue of so-called
-<i>Apollo of Orchomenos</i>. National Museum, Athens.</div></div></td>
-
-<td class="tdc padl1"><div class="figcenter193"><a id="f11"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p102b.jpg" width="193" height="401" alt="" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 11.</span>—Statue of so-called <i>Apollo</i>,
-from Mount Ptoion, Bœotia. National Museum, Athens.</div></div></td>
-</tr></table>
-
-<p><span class="figright200"><a id="f12"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p103.jpg" width="200" height="528" alt="Statue of so-called
-Apollo of Melos." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 12.</span>—Statue of so-called
-<i>Apollo of Melos</i>. National Museum, Athens.</span></span>
-The example from Thera shows the archaic
-method of working in planes parallel
-to front and side and at right angles to one
-another, the corners of the square block being
-merely rounded off. The outlines of
-muscles are indicated by shallow grooves,
-which do not affect the flatness of the surface,
-and there is but little facial expression.
-We see the chest outlined in some examples
-from Aktion.<a id="FNanchor_833"></a><a href="#Footnote_833" class="fnanchor">833</a>
-In the Melian example the
-rectangular form is modified by cutting
-away the sides obliquely in arms and body;
-here there is more expression in the face,
-and the treatment of the hair and the proportions
-of the body are more developed.
-In the example from Orchomenos we see a
-great improvement in form. Here, as in
-later Bœotian examples, the original rectangular
-form of the example from Thera
-has become round, so that a horizontal
-cross-section through the waist is almost
-circular; the muscles of the abdomen are
-indicated and the skin is naturalistically
-shown in the back and at the elbows. In
-later Bœotian examples from Mount Ptoion,
-which are directly developed from the Orchomenos
-type,<a id="FNanchor_834"></a><a href="#Footnote_834" class="fnanchor">834</a> the form is lighter and the
-proportions more graceful. In one example (Fig. <a href="#f13">13</a>, left) even the
-veins are shown. In the example mentioned above as showing
-Aeginetan influence, and dated about 500 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,<a id="FNanchor_835"></a><a href="#Footnote_835" class="fnanchor">835</a> the muscles are
-clearly marked, just as in the <i>Strangford</i> example and in the statues
-from the temple at Aegina, showing that foreign art had been intro<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104">104</a></span>duced
-into Bœotia by that time. In the example from Volomandra
-in Attica,<a id="FNanchor_836"></a><a href="#Footnote_836" class="fnanchor">836</a> we see affinity to the examples from Thera and Melos, but
-Attic softness in the carving of the shoulders and in the proportions.
-In the <i>Apollo of Tenea</i> (Pl. <a href="#p8A">8A</a>), “by far the most beautiful preserved
-statue of archaic sculpture,”<a id="FNanchor_837"></a><a href="#Footnote_837" class="fnanchor">837</a> a statue most carefully worked, we see a
-Peloponnesian example of the beginning of the sixth or even of the end
-of the seventh century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Here the sculptor has shown great care
-in executing details and in the proportions. The eyes are not flat, but
-convex, and are wide open as in most of the earlier examples. The
-downward flow of the lines of the statue is striking, which is caused
-by the sloping shoulders and the elongated triangular-shaped abdomen.
-The slimness of the figure, with the contour of bones and muscles, is
-remarkable at so early a date. The fashioning of the knees is detailed.
-When we contrast this tall, slim, agile statue with the massively
-square-built Argive type found at Delphi (Pl. <a href="#p8B">8B</a>), we find it reason<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105">105</a></span>able
-to suspect that the <i>Apollo of Tenea</i> is an imported work, coming
-probably from the islands.<a id="FNanchor_838"></a><a href="#Footnote_838" class="fnanchor">838</a> The two statues of (?) Kleobis and Biton,
-discovered at Delphi in 1893 and 1894, and inscribed with the name
-of the sculptor Polymedes of Argos, have added much to our knowledge
-of early Argive sculpture (Pl. <a href="#p8B">8B</a>,
-= Statue A).<a id="FNanchor_839"></a><a href="#Footnote_839" class="fnanchor">839</a> This Polymedes may have
-been one of the predecessors acknowledged
-by Eutelidas and Chrysothemis, among the
-first victor statuaries known to us by name,
-in the epigram preserved by Pausanias from
-the base of the monument of Damaretos and
-his son Theopompos at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_840"></a><a href="#Footnote_840" class="fnanchor">840</a> The epigram,
-in any case, implies that the reputation
-of the Argive school in athletic sculpture
-was already well established by the end
-of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> These massively
-built statues, dating from the beginning of
-the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, outline the muscles
-to a certain extent, even showing the line of
-the false ribs by incised lines. They display,
-however, but little detail in modeling,
-except in the knees, where the artist has tried
-to indicate the bones and muscles. The
-features of the large heads are without
-expression; the large eyes are flat and not
-convex, as in the example from Tenea,
-though the Argive artist was, perhaps, later
-than the Corinthian one, and a long distance
-removed from the later artist of the Ligourió bronze (Fig. <a href="#f16">16</a>), to be
-discussed later.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><a id="f13"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p104.jpg" width="500" height="531" alt="Statues of so-called Apollos" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 13.</span>—Statues of so-called <i>Apollos</i> from Mount Ptoion.
-National Museum, Athens.</div>
-</div>
-
-<table summary="PLATE 8A,PLATE 8B" border="0"><tr>
-<td class="tdc"><div class="figcenter250"><p>PLATE 8A</p><a id="p8A"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp104a.jpg" width="250" height="747" alt="" />
-<div class="caption">A. Statue of so-called <i>Apollo of
-Tenea</i>. Glyptothek, Munich.</div></div></td>
-
-<td class="tdc"><div class="figcenter244"><p class="right">PLATE 8B</p><a id="p8B"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp104b.jpg" width="244" height="747" alt="" />
-<div class="caption padt1">So-called <i>Argive Apollo</i> from
-Delphi. Museum of Delphi.</div></div></td>
-</tr></table>
-
-<p><span class="figright200">
-<img src="images/i_p105.jpg" width="200" height="391" alt="Statue known as
-the Strangford Apollo." /><a id="f14"></a>
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 14.</span>—Statue known as
-the <i>Strangford Apollo</i>. British Museum, London.</span></span>
-In all these “Apollos,” which have been found all over the Greek
-world from Naukratis in Egypt to Ambrakia, and along the Asian<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106">106</a></span>
-coast and on the Aegean Isles, the archaic artists have attempted, by
-their modeling of the muscles, especially of the chest and abdomen, to
-express trained strength. The heavy Argive examples, which may be
-said to be the prototypes of the Ligourió bronze and of the <i>Doryphoros</i>
-of Polykleitos (Pl. <a href="#p4">4</a> and Fig. <a href="#f48">48</a>), are in strong contrast with the lighter
-type best represented by the example from Tenea. In the former,
-with their big heads and shoulders and their powerful arms and legs,
-we may see early boxers or pancratiasts; in the latter a long-limbed
-runner, with powerful chest, but slim and supple legs. In the <i>Apollo
-of Tenea</i> there is no flabbiness nor softness, and yet no emaciation.
-We see very similar runners on Panathenaic vases. Between the two
-extremes we have a long series, those from Mount Ptoion and elsewhere.</p>
-
-<p>We do not doubt that the early statues of athletes at Olympia showed
-all the variations we have discussed in these “Apollos.” Of this type,
-then, were the statues at Olympia of the Spartan Eutelidas, the oldest
-mentioned by Pausanias,<a id="FNanchor_841"></a><a href="#Footnote_841" class="fnanchor">841</a> those of Phrikias of Pelinna in Thessaly,<a id="FNanchor_842"></a><a href="#Footnote_842" class="fnanchor">842</a>
-and of Phanas of Pellene in Achæa,<a id="FNanchor_843"></a><a href="#Footnote_843" class="fnanchor">843</a> to whom, later on in this chapter,
-we shall ascribe the two archaic marble helmeted heads found at
-Olympia (Fig. <a href="#f30">30</a>), the wooden statues of Praxidamas and Rhexibios,<a id="FNanchor_844"></a><a href="#Footnote_844" class="fnanchor">844</a>
-the statue of Kylon on the Akropolis of Athens,<a id="FNanchor_845"></a><a href="#Footnote_845" class="fnanchor">845</a> and that of Hetoimokles
-at Sparta.<a id="FNanchor_846"></a><a href="#Footnote_846" class="fnanchor">846</a> The statue of the famous wrestler Milo of Kroton by
-the sculptor Dameas, mentioned by Pausanias<a id="FNanchor_847"></a><a href="#Footnote_847" class="fnanchor">847</a> and described by Philostratos,<a id="FNanchor_848"></a><a href="#Footnote_848" class="fnanchor">848</a>
-must also have conformed with the “Apollo” type, though it
-showed a step in advance of the earlier ones by having its arms bent
-at the elbow, the forearms being extended horizontally outward. This
-statue needs a somewhat detailed account. The description of Philostratos
-seems to have been founded on the account in Pausanias<a id="FNanchor_849"></a><a href="#Footnote_849" class="fnanchor">849</a> of Milo’s
-prowess, which, in turn, may have arisen from the appearance of the
-statue and the cicerone’s description. Philostratos says that it stood on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107">107</a></span>
-a quoit with the feet close together and with the left hand grasping a
-pomegranate, the fingers of the right hand being extended straight out,
-and a fillet encircling the brows.<a id="FNanchor_850"></a><a href="#Footnote_850" class="fnanchor">850</a> Philostratos has Apollonios explain
-the attributes of the statue on the ground that the people of Kroton
-represented their famous victor in the guise of a priest of Hera. This
-would explain the priestly fillet and the pomegranate sacred to the goddess,
-while the diskos, on which the statue rested, would be the shield
-on which Hera’s priest stood when praying. Scherer, however, rightly
-pointed out that the statue in the Altis was of Milo the victor and not
-the priest. He therefore explained the diskos<a id="FNanchor_851"></a><a href="#Footnote_851" class="fnanchor">851</a> merely as a round
-basis on which the statue, of the archaic “Apollo” type with its feet
-close together, stood, and the <i>tainia</i> as a victor band. He followed
-Philostratos in believing that the gesture of the right hand was one of
-adoration.<a id="FNanchor_852"></a><a href="#Footnote_852" class="fnanchor">852</a> He looked upon the object in the left hand not as a
-pomegranate at all, but as an alabastron, a toilet article adapted to
-a victor. He, therefore, believed that the <i>Apollo</i> of the elder Kanachos
-of Sikyon,<a id="FNanchor_853"></a><a href="#Footnote_853" class="fnanchor">853</a> the so-called <i>Philesian Apollo</i>,<a id="FNanchor_854"></a><a href="#Footnote_854" class="fnanchor">854</a> represented nude and holding
-a tiny fawn in the right hand and a bow in the left, would give a good
-idea of the pose of Milo’s statue.<a id="FNanchor_855"></a><a href="#Footnote_855" class="fnanchor">855</a> Hitzig and Bluemner believe this
-explanation of Scherer probable, although they rightly disagree with him
-in his exchanging the pomegranate for an alabastron, since Pausanias
-expressly mentions a pomegranate in the hand of another victor statue
-at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_856"></a><a href="#Footnote_856" class="fnanchor">856</a> Pliny speaks of a male figure by Pythagoras, <i>mala ferentem
-nudum</i>,<a id="FNanchor_857"></a><a href="#Footnote_857" class="fnanchor">857</a> and Lucian says apples were prizes at Delphi,<a id="FNanchor_858"></a><a href="#Footnote_858" class="fnanchor">858</a> and we
-know that Milo was also a Pythian victor. The same commentators believe
-that Pausanias’ story of Milo bursting a cord drawn round his brow
-by swelling his veins arose from the victor band on the statue, and the
-story of the strength of his fingers from the position of the fingers on it.</p>
-
-<p>We have seen in the “Apollo” statues a considerable variety of physical
-types. In the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> the artist was feeling his way and
-was hampered by local school tendencies. At first he knew only how<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108">108</a></span>
-to produce rigid statues in the conventional Egyptian attitude with
-the arms glued to the sides, the two halves of the body being symmetrical
-and the hips on the same level. He gradually improved on this
-<span class="figright200">
-<img src="images/i_p108.jpg" width="200" height="461" alt="Bronze Statuette
-of a Palæstra Victor." /><a id="f15"></a>
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 15.</span>—Bronze Statuette
-of a Palæstra Victor, from
-the Akropolis. Akropolis
-Museum, Athens.</span></span>
-model, making the position more elastic—as
-in the statue of Milo—rightly indicating
-bones and muscles and giving to the figure
-natural proportions. Bulle has shown on
-one plate<a id="FNanchor_859"></a><a href="#Footnote_859" class="fnanchor">859</a> three statuettes which illustrate
-the improvements reached in bronze in various
-parts of Greece by the end of the sixth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> To the left is represented a
-victorious palæstra gymnast—as is indicated
-by the remnants of akontia in the hands—in
-the Akropolis Museum (Fig. <a href="#f15">15</a>);<a id="FNanchor_860"></a><a href="#Footnote_860" class="fnanchor">860</a> in the
-center is the Payne Knight statuette of the
-British Museum,<a id="FNanchor_861"></a><a href="#Footnote_861" class="fnanchor">861</a> carrying a fawn in the
-right hand, which is a copy of the <i>Philesian
-Apollo</i> which stood in the Didymaion near
-Miletos; to the right is Hermes with the
-petasos, short-girded tunic, and winged sandals,
-holding a ram in the left and probably
-a kerykeion in the right hand.<a id="FNanchor_862"></a><a href="#Footnote_862" class="fnanchor">862</a> The attributes
-of the three, then, attest respectively
-a victor, Apollo, and Hermes. In all three
-the arms are freed from the body, and the
-muscles of the breast, chest, and abdomen
-are indicated, though carelessly in the case
-of the victor. The proportions of the three
-vary greatly; the Attic victor has a large
-head, broad shoulders, powerful chest, long
-body, and short legs; the <i>Apollo</i> has long
-legs, shorter though slimmer body, and small head;<a id="FNanchor_863"></a><a href="#Footnote_863" class="fnanchor">863</a> the <i>Hermes</i> has
-a clearly outlined figure and shows the careful modeling so characteristic
-of the schools of Argos and Sikyon in the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>
-Bulle shows that the further development of the “Apollo” type was
-halted by the Argive school, which, while continuing the restful pose
-of these figures, counteracted their rigidity by inclining the head to
-the side and throwing the weight unevenly on the legs by lowering<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109">109</a></span>
-one hip and further advancing one foot. The central line was no
-longer vertical, but curved, and it was now possible to give greater
-detail to chest and abdomen. Polykleitos finally perfected this curve
-and threw back the left foot, resting the weight of the body on the
-right—from which time on we have the regular scheme of “free”
-and “rest” legs. Despite all these later improvements, Olympic victors
-continued to set up statues in the rest attitude of the “Apollo”
-type down perhaps into the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Such dedications
-were the result both of school tendencies and economy, especially in
-the case of equestrian victors, who frequently were content to use such
-“actionless” statues in place of groups. We have only to mention
-the monuments of Timon of Elis, whose statue was the work of the
-Sikyonian Daidalos,<a id="FNanchor_864"></a><a href="#Footnote_864" class="fnanchor">864</a> and of Telemachos of Elis, whose statue was
-made by the otherwise unknown sculptor Philonides.<a id="FNanchor_865"></a><a href="#Footnote_865" class="fnanchor">865</a></p>
-
-<p>Before systematically considering victor statues at Olympia and
-elsewhere with general motives, <i>i. e.</i>, represented at rest, we shall now
-rapidly sketch the development of athletic sculpture in four great
-centres, Argos, Sikyon, Aegina, and Athens, even though some of the
-works mentioned were represented in motion. Sculptors of other
-schools known at Olympia will be treated incidentally in both this and
-the following chapters.</p>
-
-<h3>THE AFFILIATED SCHOOLS OF ARGOS AND SIKYON.</h3>
-
-<p>While in general it is unprofitable to discuss sculptors who have not
-surely left any example of their art behind, there are two early schools
-of Peloponnesian sculpture, those of Argos and Sikyon, which, though
-we may assign work to them only by conjecture, can not be summarily
-passed over, owing to their great importance in the history of Greek
-athletic art. The bronze used in their works was too valuable to
-escape the barbarians, and, furthermore, the monotony, which must
-have characterized early Peloponnesian sculpture, militated against
-these works being reproduced to any great degree by later copyists.</p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">The School of Argos.</span></h4>
-
-<p>The Argive school was devoted mainly to athletic statuary. The
-greatest name in old Argive art is that of Ageladas or Hagelaïdas,<a id="FNanchor_866"></a><a href="#Footnote_866" class="fnanchor">866</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110">110</a></span>the reputed teacher of Myron and Polykleitos, who lived from the third
-quarter of the sixth century into the second quarter of the fifth century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> While his connection with Myron and Polykleitos is scarcely
-to be doubted,<a id="FNanchor_867"></a><a href="#Footnote_867" class="fnanchor">867</a> his supposed connection with Pheidias has made the
-chronology of the life of this sculptor one of the difficult problems of the
-ancient history of art. A scholion on Aristophanes’ <i>Ranae</i>, 504, dates
-the statue known as the <i>Herakles Alexikakos</i> in the Attic deme Melite
-by Hagelaïdas after the pestilence in Athens of 431–430 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, and makes
-the Argive sculptor (Gelados = Hagelaïdas) the teacher of Pheidias.
-As his statue of the Olympic victor Anochos commemorated a victory
-won in Ol. 65 (&#8239;=&#8239;520 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), this late date is manifestly impossible.<a id="FNanchor_868"></a><a href="#Footnote_868" class="fnanchor">868</a>
-Furthermore, a better tradition says that Hegias was the teacher of the
-Attic master.<a id="FNanchor_869"></a><a href="#Footnote_869" class="fnanchor">869</a> Furtwaengler’s attempt to show that these two divergent
-traditions were really in accord, by the assumption that Hegias
-was the pupil of Hagelaïdas and that his art came from the latter—thus
-explaining certain similarities in the work of Hagelaïdas and Pheidias,—does
-not solve the problem.<a id="FNanchor_870"></a><a href="#Footnote_870" class="fnanchor">870</a> As the scholion is based on a good
-tradition,<a id="FNanchor_871"></a><a href="#Footnote_871" class="fnanchor">871</a> the best solution of the difficulty is that of Kalkmann<a id="FNanchor_872"></a><a href="#Footnote_872" class="fnanchor">872</a> and
-others, that the <i>Alexikakos</i> was the work of a younger Hagelaïdas, the
-grandson of the famous master, by the intermediate Argeiadas. For
-a lower limit to the activity of Hagelaïdas there seems to be no good
-reason for distrusting the evidence that he made a bronze <i>Zeus</i> for the
-Messenians to be set up at Naupaktos, whither they moved in 455 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_873"></a><a href="#Footnote_873" class="fnanchor">873</a>
-This makes quite possible a period of collaboration of four or five years
-at least between Polykleitos and Hagelaïdas.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111">111</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Pausanias mentions the monuments of three victors at Olympia by
-Hagelaïdas: the statues of the pancratiast Timasitheos of Delphi, who
-won two victories some time between Ols. (?) 65 and 67 (520 and 512
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_874"></a><a href="#Footnote_874" class="fnanchor">874</a> of the runner Anochos of Tarentum, who won in the stade- and
-double-race in Ols. 65 and (?) 66 (&#8239;=&#8239;520 and 516 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_875"></a><a href="#Footnote_875" class="fnanchor">875</a> and the chariot-group
-of Kleosthenes of Epidamnos, who won in Ol. 66 (&#8239;=&#8239;516 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_876"></a><a href="#Footnote_876" class="fnanchor">876</a></p>
-
-<p>None of the works of Hagelaïdas at Olympia or elsewhere is known.
-Messenian coins of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> show the motives of two of
-his statues, that of his <i>Zeus Ithomatas</i> just mentioned as being made for
-the Messenians,<a id="FNanchor_877"></a><a href="#Footnote_877" class="fnanchor">877</a> and the beardless <i>Zeus</i> παῖς at Aigion.<a id="FNanchor_878"></a><a href="#Footnote_878" class="fnanchor">878</a> However,
-we infer the characteristics of his style from the bronze statuette in
-Berlin which was found at Ligourió near Epidauros (Fig. <a href="#f16">16</a>).<a id="FNanchor_879"></a><a href="#Footnote_879" class="fnanchor">879</a> This
-is undoubtedly an Argive work contemporary with the later period
-of Hagelaïdas. Furtwaengler and Frost are right in looking upon it
-as showing the prototype of the canon of Polykleitos. Though too
-small to count as a characteristic work of the early Argive school, it
-shows us that the style of that school was a short and stocky type,
-similar to Aeginetan works, only somewhat fleshier and heavier. The
-straight mouth and heavy chin, the treatment of the eyelids, and the
-clumsy limbs are all archaic features to be expected in the period preceding
-Polykleitos. The modeling is carefully executed, showing a
-knowledge of anatomy. If such excellence is found in a statuette, we
-can form some idea of the perfection of a statue by the master.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><a id="f16"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p112.jpg" width="500" height="551" alt="" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 16.</span>—Bronze Statuette, from Ligourió. Museum of Berlin.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The bronze <i>Apollo</i> from Pompeii now in the Naples Museum,<a id="FNanchor_880"></a><a href="#Footnote_880" class="fnanchor">880</a> with
-marble replicas in Mantua and Paris,<a id="FNanchor_881"></a><a href="#Footnote_881" class="fnanchor">881</a> shows us how Hagelaïdas treated
-a god type, while the statue of an athlete by Stephanos will give us
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112">112</a></span>
-some idea of how he treated his victor statues, as it seems to have been
-modeled after an athlete statue of the early fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, perhaps
-after a work by some pupil of the master. Stephanos belonged to the
-school of Pasiteles, a group of sculptors flourishing at Rome at the end of
-the Republic and the beginning of the Empire. They devoted themselves
-to the reproduction of early fifth-century statues. They were not
-ordinary copyists, for their works show individual mannerisms and a system
-of proportions foreign to the originals. Thus their statues have the
-square shoulders of the Argive school, but the slim bodies and slender legs
-of the period of Lysippos and his scholars. Apart from such mannerisms,
-then, in the male figure signed <i>Stephanos, pupil of Pasiteles</i>,
-in the Villa Albani in Rome (Pl. <a href="#p9">9</a>),<a id="FNanchor_882"></a><a href="#Footnote_882" class="fnanchor">882</a> which reappears in a very similar
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113">113</a></span>
-statue in groups combined with a female figure of related style,<a id="FNanchor_883"></a><a href="#Footnote_883" class="fnanchor">883</a> or
-with another male figure,<a id="FNanchor_884"></a><a href="#Footnote_884" class="fnanchor">884</a> we may see a copy of a bronze original
-of the Argive school before Polykleitos. The standing motive and the
-body forms are the same in both the Mantuan <i>Apollo</i> and the Stephanos
-figure, although the former is more developed and the head type is
-different in both; this shows that the two, while displaying the same
-basic ideal, were not works of the same master.<a id="FNanchor_885"></a><a href="#Footnote_885" class="fnanchor">885</a> As the statue by
-Stephanos has a fillet around the hair, it may well represent an ideal
-athlete, who in the original held an aryballos or similar palæstra
-attribute in the raised left hand. It is interesting to compare the copies
-of this group with those of another representing mother and son, the
-work of Menelaos, the pupil of Stephanos, which, though transferred
-from Greek to Roman taste in respect of drapery and forms, is merely
-a variation of the same theme without any heroic traits.<a id="FNanchor_886"></a><a href="#Footnote_886" class="fnanchor">886</a></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><a id="p9"></a><p class="right">PLATE 9</p>
-<img src="images/i_fp112.jpg" width="500" height="929" alt="Statue of an Athlete." />
-<div class="caption">Statue of an Athlete, by Stephanos. Villa Albani, Rome.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The influence of Hagelaïdas can be easily traced in other schools
-of art, especially in the Attic School and in the sculptures of the temple
-of Zeus at Olympia, whether these latter be Peloponnesian in origin
-or not. It will be convenient in this connection to discuss briefly the
-style of these important sculptures, which we have already mentioned
-several times. The statement of Pausanias,<a id="FNanchor_887"></a><a href="#Footnote_887" class="fnanchor">887</a> that the sculptors of the
-East and West Gables were Paionios of Mende in Thrace and Alkamenes
-respectively—the latter being known as the pupil of Pheidias<a id="FNanchor_888"></a><a href="#Footnote_888" class="fnanchor">888</a>—was
-not doubted until the discovery of the Olympia sculptures.<a id="FNanchor_889"></a><a href="#Footnote_889" class="fnanchor">889</a>
-Then doubts arose both on chronological and stylistic grounds, and
-now only a few archæologists would maintain that either artist had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114">114</a></span>
-anything to do with these groups. The style of the two gables (as
-well as that of the metopes) is so similar that many have assigned them
-to one and the same artist.<a id="FNanchor_890"></a><a href="#Footnote_890" class="fnanchor">890</a> They have been referred to many schools
-from Ionia to Sicily, even including a local Elean one. Thus Brunn
-assigned them to a North Greek-Thracian school; Flasch<a id="FNanchor_891"></a><a href="#Footnote_891" class="fnanchor">891</a> and (more
-recently) Joubin<a id="FNanchor_892"></a><a href="#Footnote_892" class="fnanchor">892</a> to the Attic; Kekulé<a id="FNanchor_893"></a><a href="#Footnote_893" class="fnanchor">893</a> and Friedrichs-Wolters<a id="FNanchor_894"></a><a href="#Footnote_894" class="fnanchor">894</a> to a
-West Greek (Sicilian) one, because of their similarity to the metopes of
-temple E at Selinos; Furtwaengler<a id="FNanchor_895"></a><a href="#Footnote_895" class="fnanchor">895</a> to an Ionic one (Parian masters).
-Most scholars, however, including K. Lange,<a id="FNanchor_896"></a><a href="#Footnote_896" class="fnanchor">896</a> Treu,<a id="FNanchor_897"></a><a href="#Footnote_897" class="fnanchor">897</a> Studniczka,<a id="FNanchor_898"></a><a href="#Footnote_898" class="fnanchor">898</a>
-Collignon,<a id="FNanchor_899"></a><a href="#Footnote_899" class="fnanchor">899</a> and Overbeck,<a id="FNanchor_900"></a><a href="#Footnote_900" class="fnanchor">900</a> have referred them to Peloponnesian
-sculptors.<a id="FNanchor_901"></a><a href="#Footnote_901" class="fnanchor">901</a></p>
-
-<p>To return to the art of Hagelaïdas: if we assume that the Ligourió
-bronze comes from the school of that Argive master certain conclusions
-must be drawn. The figure is archaic, but does not have the archaic
-smile. In Athens at the end of the archaic period there was a reaction
-against this smile, and doubtless the Athenian artists were strongly
-influenced by Argive models. Thus an archaic bronze head of a youth,
-found on the Akropolis and dating from about 480 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, shows a serious
-mouth, a strong chin, heavy upper eyelids, and finely worked hair,
-characteristics which we found in the Ligourió statuette. These
-traits show that the statuette and the head were the forerunners of the
-<i>Apollo</i> of the West Gable at Olympia. So finished a bronze as this
-one from the Akropolis, at the beginning of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, has
-inclined Richardson to look upon it as “not improbably a work of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115">115</a></span>
-Hagelaïdas,”<a id="FNanchor_902"></a><a href="#Footnote_902" class="fnanchor">902</a> though here again Furtwaengler would ascribe it to
-Hegias.<a id="FNanchor_903"></a><a href="#Footnote_903" class="fnanchor">903</a> The Parian marble statue of an ephebe found on the Akropolis
-(Fig. <a href="#f17">17</a>)<a id="FNanchor_904"></a><a href="#Footnote_904" class="fnanchor">904</a>—one of the most beautiful recovered during the excavations
-<span class="figright200"><a id="f17"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p115.jpg" width="200" height="415" alt="Statue of an
-Ephebe" />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 17.</span>—Statue of an
-Ephebe, from the Akropolis.
-Akropolis Museum,
-Athens.</span></span>
-there—shows the same Argive influence.
-This statue is chronologically the first
-masterpiece, thus far recovered, which marks
-the break with archaism by having its head
-turned slightly to one side.<a id="FNanchor_905"></a><a href="#Footnote_905" class="fnanchor">905</a> It has the
-same pose as the <i>Athlete</i> by Stephanos and
-probably represents a palæstra victor. The
-head, with its heavy chin, and the muscular
-body strikingly resemble the <i>Harmodios</i> (Fig.
-32), which has led Furtwaengler and others
-to ascribe it to Kritios or his school.<a id="FNanchor_906"></a><a href="#Footnote_906" class="fnanchor">906</a> At
-the same time a similarity is seen between
-this head and that of the <i>Apollo</i> of the West
-Gable at Olympia, and so with Bulle and
-others we ascribe it to the Argive school.</p>
-
-<p>One of the female statues (<i>Korai</i>) found on
-the Akropolis, and approximately of the
-same date as the ephebe, viz, the fragmentary
-one consisting of head and bust and known
-popularly as <i>la petite boudeuse</i>, shows the
-same revolt against Ionism.<a id="FNanchor_907"></a><a href="#Footnote_907" class="fnanchor">907</a> In many
-respects this statue is very different from
-most of the other Akropolis <i>Korai</i>. The
-eyes are not yet set back naturally, but the
-appearance of depth is attained by thicken<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116">116</a></span>ing
-the eyelids, quite in contrast with the modeling of the eyeball
-in most of the other statues. The corners of the mouth turn down,
-which gives it the appearance of pouting. This statue is also our first
-example in sculpture of the so-called Greek profile—the nose continuing
-the line of the forehead. The same Argive influence in Athenian art is
-also discernible in the Parian marble head of an athlete with traces of
-yellow in the hair (Fig. <a href="#f18">18</a>),<a id="FNanchor_908"></a><a href="#Footnote_908" class="fnanchor">908</a> which may be dated a little later than the
-Akropolis ephebe—about 470 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Because of its resemblance to the
-<span class="figright300"><a id="f18"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p116.jpg" width="300" height="387" alt="Head of an Ephebe." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 18.</span>—Head of an Ephebe, from the
-Akropolis. Akropolis Museum, Athens.</span></span>
-<i>Apollo</i> of Olympia, its Attic-Peloponnesian
-origin seems
-clear.<a id="FNanchor_909"></a><a href="#Footnote_909" class="fnanchor">909</a> Its expression is comparable
-with that of the <i>Kore</i>
-just discussed—as it has the
-same mouth, eyes, and nose,
-both monuments showing the
-reaction against the archaic
-smile, which characterized the
-Ionian period of Attic art.
-This same Ionic reaction also
-may be seen in the bronze
-statuette of a diskobolos in the
-Metropolitan Museum (Fig.
-46),<a id="FNanchor_910"></a><a href="#Footnote_910" class="fnanchor">910</a> which resembles in style
-that of the <i>Tyrannicides</i>, but
-shows also Argive traits.
-These Argive traits, small
-head and slender limbs, are
-easily seen by comparing this
-statuette with the Ligourió
-bronze.</p>
-
-<p>We have already mentioned
-the monumental group of the
-hoplite victor Damaretos and of the pentathlete Theopompos, which
-was made about 500 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> by the Argive sculptors Chrysothemis and
-Eutelidas.<a id="FNanchor_911"></a><a href="#Footnote_911" class="fnanchor">911</a> These artists were known to later antiquity only by the
-epigram inscribed on the base of this monument at Olympia, and the
-probable dates of the two victories of Theopompos, Ols. (?) 69 and
-70 (&#8239;=&#8239;504 and 500 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), show that they were contemporaries of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117">117</a></span>
-Hagelaïdas, and not, as formerly was believed, the forerunners of his
-school.<a id="FNanchor_912"></a><a href="#Footnote_912" class="fnanchor">912</a></p>
-
-<p>Polykleitos, a Sikyonian by birth,<a id="FNanchor_913"></a><a href="#Footnote_913" class="fnanchor">913</a> migrated early to Argos to
-become the pupil of Hagelaïdas, and became the great master of the
-Argive school in the next generation after him. We have four statues
-by him at Olympia. His earliest work probably was the statue of the
-boxer Kyniskos of Mantinea, who won in Ol. (?) 80 (&#8239;=&#8239;460 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>); he
-made the statues of the Elean pentathlete Pythokles and of the Epidamnian
-boxer Aristion, both of whom won their victories in Ol. 82 (&#8239;=&#8239;452
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>); and lastly he made the statue of the boy boxer Thersilochos from
-Kerkyra, who won in Ol. (?) 87 (&#8239;=&#8239;432 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>)<a id="FNanchor_914"></a><a href="#Footnote_914" class="fnanchor">914</a> The footprints on the
-three recovered bases of the statues of the first three show that all were
-represented at rest. Of Patrokles, the brother of Polykleitos, Pausanias
-mentions no statues at Olympia, though Pliny says that he made athlete
-statues.<a id="FNanchor_915"></a><a href="#Footnote_915" class="fnanchor">915</a> Of Naukydes,<a id="FNanchor_916"></a><a href="#Footnote_916" class="fnanchor">916</a> the nephew or brother of Polykleitos, we have
-record of three athlete statues at Olympia: those of the wrestlers Cheimon
-of Argos, who won in Ol. 83 (&#8239;=&#8239;448 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), and Baukis of Trœzen,
-who won some time between Ols. (?) 85 and 90 (&#8239;=&#8239;440 and 420 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);
-also one of the boxer Eukles of Rhodes, who won some time between
-Ols. 90 and 93 (&#8239;=&#8239;420 and 408 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_917"></a><a href="#Footnote_917" class="fnanchor">917</a> A contemporary of Naukydes
-was the sculptor Phradmon, who, according to Pliny, was a contemporary
-of Polykleitos;<a id="FNanchor_918"></a><a href="#Footnote_918" class="fnanchor">918</a> he made the statue of the boy wrestler Amertas
-of Elis, who won a victory some time between Ols. 84 and 90 (&#8239;=&#8239;444
-and 420 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_919"></a><a href="#Footnote_919" class="fnanchor">919</a> In the next century, Polykleitos Minor, the grandson
-or grandnephew of the great Polykleitos, and the pupil of Naukydes,<a id="FNanchor_920"></a><a href="#Footnote_920" class="fnanchor">920</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118">118</a></span>
-had three statues at Olympia: those of the boy boxer Antipatros of
-Miletos, whose victory is given by Africanus as Ol. 98 (&#8239;=&#8239;388 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);
-of the two boy wrestlers Agenor of Thebes, who won some time between
-Ols. 93 and 103 (&#8239;=&#8239;408 and 368 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), and Xenokles of Mainalos, who
-won some time between Ols. 94 and 100 (&#8239;=&#8239;404 and 380 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_921"></a><a href="#Footnote_921" class="fnanchor">921</a> The
-inscribed base of the latter has been recovered and the footprints
-show that the statue was represented at rest, the body resting equally
-on both feet, the left slightly advanced. Andreas, a second-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>
-Argive sculptor, made a statue at Olympia of the boy wrestler Lysippos
-of Elis, who won some time between Ols. 149 and 157 (&#8239;=&#8239;184 and 152
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_922"></a><a href="#Footnote_922" class="fnanchor">922</a></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">The School of Sikyon.</span></h4>
-
-<p>The Sikyonian school of bronze founders was closely affiliated with
-the one at Argos. Early in the archaic period the brothers Dipoinos
-and Skyllis, sons or pupils of the mythical Daidalos of Crete, migrated
-to Sikyon.<a id="FNanchor_923"></a><a href="#Footnote_923" class="fnanchor">923</a> A generation later another Cretan sculptor, Aristokles,
-founded there an artist family which lasted through seven or eight
-generations.<a id="FNanchor_924"></a><a href="#Footnote_924" class="fnanchor">924</a> His two grandsons Aristokles and Kanachos are known
-to have collaborated with Hagelaïdas on a group of three Muses.<a id="FNanchor_925"></a><a href="#Footnote_925" class="fnanchor">925</a>
-Many have seen in the small bronze found in the sea off Piombino,
-Tuscany, and now in the Louvre (Fig. <a href="#f19">19</a>),<a id="FNanchor_926"></a><a href="#Footnote_926" class="fnanchor">926</a> a copy of the <i>Apollo Philesios</i>,
-the best-known work of Kanachos. This gem of the bronze
-art, in true archaic style, may very well represent the <i>Apollo</i>, which,
-according to the description of Pliny<a id="FNanchor_927"></a><a href="#Footnote_927" class="fnanchor">927</a> and the evidence of Milesian
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119">119</a></span>
-copper coins of all periods,<a id="FNanchor_928"></a><a href="#Footnote_928" class="fnanchor">928</a>
-had as attributes a fawn in the outstretched
-right hand and a bow in the left. However, Overbeck,<a id="FNanchor_929"></a><a href="#Footnote_929" class="fnanchor">929</a> followed by von
-Mach, believes that it is not a copy of Kanachos’ <i>Apollo</i>, but merely
-<span class="figright200"><a id="f19"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p119.jpg" width="200" height="440" alt="Bronze Statuette
-of Apollo." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 19.</span>—Bronze Statuette
-of Apollo, found in the Sea
-off Piombino. Louvre,
-Paris.</span></span>
-represents a boy assisting at a sacrifice,
-and that the original held a cup in the
-left hand and a saucer in the right. In
-any case the statuette is too inaccurate to
-give us more than the pose of the <i>Apollo</i>
-of Kanachos, even if it were proved to be
-a copy. It may be merely a reproduction
-of the mythological type of Apollo, which
-the artist himself followed, and so we can
-not say definitely to what school it belongs.
-The Payne Knight bronze in the
-British Museum,<a id="FNanchor_930"></a><a href="#Footnote_930" class="fnanchor">930</a> which holds a tiny fawn
-in the right hand, the bow originally in the
-left hand being lost, has better pretensions,
-perhaps, to be a copy of the <i>Apollo</i>. Another
-archaic half life-size bronze, formerly
-in the Palazzo Sciarra,<a id="FNanchor_931"></a><a href="#Footnote_931" class="fnanchor">931</a> is of a similar type,
-though its style is different. Another
-bronze statuette from Naxos, now in Berlin,<a id="FNanchor_932"></a><a href="#Footnote_932" class="fnanchor">932</a>
-shows the same position of the hands,
-but has an aryballos or pomegranate in the
-right hand. We have already classed it as
-an example of the conversion of an original
-god-type into that of a victor. We might
-also mention the mutilated torso found by
-Holleaux at the sanctuary of Apollo Ptoios
-in Bœotia (Fig. <a href="#f12">12</a>, right), which has a
-similar pose to that of the statuette from
-Piombino, and whose hair technique shows<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120">120</a></span>
-that it is an imitation of a bronze work.<a id="FNanchor_933"></a><a href="#Footnote_933" class="fnanchor">933</a> However, as we shall see
-later, it may be rather representative of the Aeginetan school of sculptors.
-All these works may tell us of the general character of the
-<i>Apollo</i>, but little of its style.<a id="FNanchor_934"></a><a href="#Footnote_934" class="fnanchor">934</a></p>
-
-<p>No athlete statue by Aristokles or his brother Kanachos is known
-to have stood at Olympia. That the latter actually made victor
-statues, however, is proved by Pliny’s statement (<i>l. c.</i>) that he made
-<i>celetizontas pueros</i>. Of the later Sikyonian school we have twenty-seven
-statues of victors made by eleven different sculptors, whose dates
-range from near the end of the fourth down into the third century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, of whom we shall give a chronological list. Alypos, the pupil
-of the Argive Naukydes, had four statues at Olympia: those of the
-wrestler Symmachos of Elis, of the boy boxer Neolaïdas of Pheneus, of
-the boy wrestler Archedamos of Elis, and of the boy and man wrestler
-Euthymenes of Mainalos, all of whom must have won their victories
-some time between Ols. 94 and 104 (&#8239;=&#8239;404 and 364 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_935"></a><a href="#Footnote_935" class="fnanchor">935</a> Kanachos,
-the Younger, made one statue, that of the boy boxer Bykelos of Sikyon,
-who won some time between Ols. 92 and 105 (&#8239;=&#8239;412 and 360 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_936"></a><a href="#Footnote_936" class="fnanchor">936</a>
-Olympos made the statue of the pancratiast Xenophon of Aigion, who
-won some time between Ols. 95 and 105 (&#8239;=&#8239;400 and 360 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_937"></a><a href="#Footnote_937" class="fnanchor">937</a> The
-sculptor Daidalos, the son and pupil of Patrokles, and probably the
-nephew of Polykleitos, made four monuments for four victors: the
-equestrian group of the Elean charioteer Timon and his son Aigyptos, a
-victor in horse-racing, and statues of the Elean wrestler Aristodemos
-and the stade-runner Eupolemos. Their victories fell between Ols. 96
-and 103 (&#8239;=&#8239;396 and 368 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_938"></a><a href="#Footnote_938" class="fnanchor">938</a> Damokritos made the statue of the Elean
-boy boxer Hippos, who won between Ols. 96 and 107 (&#8239;=&#8239;396 and 352 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_939"></a><a href="#Footnote_939" class="fnanchor">939</a>
-Kleon had five statues credited to him, all but one being of boy victors:
-those of the boy runner Deinolochos of Elis, the pentathlete Hysmon
-of Elis, the two boy boxers Kritodamos, and of Alketos of Kleitor, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_121">121</a></span>
-of the boy runner Lykinos of Heraia. Their victories fell between Ols.
-94 and 103 (&#8239;=&#8239;404 and 368 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_940"></a><a href="#Footnote_940" class="fnanchor">940</a> The great Lysippos had the same
-number of victor statues as Kleon, and also two honor statues at Olympia:
-those of the equestrian victor Troilos of Elis, of the Akarnanian pancratiast
-Philandridas, of the wrestler Cheilon of Patrai, of the pancratiast
-Polydamas of Skotoussa, and of the hoplite-runner Kallikrates.
-Their victories occurred between Ols. 102 and 115 (&#8239;=&#8239;372 and 320 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_941"></a><a href="#Footnote_941" class="fnanchor">941</a>
-The son of Lysippos, Daïppos, made two statues, one for the Elean
-boy boxer Kallon and the other for the Elean Nikandros, who won the
-double foot-race. Their victories fell within the activity of the sculptor,
-Ols. 115 and 125 (&#8239;=&#8239;320 and 280 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_942"></a><a href="#Footnote_942" class="fnanchor">942</a> Daitondas made the statue of
-the Elean boy boxer Theotimos, who won his victory some time between
-Ols. 116 and 120 (&#8239;=&#8239;316 and 300 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_943"></a><a href="#Footnote_943" class="fnanchor">943</a> Eutychides, the most famous
-pupil of Lysippos, famed alike as a bronze founder, statuary, and painter,
-carved the statue of the boy runner Timosthenes of Elis, who won some
-time between Ols. 115 and 125 (&#8239;=&#8239;320 and 280 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_944"></a><a href="#Footnote_944" class="fnanchor">944</a> Pliny gives Ol.
-121 (&#8239;=&#8239;296 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>) as the <i>floruit</i> of this sculptor, which was probably
-the date of the erection of his most famous work, the colossal bronze
-<i>Tyche</i>, as tutelary deity of the city of Antioch on the Orontes, which
-was founded by Seleukos I in Ol. 119.3 (&#8239;=&#8239;302 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_945"></a><a href="#Footnote_945" class="fnanchor">945</a> This shows that
-Eutychides was already by that date a famed sculptor, having begun<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_122">122</a></span>
-his career by 330–320 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Kantharos, the pupil of Eutychides,
-made the statues of the two boy wrestlers Kratinos of Aigira and
-Alexinikos of Elis, who won their victories some time between Ols.
-120 and 130 (&#8239;=&#8239;300 and 260 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_946"></a><a href="#Footnote_946" class="fnanchor">946</a></p>
-
-<h3>ÆGINETAN SCULPTORS.</h3>
-
-<p>We have but little left of the prominent early Aeginetan school
-of bronze sculptors. Of Kallon, the earliest historical sculptor of the
-school, the reputed pupil of Tektaios and Angelion (who in turn were
-the pupils of Dipoinos and Skyllis), we have only literary evidence.
-He was typical of archaic severity just prior to the era of transition,
-and therefore should be compared with Hegias of Athens and Kanachos
-of Sikyon. For Onatas, the most famous of the Aeginetan sculptors,
-whose <i>floruit</i> was in the first half of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, we have
-evidence of many monuments at Olympia. Besides the colossal
-<i>Herakles</i> dedicated by the Thasians,<a id="FNanchor_947"></a><a href="#Footnote_947" class="fnanchor">947</a> a <i>Hermes</i> dedicated by the
-people of Pheneus,<a id="FNanchor_948"></a><a href="#Footnote_948" class="fnanchor">948</a> and a large group of nine statues of Greek heroes
-standing on a curved base faced by a statue of Nestor on another, the
-group being dedicated by the Achaians,<a id="FNanchor_949"></a><a href="#Footnote_949" class="fnanchor">949</a> he made a chariot and charioteer
-to commemorate the victory of Hiero of Syracuse at Olympia in
-468 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, for which monument Kalamis furnished two horses.<a id="FNanchor_950"></a><a href="#Footnote_950" class="fnanchor">950</a> Glaukias
-made a bronze chariot for Hiero’s brother Gelo of Gela, who later
-became tyrant of Syracuse, and who won a chariot victory in Ol. 73
-(&#8239;=&#8239;488 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_951"></a><a href="#Footnote_951" class="fnanchor">951</a> This sculptor also excelled in fashioning statues of
-boxers and pancratiasts, making the monuments of the boxers Philon
-of Kerkyra and Glaukos of Karystos, and that of the renowned boxer
-and pancratiast Theagenes of Thasos.<a id="FNanchor_952"></a><a href="#Footnote_952" class="fnanchor">952</a> The statue of Glaukos was
-represented in the schema of one “sparring” (σκιαμαχῶν),<a id="FNanchor_953"></a><a href="#Footnote_953" class="fnanchor">953</a> and so
-was in movement and not at rest. We have athlete statues by three
-other Aeginetan sculptors at Olympia. Thus Ptolichos, the pupil of
-the Sikyonian Aristokles, set up statues of the Aeginetan boy wrestler
-Theognetos, who won in Ol. 76 (&#8239;=&#8239;476 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), and of the boy boxer
-Epikradios of Mantinea, who won between Ols. (?) 72 and 74 (&#8239;=&#8239;492 and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_123">123</a></span>
-484 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_954"></a><a href="#Footnote_954" class="fnanchor">954</a> Serambos made the statue of the boy boxer Agiadas of Elis,
-who won between Ols. (?) 72 and 74;<a id="FNanchor_955"></a><a href="#Footnote_955" class="fnanchor">955</a> Philotimos made the horse for the
-horse-racing victory of Xenombrotos of Kos, who won in Ol. (?) 83 (&#8239;=&#8239;448
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_956"></a><a href="#Footnote_956" class="fnanchor">956</a> All of these sculptors appear to have used bronze exclusively,
-and their art, though independent, showed a bias toward Peloponnesian
-work. There are few examples left of this art. The bronze head of a
-bearded warrior or hoplite victor found on the Akropolis, if we are justified
-in classing it as Aeginetan and not Attic, shows the excellence which
-we associate with this school.<a id="FNanchor_957"></a><a href="#Footnote_957" class="fnanchor">957</a> The delicate execution of its hair and
-beard, as well as the strength and precision of this head, makes it not
-unworthy of being ascribed to one of the best artists of the school,
-perhaps to Onatas himself. The beardless bronze head discovered in
-1756 in the villa of the Pisos in Herculaneum, now in Naples, has
-also been assigned to Onatas, as its features are similar to those of the
-one under discussion.<a id="FNanchor_958"></a><a href="#Footnote_958" class="fnanchor">958</a> The Tux bronze statuette of a hoplitodrome,
-to be discussed in Ch. IV (Fig. <a href="#f42">42</a>), has also been assigned to an Aeginetan
-master.<a id="FNanchor_959"></a><a href="#Footnote_959" class="fnanchor">959</a> The marble statue known as the <i>Strangford Apollo</i> in
-the British Museum, already mentioned (Fig. <a href="#f14">14</a>),<a id="FNanchor_960"></a><a href="#Footnote_960" class="fnanchor">960</a> may show the characteristics
-of the early school in marble, though it is impossible to say
-whether it is a copy of a bronze original or a minor work in stone under
-Aeginetan influence. The smaller “Apollo” from Mount Ptoion, already
-discussed (Fig. <a href="#f13">13</a>, right),<a id="FNanchor_961"></a><a href="#Footnote_961" class="fnanchor">961</a> appears to show in exaggerated form the same
-Aeginetan traits. However, we get out best notion of Aeginetan work
-in marble from the gable statues in the Munich Museum, representing
-Homeric warriors fighting, which adorned the temple of Aphaia in the
-northeastern corner of the island. Their importance in this connection
-calls for a brief account of them.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><a id="f20"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p124.jpg" width="500" height="373" alt="Figure, from the East Pediment of the Temple on
-Aegina." /><div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 20.</span>—Figure, from the East Pediment of the Temple on
-Aegina. Glyptothek, Munich.</div></div>
-
-<p>Since the discovery of these groups by an international party of
-Englishmen and Germans in 1811, and their restoration soon after their
-arrival in Munich by the sculptor Thorwaldsen, many new fragments
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_124">124</a></span>
-have been discovered by Furtwaengler during his excavations of the
-temple site in 1901, and have been incorporated into the existing figures
-in the Glyptothek. His reconstruction, though not definitive, is more
-in accord with artistic probability than any that preceded.<a id="FNanchor_962"></a><a href="#Footnote_962" class="fnanchor">962</a> As we
-should expect from the athletic tradition of the Aeginetan school of
-sculpture just outlined, these sculptures represent finely trained nude
-athletes, whose modeling shows great observation of nature, especially
-in the treatment of muscles and veins. In fact it has been truly said
-that anatomical knowledge was never expressed again in Greek art so
-simply and naturally. The figures, without any excess of flesh, are
-slightly under life-size, short and stocky—shoulders square, but the
-waists slender and the legs long in proportion to the bodies—and withal
-are very compact and full of strength. The figures of the two pediments
-differ slightly, the eastern being more developed than the western.
-Brunn, long ago, arguing from the stele of Aristion, which then
-was the best example extant of archaic Attic art, showed how that
-art was characterized by grace and dignity of effect, while Aeginetan
-art was characterized by a finer study of nature. This generalization
-is no longer a matter of inference, but of knowledge.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_125">125</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a id="f21"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p125.jpg" width="500" height="333" alt="Two Figures, from the West Pediment of the Temple on Aegina." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 21.</span>—Two Figures, from the West Pediment of the Temple on Aegina.
-Glyptothek, Munich.</div></div>
-
-<p>These groups represent the highest period of Aeginetan art. They
-have been dated anywhere from the end of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> down
-to a period after the battle of Salamis.<a id="FNanchor_963"></a><a href="#Footnote_963" class="fnanchor">963</a> Probably a date just after that
-battle is correct, as Aeginetans won prizes of valor there.<a id="FNanchor_964"></a><a href="#Footnote_964" class="fnanchor">964</a> Any attempt
-to assign them to this or that artist is merely conjectural. The
-general similarity in subject to that of the Delphi group by Onatas,
-which represented the death in battle of Opis, the king of the barbarian
-Iapygians, at the hands of the Tarentines,<a id="FNanchor_965"></a><a href="#Footnote_965" class="fnanchor">965</a> and the group at Olympia
-already mentioned as representing a Trojan subject, led earlier scholars
-to assign the slightly more advanced statues of the East Pediment to
-Onatas and the more archaic ones of the West Pediment to Kallon. But
-we know both these sculptors only as bronze workers. The violent action
-of some of the figures reminds us at once of Pausanias’ description of the
-statue of the boxer Glaukos by the sculptor Glaukias, which we have
-already mentioned. But on the whole, though they are violent, the
-slight proportions of these athletic figures do not fit the appearance of
-boxers and pancratiasts, which, as we have seen, formed the staple of
-Aeginetan sculptors, but rather those of runners. We see a good
-wrestler in the <i>Snatcher</i> of the East Gable (Fig. <a href="#f20">20</a>),<a id="FNanchor_966"></a><a href="#Footnote_966" class="fnanchor">966</a> and the corre<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_126">126</a></span>sponding
-figure in the right half of the same gable.<a id="FNanchor_967"></a><a href="#Footnote_967" class="fnanchor">967</a> The <i>Champion</i> of
-the West gable (Fig. <a href="#f21">21</a>, left),<a id="FNanchor_968"></a><a href="#Footnote_968" class="fnanchor">968</a> of the finest Parian marble, represented
-as lunging forward, pressing on the enemy armed with helm, spear,
-and shield, would pass as a good example of a hoplitodrome, far freer
-and more individual than the warrior from Dodona.</p>
-
-<h3>ATTIC SCULPTORS.</h3>
-
-<p>Owing to the Persian sack of the Athenian Akropolis in 480 and 479
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, and the subsequent burial of works of art there and their rediscovery
-by the excavations of 1885–1889, we know more of archaic Attic
-sculpture (600–480 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>) than of any other early school.<a id="FNanchor_969"></a><a href="#Footnote_969" class="fnanchor">969</a> We have
-already mentioned certain Attic works which show the influence of
-the severer Argive school—<i>la petite boudeuse</i>, the head of the yellow-haired
-ephebe (Fig. <a href="#f18">18</a>), the Akropolis athlete statue (Fig. <a href="#f17">17</a>), etc.—which
-was prominent at the beginning of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, works
-which can be attributed to Hegias, Kritios, and their associates. They
-illustrate the reaction against Ionic taste, an influence which came
-from Asia Minor and the islands, especially after the fall of the Lydian
-Empire of Crœsus, and which for a time submerged native Attic art.
-This Ionic art was characterized by great technical ability, and by
-rich draperies and decorative effect. The archaic smile was its special
-feature. Ionism is best represented by some of the Akropolis <i>Korai</i>.<a id="FNanchor_970"></a><a href="#Footnote_970" class="fnanchor">970</a>
-In athletic art we see Ionism at its flood tide in the Rampin head found
-in Athens in 1877, now in the Louvre, which corresponds in style
-with some of the earlier female statues of the Akropolis.<a id="FNanchor_971"></a><a href="#Footnote_971" class="fnanchor">971</a> This head
-has a more elaborate frisure than any of the female heads and, in fact,
-the elaborate treatment of the hair of the crown and forehead is more
-suitable to a female than a male statue. The beard is carefully plaited,
-while traces of red seem to show that the mustache was painted on.
-Similar traces of color appear on the beard and hair. The smiling<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_127">127</a></span>
-mouth, high ears, and almond eyes recall many archaic works, but
-especially the <i>Apollo of Tenea</i> (Pl. <a href="#p8A">8A</a>). The garland of oak leaves
-above the frisure of the forehead may suggest a victor,<a id="FNanchor_972"></a><a href="#Footnote_972" class="fnanchor">972</a> or perhaps a
-priest or assistant on some religious embassy.<a id="FNanchor_973"></a><a href="#Footnote_973" class="fnanchor">973</a> The turning of the
-neck—as in the ephebe statue of the Akropolis (Fig. <a href="#f17">17</a>)—shows a break
-at this early time with archaism. Another work illustrating Ionism is
-the fragment of a grave-stele found near the Dipylon gate in 1873 and
-dating from the second half of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_974"></a><a href="#Footnote_974" class="fnanchor">974</a> It represents
-the head of an athlete in profile, the youth holding a diskos in his left
-hand, so placed that his head is projected upon it in relief as on a nimbus.
-The top of the head is broken off, but we see the usual archaic
-features in the face—the almond-shaped eye (in profile), big nose with
-knob-like nostrils, thick lips with the archaic smile, retreating chin and
-forehead, and high ear with a huge lobe. The neck and chin, however,
-are full of grace and strength, as is also the slender thumb outlined
-against the diskos. As the stele broadens downward,<a id="FNanchor_975"></a><a href="#Footnote_975" class="fnanchor">975</a> the figure appears
-to have been represented with the feet apart, and so may have
-represented a palæstra diskobolos on parade,<a id="FNanchor_976"></a><a href="#Footnote_976" class="fnanchor">976</a> and is, therefore, our
-earliest representation of such an athlete. A similar dress-parade pose
-is seen on the stele of Aristion in the National Museum at Athens, the
-work of the sculptor Aristokles, which represents a warrior with a
-spear in the left hand.<a id="FNanchor_977"></a><a href="#Footnote_977" class="fnanchor">977</a> Another torso of an ephebe in the Akropolis
-Museum represents Ionic work from Paros.<a id="FNanchor_978"></a><a href="#Footnote_978" class="fnanchor">978</a> Another head, the so-called
-Rayet head in the Jakobsen collection in Copenhagen, one of
-the most remarkable specimens of Greek archaic art<a id="FNanchor_979"></a><a href="#Footnote_979" class="fnanchor">979</a> (Fig. <a href="#f22">22</a>), <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_128">128</a></span>
-somewhat later in date than the Rampin head, represents quite a different
-tendency in Attic art. While the Rampin head represents Ionic
-influence, this head represents pure Attic work untrammeled by foreign
-influence, a true development of the old Attic sculpture in <i>poros</i>,
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f22"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p128.jpg" width="250" height="321" alt="Archaic Marble Head
-of a Youth." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 22.</span>—Archaic Marble Head
-of a Youth. Jakobsen Collection,
-Ny-Carlsberg Museum, Copenhagen.</span></span>
-the best examples of which are to be
-found in the decorative sculptures of
-the Old Temple of Athena on the Akropolis,
-enlarged by the Peisistratidai.
-Comparing it with the head of the
-<i>Athena</i> of the gable of that temple,<a id="FNanchor_980"></a><a href="#Footnote_980" class="fnanchor">980</a>
-we see great similarity in the simple execution
-and reserve in the treatment of
-details—characteristics of pure Attic
-sculpture—especially in the deep lines
-on either side of the mouth in the Jakobsen
-head. The hair is pictorially treated
-like a cap, traces of red appearing on it
-as well as on the lips and eyes. The
-Copenhagen and Rampin heads, together
-with the famous portrait head
-in the old Sabouroff collection,<a id="FNanchor_981"></a><a href="#Footnote_981" class="fnanchor">981</a> and the
-head of a woman in the Louvre,<a id="FNanchor_982"></a><a href="#Footnote_982" class="fnanchor">982</a> form
-our best examples of old Attic art outside
-of the museums of Athens.<a id="FNanchor_983"></a><a href="#Footnote_983" class="fnanchor">983</a> The
-swollen ears of the Jakobsen head show that it is from the funerary
-statue of a victor, perhaps a boxer. Furtwaengler wrongly classed
-it as a portrait head.<a id="FNanchor_984"></a><a href="#Footnote_984" class="fnanchor">984</a> A much discussed Attic work is the archaic relief
-of a charioteer in the Akropolis Museum (Fig. <a href="#f63">63</a>).<a id="FNanchor_985"></a><a href="#Footnote_985" class="fnanchor">985</a> This was formerly
-thought (<i>e. g.</i>, by Schrader) to be a block from the later Ionic frieze of
-the old Hekatompedon which many believe survived the Persian sack,
-but it is more likely a part of a frieze belonging to a small shrine or
-altar. It represents a draped person entering a two-horse chariot
-with the left foot, the hands outstretched to hold the reins, the head
-and body leaning forward. Because of the <i>krobylos</i> treatment of the
-hair, fitted for both sexes, and the long flowing robe, the sex has been
-needlessly doubted, some calling it an Apollo or a mortal charioteer,
-others an Athena or a Nike, even though the line of the breast, so far
-as it is visible, shows no fullness, and the long chiton is common in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_129">129</a></span>
-representations of male charioteers.<a id="FNanchor_986"></a><a href="#Footnote_986" class="fnanchor">986</a> However, for the appreciation
-of the relief it is of no consequence whether the figure is male or
-female. It may be merely a dedicatory offering of a Panathenaic
-victor in chariot racing, very possibly assimilated to the type of Apollo,<a id="FNanchor_987"></a><a href="#Footnote_987" class="fnanchor">987</a>
-as the god often appears in vase-paintings of the same period in similar
-costume mounting a chariot.<a id="FNanchor_988"></a><a href="#Footnote_988" class="fnanchor">988</a> We shall discuss its interpretation
-more fully later on.<a id="FNanchor_989"></a><a href="#Footnote_989" class="fnanchor">989</a> While Ionism was prone to represent richly
-draped figures which concealed the form of the body, we see in this
-relief, with its fine modeling, a suggestion of the form beneath the
-folds of the garment, and so, perhaps, only another example of an
-Attic master rebelling against alien influence.<a id="FNanchor_990"></a><a href="#Footnote_990" class="fnanchor">990</a></p>
-
-<p>At Olympia we have no names of Athenian sculptors prior to the
-Persian war period. Kalamis helped Onatas with the monument of
-King Hiero already mentioned. Mikon made a statue of a pancratiast,
-Kallias of Athens, who won in Ol. 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_991"></a><a href="#Footnote_991" class="fnanchor">991</a> The great
-Myron, of whom we shall speak at length in the next chapter,
-made five statues of victors, which were erected between Ols.
-77 and 84 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 and 444 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_992"></a><a href="#Footnote_992" class="fnanchor">992</a> Only four later Athenian artists
-are mentioned: Silanion of the fourth century, who made statues for
-three victors, whose victories ranged from Ols. 102 to 114 (&#8239;=&#8239;372 to
-324 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_993"></a><a href="#Footnote_993" class="fnanchor">993</a> Polykles the Elder, who made the statue of the boy pancratiast
-Amyntas of Eresos, who won in Ol. (?) 146 (&#8239;=&#8239;196 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_994"></a><a href="#Footnote_994" class="fnanchor">994</a>
-Timarchides and Timokles, the sons of Polykles, who in common made
-the statue of the boxer Agesarchos of Tritaia in Achaia, who won in
-Ol. (?) 143 (&#8239;=&#8239;208 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>)<a id="FNanchor_995"></a><a href="#Footnote_995" class="fnanchor">995</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_130">130</a></span></p>
-
-<h3>GENERAL MOTIVES OF STATUES AT REST.</h3>
-
-<p>The victor represented as standing at rest was often characterized
-by general motives, such as praying, anointing or scraping himself,
-offering libations, and the like. We shall now consider such motives
-in detail.</p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Adoration and Prayer.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Prayer was a common motive represented in votive monuments.
-Pliny mentions many such works by Greek sculptors.<a id="FNanchor_996"></a><a href="#Footnote_996" class="fnanchor">996</a> The custom
-of raising the arms in prayer is found all through Greek literature,
-from Homer down.<a id="FNanchor_997"></a><a href="#Footnote_997" class="fnanchor">997</a> Pausanias says that the people of Akragas made
-an offering in the form of bronze statues of boys placed on the walls
-of the Altis, προτείνοντάς τε τὰς δεξιὰς καὶ εἰκασμένους εὐχομένοις τῷ θεῷ,
-these statues being the work of Kalamis.<a id="FNanchor_998"></a><a href="#Footnote_998" class="fnanchor">998</a> In the Athenian Asklepieion
-there were many τύποι καταμακτοὶ πρὸς πινακίῳ, among which
-were representations of men and women in the praying attitude.<a id="FNanchor_999"></a><a href="#Footnote_999" class="fnanchor">999</a>
-The motive was used at Olympia in victor statues, representing the
-victor as raising the hand in prayer to invoke victory.<a id="FNanchor_1000"></a><a href="#Footnote_1000" class="fnanchor">1000</a> The statue
-of the wrestler Milo, already discussed at length, shows that this
-motive was employed at Olympia in the improved “Apollo” type in
-the second half of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1001"></a><a href="#Footnote_1001" class="fnanchor">1001</a> From the next century
-we may cite the statue of the Spartan chariot victor Anaxandros,
-which was represented as “praying to the god,”<a id="FNanchor_1002"></a><a href="#Footnote_1002" class="fnanchor">1002</a> and the statues of
-the Rhodian boxers Diagoras and Akousilaos, as we learn from a
-scholion on Pindar,<a id="FNanchor_1003"></a><a href="#Footnote_1003" class="fnanchor">1003</a> which is based on a fragment of Aristotle<a id="FNanchor_1004"></a><a href="#Footnote_1004" class="fnanchor">1004</a>
-and on one of Apollas.<a id="FNanchor_1005"></a><a href="#Footnote_1005" class="fnanchor">1005</a> Of the statue of Diagoras it says: τὴν
-δεξιὰν ἀνατείνων χεῖρα, τὴν δὲ ἀριστερὰν εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἐπικλίνων; of
-that of Akousilaos: τῇ μὲν ἀριστερᾷ ἱμάντα ἔχων πυκτινόν, τὴν δὲ δεξιὰν
-ὡς πρὸς προσευχὴν ἀνατείνων.<a id="FNanchor_1006"></a><a href="#Footnote_1006" class="fnanchor">1006</a> The bronze statue from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_131">131</a></span>
-Athens, now in the Antiquarium, Berlin,<a id="FNanchor_1007"></a><a href="#Footnote_1007" class="fnanchor">1007</a> which represents a
-nude boy with the right hand raised as if in prayer and the left
-lowered and holding a leaping-weight—therefore a pentathlete—seems
-to correspond with this description of the statue of Akousilaos.
-The same motive may have been used in the statue of the
-chariot victress Kyniska, a princess of Sparta, whose statue along with
-that of her charioteer and the chariot was the work of the sculptor
-Apellas.<a id="FNanchor_1008"></a><a href="#Footnote_1008" class="fnanchor">1008</a> This is the interpretation of Furtwaengler,<a id="FNanchor_1009"></a><a href="#Footnote_1009" class="fnanchor">1009</a> based on a
-passage in Pliny, which mentions statues of <i>adornantes se feminas</i><a id="FNanchor_1010"></a><a href="#Footnote_1010" class="fnanchor">1010</a> by
-Apellas, which he reads <i>adorantes feminas</i>. However, <i>adornantes</i> may
-be right, for in another passage, Pliny speaks of Praxiteles’ statue
-of a ψελιουμένη, <i>i. e.</i>, of a woman clasping a bracelet on her arm.<a id="FNanchor_1011"></a><a href="#Footnote_1011" class="fnanchor">1011</a>
-Two notable bronze statues will illustrate this motive of Olympic victor
-statues. The statue found in 1502 at Zellfeld in Carinthia, now
-in Vienna,<a id="FNanchor_1012"></a><a href="#Footnote_1012" class="fnanchor">1012</a> has been interpreted both as a Hermes Logios and a votive
-statue in the attitude of prayer,<a id="FNanchor_1013"></a><a href="#Footnote_1013" class="fnanchor">1013</a> which latter interpretation the
-inscription on the leg, giving a list of dedications,<a id="FNanchor_1014"></a><a href="#Footnote_1014" class="fnanchor">1014</a> favors. However,
-Furtwaengler believes it a free imitation of an Argive victor statue,
-though not in the Polykleitan style. Because of its similarity to the
-<i>Idolino</i> (Pl. <a href="#p14">14</a>), he has ascribed its original to the sculptor Patrokles.
-From technical considerations he believes it is not a Greek original
-dedicated by Romans of a later period, but a Roman work (after
-Patrokles) of the period of the inscription.<a id="FNanchor_1015"></a><a href="#Footnote_1015" class="fnanchor">1015</a> The bronze statue of the
-<i>Praying Boy</i> in Berlin<a id="FNanchor_1016"></a><a href="#Footnote_1016" class="fnanchor">1016</a> (Pl. <a href="#p10">10</a>) is one of our most beautiful Greek
-bronzes and comes from the circle of Lysippos.<a id="FNanchor_1017"></a><a href="#Footnote_1017" class="fnanchor">1017</a> We now know that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_132">132</a></span>
-the uplifted arms of this statue, in which most scholars saw the Greek
-attitude of prayer, are restorations which were probably made in the
-time of Louis XIV, when the statue was in France. Of the original
-motive we only can say that the action of the shoulders shows that both
-arms were raised, but we do not know how far, or the position of the
-hands. Monumental evidence shows that the hands in prayer should
-have the palms turned away from the face instead of upwards, as in
-the present statue, since the Greek position was the outgrowth of an
-old apotropaic gesture, <i>i. e.</i>, one directed against an evil spirit. Mau’s
-idea<a id="FNanchor_1018"></a><a href="#Footnote_1018" class="fnanchor">1018</a> that the figure represented a player catching a ball is certainly
-inconsistent with the calm attitude of the statue. Furtwaengler
-rejected it,<a id="FNanchor_1019"></a><a href="#Footnote_1019" class="fnanchor">1019</a> and he has restored the arms and hands on the basis of a
-Berlin gem<a id="FNanchor_1020"></a><a href="#Footnote_1020" class="fnanchor">1020</a> and an <i>ex voto</i> relief found by the French excavators at
-Nemea in 1884.<a id="FNanchor_1021"></a><a href="#Footnote_1021" class="fnanchor">1021</a> On this relief a youth crowned with a woolen fillet
-is represented. On both relief and gem the figures are in the same
-attitude, the arms raised over the head <i>manibus supinis</i>, which confirms
-the restoration of the Berlin statue. Many other monuments
-give the more usual attitude of prayer, not as in the relief and gem discussed,
-but with only one hand extended as high as the breast. Older
-writers thought that such monuments did not represent the gesture of
-adoration, but one of <i>adlocutio</i>,<a id="FNanchor_1022"></a><a href="#Footnote_1022" class="fnanchor">1022</a> an opinion disproved by Pausanias’
-statement about the bronze statues of the Akragantines at Olympia,
-already mentioned. We may cite a relief from Kleitor, now in Berlin,<a id="FNanchor_1023"></a><a href="#Footnote_1023" class="fnanchor">1023</a>
-and a fine one of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> from Lamia (?),<a id="FNanchor_1024"></a><a href="#Footnote_1024" class="fnanchor">1024</a> as well as a
-red-figured Etruscan stamnos in Vienna representing, probably, Ajax
-praying before committing suicide.<a id="FNanchor_1025"></a><a href="#Footnote_1025" class="fnanchor">1025</a> We shall mention also two little
-statuettes in New York which represent youths in the praying attitude.<a id="FNanchor_1026"></a><a href="#Footnote_1026" class="fnanchor">1026</a>
-The first, dating from the second half of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_133">133</a></span>
-and showing Polykleitan influence, represents a nude youth standing
-erect with the forearms bent, showing that the two hands were extended
-in prayer. The second, which dates from the first half of the
-fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> (after the date of the Myronian <i>Diskobolos</i>), represents
-a nude youth standing with the right hand raised to the lips in
-an attitude usual in saluting a divinity, while the left is by the side,
-with the palm to the front.</p>
-
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 10</p><a id="p10"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp132.jpg" width="500" height="1022" alt="Bronze Statue of the Praying Boy" />
-<div class="caption">Bronze Statue of the <i>Praying Boy</i>. Museum of Berlin.</div>
-</div>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Anointing.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Various familiar motives from the everyday life of the gymnasium
-and palæstra were reproduced in the statues of athletes. One of
-the commonest methods was to represent the victor anointing his body
-with oil. The use of oil was indispensable in all athletic exercises,
-in order to make the body and limbs more supple, and especially in
-wrestling and the pankration, to make it difficult for one’s antagonist
-to get a grip.<a id="FNanchor_1027"></a><a href="#Footnote_1027" class="fnanchor">1027</a> Pliny mentions a painting by Theoros, representing a
-man <i>se inunguentem</i>,<a id="FNanchor_1028"></a><a href="#Footnote_1028" class="fnanchor">1028</a> which appears to have been a votive portrait of
-an athlete. The motive was common in vase-paintings and statuary.
-Several red-figured vases of the severe style, antedating the statues to
-be considered, show from realistic representations of palæstra scenes
-that it was customary for athletes to hold a round aryballos high in the
-right hand and pour oil from it into the left, which was placed across
-the body horizontally.<a id="FNanchor_1029"></a><a href="#Footnote_1029" class="fnanchor">1029</a> The same motive appears with variations in
-statues.<a id="FNanchor_1030"></a><a href="#Footnote_1030" class="fnanchor">1030</a> Thus the statue of an ephebe in Petworth House, Sussex,
-England,<a id="FNanchor_1031"></a><a href="#Footnote_1031" class="fnanchor">1031</a> a statue, as Furtwaengler says, to be praised more for its
-excellent preservation than for its workmanship, represents an athlete,
-who holds a globular aryballos in his right hand raised over the shoulder,
-while the left arm is held across the abdomen. On the nearby tree-trunk
-are small cylindrical objects which seem to be boxing pads. This
-statue, and especially its head, have been regarded by Michaelis and
-Furtwaengler as unmistakably Polykleitan in style.<a id="FNanchor_1032"></a><a href="#Footnote_1032" class="fnanchor">1032</a> Several other
-copies of original statues representing athletes pouring oil have been
-wrongly classed as replicas of one original,<a id="FNanchor_1033"></a><a href="#Footnote_1033" class="fnanchor">1033</a> though they merely have
-essential features alike, due chiefly to the subject. First is the
-famous statue in the Glyptothek known as the <i>Oelgiesser</i> (<i>Oil-pourer</i>),
-a Roman copy of an Attic bronze of about the middle of the
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_134">134</a></span>
-fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> (Pl. <a href="#p11">11</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1034"></a><a href="#Footnote_1034" class="fnanchor">1034</a>
-Though the right arm and left hand are
-lost, it is clear that the athlete held in his raised right hand an oil
-flask, as in the Petworth statue.<a id="FNanchor_1035"></a><a href="#Footnote_1035" class="fnanchor">1035</a> Notwithstanding that the head
-resembles the Praxitelian <i>Hermes</i>,<a id="FNanchor_1036"></a><a href="#Footnote_1036" class="fnanchor">1036</a> this does not show that the statue
-is of fourth-century origin, for its original is older; it merely shows that
-the art of Praxiteles was deeply rooted in that of his fifth-century
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f23"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p134.jpg" width="250" height="296" alt="Head of so-called Oil-pourer." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 23.</span>—Head of so-called <i>Oil-pourer</i>.
-Museum of Fine Arts,
-Boston.</span></span>
-predecessors. Because of its Attic
-affiliations, Klein tried to identify
-it with the Ἐγκρινόμενος of Alkamenes
-mentioned by Pliny,<a id="FNanchor_1037"></a><a href="#Footnote_1037" class="fnanchor">1037</a> by amending
-that title to Ἐγχριόμενος,
-the “Anointer.” Brunn, however,
-rightly saw the analogy of the body
-forms to Myron’s <i>Marsyas</i>,<a id="FNanchor_1038"></a><a href="#Footnote_1038" class="fnanchor">1038</a> and
-Furtwaengler and Bulle have ascribed
-it to Lykios, the son and
-pupil of that master, who worked
-about 440 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, the approximate
-date of the original of the statue.
-A fragmentary head in the Boston
-Museum of Fine Arts (Fig. <a href="#f23">23</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1039"></a><a href="#Footnote_1039" class="fnanchor">1039</a>
-formerly in private possession in
-England, is a copy of the same
-original as the Munich statue. Its
-special interest is that it is not an
-exact copy of the original, as the
-Munich statue is, but a freer one,
-showing a fuller mouth, fleshier cheeks, and deeper-set eyes. While
-the Munich statue is the dry work of a Roman copyist of Augustus’
-time, this head is by a far abler Greek copyist of the second century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> A torso in the Albertinum in Dresden, without a head,<a id="FNanchor_1040"></a><a href="#Footnote_1040" class="fnanchor">1040</a> is
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_135">135</a></span>
-similar to the Munich statue, but hardly a replica. It probably
-goes back to an original by an Attic master of the end of the fifth
-or beginning of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Other under life-size statues
-related to this torso show the same motive.<a id="FNanchor_1041"></a><a href="#Footnote_1041" class="fnanchor">1041</a> A black-marble
-statue found at Porto d’Anzio in 1758, and now in the Glyptothek,<a id="FNanchor_1042"></a><a href="#Footnote_1042" class="fnanchor">1042</a>
-has the Polykleitan standing motive. The left arm, which is stretched
-out, holds an oil flask in the hand, while the right arm is lowered. The
-band, which the position of the fingers shows that the right hand probably
-held, indicates it is the statue of a victor. A bronze statuette
-from South Italy, now in the British Museum,<a id="FNanchor_1043"></a><a href="#Footnote_1043" class="fnanchor">1043</a> represents a nude
-youth holding an alabastron in his right hand, while the left has
-the palm open to receive the oil. The hair fashion (κρωβύλος) seems
-to point to an Attic sculptor of about 470 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1044"></a><a href="#Footnote_1044" class="fnanchor">1044</a> The same motive
-is found on terra-cotta statuettes from Myrina,<a id="FNanchor_1045"></a><a href="#Footnote_1045" class="fnanchor">1045</a> on reliefs,<a id="FNanchor_1046"></a><a href="#Footnote_1046" class="fnanchor">1046</a> and on
-gems.<a id="FNanchor_1047"></a><a href="#Footnote_1047" class="fnanchor">1047</a></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><a id="p11"></a><p class="right">PLATE 11</p>
-<img src="images/i_fp134.jpg" width="500" height="874" alt="Statue of the so-called Oil-pourer" />
-<div class="caption">Statue of the so-called <i>Oil-pourer</i>. Glyptothek, Munich.</div>
-</div>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Oil-scraping.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Another ordinary palæstra motive was employed in representing
-the athlete after the contest, scraping oil and dirt from his body
-and arms with the scraping-blade or strigil (στλεγγίς, <i>strigilis</i>).<a id="FNanchor_1048"></a><a href="#Footnote_1048" class="fnanchor">1048</a>
-This motive is not uncommon on r.-f. vase-paintings of the fifth cen<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_136">136</a></span>tury
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1049"></a><a href="#Footnote_1049" class="fnanchor">1049</a> It was treated in sculpture by many masters. Pliny
-mentions such statues of athletes <i>destringentes se</i> (ἀποξυόμενοι), by
-Polykleitos, Lysippos, and Daidalos of Sikyon.<a id="FNanchor_1050"></a><a href="#Footnote_1050" class="fnanchor">1050</a> Perhaps the <i>perixyomenoi</i>
-by Antignotos and Daïppos, the latter the son of Lysippos, had
-the same motive.<a id="FNanchor_1051"></a><a href="#Footnote_1051" class="fnanchor">1051</a> Of the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> of Polykleitos we have no
-authenticated copies in sculpture, though Furtwaengler believes that
-he has found reminiscences of it on gems which represent a youth
-resting the weight of his body on the left leg, the right being drawn
-back (<i>i. e.</i>, in the attitude of the <i>Doryphoros</i>), the right forearm
-extended, and the left holding a strigil. The similarity of these
-gem-designs makes it certain that they are all derived from a well-known
-work of art.<a id="FNanchor_1052"></a><a href="#Footnote_1052" class="fnanchor">1052</a> Perhaps the fine bronze statuette, dating from
-the middle of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, and now in the Loeb collection in
-Munich, represents the pose of the <i>destringens se</i> by Polykleitos.<a id="FNanchor_1053"></a><a href="#Footnote_1053" class="fnanchor">1053</a> It
-represents a nude youth resting the weight of the body on the soles
-of both feet, the left one slightly advanced, and holding a strigil in
-the raised right hand. The famous marble copy of an <i>Apoxyomenos</i> in
-the Vatican<a id="FNanchor_1054"></a><a href="#Footnote_1054" class="fnanchor">1054</a> (Pl. <a href="#p29">29</a>), which, because of its long slim legs and graceful
-ankles, might well represent a runner, has long been held to represent
-the canon of Lysippos, as it exhibits proportions widely different
-from those employed by Polykleitos, and agreeing with Pliny’s account
-of Lysippos’ innovations.<a id="FNanchor_1055"></a><a href="#Footnote_1055" class="fnanchor">1055</a> However, the doubts arising in recent
-years as to whether this statue is a copy of Lysippos’ statue or a later
-work will be considered at length in Chapter VI.<a id="FNanchor_1056"></a><a href="#Footnote_1056" class="fnanchor">1056</a></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 12</p><a id="p12"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp136.jpg" width="500" height="847" alt="Statue of an Apoxyomenos." />
-<div class="caption">Statue of an <i>Apoxyomenos</i>. Uffizi Gallery, Florence.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The same motive is exemplified by many existing statues, statuettes,
-reliefs, etc. The marble statue of an athlete in the Uffizi, Florence,
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137">137</a></span>
-(Pl. <a href="#p12">12</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1057"></a><a href="#Footnote_1057" class="fnanchor">1057</a> a copy of an original of the end of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,
-wrongly restored as holding in both hands a vase at which the athlete
-is looking down, was interpreted by Bloch as an ephebe pouring
-oil from a lekythos held in the right hand into an aryballos held
-in the left. This action for an athlete has been characterized by
-Furtwaengler as “unparallelled, unclassical and, above all, absurd.”
-Through recent discoveries we now know that it represents an apoxyomenos,
-and that it should be restored with the left forearm close to
-the thigh, and with the right crossing the abdomen diagonally in the
-direction of the left hand. This attitude so closely corresponds with
-that of a figure on a gem as to make it probable that both gem and
-statue are copies of the same original. The figure on the gem<a id="FNanchor_1058"></a><a href="#Footnote_1058" class="fnanchor">1058</a> holds
-a strigil in both hands and is generally explained as scraping the dirt
-from the left thigh; the light hand holds the handle and the left the
-blade. A hydria, palm-branch, and crown are pictured to the right—showing
-that the figure represents an athlete, just as the statue has the
-swollen ears of one. The attention of the athlete in both monuments
-is concentrated on the operation involved—a concentration reminding
-us of Myron’s <i>Diskobolos</i>. While, however, in the latter work the
-concentration is momentary, it is less transient in the Florence statue
-and also in the Munich <i>Oil-pourer</i>. This pose is too conscious in the
-Florentine statue to be the work of Myron. Arndt names no artist,
-but as the similarity between the head of the statue and that of the
-<i>Oil-pourer</i> is so marked, and as every one now regards the latter as
-Attic—even if not by Alkamenes—he thinks that the two must be
-by the same Attic sculptor, although the Uffizi statue is somewhat
-later than the Munich one.<a id="FNanchor_1059"></a><a href="#Footnote_1059" class="fnanchor">1059</a> The original of the Florence statue
-was famous, if we may judge by the existing number of replicas with
-variations.<a id="FNanchor_1060"></a><a href="#Footnote_1060" class="fnanchor">1060</a></p>
-
-<p>Among statues showing the same motive and pose, we may note the
-bronze statue of an athlete over life-size—pieced together from 234<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_138">138</a></span>
-fragments—found by the Austrians at Ephesos and now in Vienna.<a id="FNanchor_1061"></a><a href="#Footnote_1061" class="fnanchor">1061</a>
-The subject, pose, and heavy proportions recall the Argive school of
-Polykleitos, and its original has been assigned by Hauser to the Sikyonian
-Daidalos, the son and pupil of Patrokles, who was the pupil of
-Polykleitos. As further reproductions of the same type of figure, we
-may cite a bronze statuette in Paris,<a id="FNanchor_1062"></a><a href="#Footnote_1062" class="fnanchor">1062</a> and a marble one found at
-Frascati in 1896 and now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.<a id="FNanchor_1063"></a><a href="#Footnote_1063" class="fnanchor">1063</a></p>
-
-<p>A chalcedony scarab of archaic type in the British Museum represents
-a nude athlete with a lekythos slung over the left arm and a
-strigil in the left hand, which rests on the hip.<a id="FNanchor_1064"></a><a href="#Footnote_1064" class="fnanchor">1064</a> A beautiful marble
-grave-relief, much mutilated, in the museum at Delphi,<a id="FNanchor_1065"></a><a href="#Footnote_1065" class="fnanchor">1065</a> which dates
-from the middle of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, represents a palæstra victor,
-with his arms extended to the right, cleansing himself with a strigil,
-which is held in the right hand, while a slave boy, holding the remnant
-of an aryballos in his right hand, looks up at him from the right. The
-careful anatomy of this relief may point to Pythagoras of Samos, as
-its author, though we have no certain work of his, for it fits the description
-of that artist by Pliny, who says that he was the first to express
-sinews and veins.<a id="FNanchor_1066"></a><a href="#Footnote_1066" class="fnanchor">1066</a></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Libation-pouring.</span></h4>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 13</p><a id="p13"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp138.jpg" width="500" height="856" alt="Statue of an Athlete" />
-<div class="caption">Statue of an Athlete, after Polykleitos. Farnsworth Museum,
-Wellesley College, U.&nbsp;S.&nbsp;A.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>An original Greek bronze statuette in Paris (Fig. <a href="#f24">24</a>)<a id="FNanchor_1067"></a><a href="#Footnote_1067" class="fnanchor">1067</a> reproduces the
-motive of the statue of the boy wrestler Xenokles by the sculptor
-Polykleitos Minor at Olympia, as a comparison with the footprints on
-the recovered base of the latter shows.<a id="FNanchor_1068"></a><a href="#Footnote_1068" class="fnanchor">1068</a> As the forms correspond with
-those of the <i>Doryphoros</i> and <i>Diadoumenos</i>, and as its execution is so
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_139">139</a></span>
-marvelous, Furtwaengler has ascribed the statuette to the circle of
-Polykleitos’ pupils. The position of the right hand, which has the
-thumbs drawn in, corresponds with that of the <i>Idolino</i> (Pl. <a href="#p14">14</a>), which
-we are to discuss, and can best be explained by assuming that it
-similarly held a kylix; the left hand carried a staff-like attribute.
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f24"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p139.jpg" width="250" height="478" alt="Bronze Statuette of an
-Athlete." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 24.</span>—Bronze Statuette of an
-Athlete. Louvre, Paris.</span></span>
-The head is bent and looks to the right.
-Furtwaengler believed that, inasmuch
-as the act of pouring a libation does not
-occur in art or literature as an athletic
-motive, the statuette represented a hero
-or god. Many Roman marble copies
-show the same motive and preserve
-to us a Polykleitan work which corresponds
-in all essentials with the
-Louvre statuette.<a id="FNanchor_1069"></a><a href="#Footnote_1069" class="fnanchor">1069</a> We mention two,
-the only ones of the type in which the
-heads are on the trunks, one in the
-Galleria delle Statue of the Vatican,<a id="FNanchor_1070"></a><a href="#Footnote_1070" class="fnanchor">1070</a>
-the other in the Farnsworth Museum
-at Wellesley College (Pl. <a href="#p13">13</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1071"></a><a href="#Footnote_1071" class="fnanchor">1071</a> These
-copies represent a youth standing with
-both feet flat upon the ground, the
-weight of the body resting upon the
-right one, while the left is turned a
-little to the side. He is looking downwards
-to the right. Doubtless we
-should restore these copies after the
-Paris bronze, with a kylix in the right
-hand. The palm-branch in a similar
-statue, to be mentioned further on,
-shows that in all probability the origin
-statue was that of an athlete; and
-that he was a famous athlete is shown
-by the number of copies of the torso and head.<a id="FNanchor_1072"></a><a href="#Footnote_1072" class="fnanchor">1072</a> A bronze head
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_140">140</a></span>
-from Herculaneum (Fig. <a href="#f25">25</a>)<a id="FNanchor_1073"></a><a href="#Footnote_1073" class="fnanchor">1073</a> so strongly resembles in its forms the
-type under discussion—which Furtwaengler has called the “Vatican
-athlete standing at rest”<a id="FNanchor_1074"></a><a href="#Footnote_1074" class="fnanchor">1074</a>—and corresponds with it so closely in
-its measurements, that it might be regarded as a copy of the same
-original, if certain differences, not due to the copyist, did not rather
-show that it comes from a closely allied work. This head shows
-an intense melancholy, which has been explained by Furtwaengler
-as due to the lack of skill on the part of the copyist, who fashioned
-it slightly askew. Amelung very properly explains the absence of
-the motive of libation-pouring in athletic art as merely a lacuna in
-our sources.<a id="FNanchor_1075"></a><a href="#Footnote_1075" class="fnanchor">1075</a> If the original of these copies and variations represented<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_141">141</a></span>
-an athlete, he was certainly pouring a libation before victory; if a
-warrior, he was doing the same thing before going on a campaign.
-In the latter case the left hand should be restored with a spear.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter300"><a id="f25"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p140.jpg" width="300" height="411" alt="" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 25.</span>—Bronze Head of an Athlete, from Herculaneum.
-Museum of Naples.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>We must also place here the life-size original Greek bronze in Florence,
-discovered at Pesaro, near Ancona, in 1530, and known from the
-early eighteenth century as the <i>Idolino</i> (Pl. <a href="#p14">14</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1076"></a><a href="#Footnote_1076" class="fnanchor">1076</a> for its motive connects
-it with the series just discussed. This is, perhaps, our finest
-bronze statue from antiquity, as it represents the highest ideal of boy
-beauty, just as the <i>Doryphoros</i> does of manly beauty. The chief
-characteristics—the positions of the feet, head, and arms, though essentially
-those of the statues discussed, offer certain differences. Thus
-the left leg is placed more to one side and turned further outwards
-than in the statue of Xenokles and kindred works; the left hand hangs
-down at an angle to the leg differently from the others. In other
-words, by comparing it with the Paris statuette, we see a slightly different
-rhythm from that found in Polykleitan works. The <i>Idolino</i> has
-been looked upon as Myronic by Kekulé,<a id="FNanchor_1077"></a><a href="#Footnote_1077" class="fnanchor">1077</a> Studniczka,<a id="FNanchor_1078"></a><a href="#Footnote_1078" class="fnanchor">1078</a> and hesitatingly
-Klein,<a id="FNanchor_1079"></a><a href="#Footnote_1079" class="fnanchor">1079</a> while Mahler regarded it as Pheidian.<a id="FNanchor_1080"></a><a href="#Footnote_1080" class="fnanchor">1080</a> Furtwaengler,
-however, by a careful analysis, has shown its Polykleitan characteristics—especially
-the shape of the head and the features, and the
-treatment of the hair, which reminds us of the Naples copy of the
-<i>Doryphoros</i>. Owing to differences, however, he did not assign it to
-the master himself, but suggested that it was the work of his pupil
-Patrokles.<a id="FNanchor_1081"></a><a href="#Footnote_1081" class="fnanchor">1081</a> Bulle found the head Polykleitan, but the body Attic,
-and assigned the figure to an unknown Attic sculptor working in
-the Polykleitan circle. In this controversy on its style, a statue
-found in 1916 in the excavations of the Baths at Kyrene should be of
-use, for it is the most faithful of all the Roman copies known of the
-bronze original and clearly shows a Polykleitan character influenced by
-Attic art.<a id="FNanchor_1082"></a><a href="#Footnote_1082" class="fnanchor">1082</a> By a comparison of this marble copy with the Florentine<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_142">142</a></span>
-bronze we see that the latter was a subsequent rendition of the same
-original, and doubtless by some artist of lesser fame from the Polykleitan
-school, who was influenced by Attic art.</p>
-
-<p>But it is the interpretation of the <i>Idolino</i> which chiefly interests us
-here. While Longpérier called the similar Paris statuette a <i>Mercure
-aptère</i>, and the publisher of the statue from Kyrene called that copy
-a <i>Hermes</i>, yet Kekulé, Bulle, and most other archæologists have seen in
-the <i>Idolino</i> an athlete. The inner surface of its outstretched right
-hand is left rough, and the fingers are in the same position as those of
-the Paris bronze. Such a position can be explained satisfactorily by
-restoring the hand with a kylix or a φιάλη, such as was commonly used
-in libations. The left hand is smooth and evidently empty, though
-Bulle restores it with a victor’s fillet, and so, following Kekulé, calls
-the statue that of a boy victor, who is bringing an offering to the altar
-in honor of his victory. The marble statue in the Galleria delle Statue
-has the right forearm restored; in the Kyrene statue the right hand is
-preserved and has a thick object held downwards at a greater angle
-than in the <i>Idolino</i>. The photograph does not let us judge decisively,
-but it seems to be too thick an object for the remnants of a
-kylix. A marble statue in the Barberini Palace, Rome,<a id="FNanchor_1083"></a><a href="#Footnote_1083" class="fnanchor">1083</a> which resembles
-the <i>Idolino</i> so closely as to be considered a copy of it, though with
-variations of pose and technique, has the arms broken off, and so adds
-nothing to the solution of the motive of the <i>Idolino</i>. The fact that a
-palm-stem stands beside the right leg, however, adds weight to the
-interpretation as victor. Furtwaengler interprets the <i>Idolino</i> and kindred
-works as divinities. Though boys serve at libations, he thinks
-they never perform the ritual act of pouring the libation.<a id="FNanchor_1084"></a><a href="#Footnote_1084" class="fnanchor">1084</a> That a
-libation-pourer should appear in the guise of a boy victor (that of
-Xenokles) he calls a genuine Argive trait. Svoronos, also, has recently
-tried to show that the <i>Idolino</i> is not a victor,<a id="FNanchor_1085"></a><a href="#Footnote_1085" class="fnanchor">1085</a> but represents the hero
-Herakles. He compares the figure with a fourth-century Pentelic
-marble relief in Athens,<a id="FNanchor_1086"></a><a href="#Footnote_1086" class="fnanchor">1086</a> which represents Herakles standing at the
-door of Hades and beside him a father leading his son up to the open
-air. The pose of the figure of Herakles resembles that of the <i>Idolino</i>
-in a remarkable way. In the relief Herakles holds a kylix in the right
-hand<a id="FNanchor_1087"></a><a href="#Footnote_1087" class="fnanchor">1087</a> and a club in the left, and a lion skin is thrown over the left arm.
-Svoronos believes that the left hand in the relief explains the turning in
-of the left hand of the <i>Idolino</i>—for he believes that the latter also held
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_143">143</a></span>
-a club. We must, however, leave the final solution of the motive of the
-<i>Idolino</i> and kindred works open, although inclining to the belief that
-they represent a victor.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 14</p><a id="p14"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp142.jpg" width="500" height="847" alt="Bronze Statue known as the Idolino." />
-<div class="caption">Bronze Statue known as the <i>Idolino</i>. Museo Archeologico, Florence.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>A statue in Athens, which was found in 1888 in the Roman ruins at
-the Olympieion, may represent a boy victor pouring a libation (Fig.
-26).<a id="FNanchor_1088"></a><a href="#Footnote_1088" class="fnanchor">1088</a>
-It is a poor Roman copy, dry and lifeless,
-<span class="figright150"><a id="f26"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p143.jpg" width="150" height="383" alt="Marble Statue
-of an Athlete." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 26.</span>—Marble Statue
-of an Athlete(?). National Museum,
-Athens.</span></span>
-of a bronze original of the middle of the
-fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1089"></a><a href="#Footnote_1089" class="fnanchor">1089</a> In this statue Mayer has
-seen the motive, and probably the copy, of the
-<i>Splanchnoptes</i> (Roaster of Entrails) by the
-sculptor Styphax (or Styppax) of Cyprus,
-which, according to Pliny,<a id="FNanchor_1090"></a><a href="#Footnote_1090" class="fnanchor">1090</a> represented Perikles’
-slave “roasting entrails and blowing hard
-on the fire, to kindle it, till his cheeks swell.”
-He thinks that the position of the broken
-arms and a comparison of the figure with similar
-ones on vases make the identification possible.
-Von Salis concurs in his restoration and
-interpretation and publishes a small statuette
-in Athens from Dodona,<a id="FNanchor_1091"></a><a href="#Footnote_1091" class="fnanchor">1091</a> which has a similar
-pose, and holds a three-pronged fork in the
-left hand, which he believes should be restored
-in the statue. Although statue and statuette
-have much in common (<i>e. g.</i>, the position of
-the breast and shoulders, the treatment of the
-hair, etc.), which shows that both may be copies
-of one original, the conception of the two is
-somewhat different. The statue from Athens
-represents a boy standing busily engaged at
-the altar; the statuette represents one standing
-at rest merely looking on, the fork not
-being held in position for use.<a id="FNanchor_1092"></a><a href="#Footnote_1092" class="fnanchor">1092</a> In any case
-the face of the Athens statue can not correspond
-with Pliny’s description—<i>ignemque oris<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_144">144</a></span>
-pleni spiritu accendens</i>. Quite a different explanation of the statue is
-possible—one which Mayer thought improbable. The right arm—broken
-above the wrist—was raised to the height of the shoulder
-and may have held an object in the hand; the left arm—broken off
-below the shoulder—seems to have been held close to the body and
-appears to have corresponded in movement with the other. The boy,
-therefore, may have held a cup in the right hand and a branch or a
-victor fillet in the left. Thus it may merely be another example of
-a boy victor pouring a libation.</p>
-
-<p>Certain other statues have been mistaken either for libation-pourers
-or oil-pourers, when they are really wine-pourers and have nothing to
-do with the athletic motives under discussion. A good example is the
-marble statue of a <i>Satyr</i> in Dresden,<a id="FNanchor_1093"></a><a href="#Footnote_1093" class="fnanchor">1093</a> which represents the youthful
-demi-god lifting a can with his right hand, out of which he is pouring
-wine into a drinking-horn held in the left. There are many copies of this
-work,<a id="FNanchor_1094"></a><a href="#Footnote_1094" class="fnanchor">1094</a> a fact which shows that the original bronze was famous. An
-attempt has therefore been made to identify it with the bronze <i>Satyr</i> of
-Praxiteles mentioned by Pliny as the <i>Periboëtos</i> or “far-famed,”<a id="FNanchor_1095"></a><a href="#Footnote_1095" class="fnanchor">1095</a> which
-seems to have been grouped with a <i>Dionysos</i> and a figure of <i>Drunkenness</i>—a
-grouping which might fit the Dresden <i>Satyr</i>, since a second
-figure should be imagined, for which the horn is being filled. However,
-it differs stylistically so much from the <i>Hermes</i> of Olympia that the
-ascription has been given up, though its graceful form shows Praxitelean
-influence and certainly emanates from the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 15</p><a id="p15"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp144.jpg" width="500" height="706" alt="Marble Head of an Athlete." />
-<div class="caption">Marble Head of an Athlete, after Kresilas (?). Metropolitan
-Museum, New York.</div>
-</div>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Resting After the Contest.</span></h4>
-
-<p>A very favorite motive was to represent a victor, either standing or
-seated, resting after the exertions of the contest (ἀναπαυόμενος). An
-excellent example of this motive in a standing posture is the fourth-century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> statue of Attic workmanship found at Porto d’Anzio and
-now in the Vatican,<a id="FNanchor_1096"></a><a href="#Footnote_1096" class="fnanchor">1096</a> which reproduces the type of the <i>Apollo Lykeios</i>.<a id="FNanchor_1097"></a><a href="#Footnote_1097" class="fnanchor">1097</a>
-Many of the statues, by various sculptors, which represent the victor
-standing at rest may be intended to represent him as resting after the
-contest. The well-known head of a youth adorned with the victor’s
-chaplet, and preserved in four copies in European museums, appears
-to come from a statue which represented a victor in this manner.
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_145">145</a></span>
-The best of these copies is in the collection of Lord Leconfield at Petworth
-House, Sussex.<a id="FNanchor_1098"></a><a href="#Footnote_1098" class="fnanchor">1098</a> We should add a fifth, a Roman copy of the
-head, in the Metropolitan Museum, New York (Pl. <a href="#p15">15</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1099"></a><a href="#Footnote_1099" class="fnanchor">1099</a> In these
-copies the ears are not swollen, and a certain refinement and gentleness
-show that the original was not from the statue of a boxer or pancratiast,
-but from that of another type of athlete, perhaps a pentathlete.
-Since Pliny mentions the statue of a <i>Doryphoros</i> by Kresilas,<a id="FNanchor_1100"></a><a href="#Footnote_1100" class="fnanchor">1100</a> and because
-of its supposed Kresilæan style, Furtwaengler, albeit on slender
-grounds, has attempted to identify the original of these heads with
-that work.<a id="FNanchor_1101"></a><a href="#Footnote_1101" class="fnanchor">1101</a> The expression is certainly one of complete repose. On
-the crown of the head, and on the left side over the fillet, is a rectangular
-broken surface,<a id="FNanchor_1102"></a><a href="#Footnote_1102" class="fnanchor">1102</a> apparently the remnant of a support for the right arm,
-which, as Conze thought, proves that the athlete stood with one arm
-resting on the head, the hand hanging over the left side. Furtwaengler
-admitted that such an attitude might be that of an apoxyomenos,<a id="FNanchor_1103"></a><a href="#Footnote_1103" class="fnanchor">1103</a>
-but pointed out that the expression of the face in all the copies seems
-too tranquil for such an interpretation. Since the victor was in repose
-and the left arm required a slight support, he believed that this support
-might have been an akontion. He therefore reconstructed the original
-statue as that of a resting pentathlete, and assigned it to the great
-Cretan contemporary of Pheidias, who worked in Athens.<a id="FNanchor_1104"></a><a href="#Footnote_1104" class="fnanchor">1104</a> The number
-of replicas at least shows that the original was a famous work.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter400"><a id="f27"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p146.jpg" width="400" height="494" alt="Head from Statue of the Seated Boxer." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig.</span> 27.—Head from Statue of the <i>Seated Boxer</i>.
-Museo delle Terme, Rome.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Perhaps our best example of the motive of a seated victor resting after
-the contest is the bronze statue of a boxer found in Rome in 1884 and
-now in the Museo delle Terme there (Pl. <a href="#p16">16</a> and Fig. <a href="#f27">27</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1105"></a><a href="#Footnote_1105" class="fnanchor">1105</a> This is a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_146">146</a></span>
-masterpiece in the portrayal of brute strength in the most naturalistic
-and revolting way. If we like to think of victors as having noble forms,
-we are rudely startled on looking at this brutal prize-fighter. If we
-compare it with works of the fifth and fourth centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, we see in
-it, as in no other example of Greek sculpture, the great change which
-professionalism had later wrought in the Greek ideal of athletics. Here
-are massive proportions, bulging muscles, arms and legs hard and
-muscle-bound. We can compare it only with the bronze head of a
-boxer found at Olympia (Fig. <a href="#f61">61</a> A and B) of similar style and age.<a id="FNanchor_1106"></a><a href="#Footnote_1106" class="fnanchor">1106</a> But
-there we have only the head, while here we have a complete statue
-almost perfectly preserved, the only restorations being a portion of the
-left thumb, a piece of the right flank, and the base.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 16</p><a id="p16"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp146.jpg" width="500" height="814" alt="Bronze Statue of the Seated Boxer." />
-<div class="caption">Bronze Statue of the <i>Seated Boxer</i>. Museo delle Terme, Rome.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>It represents a professional boxer, who is seated exhausted at the
-close of the bout, the severity of which is indicated by every part of the
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_147">147</a></span>
-body. He leans forward, his arms rest on his thighs, and his head,
-sunk between his shoulders, is raised and turned to the right, as he
-stupidly looks around at the applauding spectators. His nose is broken
-and his ears are swollen and scars of the contest show on his face and
-limbs. Beneath his retreating upper lip some of his teeth appear to
-have been knocked out as the result of previous fights, while indications
-of the recent struggle are to be seen in the blood dripping from his ears
-and the deep lacerations in face and shoulder, which may have once
-been filled with red paint to make his appearance even more realistic.
-The right eye is swollen and the lower lid and the cheek imperceptibly
-sink into each other. The mustache shows flecks of blood and the
-swollen back of the right hand protrudes through the glove. His nose
-is clotted with blood and he seems to be struggling to get his breath.</p>
-
-<p>Such realism and delight in depicting the hideous show that the work,
-like the Olympia head, belongs to the Hellenistic age. The careful workmanship,
-especially visible in the hair and beard and in the hair on the
-chest<a id="FNanchor_1107"></a><a href="#Footnote_1107" class="fnanchor">1107</a>, proves that the statue is not a Roman copy, but a Greek original
-of the beginning of the Hellenistic age, of the end of the fourth or beginning
-of the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Nor is it a portrait, as Winter maintained,<a id="FNanchor_1108"></a><a href="#Footnote_1108" class="fnanchor">1108</a>
-since it is an adaptation of a late type of Herakles. It certainly
-is a victor statue from one of the great Greek games, and is, perhaps,
-from Olympia itself. Since the head is turned toward the right shoulder
-and the mouth is open, as if speaking, Wunderer tried, on the basis
-of a passage in the history of Polybios,<a id="FNanchor_1109"></a><a href="#Footnote_1109" class="fnanchor">1109</a> to identify it with the statue
-of the famous Theban boxer and pancratiast Kleitomachos at Olympia
-by an unknown artist.<a id="FNanchor_1110"></a><a href="#Footnote_1110" class="fnanchor">1110</a> The historian states that Kleitomachos,
-while fighting with the Egyptian Aristonikos, was angered by the
-acclaim given the foreigner and, stepping aside, chided the spectators
-for not cheering one who was fighting for the honor of Greece. The
-speech caused a revulsion in the popular feeling, which helped, even
-more than the fists of Kleitomachos, to vanquish Aristonikos. However,
-the motive of the statue does not fit the incident, as the boxer
-is not speaking, but breathing hard, nor is the seated posture that of
-one haranguing a crowd. Moreover, the date of the Theban’s victory
-is too late for the statue.<a id="FNanchor_1111"></a><a href="#Footnote_1111" class="fnanchor">1111</a></p>
-
-<h3>ATTRIBUTES OF VICTOR STATUES.</h3>
-
-<p>At the beginning of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> athletic training tended
-to produce a uniform standard of physical development, which was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_148">148</a></span>
-reflected in sculpture. At this date we do not find the divergence of
-style which we saw in our review of the “Apollo” type of the sixth
-century. Vase-paintings show the change better than sculpture. On
-black-figured vases of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, we see a good deal of
-variety in groups of boxers and wrestlers, while on red-figured vases of
-the early fifth century the number of types is far less. In sculpture,
-however, differences in physical type did exist in the various schools at
-the beginning of the fifth century. We have, for example, the heavy,
-square-shouldered type in the <i>Apollo Choiseul-Gouffier</i> (Pl. <a href="#p7A">7A</a>), which
-we have classed as a victor statue, and the tall, rawboned type in the
-<i>Tyrannicides</i> by Kritios and Nesiotes (Fig. <a href="#f32">32</a>, <i>Harmodios</i>).<a id="FNanchor_1112"></a><a href="#Footnote_1112" class="fnanchor">1112</a> We have,
-on the other hand, a very different physical type in the short, stocky
-Aeginetan pedimental figures (Figs. 20 and 21). Between such extremes
-there are, of course, many gradations. We might instance
-the archaic bronze statuette of a diskobolos in the Metropolitan Museum
-(Fig. <a href="#f46">46</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1113"></a><a href="#Footnote_1113" class="fnanchor">1113</a> However, notwithstanding the diversity in type,
-it is often difficult to distinguish runners from wrestlers, boxers from
-pentathletes. Thus few early fifth-century statues show the type of
-runner as well as the <i>Apollo of Tenea</i> (Pl. <a href="#p8A">8A</a>), or that of a boxer
-as well as the “<i>Apollo</i>” from Delphi (Pl. <a href="#p8B">8B</a>). The reason for this is
-the ideal element, which entered into all these statues and which
-was a reflection of the uniform development of athletics long before
-specialization had set in. Out of this uniformity grew the canon of
-Polykleitos, developed from that of Hagelaïdas.</p>
-
-<p>The sculptor of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> was incapable of differentiating
-between god and mortal. This was especially the case, as we have
-seen, with Apollo, as the “Apollo” type was a model of manly vigor.
-In the early fifth century the sculptor had largely overcome this difficulty,
-but still showed little diversity of type in treating statues of
-different kinds of athletes. A method of differentiation which was
-essential to athlete sculptors of the sixth century was found convenient
-of retention by those of the fifth—<i>i. e.</i>, characterizing the statue
-of the victor by some attribute, in order, on the one hand, to differentiate
-it from the nude god or hero, and on the other to distinguish
-between different types of victors.</p>
-
-<h3>PRIMARY ATTRIBUTES OF VICTOR STATUES.</h3>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">The Victor Fillet.</span></h4>
-
-<p>In the first place, the sculptor would characterize the victor statue
-as such. The easiest way to do this would be to represent it with a
-fillet or chaplet (ταινία)<a id="FNanchor_1114"></a><a href="#Footnote_1114" class="fnanchor">1114</a> bound round the head, as we saw was the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_149">149</a></span>
-case in the statue of Milo. This fillet was merely a band or riband of
-wool which was given the Olympic victor in addition to the garland of
-olive leaves, or the palm-branch, as a symbol of victory. Waldstein has
-argued that this fillet originally was not an essential attribute of the
-victor, but that the crown and palm were the prizes, and the fillet
-merely a decoration used on various occasions, such as at symposia,<a id="FNanchor_1115"></a><a href="#Footnote_1115" class="fnanchor">1115</a>
-which only later became a general athletic attribute.<a id="FNanchor_1116"></a><a href="#Footnote_1116" class="fnanchor">1116</a> Though the presence
-of the fillet on statues should not, therefore, be proof that the
-given statue is that of a victor,<a id="FNanchor_1117"></a><a href="#Footnote_1117" class="fnanchor">1117</a> there is no defense for the contention
-of Passow<a id="FNanchor_1118"></a><a href="#Footnote_1118" class="fnanchor">1118</a> that the <i>tainia</i> was in no sense a symbol of victory, but
-merely a toilet article among the gifts presented by the public to a
-victor at the ovation of the crowning. Pausanias says that the victor
-Lichas of Sparta was scourged by order of the umpires at Olympia
-for having set the <i>tainia</i> on the head of his victorious charioteer.<a id="FNanchor_1119"></a><a href="#Footnote_1119" class="fnanchor">1119</a>
-This is sufficient evidence that it was not a mere toilet article, but rather
-a part of the official prize of victory. Similarly the <i>tainia</i> in the hand
-of Nike upon the right hand of the statue of Zeus by Pheidias at
-Olympia can not have been a toilet article.<a id="FNanchor_1120"></a><a href="#Footnote_1120" class="fnanchor">1120</a></p>
-
-<p>We have many examples from athletic sculpture of the use of the
-fillet. Thus it appears on the bronze head of a boxer in the Glyptothek
-(Pl. <a href="#p3">3</a>)<a id="FNanchor_1121"></a><a href="#Footnote_1121" class="fnanchor">1121</a> and on the bronze head from Herculaneum in Naples
-(Fig. <a href="#f4">4</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1122"></a><a href="#Footnote_1122" class="fnanchor">1122</a> both of which have been discussed in Chapter II, as fragments
-of Greek original statues of Olympic victors. It also appears on
-the marble head of a youthful victor—not necessarily Olympic—from
-the Akropolis,<a id="FNanchor_1123"></a><a href="#Footnote_1123" class="fnanchor">1123</a> which, because of the similarity in cheeks, mouth, and
-eyes to heads on the metopes of the Parthenon, should be dated somewhere
-between 450 and 440 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> It occurs on the Olympia marble head<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_150">150</a></span>
-(Frontispiece and Fig. <a href="#f69">69</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1124"></a><a href="#Footnote_1124" class="fnanchor">1124</a> which we ascribe in Chapter VI to Lysippos,
-and likewise on the statue of the pancratiast Agias in Delphi (Pl. <a href="#p28">28</a>,
-Fig. <a href="#f68">68</a>). In most athlete heads the fillet is twisted into a knot at the
-back of the head. In one case, on the Petworth head of a pentathlete
-already discussed,<a id="FNanchor_1125"></a><a href="#Footnote_1125" class="fnanchor">1125</a> which, because of the curve of the neck, must come
-from a statue represented at rest, it is not so tied, but is wound round
-the head with the two ends tucked in and pushed through the fillet on
-either side over the temples.<a id="FNanchor_1126"></a><a href="#Footnote_1126" class="fnanchor">1126</a> Though so practical an arrangement
-as the latter must have been common enough in real life, this seems to
-be the only example of its representation in sculpture.</p>
-
-<p>The fillet, instead of encircling the head, was sometimes held in the
-hand, as in the case of the Spartan chariot victor Polykles at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_1127"></a><a href="#Footnote_1127" class="fnanchor">1127</a>
-A curious life-size statue of the Roman period, found in the Peiræus,
-represents a nude boy holding in his right hand over the breast a bundle
-of books and in the left an alabastron. The body is covered with
-fillets—fifteen in all—which appear to have been prizes won in gymnic
-contests, probably at the gymnasium or palæstra.<a id="FNanchor_1128"></a><a href="#Footnote_1128" class="fnanchor">1128</a></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Fillet-binders.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Statues representing victors binding fillets in their hair (<i>diadoumenoi</i>)
-are common to all periods of Greek art.<a id="FNanchor_1129"></a><a href="#Footnote_1129" class="fnanchor">1129</a> We shall discuss
-only two—those of Pheidias and of Polykleitos.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 17</p><a id="p17"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp150.jpg" width="500" height="863" alt="Statue known as the Farnese Diadoumenos." />
-<div class="caption">Statue known as the <i>Farnese Diadoumenos</i>. British Museum, London.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Pausanias mentions a statue by Pheidias, representing a <i>Boy Binding
-on a Fillet</i>, as standing in the Altis at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_1130"></a><a href="#Footnote_1130" class="fnanchor">1130</a> Robert has
-argued that this figure was the one of similar motive mentioned by
-Pausanias as on the throne of Zeus there.<a id="FNanchor_1131"></a><a href="#Footnote_1131" class="fnanchor">1131</a> However, the figure on
-the throne was very probably in relief and not in the round.<a id="FNanchor_1132"></a><a href="#Footnote_1132" class="fnanchor">1132</a> The cicerones
-at Olympia seem to have been imposing on the periegete when
-they said that a likeness to Pantarkes, the boy favorite of Pheidias, was
-to be seen in the face of this figure on the throne. The mention of
-Pantarkes has given rise to the usual identification of the παῖς ἀναδούμενος
-with the victor statue of the Elean Pantarkes mentioned by
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_151">151</a></span>Pausanias as standing in the Altis.<a id="FNanchor_1133"></a><a href="#Footnote_1133" class="fnanchor">1133</a> However, the assumption<a id="FNanchor_1134"></a><a href="#Footnote_1134" class="fnanchor">1134</a> is
-far-fetched and must be rejected, because Pausanias mentions the two
-statues in two different parts of his <i>periegesis</i> of the Altis.<a id="FNanchor_1135"></a><a href="#Footnote_1135" class="fnanchor">1135</a> Of the
-παῖς we know only the artist’s name. It was probably merely a votive
-gift,<a id="FNanchor_1136"></a><a href="#Footnote_1136" class="fnanchor">1136</a> and the name of the person so honored was unknown to Pausanias.
-Of the statue of the victor Pantarkes we know only the name,
-and neither the artist nor the motive of the statue. It seems clear,
-therefore, that we have to do with three distinct monuments: the boy
-with the fillet, the throne figure by Pheidias, and the victor by an
-unknown sculptor.<a id="FNanchor_1137"></a><a href="#Footnote_1137" class="fnanchor">1137</a></p>
-
-<p>The small marble statue in the British Museum known as the <i>Diadoumenos
-Farnese</i><a id="FNanchor_1138"></a><a href="#Footnote_1138" class="fnanchor">1138</a> (Pl. <a href="#p17">17</a>), which is now almost universally regarded
-as an Attic work,<a id="FNanchor_1139"></a><a href="#Footnote_1139" class="fnanchor">1139</a> has been assumed by many archæologists to be a
-copy of Pheidias’ statue.<a id="FNanchor_1140"></a><a href="#Footnote_1140" class="fnanchor">1140</a> Since Pausanias tells us that a statue by
-Pheidias stood in Olympia, representing an unknown boy binding a
-fillet around his head, and since the style of the <i>Farnese</i> statue shows
-great similarity in head and body forms and general bearing to certain
-figures on the Parthenon frieze,<a id="FNanchor_1141"></a><a href="#Footnote_1141" class="fnanchor">1141</a> and its motive agrees with that of the
-Olympia statue, it seems reasonable to see in this little work a copy of
-the statue in the Altis by the great master. Furtwaengler and Bulle
-have shown that the motive of this work was initiated by Pheidias and
-not by Polykleitos, since the latter’s great statue was several years
-younger than the work of Pheidias at Olympia. That Pheidias was
-pleased with the motive is disclosed by the fact that he repeated it on
-the throne of Zeus.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_152">152</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 18</p><a id="p18"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp152.jpg" width="500" height="803" alt="Statue of the Diadoumenos." />
-<div class="caption">Statue of the <i>Diadoumenos</i>, from Delos, after Polykleitos.
-National Museum, Athens.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The <i>Diadoumenos</i> of Polykleitos was little less famous than his <i>Doryphoros</i>,
-if we may judge by the number of copies which have survived
-and from literary notices of it.<a id="FNanchor_1142"></a><a href="#Footnote_1142" class="fnanchor">1142</a> In all the copies of this work we see
-the well-known Polykleitan characteristics—powerful build, heavy proportions,
-and fidelity to nature; but none of the ideal tendency prominent
-in the works of Pheidias and his school, nor of the violent energy
-characteristic of Myron’s art. In all of them the pose of the earlier
-<i>Doryphoros</i> is retained, except that the arms are differently employed
-and the build of the body is more slender. Pliny, despite his statement—which
-is probably taken from some Greek authority—that
-monotony was the characteristic of Polykleitos’ works (<i>paene ad unum
-exemplum</i>),<a id="FNanchor_1143"></a><a href="#Footnote_1143" class="fnanchor">1143</a> emphasizes this slenderness by calling the <i>Doryphoros</i>
-<i>viriliter puer</i>—Lessing’s <i>Juengling wie ein Mann</i>—and the <i>Diadoumenos</i>
-<i>molliter juvenis</i>—a youth of gentle form. This judgment of
-Pliny was difficult to understand so long as we had only the Vaison
-copy of the <i>Diadoumenos</i> to study. The Delian copy showed that
-supple grace was characteristic of the original, even if modified to suit
-the taste of three centuries later. Although the body forms and the
-attitudes of the <i>Doryphoros</i> and the <i>Diadoumenos</i> are very similar,
-the head of the latter, usually assigned to Polykleitos, is of a different
-type from that of the <i>Doryphoros</i>. While the head of the <i>Doryphoros</i> is
-square in profile, flat on top, and long from front to back, that of the
-<i>Diadoumenos</i> is rounder and softer and can best be explained on the
-assumption that Polykleitos later in life came under Attic influence.
-The copies of this work are many and varied.<a id="FNanchor_1144"></a><a href="#Footnote_1144" class="fnanchor">1144</a> For a long time the
-marble copy in the British Museum found in 1862, at Vaison, France,<a id="FNanchor_1145"></a><a href="#Footnote_1145" class="fnanchor">1145</a>
-was, despite its poor workmanship, considered our best copy (Fig. <a href="#f28">28</a>).
-It was made perhaps five hundred years after the original, at a time
-when sculpture was in its decline, and consequently can give us merely
-a suggestion of the character of Polykleitos’ statue. As it is a direct
-marble translation of the bronze, the muscular treatment appears exaggerated.
-Another marble copy was found in 1894 by the French
-excavators on the island of Delos, and is now in Athens (Pl. <a href="#p18">18</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1146"></a><a href="#Footnote_1146" class="fnanchor">1146</a> The
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_153">153</a></span>
-Delian artist added a mantle and a quiver to the nearby tree-trunk and
-thus converted an original victor statue into one of a god.<a id="FNanchor_1147"></a><a href="#Footnote_1147" class="fnanchor">1147</a> Though its
-hands are lost, it is easy to see that the athlete is pulling the ends of the
-fillet together so as to tighten the knot at the back of the head. As this
-is a Hellenistic Greek copy, it comes far nearer to the original than the
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f28"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p153.jpg" width="250" height="420" alt="Statue of the Diadoumenos." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 28.</span>—Statue of the <i>Diadoumenos</i>,
-from Vaison, after Polykleitos.
-British Museum, London.</span></span>
-imperial Roman one from Vaison.
-The lighter proportions and softer
-modeling show the Attic influence
-on Polykleitos’ later career,
-although the fleshy forms are out
-of harmony with his art and evidently
-introduced by the copyist.
-One of the best preserved and
-most beautiful copies is the one in
-the Prado at Madrid.<a id="FNanchor_1148"></a><a href="#Footnote_1148" class="fnanchor">1148</a> Although a
-Roman copy, like the one in the
-British Museum, it comes very near
-the original because of the precision
-in its details. There are many
-good copies of the head alone.<a id="FNanchor_1149"></a><a href="#Footnote_1149" class="fnanchor">1149</a>
-Marble heads in Kassel and Dresden,
-evidently the works of Attic
-sculptors, show the pure Polykleitan
-traits. The one in Dresden<a id="FNanchor_1150"></a><a href="#Footnote_1150" class="fnanchor">1150</a>
-(Fig. <a href="#f29">29</a>) surpasses all others in the
-beauty of its finish, being a careful
-and exact copy. The proportions
-and structure of the head are
-those of the <i>Doryphoros</i>, although
-the surface is differently treated.
-The Kassel head<a id="FNanchor_1151"></a><a href="#Footnote_1151" class="fnanchor">1151</a> is not so exact in
-its details, but has more expression.
-Furtwaengler rightly calls
-it the better of the two as a work of art, but inferior as a copy. A
-marble head in the British Museum<a id="FNanchor_1152"></a><a href="#Footnote_1152" class="fnanchor">1152</a> is a direct copy from the original<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_154">154</a></span>
-bronze, like the Vaison statue. The clear-cut eyelids and wiry hair
-reproduce the original material, and its resemblance to the head of
-the <i>Doryphoros</i> is greater than that of any other copy.</p>
-
-<p>A later variant of the statue is seen in a small terra-cotta statuette from
-Smyrna in private possession in London.<a id="FNanchor_1153"></a><a href="#Footnote_1153" class="fnanchor">1153</a>
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f29"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p154.jpg" width="250" height="297" alt="Head of the Diadoumenos." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 29.</span>—Head of the <i>Diadoumenos</i>,
-after Polykleitos. Albertinum,
-Dresden.</span></span>
-It shows the Polykleitan type
-so completely assimilated to the style
-of Praxiteles that its genuineness
-has been doubted. Perhaps, with
-its Attic softness, it gives us a better
-idea of the beauty of the original
-than many of the other copies.
-Finally, we must mention the
-original bronze head of the fifth century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> in the Ashmolean Museum,
-Oxford, recently published by Percy
-Gardner.<a id="FNanchor_1154"></a><a href="#Footnote_1154" class="fnanchor">1154</a> This head, put together
-from nine fragments, and restored as
-that of a boy fillet-binder, and rivaling
-in delicacy and beauty such
-original bronzes as the Beneventum
-head (Fig. <a href="#f3">3</a>) and the <i>Idolino</i> (Pl.
-<a href="#p14">14</a>), not only gives us the best idea
-of the technical ability attained by
-bronze workers in the middle of the
-fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, but also helps us to
-understand the ancient repute of Polykleitos’ athletes. Here the headband
-and “starfish” arrangement of the hair have their close parallels
-in the Dresden, Kassel, and British Museum heads already discussed,
-which essentially reproduce the head of the Vaison statue (Fig. <a href="#f28">28</a>).
-As Gardner points out, it closely agrees with the type of the
-<i>Farnese Diadoumenos</i> (Pl. <a href="#p17">17</a>) only in one particular, the mode of tying
-the knot. While the Vaison athlete is preparing to tie it, the Farnese
-one has just finished the operation, the boy still holding the ends of the
-fillet in his hands. But only the treatment of the hair, the eye, and the
-ear offers a contrast. Despite these differences Gardner follows the older
-view of Brunn in regarding the Vaison and Farnese types as two variants
-of Polykleitan originals; but the pose, style, and proportions of the
-latter seem to us to be too thoroughly Attic to warrant us in bringing
-it into relation with the work of Polykleitos. Though the heads of the
-two are not so dissimilar, the pose, as Gardner also points out, is
-quite different. The Vaison figure is represented as walking, <i>i. e.</i>,
-in the very act of changing the weight of the body from one leg to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_155">155</a></span>
-other, while the Farnese athlete stands at rest with both feet flat upon
-the ground. Gardner rightly regards this exquisite head not as the
-original of the statue mentioned by Pliny, since the Vaison and Delian
-copies show that the latter represented a fully developed man, somewhat
-over life-size, and not a boy, but rather as a work of the Polykleitan
-school, though he does not exclude the possibility that it may
-come from one of the many boy athletes of the master.</p>
-
-<p>Furtwaengler connects with the <i>Diadoumenos</i> the statue of a youthful
-boxer, slightly under life-size, which shows a similar motive. It
-is known to us in two copies, one in Kassel,<a id="FNanchor_1155"></a><a href="#Footnote_1155" class="fnanchor">1155</a> the other in Lansdowne
-House, London.<a id="FNanchor_1156"></a><a href="#Footnote_1156" class="fnanchor">1156</a> That it is a work of Polykleitos is shown by the
-correspondence of its body forms with those of both the <i>Diadoumenos</i>
-and the <i>Doryphoros</i>. A bronze statuette, dating from about 400 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,
-in the Akropolis Museum, also repeats the motive without being an
-exact copy.<a id="FNanchor_1157"></a><a href="#Footnote_1157" class="fnanchor">1157</a></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">The Crown of Wild Olive.</span></h4>
-
-<p>The crown of wild olive<a id="FNanchor_1158"></a><a href="#Footnote_1158" class="fnanchor">1158</a> in the hair is another general but not customary
-attribute of Olympic victor statues. Fewer sculptured heads
-show it than show the <i>tainia</i>, and in most of these the leaves have fallen
-off. Examples of its presence are afforded by the bronze head from
-Beneventum (Fig. <a href="#f3">3</a>) in the Louvre,<a id="FNanchor_1159"></a><a href="#Footnote_1159" class="fnanchor">1159</a> and on the realistic bronze head
-of a boxer found at Olympia (Fig. <a href="#f61">61</a> A and B).<a id="FNanchor_1160"></a><a href="#Footnote_1160" class="fnanchor">1160</a> A good illustration
-of a boy victor crowning himself is on a fourth-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>
-funerary relief, found in 1873 at the Dipylon gate, and now in the Athens
-Museum.<a id="FNanchor_1161"></a><a href="#Footnote_1161" class="fnanchor">1161</a> The victor is holding or placing a crown of leaves on his
-head. In the Museo delle Terme, Rome, is a mediocre headless copy
-of an original statue of the end of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, the work of an
-artist of the Polykleitan school, the restoration of which as a victor
-engaged in wreathing his head is probable.<a id="FNanchor_1162"></a><a href="#Footnote_1162" class="fnanchor">1162</a> A protuberance on the right
-shoulder seems to have been left by the end of the <i>lemniskos</i> or ribbon<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_156">156</a></span>
-with which the wreath was adorned.<a id="FNanchor_1163"></a><a href="#Footnote_1163" class="fnanchor">1163</a> The left hand carried an attribute,
-but probably not a palm-branch as Helbig assumed, since such
-a branch, if of metal, would have left traces on the shoulder. The
-same restoration has been proposed for another statue.<a id="FNanchor_1164"></a><a href="#Footnote_1164" class="fnanchor">1164</a> A crown on
-the head, together with the remains of fingers near it, has been noticed
-on a bronze statue of Eros, of Hellenistic workmanship, found off Tunis
-in the sea,<a id="FNanchor_1165"></a><a href="#Footnote_1165" class="fnanchor">1165</a> which shows Polykleitan influence.</p>
-
-
-<div class="figcenter400"><p class="right">PLATE 19</p><a id="p19"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp156.jpg" width="400" height="843" alt="Statue known as the Westmacott Athlete." />
-<div class="caption">Statue known as the <i>Westmacott Athlete</i>. British Museum,
-London.</div></div>
-
-<p>The statue of a <i>Boy Crowning Himself</i>, which has survived in
-many Roman copies and variant Greek originals, notably in the
-so-called <i>Westmacott Athlete</i> of the British Museum (Pl. <a href="#p19">19</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1166"></a><a href="#Footnote_1166" class="fnanchor">1166</a> a fragmentary
-statue of poorer workmanship in the Barracco collection
-in Rome,<a id="FNanchor_1167"></a><a href="#Footnote_1167" class="fnanchor">1167</a> and a Greek copy from Eleusis now in the National
-Museum in Athens,<a id="FNanchor_1168"></a><a href="#Footnote_1168" class="fnanchor">1168</a> and identified by many archæologists with the
-statue of the boy boxer Kyniskos by Polykleitos at Olympia, should be
-discussed here. While the <i>Westmacott Athlete</i> appears to be a copy
-from the original bronze, the Barracco statue, though showing the
-same pose, is unlike it in the treatment of hair and muscles, and with
-its Attic head, seems to be a carelessly executed variant, more or less
-Myronian in style, of the Polykleitan original. While its original may
-be assigned to the end of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, the Eleusis variant,
-with its head differently placed, is not a Roman copy, but a Greek original
-statue showing the Polykleitan motive carried into the soft Attic
-style of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1169"></a><a href="#Footnote_1169" class="fnanchor">1169</a> A fine copy of the head alone is in
-the possession of Sir Edgar Vincent, in his Constantinople collection.<a id="FNanchor_1170"></a><a href="#Footnote_1170" class="fnanchor">1170</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_157">157</a></span>
-This should be associated with another head in Dresden, both being
-closely related to that of the <i>Westmacott Athlete</i>.<a id="FNanchor_1171"></a><a href="#Footnote_1171" class="fnanchor">1171</a> The best copy of the
-head is in the Hermitage, in which the treatment of the hair approaches
-nearest to that of the bronze original.<a id="FNanchor_1172"></a><a href="#Footnote_1172" class="fnanchor">1172</a> A marble head from Apollonia
-in Epeiros, now in the British Museum, which so closely resembles the
-head of the <i>Westmacott Athlete</i> that the missing sections of the neck and
-shoulders were restored by a cast from the latter, is somewhat different
-in style. For while the Westmacott head is a mechanical copy, this
-Greek head is full of vigor, disclosing Attic characteristics of the early
-fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, and obviously is an Athenian imitation of the
-original, like the statue from Eleusis.<a id="FNanchor_1173"></a><a href="#Footnote_1173" class="fnanchor">1173</a> A more remote variant is the
-beautiful marble head formerly in the possession of Dr. Philip Nelson in
-Liverpool, but now in America, which is not an exact copy of any
-of the known variants, but so closely resembles the Capitoline type
-of <i>Wounded Amazon</i>, assigned first by Otto Jahn and later by Furtwaengler
-to Kresilas, that it must be by the same hand.<a id="FNanchor_1174"></a><a href="#Footnote_1174" class="fnanchor">1174</a> This head
-also reminds us of that of the Kresilæan <i>Diomedes</i> of the Munich Glyptothek
-(Pl. <a href="#p21">21</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1175"></a><a href="#Footnote_1175" class="fnanchor">1175</a> though the hair-treatment is Polykleitan.<a id="FNanchor_1176"></a><a href="#Footnote_1176" class="fnanchor">1176</a> Both show
-a modification of Polykleitan forms under Attic influence. The numerous
-fine copies indicate that the original was a well-known work. That
-it was Polykleitan is clear from a study of the heads, which show a great
-resemblance to that of the <i>Doryphoros</i>, and of the body forms, which
-resemble those of both the <i>Doryphoros</i> and the <i>Diadoumenos</i>. While
-some believe this original a work of Polykleitos himself,<a id="FNanchor_1177"></a><a href="#Footnote_1177" class="fnanchor">1177</a> others think
-that it was by one of his pupils or successors, who imitated the
-master’s early style. If the original, however, was not the statue of
-Kyniskos, there is little evidence that it was by Polykleitos himself.</p>
-
-<p>The palm-trunk in the Westmacott copy certainly argues that the
-original was an athlete statue. The gesture of the right hand has given
-rise to different interpretations. The Barracco copy furnishes the
-best evidence, as on it the right arm is preserved to the wrist, the hand
-only being lost. Helbig at first (in the Barracco Catalogue) expressed
-the opinion that the right hand might have held an oil-flask, from which
-oil was being poured into the left. However, the position of the left
-hand, as shown by the <i>puntello</i> on the left hip, must have been the same
-as that on the Westmacott copy, <i>i. e.</i>, hanging close to the left side.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_158">158</a></span>
-Helbig later (in the <i>Fuehrer</i>) explained the motive as that of a boy setting
-a crown on his head, as in the bronze <i>Eros</i> already mentioned. This
-interpretation, first suggested by Winnefeld,<a id="FNanchor_1178"></a><a href="#Footnote_1178" class="fnanchor">1178</a> has been the favorite one
-among archæologists. But all sorts of other explanations of the motive
-of the original have been offered, as that the athlete was scraping
-his forehead or shoulders with the strigil,<a id="FNanchor_1179"></a><a href="#Footnote_1179" class="fnanchor">1179</a> that the statue represented
-Narkissos looking into the pool and shading his eyes with his right
-hand,<a id="FNanchor_1180"></a><a href="#Footnote_1180" class="fnanchor">1180</a> that it was an athlete standing at rest and holding an akontion
-in his right hand—a theory harmonizing with the poise of the head,
-but not with the turn of the wrist, which shows that the hand was
-held downwards<a id="FNanchor_1181"></a><a href="#Footnote_1181" class="fnanchor">1181</a>—and that it was, in fact, the <i>nudus talo incessens</i> of
-Pliny.<a id="FNanchor_1182"></a><a href="#Footnote_1182" class="fnanchor">1182</a> On the head of the Eleusis statue there is a mass of marble
-left over the right ear just opposite the place where the hand would be,
-if it were setting a wreath on the head. The fact that no marks are
-visible where the crown was attached is explained by the assumption
-that the wreath was of metal even in the marble copies. That this
-motive, moreover, was known to both Attic and Peloponnesian art
-in the second half of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> is well attested. Thus we
-see on the Parthenon frieze a youth crowning himself with one hand,
-while holding the horse’s bridle with the other.<a id="FNanchor_1183"></a><a href="#Footnote_1183" class="fnanchor">1183</a> The pose of this
-figure—especially the legs—recalls the Myronian <i>Oil-pourer</i> already
-discussed (Pl. <a href="#p11">11</a>). On the other hand, one of the figures of the Ildefonso
-group in Madrid, which is Polykleitan in style, represents a boy
-wearing a wreath, a figure closely akin to the <i>Westmacott Athlete</i>, the
-leg position being the same in both and the poise of the head nearly so,
-although the arms are different, the left one being raised and the right
-hanging down.<a id="FNanchor_1184"></a><a href="#Footnote_1184" class="fnanchor">1184</a> It is probable that the raised right hand of the original
-of the Westmacott and other replicas touched the wreath and
-the lowered left held a fillet. The best explanation, then, of the <i>Westmacott
-Athlete</i> and kindred works is that the motive of the original
-was allied to that of the <i>Diadoumenos</i> of Polykleitos, though the modeling
-is too soft for Polykleitos, showing that the copyists changed the
-original of the Argive master to suit a later and different taste. Whereas
-the <i>Diadoumenos</i> is tying on a victor’s fillet, the other is presumably
-placing a victor’s wreath on his head. Certainly no better restoration<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_159">159</a></span>
-can be made for the Barracco copy. Furthermore, many other monuments,
-which show a similar attitude, and which must be regarded as
-very free imitations of the original, seem to show that the boy was
-represented as placing a wreath on his head.<a id="FNanchor_1185"></a><a href="#Footnote_1185" class="fnanchor">1185</a></p>
-
-<p>Whether the original of the series was an actual victor statue at
-Olympia or not is an interesting question. It has been repeatedly
-suggested that it was the very statue of the boy boxer Kyniskos there,
-mentioned by Pausanias, the base of which has been recovered.<a id="FNanchor_1186"></a><a href="#Footnote_1186" class="fnanchor">1186</a> The
-external evidence for the identity consists altogether in the similarity
-in the position of the feet on this base and in the series of copies, which
-argues a similar pose. The base shows that the left leg bore the weight
-of the statue; it was slightly advanced and rested on the sole, while the
-right leg was set back and rested on the ball only. Thus the statue of
-Kyniskos was represented in the characteristic Polykleitan schema
-of rest, except that the position of the legs is reversed from that of the
-<i>Doryphoros</i>, <i>Diadoumenos</i>, <i>Amazon</i>, and other works of the master.
-We might add that this same reversal appears on two other bases
-found at Olympia, which held victor statues by the elder Polykleitos<a id="FNanchor_1187"></a><a href="#Footnote_1187" class="fnanchor">1187</a>
-and one by the younger.<a id="FNanchor_1188"></a><a href="#Footnote_1188" class="fnanchor">1188</a> Moreover, the leg position of the canon
-does not occur in the works of the master’s pupils Naukydes and Daidalos,
-and only in one work of Kleon.<a id="FNanchor_1189"></a><a href="#Footnote_1189" class="fnanchor">1189</a> This shows that teacher and
-pupils also used another motive, <i>i. e.</i>, the old canon of Hagelaïdas,
-besides the one associated with the <i>Doryphoros</i>. The similarity in the
-position of the feet on the Olympia base and in the series of statues
-discussed has led some scholars, <i>e. g.</i>, Petersen and Collignon, to accept
-the proposed identity. This similarity in foot position, the probability
-that the statue on the basis was life-size, like those of the Westmacott
-series, and the palm-tree support in the British Museum replica, all
-pointing to a victor statue, make the identity well within the range of
-possibility, but by no means certain. It is necessary only to rehearse
-the objections to this view. In the first place the length of the foot
-on the Olympia basis can not be accurately measured for purposes of
-comparison. In the next place Polykleitos, as we have just seen,
-made other statues of victors at Olympia with almost the identical
-foot position of that of Kyniskos. Furthermore, it seems very unlikely
-that so celebrated an original as that of these many replicas could have
-been standing in the Altis so late as the time of Pausanias.<a id="FNanchor_1190"></a><a href="#Footnote_1190" class="fnanchor">1190</a> It is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_160">160</a></span>
-difficult, also, to understand why an imitative Attic sculptor of the
-fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, should make a copy of an Arkadian boy victor
-statue for Eleusis. And lastly we must not forget that up to the
-present time not a single Roman copy has been conclusively identified
-with that of a victor statue at Olympia. If the date of the victory of
-Kyniskos were definitely fixed, the question of identity would be better
-substantiated. By a process of exclusion, to be sure, Robert reached
-the date Ol. 80 (&#8239;=&#8239;460 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>),<a id="FNanchor_1191"></a><a href="#Footnote_1191" class="fnanchor">1191</a> but other dates are possible. Under
-these circumstances there seems to be little more than the possibility
-that we have recovered an actual victor statue at Olympia in these
-copies.<a id="FNanchor_1192"></a><a href="#Footnote_1192" class="fnanchor">1192</a></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">The Palm-branch.</span></h4>
-
-<p>The palm-branch, either woven into a wreath or held in the hand, was
-a victor attribute. Pausanias says that a crown of palm leaves was
-common to many contests, and that the victor everywhere in Greece
-carried a palm-branch in his right hand.<a id="FNanchor_1193"></a><a href="#Footnote_1193" class="fnanchor">1193</a> He refers the custom to
-mythical times, tracing it back to the contest held by Theseus on Delos
-in honor of Apollo.<a id="FNanchor_1194"></a><a href="#Footnote_1194" class="fnanchor">1194</a> Pliny mentions a painting by the Sikyonian Eupompos,
-which represented a <i>victor certamine gymnico palmam tenens</i>.<a id="FNanchor_1195"></a><a href="#Footnote_1195" class="fnanchor">1195</a>
-While Milchhoefer<a id="FNanchor_1196"></a><a href="#Footnote_1196" class="fnanchor">1196</a> believed that the motive of an athlete setting a
-crown on his head with his right hand and holding a palm in his left,
-which is repeated frequently and with variation in many works of
-art, went back to this painting of Eupompos, Furtwaengler<a id="FNanchor_1197"></a><a href="#Footnote_1197" class="fnanchor">1197</a> goes further
-in assuming that the painter derived the motive from the statue
-of Polykleitos represented by the <i>Westmacott Athlete</i> and kindred
-works just discussed. The pupils of the great sculptor appear to have
-transferred his school from Argos to Sikyon, and were, therefore, associated
-with Eupompos. This attribute of the palm, permanent in
-bronze statues, has been broken off for the most part in marble ones.
-We see it in an unfinished statue of a young athlete in the National
-Museum, Athens, who holds the palm-branch in his hand. Here it
-has survived, since the statue was only blocked out.<a id="FNanchor_1198"></a><a href="#Footnote_1198" class="fnanchor">1198</a> It is prominent<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_161">161</a></span>
-in the funerary stele from the Dipylon representing a victor, which
-has been mentioned in a preceding section;<a id="FNanchor_1199"></a><a href="#Footnote_1199" class="fnanchor">1199</a> here the palm extends
-from the left hand, which is held down close to the side, up to the shoulder.
-We have already noted that the copyist added a palm-branch
-to the stump placed beside the Vatican girl runner (Pl. <a href="#p2">2</a>). In the
-<i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i> (Pl. <a href="#p7A">7A</a>) the left hand should doubtless be
-restored with the palm-branch, because of the projecting notch of
-marble on the side of the left leg near the knee.<a id="FNanchor_1200"></a><a href="#Footnote_1200" class="fnanchor">1200</a> A similar notch
-appears also on the <i>Apollo-on-the-Omphalos</i> in Athens (Pl. <a href="#p7B">7B</a>), which
-shows that the left hand held a long attribute, which was doubtless a
-palm-branch. This attribute occurs frequently on vases.<a id="FNanchor_1201"></a><a href="#Footnote_1201" class="fnanchor">1201</a> We see
-it on a marble statue found at Formiae and now in the Glyptothek
-Ny-Carlsberg in Copenhagen, which shows the same motive as that
-of the statue by Stephanos (Pl. <a href="#p9">9</a>), though in a freer style of execution.
-Here the lowered right hand holds a palm-branch, which is shown in
-low relief against the right arm.<a id="FNanchor_1202"></a><a href="#Footnote_1202" class="fnanchor">1202</a></p>
-
-<h3>SECONDARY ATTRIBUTES OF VICTOR STATUES.</h3>
-
-<p>In course of time the sculptor was not content to represent victor
-statues merely as victors, but differentiated the various kinds of
-victors by special attributes.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter400"><a id="f30"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p162.jpg" width="400" height="444" alt="Marble heads of two Hoplitodromoi" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 30.</span>—Marble heads of two Hoplitodromoi, from Olympia.
-Museum of Olympia.</div></div>
-
-<h3><span class="smcap">Hoplitodromoi.</span></h3>
-
-<p>Thus a hoplite victor would be represented with his usual weapons.
-Pausanias, in mentioning the statue at Olympia of the hoplite runner
-Damaretos of Heraia by the Argive sculptors Eutelidas and Chrysothemis,
-says that it “has not only a shield, as the armed runners still
-have, but also a helmet on his head and greaves on his legs.”<a id="FNanchor_1203"></a><a href="#Footnote_1203" class="fnanchor">1203</a> He adds
-that the helmet and greaves were gradually abolished at Olympia and
-elsewhere. We have seen that the statue of Damaretos was set up at
-the beginning of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, when his son Theopompos, the
-pentathlete, won his second victory, the monuments of the two being
-in common.<a id="FNanchor_1204"></a><a href="#Footnote_1204" class="fnanchor">1204</a> Toward the middle of the fifth century the hoplite victor
-Mnaseas of Kyrene had a statue at Olympia, the work of Pythagoras
-of Rhegion, which represented him as an armed man.<a id="FNanchor_1205"></a><a href="#Footnote_1205" class="fnanchor">1205</a> A Pythian
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_162">162</a></span>
-victor, Telesikrates, of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, had a statue at Delphi, which
-represented him with a helmet.<a id="FNanchor_1206"></a><a href="#Footnote_1206" class="fnanchor">1206</a> We have actual remnants of two
-hoplite victor statues of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, in the two bearded and
-helmeted life-size heads of Parian marble found at Olympia (Fig. <a href="#f30">30</a>,
-a, b = A; c, d = B).<a id="FNanchor_1207"></a><a href="#Footnote_1207" class="fnanchor">1207</a> The younger of these heads (A), to which
-probably belong either an arm and the remnants of a shield attached
-with a ram and a representation of Phrixos upon it in relief,<a id="FNanchor_1208"></a><a href="#Footnote_1208" class="fnanchor">1208</a> or a shield
-fragment with a siren’s wing upon it<a id="FNanchor_1209"></a><a href="#Footnote_1209" class="fnanchor">1209</a> and the fragment of a shield<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_163">163</a></span>
-edge<a id="FNanchor_1210"></a><a href="#Footnote_1210" class="fnanchor">1210</a> and right foot of fine workmanship,<a id="FNanchor_1211"></a><a href="#Footnote_1211" class="fnanchor">1211</a> I assigned long ago to the
-statue of the Thessalian hoplitodrome Phrikias of Pelinna, who won
-two victories in Ols. 68 and 69 (&#8239;=&#8239;508 and 504 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1212"></a><a href="#Footnote_1212" class="fnanchor">1212</a> R. Foerster had referred
-this head to the statue of the hoplite runner Damaretos of Heraia,
-whose monument, in common with that of his son, the pentathlete
-Theopompos, was the work of the early Argive sculptors Chrysothemis
-and Eutelidas.<a id="FNanchor_1213"></a><a href="#Footnote_1213" class="fnanchor">1213</a> But this fresh and vigorous head is not Peloponnesian,
-but shows strongly marked Attic traits in its round face, full
-cheeks, and soft lips, and in the rows of regularly wound locks of hair.
-The arm and foot similarly disclose Attic softness and grace. Because
-of its Attic character, Treu and Overbeck,<a id="FNanchor_1214"></a><a href="#Footnote_1214" class="fnanchor">1214</a> in opposition to Foerster,
-ascribed it to the statue of the Elean hoplite victor Eperastos mentioned
-by Pausanias.<a id="FNanchor_1215"></a><a href="#Footnote_1215" class="fnanchor">1215</a> Though the date of his victory is unknown, it certainly
-fell some time after Ol. 111 (&#8239;=&#8239;336 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>)—a date far too late for so
-archaic a sculpture. Furtwaengler<a id="FNanchor_1216"></a><a href="#Footnote_1216" class="fnanchor">1216</a> referred this and the more archaic
-head B to the group of Phormis at Olympia, mentioned by Pausanias.<a id="FNanchor_1217"></a><a href="#Footnote_1217" class="fnanchor">1217</a>
-However, Treu<a id="FNanchor_1218"></a><a href="#Footnote_1218" class="fnanchor">1218</a> showed that there was no stylistic connection between
-the two heads. The slightly more archaic head B, badly injured
-from weathering, I have referred to the Achaian hoplitodrome
-Phanas of Pellene, who won Ol. 67 (&#8239;=&#8239;512 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1219"></a><a href="#Footnote_1219" class="fnanchor">1219</a> In this carefully
-executed head the hair and beard are arranged in small locks and the
-archaic smile is prominent. While the younger head is Attic, this
-one is unmistakably Peloponnesian; and while the former comes from
-a statue represented at rest, the latter, because of the twist of the neck,
-seems to have come from one represented in violent motion. For this
-reason Wolters believed that it came from the statue of a warrior represented
-as thrown to the ground and defending himself.</p>
-
-<p>The Myronic statue in the Palazzo Valentini, Rome, known as
-<i>Diomedes</i>,<a id="FNanchor_1220"></a><a href="#Footnote_1220" class="fnanchor">1220</a> whose pose recalls the <i>Diskobolos</i>, may represent a hoplito<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_164">164</a></span>drome,
-because of its marked resemblance in attitude to the Tuebingen
-bronze to be discussed in the next chapter (Fig. <a href="#f42">42</a>), and because of
-the helmet on its head.<a id="FNanchor_1221"></a><a href="#Footnote_1221" class="fnanchor">1221</a></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Pentathletes.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Pentathletes were represented by attributes taken from three of the
-five contests—jumping, and throwing the diskos and the javelin. All
-these attributes appear in gymnasium scenes pictured on red-figured
-vases. Thus a kylix of the severe style in Munich<a id="FNanchor_1222"></a><a href="#Footnote_1222" class="fnanchor">1222</a> gives us a general
-picture of the exercises of the gymnasium. On the walls hang diskoi in
-slings, strigils, leaping-weights, oil-flasks, sponges, and javelins. Archaic
-leaping-weights (ἁλτῆρες) appeared in the hands of the statue of the
-Elean Hysmon at Olympia by the Sikyonian sculptor Kleon.<a id="FNanchor_1223"></a><a href="#Footnote_1223" class="fnanchor">1223</a> Similarly,
-a figure of <i>Contest</i> (Ἀγών) in the group set up there by Mikythos
-had weights.<a id="FNanchor_1224"></a><a href="#Footnote_1224" class="fnanchor">1224</a> The offering of the people of Mende at Olympia very
-nearly deceived Pausanias into thinking it the statue of a pentathlete,
-because of its ancient <i>halteres</i>.<a id="FNanchor_1225"></a><a href="#Footnote_1225" class="fnanchor">1225</a> This shows that these weights
-formed a regular attribute of pentathlete statues there. A relief from
-Sparta<a id="FNanchor_1226"></a><a href="#Footnote_1226" class="fnanchor">1226</a> represents an athlete leaning on his spear and holding a pair
-of leaping-weights in his right hand. There is a bronze statue of such
-a victor in the Berlin Antiquarium.<a id="FNanchor_1227"></a><a href="#Footnote_1227" class="fnanchor">1227</a> <i>Halteres</i> hang on a tree-trunk
-to the right of the statue of an athlete in the Pitti palace in Florence.<a id="FNanchor_1228"></a><a href="#Footnote_1228" class="fnanchor">1228</a>
-The breast of a marble torso, less than life-size, of a boy statue found
-at Olympia, shows that the hands were stretched forward, and very
-possibly the objects which they held were leaping-weights.<a id="FNanchor_1229"></a><a href="#Footnote_1229" class="fnanchor">1229</a></p>
-
-<p>We have no direct literary reference to a victor statue at Olympia of a
-pentathlete with the attributes of the diskos or javelin. That they
-existed there, however, seems probable enough. Such a work as the
-<i>Diskobolos</i> of Myron, which displays the youthful victor in its every
-line, other statues, statuettes, reliefs, and vase-paintings, show us how
-the artist represented the different steps in the casting of the quoit.
-Similarly, the famous <i>Doryphoros</i> of Polykleitos, copies of which
-have been identified in many museums (Pl. <a href="#p4">4</a> and Fig. <a href="#f48">48</a>), will give
-us an idea how a javelin thrower might have been represented at rest.
-The akontion or victor’s casting-spear, was, as we see from the Spartan<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_165">165</a></span>
-relief of a pentathlete just mentioned, about the height of a man. The
-attitude of the diskobolos and doryphoros will be discussed at length
-in the next chapter.</p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Boxers.</span></h4>
-
-<p>The statue of a boxer would be sufficiently characterized by thongs,
-which he might carry in his hand, as in the statue of the Rhodian
-Akousilaos at Olympia,<a id="FNanchor_1230"></a><a href="#Footnote_1230" class="fnanchor">1230</a> or wound round his forearm, as in the statue of
-a boxer in the Palazzo Albani, Rome,<a id="FNanchor_1231"></a><a href="#Footnote_1231" class="fnanchor">1231</a> or on a near-by prop, as on the
-tree-stump beside the <i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i> in the British Museum
-(Pl. <a href="#p7A">7A</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1232"></a><a href="#Footnote_1232" class="fnanchor">1232</a></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Wrestlers.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Long ago Scherer tried to show that the aryballos was a wrestler-attribute,
-since oil was so important in wrestling.<a id="FNanchor_1233"></a><a href="#Footnote_1233" class="fnanchor">1233</a> He interpreted as
-<i>aryballoi</i> the pomegranates mentioned by Pausanias as held in the
-hands of the statues of the wrestlers Milo<a id="FNanchor_1234"></a><a href="#Footnote_1234" class="fnanchor">1234</a> and Theognetos<a id="FNanchor_1235"></a><a href="#Footnote_1235" class="fnanchor">1235</a> at Olympia,
-assuming that the Periegete mistook oil-flasks for pomegranates
-(ῥοιαί). But it hardly seems reasonable that such a small utensil,
-which was used by athletes in general, could ever have been regarded
-as a peculiar attribute of the wrestler. A similar attribute may have
-been held in the outstretched hand of the half life-size archaic bronze
-“Apollo” of the Sciarra Palace in Rome,<a id="FNanchor_1236"></a><a href="#Footnote_1236" class="fnanchor">1236</a> and it occurs on other
-statues.<a id="FNanchor_1237"></a><a href="#Footnote_1237" class="fnanchor">1237</a></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Caps for Boxers, Pancratiasts, and Wrestlers.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Often the boxer and pancratiast (and even wrestler)<a id="FNanchor_1238"></a><a href="#Footnote_1238" class="fnanchor">1238</a> are represented
-as wearing close-fitting caps, made up of thongs of leather or of solid<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_166">166</a></span>
-leather. This, however, can scarcely be called a determining attribute.
-Our best example of such a cap is afforded by an athlete head dating from
-the first half of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, in the Capitoline Museum, Rome,<a id="FNanchor_1239"></a><a href="#Footnote_1239" class="fnanchor">1239</a>
-formerly called a portrait of Juba II, who was the king of Numidia and
-Mauretania from 25 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> to 23 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span> This ascription was based on the
-barbarous look of the head and the fact that another head, discovered in
-the Gymnasion of Ptolemy in Athens and thought to resemble it, was
-assumed to be that of Juba, since Pausanias mentions one of that prince
-there.<a id="FNanchor_1240"></a><a href="#Footnote_1240" class="fnanchor">1240</a> It is rather the head of an athlete engaged in putting on a cap.
-This cap consists of three transverse leather pieces crossing the head
-from side to side, one over the forehead, one over the crown, and the
-third over the occiput, all three converging above the ears. A fourth
-strap fastens them together and is drawn over the crown from forehead
-to occiput. In the complete statue doubtless the hands were raised
-to the head, grasping the straps near the ears to fasten them. This is,
-therefore, an anticipation of the later <i>Diadoumenos</i> motive. We see
-it in a statuette formerly in the Stroganoff collection in Rome, but
-now in private possession in England,<a id="FNanchor_1241"></a><a href="#Footnote_1241" class="fnanchor">1241</a> which represents an athlete
-putting on a similar headdress. Though the arms of the statuette are
-gone, remains of the two hands are seen touching the left ear and tying
-the straps, one of which runs around the cranium above the swollen
-right ear. With this complicated head-dress we may compare the
-close-fitting cap—evidently of leather—pictured on an archaistic
-Greek votive relief-in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, in Rome, which
-represents an athlete washing his hands in a basin, which stands on a
-tripod.<a id="FNanchor_1242"></a><a href="#Footnote_1242" class="fnanchor">1242</a> Here the cap is fastened by two bands, one around and the
-other under the chin. An object in the upper left corner of the relief,
-enclosed in a frame, appears to be a victor crown adorned with bow-knots.
-Such caps, used in wrestling, would make it impossible for an
-opponent to grasp the hair; in boxing and the pankration it would protect
-the head from injury. We saw that such a cap was pictured on a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_167">167</a></span>
-Munich kylix of the early fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> It is probable that such
-caps were customary at a period before athletes lost their long hair and
-that it was continued afterwards for various reasons. The little
-statuette from Autun now in the Louvre (Fig. <a href="#f60">60</a>), representing a pancratiast,
-has a close-fitting cap. The ring at the top shows that this
-statuette was hung up—perhaps being used as a weight in a Roman
-scale, or perhaps for adornment. In later days boys while practising
-in the palæstra, but never at the public games, wore ear-lappets
-(ἀμφωτίδες or ἐπωτίδες) to protect their ears, not dissimilar to those
-worn in our day for protection against the cold. We see them on a
-marble head, formerly in the possession of Fabretti.<a id="FNanchor_1243"></a><a href="#Footnote_1243" class="fnanchor">1243</a></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">The Swollen Ear.</span></h4>
-
-<p>We have lastly to speak of the swollen ear, which was an attribute
-of victor statues, both primary and secondary, since it characterized
-victors as such, and also early differentiated victors in various contests.
-Swollen ears may have played a role as a characteristic attribute of
-pugilists in early times.<a id="FNanchor_1244"></a><a href="#Footnote_1244" class="fnanchor">1244</a> We found them on the Rayet head in the
-Jacobsen collection (Fig. <a href="#f22">22</a>), which belongs to the last quarter of the
-sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> and comes from the funerary statue of an athlete,
-probably a boxer. In course of time, however, they came to characterize
-pancratiasts, wrestlers,<a id="FNanchor_1245"></a><a href="#Footnote_1245" class="fnanchor">1245</a> and athletes in general. The assumption,
-then, that heads with swollen ears come from statues of boxers,<a id="FNanchor_1246"></a><a href="#Footnote_1246" class="fnanchor">1246</a>
-and that the boxer was known throughout Greek history as the “man
-with the crushed ear” is erroneous.<a id="FNanchor_1247"></a><a href="#Footnote_1247" class="fnanchor">1247</a> The earliest literary reference
-to the bruised ear is in Plato.<a id="FNanchor_1248"></a><a href="#Footnote_1248" class="fnanchor">1248</a> The philosopher used the term slightingly
-of those who imitated Spartan customs, especially Spartan
-boxing. The Lacedæmonians never boxed scientifically, but fought
-with bare fists and without rules. Literary evidence, furthermore,
-shows that bruised ears did not play the part in boxing matches which
-other bruised features of the face did—the eyes, nose, mouth, teeth,
-and chin. Vase-paintings sustain this evidence, for we often see
-bloody noses and cuts on the cheeks and chin, but no crushed ears.<a id="FNanchor_1249"></a><a href="#Footnote_1249" class="fnanchor">1249</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_168">168</a></span>
-In short, the crushed ear was merely a professional characteristic, a
-realistic detail, common to athletes of various sorts, and, as we shall
-see, to warriors, gods, and heroes. To quote Homolle: “<i>La bouffissure
-des oreilles ellemême n’est pas un trait personnel, mais un caractère professionnel;
-elle ne désigne pas Agias, mais en général le lutteur. Cette
-déformation peut atteindre même un dieu, s’il a pratiqué les exercices
-gymnastiques et passé sa vie dans les luttes</i>”.<a id="FNanchor_1250"></a><a href="#Footnote_1250" class="fnanchor">1250</a> It is found constantly on
-athletic types of heads in sculpture, whether these represent gods or
-mortals. A few examples will make this clear. The following heads
-of athletes show the swollen ears: the bronze portrait head of a boxer
-or pancratiast from Olympia, dating from the end of the fourth century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> or the beginning of the third (Fig. <a href="#f61">61</a> A and B);<a id="FNanchor_1251"></a><a href="#Footnote_1251" class="fnanchor">1251</a> the marble head
-from the statue of the boxer Philandridas set up among the victor statues
-at Olympia, the work of Lysippos (Frontispiece and Fig. <a href="#f69">69</a>);<a id="FNanchor_1252"></a><a href="#Footnote_1252" class="fnanchor">1252</a> the head
-of the statue of the pancratiast Agias at Delphi (Pl. <a href="#p28">28</a> and Fig. <a href="#f68">68</a>) ;<a id="FNanchor_1253"></a><a href="#Footnote_1253" class="fnanchor">1253</a>
-that of the <i>Seated Boxer</i> in the Museo delle Terme in Rome (Pl. <a href="#p16">16</a> and
-Fig. <a href="#f27">27</a>);<a id="FNanchor_1254"></a><a href="#Footnote_1254" class="fnanchor">1254</a> that of the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> of the Uffizi in Florence (Pl. <a href="#p12">12</a>);<a id="FNanchor_1255"></a><a href="#Footnote_1255" class="fnanchor">1255</a>
-the bronze head from an athlete statue found at Tarsos and now in Constantinople,
-an Attic work of the end of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>;<a id="FNanchor_1256"></a><a href="#Footnote_1256" class="fnanchor">1256</a> the beautiful
-bronze head of a boxer in the Glyptothek (Pl. <a href="#p3">3</a>);<a id="FNanchor_1257"></a><a href="#Footnote_1257" class="fnanchor">1257</a> the head of the
-so-called <i>Apollo-on-the-Omphalos</i> in Athens (Pl. <a href="#p7B">7B</a>);<a id="FNanchor_1258"></a><a href="#Footnote_1258" class="fnanchor">1258</a> the athlete head
-from Perinthos (Fig. <a href="#f33">33</a>);<a id="FNanchor_1259"></a><a href="#Footnote_1259" class="fnanchor">1259</a> the bronze copy of the head of the <i>Doryphoros</i>,
-found in Herculaneum and now in Naples, by the Attic artist Apollonios
-(Fig. <a href="#f47">47</a>);<a id="FNanchor_1260"></a><a href="#Footnote_1260" class="fnanchor">1260</a> the Ince-Blundell head in England, to be discussed;
-four heads in Copenhagen;<a id="FNanchor_1261"></a><a href="#Footnote_1261" class="fnanchor">1261</a> the remarkably beautiful bust of
-an athlete in the Metropolitan Museum, New York (Pl. <a href="#p20">20</a>), whose
-rounded skull, oval face, projecting lower forehead, and dreamy, half-closed
-eyes place it in the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, a work influenced by the
-art of Praxiteles.<a id="FNanchor_1262"></a><a href="#Footnote_1262" class="fnanchor">1262</a></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 20</p><a id="p20"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp168.jpg" width="500" height="772" alt="Head of an Athlete." />
-<div class="caption">Head of an Athlete, School of Praxiteles. Metropolitan Museum, New York.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_169">169</a></span></p>
-
-<p>When we consider heads of gods and heroes we find the swollen ears
-on a variety of types. We see them on the so-called <i>Borghese Warrior</i>
-of the Louvre (Fig. <a href="#f43">43</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1263"></a><a href="#Footnote_1263" class="fnanchor">1263</a> formerly called a <i>Gladiator</i>, and on the
-marble statue of Kresilæan style in Munich, which has been known
-since Brunn’s interpretation as <i>Diomedes</i> (carrying off the Palladion
-from Troy) (Pl. <a href="#p21">21</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1264"></a><a href="#Footnote_1264" class="fnanchor">1264</a> This latter statue is a careful, though inexact,
-Hadrianic copy of a famous work and is shown to represent the hero,
-and not an athlete, by the mantle thrown over the arm. Skill in
-the boxing match, the roughest and most dangerous of sports, is as
-appropriate to <i>Diomedes</i> as to Herakles himself. The crushed ears
-appear on the Dresden replica of this statue, a cast from the Mengs
-collection, the original of which was once probably in England,<a id="FNanchor_1265"></a><a href="#Footnote_1265" class="fnanchor">1265</a> but
-do not appear on the poor copy in the Louvre.<a id="FNanchor_1266"></a><a href="#Footnote_1266" class="fnanchor">1266</a> They also appear on
-the Myronian bust in the Riccardi Palace, Florence, which is a copy of
-an original that was, perhaps, the forerunner of the Kresilæan
-<i>Diomedes</i>.<a id="FNanchor_1267"></a><a href="#Footnote_1267" class="fnanchor">1267</a> Here again the garment thrown over the left shoulder
-shows that a youthful hero, and not an athlete, is intended.</p>
-
-<p>On heads of Herakles the swollen ears are very common. The
-first dated representation of the hero with battered ears appears to be
-
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f31"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p170.jpg" width="250" height="300" alt="Head of Herakles." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 31.</span>—Head of Herakles, from Genzano.
-British Museum London.</span></span>
-
-on coins of Euagoras I, the king of Salamis in Cyprus during the years
-410–374 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1268"></a><a href="#Footnote_1268" class="fnanchor">1268</a> We have several examples in sculpture from the fourth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Thus swollen ears and the victor fillet appear on the
-Skopaic head in the Capitoline Museum.<a id="FNanchor_1269"></a><a href="#Footnote_1269" class="fnanchor">1269</a> Another example is the
-terminal bust of the youthful hero found in 1777 at Genzano, and now
-in the British Museum (Fig. <a href="#f31">31</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1270"></a><a href="#Footnote_1270" class="fnanchor">1270</a> This head wreathed with poplar<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_170">170</a></span>
-leaves, is probably a Græco-Roman copy of an original of the fourth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, by an artist of the school of Lysippos. In the group
-representing Herakles and his son Telephos, a Roman copy in the
-Museo Chiaramonti of the Vatican,
-the hero is represented
-with fillet and battered ears.<a id="FNanchor_1271"></a><a href="#Footnote_1271" class="fnanchor">1271</a>
-A Parian marble head, encircled
-by a crown, in the Glyptothek,
-going back to a Lysippan
-bronze original, seems to come
-from the statue of the hero represented
-as a victor.<a id="FNanchor_1272"></a><a href="#Footnote_1272" class="fnanchor">1272</a> Another
-life-size head, of poor workmanship,
-in the Chiaramonti collection
-of the Vatican, sometimes
-confused with the <i>Doryphoros</i>
-head-type, seems to come from
-a statue of Herakles, as shown
-by the broken ears and rolled
-fillet, the latter a well-known
-attribute of the hero taken from
-the symposium.<a id="FNanchor_1273"></a><a href="#Footnote_1273" class="fnanchor">1273</a> A much finer
-replica is the bust from Herculaneum
-now in Naples.<a id="FNanchor_1274"></a><a href="#Footnote_1274" class="fnanchor">1274</a> Swollen
-ears appear also on heads of Ares. We may instance the helmeted
-one in the Louvre,<a id="FNanchor_1275"></a><a href="#Footnote_1275" class="fnanchor">1275</a> and especially the replica in the Palazzo
-Torlonia in Rome.<a id="FNanchor_1276"></a><a href="#Footnote_1276" class="fnanchor">1276</a> They are less prominent on a Parian marble head
-of the god in the Glyptothek, which appears to be a copy of an original
-of which the <i>Ares Ludovisi</i> is a more complete one.<a id="FNanchor_1277"></a><a href="#Footnote_1277" class="fnanchor">1277</a></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 21</p><a id="p21"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp170.jpg" width="500" height="809" alt="Statue of Diomedes with the Palladion." />
-<div class="caption">Statue of <i>Diomedes with the Palladion</i>. Glyptothek, Munich.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>So far as we know, the statues of wrestlers, runners (except hoplitodromes),
-and probably pancratiasts were not distinguished by special
-attributes. In these cases the sculptor was obliged to express the
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_171">171</a></span>
-type of contest in the figure itself. His problem, therefore, was to
-represent the victor in the characteristic pose of the contest in which
-he had won his victory, that is, by representing the statue as if in movement.
-This brings us to the second division of our treatment of victor
-statues, those which represented the victor not at rest, but in motion,
-a scheme which, in course of time, was extended not only to victors
-in wrestling and running, but to those in all contests, by representing
-them in the very act of contending. The treatment of this class of
-monuments will occupy the chief portion of Chapter IV.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_172">172</a></span></p>
-
-<hr />
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_173">173</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>CHAPTER IV.<br />
-
-<small>VICTOR STATUES REPRESENTED IN MOTION.</small></h2>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Plates 22–25 and Figures 32–62.</span></p>
-
-<p>Just when the important step of representing the victor in motion
-instead of at rest was taken in Greek athletic sculpture we can not definitely
-say. The statement of Cornelius Nepos that the statues of athletes
-were first represented in movement in the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, after
-the time of the Athenian general Chabrias—whose image he describes
-as representing Chabrias in his favorite posture with his spear pointed
-at the enemy and his shield on his knee—has long since been shown to
-be worthless.<a id="FNanchor_1278"></a><a href="#Footnote_1278" class="fnanchor">1278</a> Nor is the assumption of many archæologists<a id="FNanchor_1279"></a><a href="#Footnote_1279" class="fnanchor">1279</a> that this
-advance in the plastic art was taken over into athletic sculpture soon
-after the statues of the <i>Tyrannicides</i> were set up at Athens, which represented
-them in the midst of their impetuous onslaught on Hipparchos,
-to be relied upon. These statues, however, occupy so important
-a place in the history of Greek sculpture that we shall consider them
-briefly in this connection.</p>
-
-<h3>THE TYRANNICIDES.</h3>
-
-<p>The bronze statues of the popular heroes Harmodios and Aristogeiton,
-by the sculptor Antenor, were, in all probability, set up in the
-Athenian agora in 506–5 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1280"></a><a href="#Footnote_1280" class="fnanchor">1280</a> The group was carried off to Susa by
-Xerxes in 480 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, and to replace it a new group, doubtless a free imitation
-of the older one, and probably also of bronze, was set up in 477
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, the work of the sculptors Kritios and Nesiotes.<a id="FNanchor_1281"></a><a href="#Footnote_1281" class="fnanchor">1281</a> Nearly a century
-and a half later the stolen group was restored to Athens by Alexander
-the Great<a id="FNanchor_1282"></a><a href="#Footnote_1282" class="fnanchor">1282</a> and the two continued to stand side by side in Athens
-down to the time of Pausanias. Neither of these groups has survived
-to our time, but a late Roman marble copy of one, somewhat over life<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_174">174</a></span>size,
-found in the ruins of Hadrian’s villa and now in Naples, gives us
-a good idea of the original, despite restorations (Fig. <a href="#f32">32</a>, <i>Harmodios</i>).<a id="FNanchor_1283"></a><a href="#Footnote_1283" class="fnanchor">1283</a></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a id="f32"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p174.jpg" width="350" height="542" alt="Statue of Harmodios" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 32.</span>—Statue of <i>Harmodios</i>. Museum of
-Naples.</div></div>
-
-<p>The reconstruction of this group is aided by several minor works
-of art, reliefs, vase-paintings, coins, lead marks, etc., the number
-of which shows that it was a common subject for Athenian artists.
-Botho Graef, by a careful study of the female statue found on the
-Akropolis in 1886 and inscribed as the work of Antenor, has shown
-that the stylistic contrast between it and the Naples group is too<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_175">175</a></span>
-great for the latter to be assigned to Antenor.<a id="FNanchor_1284"></a><a href="#Footnote_1284" class="fnanchor">1284</a> It is now, therefore,
-the prevailing view that the Naples group reproduces the later
-statues of Kritios and his associate.<a id="FNanchor_1285"></a><a href="#Footnote_1285" class="fnanchor">1285</a> We do not know, then, how the
-older group looked, but we are certain that it was different from the
-later one, for, in the years elapsing between the dates of the two, Attic
-sculptors had become entirely free from the Ionic influence which we
-discussed in the preceding chapter and which characterizes the female
-statue of Antenor. Archaic stiffness, however, is still traceable in the
-later group, for in the copy we see a work which is “concise, sinewy,
-hard, and with strained lines,” in harmony with Lucian’s characterization
-of the works of Hegias, Kritios, and Nesiotes.<a id="FNanchor_1286"></a><a href="#Footnote_1286" class="fnanchor">1286</a></p>
-
-<p>The restorations of the Naples group, though right in the main, make
-us doubtful as to the exact pose of the original figures.<a id="FNanchor_1287"></a><a href="#Footnote_1287" class="fnanchor">1287</a> Harmodios
-has new arms, new right leg, and left leg below the knee, while Aristogeiton
-has a Lysippan head in place of the original bearded one, to
-correspond better with that of his companion. His left arm, with
-the drapery hanging down, has been put on at a wrong angle, as he
-should be represented holding a scabbard in the left hand and a sword
-in the right. On a vase fragment (oinochoe) in Boston<a id="FNanchor_1288"></a><a href="#Footnote_1288" class="fnanchor">1288</a> both heroes
-are making the onset, the younger one (Harmodios) in front of the
-other, but in the original statues, they were probably making the
-onset abreast, something that the vase-painter could not represent.<a id="FNanchor_1289"></a><a href="#Footnote_1289" class="fnanchor">1289</a></p>
-
-<p>While the Akropolis ephebe, already discussed as showing Argive
-influence (Fig. <a href="#f17">17</a>), still shows but little break with the law of “frontality”
-formulated by J. Lange,<a id="FNanchor_1290"></a><a href="#Footnote_1290" class="fnanchor">1290</a> whereby an “imaginary line passing
-through the skull, nose, backbone, and navel, dividing the body into
-two symmetrical halves, is invariably straight, never bending to either
-side,” the <i>Tyrannicides</i> have broken it completely. The ephebe has
-his head slightly turned to one side, and, because of resemblances in
-head and body to the figure of Harmodios, has been assigned to Kritios<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_176">176</a></span>
-or his school.<a id="FNanchor_1291"></a><a href="#Footnote_1291" class="fnanchor">1291</a> Another statue at rest ascribed to the same school is
-the athlete in the Somzée collection, which reminds us of the Pelops
-of the East Gable at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_1292"></a><a href="#Footnote_1292" class="fnanchor">1292</a> We have record of one more statue
-by Kritios himself, which was represented in motion only less violent
-than that of the <i>Tyrannicides</i>. Pausanias saw on the Akropolis of
-Athens a statue by him of the hoplite runner Epicharinos, which represented
-the athlete in the attitude of one practicing starts, perhaps
-in the very pose of the Tuebingen statuette (Fig. <a href="#f42">42</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1293"></a><a href="#Footnote_1293" class="fnanchor">1293</a></p>
-
-<p>In the statues of the <i>Tyrannicides</i>, then, which might pass equally
-well for typical athletes of the time, we have examples of statues in
-motion at the end of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>; for the same violent action
-must have characterized the earlier group of Antenor as the later
-one. We have seen that the Aeginetan sculptors not only made pediment
-groups in action at a date not later than that of the group by
-Kritios and Nesiotes, but single figures still earlier. Thus the sculptor
-Glaukias represented the Karystian boy boxer Glaukos in the act
-of sparring with an imaginary opponent.<a id="FNanchor_1294"></a><a href="#Footnote_1294" class="fnanchor">1294</a> Though Glaukos won in
-Ol. 65 (&#8239;=&#8239;520 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), his statue was set up later by his son, perhaps
-as late as the end of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, or the beginning of the
-fifth, as the <i>floruit</i> of the sculptor would show.<a id="FNanchor_1295"></a><a href="#Footnote_1295" class="fnanchor">1295</a> This is the oldest
-example attested by literary evidence of an athlete statue in motion at
-Olympia. Whether Glaukias got his motive from Antenor’s <i>Tyrannicides</i>,
-or whether his work was the older, we can not determine, but
-it is safe to say that this <i>genre</i> of statuary must have existed at Olympia
-long before, as we know it did elsewhere. The Rampin head,
-already discussed as a fragment of a victor statue, shows by the
-turn of its neck that athlete statues represented in motion existed
-at least as far back as the first half of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1296"></a><a href="#Footnote_1296" class="fnanchor">1296</a></p>
-
-<h3>ANTIQUITY OF MOTION STATUES IN GREECE.</h3>
-
-<p>Apart from specifically athletic types, we know that statues in
-motion, especially those representing winged figures, antedated the sixth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> in Greece, and were, perhaps, coeval with the very origin
-of Greek art.<a id="FNanchor_1297"></a><a href="#Footnote_1297" class="fnanchor">1297</a> We know that the oldest Egyptian art attempted to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_177">177</a></span>
-render the human body in motion. We may instance the limestone
-funerary statuette dating from the Old Kingdom, which represents a slave
-woman grinding corn,<a id="FNanchor_1298"></a><a href="#Footnote_1298" class="fnanchor">1298</a> and similar figures found in the graves of Memphis.
-In fact, the making of such statues ceased in Egyptian art after
-the end of the Old Kingdom. While Assyro-Babylonian art represented
-figures in motion only on reliefs, Cretan art, as we have seen in the first
-chapter, showed the utmost skill in representing movement in figures in
-the round. It used to be assumed that in Greek art motion statues
-developed out of the archaic “Apollo” type through the gradual freeing
-of legs and arms. Any such assumption is easily disproved by the
-fact that figures in motion exist, which date back almost as far as figures
-at rest. It is equally fallacious to argue that slight movement was
-easier for the early artist to represent than violent movement, for just
-the contrary was the case, so that in general the greater the movement
-represented, the greater is the age of the given monument. Early vase-paintings
-show that the early painter delighted in portraying free
-movement.<a id="FNanchor_1299"></a><a href="#Footnote_1299" class="fnanchor">1299</a> It may be that the vase-painter preceded the sculptor
-in portraying movement, for it was easier to effect this in two dimensions
-than in three. But that statues in motion were already known
-at the beginning of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, at least, is shown by the
-winged flying figure known as the <i>Nike</i> of Archermos,<a id="FNanchor_1300"></a><a href="#Footnote_1300" class="fnanchor">1300</a> unearthed on
-the island of Delos by the French in 1877, which is a masterpiece of
-early Chian sculpture, perhaps coeval with the statue dedicated to
-Artemis by Nikandre of Naxos, found a year later on Delos,<a id="FNanchor_1301"></a><a href="#Footnote_1301" class="fnanchor">1301</a> even
-though the latter appears more archaic. This earliest example of treating
-a flying figure in Greek sculpture we find repeated almost unchanged
-for a long time after, especially for <i>akroteria</i> figures on temples and in
-the minor arts. We might mention the bronze statuette of the end of
-the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, found on the Akropolis, which comes from the
-edge of a vessel and represents a winged <i>Nike</i> springing through the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_178">178</a></span>
-air, the legs in profile and the head and upper body turned to the front,
-just as in the figure of Archermos.<a id="FNanchor_1302"></a><a href="#Footnote_1302" class="fnanchor">1302</a> Such figures completely disprove
-the contention of Sikes that the Greek idea of a winged <i>Nike</i> did not
-antedate the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1303"></a><a href="#Footnote_1303" class="fnanchor">1303</a> The early date of statues represented
-in a lunging attitude, like the <i>Tyrannicides</i>, is also shown by the story
-that Herakles destroyed his own statue by Daidalos in the agora of Elis,
-because in the night he mistook it for an enemy lunging at him. The
-scheme of combatants fighting with lances seems to have been native
-to Rhodian art at the end of the seventh century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, for we see it
-first on a painted terra-cotta plate in the British Museum, which
-represents Hektor and Menelaos fighting for the body of Euphorbos.<a id="FNanchor_1304"></a><a href="#Footnote_1304" class="fnanchor">1304</a>
-This pose was taken over into other arts, as we see it in the bronze
-statuette of a warrior found in Dodona in 1880, now in the Antiquarium
-in Berlin, which dates from the end of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, or the beginning
-of the fifth.<a id="FNanchor_1305"></a><a href="#Footnote_1305" class="fnanchor">1305</a> All these examples are sufficient to show that representing
-the human figure in motion was an ancient motive in Greek art.</p>
-
-<h3>PYTHAGORAS AND MYRON.</h3>
-
-<p>Besides Kritios, two other sculptors of the transitional period—Pythagoras
-and Myron—gave a great impetus to the type of statue
-in motion in the first half of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Before proceeding
-further we shall briefly consider their artistic activity.</p>
-
-<p>The attempt to ascribe something tangible to Pythagoras of Rhegion
-has often been made.<a id="FNanchor_1306"></a><a href="#Footnote_1306" class="fnanchor">1306</a> Practically all we really know about him is
-that he was celebrated for his statues of athletes. Pausanias mentions
-seven statues at Olympia of victors who won in many different events,
-in running (including the hoplite-race), wrestling, boxing, and the
-chariot-race; and Pliny, in giving a list of his works, praises the statue
-of a pancratiast at Delphi.<a id="FNanchor_1307"></a><a href="#Footnote_1307" class="fnanchor">1307</a> Thus Pausanias records the statues of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_179">179</a></span>
-the Sicilian wrestler Leontiskos, who won two victories in Ols. 81
-and 82 (&#8239;=&#8239;456 and 452 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_1308"></a><a href="#Footnote_1308" class="fnanchor">1308</a> of the boy boxer Protolaos of Mantinea,
-who won in Ol. (?) 74 (&#8239;=&#8239;484 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_1309"></a><a href="#Footnote_1309" class="fnanchor">1309</a> of the boxer Euthymos of Lokroi,
-who won three times in Ols. 74, 76, 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;484, 476, 472 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_1310"></a><a href="#Footnote_1310" class="fnanchor">1310</a> of Dromeus
-of Stymphalos, who won the long foot-race (δόλιχος) twice in
-Ols. (?) 80 and 81 (&#8239;=&#8239;460 and 456 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_1311"></a><a href="#Footnote_1311" class="fnanchor">1311</a> of Astylos of Kroton, who won
-the stade-race, the double foot-race (δίαυλος) three times, and the hoplite-race
-twice in Ols. 73, 74, 75, 76 (&#8239;=&#8239;488–476 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_1312"></a><a href="#Footnote_1312" class="fnanchor">1312</a> of the hoplite victor
-Mnaseas of Kyrene, victor in Ol. 81 (&#8239;=&#8239;456 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_1313"></a><a href="#Footnote_1313" class="fnanchor">1313</a> and of the latter’s
-son Kratisthenes, who won the chariot-race in Ol. (?) 83 (&#8239;=&#8239;448 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1314"></a><a href="#Footnote_1314" class="fnanchor">1314</a>
-Some of these statues at Olympia must have been represented at rest,
-while others appear to have been represented in motion. Thus the
-statue of Mnaseas—though it is possible that it was represented in
-motion like that of Epicharinos by Kritios already mentioned—was
-probably represented at rest, since Pausanias described it simply as
-that of an ὁπλίτης ἀνήρ.<a id="FNanchor_1315"></a><a href="#Footnote_1315" class="fnanchor">1315</a> When we inquire into the style of Pythagoras
-we do not find much that is definite to guide us. Besides the bare list
-of his works, we have little except the statement of Diogenes Laertios
-that he was the first to aim at rhythm and symmetry.<a id="FNanchor_1316"></a><a href="#Footnote_1316" class="fnanchor">1316</a> Nevertheless
-many attempts have been made to identify his athlete statues with
-existing copies. Waldstein’s interpretation of the <i>Choiseul-Gouffier</i>
-statue in the British Museum (Pl. <a href="#p7A">7A</a>), and of the so-called <i>Apollo-on-the-Omphalos</i>
-in Athens (Pl. <a href="#p7B">7B</a>), as copies of an original athlete statue,
-is, as we have shown in the second chapter, well-founded, since the
-muscular build and the coiffure of these statues betoken the athlete.
-But his further attempt to show that the original was by Pythagoras,
-and his identifying it with the statue of the boxer Euthymos at
-Olympia, is not so reasonable.<a id="FNanchor_1317"></a><a href="#Footnote_1317" class="fnanchor">1317</a></p>
-
-<p>The attempt to ascribe the head of a pancratiast from Perinthos in
-Dresden (Fig. <a href="#f33">33</a>)<a id="FNanchor_1318"></a><a href="#Footnote_1318" class="fnanchor">1318</a> to Pythagoras is not convincing, though Furtwaengler
-has included it in his provisional Pythagorean group,<a id="FNanchor_1319"></a><a href="#Footnote_1319" class="fnanchor">1319</a> as he does the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_180">180</a></span>
-boxer in the Louvre known as <i>Pollux</i> (Fig. <a href="#f58">58</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1320"></a><a href="#Footnote_1320" class="fnanchor">1320</a> the athlete of the Boboli
-Gardens in Florence formerly called <i>Harmodios</i> by Benndorf,<a id="FNanchor_1321"></a><a href="#Footnote_1321" class="fnanchor">1321</a> and the
-statue of an athlete of later style in Lansdowne House, London.<a id="FNanchor_1322"></a><a href="#Footnote_1322" class="fnanchor">1322</a> Other
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f33"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p180.jpg" width="250" height="331" alt="Head of an Athlete." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 33.</span>—Head of an Athlete,
-from Perinthos. Albertinum,
-Dresden.</span></span>
-scholars have also connected the Perinthos
-head with Pythagoras.<a id="FNanchor_1323"></a><a href="#Footnote_1323" class="fnanchor">1323</a> Hermann
-brought it into relation with the
-bust in the Riccardi Palace in Florence,
-which, despite its swollen ears, we have
-already classed as representing a hero
-and not an athlete, because of the
-garment thrown over the shoulder.<a id="FNanchor_1324"></a><a href="#Footnote_1324" class="fnanchor">1324</a>
-Furtwaengler tried to show that this
-bust was Myronian in style, classing it
-and the head of an athlete in Ince Blundell
-Hall, Lancashire, England,<a id="FNanchor_1325"></a><a href="#Footnote_1325" class="fnanchor">1325</a> along
-with that of the earlier <i>Diskobolos</i>, explaining
-the acknowledged differences
-in the three by Pliny’s statement that
-Myron <i>primus multiplicasse veritatem
-videtur</i>.<a id="FNanchor_1326"></a><a href="#Footnote_1326" class="fnanchor">1326</a> Arndt lists the Perinthos,
-Riccardi, and Ince Blundell heads, together
-with two others in the Jakobsen
-collection in Copenhagen,<a id="FNanchor_1327"></a><a href="#Footnote_1327" class="fnanchor">1327</a> the head of
-the so-called Pollux of the Louvre, a bearded head in Petrograd,<a id="FNanchor_1328"></a><a href="#Footnote_1328" class="fnanchor">1328</a> and
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_181">181</a></span>
-the so-called head of <i>Peisistratos</i> in the Villa Albani, Rome,<a id="FNanchor_1329"></a><a href="#Footnote_1329" class="fnanchor">1329</a> as
-works emanating from one school of sculptors—the differences being
-explained by the many copyists. But to attempt to differentiate
-within the group two different sculptors, Myron or Pythagoras, he
-finds impossible, chiefly because we are dealing in every case with
-copies and not with originals, and because in no case are we certain
-that the head belongs to the torso on which it is set.<a id="FNanchor_1330"></a><a href="#Footnote_1330" class="fnanchor">1330</a> Still another
-critic, A. Schober, classes together as more or less related works the
-Riccardi, Ince Blundell, Perinthos, and Ny-Carlsberg heads, the Louvre
-boxer (<i>Pollux</i>), Chinnery <i>Hermes</i> in the British Museum,<a id="FNanchor_1331"></a><a href="#Footnote_1331" class="fnanchor">1331</a> the Boboli
-athlete, the athlete metamorphosed into a <i>Hermes</i> in the Loggia
-Scoperta of the Vatican, and the Lansdowne athlete, and finds them
-all Myronian. He believes the Perinthos head to be the prototype
-of the Riccardi and Ince Blundell heads.<a id="FNanchor_1332"></a><a href="#Footnote_1332" class="fnanchor">1332</a></p>
-
-<p>In all this confusion of opinion as to the style of Pythagoras, and in
-the absence of any fixed criterion of judgment furnished by an original
-authenticated work, it seems hazardous to ascribe this or that sculpture
-to this little-known artist. The difficulty of separating Myron and
-Pythagoras is even greater than that which confronts us in trying to
-distinguish works of Lysippos and Skopas in the next century. We
-may some day recover a genuine Pythagorean athlete statue, though
-this is extremely improbable now that we have no more to expect from
-Olympia and Delphi, where most of his statues appear to have stood.
-But despite the difficulty, many identifications of his Olympia statues
-have been suggested, some of which we shall now mention.</p>
-
-<p>As Pausanias says that the victor Mnaseas was surnamed <i>Libys</i>, the
-Libyan, and that his statue was by Pythagoras, it may be that this is
-the statue mentioned by Pliny in the words: <i>[Pythagoras] fecit ...
-et Libyn, puerum tenentem tabellam eodem loco (= Olympiae) et mala
-ferentem nudum.</i><a id="FNanchor_1333"></a><a href="#Footnote_1333" class="fnanchor">1333</a> However, in that case we can not connect the
-words <i>Libyn</i> and <i>puerum</i>, since one represented a man and the other a
-boy.<a id="FNanchor_1334"></a><a href="#Footnote_1334" class="fnanchor">1334</a> Consequently, Pliny is speaking of three different statues, and
-not two, by this artist. Reisch believes that the statues of the boy
-and the nude man were represented at rest,<a id="FNanchor_1335"></a><a href="#Footnote_1335" class="fnanchor">1335</a> the boy bearing a tablet
-(<i>i. e.</i>, an iconic <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_182">182</a></span>πινάκιον) in his hand, like the Athenian youth appearing
-on a vase-painting in Munich.<a id="FNanchor_1336"></a><a href="#Footnote_1336" class="fnanchor">1336</a> Another scholar, L. von Urlichs, formerly
-identified the boy carrying the tablet with the statue of Protolaos at
-Olympia,<a id="FNanchor_1337"></a><a href="#Footnote_1337" class="fnanchor">1337</a> explaining the tablet as a means of characterizing the young
-learner. He changed his theory later,<a id="FNanchor_1338"></a><a href="#Footnote_1338" class="fnanchor">1338</a> when, in consequence of the
-discovery of the Corinthian tablets, he called it a votive tablet. His
-son, H. L. von Urlichs, agreed with him because of a passage in the collection
-of <i>Proverbs</i> by Zenobios, the sophist of Hadrian’s age,<a id="FNanchor_1339"></a><a href="#Footnote_1339" class="fnanchor">1339</a> according
-to which the marble statue of <i>Nemesis</i> at Rhamnous by Pheidias’
-favorite pupil, the Parian sculptor Agorakritos,<a id="FNanchor_1340"></a><a href="#Footnote_1340" class="fnanchor">1340</a> held an apple-branch
-in her left hand, from which a small tablet containing the artist’s name
-was suspended, and also because certain coins of Syracuse and Catania
-represent Nike as carrying a tablet hung by a ribbon, on which the coin-striker’s
-name was engraved.<a id="FNanchor_1341"></a><a href="#Footnote_1341" class="fnanchor">1341</a> The same scholar further identified the
-nude man carrying the apples with the statue of Dromeus at Olympia.
-Since Pliny does not expressly say that the statue of the nude man was
-at Olympia, even though the sense of the passage inclines us to think
-it was, L. von Urlichs interprets the apples in the hand as an additional
-prize at Delphi, and so makes the statue that of a Pythian victor.<a id="FNanchor_1342"></a><a href="#Footnote_1342" class="fnanchor">1342</a>
-All such identifications are based on too uncertain premises.</p>
-
-<p>That Pythagoras did make statues in motion is proved by his statue
-of a limping man at Syracuse mentioned by Pliny<a id="FNanchor_1343"></a><a href="#Footnote_1343" class="fnanchor">1343</a> in very realistic
-terms. We know of other statues by him representing athletes in
-motion only by inference. Thus, in the passage just quoted, Pliny says
-that he surpassed Myron with his Delphian pancratiast, which appears,
-inasmuch as Pliny merely calls the statue a pancratiast without mentioning
-any attribute, to have been represented in the characteristic lunging
-pose.<a id="FNanchor_1344"></a><a href="#Footnote_1344" class="fnanchor">1344</a> However, we can not say definitely, since the contemporary
-statue of the pancratiast Kallias, by Mikon of Athens, was represented<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_183">183</a></span>
-in the attitude of rest, as we learn from the footprints on its recovered
-base.<a id="FNanchor_1345"></a><a href="#Footnote_1345" class="fnanchor">1345</a> Pliny also says that Pythagoras surpassed with his Delphian
-pancratiast his own statue of Leontiskos,<a id="FNanchor_1346"></a><a href="#Footnote_1346" class="fnanchor">1346</a> a statement which similarly
-appears to mark the latter as a statue in motion. Reisch assumes
-that the statue of Euthymos was in motion, since Pausanias says it
-was an ἀνδριὰς θέας ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἄξιος.<a id="FNanchor_1347"></a><a href="#Footnote_1347" class="fnanchor">1347</a> On the whole, then, we may
-assume that Pythagoras was a sculptor who represented many of his
-victors in the attitude of motion.</p>
-
-<p>Love of movement also characterized the artistic temperament of
-Myron, even though we know that he represented gods, heroes, and even
-athletes, at rest. Thus coins show that Athena in his <i>Marsyas</i> group
-was represented as standing in a tranquil pose.<a id="FNanchor_1348"></a><a href="#Footnote_1348" class="fnanchor">1348</a> Similarly the Riccardi
-bust in Florence, already discussed, which may be Myronian,
-comes from a statue of a hero shown in an attitude of rest. Myron was
-the first Greek sculptor to make his statues and groups self-sufficient,<a id="FNanchor_1349"></a><a href="#Footnote_1349" class="fnanchor">1349</a>
-that is, he gave to them a concentration which does not allow the
-spectator’s attention to wander. We readily see this new principle
-in art when we compare the <i>Diskobolos</i> and the group of the <i>Tyrannicides</i>.
-In the latter our attention is not concentrated, for a third figure,
-that of the tyrant on whom the onset is being made, is required in imagination
-to complete the group. We have no originals from Myron’s hand,
-but we are in far better case in regard to his work than in regard to that
-of Pythagoras, since we have unmistakable copies of two of his greatest
-works, the <i>Marsyas</i> and the <i>Diskobolos</i>. In them there is little
-trace of the archaic stiffness that is still visible in the <i>Tyrannicides</i>.
-Both of these works are represented in violent action, and in both there
-is complete concentration. While the <i>Diskobolos</i> represents a trained
-palæstra athlete executing a graceful movement, the <i>Marsyas</i> represents
-a wild Satyr of the woods, wholly untrained and controlled by
-savage passions, in the moment of fear.<a id="FNanchor_1350"></a><a href="#Footnote_1350" class="fnanchor">1350</a> In the <i>Diskobolos</i> the face is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_184">184</a></span>
-impassive, being little affected by the violent movement of the body—a
-contrast only partly to be explained as due to the copyist; in the
-<i>Marsyas</i>, on the contrary, there is complete harmony between the
-facial expression and the violent action of the body.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 22</p><a id="p22"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp184.jpg" width="500" height="755" alt="Statue of the Diskobolos." />
-<div class="caption">Statue of the <i>Diskobolos</i>, from Castel Porziano, after Myron.
-Museo delle Terme, Rome.</div></div>
-
-<p>Since we are chiefly dependent for our knowledge of Myron’s athletic
-work on the marble copies of the <i>Diskobolos</i>, which represents a new era
-in athletic art, and since this statue is perhaps the most famous athletic
-statue of all times, it will be well to speak of it here at some length.
-It is not, so far as we know, the statue of any particular victor, but
-rather a study in athletic sculpture.<a id="FNanchor_1351"></a><a href="#Footnote_1351" class="fnanchor">1351</a> Of this work there are twelve full size
-replicas and several statuettes. We shall discuss only those which
-give us the best idea of the lost original. The most faithful copy is the
-superb marble statue in the Palazzo Lancellotti, Rome, discovered on
-the Esquiline in 1781 (head seen in Pl. <a href="#p23">23</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1352"></a><a href="#Footnote_1352" class="fnanchor">1352</a> As the head has never been
-broken away from the body, this copy preserves the original pose,
-whereas all other copies have the head turned in the wrong direction.<a id="FNanchor_1353"></a><a href="#Footnote_1353" class="fnanchor">1353</a>
-The head and face preserve Attic proportions and the treatment of the
-hair and muscles differs from that of the other copies, which disclose
-later elements. The hair, in particular, shows signs of archaism, just
-as it must have been treated in the original, as evinced by Pliny’s
-criticism.<a id="FNanchor_1354"></a><a href="#Footnote_1354" class="fnanchor">1354</a> The most carefully worked copy, however, is the Parian
-marble torso, which was found in 1906 at Castel Porziano, the site of
-the ancient Laurentum, and is now in the Museo delle Terme, Rome
-(Pl. <a href="#p22">22</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1355"></a><a href="#Footnote_1355" class="fnanchor">1355</a> This torso was already restored in antiquity. Since the
-villa in which it was found was built in Augustus’ day and was restored
-in the second century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>, we have the approximate dates both of the
-origin and restoration of the statue. A weak copy, discovered in Tivoli
-in 1791, is in the Sala della Biga of the Vatican; the head, left arm, and
-right leg below the knee have been restored, the head wrongly (Fig.
-34).<a id="FNanchor_1356"></a><a href="#Footnote_1356" class="fnanchor">1356</a> A Græco-Roman copy discovered also in 1791, in Hadrian’s
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_185">185</a></span>
-villa, is in the British Museum (Fig. <a href="#f35">35</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1357"></a><a href="#Footnote_1357" class="fnanchor">1357</a> Here the head, although
-antique, belongs to another copy, and has been set upon the torso
-wrongly, in such a way that the throat has two Adam’s apples. It
-looks straight to the ground and not upward as in the Lancellotti copy.
-There is a better replica of the torso in the Capitoline Museum, which
-formerly belonged to the French sculptor Étienne Mounot (1658–1733),
-who wrongly restored it as a falling warrior. It agrees in
-accuracy with the Lancellotti copy, though it is dry and lifeless, and
-is a better guide to the original than either the Vatican or British<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_186">186</a></span>
-Museum replicas.<a id="FNanchor_1358"></a><a href="#Footnote_1358" class="fnanchor">1358</a> A combination of these and other copies gives
-us an excellent idea of the original bronze. In Pl. <a href="#p23">23</a> we give a
-combination of the Vatican torso and the Lancellotti head from a cast
-in Munich.<a id="FNanchor_1359"></a><a href="#Footnote_1359" class="fnanchor">1359</a> Perhaps a better combination is that given by Bulle<a id="FNanchor_1360"></a><a href="#Footnote_1360" class="fnanchor">1360</a>
-from a cast made up of the delle Terme body, the Lancellotti head,
-the right arm and the diskos from the Casa Buonarroti in Florence,
-the feet from the British Museum copy and the fingers of the left hand
-being freely restored.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter400"><a id="f34"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p185.jpg" width="400" height="569" alt="Statue of the Diskobolos" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 34.</span>—Statue of the <i>Diskobolos</i>, after Myron.
-Vatican Museum, Rome.</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter350"><a id="f35"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p186.jpg" width="350" height="530" alt="Statue of the Diskobolos" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 35.</span>—Statue of the <i>Diskobolos</i>, after
-Myron. British Museum, London.</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 23</p><a id="p23"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp186.jpg" width="500" height="728" alt="Statue of the Diskobolos." />
-<div class="caption">Statue of the <i>Diskobolos</i>, after Myron. A bronzed Cast from the Statue in the Vatican
-and Head from the Statue in the Palazzo Lancellotti, Rome.</div></div>
-
-<p>The pose of the Lancellotti copy agrees with Lucian’s description of
-the original: “Surely, said I, you do not speak of the quoit-thrower
-who stoops in the attitude of one who is making his cast, turning round
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_187">187</a></span>
-toward the hand that holds the quoit, and bending the other knee
-gently beneath him, like one who will rise erect as he hurls the quoit?”<a id="FNanchor_1361"></a><a href="#Footnote_1361" class="fnanchor">1361</a>
-That the head of the original was turned back as in the Lancellotti copy,
-and not downwards, as in the Vatican, British Museum and other replicas,
-is shown by this description, which is corroborated by two bronze
-statuettes in Munich and Arolsen<a id="FNanchor_1362"></a><a href="#Footnote_1362" class="fnanchor">1362</a> and by a gem in the British Museum.<a id="FNanchor_1363"></a><a href="#Footnote_1363" class="fnanchor">1363</a>
-Myron chose the most difficult, but at the same time the most characteristic,
-moment in swinging the diskos, the moment which combines
-the idea of rest and motion. The quoit has been swung back as far as
-it will go. The momentary pause before it is hurled forward suggests
-rest and at the same time implies motion, both that which has preceded
-and that which is to follow. It is this short pause at the end of the
-backward swing which the sculptor has fixed in the bronze. The right
-arm is stretched backwards as far as possible and draws with it the
-body with the left arm and head; in another instant the diskos will be
-hurled and the tension on the right leg relaxed. The original statue
-rested upon the right foot; the tree trunk is a necessary addition
-to the marble copies. As Greek art was mostly characterized by
-repose, we are not surprised that such a daring effect received the censure
-of the ancient critics. Quintilian says that if any one blames the
-statue for its labored effect, he is wrong, since the novelty and the difficulty
-of the work are its chief merits.<a id="FNanchor_1364"></a><a href="#Footnote_1364" class="fnanchor">1364</a> For a statue of the transitional
-stage of Greek sculpture it is remarkably bold; only in imagination can
-we see the action by which the body has got into this position and by
-which it will recover its equilibrium. It illustrates a principle laid
-down by Lessing in the <i>Laokoön</i>: “Of ever changing nature the artist
-can use only a single moment and this from a single point of view. And
-as his work is meant to be looked at not for an instant, but with long
-consideration, he must choose the most fruitful moment, and the most
-fruitful point of view, that, to wit, which leaves the power of imagination
-free.”<a id="FNanchor_1365"></a><a href="#Footnote_1365" class="fnanchor">1365</a></p>
-
-<p>Myron was the sculptor of five statues for four victors at Olympia,
-one of a pancratiast, another of a boxer, a third of a runner, and two of
-a victor in the hoplite-race and the chariot-race.<a id="FNanchor_1366"></a><a href="#Footnote_1366" class="fnanchor">1366</a> Pliny also says that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_188">188</a></span>
-Myron made statues of pentathletes and pancratiasts at Delphi.<a id="FNanchor_1367"></a><a href="#Footnote_1367" class="fnanchor">1367</a> Thus
-he showed as much versatility as Pythagoras in the representation of
-victors in different contests. None of these statues has survived and the
-identification of existing Roman copies with any of them is, of course,
-highly problematical. Thus, a little further on we make the suggestion
-that the statue of the boxer in the Louvre, commonly known as <i>Pollux</i>
-(Fig. <a href="#f58">58</a>), may be, because of its Myronian character, the statue of the
-unknown Arkadian boxer at Olympia mentioned by Pausanias (in connection
-with the boy boxer Philippos) as the work of Myron.<a id="FNanchor_1368"></a><a href="#Footnote_1368" class="fnanchor">1368</a> Pliny, in
-the passage just cited, also mentions statues of <i>pristae</i> by Myron, a
-word which has given rise to many interpretations: <i>e. g.</i>, sea-monsters
-(<i>pristes</i> or <i>pistres</i>), men working with a cross-cut saw (<i>pristae</i>), players at
-see-saw (<i>pristae</i>?),<a id="FNanchor_1369"></a><a href="#Footnote_1369" class="fnanchor">1369</a> and boxers (<i>pyctae</i>).<a id="FNanchor_1370"></a><a href="#Footnote_1370" class="fnanchor">1370</a> The manuscripts are unanimous
-for <i>pristae</i>, and hence it is probable that a realistic group by Myron is
-meant, since Myron is often classed as a realist in opposition to Polykleitos,
-the idealist. Long ago Dalecampius, followed in recent years
-by Furtwaengler,<a id="FNanchor_1371"></a><a href="#Footnote_1371" class="fnanchor">1371</a> believed that these <i>pristae</i> formed a votive offering,
-and H. L. von Urlichs has shown that a group of sawyers as the dedication
-of some master-builder is quite in harmony with fifth-century traditions.<a id="FNanchor_1372"></a><a href="#Footnote_1372" class="fnanchor">1372</a>
-H. Stuart Jones<a id="FNanchor_1373"></a><a href="#Footnote_1373" class="fnanchor">1373</a> connects the words <i>Perseum et pristas</i> of Pliny’s
-text, and follows the theory of Mayer<a id="FNanchor_1374"></a><a href="#Footnote_1374" class="fnanchor">1374</a> that the carpenters or sawyers
-were a part of a group, which represented the inclosure of Danaë and
-Perseus in the chest.</p>
-
-<p>While the athletic statues in motion by Pythagoras and Myron
-became models for later sculptors, especially in the following century,<a id="FNanchor_1375"></a><a href="#Footnote_1375" class="fnanchor">1375</a>
-the rest statues of Polykleitos still remained in vogue in works by members
-of his family and school down through the fourth century, as
-we have seen in our treatment of the Argive-Sikyonian sculptors at
-Olympia.</p>
-
-<h3>MOTION STATUES REPRESENTING VICTORS IN
-VARIOUS CONTESTS.</h3>
-
-<p>We shall now review the types of victor statues, which reproduced in
-their pose the various contests, <i>i. e.</i>, statues in motion. We shall find<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_189">189</a></span>
-it convenient to follow in the main the order of contests as they appear
-on the Oxyrhynchus Papyrus<a id="FNanchor_1376"></a><a href="#Footnote_1376" class="fnanchor">1376</a>—the stade-race (στάδιον), double race
-(δίαυλος), long race (δόλιχος), pentathlon (πένταθλον), wrestling,
-(πάλη), boxing (πύξ), pankration (παγκράτιον), hoplite-race (ὁπλίτης),
-chariot-race (τέθριππον), and horse-race (κέλης)—except that we shall
-class the four running races (nos. 1, 2, 3, and 11) together and include
-the three boys’ contests (παίδων στάδιον, πάλη, πύξ, nos. 8, 9, 10) under
-the corresponding men’s events. The classification of competitors by
-ages (ἡλικίαι), which varied at different festivals, will need a word of
-explanation. While athletes at Nemea, the Isthmus, and Delphi were
-divided into three classes, παῖδες, ἀγένειοι, and ἄνδρες,<a id="FNanchor_1377"></a><a href="#Footnote_1377" class="fnanchor">1377</a> at Olympia
-they were divided into two, παῖδες and ἄνδρες.<a id="FNanchor_1378"></a><a href="#Footnote_1378" class="fnanchor">1378</a> At local competitions
-there was a more elaborate classification. Thus at the Bœotian
-<i>Erotidia</i>, boys were divided into younger and older;<a id="FNanchor_1379"></a><a href="#Footnote_1379" class="fnanchor">1379</a> at the games held
-on the island of Chios there were five divisions, boys, younger, middle,
-and older ephebes, and men;<a id="FNanchor_1380"></a><a href="#Footnote_1380" class="fnanchor">1380</a> and at the Athenian <i>Theseia</i>, the boys
-were divided into first, second, and third classes, while an open contest
-also existed for boys of any age.<a id="FNanchor_1381"></a><a href="#Footnote_1381" class="fnanchor">1381</a> Girls at the <i>Heraia</i> at Olympia
-were similarly divided into three classes.<a id="FNanchor_1382"></a><a href="#Footnote_1382" class="fnanchor">1382</a> Plato proposed three classes
-of athletes in his <i>Laws</i>—παιδικοί, ἄνδρες, and a third class, ἀγένειοι,
-between boys and men.<a id="FNanchor_1383"></a><a href="#Footnote_1383" class="fnanchor">1383</a> The classification of athletes at Athens into
-παῖδες and ἄνδρες, adopted by Boeckh, Dittenberger, and Dumont,<a id="FNanchor_1384"></a><a href="#Footnote_1384" class="fnanchor">1384</a> is
-now the one generally followed. According to it the παῖδες were subdivided
-into three classes, those τῆς πρώτης ἡλικίας, τῆς δευτέρας, and
-τῆς τρίτης; and so the ἀγένειοι were merely the παῖδες της τρίτης
-ἡλικίας. The boys, including the ἀγένειοι, ranged from 12 to 18 years
-old; at 18 they became ἔφηβοι or ἄνδρες.<a id="FNanchor_1385"></a><a href="#Footnote_1385" class="fnanchor">1385</a> We have already seen that
-the age of boy victors at Olympia was over 17 and under 20.<a id="FNanchor_1386"></a><a href="#Footnote_1386" class="fnanchor">1386</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_190">190</a></span></p>
-
-<p>As we have already remarked in an earlier chapter, we are mostly
-indebted to Pausanias for our knowledge of the victor statues at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_1387"></a><a href="#Footnote_1387" class="fnanchor">1387</a>
-He mentions in his <i>periegesis</i> of the Altis 192 monuments,
-which were erected to 187 victors.<a id="FNanchor_1388"></a><a href="#Footnote_1388" class="fnanchor">1388</a> Some of these victors won in more
-than one contest, so that there are 258 different victories recorded in
-all. In the following sections we shall see how these were distributed
-among the various contests.</p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Runners: Stadiodromoi, Diaulodromoi, Dolichodromoi.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Running races formed at all times a part of the Greek games and of
-the exercises of the youth in the gymnasia and palæstræ. A scholiast
-on Pindar<a id="FNanchor_1389"></a><a href="#Footnote_1389" class="fnanchor">1389</a> says that the running race had its origin in the first celebration
-of the Eleusinian mysteries. It figures largely in mythology,
-especially at Olympia, which also shows its antiquity.<a id="FNanchor_1390"></a><a href="#Footnote_1390" class="fnanchor">1390</a> In historic
-times many varieties of running developed, but four chief ones were
-practised at the great games.<a id="FNanchor_1391"></a><a href="#Footnote_1391" class="fnanchor">1391</a> First there was the simple stade-race
-(στάδιον, δρόμος), which was merely the length of the stadion or 600
-Greek feet, corresponding with the running race of Homer.<a id="FNanchor_1392"></a><a href="#Footnote_1392" class="fnanchor">1392</a> Then there
-was the double race (δίαυλος), twice as long as the preceding, to the
-end of the course and back again.<a id="FNanchor_1393"></a><a href="#Footnote_1393" class="fnanchor">1393</a> The long race (δόλιχος, ὁ μακρὸς
-δρόμος), which Philostratos derives from the institution of messenger
-runners (<i>hemerodromoi</i>),<a id="FNanchor_1394"></a><a href="#Footnote_1394" class="fnanchor">1394</a> is variously given as seven, twelve, fourteen,
-twenty, and twenty-four stades in length, <i>i. e.</i>, from about four-fifths
-of a mile to nearly three miles.<a id="FNanchor_1395"></a><a href="#Footnote_1395" class="fnanchor">1395</a> Lastly there was the race in armor
-(ὁπλιτοδρόμος,<a id="FNanchor_1396"></a><a href="#Footnote_1396" class="fnanchor">1396</a> ὁπλίτης,<a id="FNanchor_1397"></a><a href="#Footnote_1397" class="fnanchor">1397</a> ἀσπίς.<a id="FNanchor_1398"></a><a href="#Footnote_1398" class="fnanchor">1398</a>) The long race was instituted not so
-much as a contest of fleetness as of endurance. At Olympia only men
-were admitted, though there was such a race for boys at Delphi.<a id="FNanchor_1399"></a><a href="#Footnote_1399" class="fnanchor">1399</a> The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_191">191</a></span>
-Cretans were famed in this style of running.<a id="FNanchor_1400"></a><a href="#Footnote_1400" class="fnanchor">1400</a> The race in armor,
-which was a double race or two stades at Olympia, we shall discuss
-further on. Probably the boys’ stade-race at Olympia was shorter
-than that of the men. Plato, who gives the historic division of running
-races outlined above, has the boys run one-half of the men’s course
-and the ephebes (ἀγένειοι) two-thirds.<a id="FNanchor_1401"></a><a href="#Footnote_1401" class="fnanchor">1401</a> Just so Pausanias has the
-girl runners at the Olympia <i>Heraia</i> run one-sixth of the men’s stadion.<a id="FNanchor_1402"></a><a href="#Footnote_1402" class="fnanchor">1402</a></p>
-
-<p>At Olympia, as at the <i>Panathenaia</i> in Athens and probably elsewhere,
-the first event preceding all others was the stade-race. Pausanias
-says that it was the oldest event at Olympia,<a id="FNanchor_1403"></a><a href="#Footnote_1403" class="fnanchor">1403</a> and it existed there
-all through antiquity from the first recorded Olympiad (&#8239;=&#8239;776 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>),
-when Koroibos of Elis won.<a id="FNanchor_1404"></a><a href="#Footnote_1404" class="fnanchor">1404</a> But the notion generally held<a id="FNanchor_1405"></a><a href="#Footnote_1405" class="fnanchor">1405</a> that the
-stade-race for men was honored above all other events at Olympia,
-because the winner became ἐπώνυμος for the Olympiad and because his
-name occurs in the lists of Africanus for every Olympiad, is incorrect.
-In two passages Thukydides cites Olympic pancratiasts for dates,<a id="FNanchor_1406"></a><a href="#Footnote_1406" class="fnanchor">1406</a>
-and in the earliest inscription which makes use of Olympiads for
-chronology the later introduced pankration is the event used.<a id="FNanchor_1407"></a><a href="#Footnote_1407" class="fnanchor">1407</a> The
-literary supremacy of Athens, where, at the <i>Panathenaia</i>, the stade-race
-was the most important event, doubtless helped later in making
-the stade runner at Olympia eponymous. This custom, however, was
-not generally employed before the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><a id="f36"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p192.jpg" width="500" height="776" alt="Athletic Scenes from a Bacchic Amphora" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 36.</span>—Athletic Scenes from a Bacchic Amphora in Rome. A. Stadiodromoi
-and Leaper. B. Diskobolos and Akontistai.</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><a id="f37"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p193.jpg" width="500" height="359" alt="Athletic Scenes from a Sixth-century B.&nbsp;C." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 37.</span>—Athletic Scenes from a Sixth-century B.&nbsp;C. Panathenaic Amphora.
-Stadiodromoi (left) and Dolichodromoi (right).</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Pausanias dates the introduction of the double foot-race at Olympia
-in Ol. 14 (&#8239;=&#8239;724 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1408"></a><a href="#Footnote_1408" class="fnanchor">1408</a> He does not say when the long race was instituted,
-but Eusebios says that it was in Ol. 15 (&#8239;=&#8239;720 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1409"></a><a href="#Footnote_1409" class="fnanchor">1409</a> The boys’
-stade-race was introduced there in Ol. 37 (&#8239;=&#8239;632 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1410"></a><a href="#Footnote_1410" class="fnanchor">1410</a> The hoplite-race
-was inaugurated at the end of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, in Ol. 65
-(&#8239;=&#8239;520 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1411"></a><a href="#Footnote_1411" class="fnanchor">1411</a> Pausanias mentions 24 <i>stadiodromoi</i> at Olympia, who
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_192">192</a></span>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_193">193</a></span>
-won 32 victories, which makes this event third in importance, next
-after boxing and wrestling. He mentions 7 victors in the double race
-with 11 victories, and 5 victors in the long race with 8 victories.
-He also mentions 12 hoplite victors with 14 victories. Consequently,
-in all four running events there, he records 48 victors with 65 victories,
-which brings the running races only to second place in importance
-at Olympia, ranking next after boxing.<a id="FNanchor_1412"></a><a href="#Footnote_1412" class="fnanchor">1412</a> The ordinary sprinter or
-<i>stadiodromos</i>, and the double sprinter, <i>diaulodromos</i> or <i>hoplitodromos</i>,
-naturally ran differently from the endurance runner or <i>dolichodromos</i>.
-Panathenaic vases clearly show this difference. Thus while the sprinter
-swung his arms violently, spreading the fingers apart and touching
-the ground only with his toes<a id="FNanchor_1413"></a><a href="#Footnote_1413" class="fnanchor">1413</a> (Figs. 36A and 37, left), the endurance
-runner, who had to conserve his strength to the last, ran with a long
-stride, holding his arms bent at the elbow and close to the body, his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_194">194</a></span>
-fists doubled and his body slightly bent forward, its weight resting on
-the ball of the foot, the heel being raised only a little. Thus Philostratos
-says that the <i>dolichodromoi</i> ran with their hands extended
-and with their fists balled, but that at the finish they also swung
-their arms violently like wings.<a id="FNanchor_1414"></a><a href="#Footnote_1414" class="fnanchor">1414</a> The race (showing balled fists) is
-seen on a Panathenaic amphora dating from the archonship of Nikeratos
-(333 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), now in the British Museum, and on another of the
-sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, pictured in Fig. <a href="#f37">37</a> (right).<a id="FNanchor_1415"></a><a href="#Footnote_1415" class="fnanchor">1415</a> In the <i>diaulos</i> the
-movement was less violent. Thus on an Athens vase inscribed, “I am
-a diaulos runner,”<a id="FNanchor_1416"></a><a href="#Footnote_1416" class="fnanchor">1416</a> the movement is between that of a sprinter and
-an endurance runner. It seems probable that this difference in the style
-of running was similarly shown in sculpture.<a id="FNanchor_1417"></a><a href="#Footnote_1417" class="fnanchor">1417</a> We shall next consider
-certain sculptural monuments which represent runners.</p>
-
-<p>The typical scheme for archaic and archaistic art was to represent
-the runner with one knee nearly touching the ground, the upper log
-forming a right angle with the lower, the other leg being perpendicular
-to the upper. This scheme appears on many vases and reliefs and in
-statuettes and statues.<a id="FNanchor_1418"></a><a href="#Footnote_1418" class="fnanchor">1418</a> This old method of depicting runners was kept
-up by vase-painters down to the time of the red-figured masters.<a id="FNanchor_1419"></a><a href="#Footnote_1419" class="fnanchor">1419</a> We
-see them on many reliefs, <i>e. g.</i>, on the Ionic-Greek reliefs on the three
-archaic bronze tripods of the middle of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> in the possession
-of Mr. James Loeb;<a id="FNanchor_1420"></a><a href="#Footnote_1420" class="fnanchor">1420</a> on a small bronze relief in the Metropolitan
-Museum in New York which represents a winged Boreas;<a id="FNanchor_1421"></a><a href="#Footnote_1421" class="fnanchor">1421</a> and on the
-marble funerary stele of the so-called dying hoplite runner found in
-1902 near the Theseion, and now in the National Museum in Athens.<a id="FNanchor_1422"></a><a href="#Footnote_1422" class="fnanchor">1422</a>
-Almost the same position as that of the figure on this Athenian relief is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_195">195</a></span>
-seen in a small bronze in the Metropolitan Museum, whose primitive
-features and solidly massed hair date it in the early part of the sixth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1423"></a><a href="#Footnote_1423" class="fnanchor">1423</a> Another slightly larger bronze in the same museum represents
-Herakles running in a kneeling posture.<a id="FNanchor_1424"></a><a href="#Footnote_1424" class="fnanchor">1424</a> Because a spearman
-is incongruous behind a bowman, Kalkmann<a id="FNanchor_1425"></a><a href="#Footnote_1425" class="fnanchor">1425</a> and Furtwaengler<a id="FNanchor_1426"></a><a href="#Footnote_1426" class="fnanchor">1426</a> have
-interpreted the two kneeling figures near either end of the West gable
-of the temple on Aegina as archaic runners (see Fig. <a href="#f21">21</a>, left). We may
-further compare with these figures the positions, though not the
-motives, of two others from the West gable at Olympia,<a id="FNanchor_1427"></a><a href="#Footnote_1427" class="fnanchor">1427</a> as well as
-that of the kneeling bowman <i>Herakles</i> from the East gable of the
-temple on Aegina.<a id="FNanchor_1428"></a><a href="#Footnote_1428" class="fnanchor">1428</a> In this connection we shall also mention the life-size
-marble torso of a kneeling youth found in Nero’s villa at Subiaco
-in 1884 and now in the Museo delle Terme, Rome (Pl. <a href="#p24">24</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1429"></a><a href="#Footnote_1429" class="fnanchor">1429</a> This
-statue, representing a boy of delicate build apparently striding forward
-with the right leg and bending the left so that the knee nearly touches
-the ground, has been regarded by some scholars<a id="FNanchor_1430"></a><a href="#Footnote_1430" class="fnanchor">1430</a> as a runner, whose
-pose copies the archaic manner, being historically the last example
-known of its use in sculpture. The right shoulder is turned backward
-and the head, now missing, was turned back and upwards; the right
-arm is raised high and twisted about with the palm of the hand facing
-backward, the left arm extended with its hand in some way related to
-the right knee. The impression made on the spectator is that of a boy
-bending aside as if to ward off some danger. It is an excellent piece of
-work, evidently the marble copy of an original bronze. This has been variously
-assigned to the fifth, fourth, and even later centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,<a id="FNanchor_1431"></a><a href="#Footnote_1431" class="fnanchor">1431</a> and
-interpreted in various ways<a id="FNanchor_1432"></a><a href="#Footnote_1432" class="fnanchor">1432</a>—as a Niobid,<a id="FNanchor_1433"></a><a href="#Footnote_1433" class="fnanchor">1433</a> as Ganymedes swooped<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_196">196</a></span>
-down upon by the eagle,<a id="FNanchor_1434"></a><a href="#Footnote_1434" class="fnanchor">1434</a> as Hylas drawn into the water by nymphs
-when he was filling his pitcher,<a id="FNanchor_1435"></a><a href="#Footnote_1435" class="fnanchor">1435</a> as a ball-player,<a id="FNanchor_1436"></a><a href="#Footnote_1436" class="fnanchor">1436</a> as a boy throwing
-a lasso,<a id="FNanchor_1437"></a><a href="#Footnote_1437" class="fnanchor">1437</a> as a gable figure,<a id="FNanchor_1438"></a><a href="#Footnote_1438" class="fnanchor">1438</a> as a runner at the games, etc. Many of
-these interpretations are purely fanciful; the last is, perhaps, as good
-as any, though the strongly turned upper body seems not quite fitted
-to it. If it represents a runner, the sculptor has reproduced the well-known
-archaic pose.</p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">The Statue of the Runner Ladas.</span></h4>
-
-<p>We shall next consider the famous statue of the runner Ladas by
-Myron, which is unfortunately known to us only from literary evidence,
-but which attained in antiquity an even greater fame than his nameless
-<i>Diskobolos</i>, since it portrayed even more tension than that wonderful
-work. Its fame was partly due to the picturesque story how the
-victory cost the runner his life, for he died of strain while on his way
-home to Sparta; it was also due in no less degree to the striking way in
-which the victor was depicted.<a id="FNanchor_1439"></a><a href="#Footnote_1439" class="fnanchor">1439</a></p>
-
-<p>Two fourth-century epigrams tell us of the statue. The first of these
-runs:</p>
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="stanza">
-<div class="line">Λάδας τὸ στάδιον εἴθ’ ἥλατο, εἴτε διέπτη,</div>
-<div class="line">οὐδὲ φράσαι δυνατόν· δαιμόνιον τὸ τάχος.</div>
-<div class="line">[ὁ ψόφος ἦν ὕσπληγγος ἐν οὔασι, καὶ στεφανοῦτο</div>
-<div class="line">Λάδας καὶ κάμνων δάκτυλον οὐ προέβη.]<a id="FNanchor_1440"></a><a href="#Footnote_1440" class="fnanchor">1440</a></div>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>The second epigram, naming Myron as the sculptor, runs:</p>
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="stanza">
-<div class="line">Οἷος ἔης φεύγων τὸν ὑπήνεμον, ἔμπνοε Λάδα,</div>
-<div class="line">Θῦμον, ἐπ’ ἀκροτάτῳ πνεύματι θεὶς ὄνυχα,</div>
-<div class="line">τοῖον ἐχάλκευσέν σε Μύρων, ἐπὶ παντὶ χαράξας</div>
-<div class="line">σώματι Πισαίου προσδοκίην στεφάνου.</div>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 24</p><a id="p24"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp196.jpg" width="500" height="672" alt="Statue of a Kneeling Youth." />
-<div class="caption">Statue of a Kneeling Youth, from Subiaco. Museo delle Terme, Rome.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_197">197</a></span></p>
-
-<p>To these verses are added the following, which Benndorf thinks
-belonged to another epigram on the same statue:</p>
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="stanza">
-<div class="line">πλήρης ἐλπίδος ἐστίν, ἄκροις δ’ ἐπὶ χείλεσιν ἆσθμα</div>
-<div class="line">ἐμφαίνει κοίλων ἔνδοθεν ἐκ λαγόνων.</div>
-<div class="line">πηδήσει τάχα χαλκὸς ἐπὶ στέφος, οὐδὲ καθέξει</div>
-<div class="line">ἁ βάσις· ὢ τέχνη πνεύματος ὠκυτέρα.<a id="FNanchor_1441"></a><a href="#Footnote_1441" class="fnanchor">1441</a></div>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p>Professor Ernest Gardner translates the two parts of the second
-epigram as follows:</p>
-
-<p>“Like as thou wast in life, Ladas, breathing forth thy panting soul,<a id="FNanchor_1442"></a><a href="#Footnote_1442" class="fnanchor">1442</a>
-on tip-toe, with every sinew at full strain, such hath Myron wrought
-thee in bronze, stamping on thy whole body thy eagerness for the
-victor’s crown of Pisa.”</p>
-
-<p>“He is filled with hope, and you may see the breath caught on his
-lips from deep within his flanks; surely the bronze will leave its pedestal
-and leap to the crown. Such art is swifter than the wind.”<a id="FNanchor_1443"></a><a href="#Footnote_1443" class="fnanchor">1443</a></p>
-
-<p>Even if part of the epigram is rhetorical, we can not doubt that Ladas
-was represented in the final spurt just before he arrived at the goal.
-His eagerness was not confined to the face—though the panting breath
-could have been indicated by half opened lips, but was visible in the
-whole body.<a id="FNanchor_1444"></a><a href="#Footnote_1444" class="fnanchor">1444</a> Whereas the girl runner of the Vatican (Pl. <a href="#p2">2</a>) is represented
-at the beginning of the race, Myron’s statue represented Ladas
-at the end of it. Probably the victor was represented with his weight
-thrown on the advanced foot and with the arms close to the sides and
-bent at the elbows—a treatment which would have been easy for the
-sculptor of the <i>Diskobolos</i>. Mahler tried to identify the statue with
-one of the Naples group of so-called runners (Fig. <a href="#f51">51</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1445"></a><a href="#Footnote_1445" class="fnanchor">1445</a> However, as
-we shall see, these probably represent wrestlers, and not runners, and
-neither of them shows any such tension as we should expect from the
-description of the statue of Ladas. Though Foerster believes that the
-statue of Ladas stood in Olympia, in honor of his victory in the long
-race there,<a id="FNanchor_1446"></a><a href="#Footnote_1446" class="fnanchor">1446</a> we can not say definitely where it was.<a id="FNanchor_1447"></a><a href="#Footnote_1447" class="fnanchor">1447</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_198">198</a></span></p>
-
-<table summary="Fig. 38. Fig. 39."><tr>
-<td class="tdc"><div class="figcenter250"><a id="f38"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p198a.jpg" width="250" height="412" alt="Statue of a Runner." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 38.</span>—Statue of a Runner. Palazzo
-dei Conservatori, Rome.</div>
-</div></td>
-
-<td class="tdc"><div class="figcenter250"><a id="f39"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p198b.jpg" width="250" height="412" alt="Statue of a Runner." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 39.</span>—Statue of a Runner. Palazzo
-dei Conservatori, Rome.</div>
-</div></td>
-</tr></table>
-
-<p>Perhaps our best representation of runners is to be seen in the two
-marble statues discovered near Velletri and now in the Palazzo dei
-Conservatori, Rome (Figs. 38 and 39).<a id="FNanchor_1448"></a><a href="#Footnote_1448" class="fnanchor">1448</a> The hair and the sharp edges
-of the modeling of the flesh, as well as the tree-stumps near the right
-legs, show that these statues are copies of bronze originals. They were
-at first interpreted as runners, but later were regarded as forming a
-group of wrestlers, who were standing opposite one another and holding
-their hands out for an opening. However, there is nothing in the pose
-or the expression of these statues to show the tension of two opponents.
-Moreover, they certainly never formed a group, for stylistic
-differences reveal that they are copies of statues by different artists
-who lived at different times; one belongs to the severe style of the last
-quarter of the fifth century,<a id="FNanchor_1449"></a><a href="#Footnote_1449" class="fnanchor">1449</a> while the other, with its softer forms,
-smaller head, and deeper-set eyes, is a product of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1450"></a><a href="#Footnote_1450" class="fnanchor">1450</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_199">199</a></span>
-The prominent edge of the chest is doubtless meant to indicate the hard
-breathing of a runner.<a id="FNanchor_1451"></a><a href="#Footnote_1451" class="fnanchor">1451</a> Just in front of the tree-stump on the older
-statue is to be seen a round hole in the plinth, which may have been
-made for the end of a club held in the right hand, as such an object is
-found in other works of art, notably in a statuette from Palermo, which
-is the copy of a fifth-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> original, and on a second-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>
-grave-stele from Crete.<a id="FNanchor_1452"></a><a href="#Footnote_1452" class="fnanchor">1452</a> Its use, however, is not certainly known.</p>
-
-<p>Furtwaengler, by an ingenious process of reasoning, argued that he
-had recovered an actual statue of an Olympic runner in the so-called
-<i>Alkibiades</i>, formerly in the Villa Mattei, but now in the Sala della Biga
-of the Vatican.<a id="FNanchor_1453"></a><a href="#Footnote_1453" class="fnanchor">1453</a> This torso he ascribed to the sculptor Kresilas, because
-of its likeness to the <i>Perikles</i> of that master, which once stood on the
-Akropolis,<a id="FNanchor_1454"></a><a href="#Footnote_1454" class="fnanchor">1454</a> and to a marble torso in Naples representing a wounded
-man ready to fall, which he thinks is a copy of the <i>Volneratus deficiens</i>
-of Kresilas mentioned by Pliny.<a id="FNanchor_1455"></a><a href="#Footnote_1455" class="fnanchor">1455</a> The <i>Alkibiades</i> is very similar to the
-Naples gladiator, though later in date; the bearded head, drawn-in
-stomach, and muscular chest, and the veins in the upper arm are common
-to both. The restorer of the Vatican statue has placed a helmet
-under the right foot. But the deep-breathing chest may indicate a
-runner, as we saw in the case of the statues of the Conservatori just
-discussed. Furtwaengler has the body bend further forward, so that
-the right foot may rest upon the ground and the glance be fixed upon
-the goal, with the arms extended at the elbows, a position proved for
-the right arm, at least, by the <i>puntello</i> above the hip. As the head<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_200">200</a></span>
-shows portrait-like features and only those athletes who had won three
-victories had portrait statues, he has identified the original of the <i>Alkibiades</i>
-with the statue of the famous stade-runner Krison of Himera,
-who won his victories at Olympia just after the middle of the fifth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, the approximate date of the Vatican copy.<a id="FNanchor_1456"></a><a href="#Footnote_1456" class="fnanchor">1456</a> Such an
-identification appears, however, to be too far-fetched to be convincing.</p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Statues of Boy Runners.</span></h4>
-
-<div class="figcenter350"><a id="f40"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p200.jpg" width="350" height="452" alt="Statue of the Thorn-puller." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 40.</span>—Statue of the <i>Thorn-puller</i> (<i>Spinario</i>).
-Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Probably the statues of boy runners did not differ essentially from
-those of men. That they were sometimes represented in motion is
-shown by the footprints on the recovered base of the statue of Sosikrates
-by an unknown artist. Here the right foot touched the ground
-only with the front portion.<a id="FNanchor_1457"></a><a href="#Footnote_1457" class="fnanchor">1457</a> The view has often been expressed that
-the bronze statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome, known as the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_201">201</a></span>
-<i>Spinario</i> (<i>Thorn-puller</i>) portrays a runner (Fig. <a href="#f40">40</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1458"></a><a href="#Footnote_1458" class="fnanchor">1458</a> It represents a boy,
-from twelve to fifteen years old, seated upon a rock bending over and
-engrossed in extracting a thorn from his left foot, which rests upon the
-right knee. The severe hair treatment, low forehead, full cheeks, and
-strong chin appear to show the ideal beauty of a boy of the period of
-about 460 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> The motive seems to have been inspired directly by
-nature—witness the supple bend of the back, the delicate arms, the
-naïve, though not too realistic, concentration of interest in the act portrayed.
-Few pieces of ancient sculpture have given rise to more discussion
-and extraordinary difference of opinion than this popular work.
-One school of archæologists<a id="FNanchor_1459"></a><a href="#Footnote_1459" class="fnanchor">1459</a> believes it a late adaptation of a Hellenistic
-original, a more accurate copy being the one in the British Museum, and
-consequently views it as a purely <i>genre</i> statue impossible of conception
-before Alexander’s time. According to this view the London copy was
-an archaistic work of the time of Pasiteles. Another school, however,
-including Helbig, Wolters, Kekulé, and many others, sees in the Roman
-statue an original work of 460 to 450 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, chiefly because the face shows
-great similarity to those of the statues of the Olympia gables (especially
-to that of Apollo)<a id="FNanchor_1460"></a><a href="#Footnote_1460" class="fnanchor">1460</a>. According to this view the statue can not have
-been a <i>genre</i> work, as such works of decorative character were of later
-origin, but the motive must be sought in some definite incident—in
-some myth or historical event. Thus it has been referred to the colonization
-of the Ozolian Lokroi, whose ancestor Lokros is said to have got a
-thorn in his foot and to have founded cities near where this occurred in
-fulfilment of an oracle. Many others, on the other hand, have seen in
-its motive that of a boy victor in running, who has gained his victory
-despite a thorn, which he is now pulling out, and who has dedicated his
-statue to commemorate both the victory and the untoward circumstances
-under which it was won. It has been assigned to various
-sculptors and schools—to Myron, Pythagoras, and Kalamis, and to
-Peloponnesian, Bœotian, and even Sicilian art.<a id="FNanchor_1461"></a><a href="#Footnote_1461" class="fnanchor">1461</a> The boy’s absorption
-in his task certainly reminds us of the concentration so characteristic
-of the <i>Diskobolos</i> of Myron. In determining its age and artistic<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_202">202</a></span>
-affiliations several things must be considered. In the first place, the
-Roman statue is a copy, as the rock on which the boy sits is cast with the
-figure, which would have been impossible in the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> The
-long hair on this copy, which is short on the one in the British Museum,
-falls down the neck, but not over the cheeks, as it should on a head
-which is thus bent downwards. Pasiteles almost certainly would have
-tied it with a ribbon. This shows that the original was the work of an
-artist who was used to making standing statues, and was not aware
-of the change in the representation of the hair brought about by drooping
-ones. Such considerations, in conjunction with the archaic facial
-characteristics, almost certainly refer the original work to the fifth century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, a date when <i>genre</i> statues, produced for adornment, did not
-exist. Consequently a definite incident must be represented by it,
-and it is quite possible that this incident should be sought in athletic
-sculpture in the representation of a boy runner.</p>
-
-<p>The <i>Thorn-puller</i> became a model for many imitations from the
-beginning of Hellenistic times on. These imitations tended to greater
-realism and consequently to the debasement of the original conception,
-for they were made to represent peasants, shepherds, satyrs, and
-even negroes. The <i>motif</i> was also transferred to figures of girls, as,
-<i>e. g.</i>, in the fragment of a terra-cotta statuette found in 1912 at Nida-Haddernheim.<a id="FNanchor_1462"></a><a href="#Footnote_1462" class="fnanchor">1462</a>
-In the early Empire it was frequently copied in marble,
-and again, during the Renaissance, the motive was used for small
-bronzes.<a id="FNanchor_1463"></a><a href="#Footnote_1463" class="fnanchor">1463</a> Of Hellenistic copies, showing how the motive deteriorated,
-we shall mention only two: the marble one found on the Esquiline,
-in 1874, and known as the Castellani copy, now in the British Museum,<a id="FNanchor_1464"></a><a href="#Footnote_1464" class="fnanchor">1464</a>
-the sculptor of which has made it into a truly <i>genre</i> fountain
-figure by transforming the noble features of the beautiful Greek runner
-into the snub nose and thick lips of a street Arab, and the still later
-bronze statuette found near Sparta and now in the Paris collection
-of Baron Edmund de Rothschild,<a id="FNanchor_1465"></a><a href="#Footnote_1465" class="fnanchor">1465</a> which represents the boy extracting
-the thorn in anger.</p>
-
-<p>Similarly the so-called <i>Sandal-binder</i>—with replicas in Paris (Fig. <a href="#f8">8</a>),
-London, Athens, Munich, and elsewhere, has been looked upon, without
-decisive grounds, to be sure, as a runner who is tying on his sandals<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_203">203</a></span>
-after the race.<a id="FNanchor_1466"></a><a href="#Footnote_1466" class="fnanchor">1466</a> We have already discussed this statue in Chapter II,
-in connection with the subject of assimilation.</p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Hoplitodromoi.</span></h4>
-
-<p>The race in armor had a practical value in the training of soldiers,
-and so became a popular sport, since it appealed not only to the trained
-athlete, but to the citizen in general. It belonged to “mixed athletics,”<a id="FNanchor_1467"></a><a href="#Footnote_1467" class="fnanchor">1467</a>
-<i>i. e.</i>, to competitions which were conducted under handicap conditions,
-such as our obstacle races, and consequently it never attained the prestige
-of the strictly athletic events. It came last among the gymnic
-contests at Olympia and elsewhere,<a id="FNanchor_1468"></a><a href="#Footnote_1468" class="fnanchor">1468</a> being followed by the equestrian
-events. It seems to have varied in different places in the distance
-run, in the armor of the runner, and in the rules which governed the race.
-At Olympia, as at Athens, it appears to have been a <i>diaulos</i> or a race of
-two stadia.<a id="FNanchor_1469"></a><a href="#Footnote_1469" class="fnanchor">1469</a> The most strenuous race of the sort was run at the
-<i>Eleutheria</i> at Platæa, where the contestants were completely enveloped
-in armor<a id="FNanchor_1470"></a><a href="#Footnote_1470" class="fnanchor">1470</a> and were subject to peculiar rules. At Olympia the competitors
-originally ran with helmets, greaves, and round shields, as
-we infer from scenes on archaic vases and from the statement of Pausanias
-that the statue of the first victor in this event, Damaretos of
-Heraia, was represented with these arms.<a id="FNanchor_1471"></a><a href="#Footnote_1471" class="fnanchor">1471</a> In this passage Pausanias
-adds that the Eleans and other Greeks later (ἀνὰ χρόνον) gave up the
-greaves, and we find that they disappear on the vase-paintings.<a id="FNanchor_1472"></a><a href="#Footnote_1472" class="fnanchor">1472</a> Hauser
-has shown that the vase-paintings, which, however, mostly illustrate
-the Athenian practice, display a varied custom in respect of the use
-of the greaves before about 520 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, the general use of them until about
-450 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, and after that date their disuse.<a id="FNanchor_1473"></a><a href="#Footnote_1473" class="fnanchor">1473</a> The helmet disappeared<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_204">204</a></span>
-after the greaves, but the shield was never given up.<a id="FNanchor_1474"></a><a href="#Footnote_1474" class="fnanchor">1474</a> Thus the bronze
-statue of Mnesiboulos of Elateia, a victor (σὺν τῇ ἀσπίδι) of Pausanias’
-day, which stood in “Runner Street” of his native city, appears to have
-been represented with the shield.<a id="FNanchor_1475"></a><a href="#Footnote_1475" class="fnanchor">1475</a> It was for this reason that the event
-was later sometimes called merely ἀσπίς.<a id="FNanchor_1476"></a><a href="#Footnote_1476" class="fnanchor">1476</a> The shields that appear
-on the vases are always round and the helmets are Attic.<a id="FNanchor_1477"></a><a href="#Footnote_1477" class="fnanchor">1477</a> The gradual
-reduction in the amount of the armor may have been a concession to
-the regular athletes, who probably looked upon the contest as a spurious
-sort of athletics. As for the style of the race, the hoplite runners seem
-to have run somewhat as the stade and double-course runners, <i>i. e.</i>,
-with their right hands up and their arms violently swinging.<a id="FNanchor_1478"></a><a href="#Footnote_1478" class="fnanchor">1478</a></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><a id="f41"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p205.jpg" width="500" height="694" alt="Hoplitodromes." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 41.</span>—Hoplitodromes. Scenes from a r.-f. Kylix. Museum of Berlin.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The picturesqueness of such a race appealed especially to vase-painters,
-who have given us all the details of the event. The preparations for
-the race are seen on a red-figured kylix from Vulci, now in Paris, ascribed
-to Euphronios (Panaitios), on which one runner is donning his armor,
-while others are practising preliminary runs.<a id="FNanchor_1479"></a><a href="#Footnote_1479" class="fnanchor">1479</a> The start is seen in the
-right-hand figure depicted on a r.-f. kylix in Berlin (Fig. <a href="#f41">41</a>, a).<a id="FNanchor_1480"></a><a href="#Footnote_1480" class="fnanchor">1480</a> On
-another r.-f. kylix we see a pair of hoplites, one slowing up before reaching
-the central post, the other turning it.<a id="FNanchor_1481"></a><a href="#Footnote_1481" class="fnanchor">1481</a> The finish is seen on an
-obscene r.-f. kylix from Vulci in the style of Brygos, in the British
-Museum, where the bearded winner, with his helmet in his hand, looks
-back on his rival, and the latter, apparently in disgust, drops his shield.<a id="FNanchor_1482"></a><a href="#Footnote_1482" class="fnanchor">1482</a>
-The most complete illustration of the race is to be seen on the r.-f. Berlin
-kylix just mentioned (Fig. <a href="#f41">41</a>, a, b, c.) Here on one side is a group of
-three runners; the right-hand one is bending over, ready to start; the one
-at the left is about to turn the central post, and the one in the centre,
-who is turned in an opposite direction, is on the home stretch; on the
-other side of the vase are three runners in full course, while another
-appears on the interior of the vase.<a id="FNanchor_1483"></a><a href="#Footnote_1483" class="fnanchor">1483</a> Some vases seem to show that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_205">205</a></span>
-the contest often had a semi-comic character, the variations in running
-being used to amuse the spectators. Thus the shield might be dropped
-and picked up again,<a id="FNanchor_1484"></a><a href="#Footnote_1484" class="fnanchor">1484</a> or it might be held in a peculiar manner.<a id="FNanchor_1485"></a><a href="#Footnote_1485" class="fnanchor">1485</a> This
-comic element is brought out in the <i>Aves</i> of Aristophanes, in a scene in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_206">206</a></span>
-which Peisthetairos, while observing the chorus of birds advancing with
-their crests (λόφωσις), compares them with hoplite runners advancing
-to begin the race.<a id="FNanchor_1486"></a><a href="#Footnote_1486" class="fnanchor">1486</a> The regular painter outdid the vase-painter
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f42"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p206.jpg" width="250" height="337" alt="Bronze Statuette
-of a Hoplitodrome." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 42.</span>—Bronze Statuette
-of a Hoplitodrome (?).
-University
-Museum, Tuebingen.</span></span>
-in representing the runner in violent
-motion, if we may rely on
-Pliny’s description of two paintings
-of hoplites by Parrhasios.<a id="FNanchor_1487"></a><a href="#Footnote_1487" class="fnanchor">1487</a>
-In one of these the runner was
-represented as perspiring as he
-ran, while in the other
-he was represented as
-having laid aside his
-arms and panting so
-realistically that the
-observer seemed to
-hear him.</p>
-
-<p>We have few representations of hoplitodromes
-in sculpture. In the preceding chapter
-we discussed the two marble helmeted
-heads found at Olympia (Fig. <a href="#f30">30</a>), one of
-which shows that the statue of which it was
-a part was represented at rest, while the
-other, because of the twist in the neck, seems
-to have come from a statue which represented
-the runner in violent motion. Pausanias saw
-on the Athenian Akropolis the statue of the
-hoplite runner Epicharinos, the work of the
-sculptor Kritios, represented as practising
-starts (ὁπλιτοδρομεῖν ἀσκήσαντος).<a id="FNanchor_1488"></a><a href="#Footnote_1488" class="fnanchor">1488</a>
-In the well-known Tux bronze in the University
-Museum at Tuebingen, we have a statuette
-in which the position of the statue of Epicharinos
-is probably reproduced. This little
-bronze, which is only 0.16 meter tall (Fig. <a href="#f42">42</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1489"></a><a href="#Footnote_1489" class="fnanchor">1489</a> represents a bearded
-man, entirely nude, except for the Attic helmet on his head, standing
-with feet close together, knees slightly bent, and body inclined forward.
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_207">207</a></span>The right arm is extended, while the left, crooked at the elbow, rests
-upon the hip. While Schwabe and Wolters, following the early
-theory of Hirt and of the sculptor Dannecker, interpreted the bronze as
-the figure of a charioteer, whose left hand was drawn back to hold the
-reins and whose right was outstretched in a gesture intended to quiet
-the horses, Hauser, de Ridder, Bulle, and many other archæologists
-have interpreted it better as a hoplitodrome. The left arm, then,
-carried a round shield, such as we have seen on Attic vases. The
-next moment the right leg will be advanced, the shield, held back to
-get a better start, will be pushed forward, and the runner will race
-to the goal in a series of leaps, since the weight of the shield would
-prevent him from following the more regular motion of the ordinary
-runner. It probably represents, therefore, a hoplite runner, not in
-the actual course, as Hauser thought, but practicing a preliminary
-start, as de Ridder argued. If the figure represented a charioteer, the
-legs would have been set farther apart, in order to give a firmer
-position, and it would not be represented as standing on a base, nor
-would it be wearing a helmet. The statuette stylistically belongs to
-the opening years of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, and may well be a free
-imitation of a life-size original of such statues of hoplites as stood in
-the Altis at Olympia. Despite the energy depicted in this figure, it
-is rash to connect it with the Aeginetan sculptures, as Wolters and
-Collignon have done, since a comparison between it and the <i>Champion</i>
-of the East gable<a id="FNanchor_1490"></a><a href="#Footnote_1490" class="fnanchor">1490</a> will show great differences. Brunn ascribed the
-original to Pythagoras; de Ridder, with reservations, to Kritios and
-Nesiotes; while Bulle is more reasonable in referring it to an important
-though unnamed artist of the early fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span></p>
-
-<p>Hartwig has published a bronze statuette from Capua,<a id="FNanchor_1491"></a><a href="#Footnote_1491" class="fnanchor">1491</a> now in the
-Imperial collection at Vienna, representing a nude youth with a crested
-helmet on his head. There is no trace of a shield, but the helmet
-and the similarity of the pose to that of the Tuebingen bronze make it
-probable that this statuette also represents a hoplitodrome starting.
-The so-called <i>Diomedes</i> of Myronian style in the Palazzo Valentini,
-Rome,<a id="FNanchor_1492"></a><a href="#Footnote_1492" class="fnanchor">1492</a> whose stooping posture recalls the <i>Diskobolos</i> and accordingly
-has been interpreted as one by Matz and von Duhn, more probably
-also represents a hoplite-runner, as Furtwaengler maintained, because
-of the similarity of its pose to that of the Tux bronze and because
-of its helmeted head.<a id="FNanchor_1493"></a><a href="#Footnote_1493" class="fnanchor">1493</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_208">208</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a id="f43"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p208.jpg" width="350" height="538" alt="Statue of the so-called Borghese Warrior." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 43.</span>—Statue of the so-called <i>Borghese Warrior</i>.<br />
-Louvre, Paris.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Some other attempts to see hoplite runners in existing works of
-sculpture have not been so successful. Thus Rayet’s attempt to resuscitate
-the old interpretation of Quatremère de Quincy, who had explained
-the statue of the so-called <i>Borghese Warrior</i> by Agasias of Ephesos
-(Fig. <a href="#f43">43</a>) as that of a hoplitodrome just before reaching the goal, has
-been recently revived again by Six.<a id="FNanchor_1494"></a><a href="#Footnote_1494" class="fnanchor">1494</a> This famous marble statue of the
-Louvre, belonging to late Greek art, is an example of the last development
-in the Argive-Sikyonian school, which for centuries had been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_209">209</a></span>
-devoted to athletic sculpture.<a id="FNanchor_1495"></a><a href="#Footnote_1495" class="fnanchor">1495</a> Since the statue has no helmet, there
-seems to be no valid reason for not adhering to the usual interpretation,
-according to which it represents a warrior—by restoring the lost right
-arm and hand with a sword—who is defending himself against a foe
-above him, conceived of as seated upon a horse. The attitude and the
-upward gaze are certainly not those of a runner. Though Collignon,
-following Visconti, believes the figure to be one of a group, the man
-actually defending himself against a horseman and covering himself
-with his shield as he looks up, it is doubtful whether a second figure
-ever existed. The artist seems to have contented himself with representing,
-not a fight, but only a fighting pose. We are beginning to
-understand that the Greek sculptor left something to the imagination
-of the beholder.</p>
-
-<p>An attempt has also been made to see a dying hoplite runner in the
-Parian marble archaic grave-relief in the National Museum in Athens,
-which has already been mentioned as an example of the archaic scheme
-of representing running.<a id="FNanchor_1496"></a><a href="#Footnote_1496" class="fnanchor">1496</a> It represents a beardless youth running in
-a half-kneeling posture, even though the head is bent and turned in the
-opposite direction. The eyes appear to be closed—due, perhaps, to the
-faulty sculptor—and the two hands are touching the breast. While no
-shield is represented (it is contended that its presence would nearly hide
-the figure), still, because of the helmet and the position of the arm, which
-latter is obviously that of a long-distance runner, Philios, followed by
-Perrot-Chipiez and Bulle, explained it as the representation of a hoplite
-runner who is expiring at the end of his course. They date it about 520
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,<a id="FNanchor_1497"></a><a href="#Footnote_1497" class="fnanchor">1497</a> the date of the introduction of this race at Olympia. However, the
-absence of the shield, to say nothing of the greaves, seems an insuperable
-objection to such an hypothesis, as the shield was never omitted
-in this race, but was invariably its symbol. Svoronos is therefore
-more probably right in interpreting the relief as the monument of a
-military runner (δρομοκῆρυξ), even if his dating (490–480 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>) is somewhat
-too late,<a id="FNanchor_1498"></a><a href="#Footnote_1498" class="fnanchor">1498</a> and if his identifying it with some particular messenger
-(such as the Athenian runner Pheidippides, who ran to Sparta for aid
-just prior to the battle of Marathon) is fanciful.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_210">210</a></span></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Pentathletes.</span></h4>
-
-<p>The peculiar features of the pentathlon (πένταθλον) were the three
-events, jumping, diskos-throwing, and javelin-throwing. All five events
-are summed up in Simonides’ epigram on the pentathlete Diophon,
-who won at Delphi and on the Isthmus, the second line of which
-runs: ἅλμα, ποδωκείην, δίσκον, ἄκοντα, πάλην.<a id="FNanchor_1499"></a><a href="#Footnote_1499" class="fnanchor">1499</a></p>
-
-<p>The pentathlon did not exist in Homer’s time. Pindar expressly says
-that it did not exist in heroic days, but that then a separate prize was
-given for each feat.<a id="FNanchor_1500"></a><a href="#Footnote_1500" class="fnanchor">1500</a> At the games on Scheria, King Alkinoos boasts to
-Odysseus of the superiority of his countrymen in πύξ τε παλαισμοσύνῃ τε
-καὶ ἅλμασιν ἠδὲ πόδεσσιν.<a id="FNanchor_1501"></a><a href="#Footnote_1501" class="fnanchor">1501</a> The pentathlon for men was introduced at
-Olympia at the same time as wrestling toward the end of the eighth century,
-in Ol. 18 (&#8239;=&#8239;708 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>),<a id="FNanchor_1502"></a><a href="#Footnote_1502" class="fnanchor">1502</a> and the pentathlon for boys eighty years
-later, in Ol. 38 (&#8239;=&#8239;628 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), only to be stopped soon after.<a id="FNanchor_1503"></a><a href="#Footnote_1503" class="fnanchor">1503</a> Pausanias
-mentions fifteen victors at Olympia, who had statues erected in their
-honor, for seventeen victories in the pentathlon, thus giving the pentathletes
-sixth rank there in point of number.</p>
-
-<p>The b.-f. Bacchic amphora in Rome already discussed represents
-four events out of the five: running, leaping, diskos-throwing, and
-akontion-throwing (Figs. 36 A and 36 B).<a id="FNanchor_1504"></a><a href="#Footnote_1504" class="fnanchor">1504</a> On several Panathenaic
-vases we find one or more events, and the three characteristic ones on
-several, one of which we here reproduce (Fig. <a href="#f44">44</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1505"></a><a href="#Footnote_1505" class="fnanchor">1505</a></p>
-
-<p>The various events are common on r.-f. vases,<a id="FNanchor_1506"></a><a href="#Footnote_1506" class="fnanchor">1506</a> though these may
-not represent the pentathlon contests, but merely gymnasium scenes,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_211">211</a></span>
-showing that such contests were important. We have already said
-that the pentathlon represented the whole physical training of Greek
-youths; consequently the pentathlete was looked upon as the typical
-athlete, being superior to all others in all-round development, even if
-surpassed by them in certain special events. It was for this reason that
-Polykleitos, in order to embody the principles of his athlete canon,
-made a statue of a javelin-thrower (the <i>Doryphoros</i>) as the best
-example of an all-round man.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a id="f44"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p211.jpg" width="500" height="343" alt="" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 44.</span>—Pentathletes. Scene from a Panathenaic Amphora in the<br />
-British Museum, London.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>None of the statues of pentathletes at Olympia has been recovered
-with certainty in Roman copies. That some of them were represented
-at rest is shown by the base of the statue of the victor Pythokles of
-Elis, by the elder Polykleitos, which has been recovered.<a id="FNanchor_1507"></a><a href="#Footnote_1507" class="fnanchor">1507</a> This base
-supported two different statues in succession. The feet of the earlier
-one by Polykleitos were riveted into circular holes, and behind the right
-foot on the upper surface of the base was inscribed the artist’s name,
-while the victor’s appeared on the vertical front. This statue was later
-removed and was replaced by another, whose pose was different, as we
-see from the footmarks, which show that the feet were attached with
-lead in hollows. Probably the old inscription was renewed in archaic<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_212">212</a></span>
-letters when this second statue was set up, the older letters being retained,
-perhaps, to conceal the theft. The original statue was removed
-by the first century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, or perhaps under Nero;<a id="FNanchor_1508"></a><a href="#Footnote_1508" class="fnanchor">1508</a> the new one was also
-inscribed as the work of Polykleitos. A base of the Hadrianic or
-Antonine age has been found in Rome, inscribed with the names Polykleitos
-and Pythokles.<a id="FNanchor_1509"></a><a href="#Footnote_1509" class="fnanchor">1509</a> Since the footmarks do not agree with those
-of either one of the Olympia statues, Petersen believes that the existing
-footmarks are due to an older use of the base and that they have
-nothing to do with the statue of Pythokles. Perhaps the statue on the
-Roman base was the original one by Polykleitos removed from Olympia
-to Rome, though it is possible that it was only a copy, the original
-being elsewhere in Rome. While the later statue at Olympia had the
-feet squarely on the ground, the original one stood on the right foot,
-the left being drawn back and turned out, touching the ground only
-with the ball. Hence the left knee must have turned outwards, a
-natural position, if the head of the statue was turned slightly to the left.
-In other words, this is the usual Polykleitan scheme. Furtwaengler
-has made a strong though hardly convincing attempt to identify this
-original statue with a copy surviving in two replicas at Rome and
-Munich, which, as he believes, fit the conditions of the statue of
-Pythokles.<a id="FNanchor_1510"></a><a href="#Footnote_1510" class="fnanchor">1510</a> These copies represent a nude youth standing with the
-weight of the body on the right leg, the left drawn back and outwards.
-The head is turned to the left, the right arm is held close to
-the side (the hand, perhaps, once holding a fillet), and the left forearm
-is outstretched from the elbow and holds an aryballos in the hand.
-The two works are manifestly Polykleitan in style—the body, head,
-and hair treatment resembling that of the <i>Doryphoros</i>. He assumed
-that the feet corresponded in scale with the footmarks on the Olympia
-base.</p>
-
-<p>Helbig, in the first edition of his <i>Fuehrer</i>, recognized the kinship between
-the Vatican statuette and the <i>Doryphoros</i> of Polykleitos, and was
-prone to accept Furtwaengler’s identification; but later on, in the third
-edition, he ascribed the statuette only to the Polykleitan circle and
-denied that its foot position corresponded with that of the Pythokles
-base. Amelung also, while accepting its Polykleitan character, has
-shown that the feet of the statuette are closer together than those on
-the Olympia base and are placed at a slightly different angle. As for
-the Munich statue, both Helbig and Amelung have ruled it out of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_213">213</a></span>
-evidence. The head, though similar to that of the statuette, also
-discloses marked differences, and the legs of the two works do not
-have the same pose. Loewy agrees with Amelung that the statue
-of Pythokles conformed with the type of the <i>Diadoumenos</i>—especially
-<span class="figright200"><a id="f45"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p213.jpg" width="200" height="437" alt="Statue of a Boy
-Victor." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 45.</span>—Statue of a Boy
-Victor (the <i>Dresden Boy</i>).
-Albertinum, Dresden.</span></span>
-with the Vaison copy (see Fig. <a href="#f28">28</a>)—and
-with that of the <i>Doryphoros</i>.<a id="FNanchor_1511"></a><a href="#Footnote_1511" class="fnanchor">1511</a> We
-can not, therefore, safely assume that the
-statue of Pythokles has been recovered in
-any existing copy.<a id="FNanchor_1512"></a><a href="#Footnote_1512" class="fnanchor">1512</a> A further variant of
-the works just discussed should be mentioned
-here—the beautiful marble statue
-of a boy victor in Dresden, known as the
-<i>Dresden Boy</i> (Fig. <a href="#f45">45</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1513"></a><a href="#Footnote_1513" class="fnanchor">1513</a> In this statue the
-leg position is nearly like that indicated
-by the marks on the Pythokles basis,
-though the left foot is not set so far back
-nor its tip so far out. The head is turned
-to the left and slightly lowered, the right
-arm hung to the side, and the left forearm
-was outstretched, the hand doubtless
-holding some athletic article, at which the
-boy is looking down, perhaps a diskos<a id="FNanchor_1514"></a><a href="#Footnote_1514" class="fnanchor">1514</a> or
-a fillet. This beautiful athlete statue has
-many stylistic points in common with the
-<i>Diadoumenos</i>, and shows similar Attic influence,
-and its original may be referred
-with Furtwaengler to the later period of
-the master himself. It gives us an excellent
-idea how Polykleitos may have made
-his Olympia boy victors appear. A more
-remote variant seems to be furnished by
-a fourth-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> bronze statuette of a
-youthful athlete in the Louvre.<a id="FNanchor_1515"></a><a href="#Footnote_1515" class="fnanchor">1515</a> Here the position of the feet, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_214">214</a></span>
-turn of the head, and the direction of the gaze are the same as in
-the <i>Dresden Boy</i>. However, as the right arm is raised horizontally,
-Furtwaengler believed that the right hand held a fillet which the
-youth is letting fall into the palm of the left.</p>
-
-<p>That statues of pentathletes at Olympia were also represented in
-motion is shown by the footmarks on the recovered base of one of the
-two statues mentioned by Pausanias as set up in honor of the Elean
-Aischines, who won two victories some time between Ols. 126 and 132
-(&#8239;=&#8239;276 and 252 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1516"></a><a href="#Footnote_1516" class="fnanchor">1516</a>
-These marks show that the statue represented the
-victor in violent movement, since the left foot was turned outwards and
-the right one was brought almost to the edge of the base.</p>
-
-<p>We shall next consider in some detail how the pentathlete may have
-been represented at Olympia in the three characteristic contests of
-jumping, diskos-throwing, and javelin-throwing. We have already discussed
-the runner, and in a future section we shall discuss the wrestler,
-both of whom contended in these events not only in the pentathlon,
-but also in the corresponding independent competitions.</p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Jumpers.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Jumping was a well-known contest in heroic days. In Homer, however,
-it did not take place at the games of Patroklos, but only at those
-held by King Alkinoos.<a id="FNanchor_1517"></a><a href="#Footnote_1517" class="fnanchor">1517</a> Quintus Smyrnæus has the Trojan heroes
-contend in jumping,<a id="FNanchor_1518"></a><a href="#Footnote_1518" class="fnanchor">1518</a> and the contest goes back to mythology.<a id="FNanchor_1519"></a><a href="#Footnote_1519" class="fnanchor">1519</a> Though
-Plato does not mention it, Aristotle does.<a id="FNanchor_1520"></a><a href="#Footnote_1520" class="fnanchor">1520</a> Later it became an essential
-part of the pentathlon, though never an independent contest at
-the great games. It was probably considered to be the most representative
-feature of the pentathlon, perhaps because of the customary use
-of the <i>halteres</i> in the physical exercises of the gymnasium. Jumping-weights
-were, in fact, the special symbol of the pentathlon, and, as we
-saw in the preceding chapter, were often the definitive attributes
-indicated on statues of pentathletes.<a id="FNanchor_1521"></a><a href="#Footnote_1521" class="fnanchor">1521</a> We shall next discuss the
-appearance and use of such jumping-weights. Their form is often a
-sure indication of the date of a statue.</p>
-
-<p>Juethner has made a careful study of the different shapes of <i>halteres</i>
-and his conclusions have been followed, for the most part, by Gardiner.<a id="FNanchor_1522"></a><a href="#Footnote_1522" class="fnanchor">1522</a>
-The <i>halteres</i> do not appear in Homer, but were in existence at least by
-the beginning of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, and a little later they probably
-appeared on pentathlete statues. To this period belongs the lead<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_215">215</a></span>
-weight from Eleusis now in Athens, whose inscription records that it was
-dedicated by one Epainetos to commemorate his victory in jumping.<a id="FNanchor_1523"></a><a href="#Footnote_1523" class="fnanchor">1523</a>
-On vase-paintings of the sixth and fifth centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, we see numerous
-types, but two main ones. Early b.-f. vases show a semicircular piece
-of metal or stone with a deep depression on one side for a finger grip,
-the two club-like ends being equal (as in Figs. 36A and 44). In the
-early fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, a club-like type came in, which shows many
-modifications in the size and shape of the ends.<a id="FNanchor_1524"></a><a href="#Footnote_1524" class="fnanchor">1524</a> In the fifth century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, the second main type appeared, of an elongated semispherical
-form, thickest in the middle and with the ends pointed or rounded.
-These correspond with the “archaic” ones, which Pausanias saw on the
-figure of <i>Agon</i> in the dedicatory group of Mikythos at Olympia<a id="FNanchor_1525"></a><a href="#Footnote_1525" class="fnanchor">1525</a> and
-describes as forming half an elongated circle and so fastened as to let
-the fingers pass through. We have two stone examples of this type:
-one found at Corinth, now in the Polytechnic Institute in Athens,<a id="FNanchor_1526"></a><a href="#Footnote_1526" class="fnanchor">1526</a> in
-which a hole is cut behind the middle for the fingers and thumbs, and
-a more primitive single one from Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_1527"></a><a href="#Footnote_1527" class="fnanchor">1527</a> Philostratos divides the
-Greek jumping-weights into “long” and “spherical,”<a id="FNanchor_1528"></a><a href="#Footnote_1528" class="fnanchor">1528</a> which Juethner
-identifies with the two types just discussed. Gardiner, however, finds
-this impossible, since Pausanias speaks of one type as “archaic,” and he
-consequently thinks that these were no longer in use in the time of Philostratos.
-After the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> we have little evidence about
-<i>halteres</i> until Roman days, when a cylindrical type appears on Roman
-copies of Greek statues of athletes, on mosaics and wall-paintings.<a id="FNanchor_1529"></a><a href="#Footnote_1529" class="fnanchor">1529</a>
-Thus it appears on the tree-trunk in two athlete statues in Dresden<a id="FNanchor_1530"></a><a href="#Footnote_1530" class="fnanchor">1530</a> and
-the Pitti Gallery in Florence,<a id="FNanchor_1531"></a><a href="#Footnote_1531" class="fnanchor">1531</a> and on the Lateran athlete mosaic from
-Tusculum of the imperial period.<a id="FNanchor_1532"></a><a href="#Footnote_1532" class="fnanchor">1532</a> In Roman days jumping-weights
-were used for the most part in medical gymnastics, like our dumb-bells.<a id="FNanchor_1533"></a><a href="#Footnote_1533" class="fnanchor">1533</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_216">216</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Philostratos says that the jump was the most difficult part of the
-pentathlon.<a id="FNanchor_1534"></a><a href="#Footnote_1534" class="fnanchor">1534</a> It never existed as an independent competition despite its
-popularity in Greece. This popularity is attested by the frequency
-with which it is depicted on vases from the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> onward.
-Here the jumper is regularly shown with weights, and we can assume that
-many pentathlete statues were so represented, the sculptor ordinarily
-copying the kind of weight which was in use in his own age. While
-Philostratos in his day thought that the use of weights was merely to aid
-in exercise, Aristotle long before had rightly understood that the
-jumper could make a longer jump with than without them,<a id="FNanchor_1535"></a><a href="#Footnote_1535" class="fnanchor">1535</a> a fact
-easily proved by the feats of modern jumpers. While the modern
-record for the running broad jump is 25 feet 3 inches,<a id="FNanchor_1536"></a><a href="#Footnote_1536" class="fnanchor">1536</a> an English
-athlete jumped 29 feet 7 inches with the use of 5-pound weights,<a id="FNanchor_1537"></a><a href="#Footnote_1537" class="fnanchor">1537</a>
-and a German officer in full uniform jumped 23 feet from a springboard.<a id="FNanchor_1538"></a><a href="#Footnote_1538" class="fnanchor">1538</a>
-The recorded jumps of Phaÿllos at Delphi and of Chionis at
-Olympia, the former 55 feet and the latter 52, can not, however, be
-explained as ordinary broad jumps, even if we assume that the Greek
-jumper was far superior to the modern one. Such jumps would be impossible
-even with springboards or raised platforms, and we have no
-evidence that the Greeks used such devices. We might explain them
-on the theory of triple jumps<a id="FNanchor_1539"></a><a href="#Footnote_1539" class="fnanchor">1539</a>—though the difficulty of such a solution
-is very great—or simply as mistakes in the records. Thus the record of
-Phaÿllos is found in a late epigram, in which this athlete is also said
-to have thrown the diskos 105 feet.<a id="FNanchor_1540"></a><a href="#Footnote_1540" class="fnanchor">1540</a> That of Chionis is, to be sure,
-given by Africanus.<a id="FNanchor_1541"></a><a href="#Footnote_1541" class="fnanchor">1541</a> But it is more than probable that νβʹ (52) of his
-record should read κβʹ (22), since the Armenian Latin text reads <i>duos
-et viginti cubitus</i>.<a id="FNanchor_1542"></a><a href="#Footnote_1542" class="fnanchor">1542</a></p>
-
-<p>Vase-paintings tell us how the <i>halteres</i> were used.<a id="FNanchor_1543"></a><a href="#Footnote_1543" class="fnanchor">1543</a> The jumper
-swung them forward and upward until they were level with or higher
-than the head; then he brought them down, bending the body forward
-until the hands were below the knees, the jump taking place on
-the return swing. We find the preliminary swing represented most
-commonly on the vases;<a id="FNanchor_1544"></a><a href="#Footnote_1544" class="fnanchor">1544</a> we also see on them the top of the upward<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_217">217</a></span>
-swing,<a id="FNanchor_1545"></a><a href="#Footnote_1545" class="fnanchor">1545</a> the bottom of the downward swing,<a id="FNanchor_1546"></a><a href="#Footnote_1546" class="fnanchor">1546</a> the jumper in midair,<a id="FNanchor_1547"></a><a href="#Footnote_1547" class="fnanchor">1547</a>
-and the moment just before alighting.<a id="FNanchor_1548"></a><a href="#Footnote_1548" class="fnanchor">1548</a> The act of landing is seen
-on an Etruscan wall-painting from a tomb at Chiusi.<a id="FNanchor_1549"></a><a href="#Footnote_1549" class="fnanchor">1549</a> Running
-jumps are the ones most commonly depicted.<a id="FNanchor_1550"></a><a href="#Footnote_1550" class="fnanchor">1550</a></p>
-
-<p>The representation of the jump, therefore, was specially adapted to
-the vase-painter and not to the sculptor. If any movement in the
-jump could have been represented to advantage in sculpture, it would
-have been the early position in which the weights were swung forward
-and upwards. This is the one represented on an incised bronze diskos
-from Sicily now in the British Museum,<a id="FNanchor_1551"></a><a href="#Footnote_1551" class="fnanchor">1551</a> where an athlete, with his right
-leg drawn back for the spring, is holding the weights in his outstretched
-hands. A small finely modelled bronze statuette dating from the middle
-of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, in the Metropolitan Museum, New York,
-may represent a jumper either just taking off, or perhaps just finishing
-the jump.<a id="FNanchor_1552"></a><a href="#Footnote_1552" class="fnanchor">1552</a> The athlete is standing with his left foot advanced, his
-knees bent back, and his body leaning forward, and is holding both arms
-in front, the palms downwards. Such a concentrated attitude reminds
-us strongly of Myron, under whose influence this statuette must have
-been made. Some have interpreted it as the representation of a diver,
-though the hands seem to be held too far apart and the body wrongly
-poised for that position, as we see it in a statuette of a diver from Perugia.<a id="FNanchor_1553"></a><a href="#Footnote_1553" class="fnanchor">1553</a>
-More likely a jumper is intended, as the attitude is very similar
-to that depicted on several vases.<a id="FNanchor_1554"></a><a href="#Footnote_1554" class="fnanchor">1554</a> However, as the jumper has no<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_218">218</a></span>
-<i>halteres</i>, it can not represent a pentathlete, but must be an ordinary
-gymnasium athlete.</p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Diskoboloi.</span></h4>
-
-<p>The diskos-throw (δισκοβολία) goes back to mythology and heroic
-days.<a id="FNanchor_1555"></a><a href="#Footnote_1555" class="fnanchor">1555</a> In Homer, at the games of Patroklos, Achilles casts a metal
-mass called the σόλος.<a id="FNanchor_1556"></a><a href="#Footnote_1556" class="fnanchor">1556</a> This was the primitive type of diskos. Of
-such early contests and feats of strength we have a good record in the
-red-sandstone mass, weighing 143.5 kilograms (&#8239;=&#8239;315 pounds), which has
-been found at Olympia, marked with a sixth-century inscription to the
-effect that one Bybon threw it over his head.<a id="FNanchor_1557"></a><a href="#Footnote_1557" class="fnanchor">1557</a> There is nothing athletic,
-however, about the use of such a stone or of the Homeric <i>solos</i>.
-The diskos was also known to Homer.<a id="FNanchor_1558"></a><a href="#Footnote_1558" class="fnanchor">1558</a> It was of stone, and in Pindar
-the heroes Nikeus, Kastor, and Iolaos still hurl the stone diskos instead
-of the metal one of the poet’s day.<a id="FNanchor_1559"></a><a href="#Footnote_1559" class="fnanchor">1559</a> The stone diskos appears on sixth-century
-vases as a white object,<a id="FNanchor_1560"></a><a href="#Footnote_1560" class="fnanchor">1560</a> but metal ones were introduced at
-the end of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> A bronze one from Kephallenia (?) in
-the British Museum has a sixth-century inscription in the Doric dialect
-and in the alphabet of the Ionian Islands, which gives the dedication
-of Exoïdas to the Dioskouroi.<a id="FNanchor_1561"></a><a href="#Footnote_1561" class="fnanchor">1561</a> Several others have been found in
-different parts of Greece, especially at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_1562"></a><a href="#Footnote_1562" class="fnanchor">1562</a> Pausanias says
-that boys used a lighter diskos than men.<a id="FNanchor_1563"></a><a href="#Footnote_1563" class="fnanchor">1563</a></p>
-
-<p>While only unimportant monuments outside of vase-paintings illustrate
-the jump, those illustrating the diskos-throw are rich and varied,
-including not only vases, but statues, statuettes, small bronzes, reliefs,
-coins, and gems.<a id="FNanchor_1564"></a><a href="#Footnote_1564" class="fnanchor">1564</a></p>
-
-<p>In his careful attempt at reconstructing the method of casting the
-diskos, E. N. Gardiner has distinguished seven different positions,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_219">219</a></span>
-which are illustrated by the monuments.<a id="FNanchor_1565"></a><a href="#Footnote_1565" class="fnanchor">1565</a> He shows that while the
-swing of the quoit was always the same, <i>i. e.</i>, in a vertical and not
-in a horizontal arc, and the throw was invariably made from a
-position like that of Myron’s statue, the preliminary and certain
-other movements varied. It will be well, before discussing representations
-of the diskos-thrower in sculpture, very briefly to recapitulate
-his summary of positions, using the evidence which he and
-others have collected. First, the preliminary position or stance,
-with three variations: either the position of the <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>
-of the Vatican (Pl. <a href="#p6">6</a>), which occurs in bronzes, but not on vases;
-or the position in which the diskobolos raises the quoit with the left
-hand level with the shoulder, which occurs on vase-paintings;<a id="FNanchor_1566"></a><a href="#Footnote_1566" class="fnanchor">1566</a> or that
-in which the diskos is held outwards in both hands level with the waist.<a id="FNanchor_1567"></a><a href="#Footnote_1567" class="fnanchor">1567</a>
-From any of these stance positions, either with or without change
-of feet, we reach the second position, in which the diskos is raised in
-both hands and extended either horizontally to the front and level
-with the head,<a id="FNanchor_1568"></a><a href="#Footnote_1568" class="fnanchor">1568</a> or held above the head.<a id="FNanchor_1569"></a><a href="#Footnote_1569" class="fnanchor">1569</a> Thirdly the diskos is swung
-downwards and rests upon the right forearm, with either foot forward.<a id="FNanchor_1570"></a><a href="#Footnote_1570" class="fnanchor">1570</a>
-This position leads up to that of Myron’s statue, in which the diskos is
-swung as far back as possible (Pls. 22, 23, and Figs. 34, 35).<a id="FNanchor_1571"></a><a href="#Footnote_1571" class="fnanchor">1571</a> The fifth<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_220">220</a></span>
-position is the beginning of the forward swing, when the body is straightened.<a id="FNanchor_1572"></a><a href="#Footnote_1572" class="fnanchor">1572</a>
-As the diskos swings downwards and the left foot advances,
-the sixth position is reached.<a id="FNanchor_1573"></a><a href="#Footnote_1573" class="fnanchor">1573</a> Lastly the right foot is advanced after
-the diskos is cast.<a id="FNanchor_1574"></a><a href="#Footnote_1574" class="fnanchor">1574</a></p>
-
-<p>A victor statue of a diskobolos
-might conceivably have taken
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f46"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p220.jpg" width="250" height="445" alt="Bronze Statuette of a Diskobolos." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 46.</span>—Bronze Statuette of a <i>Diskobolos</i>.
-Metropolitan Museum, New York.</span></span>
-any one of these seven positions.
-We have already considered the
-two statues, the <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>
-of Naukydes in the Vatican
-(Pl. <a href="#p6">6</a>) and that of Myron
-(Pls. 22, 23, and Figs. 34, 35),
-the two most important works
-in sculpture to illustrate positions
-of the throw. The statue
-of Naukydes is not taking aim,
-as Juethner maintains, nor looking
-down the course. The head
-is inclined a little to the right and
-downwards, and the eyes are directed
-to the ground only a short
-distance away, thus measuring
-the distance the left foot is to
-be advanced, when the diskos
-is finally swung forward for the
-cast, which takes place off the
-left and not off the right foot.
-The right forearm is rightly
-restored, as it thus appears
-on bronzes which imitate this
-stance.<a id="FNanchor_1575"></a><a href="#Footnote_1575" class="fnanchor">1575</a>
-A different stance is
-shown in a fine bronze statuette
-in the Metropolitan Museum
-(Fig. <a href="#f46">46</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1576"></a><a href="#Footnote_1576" class="fnanchor">1576</a> dating from about<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_221">221</a></span>
-480 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> This little masterpiece of the transition period of Attic
-art, still disclosing archaic traits, represents a diskobolos standing
-firmly on both legs, the right being slightly advanced, and holding
-with the left hand the diskos level with the head. That he is preparing
-for intense action is seen by the way in which the toes catch
-the ground. Though the right arm is broken off from below the
-shoulder, we can infer from vase-paintings which show diskoboloi in
-the same position<a id="FNanchor_1577"></a><a href="#Footnote_1577" class="fnanchor">1577</a> that it was lowered and bent at the elbow and
-the hand left open. From this position the diskos will be raised
-high above the head with both hands, as in a bronze in Athens,<a id="FNanchor_1578"></a><a href="#Footnote_1578" class="fnanchor">1578</a>
-which illustrates Gardiner’s second position.</p>
-
-<p>The movement is carried a little further—showing the moment
-of transition to the downward swing or third position—in a fifth-century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> bronze in the British Museum.<a id="FNanchor_1579"></a><a href="#Footnote_1579" class="fnanchor">1579</a> Here a nude, beardless
-athlete is represented standing with the right foot advanced and holding
-the diskos in both hands before him above the head. The right hand
-grasps the quoit underneath and the left at the top.<a id="FNanchor_1580"></a><a href="#Footnote_1580" class="fnanchor">1580</a> The third position
-is well illustrated by the tiny archaic bronze on the cover of a lebes
-in the British Museum,<a id="FNanchor_1581"></a><a href="#Footnote_1581" class="fnanchor">1581</a> which represents a nude and beardless youth
-standing with the left foot advanced and with the left hand raised,
-while the right holds the diskos. Almost the same pose is also seen in
-a small bronze in the Antiquarium, Berlin.<a id="FNanchor_1582"></a><a href="#Footnote_1582" class="fnanchor">1582</a></p>
-
-<p>Two archaic statuettes from the Akropolis, now in the National
-Museum in Athens, and recently published, should be mentioned in this
-connection.<a id="FNanchor_1583"></a><a href="#Footnote_1583" class="fnanchor">1583</a> The more archaic of these represents a youth in an attitude
-which has been misunderstood. De Ridder interpreted it as a
-dancing man, while Staïs thought it represented a youth walking along
-with his left hand raised as if to ward off a blow. White, however,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_222">222</a></span>
-showed that it (like another less perfect example from the Akropolis,
-no. 6594) represents a diskobolos standing with the right foot advanced
-and holding the diskos in front of the body with the right hand, resting
-it against the flat of the forearm, while the left arm is raised above the
-head. Thus it is another example illustrating the initial stage of Gardiner’s
-third position. The other statuette, wrongly mounted, should,
-according to White, be made to lean further forward; the knees are
-bent, the body swung forward from the hips, the head thrown back and
-upward, the right arm stretched forth with the flat of the forearm uppermost
-and the left similarly placed. Gardiner and Staïs interpreted this
-figure as a charioteer, and de Ridder as either a jumper, who has raised
-his <i>halteres</i> preparatory to the leap, or a diskobolos. White has shown
-that the position of the right arm proves it to be a diskobolos, represented
-in a movement between Gardiner’s third and fourth positions, just prior
-to that of Myron’s statue. De Ridder believed both statues to be Aeginetan,
-but no. 6614, when compared with Myron’s statue, is certainly Attic,
-and resemblances in the treatment of the hair, eyes, and mouth show
-that both statuettes are of the same school. It has often been said that
-Myron’s great statue had no predecessor, as it certainly had no successor.
-Its fame was enhanced by the assumption that Myron passed at
-one stride from such statues as the <i>Tyrannicides</i> to that complex work.
-Such works, however, as these statuettes—especially no. 6614—show
-that the preliminary problems had been solved on a humble scale before
-Myron undertook his consummate work. Here, then, we have works by
-artists who belonged to the very movement which produced Myron.</p>
-
-<p>For the last three positions analyzed by Gardiner (nos. 5, 6, 7) our
-only illustrations appear to be vase-paintings.</p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Akontistai.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Javelin-throwing (ἀκοντίζειν, ἀκοντισμός) was very old and was universal
-in Greece, its origin being traced back to mythology.<a id="FNanchor_1584"></a><a href="#Footnote_1584" class="fnanchor">1584</a> Stassoff
-tried to trace it to Oriental sources,<a id="FNanchor_1585"></a><a href="#Footnote_1585" class="fnanchor">1585</a> but inasmuch as no such contest
-is shown on the monuments of Egypt or Assyria, Juethner is probably
-right in assuming that it was Greek in origin. In Homer it was a separate
-contest at the games of Patroklos.<a id="FNanchor_1586"></a><a href="#Footnote_1586" class="fnanchor">1586</a> Juethner has distinguished
-two types of javelin-throwing in the historical period: one in which the
-spear or akontion was pointed more or less upwards,<a id="FNanchor_1587"></a><a href="#Footnote_1587" class="fnanchor">1587</a> the other in which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_223">223</a></span>
-it was held horizontally.<a id="FNanchor_1588"></a><a href="#Footnote_1588" class="fnanchor">1588</a> Only the former type is represented in
-illustrations of purely athletic competitions, the latter type referring to
-illustrations of the practical use of javelin-throwing, <i>i. e.</i>, in war or
-in the chase. Vase-paintings of palæstra scenes almost invariably
-show javelins with blunt points; the throwers’ heads are frequently
-turned back before the throw, and there is no sign of any target. On
-vase-paintings, however, which represent practical javelin-throwing
-from horseback, the javelins are pointed. This proves that in athletic
-contests the throw was for distance and not at a mark.<a id="FNanchor_1589"></a><a href="#Footnote_1589" class="fnanchor">1589</a> The javelin
-used in Greek games had several names, ἄκων, ἀκόντιον, etc.<a id="FNanchor_1590"></a><a href="#Footnote_1590" class="fnanchor">1590</a> It was
-about the height of a man, as we know from its appearance on a Spartan
-relief,<a id="FNanchor_1591"></a><a href="#Footnote_1591" class="fnanchor">1591</a> and from many vase-paintings representing palæstra scenes
-(Fig. <a href="#f44">44</a>). It was thrown by means of a thong (ἀγκύλη, Lat. <i>amentum</i>),
-which was fastened near the centre and consisted of a detachable
-leathern strip from 12 to 18 inches long. This was bound tight, with
-a loop left, into which the thrower inserted his first and middle fingers.<a id="FNanchor_1592"></a><a href="#Footnote_1592" class="fnanchor">1592</a>
-The method of casting is seen on many vases.<a id="FNanchor_1593"></a><a href="#Footnote_1593" class="fnanchor">1593</a> Gardiner has analyzed
-three different positions from vase-paintings. Usually the throw was
-made with a short run, though standing throws are also pictured.<a id="FNanchor_1594"></a><a href="#Footnote_1594" class="fnanchor">1594</a>
-First the thrower extends the right arm back to its full length and, with
-the left hand opposite the right breast, holds the end of the spear and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_224">224</a></span>
-pushes it back, holding it downwards or horizontally.<a id="FNanchor_1595"></a><a href="#Footnote_1595" class="fnanchor">1595</a> Next he starts
-to run, turning his body sidewise and extending his left arm to the
-front. On a r.-f. Munich kylix<a id="FNanchor_1596"></a><a href="#Footnote_1596" class="fnanchor">1596</a> we see the first and second positions.
-The youth on the left is steadying the javelin with the left hand, while
-the one on the right has just let it go. A further turn of the body to
-the right takes place and the right knee is bent, while the right shoulder
-is dropped and the hand is turned outwards.<a id="FNanchor_1597"></a><a href="#Footnote_1597" class="fnanchor">1597</a> The actual cast is very
-uncommon on vase-paintings, because of difficulty in representing it.<a id="FNanchor_1598"></a><a href="#Footnote_1598" class="fnanchor">1598</a></p>
-
-<p>Because of the assumed lack of sculptural monuments, Reisch<a id="FNanchor_1599"></a><a href="#Footnote_1599" class="fnanchor">1599</a> and
-<span class="figleft250"><a id="f47"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p224.jpg" width="250" height="308" alt="Bust of the Doryphoros." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 47.</span>—Bust of the <i>Doryphoros</i>,
-after Polykleitos, by Apollonios.
-Museum of Naples.</span></span>
-others have wrongly doubted
-whether javelin-throwers were
-represented in sculpture as victors.
-There certainly is no a priori reason
-why athletic sculptors might not
-have made statues in any one of
-the three poses which Gardiner
-has distinguished on vase-paintings,
-even if this contest, like
-jumping, was better adapted to
-the painter than to the sculptor.
-Furthermore, we shall attempt to
-show that such monuments actually
-did exist.</p>
-
-<p>The best example of such a javelin-thrower
-seems to be the <i>Doryphoros</i>,
-the most famous statue of
-Polykleitos, in which he illustrated
-his canon of athletic forms. The
-<i>Doryphoros</i> exists in many copies,
-all of which agree fairly well in
-style and proportions. K. Friedrichs,
-in his monograph <i>Der Doryphoros des Polyklets</i>, which appeared
-in 1863,<a id="FNanchor_1600"></a><a href="#Footnote_1600" class="fnanchor">1600</a>
-was the first to show that the statue found in 1797 in the
-Palaistra at Pompeii, and now in the Naples Museum (Pl. <a href="#p4">4</a>), was
-a copy of the original bronze, as it shows all the peculiarities of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_225">225</a></span>
-master’s style known to us from tradition.<a id="FNanchor_1601"></a><a href="#Footnote_1601" class="fnanchor">1601</a> Mahler enumerates
-7 statues, 17 torsos, and 36 heads copied from the original, and the fine,
-but expressionless, Augustan bronze bust from the villa of the Pisos,
-Herculaneum, inscribed as the work of the sculptor Apollonios, son
-of Archios, of Athens, which is now in Naples (Fig. <a href="#f47">47</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1602"></a><a href="#Footnote_1602" class="fnanchor">1602</a> The best-preserved
-<span class="figleft250"><a id="f48"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p225.jpg" width="250" height="517" alt="Statue of the Doryphoros." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 48.</span>—Statue of the <i>Doryphoros</i>,
-after Polykleitos.
-Vatican Museum, Rome.</span></span>
-copy of the statue, the one in
-Naples, is surpassed in workmanship by
-the green basalt torso in the Uffizi Gallery
-in Florence<a id="FNanchor_1603"></a><a href="#Footnote_1603" class="fnanchor">1603</a> and by the marble one
-formerly in the possession of Count Pourtalès
-in Berlin.<a id="FNanchor_1604"></a><a href="#Footnote_1604" class="fnanchor">1604</a> A poorer copy is to be
-found in the Braccio Nuovo of the Vatican
-(Fig. <a href="#f48">48</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1605"></a><a href="#Footnote_1605" class="fnanchor">1605</a> In these copies we see a
-thick-set youth standing with the weight
-of the body on the right leg, the left one
-thrown back and touching the ground
-only with the toes, seemingly ready to
-advance, though the shoulders do not
-partake of the walking action. He is
-represented, therefore, at the moment
-of transition from walking to a rest
-position—in other words in a purely
-theoretical pose—at rest, indeed, but
-just ready again to advance.<a id="FNanchor_1606"></a><a href="#Footnote_1606" class="fnanchor">1606</a> His left
-hand held a short <i>akontion</i> over the
-shoulder and not the long spear (δόρυ),
-whence the name <i>Doryphoros</i> or spear-bearer
-is derived.<a id="FNanchor_1607"></a><a href="#Footnote_1607" class="fnanchor">1607</a> The head is turned
-to the same side as the advanced foot,
-which perhaps is an example of the
-monotony in the work of the master
-complained of by ancient critics; variety
-would have been attained by turning it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_226">226</a></span>
-in the opposite direction. In the carefully worked bronze original, which,
-however, must have had an insignificant intellectual aspect, the apparently
-simple problem—hitherto vainly attempted in Greek art—of representing
-a man standing almost motionless, but full of life, was for the
-first time solved. It is a long way from the motionless figures known
-as “Apollos,” with their arms glued to the sides and their legs close
-together, to this vigorous athlete. As we have already indicated,
-Greek art developed the first step beyond the “Apollos” by further
-advancing one leg of a statue and, it may be, extending one forearm
-horizontally. The next step was to place one foot slightly sidewise
-and thus relieve it of the weight of the body—the well-known scheme
-of the “free” and “rest” leg. At first the relaxation was slight, the
-“free” leg not being intended to move forward, nor the parts of the body
-to be much shifted. Polykleitos’ innovation consisted in having the
-legs so placed, one behind the other, that the figure, while apparently
-resting on one,<a id="FNanchor_1608"></a><a href="#Footnote_1608" class="fnanchor">1608</a> seemed to be advancing. On the ground of the
-familiar passage in Pliny cited, it has been generally assumed that Polykleitos
-introduced the walking motive into sculpture. However, this
-motive was probably the invention of the earlier Argive school, borrowed
-by Polykleitos for his canon, as seen in the statue of the so-called
-<i>Munich King</i> (<i>Zeus</i>?), of the Glyptothek, which Furtwaengler has
-shown to be a work of about 460 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1609"></a><a href="#Footnote_1609" class="fnanchor">1609</a></p>
-
-<p>Does the <i>Doryphoros</i> represent a pentathlete victor? Since Quintilian
-says that it appears ready for war or for the exercises of the palæstra,<a id="FNanchor_1610"></a><a href="#Footnote_1610" class="fnanchor">1610</a>
-Helbig and others have classed it as a warrior, perhaps one of the <i>Achilleae</i>
-mentioned by Pliny<a id="FNanchor_1611"></a><a href="#Footnote_1611" class="fnanchor">1611</a> as set up in the Greek gymnasia. Furtwaengler
-stressed the incorrectness of calling an athlete a <i>Doryphoros</i><a id="FNanchor_1612"></a><a href="#Footnote_1612" class="fnanchor">1612</a>—a
-name originally given to an attendant bearing a lance (δόρυ), and
-so inapplicable to the statue of Polykleitos, which represented not a
-server, but an athlete carrying an akontion (witness the Berlin gem
-already mentioned)—but later<a id="FNanchor_1613"></a><a href="#Footnote_1613" class="fnanchor">1613</a> concluded that an athlete statue with
-the akontion might have been vaguely described in late art jargon as a
-spear-bearer. Consequently he found probable the interpretation of the
-various <i>doryphoroi</i> mentioned by Pliny<a id="FNanchor_1614"></a><a href="#Footnote_1614" class="fnanchor">1614</a> as victor statues, and thought
-that the original of the <i>Doryphoros</i> of Polykleitos might very well<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_227">227</a></span>
-have represented an Olympic pentathlete, which was originally set up
-at Argos, where it was also adopted for a figure on the heroic grave-relief
-already mentioned, which represented the youth with a spear over
-his shoulder standing beside a horse. Bulle also thinks that the statue
-represented a victor athlete set up in some sacred spot.</p>
-
-<p>For its interpretation as the statue of a pentathlete victor, an added
-proof is furnished by the discovery of a late Roman copy of it at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_1615"></a><a href="#Footnote_1615" class="fnanchor">1615</a>
-This may very well have been the dedication of an athlete of
-late date—of the first century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> or of the first <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>—who preferred
-to be represented by a copy of the famous work of Polykleitos rather
-than by a new statue. Treu’s contention that the torso is too large for
-a victor statue,<a id="FNanchor_1616"></a><a href="#Footnote_1616" class="fnanchor">1616</a> because Lucian says that the Hellanodikai did not allow
-statues of victors to be over life-size,<a id="FNanchor_1617"></a><a href="#Footnote_1617" class="fnanchor">1617</a> falls to the ground, since we know
-that exceptions to the rule existed at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_1618"></a><a href="#Footnote_1618" class="fnanchor">1618</a> He agrees with Collignon<a id="FNanchor_1619"></a><a href="#Footnote_1619" class="fnanchor">1619</a>
-in interpreting it as a decorative statue, which surely involves
-an anachronism in the middle of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>; and his argument
-that its good preservation shows it to have been set up in an interior
-room, perhaps of the Bouleuterion, in whose ruins it was found, adducing
-this as additional evidence of its decorative character, is no proof,
-since victor statues at Olympia seem sometimes to have been housed.<a id="FNanchor_1620"></a><a href="#Footnote_1620" class="fnanchor">1620</a>
-Thus the theory that the <i>Doryphoros</i> represents a pentathlete victor
-is well within the range of possibilities.</p>
-
-<p>Two bronze statuettes in the Metropolitan Museum,<a id="FNanchor_1621"></a><a href="#Footnote_1621" class="fnanchor">1621</a> New York,
-belonging to the second half of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, may be representations
-on a small scale of pentathletes with the <i>akontion</i>. The first
-shows a youth standing with the weight of the body on the left foot, the
-right drawn slightly back. The left hand, held close to the side, may
-have carried an akontion, the right arm being extended. The other,
-more carelessly executed, represents a youth standing similarly with his
-weight on the left foot, the right being drawn back. Here again the
-left arm is hanging by the side, and probably held the same attribute as
-the first statuette. The right arm is also bent at the elbow. A patera
-may have been held in the outstretched hand of each. The square<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_228">228</a></span>
-build, short thighs, flat abdomen, long skull, and oval face are all
-Polykleitan characteristics, and remind us of the series of kindred
-works already discussed, which, as Furtwaengler believed, went back to
-the original statue of the boy wrestler Xenokles at Olympia, the work
-of the younger Polykleitos.<a id="FNanchor_1622"></a><a href="#Footnote_1622" class="fnanchor">1622</a></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Wrestlers.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Wrestling (πάλη) is perhaps the oldest, and in any case is the most
-universal, of athletic sports. Wall-paintings at Beni-Hasan on the Nile,
-dating from about 2000 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, show nearly all the grips and throws now
-known.<a id="FNanchor_1623"></a><a href="#Footnote_1623" class="fnanchor">1623</a> Plato says that this sport was instituted in mythical times.<a id="FNanchor_1624"></a><a href="#Footnote_1624" class="fnanchor">1624</a>
-In Greece its origin is lost in mythology.<a id="FNanchor_1625"></a><a href="#Footnote_1625" class="fnanchor">1625</a> The very name <i>palaistra</i>,
-“wrestling school,” indicates the early importance of the contest.
-It was one of the most popular of Greek sports from the time of Homer
-down.<a id="FNanchor_1626"></a><a href="#Footnote_1626" class="fnanchor">1626</a> This popularity is shown by the frequency with which
-it appears in mythology and art. Early b.-f. vases picture Herakles
-wrestling with giants and monsters. Here we see the same holds
-and throws as in the palæstra scenes on later r.-f. vases. The whole
-history of coins down to imperial days shows such scenes. No other
-exercise required so much strength and agility, and consequently wrestling
-matches early became a part of the great games. At Olympia
-wrestling was introduced in Ol. 18 (&#8239;=&#8239;708 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), the same year in which
-the pentathlon was instituted.<a id="FNanchor_1627"></a><a href="#Footnote_1627" class="fnanchor">1627</a> The boys’ match appeared there less
-than a century later in Ol. 37 (&#8239;=&#8239;632 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1628"></a><a href="#Footnote_1628" class="fnanchor">1628</a> Pausanias mentions
-statues erected to 36 victors (for 45 victories), which makes this contest
-second only in importance to boxing there.</p>
-
-<p>There were two sorts of wrestling in Greece, wrestling in the proper
-sense (ὀρθὴ πάλη), where each tried to throw his antagonist to the
-ground, making his shoulders touch three times, and ground wrestling<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_229">229</a></span>
-(κύλισις, ἁλίνδησις), where the fight was continued on the ground by
-using every means, except biting and gouging, till one was exhausted.
-The first kind was the only one used in the event called πάλη at Olympia,
-as well as in the pentathlon; the other was used only in the pankration.
-In this section we shall discuss only the first.<a id="FNanchor_1629"></a><a href="#Footnote_1629" class="fnanchor">1629</a> A recently
-discovered papyrus of the second century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>, containing brief
-instructions for wrestling lessons intended to help the παιδοτρίβης, indicates
-that every movement in the contest was systematically taught.<a id="FNanchor_1630"></a><a href="#Footnote_1630" class="fnanchor">1630</a>
-The various positions used—grips and throws—are shown by many
-monuments, vase-paintings, gems, coins,<a id="FNanchor_1631"></a><a href="#Footnote_1631" class="fnanchor">1631</a> statuettes, and statues. The
-vases<a id="FNanchor_1632"></a><a href="#Footnote_1632" class="fnanchor">1632</a> especially illustrate the various holds assumed by wrestlers
-during a bout—front (σύστασις), side (παράθεσις), wrist, arm, neck
-(τραχηλίζειν), and body holds. Still others illustrate the various
-throws—flying mare,<a id="FNanchor_1633"></a><a href="#Footnote_1633" class="fnanchor">1633</a> heave,<a id="FNanchor_1634"></a><a href="#Footnote_1634" class="fnanchor">1634</a> buttocks and cross-buttocks (ἕδραν
-στρέφειν), and tripping (ὑποσκελίζειν). We here reproduce two such
-paintings. The first, the obverse of a r.-f. amphora from Vulci, signed
-by Andokides and now in Berlin (Fig. <a href="#f49">49</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1635"></a><a href="#Footnote_1635" class="fnanchor">1635</a> shows two positions. In
-the central group the wrestler on the left side has grasped his opponent’s
-left wrist with his right hand. The latter, however, has rendered
-the grip useless by passing his own right hand behind his
-opponent’s back and grasping his right arm just below the elbow.
-In this way he keeps his opponent from turning round, which movement
-would not have been possible if the latter had grasped him
-by the upper arm. In the group of wrestlers to the right we see an
-illustration of a body hold. Here a youthful athlete has lifted his
-bearded antagonist clear off his feet preliminary to throwing him.
-However, the one lifted from the ground has caught his foot around his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_230">230</a></span>
-opponent’s leg, which is an illustration of tripping. On a r.-f. kylix
-in the University of Pennsylvania Museum in Philadelphia (Fig. <a href="#f50">50</a>a),<a id="FNanchor_1636"></a><a href="#Footnote_1636" class="fnanchor">1636</a>
-we see a body hold preparatory to the heave; here to the right are two
-youths wrestling, and to the left stands a bearded trainer with his rod.
-One wrestler has already lost his balance and is supporting himself
-with both hands on the ground, while the other with his left hand holds
-the other’s right arm down, and with his right prepares to throw him
-over his head.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><a id="f49"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p230.jpg" width="500" height="313" alt="" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 49.</span>—Wrestling Scenes. From Obverse of an Amphora, by Andokides.
-Museum of Berlin.</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><a id="f50"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p231.jpg" width="500" height="235" alt="" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 50.</span>—Wrestling and Boxing Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix.
-University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia.</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a id="f51"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p232.jpg" width="500" height="359" alt="" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 51.</span>—Bronze Statues of Wrestlers. Museum of Naples.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>From vase-paintings, then, we can see what positions the sculptor
-might have used in representing groups of wrestlers. For the positions
-of individual figures of wrestlers, we are guided by several
-statues and small bronzes. The preliminary position (σύστασις)
-seems to be best represented by the bronze statues of wrestling
-boys discovered at Herculaneum in 1754, and now in the Museum of
-Naples (Fig. <a href="#f51">51</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1637"></a><a href="#Footnote_1637" class="fnanchor">1637</a> These figures have been variously interpreted as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_231">231</a></span>
-runners,<a id="FNanchor_1638"></a><a href="#Footnote_1638" class="fnanchor">1638</a> diskoboloi,<a id="FNanchor_1639"></a><a href="#Footnote_1639" class="fnanchor">1639</a> and wrestlers. Their attitude, bent forward
-with outstretched hands, implies the utmost expectancy. If they
-were runners, they would lean further forward; as they are standing,
-they could not begin to run without loss of time in raising the heels of
-the forward feet. If, on the other hand, they represented diskos-throwers
-at the moment just subsequent to the throw, their right
-feet would be advanced and not their left, in order to recover their
-balance, as we have seen above in considering Gardiner’s seventh
-position. The position of their arms, however, and the expression
-of their faces make it almost certain that they are wrestlers eagerly
-watching for an opening. The two statues certainly belong together,
-and may have been set up as antagonists in the villa in whose ruins they
-were found. F. Hauser was the first to show that the form of body
-and head in both was the same.<a id="FNanchor_1640"></a><a href="#Footnote_1640" class="fnanchor">1640</a> While most critics believe that they
-are Hellenistic in origin, Bulle is certainly right in showing that the body
-ideal expressed is Lysippan—<i>i. e.</i>, long legs and slender trunk—even
-if he goes too far in ascribing them to the master himself, basing his
-conclusion chiefly on the similarity of their ears with those of the
-<i>Apoxyomenos</i> (Pl. <a href="#p29">29</a>). A good illustration of a hand or wrist grip
-is afforded by a small wrestler group, which decorates the rim of a
-bronze bowl from Borsdorf.<a id="FNanchor_1641"></a><a href="#Footnote_1641" class="fnanchor">1641</a> This is a poorly wrought Etruscan work of
-fifth-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Greek origin. The two wrestlers have already gripped<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_232">232</a></span>
-and their heads are close together, though the lunge in each case is much
-exaggerated. Similar are the two groups on the rim of a bronze bowl
-in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.<a id="FNanchor_1642"></a><a href="#Footnote_1642" class="fnanchor">1642</a> A third-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Etruscan
-cista in the Metropolitan Museum,<a id="FNanchor_1643"></a><a href="#Footnote_1643" class="fnanchor">1643</a> has a handle on the lid in the form
-of two nude wrestlers, whose bodies are inclined toward one another,
-their heads in contact, and their arms locked behind their heads.
-Groups of wrestlers in similar attitudes commonly appear as cista handles.<a id="FNanchor_1644"></a><a href="#Footnote_1644" class="fnanchor">1644</a>
-A portion of a bronze group of wrestlers was dredged from the
-sea near Kythera and is now in Athens.<a id="FNanchor_1645"></a><a href="#Footnote_1645" class="fnanchor">1645</a> The heave is represented
-by a metope from the Theseion representing the wrestling bout
-between Theseus and Kerkyon.<a id="FNanchor_1646"></a><a href="#Footnote_1646" class="fnanchor">1646</a> A later moment is seen in a bronze
-wrestling-group in Paris.<a id="FNanchor_1647"></a><a href="#Footnote_1647" class="fnanchor">1647</a> The cross-buttocks is illustrated by a small
-Hellenistic bronze group in the collection of James Loeb in Munich, of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_233">233</a></span>
-which five other copies are known.<a id="FNanchor_1648"></a><a href="#Footnote_1648" class="fnanchor">1648</a> Here two athletes, one bearded
-and the other beardless, are just ending the bout. The youth is in the
-power of the man, who stands behind him and presses him down by
-holding his arms backward. All the other replicas differ from the Loeb
-example in that the victor has both legs and not one in front of the right
-leg of the vanquished wrestler. A good illustration of tripping is seen
-in another related series of groups known to us in five bronze copies.
-These represent a wrestler on the ground supporting himself on his
-left arm, while over him stands the victor, whose left foot is twisted
-around the other’s right. These groups are, like the preceding, also
-Roman provincial copies of a Hellenistic original.<a id="FNanchor_1649"></a><a href="#Footnote_1649" class="fnanchor">1649</a> The two groups
-are very similar, the only real difference being that the vanquished
-wrestler in the second series still has his left arm free and holds himself
-up on his right knee. Both series seem to have been influenced
-by the marble pancratiast group in the Uffizi (Pl. <a href="#p25">25</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1650"></a><a href="#Footnote_1650" class="fnanchor">1650</a> The head of
-an athlete in the Museo delle Terme, Rome,<a id="FNanchor_1651"></a><a href="#Footnote_1651" class="fnanchor">1651</a> shows by its strongly
-projecting neck that it comes from the statue either of a runner ready
-to start or of a wrestler about to grip his adversary. The face is fourth-century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Attic in character and the head may, therefore, come from
-Euphranor’s circle. Pliny speaks of a panting wrestler (<i>luctator anhelans</i>)
-by the statuary Naukeros, which must have exhibited the contestant
-in intense movement.<a id="FNanchor_1652"></a><a href="#Footnote_1652" class="fnanchor">1652</a> It might have represented him after
-victory, as in the painting of Parrhasios discussed above, which
-pictured a hoplitodrome after the race, breathing hard.<a id="FNanchor_1653"></a><a href="#Footnote_1653" class="fnanchor">1653</a> Pliny also
-mentions a painting of a wrestler by Antidotos without describing it.<a id="FNanchor_1654"></a><a href="#Footnote_1654" class="fnanchor">1654</a>
-As we have already remarked, doubtless some of the <i>apoxyomenoi</i>
-and <i>perixyomenoi</i> mentioned by Pliny were also wrestlers.</p>
-
-<p>Whether wrestling-groups were set up at Olympia is doubtful. Chariot-groups
-were indeed common, but there is no reason why the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_234">234</a></span>
-victorious wrestler should have had himself coupled with his defeated
-opponent. Pausanias, moreover, mentions no such groups. We are
-therefore safe in inferring that in most, if not in all, cases the wrestler
-would content himself with a single statue, and this might represent
-him in any position in which he was not actually interlocked with his
-adversary. That such statues represented him both in repose and in
-motion is attested by recovered bases. The footprints on the base of the
-statue of the Elean wrestler Paianios, a victor of the early third century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,<a id="FNanchor_1655"></a><a href="#Footnote_1655" class="fnanchor">1655</a> shows us that he was represented as standing in repose, the weight
-of the body resting on the right leg, the left being drawn back and touching
-the ground with the toes only. A hole in the base may have been
-for a spear on which the victor’s hand rested, though the statue is not
-that of a pentathlete. The perfectly preserved footprints on the base
-of the statue of the boy wrestler Xenokles by Polykleitos the Younger
-show that he was represented as standing with his weight on the right
-leg, the left being slightly advanced and to one side, though resting
-flat on the ground. The head was probably turned a little to the right.
-Thus the wrestler was poised ready to grip his adversary.<a id="FNanchor_1656"></a><a href="#Footnote_1656" class="fnanchor">1656</a> This statue
-must have been a favorite among athlete monuments, since the same
-motive appears in various Roman copies, which Furtwaengler assigns
-to the immediate circle of the pupils of Polykleitos. The statue of
-the Argive wrestler Cheimon by Naukydes may have represented him
-in motion, since Pausanias, in mentioning two statues of the victor,
-one in Olympia and the other in the temple of Concord at Rome, says
-that they were among the most famous works of that sculptor. From
-this encomium Reisch has assumed that the one at Olympia was
-represented in lively motion.<a id="FNanchor_1657"></a><a href="#Footnote_1657" class="fnanchor">1657</a></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Boxers.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Boxing, like wrestling, was one of the oldest sports in Greece, as it
-has been everywhere else. The fist is the simplest and most natural
-of all weapons.<a id="FNanchor_1658"></a><a href="#Footnote_1658" class="fnanchor">1658</a> Boxing was popular already in Homer, matches being
-described both in the Iliad and the Odyssey.<a id="FNanchor_1659"></a><a href="#Footnote_1659" class="fnanchor">1659</a> Homer speaks of it as
-πυγμαχίη ἀλεγεινή,<a id="FNanchor_1660"></a><a href="#Footnote_1660" class="fnanchor">1660</a> and this “painful” character is also mentioned by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_235">235</a></span>
-Xenophanes.<a id="FNanchor_1661"></a><a href="#Footnote_1661" class="fnanchor">1661</a> However, boxing was far older than epic poetry. We have
-already seen that it was the only form of real athletics in Aegean Crete.
-One of the oldest representations of a boxing match is seen on the fragments
-of a bronze shield discovered there in the grotto of Zeus on
-Mount Ida. Here on a single concentric ring are seen two warriors,
-armed like Assyrians with corslets, shields, and helmets, fighting with
-doubled fists.<a id="FNanchor_1662"></a><a href="#Footnote_1662" class="fnanchor">1662</a> The high antiquity of boxing in Greece is also shown
-by myths.<a id="FNanchor_1663"></a><a href="#Footnote_1663" class="fnanchor">1663</a> At Olympia Apollo is said to have beaten Ares,<a id="FNanchor_1664"></a><a href="#Footnote_1664" class="fnanchor">1664</a> and Polydeukes
-won a victory there.<a id="FNanchor_1665"></a><a href="#Footnote_1665" class="fnanchor">1665</a> Apollo appears as the god of boxing in the
-Iliad,<a id="FNanchor_1666"></a><a href="#Footnote_1666" class="fnanchor">1666</a> and the Delphians sacrificed to Apollo Πύκτης.<a id="FNanchor_1667"></a><a href="#Footnote_1667" class="fnanchor">1667</a> Herakles,
-Polydeukes, Tydeus, and Theseus were all famed boxers; the latter
-was said to have invented the art.<a id="FNanchor_1668"></a><a href="#Footnote_1668" class="fnanchor">1668</a> The historical boxing match
-was introduced at Olympia in Ol. 23 (&#8239;=&#8239;688 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), and Onomastos of
-Smyrna, the first victor, instituted the rules of the contest.<a id="FNanchor_1669"></a><a href="#Footnote_1669" class="fnanchor">1669</a> The
-boys’ contest was instituted in Ol. 41 (&#8239;=&#8239;616 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1670"></a><a href="#Footnote_1670" class="fnanchor">1670</a> It was by far the
-most popular contest there. Of the 192 monuments erected to 187
-victors mentioned by Pausanias, 56, or nearly one-third, were erected
-to men and boy boxers for 63 victories.</p>
-
-<p>Greek boxing<a id="FNanchor_1671"></a><a href="#Footnote_1671" class="fnanchor">1671</a> is conveniently divided into two periods by the kind
-of glove used in the matches. From Homer down to the end of the
-fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, soft gloves (ἱμάντες, ἱμάντες λεπτοί or μειλίχαι) were
-used; from then to late Roman days the heavy gloves (σφαῖραι or ἱμάντες
-ὀξεῖς) were the fashion. The weighted Roman cestus was not used
-in the Greek contest. Before discussing representations of boxers
-in art, we shall devote a few words to these two kinds of boxing-gloves,
-which frequently give us the date of a given monument.<a id="FNanchor_1672"></a><a href="#Footnote_1672" class="fnanchor">1672</a> The Cretans
-are thought to have worn boxing-gloves, as they seem to be visible
-on the so-called <i>Boxer Vase</i> from Hagia Triada (Fig. <a href="#f1">1</a>). Here, on the
-top and lower two rows, a leather gauntlet appears to cover the arm to
-beyond the elbow, being padded over the fist and confined at the wrist
-by a strap. Mosso derives the later Greek glove, which appears on
-athlete statues, from this primitive thong.<a id="FNanchor_1673"></a><a href="#Footnote_1673" class="fnanchor">1673</a> In any case the antiquity<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_236">236</a></span>
-of the glove in Greece is attested by its origin being ascribed to the
-myth of Amykos, king of the Bebrykes.<a id="FNanchor_1674"></a><a href="#Footnote_1674" class="fnanchor">1674</a> Gloves were already known to
-Homer, who speaks of “well-cut thongs of ox-hide.”<a id="FNanchor_1675"></a><a href="#Footnote_1675" class="fnanchor">1675</a> They are not
-mentioned in any detail before the time of Pausanias and Philostratos,
-so that we are mostly dependent for our knowledge of them on the
-monuments. The simplest form consisted of long, thin ox-hide thongs,
-which were wound round the hands, the soft gloves (ἱμάντες μαλακώτεροι
-or μειλίχαι) of later writers.<a id="FNanchor_1676"></a><a href="#Footnote_1676" class="fnanchor">1676</a> They were used, not to deaden
-the blow, but to increase its force. Vase-paintings show that the thongs
-were about 10 or 12 feet long before being wound.<a id="FNanchor_1677"></a><a href="#Footnote_1677" class="fnanchor">1677</a> On the exterior
-of a r.-f. kylix from Vulci by Douris, in the British Museum, showing
-chiefly boxing scenes, we see two youths standing before a <i>paidotribes</i>
-preparing to put on the thongs (Fig. <a href="#f54">54</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1678"></a><a href="#Footnote_1678" class="fnanchor">1678</a> One of them is holding the
-unwound thong in his outstretched hands. A similar figure appears
-on the r.-f. vase in Philadelphia already discussed (Fig. <a href="#f50">50</a>b), which
-represents a palæstra scene.<a id="FNanchor_1679"></a><a href="#Footnote_1679" class="fnanchor">1679</a> This scene has been wrongly interpreted
-as an illustration of the game of σκαπέρδη described by Pollux<a id="FNanchor_1680"></a><a href="#Footnote_1680" class="fnanchor">1680</a> as a
-sort of tug-of-war, the unwound thong being explained as the rope used
-in this game,<a id="FNanchor_1681"></a><a href="#Footnote_1681" class="fnanchor">1681</a> and the hurling-sticks stuck in the ground at either end
-as goals instead of akontia. A wound thong is seen hanging on the wall
-to the left. Philostratos describes how the boxing thongs were put on,<a id="FNanchor_1682"></a><a href="#Footnote_1682" class="fnanchor">1682</a>
-and vase-paintings illustrate the method.<a id="FNanchor_1683"></a><a href="#Footnote_1683" class="fnanchor">1683</a> The best example of the
-thongs on statuary is afforded by the bronze arm found in the sea off
-Antikythera (Cerigotto) (Fig. <a href="#f52">52</a>), which Svoronos<a id="FNanchor_1684"></a><a href="#Footnote_1684" class="fnanchor">1684</a> believes to be a remnant
-of the statue of the Nemean victor Kreugas of Epidamnos, which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_237">237</a></span>
-stood in the temple of Apollo Lykios in Argos.<a id="FNanchor_1685"></a><a href="#Footnote_1685" class="fnanchor">1685</a> Pausanias says that
-Kreugas was crowned notwithstanding that he was killed by his adversary
-Damoxenos, and his description of the soft glove corresponds so
-closely with the one on the recovered arm that it seems as if it had been
-written in the presence of the statue: “In those days boxers did not yet
-wear the sharp thong (ἱμὰς ὀξύς) on each wrist, but boxed with the soft
-straps (μειλίχαις), which they fastened under the hollow of the hand in
-order that the fingers might be left bare; these soft straps were thin
-thongs (ἱμάντες λεπτοί) of raw cowhide, plaited together in an ancient
-fashion.”<a id="FNanchor_1686"></a><a href="#Footnote_1686" class="fnanchor">1686</a> The strap allowed the ends of the fingers to project, and was
-held together by a cord wound around the forearm, just as Philostratos
-says. These μειλίχαι were used at the great games through the fifth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, and were continued in the palæstra in the fourth. Early
-in the latter century the σφαῖραι mentioned by Plato<a id="FNanchor_1687"></a><a href="#Footnote_1687" class="fnanchor">1687</a> and other writers
-appeared. We see them on Panathenaic vases of that century and on
-Etruscan cistæ of the following one.<a id="FNanchor_1688"></a><a href="#Footnote_1688" class="fnanchor">1688</a> About the same time the regular
-ἱμάντες ὀξεῖς came in,<a id="FNanchor_1689"></a><a href="#Footnote_1689" class="fnanchor">1689</a> but the old μειλίχαι or something similar
-were still used in the exercises of the palæstra.<a id="FNanchor_1690"></a><a href="#Footnote_1690" class="fnanchor">1690</a></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><a id="f52"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p237.jpg" width="500" height="186" alt="" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 52.</span>—Bronze Arm of Statue of a Boxer, found in the Sea off
-Antikythera. National Museum, Athens.</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter350"><a id="f53"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p238.jpg" width="350" height="386" alt="Forearm with Glove." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 53.</span>—Forearm with Glove. From the Statue of
-the <i>Seated Boxer</i> (Pl. <a href="#p16">16</a>). Museo delle Terme,
-Rome.</div></div>
-
-<p>Our best illustration of these more formidable gloves on statuary is
-the gauntlet clearly represented on the forearms of the <i>Seated Boxer</i><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_238">238</a></span>
-of the Museo delle Terme (Fig. <a href="#f53">53</a>). Here a close-fitting glove covers
-each forearm, leaving the upper joints of the fingers free and the palm
-open. It extends to above the wrist and ends in a rim of fur. Over it
-are drawn three thick bands of leather, which cover the first joints of
-the fingers and are fastened together on the outside of the hands with
-metal clasps. A soft pad keeps these bands from chafing the fingers.
-They are kept in place and the wrists are strengthened by two narrow
-straps which are interlaced several times around hand and wrist.
-Similar gloves appear on the Sorrento boxer in Naples (Fig. <a href="#f57">57</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1691"></a><a href="#Footnote_1691" class="fnanchor">1691</a> on the
-bronze forearm of a statue from Herculaneum in Naples,<a id="FNanchor_1692"></a><a href="#Footnote_1692" class="fnanchor">1692</a> on a left fist
-found in 1887 in the arena at Verona,<a id="FNanchor_1693"></a><a href="#Footnote_1693" class="fnanchor">1693</a> and on many other statues and
-fragments. The last representation in art of this sort of glove appears
-on the Roman relief in the Lateran, which dates from the time of
-Trajan, and represents a fight between two pugilists.<a id="FNanchor_1694"></a><a href="#Footnote_1694" class="fnanchor">1694</a> The metal<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_239">239</a></span>
-cestus was a Roman invention. None of the late Greek writers—neither
-Plutarch, nor Pausanias, nor Philostratos—makes any mention
-of this loaded glove. The “sharp thongs” were enough to cause
-all the injuries mentioned by the writers of the <i>Greek Anthology</i>.<a id="FNanchor_1695"></a><a href="#Footnote_1695" class="fnanchor">1695</a>
-The cestus, perhaps used in the later gladiatorial shows in Greece,
-but never in the great games there, gave the death blow to real
-boxing. Virgil describes it and the vicious results of its use.<a id="FNanchor_1696"></a><a href="#Footnote_1696" class="fnanchor">1696</a></p>
-
-<p>There are fewer representations of boxing matches on vases than of
-almost any other Greek sport, despite its great popularity. Gardiner
-has collected a number of vase-paintings dating from the sixth to the
-fourth centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, which illustrate the different positions assumed
-by boxers in action—attack, slipping, ducking, and leg and arm movements.
-We reproduce two from r.-f. kylikes in the British Museum. In
-one by Douris (Fig. <a href="#f54">54</a>)<a id="FNanchor_1697"></a><a href="#Footnote_1697" class="fnanchor">1697</a> we have, besides the group already mentioned
-of two athletes preparing to put on thongs, three pairs of boxers engaged
-in a bout. In two groups one of the contestants is seen from behind; in
-all three the boxers extend their left arms for guarding and draw the
-right back for hitting—the fists being level with the shoulders. In one
-group we see the beginning of the fight, in the other two the middle,
-perhaps, and the end of it, respectively. In the last scene one contestant
-has fallen to the ground on his knee, and his conqueror has
-swung his right hand far back for a final blow, only to be stopped by
-the other, who raises his finger in token of defeat. On the other vase
-we see, besides a scene from the pankration, two pairs of boxers
-sparring (Fig. <a href="#f55">55</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1698"></a><a href="#Footnote_1698" class="fnanchor">1698</a> Here in one group the contestants do not have
-their fists doubled, but keep their fingers opened. On an Attic b.-f.
-Panathenaic panel-amphora in the University Museum in Philadelphia
-(Fig. <a href="#f56">56</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1699"></a><a href="#Footnote_1699" class="fnanchor">1699</a> we see bearded boxers sparring, while a boxer with
-thongs in his right hand stands to the right, and a trainer with his rod
-at the left. Statues of victorious boxers at Olympia were represented
-either in motion, <i>i. e.</i>, probably in the position of sparring, or in repose,
-like that of the boy boxer Kyniskos by the elder Polykleitos discussed in
-the preceding chapter. The same foot position visible on the <i>Kyniskos</i>
-base<a id="FNanchor_1700"></a><a href="#Footnote_1700" class="fnanchor">1700</a> occurs on two other Olympia bases, which, therefore, must have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_240">240</a></span>
-supported Polykleitan statues represented in repose. One of these, in
-the form of an <i>astragalos</i>, will be discussed further on in our treatment
-of pancratiast statues; the other supported the statue of the boy boxer
-Hellanikos of Lepreon, who won a victory in Ol. 89 (&#8239;=&#8239;424 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1701"></a><a href="#Footnote_1701" class="fnanchor">1701</a> In
-this case the statue was also life-size, the left foot was firmly placed, and
-the right was set back resting on the ball, the stride being a little longer
-than in the case of the <i>Kyniskos</i>. Three other Olympia bases supported
-statues of boxers represented in repose, those of the boy Tellon from
-the Arkadian town Oresthasion,<a id="FNanchor_1702"></a><a href="#Footnote_1702" class="fnanchor">1702</a> of the Epidaurian Aristion by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_241">241</a></span>
-elder Polykleitos,<a id="FNanchor_1703"></a><a href="#Footnote_1703" class="fnanchor">1703</a> and of the Rhodian Eukles by Naukydes of the
-Polykleitan circle.<a id="FNanchor_1704"></a><a href="#Footnote_1704" class="fnanchor">1704</a> Furtwaengler believed that a number of existing
-statues of the Hermes type reproduced the statue of Aristion, because of
-a similar foot position. Among them the Pentelic marble one in
-Lansdowne House, London, is the best preserved, and most faithfully
-reproduces the Polykleitan style.<a id="FNanchor_1705"></a><a href="#Footnote_1705" class="fnanchor">1705</a></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><a id="f54"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p240.jpg" width="500" height="501" alt="Boxing Scenes." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 54.</span>—Boxing Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix by Douris. British
-Museum, London.</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><a id="f55"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p241.jpg" width="500" height="499" alt="Boxing and Pankration Scenes." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 55.</span>—Boxing and Pankration Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix. British
-Museum, London.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_242">242</a></span></p>
-
-<p>We may infer how a Polykleitan statue of a boxer at rest looked, from
-the Roman copy of one in Kassel.<a id="FNanchor_1706"></a><a href="#Footnote_1706" class="fnanchor">1706</a>
-Here a youth just out of boyhood is
-represented as standing with the weight of the body resting upon the right
-leg and the head turned to the right. The forearms are covered with
-gloves, the right fist being raised for attack and the left for defense.
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f57"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p242b.jpg" width="250" height="507" alt="Statue of a Boxer." />
-<span class="caption">
-<span class="smcap">Fig. 57.</span>—Statue of a Boxer,
-from Sorrento. By Koblanos
-of Aphrodisias. Museum of
-Naples.</span></span>
-Another marble statue, representing a
-boxer in repose, was found in a fragmentary
-condition in Sorrento in 1888, and is
-now in the National Museum at Naples
-(Fig. <a href="#f57">57</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1707"></a><a href="#Footnote_1707" class="fnanchor">1707</a>
-It is inscribed as the work of
-Koblanos of Aphrodisias in Karia, whom
-<span class="figleft250"><a id="f56"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p242a.jpg" width="250" height="328" alt="Boxing Scene." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 56.</span>—Boxing Scene. From a
-b.-f. Panathenaic Panel-Amphora.
-University of Pennsylvania Museum,
-Philadelphia.</span></span>
-we know as a copyist of the first century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>, and who was active in reproducing Greek works for the Roman
-market.<a id="FNanchor_1708"></a><a href="#Footnote_1708" class="fnanchor">1708</a> The body forms are too badly injured for us accurately to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_243">243</a></span>
-date the original from which this copy was made, but the head gives us
-the clue, as its style appears to be a connecting link between that of
-the seated statue of <i>Herakles</i>, in the Palazzo Altemps in Rome<a id="FNanchor_1709"></a><a href="#Footnote_1709" class="fnanchor">1709</a> and
-the Munich <i>Oil-pourer</i> (Pl. <a href="#p11">11</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1710"></a><a href="#Footnote_1710" class="fnanchor">1710</a> as it shows affinity to both. Though
-Sogliano referred it to the school of Lysippos and Juethner to the
-beginning of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, it shows indubitable Myronian
-characteristics and may have been the work of Myron’s pupil Lykios,
-who is known to us as an athlete sculptor.<a id="FNanchor_1711"></a><a href="#Footnote_1711" class="fnanchor">1711</a> In this statue the youth
-is resting his weight on his right leg, the left, with full sole on the
-ground, being turned to one side. The left forearm is extended outwards
-and to the side, the head leaning toward the right leg—in other
-words, the athlete is represented in an attitude similar to that of the
-<i>Idolino</i> (Pl. <a href="#p14">14</a>). As there is an olive crown in the hair, it seems reasonable
-to conclude that the original statue was that of an Olympic victor.</p>
-
-<p>By the beginning of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, if not earlier, boxers were
-represented in violent motion, as we saw in the case of the statue of the
-boy boxer Glaukos, by the Aeginetan sculptor Glaukias,<a id="FNanchor_1712"></a><a href="#Footnote_1712" class="fnanchor">1712</a> represented in
-the act of sparring (σκιαμαχῶν). Whether he was represented as facing
-an imaginary antagonist or as merely punching a bag we can not say,
-though the latter seems the more probable. The motive is depicted in
-many art works, notably in the figure of a youth punching a bag which
-hangs from a tree on the Ficoroni cista in the Museo Kircheriano, Rome,<a id="FNanchor_1713"></a><a href="#Footnote_1713" class="fnanchor">1713</a>
-and in that of another represented on the so-called Peter cista in the
-Museo Gregoriano Etrusco of the Vatican, whose engraved scenes show
-exercises of the palæstra.<a id="FNanchor_1714"></a><a href="#Footnote_1714" class="fnanchor">1714</a> The same motive is seen also in a statuette
-in the Museo Chiaramonti of the Vatican, which is proved to be that
-of a boy boxer by the glove on the right hand.<a id="FNanchor_1715"></a><a href="#Footnote_1715" class="fnanchor">1715</a> Here the boy is represented
-with the right foot far advanced and rising on the toes
-of both feet, the right shoulder being drawn back, the right forearm
-raised, and the left extended forwards. The marble torso of a copy
-of the same original on a large scale is in Berlin.<a id="FNanchor_1716"></a><a href="#Footnote_1716" class="fnanchor">1716</a> While Amelung<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_244">244</a></span>
-believes that the original of both statuette and torso was a bronze
-of the second half of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, Furtwaengler thought that
-the torso went back to the severe style of the fifth century, and that
-this original once stood in Olympia, where it might have served as the
-inspiration for a carelessly worked bronze statuette of a boxer found
-there, which repeats the motive of the torso and similarly belongs to
-the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> (Fig. <a href="#f2">2</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1717"></a><a href="#Footnote_1717" class="fnanchor">1717</a> The Olympia statuette also has the
-right foot advanced, the upper part of the body leans backward, and
-the left arm with open palm is outstretched for defense, while the
-right with balled fist is held up ready to strike. It certainly is a votive
-offering of an Olympic victor—doubtless one of the small reductions,
-which were not uncommonly erected for economy’s sake.<a id="FNanchor_1718"></a><a href="#Footnote_1718" class="fnanchor">1718</a> Whether
-the Aeginetan Glaukias also made victor statues in repose is doubtful.</p>
-
-<p>Waldstein, on insufficient grounds, has argued that the so-called
-<i>Strangford Apollo</i> in the British Museum (Fig. <a href="#f14">14</a>)<a id="FNanchor_1719"></a><a href="#Footnote_1719" class="fnanchor">1719</a> is a copy of the
-statue at Olympia of the famous Thasian boxer and pancratiast
-Theagenes by Glaukias. Its close observation of nature finds its
-analogy in the statues of the Aeginetan pediment groups (see Figs. 20,
-21). The statue of the boy boxer Athenaios of Ephesos, by an unknown
-sculptor, was represented as lunging at his adversary, as we see
-from the footmarks on the recovered base. The left foot was advanced
-and turned outwards, while the right one touched the ground only with
-the toes.<a id="FNanchor_1720"></a><a href="#Footnote_1720" class="fnanchor">1720</a> Similarly the statue of the boxer Damoxenidas by Nikodamos
-of Arkadia was represented as about to strike. On its recovered
-base the left foot stood solidly upon the ground, while the right foot
-was drawn back and touched the ground only with the toes—if we
-judge rightly from the size of the missing part of the stone.<a id="FNanchor_1721"></a><a href="#Footnote_1721" class="fnanchor">1721</a> The
-statue of the Ionian boxer Epitherses by Pythokritos of Rhodes seems
-to have had but one foot flat upon the ground, and consequently must
-have been represented in motion, though we are not sure of the position
-of the other, since one stone of the base is missing.<a id="FNanchor_1722"></a><a href="#Footnote_1722" class="fnanchor">1722</a></p>
-
-<p>The bronze plate from the base of the statue of the boy boxer
-Philippos, an Azanian of Pellene, was found at Olympia and has been
-referred to the end of the fourth or beginning of the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1723"></a><a href="#Footnote_1723" class="fnanchor">1723</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_245">245</a></span>
-However, since Pausanias says that Myron made the statue,<a id="FNanchor_1724"></a><a href="#Footnote_1724" class="fnanchor">1724</a> various
-attempts have been made to reconcile the discrepancy in dates. Our
-own solution is that the statue seen by Pausanias did not represent
-Philippos at all, but some earlier unnamed Arkadian boxer, who was
-contemporary with Myron.<a id="FNanchor_1725"></a><a href="#Footnote_1725" class="fnanchor">1725</a> Years later the Azanian boy Philippos
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f58"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p245.jpg" width="250" height="546" alt="Statue known as Pollux." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 58.</span>—Statue known as <i>Pollux</i>.
-Louvre, Paris.</span>
-</span>
-won a victory at Olympia and attached
-the recovered epigram to the
-old base, in which he implored Zeus
-to let the ancient glory of Arkadia
-be revived in him, and also a newer
-one in which he said that he had restored
-the statue of Myron.<a id="FNanchor_1726"></a><a href="#Footnote_1726" class="fnanchor">1726</a> Pausanias
-saw the newer one, but omitted
-to mention the older, which was probably
-illegible from weathering. He
-therefore thought that the original
-Myronian statue used by Philippos
-represented the latter victor.<a id="FNanchor_1727"></a><a href="#Footnote_1727" class="fnanchor">1727</a> The
-words on the affixed plate beginning
-ὧδε στὰς ὁ Πελασγὸς ἐπ’ Ἀλφειῷ ποκα
-πύκτας κ. τ. λ., may refer to the position
-of the boxer rather than to a
-portrait of the victor.<a id="FNanchor_1728"></a><a href="#Footnote_1728" class="fnanchor">1728</a> We have
-long ago hazarded the suggestion<a id="FNanchor_1729"></a><a href="#Footnote_1729" class="fnanchor">1729</a>
-that the so-called <i>Pollux</i> of the
-Louvre (Fig. <a href="#f58">58</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1730"></a><a href="#Footnote_1730" class="fnanchor">1730</a> whose body forms
-recall the <i>Marsyas</i> and whose head
-recalls the <i>Diskobolos</i>, may go back
-to the statue of the unnamed Arkadian
-by Myron.<a id="FNanchor_1731"></a><a href="#Footnote_1731" class="fnanchor">1731</a> But the uncertainty
-which we have found in a
-former section<a id="FNanchor_1732"></a><a href="#Footnote_1732" class="fnanchor">1732</a> in assigning this and
-kindred works to Myron or to Pythagoras
-leaves it only a suggestion.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_246">246</a></span></p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">Pancratiasts.</span></h4>
-
-<p>The pankration (παγκράτιον)<a id="FNanchor_1733"></a><a href="#Footnote_1733" class="fnanchor">1733</a> was a combination of boxing and wrestling,
-in which the contestants fought either standing, or prone on the
-ground. While the wrestler merely tried to throw his opponent in a
-series of bouts, the pancratiast continued the fight on the ground until
-one or the other acknowledged defeat. The etymology of the word
-shows that it was a contest in which every power of the contestants
-was exerted to the utmost.<a id="FNanchor_1734"></a><a href="#Footnote_1734" class="fnanchor">1734</a> Strangling, pummeling, kicking, and, in
-fact, everything but biting and gouging were allowed. Both Lucian<a id="FNanchor_1735"></a><a href="#Footnote_1735" class="fnanchor">1735</a>
-and Philostratos<a id="FNanchor_1736"></a><a href="#Footnote_1736" class="fnanchor">1736</a> speak of the prohibition against biting and gouging,
-which statements Gardiner thinks are quotations from the rules governing
-the contest at Olympia, as they are twice quoted by Aristophanes.<a id="FNanchor_1737"></a><a href="#Footnote_1737" class="fnanchor">1737</a>
-Philostratos, however, says that the Spartans allowed both
-biting and gouging, but that the Eleans allowed only strangling. A
-case of gouging the eye of an opponent with the thumb is seen on the
-r.-f. kylix in the British Museum, already mentioned (Fig. <a href="#f55">55</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1738"></a><a href="#Footnote_1738" class="fnanchor">1738</a> Here
-the official is rushing up with his rod to punish such a breach of the
-rules. Philostratos calls the men’s pankration the “fairest” of contests
-at Olympia, probably in reference to the impression made on the spectators
-by the various positions of the contestants, who had to rely quite
-as much on skill as on strength. Pindar wrote eight odes in praise
-of this contest.<a id="FNanchor_1739"></a><a href="#Footnote_1739" class="fnanchor">1739</a> However, even though it was carefully regulated
-at Olympia by rules, it was a dangerous sport—τὸ δεινὸν ἄεθλον ὅ
-παγκράτιον καλέουσιν, in the words of the protesting philosopher Xenophanes.<a id="FNanchor_1740"></a><a href="#Footnote_1740" class="fnanchor">1740</a>
-But it was never the brutal sport which some modern writers
-have pictured it.<a id="FNanchor_1741"></a><a href="#Footnote_1741" class="fnanchor">1741</a> Plato, to be sure, kept it out of his ideal State,<a id="FNanchor_1742"></a><a href="#Footnote_1742" class="fnanchor">1742</a>
-not, however, because of its brutality, but merely because its distinctive
-feature, the struggle on the ground, was of no service in training
-a soldier. The Greeks themselves considered the boxing match far
-more dangerous. Inasmuch as gloves were not used in the pankration,
-this seems reasonable.<a id="FNanchor_1743"></a><a href="#Footnote_1743" class="fnanchor">1743</a> We have in the preceding section men<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_247">247</a></span>tioned
-the epithets applied to boxing. Pausanias, in speaking of the
-boxing match between Theagenes and Euthymos, says that the former
-was too much wearied by that contest to enter the pankration, and was
-in consequence compelled to pay a talent to the god and another to
-Euthymos.<a id="FNanchor_1744"></a><a href="#Footnote_1744" class="fnanchor">1744</a> In speaking of another contest, between Kapros and
-Kleitomachos, he records that the latter told the umpires that the
-pankration should be brought on before he had received hurts from
-boxing.<a id="FNanchor_1745"></a><a href="#Footnote_1745" class="fnanchor">1745</a> Artemidoros states that no wounds resulted from the
-pankration.<a id="FNanchor_1746"></a><a href="#Footnote_1746" class="fnanchor">1746</a> However, death by strangulation was often the result of
-the bout. Thus the pancratiast Arrhachion was crowned after he had
-been throttled by his adversary, for just before expiring he was able
-to put one of the toes of his opponent out of joint and the pain
-caused the latter to let go his grip.<a id="FNanchor_1747"></a><a href="#Footnote_1747" class="fnanchor">1747</a> Pausanias tells also how the
-boxer Kreugas was slain by Damoxenos in the pankration at Nemea,
-but adds that the body of the former was proclaimed victor.<a id="FNanchor_1748"></a><a href="#Footnote_1748" class="fnanchor">1748</a></p>
-
-<p>The pankration was not known to Homer, though later writers ascribed
-its invention either to Theseus or Herakles, the typical mythical
-examples of skill as opposed to brute force.<a id="FNanchor_1749"></a><a href="#Footnote_1749" class="fnanchor">1749</a> It was introduced at
-Olympia in Ol. 33 (&#8239;=&#8239;648 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>),<a id="FNanchor_1750"></a><a href="#Footnote_1750" class="fnanchor">1750</a> long after the separate events, wrestling
-and boxing, had appeared there. The boys’ contest was instituted
-at Olympia in Ol. 145 (&#8239;=&#8239;200 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>),<a id="FNanchor_1751"></a><a href="#Footnote_1751" class="fnanchor">1751</a> though it had appeared
-elsewhere much earlier.<a id="FNanchor_1752"></a><a href="#Footnote_1752" class="fnanchor">1752</a> It must have been a popular sport at
-Olympia, since Pausanias records statues erected to twenty victors
-for thirty victories in this contest.</p>
-
-<p>Vase-paintings<a id="FNanchor_1753"></a><a href="#Footnote_1753" class="fnanchor">1753</a> show many grips and throws of the pankration—the
-flying mare, leg hold,<a id="FNanchor_1754"></a><a href="#Footnote_1754" class="fnanchor">1754</a> tilting backwards by holding the antagonist’s
-foot, “chancery” (<i>i. e.</i> catching the adversary around the neck
-with one arm and hitting his face with the other fist), stomach throw
-(<i>i. e.</i>, seizing the adversary by the arms or shoulders and at the same time
-planting one’s foot in the other’s stomach, and then throwing him over
-one’s head),<a id="FNanchor_1755"></a><a href="#Footnote_1755" class="fnanchor">1755</a> jumping on the back of one’s opponent,<a id="FNanchor_1756"></a><a href="#Footnote_1756" class="fnanchor">1756</a> strangling,
-wrestling and boxing combined, and kicking and boxing combined.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_248">248</a></span>
-Ground wrestling is very commonly depicted on vases and especially
-on gems, since such groups were adapted to oblong or oval spaces.<a id="FNanchor_1757"></a><a href="#Footnote_1757" class="fnanchor">1757</a>
-We reproduce a pancratiast scene from a Panathenaic amphora of Kittos,
-dating from the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, in the British Museum (Fig.
-59).<a id="FNanchor_1758"></a><a href="#Footnote_1758" class="fnanchor">1758</a> This is a conventional representation of wrestling and boxing
-combined. The pancratiast at the right of the group has rushed in
-with his head down and has been caught around the neck by his adversary’s
-arm, a hopeless position, from which he can not escape. The
-latter is either about to complete the neck hold (if it be an actual case
-of “chancery”), or perhaps to hit him with his right hand. A third
-pancratiast is looking on from the extreme right, while a <i>paidotribes</i>,
-switch in hand, appears at the left. The fight on the ground is well
-depicted on the r.-f. kylix of the British Museum already discussed as
-showing boxing scenes (Fig. <a href="#f55">55</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1759"></a><a href="#Footnote_1759" class="fnanchor">1759</a></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><a id="f59"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p248.jpg" width="500" height="264" alt="Pankration Scene." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 59.</span>—Pankration Scene. From a Panathenaic Amphora by Kittos.
-British Museum, London.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>We have but few representations of pancratiasts in sculpture. The
-preliminary sparring—known as ἀκροχειρισμός<a id="FNanchor_1760"></a><a href="#Footnote_1760" class="fnanchor">1760</a>—must have characterized
-the statue of the Sikyonian pancratiast Sostratos at Olympia by an
-unknown sculptor, since Pausanias says that this victor was known as
-ὁ ἀκροχερσίτης, explaining the epithet as that of one who gained his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_249">249</a></span>
-victories by seizing and bending his adversaries’ fingers, holding them
-fast till he yielded.<a id="FNanchor_1761"></a><a href="#Footnote_1761" class="fnanchor">1761</a> Since a Delphian inscribed base<a id="FNanchor_1762"></a><a href="#Footnote_1762" class="fnanchor">1762</a> gives the same
-number of victories as Pausanias, we infer that they were given also
-on the Olympia base, the source of Pausanias’ information. Since
-nothing is said, however, of Sostratos’ mode of fighting in the Delphi
-inscription, Pausanias must have argued it from the pose of the statue.
-The Sicilian wrestler Leontiskos of a century earlier, whose statue was
-by Pythagoras, had, according to Pausanias, used similar tactics, for
-“he vanquished his adversaries by bending back their fingers.”<a id="FNanchor_1763"></a><a href="#Footnote_1763" class="fnanchor">1763</a> These
-cases show that statues of pancratiasts and wrestlers were frequently
-represented in vigorous lunging attitudes as well as in groups. The
-epigram on the base of the monument of the pancratiast Teisikrates
-at Delphi shows that the statue was represented in a similar way.<a id="FNanchor_1764"></a><a href="#Footnote_1764" class="fnanchor">1764</a>
-The same lunging attitude is also shown on the Halimous grave-relief.<a id="FNanchor_1765"></a><a href="#Footnote_1765" class="fnanchor">1765</a>
-Sometimes the contest ended with the preliminary sparring, though
-usually it developed into wrestling and boxing.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter400"><a id="f60"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p250.jpg" width="400" height="475" alt="Bronze Statuette of a Pancratiast." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 60.</span>—Bronze Statuette of a Pancratiast (?),
-from Autun, France. Louvre, Paris.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>A good representation of a pancratiast trying to kick his antagonist
-seems to be furnished by the small bronze statuette from Autun, South
-France, now in the Louvre (Fig. <a href="#f60">60</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1766"></a><a href="#Footnote_1766" class="fnanchor">1766</a> This statuette is of mediocre
-workmanship, its hard muscles, imperfect proportions, and realism
-showing that it comes from the Hellenistic period of Greek art. It
-represents a bearded athlete, who holds his hands ready to strike and
-his left foot raised apparently to kick his adversary’s leg. The foot is
-just ready to return to its original position, so that the motive of this
-poor little statuette discloses a transient period of time between two
-movements, just as the <i>Diskobolos</i> and <i>Marsyas</i> of Myron did. We
-have already noted<a id="FNanchor_1767"></a><a href="#Footnote_1767" class="fnanchor">1767</a> that on the head is a cap with a ring in the
-top, by which it could be suspended as a decorative piece, or perhaps
-as part of a steelyard. Hauser believes that this motive was
-known to the elder Polykleitos and that this is the interpretation
-of that sculptor’s statue of a <i>nudus talo incessens</i> mentioned by
-Pliny, a statue which has formed the basis for much discussion
-among archæologists.<a id="FNanchor_1768"></a><a href="#Footnote_1768" class="fnanchor">1768</a> The Plinian passage, therefore, is to be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_250">250</a></span>
-translated as “the nude man attacking with his heel (<i>talo</i>)”—in other
-words, it describes a statue represented as kicking, which was allowable
-in the pankration. The manuscripts of Pliny all read <i>talo</i>, which
-Benndorf<a id="FNanchor_1769"></a><a href="#Footnote_1769" class="fnanchor">1769</a> thought could be retained only by assuming that the naturalist
-mistranslated his Greek source γυμνὸς ἀστραγάλῳ ἐπικείμενος,
-translating the word ἐπικείμενος “standing upon,” as <i>incessens</i> “pursuing.”
-He therefore assumed that Polykleitos’ statue stood upon an
-astragalos (<i>talus</i>) basis, which he believed was the forerunner of the
-statue of <i>Opportunity</i> (Καιρός) by Lysippos,<a id="FNanchor_1770"></a><a href="#Footnote_1770" class="fnanchor">1770</a> and he referred it to the
-knuckle-bone basis found at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_1771"></a><a href="#Footnote_1771" class="fnanchor">1771</a> Woelfflin,<a id="FNanchor_1772"></a><a href="#Footnote_1772" class="fnanchor">1772</a> however, has shown
-that <i>talo incessens</i> can only mean “<i>mit einem Knochel nach Jemand
-einwerfen</i>.” Following this, Furtwaengler showed<a id="FNanchor_1773"></a><a href="#Footnote_1773" class="fnanchor">1773</a> how impossible on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_251">251</a></span>
-grammatical and other grounds it was to read <i>talo</i> in Benndorf’s sense,
-since the passage then would mean “advancing towards” or “pursuing,”
-by means of a knuckle-bone, which is manifestly nonsense. The word
-could be only instrumental in use, as Woefflin said, <i>i. e.</i>, the weapon
-by means of which the man was attacking. Furtwaengler, therefore,
-followed Benndorf’s earlier alternative reading <i>telo</i>, assuming that
-Pliny mistakenly wrote <i>talo</i> because he was influenced by the presence
-of the same word in the passage immediately following: <i>duosque pueros
-item nudos talis ludentes qui vocantur astragalizontes</i>.<a id="FNanchor_1774"></a><a href="#Footnote_1774" class="fnanchor">1774</a> But Hauser’s
-interpretation of <i>talo</i> meets all the conditions better, since it keeps the
-manuscript readings, makes grammatical Latin, and seems to be illustrated
-by the statuette in question.</p>
-
-<p>Sometimes the statues of Olympic pancratiasts were represented at
-rest with the weight of the body equally on both legs, as we see from the
-recovered basis of the statue of the Athenian Kallias by the Athenian
-sculptor Mikon.<a id="FNanchor_1775"></a><a href="#Footnote_1775" class="fnanchor">1775</a> Furtwaengler has identified a statue in the Somzée
-Collection as a copy of this work.<a id="FNanchor_1776"></a><a href="#Footnote_1776" class="fnanchor">1776</a> The footprints on the recovered base
-of the statue of the Rhodian Dorieus show that it was represented at
-rest with one leg slightly advanced.<a id="FNanchor_1777"></a><a href="#Footnote_1777" class="fnanchor">1777</a> We have actual remnants of
-statues of Olympic pancratiasts in the marble head found at Olympia,
-which we are to assign to the statue of the Akarnanian Philandridas by
-Lysippos, mentioned by Pausanias (Frontispiece and Fig. <a href="#f69">69</a>),<a id="FNanchor_1778"></a><a href="#Footnote_1778" class="fnanchor">1778</a> and the
-beautiful statue of Agias discovered by the French at Delphi in 1894,
-a work by the same sculptor (Pl. <a href="#p28">28</a> and Fig. <a href="#f68">68</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1779"></a><a href="#Footnote_1779" class="fnanchor">1779</a></p>
-
-<p>The struggle on the ground implies groups and not single statues.
-Our best representation of such a group is furnished by the famous
-marble one in the Uffizi, Florence (Pl. <a href="#p25">25</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1780"></a><a href="#Footnote_1780" class="fnanchor">1780</a> Though having no pretensions
-to be a victor monument, this group is the most important
-monument extant connected with the pankration, a fine anatomical
-study from Hellenistic times, evincing the direct influence of Lysippos<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_252">252</a></span>
-in its proportions.<a id="FNanchor_1781"></a><a href="#Footnote_1781" class="fnanchor">1781</a> It shows affinity of design to certain sculptures
-from the frieze of the Great Altar at Pergamon.<a id="FNanchor_1782"></a><a href="#Footnote_1782" class="fnanchor">1782</a> Pliny speaks of a
-<i>symplegma</i> by Kephisodotos, the son of Praxiteles, at Pergamon, but
-that group was of an erotic character and can not have had anything to
-do with the Florentine one.<a id="FNanchor_1783"></a><a href="#Footnote_1783" class="fnanchor">1783</a> Unfortunately the group in question has
-been much restored, though the restoration in the main is right. The
-heads, though probably antique, do not seem to belong to the statues,
-but both appear to be copies of the head of one of the Niobids, with
-which group the pancratiasts were discovered in 1583. The right arm
-of the uppermost athlete seems to have been wrongly restored; in any
-case this athlete is not strangling his opponent. One youth has thrown
-the other down on to his knee, and his left leg is intertwined with the
-left leg of the other, and he is drawing back his arm to aim a blow. The
-wrestler underneath supports himself upon his left arm, and the intention
-of his opponent is to destroy this support by a blow of the fist,
-which would bring the contest to a sudden conclusion, since the right
-arm of the under youth is fast and he must defend himself with the
-left. As Gardiner points out, such a situation is illustrated by Heliodoros’
-description of the match between Theagenes and an Aethiopian
-champion.<a id="FNanchor_1784"></a><a href="#Footnote_1784" class="fnanchor">1784</a> The under man’s position, however, may suddenly change
-and the issue yet be in his favor. Many writers have explained the
-group as ordinary wrestlers,<a id="FNanchor_1785"></a><a href="#Footnote_1785" class="fnanchor">1785</a> but Gardiner has conclusively shown
-that it belongs to the pankration, since in wrestling the contest is ended
-when one of the contestants has been thrown, while here the struggle
-is continuing on the ground.<a id="FNanchor_1786"></a><a href="#Footnote_1786" class="fnanchor">1786</a></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 25</p><a id="p25"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp252.jpg" width="500" height="637" alt="Marble Group of Pancratiasts." />
-<div class="caption">Marble Group of Pancratiasts. Uffizi Gallery, Florence.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Kapros of Elis was the first of seven Olympic victors to emulate the
-fabled feat of Herakles by winning the pankration and wrestling
-matches on the same day—that is, he was the first professional strong
-man.<a id="FNanchor_1787"></a><a href="#Footnote_1787" class="fnanchor">1787</a> The other six all came from the East. It has been suggested<a id="FNanchor_1788"></a><a href="#Footnote_1788" class="fnanchor">1788</a>
-that the colossal <i>Farnese Herakles</i> found in Rome in the ruins of the
-Baths of Caracalla in 1540 and now in Naples, inscribed as the work of
-the Athenian Glykon, which represents the hero leaning wearily on his
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_253">253</a></span>club against a rock,<a id="FNanchor_1789"></a><a href="#Footnote_1789" class="fnanchor">1789</a> may represent the type of these professional strong
-men, who called themselves the successors of Herakles. But such
-a suggestion is as unfounded as the one already examined, which identifies
-the original of the <i>Seated Boxer</i> of the Museo delle Terme (Pl.
-<a href="#p16">16</a> and Fig. <a href="#f27">27</a>) with Kleitomachos of Thebes, the redoubtable opponent
-of Kapros, since the dates in both cases are against such identifications.
-The Farnese statue and other replicas of the same original<a id="FNanchor_1790"></a><a href="#Footnote_1790" class="fnanchor">1790</a>
-obviously revert to a Lysippan original, though they are considerably
-metamorphosed by the taste of a later age. Such big swollen muscles
-at first sight appear to be alien to the sculptor of the graceful <i>Agias</i>,
-but that the Naples copy by Glykon—who, from the inscription on the
-base, must be referred to the first century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1791"></a><a href="#Footnote_1791" class="fnanchor">1791</a>—really represents the
-work of Lysippos seems well established by the fact that a smaller copy,
-though still over life-size, of poorer workmanship, in the Pitti Gallery
-in Florence, is inscribed as Λυσίππου ἔργον.<a id="FNanchor_1792"></a><a href="#Footnote_1792" class="fnanchor">1792</a> This type of weary hero
-appears in the <i>Telephos</i> group on the small Pergamene frieze, but is
-even earlier, since the latter seems to have been borrowed from a statue
-which is reproduced on a coin of Alexander, which was struck at least as
-early as 300 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1793"></a><a href="#Footnote_1793" class="fnanchor">1793</a> The type of Herakles wearied by his superhuman
-labors was inaugurated still earlier by Lysippos, who was fond of representing
-the hero in many poses, seated and standing, resting and laboring.
-We might mention his colossal bronze statue of Herakles, which
-was set up in Tarentum and then carried to Rome and placed on the
-Capitol by Q. Fabius Maximus, when Tarentum was captured in 209
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, and was later transferred to the Hippodrome at Constantinople,
-where it remained until the sack of that city by the Franks in
-1202.<a id="FNanchor_1794"></a><a href="#Footnote_1794" class="fnanchor">1794</a> It is hazardous, therefore, to reject the evidence, and it will be
-best to see in the original a genuine Lysippan work, as do Bulle, Overbeck,
-von Mach, Schnaase,<a id="FNanchor_1795"></a><a href="#Footnote_1795" class="fnanchor">1795</a> and others, and so to make Glykon responsible
-only for the exaggerations of his own copy. Thus we have to face
-the fact of divergent styles in the great bronze founder of the fourth<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_254">254</a></span>
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, even if we admit with Richardson that “for our peace of
-mind this statue might well have been sunk in the sea.”<a id="FNanchor_1796"></a><a href="#Footnote_1796" class="fnanchor">1796</a></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a id="f61"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p254.jpg" width="500" height="357" alt="" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 61.</span>—Bronze Head of Boxer (?), from Olympia. National Museum, Athens.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Long ago, I referred the life-size bronze portrait-like head of a boxer or
-pancratiast found at Olympia, now in the Athens Museum (Figs. 61A
-and B),<a id="FNanchor_1797"></a><a href="#Footnote_1797" class="fnanchor">1797</a> to one of two statues of the pancratiast Kapros mentioned
-by Pausanias.<a id="FNanchor_1798"></a><a href="#Footnote_1798" class="fnanchor">1798</a> The remnant of a wild-olive crown in the hair proves
-that it comes from the statue of an Olympic victor. Its bruised appearance
-may, however, betoken the punishment administered by the
-gloves of a boxer rather than by the bare fists of a pancratiast. That
-Greek sculpture was not always ideal we have seen from the description
-of the <i>Seated Boxer</i> of the Museo delle Terme (Pl. <a href="#p16">16</a> and Fig. <a href="#f27">27</a>).
-This peculiarly life-like head is another example of the same realism; it
-would be hard to name a more brutal and repellent piece from the whole
-range of Greek sculpture. The profession of this bruiser is evident in
-every feature, for the sculptor has betrayed it by the swollen ears, flat
-nose, thick neck, swollen cheeks, projecting under lip, frowning brows,
-and unkempt hair and beard. All these traits—especially the treatment
-of the eyes—give to it the sullen gloomy look so characteristic
-of boxers and pancratiasts.<a id="FNanchor_1799"></a><a href="#Footnote_1799" class="fnanchor">1799</a> The man appears to be awaiting the attack,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_255">255</a></span>
-his contracted brows showing alert expectation, and his closed lips great
-determination. Furtwaengler, Bulle, Flasch, and others have dated
-it in the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, and are fain to see in it the work of
-an artist of the immediate circle of Lysippos or Lysistratos;<a id="FNanchor_1800"></a><a href="#Footnote_1800" class="fnanchor">1800</a> but its
-exaggerated realism seems rather to point to a later period, not earlier
-than the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1801"></a><a href="#Footnote_1801" class="fnanchor">1801</a> The bronze foot of a victor statue also
-found at Olympia (Fig. <a href="#f62">62</a>)<a id="FNanchor_1802"></a><a href="#Footnote_1802" class="fnanchor">1802</a> has been assigned by Furtwaengler to one of
-the statues of Kapros, an ascription which we also have followed.<a id="FNanchor_1803"></a><a href="#Footnote_1803" class="fnanchor">1803</a> The
-position of this foot shows—as an experiment with a living model has
-disclosed—great movement, which makes it obvious that it comes from
-a statue in lively motion, probably of a boxer or pancratiast. It belongs
-to the statue of a strong man of coarse build; there is not the slightest
-trace of unnecessary flesh on it, but the whole is vigorous muscle, even
-the swollen veins being clearly visible in the photograph. While Furtwaengler
-finds its stylistic parallels in the copies of the Pergamene
-works of the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, <i>e. g.</i>, the <i>Dying Gaul</i> statues, the
-material and form of the base fitting that period, Wolters emphasizes
-its stylistic analogy to the bronze head just discussed.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter"><a id="f62"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p255.jpg" width="300" height="198" alt="Bronze Foot of a Victor Statue." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 62.</span>—Bronze Foot of a Victor Statue, from
-Olympia. Museum of Olympia.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The monuments which represent equestrian victors will be left for
-another chapter.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_256">256</a></span></p>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_257">257</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>CHAPTER V.<br />
-
-<small>MONUMENTS OF HIPPODROME AND MUSICAL
-VICTORS.</small></h2>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Plates 26–27 and Figures 63–67.</span></p>
-
-<p>In the preceding chapters we have considered the monuments of
-victors in various gymnic contests, in which the victor won by his own
-strength and skill. In the present chapter we shall be concerned
-chiefly with the monuments set up by victors at Olympia in chariot-
-and horse-races, in which the victory did not depend upon the athletic
-prowess of the victor, but upon the skill of his charioteer or jockey and
-the endurance of his horses.<a id="FNanchor_1804"></a><a href="#Footnote_1804" class="fnanchor">1804</a> Though such events were not in the
-strict sense a part of Greek athletics, they formed a very important
-feature of the festival at Olympia as elsewhere.<a id="FNanchor_1805"></a><a href="#Footnote_1805" class="fnanchor">1805</a> Indeed the four-horse
-chariot-race was the most spectacular and brilliant event at Olympia.
-Chariot-races, and to a less extent horse-races, were the sport only of
-the rich—kings, princes, and nobles.<a id="FNanchor_1806"></a><a href="#Footnote_1806" class="fnanchor">1806</a> Thus victories were won in these
-events at Olympia in the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> by Hiero and Gelo, kings
-of Syracuse, and Arkesilas IV of Kyrene; in the fourth, by Philip II
-of Macedonia, and in Roman days by Tiberius, Germanicus, Nero, and
-many others. Alkibiades in Ol. 91 (&#8239;=&#8239;416 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), <i>i. e.</i>, in the midst of the
-great Peloponnesian war, entered seven chariots at Olympia and won
-three prizes.<a id="FNanchor_1807"></a><a href="#Footnote_1807" class="fnanchor">1807</a> Sometimes a city entered a chariot or horse. Thus in
-Ol. 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 <i>B.&nbsp;C.</i>) the public chariot of Argos, and in Ol. 75 (&#8239;=&#8239;480
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>) the public horse of the same city, won at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_1808"></a><a href="#Footnote_1808" class="fnanchor">1808</a> Such entries
-show not only the expense attending these contests, but also their
-importance in the eyes of the Greeks.</p>
-
-<p>Hippodromes, chariot-races, and horse-races were very common in
-Greece. A votive inscription in the museum at Sparta, dating from
-near the middle of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, enumerates sixty victories by
-Damonon and his son Enymakratidas in both chariot- and horse-races
-at eight different meets in or near Lakonia, and Damonon was merely<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_258">258</a></span>
-a local victor, unknown at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_1809"></a><a href="#Footnote_1809" class="fnanchor">1809</a> Greeks of Sicily and Magna
-Græcia were especially fond of such contests, as we see these constantly
-represented on coins of different cities there from the beginning of the
-fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> on.<a id="FNanchor_1810"></a><a href="#Footnote_1810" class="fnanchor">1810</a> However, only a few of the sites of these many
-hippodromes are now known, and only one can be positively identified,
-that mentioned by Pausanias on Mount Lykaios in Arkadia.<a id="FNanchor_1811"></a><a href="#Footnote_1811" class="fnanchor">1811</a>
-The others are known from literary sources.<a id="FNanchor_1812"></a><a href="#Footnote_1812" class="fnanchor">1812</a> The one at Olympia was
-destroyed in the course of centuries by the floods of the Alpheios, and its
-exact location can not be determined, though we know in general that it
-lay somewhere southeast of the Altis, between the river and the Stadion,
-and surmise that it ran somewhat parallel to the latter.<a id="FNanchor_1813"></a><a href="#Footnote_1813" class="fnanchor">1813</a></p>
-
-<p>Its measurements, however, are known to us from a Greek metrological
-parchment manuscript in the old Seraglio, Constantinople, which
-dates from the eleventh century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span><a id="FNanchor_1814"></a><a href="#Footnote_1814" class="fnanchor">1814</a> According to it the length of the
-course, <i>i. e.</i>, from the starting-point to turning-post and return, was
-about 8 stades (1538 meters, 16 centimeters) or nearly 1 mile. One of
-the two sides—which Pausanias says were of unequal length<a id="FNanchor_1815"></a><a href="#Footnote_1815" class="fnanchor">1815</a>—was 3
-stades and 1 plethron long. The breadth of the course at the starting-point
-was 1 stade and 4 plethra. We are told, however, that only a
-portion of the entire course, six stades, or about two-thirds of a mile,
-was traversed in the various races.</p>
-
-<p>The oldest literary account of a Greek chariot-race is found in Homer
-in the description of the games of Patroklos—the longest and finest
-episode there described.<a id="FNanchor_1816"></a><a href="#Footnote_1816" class="fnanchor">1816</a> But the first trace of such a contest goes<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_259">259</a></span>
-back to mythology, to the story of Pelops and Oinomaos contending
-for the hand of the latter’s daughter Hippodameia.<a id="FNanchor_1817"></a><a href="#Footnote_1817" class="fnanchor">1817</a> This mythical
-race began at the village of Pisa in Elis and ended at the altar of
-Poseidon on the Isthmus of Corinth.<a id="FNanchor_1818"></a><a href="#Footnote_1818" class="fnanchor">1818</a> The chariot-race was the chief
-if not the only event at the oldest funeral games in Greece, those mentioned
-by Pausanias as held in honor of Azan, the son of Arkas, in
-Arkadia.<a id="FNanchor_1819"></a><a href="#Footnote_1819" class="fnanchor">1819</a> It figured largely in mythology<a id="FNanchor_1820"></a><a href="#Footnote_1820" class="fnanchor">1820</a> and was represented in
-many works of art.<a id="FNanchor_1821"></a><a href="#Footnote_1821" class="fnanchor">1821</a> At Olympia it was one of the earliest, and perhaps
-the earliest, of the events. Pausanias says that the four-horse chariot-race
-was introduced there in Ol. 25 (&#8239;=&#8239;680 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>),<a id="FNanchor_1822"></a><a href="#Footnote_1822" class="fnanchor">1822</a> but this may merely
-mean, as Gardiner points out, the date of exchanging the older prehistoric
-two-horse chariot for the one drawn by four horses. In any case
-the antiquity of the race at Olympia is shown by the great number of
-early votive offerings in the form of models of chariots and horses,
-which have been found there in a stratum extending below the foundations
-of the Heraion.</p>
-
-<h3>PROGRAMME OF HIPPODROME EVENTS.</h3>
-
-<p>By the middle of the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> the fully developed programme
-of equestrian events at Olympia and elsewhere consisted of six
-races, three for full-grown horses (τέλειοι), and three for colts (πῶλοι);
-for each of these two classes there were a four-horse chariot-race (ἅρμα,
-τέθριππον), a two-horse chariot-race (συνωρίς), and a horse-race (κέλης),
-thus:</p>
-
-<p class="center">
-ἅρματι τελείῳ, συνωρίδι τελείᾳ, κέλητι τελείῳ.<br />
-ἅρματι πωλικῷ, συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, κέλητι πωλικῷ.
-</p>
-
-<p>These six events comprised the ἀγὼν ἱππικός at Olympia, Delphi,
-Nemea, Corinth, Athens, and elsewhere, as opposed to the ἀγὼν γυμνικός.<a id="FNanchor_1823"></a><a href="#Footnote_1823" class="fnanchor">1823</a>
-The distinction between horses and colts was apparently a matter which
-was decided by the Hellanodikai at Olympia. Thus, Pausanias
-recounts how the Spartan victor Lykidas entered a pair of colts for
-the chariot-race, and that one of them was rejected by the judges;
-he thereupon entered both for the race with full-grown horses and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_260">260</a></span>
-won it.<a id="FNanchor_1824"></a><a href="#Footnote_1824" class="fnanchor">1824</a> Though such a story does not fit the date of Lykidas, who
-won before the colt-race was introduced at Olympia, it shows the
-method of selection.<a id="FNanchor_1825"></a><a href="#Footnote_1825" class="fnanchor">1825</a> The race in which the chariot was drawn by
-four full-grown horses (ἵππων τελείων δρόμος) was introduced, as we
-have seen, in Ol. 25. The contestants drove twelve times round the
-course, a distance of seventy-two stades or over eight miles.<a id="FNanchor_1826"></a><a href="#Footnote_1826" class="fnanchor">1826</a> Pausanias
-mentions the monuments of eighteen such victors at Olympia
-for nineteen victories. The race in which the chariot was drawn by
-four colts (πώλων ἅρμα) was introduced in Ol. 99 (&#8239;=&#8239;384 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>),<a id="FNanchor_1827"></a><a href="#Footnote_1827" class="fnanchor">1827</a> and
-extended eight times round the course, or about 5.5 miles.<a id="FNanchor_1828"></a><a href="#Footnote_1828" class="fnanchor">1828</a> Pausanias
-mentions the monuments of only two such victors at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_1829"></a><a href="#Footnote_1829" class="fnanchor">1829</a>
-The race in which the chariot was drawn by pairs of full-grown horses
-(συνωρίς) was introduced in Ol. 93 (408 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>) and extended eight times
-round the course.<a id="FNanchor_1830"></a><a href="#Footnote_1830" class="fnanchor">1830</a> Pausanias mentions but one victor in this event
-at Olympia<a id="FNanchor_1831"></a><a href="#Footnote_1831" class="fnanchor">1831</a> and an Olympic victress who had a statue erected to
-her in Sparta for such a victory.<a id="FNanchor_1832"></a><a href="#Footnote_1832" class="fnanchor">1832</a> This was probably the original
-chariot-race at Olympia revived in Ol. 93, since the two-horse chariot
-was the historical descendant of the Homeric war-chariot.<a id="FNanchor_1833"></a><a href="#Footnote_1833" class="fnanchor">1833</a> Panathenaic
-vases show that this race existed at Athens in the sixth century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, side by side with the four-horse chariot-race and horseback-race.
-The earliest of these vases, the so-called Burgon vase in the British
-Museum,<a id="FNanchor_1834"></a><a href="#Footnote_1834" class="fnanchor">1834</a> was a prize there for this event. The race in which the
-chariot was drawn by a pair of colts (συνωρὶς πώλων) was introduced
-at Olympia in the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, in Ol. 129 (&#8239;=&#8239;264 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>),<a id="FNanchor_1835"></a><a href="#Footnote_1835" class="fnanchor">1835</a> and
-extended three times around the course. Pausanias mentions no
-monument erected to a victor in this race. The horse-race (ἵππος
-κέλης) was instituted in Ol. 33 (&#8239;=&#8239;648 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>)<a id="FNanchor_1836"></a><a href="#Footnote_1836" class="fnanchor">1836</a>, and the foal-race (πῶλος
-κέλης) nearly four centuries later, in Ol. 131 (256 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1837"></a><a href="#Footnote_1837" class="fnanchor">1837</a> Neither of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_261">261</a></span>
-these races was known to Homer, for κελετίζειν in the Iliad,<a id="FNanchor_1838"></a><a href="#Footnote_1838" class="fnanchor">1838</a> as we
-saw in Chapter I, refers only to the acrobatic feat of vaulting from
-the back of one horse to that of another. Pausanias mentions monuments
-erected to eight victors (for nine victories) in the regular horse-race
-at Olympia. We conclude from a passage of his work<a id="FNanchor_1839"></a><a href="#Footnote_1839" class="fnanchor">1839</a> that
-the riding-race consisted of one lap only or six stades, about two-thirds
-of a mile. A mule chariot-race (ἀπήνη) was introduced in Ol.
-70 (&#8239;=&#8239;500 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), and a trotting-race with mares (κάλπη) in Ol. 71
-(&#8239;=&#8239;496 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), but both were abolished in Ol. 84 (&#8239;=&#8239;444 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1840"></a><a href="#Footnote_1840" class="fnanchor">1840</a> Pausanias
-mentions one monument erected to an anonymous victor in
-κάλπη, who won some time between Ols. 72 and 84 (&#8239;=&#8239;492 and 444 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1841"></a><a href="#Footnote_1841" class="fnanchor">1841</a>
-He mentions the first victor in the mule-race, Thersias of Thessaly,
-but this does not occur in his <i>periegesis</i> of the Altis.<a id="FNanchor_1842"></a><a href="#Footnote_1842" class="fnanchor">1842</a> Only three
-other victors in this event are known to us, and they came from
-Sicilian towns.<a id="FNanchor_1843"></a><a href="#Footnote_1843" class="fnanchor">1843</a></p>
-
-<p>Equestrian events were discontinued at Olympia in the first century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, owing to the waning of interest in athletics in consequence of the
-Roman conquest of Greece in 146 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> They were revived thereafter
-under the Empire only spasmodically and were destined finally to be
-replaced by the amusements of the Roman circus. Thus we learn from
-the Armenian version of Africanus that the chariot-race ceased at
-Olympia in Ol. 178 (&#8239;=&#8239;68 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>). It must, however, have been reinstated
-toward the end of the century, since Tiberius Claudius Nero—afterwards
-the Emperor Tiberius—won in Ol. 194 (&#8239;=&#8239;4 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1844"></a><a href="#Footnote_1844" class="fnanchor">1844</a> It again
-went into disuse, since Africanus says that it, πάλαι κωλυθείς, was reintroduced
-in Ol. 199 (&#8239;=&#8239;17 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>, when Germanicus, the adopted son
-of Tiberius, won.<a id="FNanchor_1845"></a><a href="#Footnote_1845" class="fnanchor">1845</a> Once more it was discontinued, and again renewed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_262">262</a></span>
-in Ol. 222 (&#8239;=&#8239;109 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>), according to the same authority, who, however,
-does not name any victor for that date. Just when this discontinuance
-took place, we can not say, but it was certainly after Ol. 211
-(&#8239;=&#8239;65 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>), when the emperor Nero is known to have won victories
-in various kinds of chariot-races.<a id="FNanchor_1846"></a><a href="#Footnote_1846" class="fnanchor">1846</a> Three Olympiads before, an Elean,
-Tiberios Klaudios Aphrodeisios, had also won the horse-race.<a id="FNanchor_1847"></a><a href="#Footnote_1847" class="fnanchor">1847</a></p>
-
-<h3>REPRESENTATIONS OF THE CHARIOT-RACE.</h3>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 26</p><a id="p26"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp262.jpg" width="500" height="329" alt="Racing Chariot and Horses." />
-<div class="caption">Racing Chariot and Horses. From an archaic b.-f. Hydria. Museum of Berlin.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Representations of the various chariot-races are commoner than
-those of any other Olympic contest, appearing on vases, reliefs, coins,
-and gems.<a id="FNanchor_1848"></a><a href="#Footnote_1848" class="fnanchor">1848</a> There seem to have been two distinct types of racing-chariot
-in Greece.<a id="FNanchor_1849"></a><a href="#Footnote_1849" class="fnanchor">1849</a> The four-horse chariot was a modification of the
-heroic two-horse war-chariot, which was a low car on two wheels, surmounted
-by a box consisting of a high framework, open only at the
-rear, and large enough to contain the chieftain and the charioteer.
-The war-chariot was known to both Mycenæan Greece and Crete.
-There is a relief of uncertain date in the Museum of Candia, which represents
-a chariot and charioteer.<a id="FNanchor_1850"></a><a href="#Footnote_1850" class="fnanchor">1850</a> It is far superior to the type of chariots
-appearing in relief on the gravestones found at Mycenæ,<a id="FNanchor_1851"></a><a href="#Footnote_1851" class="fnanchor">1851</a> though
-the type on both is of the same general pattern, having the same box
-and four-spoked wheels. On the Mycenæan reliefs the box seems to
-rest directly upon the rim of the wheel, and the portrayal of a single
-horse is very inartistic. On the Candia relief, however, there are at
-least two horses discernible, and both the horses and the warrior, who
-is about to mount the car, are lifelike. The Greek racing-car was much
-lighter than the Homeric and Mycenæan war-chariot, and the box had
-room only for the charioteer. It was drawn usually by four horses.
-The Athenian type appears on Panathenaic vases throughout the whole
-history of the manufacture of these vases,<a id="FNanchor_1852"></a><a href="#Footnote_1852" class="fnanchor">1852</a> and also on Macedonian
-and Sicilian coins. On certain vases of later date the car is still lighter
-and has larger wheels. One of the earliest racing-cars is seen on a
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_263">263</a></span>vase in the British Museum,<a id="FNanchor_1853"></a><a href="#Footnote_1853" class="fnanchor">1853</a> dating from the eighth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> It
-seems to be a two-horse car, as we should expect at this early date,
-though the artist has drawn but one horse. The charioteer is clothed
-in a long chiton, a custom which was generally kept throughout the
-history of the chariot-race. The regular two-horse type of chariot
-appears on vases as a cart, the body of the old war-chariot being so
-diminished that nothing is left but the driver’s seat with a square open
-framework on the sides. The driver rests his feet on a footboard suspended
-from the pole.<a id="FNanchor_1854"></a><a href="#Footnote_1854" class="fnanchor">1854</a> Perhaps this represents a peculiarly Athenian
-type of chariot, since the two-horse chariot on coins of Philip II, son of
-Amyntas and father of Alexander the Great, a victor at Olympia in
-both horse-racing and charioteering, resembles the ordinary four-horse
-car, and the driver stands instead of sits.<a id="FNanchor_1855"></a><a href="#Footnote_1855" class="fnanchor">1855</a> The mule-car was like the
-two-horse chariot, as we see in representations of it on coins of Rhegion
-and Messana.<a id="FNanchor_1856"></a><a href="#Footnote_1856" class="fnanchor">1856</a> The best illustrations of racing with four-horse cars
-are afforded by coins of Sicilian cities.<a id="FNanchor_1857"></a><a href="#Footnote_1857" class="fnanchor">1857</a> We see an excellent representation
-of such a race on a sixth-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Panathenaic vase
-recently found at Sparta, on which a chariot driven by a standing
-charioteer is represented as passing a pillar on the right, and therefore
-perhaps near the end of the race.<a id="FNanchor_1858"></a><a href="#Footnote_1858" class="fnanchor">1858</a> The harnessing of two horses to a
-racing-car is seen on an archaic b.-f. hydria in Berlin (Pl. <a href="#p26">26</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1859"></a><a href="#Footnote_1859" class="fnanchor">1859</a> Here
-a third horse appears, led by a nude youth, who is crowned, and who
-therefore probably represents a victorious horse-racer. Several other
-b.-f. vase-paintings showing four-horse chariots have been collected by
-Gerhard.<a id="FNanchor_1860"></a><a href="#Footnote_1860" class="fnanchor">1860</a> However, we are not dependent upon vase-paintings and
-coins to judge of the magnificence of Greek chariots of the historical
-period, for we have actual remains of them—war-chariots, to be sure,
-but not very unlike the ones used at the corresponding dates in Olympia.
-Among these is the fine bronze <i>biga</i> found in the grave of an
-Italian prince at Monteleone, Etruria, in 1902, and now one of the chief<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_264">264</a></span>
-treasures of the Metropolitan Museum in New York.<a id="FNanchor_1861"></a><a href="#Footnote_1861" class="fnanchor">1861</a> This is a war-chariot
-of the beginning of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, the only complete
-ancient bronze chariot now known. The restored frame of wood is
-sheathed with thin bronze plates richly ornamented with reliefs
-in repoussé. Because of its form and its relationship to chariots
-appearing on archaic Ionic monuments of Asia Minor, for example,
-on the reliefs of sarcophagi from Klazomenai, and because of the
-strong resemblance between its decorative designs and those of
-archaic Italian monuments of Ionicizing style, Furtwaengler has
-classed it as the product of Ionic Greek art. Professor Chase, on
-the other hand, finds these decorations pure Etruscan in character,
-comparing them with the reliefs on three bronze tripods in the possession
-of Mr. James Loeb, which are dated some half a century later.<a id="FNanchor_1862"></a><a href="#Footnote_1862" class="fnanchor">1862</a> In
-any case this chariot is “<i>das glaenzendste, vollstaendigste</i>” archaic
-metal work yet recovered. In the British Museum there are considerable
-remnants of the chariot-group of King Mausolos and his wife
-Artemisia, which once stood on the apex of the Mausoleion at Halikarnassos,
-the work, according to Pliny,<a id="FNanchor_1863"></a><a href="#Footnote_1863" class="fnanchor">1863</a> of Pythis (or Pytheos), the architect
-and historian of the tomb.<a id="FNanchor_1864"></a><a href="#Footnote_1864" class="fnanchor">1864</a> Besides the figures of the royal pair,
-we have the head of one horse, the hinder half of another, fragments
-of still others, and one wheel of the chariot.<a id="FNanchor_1865"></a><a href="#Footnote_1865" class="fnanchor">1865</a></p>
-
-<h3>CHARIOT-GROUPS AT OLYMPIA.</h3>
-
-<p>Great artists were engaged to set up chariot-groups at Olympia and
-elsewhere. Many of the <i>quadrigae</i> and <i>bigae</i> mentioned by Pliny as
-the works of sculptors and painters must have been agonistic offerings.<a id="FNanchor_1866"></a><a href="#Footnote_1866" class="fnanchor">1866</a>
-Aeginetan sculptors were especially in favor at Olympia. Thus Onatas,
-in conjunction with the Athenian Kalamis, made a group for King
-Hiero,<a id="FNanchor_1867"></a><a href="#Footnote_1867" class="fnanchor">1867</a> and Glaukias made another for Hiero’s brother Gelo;<a id="FNanchor_1868"></a><a href="#Footnote_1868" class="fnanchor">1868</a> Simon
-made an equestrian group for Phormis,<a id="FNanchor_1869"></a><a href="#Footnote_1869" class="fnanchor">1869</a> and Philotimos made a statue
-for the horse-racer Xenombrotos of Kos.<a id="FNanchor_1870"></a><a href="#Footnote_1870" class="fnanchor">1870</a> The oldest dedication by
-a chariot victor at Olympia was the votive offering of Miltiades, the
-son of Kypselos, of Athens, which consisted of an ivory horn of Amal<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_265">265</a></span>theia,
-inscribed with archaic letters and set up in the treasury of the
-Sikyonians. Miltiades won his victory in Ol. (?) 54 (&#8239;=&#8239;564 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1871"></a><a href="#Footnote_1871" class="fnanchor">1871</a> The
-next oldest dedication at Olympia was that of a chariot, without any
-human figure, by the Spartan Euagoras, who won three victories in
-Ols. (?) 58–60 (&#8239;=&#8239;548–540 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1872"></a><a href="#Footnote_1872" class="fnanchor">1872</a> This custom of dedicating merely
-the model of a chariot continued sporadically into the third century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Thus Polypeithes of Sparta, who won a victory near the end of
-the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,<a id="FNanchor_1873"></a><a href="#Footnote_1873" class="fnanchor">1873</a> dedicated a chariot, while a figure of his
-father, the wrestler Kalliteles, stood beside it.<a id="FNanchor_1874"></a><a href="#Footnote_1874" class="fnanchor">1874</a> A Pythian victor,
-Arkesilas IV, son of Battos IV, king of Kyrene, who won a victory in
-the 31st Pythiad (&#8239;=&#8239;462 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), dedicated a chariot at Delphi.<a id="FNanchor_1875"></a><a href="#Footnote_1875" class="fnanchor">1875</a> At the
-beginning of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> the Spartan princess Kyniska set
-up “bronze horses less than life-size” in the pronaos of the temple of
-Zeus at Olympia. The recovered base shows that Pausanias was right
-about the size of this votive offering.<a id="FNanchor_1876"></a><a href="#Footnote_1876" class="fnanchor">1876</a> Theochrestos of Kyrene, who
-won some time between Ols. (?) 100 and 122 (&#8239;=&#8239;380 and 292 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>),<a id="FNanchor_1877"></a><a href="#Footnote_1877" class="fnanchor">1877</a>
-and Glaukon of Athens, who won in the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,<a id="FNanchor_1878"></a><a href="#Footnote_1878" class="fnanchor">1878</a> also set up
-votive chariots. The recovered base of Glaukon’s chariot shows that it
-was small. Sometimes a chariot victor, for economy’s sake, contented
-himself with dedicating merely a statue of himself in honor of his victory—a
-custom which continued from the sixth to the third centuries
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Perhaps one of the oldest examples of such a dedication of which
-we have record is that of the Elean Archidamas, who won a victory at
-an unknown date, but certainly some time after Ol. 66 (&#8239;=&#8239;515 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_1879"></a><a href="#Footnote_1879" class="fnanchor">1879</a>
-In the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, the Spartans Anaxandros<a id="FNanchor_1880"></a><a href="#Footnote_1880" class="fnanchor">1880</a> and Lykinos<a id="FNanchor_1881"></a><a href="#Footnote_1881" class="fnanchor">1881</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_266">266</a></span>
-dedicated merely statues of themselves. In the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> the
-Elean victors Timon,<a id="FNanchor_1882"></a><a href="#Footnote_1882" class="fnanchor">1882</a> whose monument was by Daidalos, Troilos,
-whose monument was by Lysippos,<a id="FNanchor_1883"></a><a href="#Footnote_1883" class="fnanchor">1883</a> and Telemachos, whose statue
-was by Philonides,<a id="FNanchor_1884"></a><a href="#Footnote_1884" class="fnanchor">1884</a> set up statues in honor of their victories. The
-footprints on the inscribed base of the statue of Telemachos show that
-he was represented standing at rest with both feet flat on the ground.
-This was probably the position of the statues of the other two victors
-mentioned. The statue of the Spartan victor Polykles, surnamed
-<i>Polychalkos</i>, stood in a singular group. He was represented as being
-greeted on his return home by his children, one of whom held a small
-grace-hoop in his hand, while the other was trying to snatch the victor
-ribbon from his father’s hand.<a id="FNanchor_1885"></a><a href="#Footnote_1885" class="fnanchor">1885</a> We learn from Diogenes Laertios that
-the tyrant Periandros of Corinth vowed to set up a golden statue of
-himself if he won the chariot-race.<a id="FNanchor_1886"></a><a href="#Footnote_1886" class="fnanchor">1886</a></p>
-
-<p>The first instance chronologically recorded by Pausanias of a chariot
-victor dedicating his statue along with chariot and horses is that of
-king Gelo of Syracuse, the group being the work of the Aeginetan Glaukias.<a id="FNanchor_1887"></a><a href="#Footnote_1887" class="fnanchor">1887</a>
-The first instance of a victor dedicating his statue in a group
-with chariot, horses, and charioteer, is that of Kleosthenes of Epidamnos,
-the group being the work of the Argive Hagelaïdas.<a id="FNanchor_1888"></a><a href="#Footnote_1888" class="fnanchor">1888</a> Even the names
-of the horses were inscribed on this monument.<a id="FNanchor_1889"></a><a href="#Footnote_1889" class="fnanchor">1889</a> The owner of the
-chariot, to be sure, took the prize, but he felt that the victory was due to
-the horses and driver, and so he associated them with himself in the
-monument. Sometimes the victor acted as his own charioteer. Thus
-the Spartan Damonon, already mentioned as the hero of many chariot
-victories in and near Sparta, tells in the inscription appearing on his
-votive relief that he was his own charioteer.<a id="FNanchor_1890"></a><a href="#Footnote_1890" class="fnanchor">1890</a> In the first <i>Isthmian
-Ode</i> Pindar congratulates Herodotos of Thebes, who won the chariot-race
-(?) in 458 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, on not entrusting his chariot to strangers, but driving<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_267">267</a></span>
-it himself.<a id="FNanchor_1891"></a><a href="#Footnote_1891" class="fnanchor">1891</a> Thrasyboulos seems to have driven his father’s car at the
-victory commemorated by the sixth <i>Pythian Ode</i>, sung in honor of the
-chariot victory of Xenokrates of Akragas in 490 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> at Delphi. Karrhotos,
-the charioteer of Arkesilas of Kyrene already mentioned, was
-the latter’s brother-in-law.<a id="FNanchor_1892"></a><a href="#Footnote_1892" class="fnanchor">1892</a> Similarly Aigyptos appears to have ridden
-his own horse at Olympia instead of entrusting it to a jockey.<a id="FNanchor_1893"></a><a href="#Footnote_1893" class="fnanchor">1893</a> Sophokles,
-in the <i>Electra</i>, has the hero Orestes drive his own chariot at the
-<i>Pythia</i>. Kyniska, the daughter of king Archidamas of Sparta, was the
-first woman to enter the contests at the race-course and the first to win
-an Olympic victory with her chariot.<a id="FNanchor_1894"></a><a href="#Footnote_1894" class="fnanchor">1894</a> Apart from the small votive
-offering, already mentioned as standing in the temple of Zeus, she had
-also a victor-group at Olympia, by the sculptor Apellas, consisting of
-chariot, horses, charioteer, and herself. The rounded form of the
-recovered base,<a id="FNanchor_1895"></a><a href="#Footnote_1895" class="fnanchor">1895</a> in connection with the description of Pausanias, permits
-us to assume that the statue of the princess stood in front on the
-projecting rounded portion of the pedestal. This is the contention of
-Loewy, who opposes the theory of Furtwaengler<a id="FNanchor_1896"></a><a href="#Footnote_1896" class="fnanchor">1896</a> that the statue stood
-away from the rest of the group, since Pausanias makes no mention of
-such an arrangement. In any case, the charioteer in the group can not
-have been separated from the car.</p>
-
-<p>In an unpublished paper by my former teacher, Dr. Alfred Emerson,
-which was read by Professor D. M. Robinson before the Archæological
-Institute of America at its Christmas meeting in Providence
-in 1910, and entitled <i>The Case of Kyniska</i>,<a id="FNanchor_1897"></a><a href="#Footnote_1897" class="fnanchor">1897</a> the argument was made that
-the chariot was in miniature; that the statue of Kyniska was a portrait,
-because of the wording of the recovered epigram; and, lastly that
-the smallest of the so-called bronze dancers from the villa of the Pisos
-in Herculaneum, now in Naples, is a late reproduction of the statue at
-Olympia by Apellas. Emerson thinks that Pliny no doubt often visited
-the villa and may well have had these statues in mind when he mentioned
-Apellas as the author of several statues of women adorning themselves.<a id="FNanchor_1898"></a><a href="#Footnote_1898" class="fnanchor">1898</a></p>
-
-<p>The monument erected by Hiero, son of Deinomenes and brother
-and successor of king Gelo at Syracuse, who won two horse-races and
-a four-horse chariot victory at Olympia in Ols. 76, 77, 78 (&#8239;=&#8239;476–468
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>),<a id="FNanchor_1899"></a><a href="#Footnote_1899" class="fnanchor">1899</a> consisted of a bronze chariot, on which the charioteer was
-mounted, and on either side a race-horse with a jockey on each. Onatas
-made the chariot (and possibly the statue of the driver), while Kalamis<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_268">268</a></span>
-sculptured the horses and jockeys. Such a division among sculptors
-was not uncommon at Olympia. Thus the Aeginetan artist Simon and
-the Argive Dionysios made a group in common for Phormis, which we
-have already mentioned, consisting of two horses and two charioteers.<a id="FNanchor_1900"></a><a href="#Footnote_1900" class="fnanchor">1900</a>
-The Chian Pantias and the Aeginetan Philotimos made a group in
-common for Xenombrotos of Kos, victor in horse-racing, and for
-his son, the boy boxer Xenodikos, which consisted of statues of the
-man and the boy on horseback.<a id="FNanchor_1901"></a><a href="#Footnote_1901" class="fnanchor">1901</a> Pliny mentions a four-horse chariot-group
-for which the elder Praxiteles made the charioteer and Kalamis
-the chariot, adding that Praxiteles did this out of kindness, not wishing
-it to be thought that Kalamis had failed in representing the man
-after succeeding in representing the horses.<a id="FNanchor_1902"></a><a href="#Footnote_1902" class="fnanchor">1902</a></p>
-
-<p>In some of the Olympic chariot-groups doubtless the charioteer was
-represented at the moment of entering the chariot or already in it.
-Sometimes a figure of Nike took the place of the charioteer, in order
-that the victor’s exploit might be more exalted. Thus Pausanias, in
-mentioning the bronze chariot of Kratisthenes of Kyrene by Pythagoras
-of Rhegion,<a id="FNanchor_1903"></a><a href="#Footnote_1903" class="fnanchor">1903</a> says that statues of Nike and Kratisthenes himself
-are mounted upon the car. The Nike in some cases was replaced by
-the figure of a young maiden, who stood beside the victor, as in the
-cases of the Elean Timon<a id="FNanchor_1904"></a><a href="#Footnote_1904" class="fnanchor">1904</a> and the Macedonian Lampos.<a id="FNanchor_1905"></a><a href="#Footnote_1905" class="fnanchor">1905</a> Pliny notes
-a similar example in reference to the chariot of Teisikrates, a Delphian
-victor in the two-horse chariot-race.<a id="FNanchor_1906"></a><a href="#Footnote_1906" class="fnanchor">1906</a> The maiden in all these cases
-may have been merely a Nike personified or a mortal.<a id="FNanchor_1907"></a><a href="#Footnote_1907" class="fnanchor">1907</a> Pliny records
-that the painter Nikomachos, son and pupil of Aristeides, painted a
-<i>Victoria quadrigam in sublime rapiens</i>.<a id="FNanchor_1908"></a><a href="#Footnote_1908" class="fnanchor">1908</a> The figure of Nike appears
-often on reliefs. Thus on a terra-cotta sarcophagus from Klazomenai
-we see a two-horse chariot driven by a boy, while alongside is a winged
-female figure—Iris or Nike—mounting it.<a id="FNanchor_1909"></a><a href="#Footnote_1909" class="fnanchor">1909</a> The moment of victory is
-shown on an Attic marble votive relief representing a four-horse chariot,
-now in the British Museum. Here a figure of Nike is represented as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_269">269</a></span>
-floating in the air and extending a wreath (now wanting) towards the
-head of the charioteer, who is draped with a tunic girdled at the waist,
-as he mounts the car. If the charioteer in this relief is a female (which
-is doubtful), it may he the personification of the city to which the
-winner belongs.<a id="FNanchor_1910"></a><a href="#Footnote_1910" class="fnanchor">1910</a> On a votive relief in Athens a horse is represented
-as being crowned by Nike.<a id="FNanchor_1911"></a><a href="#Footnote_1911" class="fnanchor">1911</a> On a relief in Madrid Nike is represented as
-driving a chariot.<a id="FNanchor_1912"></a><a href="#Footnote_1912" class="fnanchor">1912</a> A quadriga with a female figure, apparently Nike,
-appears on a relief dedicated to Hermes and the Nymphs, which was
-found in Phaleron.<a id="FNanchor_1913"></a><a href="#Footnote_1913" class="fnanchor">1913</a> Doubtless some of the chariot-groups at Olympia
-represented movement—the start, the course, or the end of the race—as
-do these and similar reliefs.<a id="FNanchor_1914"></a><a href="#Footnote_1914" class="fnanchor">1914</a> We should add that the figure of Nike
-was not confined to equestrian monuments. On the Ficoroni cista in
-Rome is represented the boxing match between Polydeukes and Amykos
-among the Bebrykes. In the centre we see Amykos hanged to a tree by
-the hands, while to the right stands Athena, and above her Nike is
-flying with a crown and fillet of victory for Polydeukes.<a id="FNanchor_1915"></a><a href="#Footnote_1915" class="fnanchor">1915</a></p>
-
-<h3>REMAINS OF CHARIOT-GROUPS.</h3>
-
-<p>From this discussion of the literary evidence about the monuments
-of chariot victors at Olympia and elsewhere, we shall turn to a brief
-consideration of certain existing works of sculpture, reliefs and statues,
-which will serve to illustrate the manner in which the sculptor represented
-this class of victor monuments.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter400"><a id="f63"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p270.jpg" width="400" height="491" alt="Charioteer Mounting a Chariot." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 63.</span>—Charioteer Mounting a Chariot. Bas-relief
-from the Akropolis. Akropolis Museum, Athens.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The motive of representing a figure in the act of mounting a chariot
-is old. Amphiaraos was thus represented on the chest of Kypselos at
-Olympia<a id="FNanchor_1916"></a><a href="#Footnote_1916" class="fnanchor">1916</a> and appears in a similar pose on the b.-f. Corinthian vase from
-Cerveteri, now in Berlin, which we have already mentioned.<a id="FNanchor_1917"></a><a href="#Footnote_1917" class="fnanchor">1917</a> Among
-reliefs we shall first discuss the Parian (?) marble one found in 1822 near
-the Propylaia at Athens and now in the Akropolis Museum (Fig. <a href="#f63">63</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1918"></a><a href="#Footnote_1918" class="fnanchor">1918</a>
-Here we see represented a robed figure stepping into a chariot, holding
-the reins in the extended hands. This Attic work, perhaps dating from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_270">270</a></span>
-the very beginning of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, has long been admired for
-its vigor and grace. Whether the figure is male or female, human or
-divine, is still a matter of debate. The head is too badly weathered to
-make the decision final. The upper part of the figure of Hermes (?)
-on another fragment, which appears to come from the same relief and
-which was found near the south wall of the Akropolis in 1859,<a id="FNanchor_1919"></a><a href="#Footnote_1919" class="fnanchor">1919</a> has
-made it seem reasonable to call the charioteer a god, perhaps Apollo.<a id="FNanchor_1920"></a><a href="#Footnote_1920" class="fnanchor">1920</a>
-The hair of Hermes and of the charioteer is arranged in the old
-Attic <i>krobylos</i> fashion. This also makes it natural to interpret the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_271">271</a></span>
-charioteer as male, despite the slender and delicate arms and hands,
-which appear to be female.<a id="FNanchor_1921"></a><a href="#Footnote_1921" class="fnanchor">1921</a> But such effeminate male figures are not
-unknown to Attic art, which was characterized by grace and softness.<a id="FNanchor_1922"></a><a href="#Footnote_1922" class="fnanchor">1922</a>
-The line of the breast, however, shows no such fulness as archaic
-masters were wont to give to female forms, and hence this figure may
-very well be that of a male. Schrader has tried to refer the slab to the
-frieze of the Old Temple of Athena, which, he believes, survived the
-sack of the Akropolis by Xerxes,<a id="FNanchor_1923"></a><a href="#Footnote_1923" class="fnanchor">1923</a> thus assuming a chariot-frieze
-similar to the later one appearing on the Mausoleion at Halikarnassos,
-which antedated similar scenes on the Parthenon frieze by nearly a century.
-As the Parthenon slabs represent mortal charioteers, who are
-doubtless males, the relief may also represent a mortal. However, the
-Akropolis relief may have had nothing to do with any temple frieze nor
-with the adornment of a great altar of Athena, as Furtwaengler contended,<a id="FNanchor_1924"></a><a href="#Footnote_1924" class="fnanchor">1924</a>
-but may be from a votive monument set up by a chariot
-victor.<a id="FNanchor_1925"></a><a href="#Footnote_1925" class="fnanchor">1925</a></p>
-
-<p>We see a good representation in relief of a chariot-group on one side
-of the arched roof of the so-called Chimæra tomb discovered by Sir
-Charles Fellows at Xanthos in Lykia. Here is represented a chariot
-drawn by four horses, in which stands a charioteer, with sleeved tunic
-and Phrygian cap, and an armed figure. Because of the figure of the
-Chimæra in the lower right-hand corner, the charioteer, despite the
-absence of Pegasos, has been called Bellerophon.<a id="FNanchor_1926"></a><a href="#Footnote_1926" class="fnanchor">1926</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_272">272</a></span></p>
-
-<h3>THE APOBATES CHARIOT-RACE.</h3>
-
-<p>On the north frieze of the Parthenon there were originally at least 9
-four-horse chariot groups,<a id="FNanchor_1927"></a><a href="#Footnote_1927" class="fnanchor">1927</a> while on the south frieze there were 10 such
-groups.<a id="FNanchor_1928"></a><a href="#Footnote_1928" class="fnanchor">1928</a> These various groups represent a ceremonial chariot-race
-called the <i>apobates</i>, known at Athens and in Bœotia and a favorite
-contest at the Panathenaic games.<a id="FNanchor_1929"></a><a href="#Footnote_1929" class="fnanchor">1929</a> This race preserved the tradition
-of Homeric warfare, when the chieftain was driven to battle in his
-chariot, but dismounted to fight, remounting only to pursue or avoid his
-enemy. During the race, while the charioteer kept the horses at full
-speed, the <i>apobates</i> dismounted, ran alongside the chariot, and mounted
-again. In the last lap he dismounted and ran beside the chariot to
-the goal.<a id="FNanchor_1930"></a><a href="#Footnote_1930" class="fnanchor">1930</a> In the North frieze we see the charioteer in the chariot,
-and the <i>apobates</i>, armed with shield and helmet, either stepping down
-from the chariot or standing beside it; while a third figure, a marshal,
-stands nearby. Thus on slab XIV we see the <i>apobates</i> about to step
-down; on slab XV he is standing up in the chariot; on slab XVII
-(Fig. <a href="#f64">64</a>) he is leaning back, supporting himself by means of his right
-hand, which grasps the chariot rail, and is just ready to step down; on slab
-XXII he is remounting the chariot. In the scenes on the South frieze,
-on the other hand, the <i>apobates</i> is not represented as dismounting,
-but is standing either inside the chariot or by its side. The South
-frieze, therefore, represents preparation or the beginning of the race,
-while the North one represents the actual course. There is, therefore,
-as Gardiner points out, no need to accept Michaelis’ theory that the
-two friezes portray different motives, the North one representing the
-<i>apobates</i> at the games and the South one representing war-chariots.
-The double character of the race is shown by inscriptions which make
-both charioteer and <i>apobates</i> equally victors. Many other reliefs show
-the <i>apobates</i> dismounting. Thus, on a fragmentary relief found in 1886
-at the Amphiareion at Oropos and now in Athens,<a id="FNanchor_1931"></a><a href="#Footnote_1931" class="fnanchor">1931</a> we see a nude and
-beardless youth standing in a chariot, which is moving rapidly to the
-left. He has a helmet on his head and a shield in his left hand and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_273">273</a></span>
-holds on to the rim of the chariot, as in the Parthenon frieze slab just
-mentioned. To his right is a charioteer with his arms outstretched to
-hold the reins. As this relief is obviously influenced by the Parthenon
-frieze, it must stand midway between that frieze and the Hellenistic
-relief to be described below. Another relief, found at Oropos in 1835<a id="FNanchor_1932"></a><a href="#Footnote_1932" class="fnanchor">1932</a>
-and dating from the first half of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, represents
-a four-horse chariot moving to the left and containing two persons.
-One is the charioteer, who has long waving hair and a short beard and
-is clothed in the usual long tunic; the other is a nude <i>apobates</i>, who is
-armed with helmet and shield and holds on to the rim of the chariot
-with his right hand, the upper part of his body being inclined backwards,
-the knees bent, and the shield held away from the body.<a id="FNanchor_1933"></a><a href="#Footnote_1933" class="fnanchor">1933</a> We
-can not say whether these two reliefs from the Amphiareion represent
-offerings of <i>apobatai</i>, who were victorious at races held in Oropos or
-elsewhere in Bœotia, or represent the victorious Panathenaic <i>apobatai</i>.
-They may well be <i>ex votos</i> to the hero Amphiaraos at the
-games held in Oropos. We see an excellent illustration of an <i>apobates</i>
-in the very act of dismounting on a Hellenistic votive relief discovered
-in 1880 on the Akropolis, which dates from the end of the fourth century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1934"></a><a href="#Footnote_1934" class="fnanchor">1934</a> A marble relief, supposably from Herculaneum, but now<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_274">274</a></span>
-in Portugal,<a id="FNanchor_1935"></a><a href="#Footnote_1935" class="fnanchor">1935</a> represents a figure dressed in a long chiton. Wolters
-suggests that it may represent an <i>apobates</i>, but the absence of the
-usual armor makes it probable that a charioteer is intended. In
-a future section we shall discuss the <i>apobates</i> in the horse-race at
-Olympia known as κάλπη.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter350"><a id="f64"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p273.jpg" width="350" height="324" alt="Apobates and Chariot." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 64.</span>—Apobates and Chariot. Relief from
-the North Frieze of the Parthenon, Athens.</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter400"><a id="f65"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p274.jpg" width="400" height="497" alt="Charioteer." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 65.</span>—Charioteer. Relief from the small Frieze of
-the Mausoleion, Halikarnassos. British Museum, London.</div></div>
-
-<h3>STATUES OF CHARIOTEERS.</h3>
-
-<p>The best-preserved slab from the small Parian marble chariot-frieze
-from the Mausoleion of Halikarnassos, now in the British Museum,
-represents a male figure standing in a chariot (Fig. <a href="#f65">65</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1936"></a><a href="#Footnote_1936" class="fnanchor">1936</a>
-This long-haired
-charioteer, dressed in a tunic which extends to the feet and is
-girded at the waist, is leaning forward in an eager attitude. The folds<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_275">275</a></span>
-of his garment curved to the wind show the speed of his horses, and the
-mutilated face discloses a look of intense excitement. The deep-set
-eyes and overhanging brows recall the Tegea heads of Skopas (Fig. <a href="#f73">73</a>)
-and the combatants pictured on the so-called <i>Alexander Sarcophagus</i>
-discovered near Sidon in 1887 and now in Constantinople.<a id="FNanchor_1937"></a><a href="#Footnote_1937" class="fnanchor">1937</a> The pose
-is so characteristic and spirited that it was copied by later artists on
-reliefs and gems.<a id="FNanchor_1938"></a><a href="#Footnote_1938" class="fnanchor">1938</a> The same pose, forward inclination of the body,
-half-opened mouth, and intense look seem to be reproduced in a statue
-of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> now in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston
-(Pl. <a href="#p27">27</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1939"></a><a href="#Footnote_1939" class="fnanchor">1939</a> Robinson, because of the similarity of its head to certain
-heads of Apollo published by Overbeck,<a id="FNanchor_1940"></a><a href="#Footnote_1940" class="fnanchor">1940</a> interpreted this statue as
-Apollo starting to run. Von Mach, however, has pointed out that its
-head bears a more striking resemblance to that of a <i>Kore</i> in Vienna.<a id="FNanchor_1941"></a><a href="#Footnote_1941" class="fnanchor">1941</a>
-Klein interpreted it as a jumper, assuming that the two supports on the
-legs were for the wrists, indicating that the arms were held downwards,
-the hands, then, holding <i>halteres</i>. But von Mach makes it clear that
-these supports are not parallel, as Klein thought, but that they diverge
-outwards and consequently may have made the connection with the
-sides of a chariot rim. Furthermore, the likeness to the figure on the
-Mausoleion frieze (Fig. <a href="#f65">65</a>) makes it probable that we are here concerned
-with a charioteer. The objection to this theory on the ground of
-nudity is baseless. Though the conventional garb of the charioteer in
-Greek art from the eighth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> onwards<a id="FNanchor_1942"></a><a href="#Footnote_1942" class="fnanchor">1942</a> was certainly a long,
-close-fitting chiton, there are several examples in existence of nude
-charioteers.<a id="FNanchor_1943"></a><a href="#Footnote_1943" class="fnanchor">1943</a> Similarly the objection that the artificial head-dress does
-not belong to a charioteer is equally erroneous. Klein has shown that it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_276">276</a></span>
-appears on several heads of boys, and, as von Mach says, it is certainly
-no better suited to Apollo or a jumper than to a boy driving colts
-in a chariot-race. The pose of the Boston statue also reminds us
-somewhat of that of the small bronze statue of a boy found in the Rhine
-near Xanten in 1858 and now in Berlin.<a id="FNanchor_1944"></a><a href="#Footnote_1944" class="fnanchor">1944</a> This is a Roman work seemingly
-inspired by a Greek prototype, and has been interpreted variously as
-the statue of <i>Bonus Eventus, Novus Annus</i>, and Dionysos. However,
-here again the forward inclination of the body points to the interpretation
-of a charioteer,<a id="FNanchor_1945"></a><a href="#Footnote_1945" class="fnanchor">1945</a> despite its nudity. The nude statue found
-on the Esquiline in 1874 and now in the Palazzo dei Conservatori,
-Rome, which has already been mentioned,<a id="FNanchor_1946"></a><a href="#Footnote_1946" class="fnanchor">1946</a> has been shown to be
-that of a charioteer by a comparison with figures on Attic vases which
-represent mortals and gods entering chariots, and with a figure on the
-so-called <i>Satrap Sarcophagus</i> in Constantinople.<a id="FNanchor_1947"></a><a href="#Footnote_1947" class="fnanchor">1947</a> The youth is represented
-as standing on his left foot; he places his right on the chariot
-floor and extends his hands to hold the reins. The statue seems to be a
-mediocre Roman copy of a Greek original bronze of about the middle
-of the fifth century <i>B.&nbsp;C.</i>, as it shows certain traces of archaism. Furtwaengler
-has assigned it to the sculptor Kalamis along with a closely
-connected group of monuments.<a id="FNanchor_1948"></a><a href="#Footnote_1948" class="fnanchor">1948</a></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 27</p><a id="p27"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp276.jpg" width="500" height="858" alt="Statue of a Charioteer (?)." />
-<div class="caption">Statue of a Charioteer (?). Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Finally, in this connection, even though it has nothing to do with
-monuments set up at Olympia, we shall discuss the life-size bronze
-statue of the <i>Charioteer</i> discovered by the French in 1896 in the excavations
-of Delphi, and now the cynosure of the village museum there.
-(Fig. <a href="#f66">66</a>.)<a id="FNanchor_1949"></a><a href="#Footnote_1949" class="fnanchor">1949</a> This example of ripe archaic art is one of the finest
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_277">277</a></span>bronzes yet recovered in Greece. Its ancient fame is disclosed by the
-fact that it was copied in many monuments down to the end of antiquity.<a id="FNanchor_1950"></a><a href="#Footnote_1950" class="fnanchor">1950</a>
-The figure is clothed in a short-sleeved chiton, which reached
-nearly to the ground, and is girded above the waist. With the figure
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f66"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p277.jpg" width="250" height="640" alt="Bronze Statue of the
-Delphi Charioteer." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 66.</span>—Bronze Statue of the
-Delphi <i>Charioteer</i>. Museum of Delphi.</span></span>
-were found also fragments of reins,
-which were held in the extended
-right hand, portions of three horses,
-a chariot pole, and the left arm and
-hand of a second figure, that of a
-boy or woman, showing that the
-<i>Charioteer</i> was part of a group.
-The group rested on a base on
-which was cut a two-line metrical
-inscription, the ends of which are
-preserved. The first line ends
-Πολύζαλός μ’ ἀνέθηκεν. A part of
-the inscription is lost and another
-part, including the above words, is
-written over the erased original,
-which is still partly legible. The
-original inscription gives the name of
-the first dedicator as ending in ιλας.
-From this ending Professor Washburn
-recovers the name Ἀρκεσίλας.
-He refers the original dedication
-to Arkesilas IV of Kyrene,<a id="FNanchor_1951"></a><a href="#Footnote_1951" class="fnanchor">1951</a> and
-identifies it with the group known
-from Pausanias to have been dedicated
-at Delphi by the people of
-Kyrene, representing Battos and
-the figure of Libya crowning him
-in a chariot and the charioteer personified
-as Kyrene outside, the whole
-being the work of the Knossian
-sculptor Amphion.<a id="FNanchor_1952"></a><a href="#Footnote_1952" class="fnanchor">1952</a> Svoronos<a id="FNanchor_1953"></a><a href="#Footnote_1953" class="fnanchor">1953</a> follows
-Washburn’s suggestion and
-identifies the <i>Charioteer</i> with Battos,
-believing that the fragment of
-the left arm found with the statue<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_278">278</a></span>
-is from the statue of Kyrene represented as a charioteer.<a id="FNanchor_1954"></a><a href="#Footnote_1954" class="fnanchor">1954</a> Ingenious
-as the theory is, there are chronological difficulties in the way of
-accepting it unreservedly. Thus Amphion’s pupil Pison worked on
-the Spartan memorial of Aigospotamoi at Delphi in 404 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1955"></a><a href="#Footnote_1955" class="fnanchor">1955</a> Furthermore,
-the ending ιλας may equally well refer to Anaxilas, the tyrant
-of Rhegion, as the original dedicator,<a id="FNanchor_1956"></a><a href="#Footnote_1956" class="fnanchor">1956</a> in which case it seems reasonable
-to assume that the group might have been the work of Pythagoras,
-the great sculptor of Rhegion.<a id="FNanchor_1957"></a><a href="#Footnote_1957" class="fnanchor">1957</a> A Greek scholar believes that
-the original dedicator was Gelo, and that his name was erased and
-replaced by that of his brother Polyzalos; he consequently dates the
-group shortly after Gelo’s death in 478 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1958"></a><a href="#Footnote_1958" class="fnanchor">1958</a> He refers it to Glaukias
-of Aegina, while Joubin<a id="FNanchor_1959"></a><a href="#Footnote_1959" class="fnanchor">1959</a> classes the <i>Charioteer</i> as an Attic work.
-However, the whole subject of Greek sculpture in the years just
-after the Persian war period is too complicated to name definitely the
-artist of this simple and severe work. Its deficiencies are as apparent
-as its virtues. Thus the parallel folds of the chiton show little of
-the form beneath; the feet are too flatly placed on the ground, and
-the contour of the head and face is not altogether graceful.<a id="FNanchor_1960"></a><a href="#Footnote_1960" class="fnanchor">1960</a> Whatever
-the original purpose of the group was, it may well have been
-used by Polyzalos to honor the Pythian victory of his brother Hiero.<a id="FNanchor_1961"></a><a href="#Footnote_1961" class="fnanchor">1961</a>
-From it, then, we can get, perhaps, an idea of the magnificence of
-Hiero’s monument by Onatas and Kalamis at Olympia.</p>
-
-<h3>DEDICATIONS OF VICTORS IN THE HORSE-RACE AT
-OLYMPIA AND ELSEWHERE.</h3>
-
-<p>The hippic victor at Olympia frequently dedicated merely the model
-of his victorious horse without the jockey, just as the early chariot<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_279">279</a></span>
-victor dedicated a chariot without the charioteer. We have evidence of
-several instances of this custom from the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> on. Krokon
-of Eretria dedicated a small horse of bronze in the Altis.<a id="FNanchor_1962"></a><a href="#Footnote_1962" class="fnanchor">1962</a> The
-Corinthian Pheidolas dedicated a model of his horse alone, but for a
-different reason.<a id="FNanchor_1963"></a><a href="#Footnote_1963" class="fnanchor">1963</a> The jockey who rode for him fell off at the start,
-but the mare, named <i>Aura</i>, continued the race and reached the goal as
-victor. The owner was allowed by the judges to set up a monument to
-her. The sons of Pheidolas were also victors in the horse-race<a id="FNanchor_1964"></a><a href="#Footnote_1964" class="fnanchor">1964</a> and set
-up a horse on a column with an epigram upon it—ἵππος ἐπὶ στήλῃ
-πεποιημένος καὶ ἐπίγραμμά ἐστιν ἐπ’ αὐτῷ. Just how this monument
-looked is doubtful. Pausanias may have seen the bronze horse of the
-father Pheidolas, and nearby a column with a bas-relief representing
-the horse of the sons;<a id="FNanchor_1965"></a><a href="#Footnote_1965" class="fnanchor">1965</a> or the horse may have stood on top of the column
-in the round, since the epigram was ἐπ’ αὐτῷ (on the horse) and not
-ἐπ’ αὐτῇ (on the stele).<a id="FNanchor_1966"></a><a href="#Footnote_1966" class="fnanchor">1966</a></p>
-
-<p>More frequently a jockey was seated upon the model of the horse,
-just as we see frequently on vase-paintings. In the Olympic monument
-of King Hiero already mentioned, race-horses with boys seated
-upon them stood on either side of the chariot in honor of his two victories
-in the horse-race and one in the chariot-race.<a id="FNanchor_1967"></a><a href="#Footnote_1967" class="fnanchor">1967</a> Another Olympia
-group represented the boy horse-racer Aigyptos on horseback, and his
-father, the chariot victor Timon, standing beside him.<a id="FNanchor_1968"></a><a href="#Footnote_1968" class="fnanchor">1968</a> This is also a
-case in which the victor (Aigyptos) acted as his own jockey. In the
-group representing Xenombrotos of Kos, the horse-racer, and his son,
-the boy boxer Xenodikos, by the Aeginetan Philotimos and the Chian
-Pantias respectively, the boy was seated on a horse and the statue of
-the father stood nearby.<a id="FNanchor_1969"></a><a href="#Footnote_1969" class="fnanchor">1969</a> The base of this group has been recovered,
-large enough to have carried the two monuments.<a id="FNanchor_1970"></a><a href="#Footnote_1970" class="fnanchor">1970</a> Pliny says that the
-sculptors Kanachos and Hegias made groups of horse-racers.<a id="FNanchor_1971"></a><a href="#Footnote_1971" class="fnanchor">1971</a> We have
-seen that Pausanias mentions others by Kalamis and Daidalos. The
-work of Kalamis, the immediate predecessor of Pheidias, an artist
-noted for his grace and softness and as an unrivaled sculptor of horses,<a id="FNanchor_1972"></a><a href="#Footnote_1972" class="fnanchor">1972</a>
-must have been excellent.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_280">280</a></span></p>
-
-<h3>MONUMENTS ILLUSTRATING THE HORSE-RACE.</h3>
-
-<p>When we turn to the monuments which illustrate the horse-race, we
-find as varied a number—vase-paintings, reliefs, coins, statuary, etc.—as
-in the case of chariot victors.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><a id="f67"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p280.jpg" width="500" height="318" alt="Horse-Racer." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 67.</span>—Horse-Racer. From a Sixth-Century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> b.-f. Panathenaic Vase.
-British Museum, London.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Vase-paintings show that the jockey was generally nude and rode
-without stirrups or saddle. We see nude long-haired jockeys on
-horseback with whips pictured on a sixth-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Panathenaic
-amphora in the British Museum.<a id="FNanchor_1973"></a><a href="#Footnote_1973" class="fnanchor">1973</a> One also appears on a silver tetradrachm
-in the same museum, which commemorates the Olympic
-victory of Philip II of Macedonia.<a id="FNanchor_1974"></a><a href="#Footnote_1974" class="fnanchor">1974</a> Here the victorious mounted
-jockey has a palm in his hand, the symbol of his victory. On the other
-hand, the jockey is sometimes represented as wearing a close-fitting
-short-sleeved chiton. We see such a one on an archaic b.-f. Panathenaic
-vase of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> in the British Museum (Fig. <a href="#f67">67</a>).<a id="FNanchor_1975"></a><a href="#Footnote_1975" class="fnanchor">1975</a>
-In front of the mounted youth on this vase stands a herald in official
-robes, from whose mouth issue the words “the horse of Dyneiketos is
-victorious.” Behind the jockey is an attendant bearing a wreath
-in his left hand and holding a prize tripod over his head. The short
-chiton also appears on a horse-racer on the Amphiaraos vase.<a id="FNanchor_1976"></a><a href="#Footnote_1976" class="fnanchor">1976</a> We see
-racing boys on a proto-Corinthian lekythos in the museum at Taranto,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_281">281</a></span>
-with tripods as prizes.<a id="FNanchor_1977"></a><a href="#Footnote_1977" class="fnanchor">1977</a> A fine example of five nude horse-racers also
-appears on a vase pictured in the Daremberg-Saglio Dictionary.<a id="FNanchor_1978"></a><a href="#Footnote_1978" class="fnanchor">1978</a> Here
-one has fallen from his horse and is being dragged by the bridle.</p>
-
-<p>A boy on a galloping horse is shown on a terra-cotta relief from Thera.<a id="FNanchor_1979"></a><a href="#Footnote_1979" class="fnanchor">1979</a>
-On a funerary marble relief from Sicily, now in the Museo Gregoriano,
-Rome, a rider is represented urging his horse on with a whip.<a id="FNanchor_1980"></a><a href="#Footnote_1980" class="fnanchor">1980</a> An
-Athenian relief shows victorious ephebes leading horses,<a id="FNanchor_1981"></a><a href="#Footnote_1981" class="fnanchor">1981</a> while another
-from Athens shows a mounted boy.<a id="FNanchor_1982"></a><a href="#Footnote_1982" class="fnanchor">1982</a> Horsemen representing Athenian
-knights appear on many slabs of the Parthenon frieze,<a id="FNanchor_1983"></a><a href="#Footnote_1983" class="fnanchor">1983</a> either mounted
-or standing by their horses.</p>
-
-<p>The inscribed base of Onatas found on the Akropolis seems to have
-borne the statue of a horse-racer.<a id="FNanchor_1984"></a><a href="#Footnote_1984" class="fnanchor">1984</a> The bronze statue of Isokrates at
-Athens, which represented him as a παῖς κελητίζων, is mentioned by the
-pseudo-Plutarch.<a id="FNanchor_1985"></a><a href="#Footnote_1985" class="fnanchor">1985</a> A bronze statuette in Athens from Dodona represents
-an ephebe on a galloping horse.<a id="FNanchor_1986"></a><a href="#Footnote_1986" class="fnanchor">1986</a> A statue in the Palazzo Orlandi
-in Florence represents a horse-rider.<a id="FNanchor_1987"></a><a href="#Footnote_1987" class="fnanchor">1987</a> In the Akropolis Museum
-there are two monuments which we should mention in this connection.
-One is the lower part of the statue of a nude rider on horseback, the
-mutilated horse being represented as pawing the ground with its forefoot.
-Closely resembling it in scale and finish, though more developed
-in style, is another fragmentary statue of a horse without a rider, the
-latter probably to be understood as standing in front of the horse, as in
-some of the riders pictured on the Parthenon frieze. The two are good
-examples of pre-Persian Attic sculpture.<a id="FNanchor_1988"></a><a href="#Footnote_1988" class="fnanchor">1988</a> A later example is the small
-bronze statuette of an ephebe represented as a horseman (the horse is
-lacking) discovered recently at the French excavations at Volubilis in
-Morocco. This almost perfectly preserved work has been referred to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_282">282</a></span>
-the first half of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1989"></a><a href="#Footnote_1989" class="fnanchor">1989</a> The position of the hands
-holding the reins reminds us strongly of the Delphi <i>Charioteer</i> (Fig. <a href="#f66">66</a>).
-The diadem in the hair shows that a victor is represented. A small
-bronze statuette in the Loeb collection in Munich represents a boy
-riding a prancing horse, which is standing on its hind legs. This vigorous,
-but poorly finished, work is decorative in character and probably
-once belonged to the crown of a candelabrum. It appears to be either
-an Etruscan or early Roman work based on a Hellenistic original.<a id="FNanchor_1990"></a><a href="#Footnote_1990" class="fnanchor">1990</a></p>
-
-<h3>THE APOBATES HORSE-RACE.</h3>
-
-<p>In a previous section we discussed the <i>apobates</i> chariot-race run at
-the Panathenaic games in Athens, in which the <i>apobates</i> leaped down
-and ran to the goal abreast of the chariot. We shall now briefly speak
-of a similar race at Olympia (the κάλπη) in which the rider leaped from
-his mare in the last lap and ran with her to the goal.<a id="FNanchor_1991"></a><a href="#Footnote_1991" class="fnanchor">1991</a> There is no
-certain illustration in sculpture or on vase-paintings of this race, but
-Gardiner believes that something like it appears on coins of Tarentum,
-on which a nude youth, armed with a small round shield, is represented
-in the act of jumping from his horse.<a id="FNanchor_1992"></a><a href="#Footnote_1992" class="fnanchor">1992</a> The military character of this
-race, like that of the <i>apobates</i> chariot-race discussed, is shown by the
-shield held in the left hand of the dismounting horseman. Helbig has
-shown that the Greek knight of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> was merely a
-mounted infantryman, the successor of the Homeric warrior who used
-his chariot merely for pursuit or flight, while actually fighting from the
-ground.<a id="FNanchor_1993"></a><a href="#Footnote_1993" class="fnanchor">1993</a> Just so the knight rode to battle on his horse, but dismounted
-when near the enemy, leaving the horse in charge of his squire, as the
-Homeric chieftain left his chariot in charge of his charioteer. This old
-custom of the heroic age survived not only in the Panathenaic chariot-race,
-but also, for a few years in the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, in the Olympic
-mare-race known as the κάλπη. It seems to have been instituted there
-for military reasons in order to revive the old form of fighting that had
-gone out of use just at the close of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, but it endured
-for only a half century, from Ols. 71 to 84 (&#8239;=&#8239;496 to 444 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>). The
-corresponding chariot-race at Athens and elsewhere continued at least
-to the end of the fourth century <span class="smcap">B.&nbsp;C.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_283">283</a></span></span></p>
-
-<h3>DEDICATIONS OF MUSICAL VICTORS AT OLYMPIA AND
-ELSEWHERE.</h3>
-
-<p>In closing this chapter we shall say a few words about monuments
-erected to trumpeters, heralds, and musical victors at Olympia, though
-such contests had nothing to do with athletics.</p>
-
-<p>Contests for trumpeters and heralds were held in many parts of
-Greece.<a id="FNanchor_1994"></a><a href="#Footnote_1994" class="fnanchor">1994</a> They were introduced at Olympia in Ol. 96 (&#8239;=&#8239;396 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>),
-when Timaios of Elis won as trumpeter and Krates of Elis as herald.<a id="FNanchor_1995"></a><a href="#Footnote_1995" class="fnanchor">1995</a>
-Pausanias mentions an altar, near the entrance to the stadion, upon
-which trumpeters and heralds stood when competing.<a id="FNanchor_1996"></a><a href="#Footnote_1996" class="fnanchor">1996</a> Such contests
-seem to have been mere displays of lung power. Herodoros, for example,
-who won as trumpeter at Olympia ten times in the last quarter
-of the fourth and beginning of the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_1997"></a><a href="#Footnote_1997" class="fnanchor">1997</a>, could blow two
-trumpets at once so loud that no one could stand near him.<a id="FNanchor_1998"></a><a href="#Footnote_1998" class="fnanchor">1998</a> To
-perform such a feat he was said to be a very large man.<a id="FNanchor_1999"></a><a href="#Footnote_1999" class="fnanchor">1999</a> Diogenes,
-son of Dionysios of Ephesos, won five victories in trumpeting at Olympia.
-He was twice <i>periodonikes</i> and also won many other victories
-at the Isthmus, Nemea, and elsewhere—eighty in all.<a id="FNanchor_2000"></a><a href="#Footnote_2000" class="fnanchor">2000</a> We have an
-excellent bronze statuette of a trumpeter, which was found in the
-Hieron of Athena Chalkioikos at Sparta, dating from the middle of
-the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, about a century and a half before the event was
-introduced at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_2001"></a><a href="#Footnote_2001" class="fnanchor">2001</a> This “little masterpiece of Spartan art,”
-whose style resembles that of the Olympia pediment sculptures, represents
-a nude man standing, the left arm hanging by his side, while the
-right is bent upwards to the mouth, where it held a tubular object
-pointing upwards. Since the lips are tightly compressed, Dickins
-has interpreted the object as a trumpet. A much damaged bronze
-statuette in the British Museum represents a man playing on a long<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_284">284</a></span>
-trumpet-shaped instrument.<a id="FNanchor_2002"></a><a href="#Footnote_2002" class="fnanchor">2002</a> Trumpeters also appear now and then
-on r.-f. Attic vases of the middle of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span></p>
-
-<p>Music victors played a greater role at Delphi than elsewhere, since
-music from the first was the chief interest there. Monuments to such
-victors, though few in number, by little-known artists were set up there,
-but they seem to have enjoyed the same meagre honor at Delphi as the
-statues of athletic victors.<a id="FNanchor_2003"></a><a href="#Footnote_2003" class="fnanchor">2003</a> We have record of a statue of the Epizephyrian
-Locrian <i>kitharoidos</i> Eunomos, set up in his native town in
-honor of his Pythian victory over Ariston of Rhegion. Timaios says that
-this monument showed a cicada seated on the singer’s lyre.<a id="FNanchor_2004"></a><a href="#Footnote_2004" class="fnanchor">2004</a> Whether
-such monuments at Delphi or elsewhere were regarded as victor or
-votive in character, we can not say.<a id="FNanchor_2005"></a><a href="#Footnote_2005" class="fnanchor">2005</a> Pausanias mentions several
-statues of poets and musicians, mostly mythical, on Mount Helikon,
-which were set up partly in consequence of victories won there or elsewhere.<a id="FNanchor_2006"></a><a href="#Footnote_2006" class="fnanchor">2006</a>
-Of these the statue of the Thracian or Odrysian Thamyris
-was represented as a blind man holding a broken lyre;<a id="FNanchor_2007"></a><a href="#Footnote_2007" class="fnanchor">2007</a> that of Arion
-of Methymna as riding a dolphin;<a id="FNanchor_2008"></a><a href="#Footnote_2008" class="fnanchor">2008</a> that of Hesiod, seated, as holding a
-lute on his knees; and that of the Thracian Orpheus with Telete at his
-side and round about beasts in stone and bronze listening to his song.
-Of the statue of the Argive Sakadas, Pausanias says that the sculptor,
-not understanding Pindar’s poem on the victor, made the flutist
-no bigger than the flute.<a id="FNanchor_2009"></a><a href="#Footnote_2009" class="fnanchor">2009</a> The epigram on the statue of the Sikyonian
-flutist Bacchiadas, mentioned by Athenæus as standing on Mount
-Helikon,<a id="FNanchor_2010"></a><a href="#Footnote_2010" class="fnanchor">2010</a> was votive in character. The inscribed base of the statue of
-the <i>kitharoidos</i> Alkibios has been found on the Athenian Akropolis.<a id="FNanchor_2011"></a><a href="#Footnote_2011" class="fnanchor">2011</a>
-Musical contests are pictured on many imitation Panathenaic vases,
-and many Greek reliefs seem to have been set up in honor of such victors.
-Among the latter we might instance the one in the Louvre representing
-Apollo, Artemis, and Leto,<a id="FNanchor_2012"></a><a href="#Footnote_2012" class="fnanchor">2012</a> and another found in Sparta in
-1885, which represents Artemis pouring a libation before Apollo.<a id="FNanchor_2013"></a><a href="#Footnote_2013" class="fnanchor">2013</a></p>
-
-<p>At Olympia flute-playing accompanied certain of the events of the
-pentathlon. Pausanias says that the reason why the flute played a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_285">285</a></span>
-Pythian air while the athletes jumped was that this air was sacred to
-Apollo, who had beaten Hermes in running and Ares in boxing at
-Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_2014"></a><a href="#Footnote_2014" class="fnanchor">2014</a> Thus on the chest of Kypselos a flutist was represented
-as standing between Admetos and Mopsos at their boxing match.<a id="FNanchor_2015"></a><a href="#Footnote_2015" class="fnanchor">2015</a>
-But the explanation given by Philostratos seems more sensible,
-that leaping was a difficult contest, and that the flute stimulated the
-jumpers.<a id="FNanchor_2016"></a><a href="#Footnote_2016" class="fnanchor">2016</a> At Argos, at the games in honor of Zeus Σθένιος, wrestlers
-contended to the tune of the flute.<a id="FNanchor_2017"></a><a href="#Footnote_2017" class="fnanchor">2017</a> Many vase-paintings illustrate
-flute-playing at the pentathlon.<a id="FNanchor_2018"></a><a href="#Footnote_2018" class="fnanchor">2018</a> At Olympia only a few monuments
-were set up in honor of musical victors, and these seem to have been
-statues erected <i>honoris causa</i>, instead of primarily for victories. An
-example is that of the Sikyonian flutist Pythokritos, who won a victory
-as αὐλητής in the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_2019"></a><a href="#Footnote_2019" class="fnanchor">2019</a> Pausanias says that his
-monument was that of a small man with a flute wrought in relief on
-an inscribed slab. The explanation of such a description probably is
-that the size of the flute made the victor appear small, just as in the
-case of the monument of Sakadas just mentioned.<a id="FNanchor_2020"></a><a href="#Footnote_2020" class="fnanchor">2020</a> We know that
-artists, poets, prose writers, musicians, and actors all had an audience
-at Olympia, and that statues were often erected there in honor
-of such men, though these are not to be treated as victor monuments
-and do not properly fall within the scope of the present work.<a id="FNanchor_2021"></a><a href="#Footnote_2021" class="fnanchor">2021</a></p>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_286">286</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>CHAPTER VI.<br />
-
-<small>TWO MARBLE HEADS FROM VICTOR STATUES.<a id="FNanchor_2022"></a><a href="#Footnote_2022" class="fnanchor">2022</a></small></h2>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Plates 28–30 and Figures 68–77.</span></p>
-
-<h3>THE GROUP OF DAOCHOS AT DELPHI, AND LYSIPPOS.</h3>
-
-<p>If in these later years our knowledge of Skopas has been greatly
-augmented by the discovery of the Tegea heads (Fig. <a href="#f73">73</a>), that of
-Lysippos has been almost revolutionized. With the discovery in 1894
-at Delphi of the group of statues dedicated by the Thessalian Daochos<a id="FNanchor_2023"></a><a href="#Footnote_2023" class="fnanchor">2023</a>
-in honor of various members of his house, whose dates covered nearly
-two centuries,<a id="FNanchor_2024"></a><a href="#Footnote_2024" class="fnanchor">2024</a> an entirely new impetus was given to the study of the
-last of the great Greek sculptors. Homolle immediately recognized the
-fourth-century origin of the group, and at first pronounced the statue
-of Agias Lysippan;<a id="FNanchor_2025"></a><a href="#Footnote_2025" class="fnanchor">2025</a> later he saw in the types, poses, and proportions
-of the group the mixed influences of Praxiteles, Skopas, and Lysippos,
-but referred the <i>Agias</i> to the school of Skopas,<a id="FNanchor_2026"></a><a href="#Footnote_2026" class="fnanchor">2026</a> while still later he again
-pronounced it Lysippan.<a id="FNanchor_2027"></a><a href="#Footnote_2027" class="fnanchor">2027</a> But its true character was not destined
-to be long in doubt. When Erich Preuner<a id="FNanchor_2028"></a><a href="#Footnote_2028" class="fnanchor">2028</a> found almost the same
-metrical inscription, which was on the base of the best preserved statue
-of the group, that of Agias (Pl. <a href="#p28">28</a> and Fig. <a href="#f68">68</a>),<a id="FNanchor_2029"></a><a href="#Footnote_2029" class="fnanchor">2029</a> in the traveling journal
-of Stackelberg,<a id="FNanchor_2030"></a><a href="#Footnote_2030" class="fnanchor">2030</a> copied from a base in Pharsalos, the Thessalian home of
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_287">287</a></span>Daochos, with the additional information that Lysippos of Sikyon
-made the statue, our views of the work of that artist had to undergo a
-thorough revision. For this discovery brought the <i>Agias</i>—if not the
-others of the group—into direct relation to Lysippos by documentary
-evidence, while the easily recognized Lysippan characteristics of the
-statue—the slender body and limbs, the small head, the proportions
-and pose—confirmed this connection on stylistic grounds. It became
-clear that Daochos had set up a series of statues in honor of his ancestors
-both at Pharsalos and Delphi. Whether the Thessalian group
-was of bronze, as is generally held, owing to the widespread belief
-that Lysippos worked only in metal, and the Delphian group was composed
-of contemporary marble copies of those originals, will be discussed
-further on. If the marble group was a copy, we may infer that
-it reproduced the original statues, not mechanically and laboriously as
-was often the case in Roman days, but accurately; for having employed
-a noted artist in the one case, the dedicator would have desired an
-accurate reproduction of the work in the other.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_288">288</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 28</p><a id="p28"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp286.jpg" width="500" height="838" alt="Statue of the Pancratiast Agias." />
-<div class="caption">Statue of the Pancratiast Agias, from Delphi. Museum of Delphi.</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter400"><a id="f68"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p287.jpg" width="400" height="452" alt="Head from the Statue of Agias." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 68.</span>—Head from the Statue of Agias (Pl. <a href="#p28">28</a>).
-Museum of Delphi.</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLATE 29</p><a id="p29"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp288.jpg" width="500" height="771" alt="Statue of the Apoxyomenos." />
-<div class="caption">Statue of the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>, after Lysippos or his School.
-Vatican Museum, Rome.</div>
-</div>
-
-<h3>THE APOXYOMENOS OF THE VATICAN, AND LYSIPPOS.</h3>
-
-<p>But another statue, the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>, of the Vatican (Pl. <a href="#p29">29</a>),<a id="FNanchor_2031"></a><a href="#Footnote_2031" class="fnanchor">2031</a> ever
-since its discovery by Canina in 1849, had held the honored place
-of being regarded as the centre of the stylistic treatment of Lysippos.
-Seldom has the discovery of a Roman copy of a Greek original proved
-so important for the study of ancient sculpture as this athlete statue,
-which was found in an appropriate place, in the ruins of a building,
-which almost certainly was a Roman bath. Despite unimportant
-restorations, the statue is well preserved. The fingers of the right hand
-holding the die were wrongly restored by the sculptor Tenerani at the
-suggestion of Canina who wrongly interpreted the passage in Pliny
-(XXXIV, 55), which refers to two works by Polykleitos, <i>destringentem
-se et nudum talo incessentem</i>, as meaning one and the same monument.<a id="FNanchor_2032"></a><a href="#Footnote_2032" class="fnanchor">2032</a>
-This slightly over life-size statue represents a nude athlete, who is standing
-with legs far apart, employed in scraping the sand and oil from his
-extended right arm with a strigil held in the left hand. This, as we saw
-in Chapter III, was a common palæstra motive.<a id="FNanchor_2033"></a><a href="#Footnote_2033" class="fnanchor">2033</a> Despite certain portrait-like
-features, this statue may not represent an individual victor,
-but, like Myron’s great work, an athletic model. The words of Pliny,<a id="FNanchor_2034"></a><a href="#Footnote_2034" class="fnanchor">2034</a>
-which mention one of the best-known works of Lysippos in antiquity—it
-heads the list in his account of the sculptor—as an athlete <i>destringentem
-se</i>, and his statement in another passage<a id="FNanchor_2035"></a><a href="#Footnote_2035" class="fnanchor">2035</a> that Lysippos introduced
-a new canon into art <i>capita minora faciendo quam antiqui,
-corpora graciliora siccioraque, per quae proceritas signorum major videretur</i>,
-<i>i. e.</i>, a canon of bodily proportions essentially different from
-that of Polykleitos, seemed to have their best illustration in the slender
-and graceful body and limbs, and noticeably small head of this statue.
-It was, therefore, though admittedly a Roman work, long regarded
-as a direct copy of the Lysippan original, and as faithfully representing
-his style in every detail.<a id="FNanchor_2036"></a><a href="#Footnote_2036" class="fnanchor">2036</a> Such a view, of course, was founded entirely
-on circumstantial evidence, and could not survive any positive evidence
-to the contrary which might come to light in the future. G. F. Hill, in
-speaking of the insufficient evidence on which the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> had
-been accepted as the key to Lysippan style, rightly remarks: “It is more
-scientific, until we acquire documentary evidence of excellent character,
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_289">289</a></span>to classify our extant examples of ancient art as representing tendencies
-rather than men.”<a id="FNanchor_2037"></a><a href="#Footnote_2037" class="fnanchor">2037</a> The Lysippan character of the Vatican statue had not
-been seriously attacked until the discovery of the <i>Agias</i>. Its original was
-certainly a work worthy of Lysippos. Its rhythm, proportions, and fine
-modeling have received praise of connoisseurs ever since its discovery.
-Its difficult pose had been remarkably well executed. While appearing
-at rest, the statue suggests vigorous action both by its supple limbs and
-the suppressed excitement indicated by the partly opened lips, an excitement
-befitting a victorious athlete. Perhaps it was the difficulty
-of such a pose that best explains why the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> has left no other
-copy.<a id="FNanchor_2038"></a><a href="#Footnote_2038" class="fnanchor">2038</a> The very excellence of the Vatican statue prejudiced us in
-favor of regarding it as an illustration of Lysippos’ ideal of bodily proportions.
-But we really knew very little of the original <i>Apoxyomenos</i>,
-only what we gathered from Pliny, that Lysippos made such a statue
-and that it was carried to Rome by M. Agrippa and was set up in front
-of his Thermæ, whence it was removed by the enamored Tiberius to
-his bed-chamber, only to be restored when the populace remonstrated.
-As for the proportions of the supposed copy in question, they only
-prove that this statue goes back to an original which was not earlier
-than Lysippos, but not that it was by the master himself.<a id="FNanchor_2039"></a><a href="#Footnote_2039" class="fnanchor">2039</a> The discovery
-of the <i>Agias</i> showed us at last on what slender foundations our
-theory had been built. Despite certain well-marked similarities in the
-pose, proportions, and relatively small head—characteristics which were
-not even exclusively Lysippan, since they are just as prominent in certain
-other works, <i>e. g.</i>, in the warriors of the Mausoleion frieze—between
-the <i>Agias</i> and the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>, nevertheless just as striking differences
-appear, which make it difficult to keep both statues as examples of the
-artistic tendency of one and the same artist, even if we should assign
-them to different periods of his career.</p>
-
-<h3>THE AGIAS AND THE APOXYOMENOS COMPARED, AND THE
-STYLE OF LYSIPPOS.</h3>
-
-<p>These differences are most apparent in the surface modeling and
-facial expression of the two works. In the <i>Agias</i> the muscles are not
-over-emphasized in detail, but show the simple observation of nature
-characteristic of artists who worked before the scientific study of
-anatomy at the Museum of Alexandria had reacted upon sculpture. In
-the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>, on the other hand, we see an intentional display of
-the new learning in the labored and detailed treatment of the muscles,
-which disclose a knowledge of anatomy unknown before the Hellenistic
-age. This academic treatment, culminating later in such realistic works
-as the <i>Laocoön</i> and the <i>Farnese Herakles</i>, can hardly have antedated the
-beginning of the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, when anatomy was studied by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_290">290</a></span>
-physicians Herophilos and Erasistratos, a date after the close of the
-activity of Lysippos. We see no trace of this influence in the <i>Agias</i>.
-Moreover, the face of the latter discloses the intense expression, which is
-elsewhere seen only in works supposed to be by, or influenced by, Skopas,
-which recalls what Plutarch<a id="FNanchor_2040"></a><a href="#Footnote_2040" class="fnanchor">2040</a> said of Lysippos’ portraits of Alexander,
-that they reproduced his masculine and leonine air (αὐτοῦ τὸ ἀρρενωπὸν
-καὶ λεοντῶδες); for a comparison of this face with that of the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>,
-which exhibits the lifelessness and lack of expression so characteristic
-of many early Hellenistic works, makes it still more evident
-that we must be on our guard against assuming that both works are
-representative of the same sculptor. The essential differences in
-physical type and artistic execution between the two statues have
-been well summarized by K. T. Frost in a letter published by Prof.
-Percy Gardner in the latter’s treatment of the same subject.<a id="FNanchor_2041"></a><a href="#Footnote_2041" class="fnanchor">2041</a> After a
-careful analysis of these differences, Frost closes by saying: “It is difficult
-to believe that the two statues represent works by the same artist;
-it is not only the type of man, but the way in which that type is expressed
-which forms the contrast.” He compares the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> with
-the <i>Borghese Warrior</i> (Fig. <a href="#f43">43</a>) as true products of the Hellenistic age.</p>
-
-<p>When we consider these differences between the two statues, we see
-that our judgment of Lysippan art must depend on how we interpret
-them. We may either flatly reject the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> and put the
-<i>Agias</i> in its place as representing the norm of Lysippan art, or keep the
-<i>Apoxyomenos</i> and reject the <i>Agias</i> as evidence; or lastly we may keep
-both as characteristic works of two different periods in the artistic
-career of Lysippos, explaining the differences as the result of influence
-or of the lapse of years. A recent writer, to be sure, has cut the Gordian
-knot by rejecting both statues, and placing the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> of
-the Uffizi—which we have treated at length in a preceding chapter
-(Pl. <a href="#p12">12</a>)—as the key to our knowledge of the art of Lysippos.<a id="FNanchor_2042"></a><a href="#Footnote_2042" class="fnanchor">2042</a> But
-such a solution of the problem raises even more difficulties. Long
-before the <i>Agias</i> came to light some critics, indeed, had doubted whether
-the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> really represented the work of Lysippos, as its
-Hellenistic character seemed evident. Thus, in 1877, Ulrich Koehler,<a id="FNanchor_2043"></a><a href="#Footnote_2043" class="fnanchor">2043</a>
-following a still earlier judgment,<a id="FNanchor_2044"></a><a href="#Footnote_2044" class="fnanchor">2044</a> had come to the conclusion that the
-Vatican statue was only a free reproduction of Lysippos’ masterpiece
-and attributed its Hellenistic characteristics to the Roman copyist;
-but even yet the school which long recognized the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> as the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_291">291</a></span>
-norm of Lysippos has its supporters,<a id="FNanchor_2045"></a><a href="#Footnote_2045" class="fnanchor">2045</a> though many archæologists
-have now supplanted the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> by the <i>Agias</i>.<a id="FNanchor_2046"></a><a href="#Footnote_2046" class="fnanchor">2046</a> Others, not
-willing to renounce the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> as evidence, accept both it and
-the <i>Agias</i> as characteristic works of the master, appealing to the length
-of his career to explain the differences, and suggesting that in his youth
-Lysippos was under the influence of Skopas, but later in life attained
-independence, and followed a more anatomical rendering for his athlete
-statues.<a id="FNanchor_2047"></a><a href="#Footnote_2047" class="fnanchor">2047</a> However, despite the fact that other artists must have influenced
-Lysippos,<a id="FNanchor_2048"></a><a href="#Footnote_2048" class="fnanchor">2048</a> the <i>Agias</i> can not be shown to be a youthful work
-of his, nor can the special influence of Skopas be shown to have been
-that of master on pupil, but rather of one great master on another and
-equally great contemporary. The difficulty about penetrating the obscurity
-surrounding Lysippos comes largely from the fact that he borrowed
-traits from several of his predecessors and contemporaries. The
-influence of Polykleitos, Skopas, and Praxiteles, and especially of the
-last two, as Homolle emphasized in his study of the Daochos group,<a id="FNanchor_2049"></a><a href="#Footnote_2049" class="fnanchor">2049</a>
-can be certainly traced in the <i>Agias</i>. Fräulein Bieber, in a recent
-article,<a id="FNanchor_2050"></a><a href="#Footnote_2050" class="fnanchor">2050</a> while denying that Lysippos had anything to do with the
-Delphian group, tries to prove that one figure in it shows the influence
-of Praxiteles, another that of Polykleitos, and a third that of Skopas.
-She believes that the sculptor of the <i>Agias</i> had seen the original bronze
-statue, the work of Lysippos, which stood in Pharsalos. However, we
-may leave any such conclusion to one side, and judge between the
-<i>Agias</i> and the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> solely on the merits of the two statues.</p>
-
-<p>The differences between them appear to us too great to be reconciled
-on any such principles as those just rehearsed, for their style and tech<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_292">292</a></span>nique
-seem to represent two distinct periods of art. If one is to be
-rejected, the connection of the <i>Agias</i> with Lysippos certainly rests on
-better evidence than does the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>. By separating them completely,
-it is possible both to assign to Lysippos the early date which
-other evidence points to, and to remove the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> entirely from
-the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, thus explaining its later modeling, comparatively
-expressionless features, body-build (which shows the use of three
-planes, instead of two), and other Hellenistic details. We should, then,
-see in its original a work not by Lysippos at all, but by some pupil or
-later member of his school, a work retaining merely traces of the style
-of the master. In thus eliminating the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> we are justified
-in following Homolle’s lead in assigning the statue of Agias to Lysippos,
-in spite of arguments which have been adduced against attributing
-it to Lysippos and in spite of recent criticism of the inscriptions of
-the Delphian bases, by which Wolters tries to prove that the inscription
-on the base of the statue of Agias, and consequently the <i>Agias</i>
-itself, antedate the inscription and dedication at Pharsalos.<a id="FNanchor_2051"></a><a href="#Footnote_2051" class="fnanchor">2051</a> We may,
-therefore, until further discoveries prove the contrary, consider it as
-the centre of our treatment of that sculptor. Whether the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>
-is to be explained as emanating from the immediate environment
-of Lysippos, or is to be regarded as a work illustrating the last phase of
-his development, or the innovation of another master—in any case it
-seems to us clearly to belong to an age essentially different from that
-which conceived the <i>Agias</i>.<a id="FNanchor_2052"></a><a href="#Footnote_2052" class="fnanchor">2052</a></p>
-
-<p>As the <i>Agias</i> is a statue of a victor in the pankration, we can learn
-from it how Lysippos represented such an athlete. In giving up the
-<i>Apoxyomenos</i>, we must also give up statues of athletes which have
-hitherto been assigned to Lysippos on the basis of their resemblance to
-it, and the future ascription of statues of this class must be based on
-stylistic resemblances to the statue of Agias. Thus, for example, we
-should give up the statue of a youth in Berlin, and the two statues of
-athletes represented in lunging attitudes in Dresden, which Furtwaengler,
-on the basis of the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>, believed were copies of originals
-by Lysippos,<a id="FNanchor_2053"></a><a href="#Footnote_2053" class="fnanchor">2053</a> and the Roman male head in Turin, published by A. J. B.
-Wace,<a id="FNanchor_2054"></a><a href="#Footnote_2054" class="fnanchor">2054</a> whose original is somewhat later than that of the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_293">293</a></span>
-On the basis of the <i>Agias</i>, on the other hand, we may regard as Lysippan
-the statue of an athlete in Copenhagen,<a id="FNanchor_2055"></a><a href="#Footnote_2055" class="fnanchor">2055</a> and perhaps the Parian marble
-statue of an athlete from the Palazzo Farnese now in the British
-Museum,<a id="FNanchor_2056"></a><a href="#Footnote_2056" class="fnanchor">2056</a> with copies in Paris and Rome.<a id="FNanchor_2057"></a><a href="#Footnote_2057" class="fnanchor">2057</a> This latter statue Furtwaengler
-ascribed to the school of Kalamis of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,
-on account of the similarity of its style to that of the <i>Apollo-on-the-Omphalos</i>
-(Fig. 7B) and of its motive to that of the <i>Lansdowne Herakles</i>
-(Fig. <a href="#f71">71</a> and Pl. <a href="#p30">30</a>); however, A. H. Smith finds it very similar to the
-<i>Agias</i>, and so rightly refers it to the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span></p>
-
-<h3>THE HEAD FROM OLYMPIA.</h3>
-
-<p>Impressed by its remarkable likeness to the head of the <i>Agias</i>, I
-hazarded the opinion some years ago,<a id="FNanchor_2058"></a><a href="#Footnote_2058" class="fnanchor">2058</a> that the much discussed Pentelic
-marble head from Olympia (<a href="#fr">Frontispiece</a> and Figure <a href="#f69">69</a>)<a id="FNanchor_2059"></a><a href="#Footnote_2059" class="fnanchor">2059</a> was Lysippan,
-<span class="figright200"><a id="f69"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p293.jpg" width="200" height="264" alt="Marble Head." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 69.</span>—Marble Head, from
-Olympia. Museum of
-Olympia.</span></span>
-and attempted to bring it into relation
-with the statue of the Akarnanian pancratiast
-(whose name I restored as Philandridas),
-which Pausanias<a id="FNanchor_2060"></a><a href="#Footnote_2060" class="fnanchor">2060</a> says was the
-work of Lysippos. Since then, after a
-careful revision of the evidence, this earlier
-opinion has become conviction, and I
-now have no hesitancy in expressing the
-belief that in this vigorous marble head
-we have to do with an original work by
-Lysippos himself. It will be our task briefly
-to rehearse the reasons for making such
-an ascription, despite the serious and
-weighty objections which might be raised
-against it.</p>
-
-<p>At first this head was ascribed with surprising
-unanimity to the school of Praxiteles,<a id="FNanchor_2061"></a><a href="#Footnote_2061" class="fnanchor">2061</a>
-and subsequently, after the discovery
-of the Tegea heads, with almost
-equal unanimity to that of Skopas. Treu, who first published the
-head,<a id="FNanchor_2062"></a><a href="#Footnote_2062" class="fnanchor">2062</a> pointed out its near relationship to the <i>Hermes</i> of Praxiteles,
-which appeared to him to be obvious, notwithstanding the injured con<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_294">294</a></span>dition
-of the chin, nose, mouth, and brows. He found the general proportions,
-the shape of the cranium and forehead, and the form of the
-cheeks and mouth the same in both, while the differences, such as the
-deeper cut and wider opened eyes with their γοργόν expression, the
-hair, and the fact that the head is harder, leaner, and bonier than that
-of the <i>Hermes</i>, were all explained by the different character given to the
-statue of a victor or Herakles. Many other archæologists, as Boetticher,<a id="FNanchor_2063"></a><a href="#Footnote_2063" class="fnanchor">2063</a>
-Laloux and Monceaux,<a id="FNanchor_2064"></a><a href="#Footnote_2064" class="fnanchor">2064</a> and Furtwaengler,<a id="FNanchor_2065"></a><a href="#Footnote_2065" class="fnanchor">2065</a> have also seen sure signs of
-the hand of Praxiteles or his school in the graceful attitude, delicate
-chiseling, and finish of the work. Still others,<a id="FNanchor_2066"></a><a href="#Footnote_2066" class="fnanchor">2066</a> however, found every
-characteristic of Skopas in this head. Even Treu in his later treatment
-of the head found it more Skopaic than Praxitelian, and yet, by a careful
-analysis,<a id="FNanchor_2067"></a><a href="#Footnote_2067" class="fnanchor">2067</a> he conclusively showed that the formation of the eyes, the
-opening of the mouth, and the treatment of the hair were so different
-in the heads from Tegea (and especially in that of the <i>Herakles</i>, Fig. <a href="#f73">73</a>)
-as to preclude the possibility of assigning them and the head from
-Olympia to the same sculptor, and so declared for some independent
-sculptor among the contemporaries of Skopas. However, he did not
-see Lysippos in this allied but independent artist, though he admitted
-the resemblance of the head in question to that of the <i>Agias</i>, as also
-Homolle,<a id="FNanchor_2068"></a><a href="#Footnote_2068" class="fnanchor">2068</a> Mahler,<a id="FNanchor_2069"></a><a href="#Footnote_2069" class="fnanchor">2069</a> and other critics have done.</p>
-
-<h3>THE OLYMPIA HEAD AND THAT OF THE AGIAS.</h3>
-
-<p>A detailed comparison of this head with that of the <i>Agias</i> will show
-wherein the wonderful resemblance—so striking at first glance—consists
-and will disclose its Lysippan character. Neither head is a portrait,
-nor even individualized; the <i>Agias</i> could be no portrait, for Agias
-was the great-grandfather of Daochos, who enlisted the services of his
-contemporary Lysippos in erecting his statue, and he won his victory
-in the pankration more than a century before this statue was set up.<a id="FNanchor_2070"></a><a href="#Footnote_2070" class="fnanchor">2070</a>
-A glance at the head from Olympia also clearly discloses its ideal character;
-for it is no portrait of Philandridas, but the victor κατ’ ἐξοχήν in
-the pankration. The small head of the <i>Agias</i>—under life-size—first
-arrests attention as the chief characteristic of the whole statue and
-(taken with the other proportions of the body) as the chief mark of its
-Lysippan origin. As Homolle says, it is not that small heads are not
-found outside the school of Lysippos or before his day—for Myron can<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_295">295</a></span>
-furnish examples of them—but it is only with Lysippos and after him
-that we see a conscious intention of having the proportions thus reduced.
-Now the head from Olympia is also less than life-size,<a id="FNanchor_2071"></a><a href="#Footnote_2071" class="fnanchor">2071</a> but as
-the head alone is preserved, we can only assume that the proportions
-it bore to the body were similar to those we see in the statue of Agias.
-The conformation of the crania of both is, as in Attic works, round, with
-small, only slightly projecting occiputs, as opposed to the squareness of
-Polykleitan heads, which are longer from front to back and flatter on
-top—showing how Lysippos in this respect departed from the creator
-of the <i>Doryphoros</i>. This cranial conformation is almost identical in the
-two heads, as is clearly shown in Fig. <a href="#f70">70</a>, where one is drawn in profile
-over the other.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter400"><a id="f70"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p295.jpg" width="400" height="203" alt="Profile Drawings of the Heads of the Agias." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 70.</span>—Profile Drawings of the Heads of the <i>Agias</i>
-and the <i>Philandridas</i>.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The head of the <i>Agias</i> is turned slightly upward and to the left.
-Treu found traces of the use of a file on the back of the neck of the head
-from Olympia, which show from their position, what also was clear
-from the muscles of the throat, that this head also was inclined somewhat
-to the left and upward, possibly more than that of the <i>Agias</i>.
-The outlines of the face—lean and bony in both—are oval, in the head
-from Olympia somewhat broader, rounder, and fleshier toward the chin.
-In both the forehead is remarkably low, with a low depression or crease
-in the middle, and with a prominently projecting superciliary arcade,
-which breaks the continuous line from forehead to nose very perceptibly.
-This line is concave above and below, but convex at the projection
-itself, though this is less prominent in the <i>Agias</i>. The powerful
-framing of the eyes, which are deep-set and thrown into heavy shadows
-by the projecting bony structure of the brows and the overhanging
-masses of flesh, the eyeballs slightly raised and peering eagerly into the
-far distance, the slight upward inclination of the head, and the
-prominent forehead drawn together, all combine to give both heads<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_296">296</a></span>
-(though young and vigorous) a pensive, even a sad look of heroic dignity,
-a look seemingly of one who takes no joy nor pleasure in victory,
-though it is not mournful. This humid and pensive expression was
-doubtless a characteristic of works of Lysippos—it was, as we know,
-present in his portraits of Alexander—but he did not treat it with as
-great intensity as did Skopas.</p>
-
-<p>The eyeballs in both heads are strongly arched, though the inner
-angles are not so deep as in Skopaic heads; the raised upper lids
-form a symmetrically narrow and sharply defined border over the eyeball,
-and in neither head is this lid covered by a fold of skin at the outer
-corners, as in the Tegea heads; the mass of flesh at the outer corners is
-heavier in the head from Olympia, and the expression of the eyes is more
-free and defiant than in the more meditative <i>Agias</i>. In both, the cheek
-bones are high and prominent. The elegant contour of the lips of the
-<i>Agias</i> is wholly wanting in the head from Olympia, in which the lips are
-broken off, like the nose and the chin, but it is clear that the lips were
-slightly parted, just showing the teeth—not, however, as in the Tegea
-examples, as if the breath were being drawn with great effort. The
-look of pensiveness is also increased by the open lips. The contour of
-the jawbone is not so visible as in the <i>Agias</i>, where it is clearly discernible
-beneath the closely drawn skin, giving the face a look of greater
-leanness, as of an athlete in perfect training.</p>
-
-<p>In both heads the swollen and battered ears, though small, are prominent,
-and in both the hair is closely cropped, as becomes the athlete.
-The hair of the <i>Agias</i> does not show so much expression as is displayed
-in that of some Lysippan heads, nor the fine detail we should expect
-from Pliny’s statement that Lysippos made improvements in the
-rendering of the hair<a id="FNanchor_2072"></a><a href="#Footnote_2072" class="fnanchor">2072</a>—for it is in great measure only sketched out.
-In Lysippan portraits of Alexander the hair is generally expressively
-treated, and this is often the case in early Hellenistic heads.<a id="FNanchor_2073"></a><a href="#Footnote_2073" class="fnanchor">2073</a> However,
-we should not expect an elaborate treatment of the hair in the
-statue of a pancratiast. The head from Olympia also shows great
-simplicity in this regard. As in Skopaic heads, the hair is fashioned
-into little ringlets ruffled straight up from the forehead in flat relief,
-but here the curls are shorter and more tense. It covers the temples
-and surrounds the ears as in the <i>Agias</i>, but it is not, as there, bounded
-by a round, floating line across the forehead, nor divided into little
-tufts modeled in relief radiating in concentric circles from the top of
-the head. While lacking in detail, the hair of the <i>Agias</i> is treated
-carefully, and with the greatest variety. Narrow bands, perhaps the
-insignia of victory, despite their small size, encircle both heads; in
-the <i>Agias</i> the band is dexterously used to heighten the effect of variety<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_297">297</a></span>
-in the hair by alternately flattening and swelling it here and there. In
-neither head is there any sign of the use of the drill to work out the
-tufts of the hair; only the chisel was used.<a id="FNanchor_2074"></a><a href="#Footnote_2074" class="fnanchor">2074</a></p>
-
-<p>Finally, the whole expression of these two ideal heads is one of force
-and energy, of heroic dignity tempered by pensiveness and pathos,
-which is, in the head from Olympia at least, even a little dramatic.
-Both heads, while ideal, show close observation of nature in modeling
-and expression; and both show the predilection of Lysippos for types in
-which force and energy predominate, and his indifference to the softer
-and more delicate types of manly beauty so characteristic of his contemporary,
-Praxiteles.</p>
-
-<p>In the foregoing comparison, we have tacitly assumed that this marble
-head is from an athlete statue, and, moreover, that it, as the <i>Agias</i>,
-represents a victor in the pankration, though many have seen in it the
-representation not of a victor, but of a youthful Herakles.<a id="FNanchor_2075"></a><a href="#Footnote_2075" class="fnanchor">2075</a> The swollen
-ears and the band in the hair might pass equally well for either, just as
-the fact that it was unearthed near the ruins of the Great Gymnasion (if
-it were necessary to assume that the statue once stood there) might be
-adduced as evidence for either interpretation; for statues of athletes
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f71"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p298.jpg" width="250" height="340" alt="Head of the Statue of
-Herakles." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 71.</span>—Head of the Statue of
-Herakles (Pl. <a href="#p30">30</a>). Lansdowne
-House, London.</span></span>as well as those of Herakles and Hermes (as we have shown in Ch. II)<a id="FNanchor_2076"></a><a href="#Footnote_2076" class="fnanchor">2076</a>
-adorned palæstræ and gymnasia. That the head is of marble and
-slightly under life-size seems to lend some support also to the belief that
-it is a fragment of a statue of Herakles, on the assumption that statues
-of victors in the Altis were uniformly of bronze, an assumption, however,
-not supported by the facts, as will be shown in Chapter VII. So
-some have seen the heroic features of the youthful hero in the γοργόν
-of the eyes, the energetic forehead, closely cropped hair, muscular neck,
-and almost challenging inclination of the head seemingly corresponding
-with an energetic raising of the left shoulder.<a id="FNanchor_2077"></a><a href="#Footnote_2077" class="fnanchor">2077</a> In Chapter III we saw
-that swollen ears were of little use in determining whether a given head
-belongs to the statue of a victor or to one of Herakles, since they formed
-no personal characteristic, but only a professional one common to athletes
-and to gods, if these latter were concerned with athletics.<a id="FNanchor_2078"></a><a href="#Footnote_2078" class="fnanchor">2078</a> Where
-personal attributes are absent, it is often difficult, therefore, to determine
-whether an ideal athlete or Herakles is intended, for it may be the
-hero in the guise of the athlete, or an athlete in the guise of the hero.
-The head under discussion, then, may furnish merely another illustration
-of the process of assimilation of type which we have already discussed.
-Thus it is not surprising that some have regarded this head as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_298">298</a></span>
-that of a youthful Herakles. Yet such a view is wrong; for, apart from
-all considerations which we shall adduce to identify it with the Akarnanian
-pancratiast, and in the absence of distinguishing attributes, if we
-compare it with another Lysippan
-head from a statue generally recognized
-as that of a Herakles—the
-famous Pentelic marble one in Lansdowne
-House, London (Pl. <a href="#p30">30</a> and
-Fig. <a href="#f71">71</a>),<a id="FNanchor_2079"></a><a href="#Footnote_2079" class="fnanchor">2079</a> which Michaelis long ago
-characterized as “unmistakably in
-the spirit of Lysippos”—we can see
-how fundamentally different is the
-whole spiritual conception of the
-two, and how differently an athlete
-(even if highly idealized) and a
-hero are treated by the same sculptor.
-If we once recognize a victor
-in the head from Olympia, then
-the swollen ears, the fierce, barbarous
-look of the eyes, and the half-painful
-expression of the mouth,
-all concur in convincing us that we
-here have to do with a victor in
-boxing or the pankration, the two
-most brutal and dangerous contests.</p>
-
-<h3>IDENTIFICATION OF THE OLYMPIA HEAD.</h3>
-
-<div class="figcenter300"><p class="right">PLATE 30</p><a id="p30"></a>
-<img src="images/i_fp298.jpg" width="300" height="689" alt="Statue of Herakles." />
-<div class="caption">Statue of Herakles. Lansdowne House, London.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Having established, then, the Lysippan character of the head and
-the probability that it comes from the statue of a boxer or pancratiast,
-we shall next discuss the evidence for identifying it with one of the
-monuments mentioned by Pausanias in his <i>periegesis</i> of the Altis. He
-names only five statues of victors by Lysippos: those of Troilos,<a id="FNanchor_2080"></a><a href="#Footnote_2080" class="fnanchor">2080</a> victor
-in the two- and four-horse chariot-races; of Philandridas<a id="FNanchor_2081"></a><a href="#Footnote_2081" class="fnanchor">2081</a> and of Polydamas,<a id="FNanchor_2082"></a><a href="#Footnote_2082" class="fnanchor">2082</a>
-victors in the pankration; of Cheilon,<a id="FNanchor_2083"></a><a href="#Footnote_2083" class="fnanchor">2083</a> victor in wrestling, and of
-Kallikrates,<a id="FNanchor_2084"></a><a href="#Footnote_2084" class="fnanchor">2084</a> victor in the hoplite-race. Of these, the only two which
-can come into consideration are those of the two pancratiasts; and one
-of these, that of Polydamas, can at once be eliminated; for this small
-head can have had nothing to do with the pretentious monument mentioned
-by Pausanias in these words: ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ βάθρῳ τῷ ὑψηλῷ
-Λυσίππου μέν ἐστιν ἔργον, μέγιστος δὲ ἁπάντων ἐγένετο ἀνθρώπων, κ. τ. λ.
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_299">299</a></span>
-Fragments of the base of this monument have been recovered, and it
-stood in a part of the Altis<a id="FNanchor_2085"></a><a href="#Footnote_2085" class="fnanchor">2085</a> too far removed from the spot where the
-statue of Philandridas stood, or from that where the marble head was
-found. Our choice is limited to the statue of the Akarnanian, the tenth
-in the series of 168 victors<a id="FNanchor_2086"></a><a href="#Footnote_2086" class="fnanchor">2086</a> named by Pausanias in his first <i>ephodos</i>.</p>
-
-<p>We can determine very closely the position of these first few statues
-in the Altis. Pausanias begins his enumeration ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ ναοῦ τῆς
-Ἥρας, in the northwest of the sacred enclosure.<a id="FNanchor_2087"></a><a href="#Footnote_2087" class="fnanchor">2087</a> He is often loose
-in his employment of words to denote locations, and especially so in
-that of the terms ἐν δεξιᾷ and ἐν ἀριστερᾷ, which must sometimes be
-interpreted from the viewpoint of the spectator, and sometimes from
-that of a given monument. We shall show in Chapter VIII that these
-words in this connection must be taken as referring to the temple <i>pro
-persona</i>, and consequently to the southern side of the Heraion. The
-marble head was found in this neighborhood, in the wall of some late
-Byzantine huts behind the southern end of the stadion-hall of the Great
-Gymnasion, 23.50 meters north of its southeastern corner and 5 meters
-east of its back wall,<a id="FNanchor_2088"></a><a href="#Footnote_2088" class="fnanchor">2088</a> and consequently very near the Heraion. Inasmuch
-as the inscribed tablet from the base of the statue of Troilos,<a id="FNanchor_2089"></a><a href="#Footnote_2089" class="fnanchor">2089</a>
-the sixth statue mentioned by Pausanias, and the inscribed base of the
-monument of Kyniska,<a id="FNanchor_2090"></a><a href="#Footnote_2090" class="fnanchor">2090</a> the seventh, were both found in the ruins of the
-Prytaneion nearby, and the basis of the statue of Sophios,<a id="FNanchor_2091"></a><a href="#Footnote_2091" class="fnanchor">2091</a> the twenty-second
-in the series, was discovered also in this part of the Altis, in the
-bed of the Kladeos,<a id="FNanchor_2092"></a><a href="#Footnote_2092" class="fnanchor">2092</a> we can conclude that all four monuments originally
-stood near together, and in the order named by Pausanias, along
-the southern side of the Heraion. The remarkably good preservation
-of the surface of the marble head points to the fact that it was set up in
-a sheltered place.<a id="FNanchor_2093"></a><a href="#Footnote_2093" class="fnanchor">2093</a> Furthermore, the unfinished condition of the back
-hair, which is only roughly blocked out, so that not even the contour
-of the locks is indicated, shows that the statue was intended to be set
-up against a solid background, <i>i. e.</i>, in front of a wall, niche, or column.<a id="FNanchor_2094"></a><a href="#Footnote_2094" class="fnanchor">2094</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_300">300</a></span>
-From this fact we may conclude that the statue of Philandridas, and
-perhaps those of some of the other victors first mentioned by Pausanias,
-stood on the southern stylobate of the Heraion, over against the columns
-of the peristyle.</p>
-
-<h3>THE DATES OF PHILANDRIDAS AND LYSIPPOS.</h3>
-
-<p>The date of the victory of Philandridas is not recorded, but it
-probably must lie within the years of the activity of Lysippos, who
-made the statue.<a id="FNanchor_2095"></a><a href="#Footnote_2095" class="fnanchor">2095</a> On the principle which has been sufficiently demonstrated
-in my monograph <i>de olympionicarum Statuis</i>, that statues
-of nearly contemporaneous victors were grouped together in the
-Altis, as well as those of the same family and state, or those who had
-been victorious in the same contest, I have already in that work<a id="FNanchor_2096"></a><a href="#Footnote_2096" class="fnanchor">2096</a> proposed
-Ol. 102 or Ol. 103 (&#8239;=&#8239;372 or 368 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>) as the probable date of his
-victory, as his statue stands among those of victors, none of whom could
-have won later than Ol. 104 (&#8239;=&#8239;364 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>). The first six named by
-Pausanias are Eleans and the dates of their victories fall between Ols.
-94 and 104 (&#8239;=&#8239;404 and 364 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>); the sixth, Troilos, is known to have
-won his two victories in Ols. 102 and 103.<a id="FNanchor_2097"></a><a href="#Footnote_2097" class="fnanchor">2097</a> None of the next seven
-Spartans—among whose statues that of Philandridas was placed—can
-be dated later than Ol. 97 (&#8239;=&#8239;392 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), while most of them belong to
-the close of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Sostratos of Sikyon won in the same
-contest in which Philandridas did in Ol. 104 (&#8239;=&#8239;364 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_2098"></a><a href="#Footnote_2098" class="fnanchor">2098</a> and doubtless
-his two other known victories should be assigned to the two succeeding
-Olympiads. To bring Philandridas down as far as Ol. 107
-(&#8239;=&#8239;352 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>) is unwarranted, since no statue of so late a date stood in
-this vicinity. On the other hand, to place his victory earlier than
-Ol. 102, is also out of the question, owing to the inexpediency of dating
-Lysippos so early. Doubtless, therefore, his statue by Lysippos was
-placed in the Spartan group about the same time that the image of
-Troilos, by the same sculptor, was placed among the Eleans. This is
-an independent argument, then, for so early a date for Lysippos.<a id="FNanchor_2099"></a><a href="#Footnote_2099" class="fnanchor">2099</a></p>
-
-<p>Percy Gardner, in the discussion of the date of this artist,<a id="FNanchor_2100"></a><a href="#Footnote_2100" class="fnanchor">2100</a> has shown
-how slight is the evidence for any date later than 320 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> The date<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_301">301</a></span>
-of the second Olympic victory of Cheilon of Patrai, whose statue was
-by Lysippos, can not be later than 320 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_2101"></a><a href="#Footnote_2101" class="fnanchor">2101</a> Pausanias quotes the
-inscription on the base of the statue to the effect that Cheilon died in
-battle and was buried for his valor’s sake by the Achæan people. He
-infers the date of his death by reference to the date of Lysippos as
-either 338 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> (Chæroneia) or 322 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> (Lamia). In another passage,
-VII, 6.5, he says that the Olympic guide told him that Cheilon was
-the only Achæan who fought at Lamia. Gardner justly remarks
-that either of these dates, the two occasions in the lifetime of Lysippos
-when the Achæans took part in an important war, fall within the
-dates of the artist’s activity.<a id="FNanchor_2102"></a><a href="#Footnote_2102" class="fnanchor">2102</a> The dates of the two hoplite victories
-of Kallikrates of Magnesia, on the Meander, whose statue was also
-the work of Lysippos, must be left indeterminate.<a id="FNanchor_2103"></a><a href="#Footnote_2103" class="fnanchor">2103</a> Gardner also shows
-that the wish not to separate Lysippos from the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> has been
-the real reason which has influenced so many archæologists to extend
-his activity to the end of the fourth century,<a id="FNanchor_2104"></a><a href="#Footnote_2104" class="fnanchor">2104</a> and to explain away
-the evidence for an earlier date offered by the statue of Troilos, who
-won his second victory in 368 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> If we once for all give up the
-<i>Apoxyomenos</i>, the difficulty of an early dating disappears, as does also
-the theory that Skopas could have strongly influenced the youthful
-Lysippos as a master would influence a pupil, and it becomes clear
-that this influence must have been mutual, that of one great contemporary
-upon another. Although Lysippos worked longer, as is attested
-by his work for Alexander and his generals, he could have been but
-little if any younger than either Skopas or Praxiteles, from both of
-whom he learned. We have already quoted Homolle<a id="FNanchor_2105"></a><a href="#Footnote_2105" class="fnanchor">2105</a> as saying that
-an analysis of the style of the <i>Agias</i> discloses the mixed influences of
-Praxiteles and Skopas, as well as the independent work of Lysippos,
-in the pose, proportions, and whole type of the figure.</p>
-
-<p>Lysippos was a great reformer in art, breaking away from Argive
-and Polykleitan traditions, even though he called the <i>Doryphoros</i> as
-well as Nature his master, and though the influence of Polykleitos is
-visible in the body of the <i>Agias</i>, just as that of Skopas in the treatment
-of its forehead, eyes, and mouth, and in the intensity of its expression.
-Evidently he was strongly affected by the work of his great predeces<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_302">302</a></span>sors
-and contemporaries, but developed at the same time new and independent
-tendencies. Thus the <i>Philandridas</i> must have been—just as
-the lost statue of Troilos—an early work of the master, whereas the
-<i>Agias</i> was the work of his mature genius. The difference between the
-two can thus be explained by the lapse of time between them, and by
-the influences that surrounded the youthful artist; but the similarities
-between them are, at the same time, striking, and there is little resemblance
-in either to the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>. This is another link in the
-chain of evidence that the latter work could not have been produced
-by the same artist; for artists do not radically change their style after
-many years of work, and Lysippos must have been at least fifty
-years old when he created the <i>Agias</i>.</p>
-
-<p>The identification of this marble head with that of the victor statue
-of the Akarnanian pancratiast by Lysippos raises two questions which
-we shall briefly examine: whether the statues in the Altis were ever
-made of marble, and whether Lysippos ever worked in that material.
-The first of these questions will be left for the following chapter; the
-second will be discussed in the present connection.</p>
-
-<h3>LYSIPPOS AS A WORKER IN MARBLE, AND
-STATUE “DOUBLES.”</h3>
-
-<p>To regard a marble statue as an original work of Lysippos, who has
-been looked upon almost universally as a sculptor in bronze exclusively,
-seems at first sight to be baseless. Pliny certainly classed Lysippos
-among the bronze-workers, for in the preface to his account of bronze-founders<a id="FNanchor_2106"></a><a href="#Footnote_2106" class="fnanchor">2106</a>
-he tells us that this artist produced 1,500 statues, and doubtless
-we are to infer that the historian regarded them all as being made
-of metal. He further<a id="FNanchor_2107"></a><a href="#Footnote_2107" class="fnanchor">2107</a> speaks of Lysippos’ contributions to the (<i>ars</i>)
-<i>statuaria</i>, and it seems clear that this term, as the modern title of Book
-XXXIV, is to be taken in its narrow sense of sculpture in bronze as opposed
-to <i>sculptura</i>,<a id="FNanchor_2108"></a><a href="#Footnote_2108" class="fnanchor">2108</a> that in marble. How firmly the belief is established
-that Lysippos worked only in bronze can be seen from the following
-words of Overbeck: “<i>Zu beginnen ist mit wiederholter Hervorhebung
-der durchaus unzweifelhaften und wichtigen Tatsache dass Lysippos
-ausschliesslich Erzgiesser war.</i>”<a id="FNanchor_2109"></a><a href="#Footnote_2109" class="fnanchor">2109</a> That Lysippos was preëminently a
-bronze-worker, and that his ancient reputation was due chiefly to
-his bronze work, can not be doubted. But to say that he never
-essayed to produce works in marble, as so many other Greek artists<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_303">303</a></span>
-did who were famed as bronze-workers,<a id="FNanchor_2110"></a><a href="#Footnote_2110" class="fnanchor">2110</a> is, as one writer has lately
-expressed it, a <i>kindisches Vorurtheil</i>.<a id="FNanchor_2111"></a><a href="#Footnote_2111" class="fnanchor">2111</a> That marble work was done
-in his studio, if not by his hand, is well attested by the reliefs from
-the base of the victor statue of Polydamas mentioned above, which
-have been generally referred to Lysippos’ pupils.<a id="FNanchor_2112"></a><a href="#Footnote_2112" class="fnanchor">2112</a> These are too
-damaged to be used as exact evidence of his style, but the legs of Polydamas
-himself, in the central relief, so far as their contour can be made
-out, are thin and sinewy, as we should expect in Lysippan work, and this
-relief doubtless would have been regarded as the work of the master
-himself, if it had not been taken for granted that he worked only in
-bronze. But for the same assumption some critics would have seen
-an original from the hand of Lysippos in the statue of Agias at least,
-if not in the others of the Delphian group.<a id="FNanchor_2113"></a><a href="#Footnote_2113" class="fnanchor">2113</a> It will be interesting to
-rehearse some of the arguments by which the statue of Agias has been
-adjudged a copy.<a id="FNanchor_2114"></a><a href="#Footnote_2114" class="fnanchor">2114</a></p>
-
-<p>It has been generally assumed that the original group of statues at
-Pharsalos was of bronze (though we have no proof that it may not have
-been of marble), while the one at Delphi was copied almost, if not quite,
-simultaneously in marble<a id="FNanchor_2115"></a><a href="#Footnote_2115" class="fnanchor">2115</a>—so faithfully, indeed, that even the proper
-marble support to the figure of Agias was omitted. While Homolle
-notes the absence of this support as evidence of the marble statue being
-an exact copy of the original bronze, Gardner argues that this proves a free
-imitation, where the support was not needed.<a id="FNanchor_2116"></a><a href="#Footnote_2116" class="fnanchor">2116</a> The inexact modeling
-of the hair, since hair can not be rendered so perfectly in marble as in
-bronze, has been adduced as a sign that the marble statue was a copy of
-the bronze original. This in itself is a weak argument, since the slight
-and sketchy treatment of the hair of the <i>Hermes</i> of Praxiteles—which is,
-for the most part, merely blocked out<a id="FNanchor_2117"></a><a href="#Footnote_2117" class="fnanchor">2117</a>—might with just as good reason
-be used as evidence that that statue is only a copy, especially as we know
-that Praxiteles also worked in bronze.<a id="FNanchor_2118"></a><a href="#Footnote_2118" class="fnanchor">2118</a> The omission of the artist’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_304">304</a></span>
-signature on the base of the <i>Agias</i> has also been taken to indicate that
-some pupil of Lysippos (Lysistratos, for example) did the work of transference
-in the master’s studio under his supervision and doubtless from
-his model.</p>
-
-<p>Despite all such arguments, which prove little, it must be admitted
-that the careless finish of the Delphian statue is not what we should
-expect in a masterpiece by so renowned a sculptor as Lysippos, as the
-statue can not be said to be a first-rate work of art. But that it was made
-under the direct supervision of Lysippos can hardly be questioned. It
-seems reasonable to believe that Daochos, who employed the great
-artist in the one case, would not have trusted a mere copyist in the other,
-or one who was free to indulge his individual taste in details,<a id="FNanchor_2119"></a><a href="#Footnote_2119" class="fnanchor">2119</a> especially
-as the statue was to be placed in so prominent a place as Delphi. He
-probably gave the orders for the two statues at the same time, and
-Lysippos must have had the oversight of the Delphian one. So it seems
-best to regard the statue of Agias as a “double,” and not as a copy in
-the later sense of the word. The custom of making such doubles goes
-back at least to the middle of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Thus the statue
-of the <i>Delian Apollo</i> by Angelion and Tektaios, known as the “<i>Healer</i>”
-(Οὔλιος),<a id="FNanchor_2120"></a><a href="#Footnote_2120" class="fnanchor">2120</a> had a “double” in both Delphi<a id="FNanchor_2121"></a><a href="#Footnote_2121" class="fnanchor">2121</a> and Athens.<a id="FNanchor_2122"></a><a href="#Footnote_2122" class="fnanchor">2122</a> Similarly the
-<i>Philesian Apollo</i> of Branchidai near Miletos, by the elder Kanachos,<a id="FNanchor_2123"></a><a href="#Footnote_2123" class="fnanchor">2123</a>
-had a double in Thebes known as the <i>Ismenian Apollo</i>, which Pausanias
-says differed from the one in Miletos neither in form nor size, but only
-in material, for it was of cedar-wood,<a id="FNanchor_2124"></a><a href="#Footnote_2124" class="fnanchor">2124</a> while the Milesian one was of
-bronze. Furtwaengler<a id="FNanchor_2125"></a><a href="#Footnote_2125" class="fnanchor">2125</a> has demonstrated that contemporary doubles
-of works by Polykleitos, Pheidias, and Praxiteles existed. The
-case of the statues of the athlete Agias at Pharsalos and at Delphi
-is paralleled by that of the Olympic victor Promachos, who had
-statues, probably alike, both at Olympia and in his native city Pellene.<a id="FNanchor_2126"></a><a href="#Footnote_2126" class="fnanchor">2126</a>
-A double of the base of the <i>Nike</i> of Paionios at Olympia was
-discovered at Delphi,<a id="FNanchor_2127"></a><a href="#Footnote_2127" class="fnanchor">2127</a> and a fine head in the collection of Miss
-Hertz in Rome is from the same original.<a id="FNanchor_2128"></a><a href="#Footnote_2128" class="fnanchor">2128</a> A Polykleitan head<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_305">305</a></span>
-in the British Museum, similar to that of the <i>Westmacott Athlete</i>
-(Pl. <a href="#p19">19</a>), seems to be a contemporary replica of an original of the fifth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_2129"></a><a href="#Footnote_2129" class="fnanchor">2129</a> Such examples (and many more could be cited) show
-the difference between contemporary “doubles” and the later copies
-of Greek masterpieces. The former are Greek originals in a very
-true sense, made, as we assume the <i>Agias</i> was, under the direct supervision
-of noted sculptors. In this sense only the Delphian statue
-should be called a copy.</p>
-
-<h3>HEAD OF A STATUE OF A BOY FROM SPARTA, AND THE
-ART OF SKOPAS.</h3>
-
-<p>We shall next discuss the beautiful Pentelic marble head of a boy,
-with a lion’s scalp drawn over the top so that the muzzle comes down
-over the forehead, which is said to have been discovered near the
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f72"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p305.jpg" width="250" height="281" alt="Marble Head of a Boy," />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 72.</span>—Marble Head of a Boy, found
-near the Akropolis, Sparta. In
-Private Possession in Philadelphia,
-U. S. A.</span>
-</span>
-Akropolis at Sparta in 1908 (Fig.
-72). This head was for a time
-in the University Museum, Philadelphia,
-and later was exhibited
-at the Boston Museum of Fine
-Arts. At last accounts it was in
-private possession in Philadelphia.
-It has been published as
-the head of a youthful Herakles
-by my colleague, Professor W. N.
-Bates, in the <i>American Journal
-of Archæology</i>.<a id="FNanchor_2130"></a><a href="#Footnote_2130" class="fnanchor">2130</a> Of its style he
-says: “The points of resemblance
-which the Philadelphia
-Heracles bears to the heads from
-the Tegean pediments are so
-many and so striking that they
-must all be traced back to the
-same sculptor; and that he was
-Skopas there can be little doubt.”
-He therefore concludes that it is
-“probably a very good copy of a
-lost work of Skopas.”<a id="FNanchor_2131"></a><a href="#Footnote_2131" class="fnanchor">2131</a> A little later, Dr. L. D. Caskey, of the
-Museum in Boston, found these resemblances hardly close enough,
-in view of the influence of Skopas on later Greek sculpture, to justify
-so definite an attribution.<a id="FNanchor_2132"></a><a href="#Footnote_2132" class="fnanchor">2132</a> He found them confined to the upper part
-of the face, while he believed that the lower portion resembled heads
-which could be assigned to Praxiteles or his influence, and conse<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_306">306</a></span>quently
-he pronounced the head “an eclectic work in which features
-borrowed from Skopas and Praxiteles have been combined with an
-unusually successful effect.”</p>
-
-<p>As Dr. Bates points out, there is no recorded statue of Herakles by
-Skopas which corresponds with this head. The stone one mentioned
-by Pausanias as standing in the Gymnasion at Sikyon<a id="FNanchor_2133"></a><a href="#Footnote_2133" class="fnanchor">2133</a> has been thought
-by the authors of the <i>Numismatic Commentary on Pausanias</i> to be
-reproduced on a Sikyonian copper coin of the age of Geta, now in the
-British Museum.<a id="FNanchor_2134"></a><a href="#Footnote_2134" class="fnanchor">2134</a> Many statues and busts scattered in European museums,
-which represent a beardless Herakles and show Skopaic influence,
-have been traced back to this original.<a id="FNanchor_2135"></a><a href="#Footnote_2135" class="fnanchor">2135</a> However, the coin represents
-the hero wearing a wreath, and so, if it was copied from the original in
-the Gymnasion, the latter could not have been the prototype of the
-head under discussion.</p>
-
-<p>It is now universally acknowledged that all constructive criticism of
-the art of Skopas must be based on a study of the heads found at Tegea.
-Besides those discovered in 1879, and now in the National Museum
-in Athens,<a id="FNanchor_2136"></a><a href="#Footnote_2136" class="fnanchor">2136</a> two other male heads (in addition to the torso of a female
-figure draped as an Amazon, and a head on the same scale which probably
-belongs to it, as both are of Parian marble, representing probably
-<i>Atalanta</i> of the East pediment) were discovered by M. Mendel in his
-excavations of the temple of Athena Alea in 1900–1901, and referred to
-the pedimental groups described by Pausanias.<a id="FNanchor_2137"></a><a href="#Footnote_2137" class="fnanchor">2137</a> As one of these (Fig.73)
-is characterized by a lion’s scalp worn as a helmet, the hero’s face
-fitting into the jaws, its teeth showing above his forehead, it has been
-regarded as the head from a statue of Herakles, although Pausanias
-mentions no such statue in his enumeration of the figures composing the
-group of the Eastern pediment, and although it is difficult to explain
-the presence of the hero in the group of the Western pediment, which
-represented the battle between his son Telephos and Achilles. Mendel
-considers this head to be inferior in workmanship to the others, and so
-refers it to the school of Skopas rather than to the master himself, and
-designates it “<i>un travail d’atelier</i>.” In describing it, however, he
-says: “<i>tous ces caractères, qui sont ceux des têtes du Musée central, se<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_307">307</a></span>
-retrouvent dans nôtre tête d’Héraclés</i>.”<a id="FNanchor_2138"></a><a href="#Footnote_2138" class="fnanchor">2138</a> Here we have a head of a
-youthful Herakles (or of some hero who has borrowed his attribute of
-the lion’s skin—perhaps Telephos), which, if not by Skopas himself,
-is still a work of his school reproducing all his characteristics; consequently,
-of all these heads from Tegea, it is with this one chiefly
-that we should compare the head from Sparta similarly covered with a
-lion’s scalp.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter300"><a id="f73"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p307.jpg" width="300" height="323" alt="So-called Head of Herakles." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 73.</span>—So-called Head of Herakles, from
-Tegea, by Skopas. National Museum,
-Athens.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Though badly injured, it is still possible to see in this head of the
-so-called <i>Herakles</i> found at Tegea, both in full view and in profile, the
-characteristic Skopaic expression of passion, and to discover the means
-by which the artist effected it. The expression is due in great measure
-to the upward direction of the gaze, and to the heavy overshadowing
-of the deep-set eyes. It is further enhanced by the contracted brow,
-dilated nostril, and half-open, almost panting, mouth, whose parted lips
-clearly disclose the teeth. The structure of the head is in keeping
-with the strength of character portrayed; the skull is very deep from
-front to back, and its framework is massive and bony; the face is broad
-and short and the chin is heavy; everything emphasizes the impression
-of a virile and muscular warrior violently engaged in the fray. The
-subjects of the two pedimental groups—the Kalydonian boar hunt and
-the battle between Achilles and Telephos—justified the expression of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_308">308</a></span>
-unrestrained violence which we see in this and the other male heads,
-and gave the sculptor an opportunity to represent his heroes in the
-excitement of action and danger. To effect this intensity of expression
-Skopas relied mainly on the treatment of the eye. In one of the heads
-(the unhelmeted one in Athens) the gaze is not turned upwards as in the
-<i>Herakles</i>, nor are the neck-muscles strained as in the others, and yet
-the expression is even more violent than in them. Thus it is the modeling
-of the flesh about the eye which is the real distinguishing feature
-of Skopas’ work. In describing the helmeted head in Athens, E. A.
-Gardner says:</p>
-
-<blockquote>
-
-<p>“The eyes are set very deep in their sockets, and heavily overshadowed, at
-their inner corners, by the strong projection of the brow, which does not,
-however, as in some later examples of a similar intention on the part of the
-artist, meet the line of the nose at an acute angle, but arches away from it in a
-bold curve. At the outer corners the eyes are also heavily overshadowed, here
-by a projecting mass of flesh or muscle which overhangs and actually hides in
-part the upper lid. The eyes are very wide-open—with a dilation which
-comes from fixing the eyes upon a distant object—and therefore suggest the
-far-away look associated with a passionate nature.”<a id="FNanchor_2139"></a><a href="#Footnote_2139" class="fnanchor">2139</a></p></blockquote>
-
-<h3>COMPARISON OF THE TEGEA HEADS AND THE
-HEAD FROM SPARTA.</h3>
-
-<p>It is to the facial characteristics in the Tegea heads that Dr. Bates
-calls attention in basing his argument for the Skopaic origin of the head
-from Sparta: the forehead horizontally divided by a median line, the
-swelling, prominent brow, the deep-set eyes with their narrow lids—only
-2 mm. wide—embedded in the projecting flesh at the outer corners,
-and the parted mouth. He also sees a resemblance in the small
-round curls bunched together above the ears. But if there are resemblances
-(especially in the modeling of the eyes) there are also great
-differences observable in the Tegea heads and the one from Sparta.
-Let us confine our comparison of the latter with the <i>Herakles</i> of the
-Tegea pediment, though the comparison with any of the other male
-heads would lead to substantially the same results.</p>
-
-<p>In the first place the structure of the two heads in question is very
-different. As the head from Sparta is broken in two at the ears and the
-whole back part is missing, we can not tell whether it had the great
-depth of the one from Tegea. But of the massive, bony framework of the
-latter there is little trace in the former. In the Tegea example we are
-struck with the squareness of the head and the breadth of the central
-part of the face; the sides do not gradually converge toward the middle,
-but seem to form distinct planes. The distance between the eyes is
-also in keeping with the breadth of the skull as measured between the
-ears; the breadth of the face almost equals its length from the top of
-the forehead to the chin, and this fact, together with the massive, promi<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_309">309</a></span>nent
-chin, gives an element of squareness to the whole.<a id="FNanchor_2140"></a><a href="#Footnote_2140" class="fnanchor">2140</a> On the other
-hand, the head from Sparta has a long, narrow face whose sides softly
-converge toward the middle in beautiful curves about the cheeks; its
-cheek-bones are not so high nor so prominent as those of the other; it
-ends in a delicate, almost effeminate chin, which slightly retreats and
-gives the whole lower part of the face an oval structure, thus recalling
-Praxiteles and fourth-century Attic works. The length of the face is
-accentuated by the considerable height to which the head rises above
-the forehead, in contrast with the flatness of the skull in the example
-from Tegea. The eyes are not so wide-open; they are longer and not
-so swollen nor compressed toward the centre; if we view the two heads
-from the side, we see that the eye-socket in the Tegea head is larger and
-appreciably deeper than in the one from Sparta.</p>
-
-<p>Apart from these surface differences in the structure of the head and
-face, it is in the resultant expression that we see the greatest divergence
-from the Skopaic type. This seems to me to be fundamentally different
-in the Sparta head. In the <i>Herakles</i>, as in all the other Tegea male
-heads, and even in those of the boar and the dogs, the really characteristic
-feature, which differentiates them from all other works of Greek
-sculpture, is the passionate intensity of their expression. The one
-unforgettable impression left on the spectator by them all is this
-expression of violent and unrestrained passion, which the sculptor has
-succeeded in imparting to the marble. This is what marks him as the
-master of passion and the originator of the dramatic tendencies carried
-to such lengths in the Hellenistic schools of sculpture; it is this which
-explains Kallistratos’ characterization of his works as being κάτοχα καὶ
-μεστὰ μανίας.<a id="FNanchor_2141"></a><a href="#Footnote_2141" class="fnanchor">2141</a> The head from Sparta shows only a little of this intensity.
-Notwithstanding the similar upward gaze and slightly parted lips, the
-intention of the artist seems to have been to portray the hero in an attitude
-of expectancy, tempered by a look almost of calmness. The look
-is deeply earnest, but not violent; it is even melancholy. It is this last
-feature, the delicate and compelling melancholy of the face, which
-impressed me most on first viewing it. This is further enhanced by
-the full, soft modeling of the lower face, that gives to the whole a delicate,
-almost effeminate character, which strongly reminds us of Praxitelean
-heads. In fact, the shape of the lips and the modeling of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_310">310</a></span>
-flesh on either side of the mouth, together with the soft, dimpled chin,
-have little in common with the massive strength and remarkable animation
-of the Tegea heads. As Dr. Caskey has intimated, if we had
-only the lower portion of the face for comparison, we should be inclined
-to ascribe it to the influence of Praxiteles. If we considered the upper
-part only, resemblances to Skopaic work seem well marked; but if we
-take into account the expression of the face as a whole, we see that it lacks
-the most essential of Skopaic features, the look of passionate intensity.
-Consequently we shall find it difficult to bring the head into such close
-relation to that artist; for here there is little analogy to the vigorous
-warrior types of the Tegea pediments. For its quieter mien it might be
-better to compare it with the head of Atalanta,<a id="FNanchor_2142"></a><a href="#Footnote_2142" class="fnanchor">2142</a> though none of the gentle
-pathos or eagerness of the Sparta head is there visible. The <i>Atalanta</i>,
-though full of vigorous life, utterly lacks the unrestrained passion so
-characteristic of her brothers; her eyes are not so deeply set, nor so wide-open;
-they are narrower and longer, and are not over-hung at the outer
-corners by heavy masses of flesh.<a id="FNanchor_2143"></a><a href="#Footnote_2143" class="fnanchor">2143</a> In speaking of the absence of these
-rolls of muscle, E. A. Gardner notes a curious peculiarity: “This is
-a clearly marked, though delicately rounded, roll of flesh between the
-brow and the upper eyelid, which is continued right round above the
-inner corner of the eye, to join the swelling at the side of the nose,
-which itself passes on into the cheek.”<a id="FNanchor_2144"></a><a href="#Footnote_2144" class="fnanchor">2144</a> He detects this same peculi<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_311">311</a></span>arity
-in certain other Skopaic heads, notably in the <i>Apollo</i> from the Mausoleion
-and the <i>Demeter</i> from Knidos, though it is quite lacking in the
-Tegea male heads. It all goes to show that Skopas was not strictly consistent
-in his treatment of the eye. The lower face of the <i>Atalanta</i> is also
-longer and more oval than that of the male heads, and thus shows Attic
-rather than Peloponnesian influence. If it is difficult, then, to conceive
-of the <i>Atalanta</i> and the male heads as the work of the same sculptor, the
-contrast, both in structure and expression, between these two heads of
-Herakles, the one from Tegea, the other from Sparta, makes it more
-difficult to assume the same authorship for both; for here we can not
-explain the difference as the contrast between the types of hero and
-heroine; here we are comparing two heads which are supposedly of the
-same hero.</p>
-
-<h3>THE STYLES OF SKOPAS AND LYSIPPOS COMPARED.</h3>
-
-<div class="figcenter350"><a id="f74"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p312.jpg" width="350" height="541" alt="Attic Grave-Relief." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 74.</span>—Attic Grave-Relief, found in the
-Bed of the Ilissos, Athens. National
-Museum, Athens.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>In view, then, of the differences enumerated I should hesitate to
-assign a Skopaic origin to the head from Sparta. In the lower part of
-the face, with its small mouth and delicate chin, I see signs only of
-Praxitelean influence; in the upper part I am much more inclined to
-see affinities to the art-tendencies of Lysippos, as we now know them
-from the statue of Agias. In the present state of our knowledge it is
-not difficult to separate works of Praxitelean origin from those of Skopas;
-but it is a very different thing to distinguish those of Skopaic
-origin from those of Lysippos; here the line distinguishing the two masters
-is much finer and harder to draw. Before the discovery of the
-Tegea heads, the deep-set eye,<a id="FNanchor_2145"></a><a href="#Footnote_2145" class="fnanchor">2145</a> prominent brow, and “breathing” mouth
-were looked upon as characteristic features of Lysippos, as they were
-known to us from representations of Alexander, especially on coins.
-We now know that these traits belonged to Skopas to a much greater
-extent. When the <i>Agias</i> was found, and before its true authorship had
-been determined, Homolle, as we have seen, had at first classed it
-as showing the manner of Lysippos, only later to see more of Skopas
-than Lysippos in it. Such a conclusion was natural so long as we
-regarded the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> as the key to Lysippan art. By assigning
-these traits definitely to Skopas, we were compelled to view the work of
-Lysippos as conventional and somewhat lifeless in comparison. But
-with the assumption that the statue of Agias represented true Lysippan
-characteristics, we were forced to recognize that the same traits
-belonged to Lysippos also, though to a less degree, since the energy of
-the Tegea heads was absent from the features of the <i>Agias</i> and their
-fierceness was here replaced by a look of quiet melancholy. The study
-of such allied works as the beautiful and excellently preserved <i>Lansdowne
-Herakles</i> (Pl. <a href="#p30">30</a> and Fig. <a href="#f71">71</a>), the athlete on the Pentelic marble<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_312">312</a></span>
-stele found in the bed of the Ilissos in 1874, and now in the National
-Museum in Athens (Fig. <a href="#f74">74</a>),<a id="FNanchor_2146"></a><a href="#Footnote_2146" class="fnanchor">2146</a> the so-called <i>Meleager</i> in the Vatican
-(Fig. <a href="#f75">75</a>),<a id="FNanchor_2147"></a><a href="#Footnote_2147" class="fnanchor">2147</a> and other copies of the same original (<i>e. g.</i>, Figs. 76, 77), also
-shows how closely the type of Lysippos approached that of Skopas.
-Long ago I expressed the view<a id="FNanchor_2148"></a><a href="#Footnote_2148" class="fnanchor">2148</a> that these and similar works should be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_313">313</a></span>
-assigned to Lysippos rather than to Skopas, to whom most critics had
-referred them. Thus, after the discovery of the Tegea heads, scholarly
-opinion began to follow the arguments of Furtwaengler in bringing
-the <i>Lansdowne Herakles</i> into the sphere of Skopas.<a id="FNanchor_2149"></a><a href="#Footnote_2149" class="fnanchor">2149</a> But Michaelis,
-as far back as 1882, commenting on the characteristically small head,
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f75"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p313.jpg" width="250" height="420" alt="Statue of the so-called Meleager." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 75.</span>—Statue of the so-called <i>Meleager</i>.
-Vatican Museum, Rome.</span>
-</span>
-short neck in comparison with the
-mighty shoulders, and long legs in
-proportion to the thick-set torso,
-had declared: “Without doubt the
-statue offers one of the finest specimens,
-if not absolutely the best, of
-a Herakles according to the conception
-of Lysippos.”<a id="FNanchor_2150"></a><a href="#Footnote_2150" class="fnanchor">2150</a> Now opinion
-varies again; only those who believe
-that the <i>Agias</i> is Lysippan class the
-<i>Herakles</i> as a Lysippan work.<a id="FNanchor_2151"></a><a href="#Footnote_2151" class="fnanchor">2151</a> Of
-the <i>Meleager</i>, Graef<a id="FNanchor_2152"></a><a href="#Footnote_2152" class="fnanchor">2152</a> gives eighteen
-copies besides the one in the Vatican.
-This number shows how common an
-adornment it was of Roman villas
-and parks. Some of these copies
-have a chlamys thrown over the
-arm, <i>e. g.</i>, the Vatican example,
-and belong to imperial times, while
-others without the mantle, <i>e. g.</i>, the
-torso in Berlin,<a id="FNanchor_2153"></a><a href="#Footnote_2153" class="fnanchor">2153</a> are older. In addition
-to the Vatican example we reproduce
-two other copies, the beautiful
-Parian marble head now placed on
-the trunk of a Praxitelean <i>Apollo</i>
-in the gardens of the Medici in Rome
-(Fig. <a href="#f76">76</a>),<a id="FNanchor_2154"></a><a href="#Footnote_2154" class="fnanchor">2154</a> and the statue without
-arms or legs and without the chlamys, found in 1895 near Santa Mari<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_314">314</a></span>nella,
-30 miles from Rome, and since 1899 in the Fogg Art Museum
-at Harvard University (Fig. <a href="#f77">77</a>),<a id="FNanchor_2155"></a><a href="#Footnote_2155" class="fnanchor">2155</a> one of the most beautiful of the
-many replicas. At first the original of these copies was supposed to
-be Lysippan, being identified with the <i>Venator</i> at Thespiai mentioned
-by Pliny as the work of Euthykrates, the son and pupil of Lysippos,<a id="FNanchor_2156"></a><a href="#Footnote_2156" class="fnanchor">2156</a>
-but after the discovery of the Tegea heads it was almost universally<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_315">315</a></span>
-referred to Skopas.<a id="FNanchor_2157"></a><a href="#Footnote_2157" class="fnanchor">2157</a> Here again the Skopaic group of Graef has been
-broken by P. Gardner<a id="FNanchor_2158"></a><a href="#Footnote_2158" class="fnanchor">2158</a> and others, and the <i>Meleager</i>, like the <i>Herakles</i>,
-has been given to Lysippos.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter300"><a id="f76"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p314.jpg" width="300" height="406" alt="Head of the so-called Meleager." />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 76.</span>—Head of the so-called <i>Meleager</i>. Villa
-Medici, Rome.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Let us analyze a little further wherein the difference between the
-closely allied art of Skopas and Lysippos lies. We saw that it was
-chiefly the formation of the eye and its surroundings which characterized
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f77"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p315.jpg" width="250" height="398" alt="Torso of the so-called
-Meleager." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 77.</span>—Torso of the so-called
-<i>Meleager</i>. Fogg Art Museum,
-Cambridge, U. S. A.</span></span>
-Skopaic work—the depth of the
-balls in their sockets, and the heavy
-masses of flesh above the outer corners.
-This was in harmony with
-the breadth of brow and the massive
-build of the Tegea heads. In
-the <i>Agias</i> and similar works the
-treatment of the eye is somewhat
-different. The head of the <i>Agias</i>
-is of slighter proportions than the
-heads from Tegea; in conformity
-with the Lysippan canon it is below
-life-size, and consequently has no
-such heavy overshadowing of the
-outer corners of the eyes. Moreover,
-as we shall see, this overshadowing
-is also relatively less in
-the statue of the Delphian athlete.
-The formation of the eye is thus
-described by E. A. Gardner:</p>
-
-<blockquote>
-
-<p>“The inner corners of the eye are
-set very deep in the head and very
-close together; the inner corners of the
-eye-sockets form acute angles, running
-up close to one another and leaving between
-them only a narrow ridge for the
-base of the nose; thus they offer a strong
-contrast to the line of the brow, arching
-away in a broad curve from the solid base of the nose and forming an
-obtuse angle with it, such as we see in the Skopaic heads.”<a id="FNanchor_2159"></a><a href="#Footnote_2159" class="fnanchor">2159</a></p></blockquote>
-
-<p>The resultant expression is therefore somewhat different from that
-of the heads from Tegea; while we still see animation and even intensity
-in the face of the <i>Agias</i>, we see it in a modified degree. The far-away
-look of the Tegea heads is still present, but it appears to be fixed
-on a nearer object, and so the look of intensity is tempered; it is also
-lightened by the fact that the overshadowing of the eyes at the outer
-corners is less heavy. But even this latter so-called Skopaic trait, though<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_316">316</a></span>
-it is absent in the <i>Agias</i>, is certainly present in other Lysippan heads.
-Besides being prominent in representations of Alexander the Great on
-coins,<a id="FNanchor_2160"></a><a href="#Footnote_2160" class="fnanchor">2160</a> it is seen in busts of the conqueror, especially in the splendid one
-from Alexandria in the British Museum.<a id="FNanchor_2161"></a><a href="#Footnote_2161" class="fnanchor">2161</a> In the latter example we see
-just such heavy rolls of flesh as we note in the Skopaic heads. It shows
-that this trait, introduced by Skopas, was used at times with equal effect
-by Lysippos. We have already noted how in one example, at least, Skopas
-himself laid it aside—in the <i>Atalanta</i>. Its presence on Lysippan
-heads shows that too much stress can be laid on this feature in deciding
-whether a given piece of sculpture is to be referred to Skopas.
-This trait complicates the whole problem of the style of the two masters.</p>
-
-<h3>THE SPARTA HEAD COMPARED WITH THAT OF THE
-PHILANDRIDAS.</h3>
-
-<p>As the <i>Agias</i> is considered by most critics to be a contemporary copy
-of the original statue at Pharsalos, perhaps it will be more just to compare
-the head from Sparta under discussion with the original marble
-head from Olympia, which we have ascribed in the earlier part of the
-present chapter to the statue of Philandridas by Lysippos. Such a
-comparison will, of course, show certain differences, but marked resemblances
-as well. We shall see that these resemblances are confined to the
-upper part of the face. In both we note the same low forehead with a
-corresponding depression or crease across the middle; the similarly
-bulging brow which breaks very perceptibly the continuous line from
-forehead to nose, concave above and below and convex at the swelling
-itself; the same powerfully framed and deep-set eyes thrown into shadows
-by the projecting bony structure of the brows and the overhanging
-masses of flesh. The eyeballs in both are similarly long and narrow,
-though they are slightly arched in the <i>Philandridas</i> just as in the Tegea
-heads, and not so close together as in the <i>Agias</i>, but their inner angles are
-farther apart and not almost hidden by the flat bridge of the nose when
-viewed straight from the front. In this respect they are strikingly like
-those of the Sparta head.<a id="FNanchor_2162"></a><a href="#Footnote_2162" class="fnanchor">2162</a> The raised upper lids in both form symmetri<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_317">317</a></span>cally
-narrow and sharply defined borders over the eyeballs. These
-borders, in each case, are not partially hidden by the folds of skin at
-the outer corners, as they are in the Tegea heads; and yet the masses
-of flesh projecting from the brows are almost as heavy as in the latter.
-In both the heads from Olympia and Sparta the upper lids slightly
-overlap the under at the outer corners. The eye-sockets in both seem
-to be equally deep and the cheek-bones similarly high and prominent.
-We remark in the <i>Philandridas</i> the gradual converging of the sides of
-the face toward the middle, a trait which we have already observed in
-the head from Sparta as in contrast with the more angular formation
-with lateral planes so characteristic of the Tegea male heads. The
-flatness of the nose and the curves which it makes with the brow on
-either side are very similar in the two heads under discussion. In both,
-the hair is treated in the same simple and sketchy manner, being fashioned
-into little ringlets ruffled back from the temples in flat relief quite
-in the Skopaic manner, even if the curls seem shorter and more tense.</p>
-
-<p>When we come to a consideration of the lower part of each face, we
-immediately detect differences. While both faces end in an oval,
-this is broader, heavier, and more bony in that of the <i>Philandridas</i>,
-as we should expect in the case of a more mature man. Consequently
-here the mouth is larger and firmer. The elegant contour of the lips
-observable in the <i>Agias</i> is also found, to a less degree, in the head
-from Sparta, whose lips are fuller and more sensuous, but can not be
-traced in the <i>Philandridas</i> owing to the damaged condition of the mouth.
-It is clear, however, that the lips of the latter were also slightly parted,
-just showing the teeth, but not as in the Tegea heads, as if the breath
-were being forced through them with great effort.</p>
-
-<p>It is, however, in the expression of these two faces that we see the
-greatest resemblance. In the <i>Philandridas</i>, the powerful framing of
-the eyes, the slightly upward gaze of the balls, and the contracted
-forehead combine to give it a pensive, even melancholy, look of dignity,
-a look seemingly of one who takes no joy or pleasure in victory,
-though, as we have already mentioned,<a id="FNanchor_2163"></a><a href="#Footnote_2163" class="fnanchor">2163</a> it is earnest rather than
-mournful. The almost identical treatment of the eye and its surroundings
-gives the still more youthful head from Sparta a similar
-expression. Homolle’s analysis of the expression of the face of the
-<i>Agias</i> would apply with equal fitness to the mood portrayed in both
-the heads we are discussing: “<i>L’expression qui résulte de ces divers traits,
-c’est, dans une figure jeune et vigoureuse, un air pensif ou lassé, une
-certaine mélancolie, qui ne va pas à la tristesse morne ou à la méditation
-profonde, mais qui reste plus loin encore de la joie insouciante de
-la vie et de la pure allégresse de la victoire</i>”.<a id="FNanchor_2164"></a><a href="#Footnote_2164" class="fnanchor">2164</a> Preuner remarked that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_318">318</a></span>
-a verse of the epigram found on the base of the statue of Agias,
-which runs καὶ σῶν οὐδείς πω στῆσε τροπαῖα χερῶν, is almost an exact
-copy of the words of Herakles in the <i>Trachiniae</i> of Sophocles.<a id="FNanchor_2165"></a><a href="#Footnote_2165" class="fnanchor">2165</a> In these
-words the dedicator of the statue ends the recital of his ancestor’s
-exploits with a melancholy reflection on the vanity of his glory.
-They suggest with no less truth the expression of both the heads we
-are discussing. This expression of pensiveness tinged with melancholy
-is enhanced in both by the slightly parted lips. We can see
-the same expression carried much further in many of the portraits of
-Alexander which go back to originals by Lysippos, and we know from
-Plutarch that this sculptor was chosen by the conqueror to make his
-portraits, because Lysippos alone could combine his manly air with
-the liquid and melting glance of his eyes.<a id="FNanchor_2166"></a><a href="#Footnote_2166" class="fnanchor">2166</a> But how different is the
-delicately indicated pathos of these heads from the violent and unrestrained,
-even panting, expression of the Tegea sculptures! Here
-there is no trace of the μανία which Kallistratos said characterized
-the works of Skopas. If it be objected that the expression of the
-<i>Philandridas</i> is more dramatic than that of the head from Sparta, its
-fierce, almost barbarous, look of defiance may well be explained by
-the fact that here is represented a victor from Akarnania, a country
-noted among the other Greek states for anything but culture and
-refinement.</p>
-
-<h3>THE SPARTA HEAD AN ECLECTIC WORK AND AN EXAMPLE
-OF ASSIMILATION.</h3>
-
-<p>It is, then, in consequence of these resemblances to Lysippan work,
-and because of the differences between it and the Tegean heads, that I
-am led to see more of Lysippos than of Skopas in this beautiful head
-from Sparta. An analysis of its style permits us to discover in it the
-mixed influences of Praxiteles, of Lysippos, and of Skopas. It seems
-to me necessary, therefore, in view of this mixture of tendencies, to
-regard it as an eclectic work, in which the unknown artist has combined
-Lysippan and Praxitelean elements chiefly; and that he was also under
-the influence of Skopas is evinced by the peculiarities mentioned in the
-treatment of the eyes and hair;<a id="FNanchor_2167"></a><a href="#Footnote_2167" class="fnanchor">2167</a> but even in the modeling of the eyes,
-I believe that his chief debt was to Lysippos. The fineness of surface
-modeling, commented on by both Professor Bates and Dr. Caskey,
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_319">319</a></span>recalls the delicacy of execution in detail which is mentioned by Pliny
-as characteristic of Lysippan art.<a id="FNanchor_2168"></a><a href="#Footnote_2168" class="fnanchor">2168</a> It surely points to a date for the
-work not much if at all later than the end of the century which was
-made glorious in the history of sculpture by the labors of these three
-great masters.</p>
-
-<p>In the preceding account I have tacitly assumed with Professor Bates
-that the head from Sparta represents a beardless Herakles. But, as
-Dr. Caskey remarks, one might hesitate to accept this identification
-if it were not for the attribute of the lion’s skin above the forehead, for
-here there is little indication of the strength so characteristic of later
-representations of the hero. Dr. Caskey, however, observes that a
-head of Herakles, now in the British Museum, which some have
-regarded as an original by Praxiteles, is even more boyish than this
-one. However, it is very doubtful if the Sparta head should be referred
-to a statue of Herakles at all. Pausanias mentions only three statues
-of Herakles in Sparta, to any one of which it seems futile to try to refer
-the head under discussion; thus in III, 14.6, he speaks of an ἄγαλμα
-ἀρχαῖον to which the <i>Sphairians</i>, <i>i. e.</i>, lads entering on manhood, sacrificed,
-as standing on the road to the Δρόμος, outside the city walls; in
-the same book, 14.8, he says that an image of the hero stood at the end
-of one of the two bridges across the moat to Plane-tree Grove, <i>i. e.</i>,
-the boys’ exercise-ground; and again in this book, 15.3, he says that an
-ἄγαλμα ὡπλισμένον of Herakles stood in the Herakleion close to the
-city wall, whose attitude (σχῆμα), was suggested by the battle between
-the hero and Hippokoön and his sons. The same writer enumerates
-only three other statues of Herakles in Lakonia. One of these was in
-the market-place of Gythion (III, 21.8), another in front of the walls of
-Las beyond Gythion (III, 24.6), and the third on Mount Parnon near the
-boundaries of Argolis, Lakonia, and Tegea (III, 10.6). The head under
-discussion is more probably only one more example of the idealizing
-tendency of athletic Greek art, which assimilated the type of victor to
-that of god.<a id="FNanchor_2169"></a><a href="#Footnote_2169" class="fnanchor">2169</a> In the case of the <i>Agias</i> the sculptor plainly wished to
-raise the victor to the ideal height of the hero. The same idealization
-is visible in the head ascribed to the statue of Philandridas. In both
-these heads the ears, while small, are battered and swollen; the
-remains of the ears in the head from Sparta are too badly damaged to
-indicate whether these were swollen or not. But even if they were
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_320">320</a></span>
-preserved and were in that condition, they would not be a distinguishing
-factor in determining whether the head belonged to the statue of a
-victor or of Herakles. In our consideration of the Olympia head we
-saw by a comparison with the <i>Lansdowne Herakles</i>, a statue universally
-recognized as that of the hero, how fundamentally different were
-the two in their whole conception and how differently a highly idealized
-athlete and a hero were treated by the same sculptor. The same
-might be said of the boyish head from Sparta, when compared with
-a genuine head of Herakles. For this reason, and because of the
-resemblance in expression between the <i>Philandridas</i> and the head
-from Sparta, I am inclined to believe that the latter, instead of being
-a representation of a youthful Herakles, is really the idealized portrait
-of an athlete, probably that of a boy victor, either in the boxing or
-wrestling match,<a id="FNanchor_2170"></a><a href="#Footnote_2170" class="fnanchor">2170</a> assimilated in form to that of the hero.<a id="FNanchor_2171"></a><a href="#Footnote_2171" class="fnanchor">2171</a></p>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_321">321</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>CHAPTER VII.<br />
-
-<small>THE MATERIALS OF OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS, AND THE
-OLDEST DATED VICTOR STATUE.<a id="FNanchor_2172"></a><a href="#Footnote_2172" class="fnanchor">2172</a></small></h2>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Figures 78–80.</span></p>
-
-<p>It has been assumed pretty generally by archæologists that the victor
-statues set up in the Altis at Olympia were uniformly of bronze.
-Scherer, in his inaugural dissertation <i>de olympionicarum Statuis</i>, which
-appeared in 1885, was the first to discuss the question fully,<a id="FNanchor_2173"></a><a href="#Footnote_2173" class="fnanchor">2173</a> and his
-arguments and conclusions have been followed, for the most part, by
-later investigators. Thus Dittenberger and Purgold state unequivocally
-that these statues were “<i>ausnahmslos aus Bronze</i>”,<a id="FNanchor_2174"></a><a href="#Footnote_2174" class="fnanchor">2174</a> while more
-recently Hitzig and Bluemner, in their great commentary on Pausanias,
-have again pronounced the dictum that “<i>die Siegerstatuen waren durchweg
-von Erz</i>”.<a id="FNanchor_2175"></a><a href="#Footnote_2175" class="fnanchor">2175</a> Others, however, have not been quite so sweeping
-in their generalization. Thus Wolters believes that these statues,
-because they were set up in the open, were “<i>der Regel nach</i>” of bronze,<a id="FNanchor_2176"></a><a href="#Footnote_2176" class="fnanchor">2176</a>
-and Furtwaengler and Urlichs assume that they were “<i>fast ausschliesslich
-aus Bronze</i>”.<a id="FNanchor_2177"></a><a href="#Footnote_2177" class="fnanchor">2177</a></p>
-
-<h3>THE CASE FOR BRONZE.</h3>
-
-<p>The arguments adduced by Scherer and others in defense of the contention
-seem at first sight, although inferential in character, quite
-conclusive. In the first place, it has been pointed out that all the
-statuaries mentioned by Pausanias in his victor <i>periegesis</i>,<a id="FNanchor_2178"></a><a href="#Footnote_2178" class="fnanchor">2178</a> if recorded
-at all in Pliny’s <i>Historia Naturalis</i>, appear there in the catalogue of
-bronze founders as workers in bronze κατ’ ἐξοχήν, while none of them is
-known exclusively as a sculptor in marble. As Hagelaïdas is the first
-in point of time, who flourished from the third quarter of the sixth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> to the second quarter of the fifth,<a id="FNanchor_2179"></a><a href="#Footnote_2179" class="fnanchor">2179</a> Scherer believed that all
-statues from his date down—<i>posteriorum temporum</i>—were of bronze;
-and as Rhoikos and Theodoros, the inventors of bronze founding, flourished
-about Ols. 50 to 60 (&#8239;=&#8239;580 to 540 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>),<a id="FNanchor_2180"></a><a href="#Footnote_2180" class="fnanchor">2180</a> he believed that bronze<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_322">322</a></span>
-might have been used up to their date. In the next place, the excavated
-bases, which have been identified as those of victor monuments,
-show footprints of bronze statues. Thirdly, actual bronze fragments,
-indubitably belonging to victor statues (of which two are attested by
-inscriptions), were found during the excavations of the Altis. These
-consist of the following:</p>
-
-<p>(<i>a</i>) An inscribed convex piece of bronze of imperial times, “<i>anscheinend
-vom Schenkel einer Bronzestatue herruehrend</i>.”<a id="FNanchor_2181"></a><a href="#Footnote_2181" class="fnanchor">2181</a></p>
-
-<p>(<i>b</i>) A similar inscribed fragment of the same period.<a id="FNanchor_2182"></a><a href="#Footnote_2182" class="fnanchor">2182</a></p>
-
-<p>(<i>c</i>) The remarkable life-size portrait head of a boxer or pancratiast,
-which we have already discussed and reproduced (Fig. 61 A and B).<a id="FNanchor_2183"></a><a href="#Footnote_2183" class="fnanchor">2183</a></p>
-
-<p>(<i>d</i>) A foot of masterly workmanship (Fig. <a href="#f62">62</a>) ascribed by Furtwaengler<a id="FNanchor_2184"></a><a href="#Footnote_2184" class="fnanchor">2184</a>
-to the end of the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Its position shows
-that the statue of which it was a part was represented in motion, and
-consequently it has been assigned to a victor statue.</p>
-
-<p>(<i>e</i>) A beautifully modeled right arm, somewhat under life-size, supposedly
-from the statue of a boy victor.<a id="FNanchor_2185"></a><a href="#Footnote_2185" class="fnanchor">2185</a></p>
-
-<p>(<i>f</i>) A right lower leg of excellent workmanship, assigned by Furtwaengler
-to the same period as fragment <i>e</i>.<a id="FNanchor_2186"></a><a href="#Footnote_2186" class="fnanchor">2186</a></p>
-
-<p>Still other bronze fragments of statues found at Olympia may
-have belonged to statues of victors, especially to those of boys.<a id="FNanchor_2187"></a><a href="#Footnote_2187" class="fnanchor">2187</a>
-The small number of such fragments recovered—Scherer wrongly
-thought there was none—is explained by assuming that all of these
-statues were of bronze, and consequently were destroyed by the barbarians
-in their inroads into Greece during the early Middle Ages,
-when this metal was much prized.<a id="FNanchor_2188"></a><a href="#Footnote_2188" class="fnanchor">2188</a> Another argument for believing
-that these statues were of bronze is the silence of Pausanias concerning
-the materials employed in them; for, in his enumeration of
-192 such monuments, he mentions the material of only two statues,
-those of the boxer Praxidamas of Aegina<a id="FNanchor_2189"></a><a href="#Footnote_2189" class="fnanchor">2189</a> and of the Opuntian pancratiast
-Rhexibios,<a id="FNanchor_2190"></a><a href="#Footnote_2190" class="fnanchor">2190</a> and he mentions these because of their great
-antiquity, peculiar position in the Altis apart from the others (near<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_323">323</a></span>
-the column of Oinomaos), and the fact that they were made of
-wood.<a id="FNanchor_2191"></a><a href="#Footnote_2191" class="fnanchor">2191</a> Furthermore, in his book on <i>Achaia</i> there occurs this passage
-in reference to the statue of the victor Promachos, which was set up in
-the Gymnasion of Pellene: καὶ αὐτοῦ [Προμάχου] καὶ εἰκόνας ποιήσαντες
-οἱ Πελληνεῖς τὴν μὲν ἐς Ὀλυμπίαν ἀνέθεσαν, τὴν δὲ ἐν τῷ γυμνασίῳ, λίθου
-ταύτην καὶ οὐ χαλκοῦ.<a id="FNanchor_2192"></a><a href="#Footnote_2192" class="fnanchor">2192</a> Most critics have inferred from these last words,
-“<i>the one in the Gymnasion being of stone and not of bronze</i>,” that, although
-Pausanias says nothing about the material of statues of victors in the
-Altis (barring the two just mentioned), by implication all these statues
-were of bronze; and they point out the fact that other writers furnish
-no evidence concerning the material used in them—an argument <i>ex
-silentio</i> to the same effect. Besides these arguments many others have
-been urged on purely a priori grounds; <i>e. g.</i>, that, since these statues
-stood in the open air, subject to all kinds of weathering, they must
-have been made of bronze;<a id="FNanchor_2193"></a><a href="#Footnote_2193" class="fnanchor">2193</a> that metal statues would have been cheaper
-and more easily prepared than those of marble;<a id="FNanchor_2194"></a><a href="#Footnote_2194" class="fnanchor">2194</a> that the later Peloponnesian
-schools of athletic sculpture, which were characterized by
-their predilection for bronze-founding, would nowhere have been more
-prominently in evidence than at Olympia; etc.</p>
-
-<p>Thus the case for the use of metal in these statues seems very well
-substantiated, and, for the reasons given, it can not be reasonably
-doubted that the vast majority of these monuments were made of
-bronze. But that they were not exclusively of metal, and that there
-were many exceptions to the general rule, not only can be conjectured
-on good grounds, but can be proved by discoveries made at the excavations.
-We shall briefly consider, then, each of the foregoing
-arguments in turn, and see whether, in the light of the accumulated
-evidence, they are really as well founded as they appear to be.</p>
-
-<h3>THE CASE FOR STONE.</h3>
-
-<p>As for the first point, that the statuaries mentioned by Pausanias
-appear only in Pliny’s catalogue of bronze founders, we must remember
-that Pausanias himself says<a id="FNanchor_2195"></a><a href="#Footnote_2195" class="fnanchor">2195</a> that he is making only a selection of the
-victor monuments in the Altis, those of the more famous athletes.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_324">324</a></span>
-Therefore, the 192 monuments (of 187 victors)<a id="FNanchor_2196"></a><a href="#Footnote_2196" class="fnanchor">2196</a> which he does mention
-must be only a fraction of the multitude of such monuments which
-once stood at Olympia. Pliny, to be sure, says that it was the custom for
-all victors to set up statues in the Altis;<a id="FNanchor_2197"></a><a href="#Footnote_2197" class="fnanchor">2197</a> but this refers only to the privilege,
-of which many victors could not or did not avail themselves on
-account of poverty, early death, or for other reasons.<a id="FNanchor_2198"></a><a href="#Footnote_2198" class="fnanchor">2198</a> Still, the number
-of such dedications must have been very great. Manifestly, therefore,
-we should not base an argument on the number mentioned. There
-must, then, have been many other artists employed at Olympia, some
-of whom may well have been workers in marble. Besides, of the statuaries
-actually named by Pausanias, many do not appear at all in
-Pliny’s work, and many of these may have been sculptors exclusively
-in stone. Of the names found in Pliny, six at least—Kalamis, Kanachos,
-Eutychides, Myron, Polykles, and Timarchides—appear both
-in the list of bronze-workers and in that of marble-sculptors.<a id="FNanchor_2199"></a><a href="#Footnote_2199" class="fnanchor">2199</a> Similarly,
-in answer to the second argument that the excavated bases show
-footprints of bronze statues, we must admit that only a fraction of the
-bases which once supported statues in the Altis have been recovered.
-Not one-fifth of the victors mentioned by Pausanias are known to us
-through these bases.<a id="FNanchor_2200"></a><a href="#Footnote_2200" class="fnanchor">2200</a></p>
-
-<p>The fact that actual remains of bronze statues have been excavated
-at Olympia is matched by the fact that remnants of marble statues have
-also been found; and it does not seem reasonable, in the light of the
-evidence adduced by Treu, Furtwaengler, and others, to reject these
-as fragments of actual victor statues. These fragments include the
-following:<a id="FNanchor_2201"></a><a href="#Footnote_2201" class="fnanchor">2201</a></p>
-
-<p>(<i>a</i>, <i>b</i>) The two life-size archaic helmeted heads (Fig. <a href="#f30">30</a>) which we
-have ascribed to hoplite victors.<a id="FNanchor_2202"></a><a href="#Footnote_2202" class="fnanchor">2202</a></p>
-
-<p>(<i>c</i>, <i>d</i>, <i>e</i>) Fragments of statues of boy victors: <i>c</i> = trunk with left
-upper leg, three-fifths life-size (Fig. <a href="#f78">78</a>);<a id="FNanchor_2203"></a><a href="#Footnote_2203" class="fnanchor">2203</a> <i>d</i> = breast, one-half life-size;<a id="FNanchor_2204"></a><a href="#Footnote_2204" class="fnanchor">2204</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_325">325</a></span></p>
-
-<p><i>e</i> = upper part of legs of a statue, two-thirds life-size.<a id="FNanchor_2205"></a><a href="#Footnote_2205" class="fnanchor">2205</a> Besides these
-Treu also adduces fragments of four different boy statues, all of which
-are less than life-size.<a id="FNanchor_2206"></a><a href="#Footnote_2206" class="fnanchor">2206</a></p>
-
-<p>The reticence of Pausanias as to the material used in these statues
-<span class="figright200"><a id="f78"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p325.jpg" width="200" height="391" alt="Small Marble Torso
-of a Boy Victor." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 78.</span>—Small Marble Torso
-of a Boy Victor, from Olympia.
-Museum of Olympia.</span>
-</span>
-is merely in accord with his custom,
-for he very rarely mentions the materials
-of monuments, and apparently only
-where monuments of bronze and stone
-or other materials stand close together in a
-circumscribed area, as for instance, in enumerating
-the various monuments in the
-Heraion at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_2207"></a><a href="#Footnote_2207" class="fnanchor">2207</a> The only inference,
-therefore, to be drawn from Pausanias’
-statement about the statue of
-Promachos mentioned is that this particular
-statue of a victor at Olympia was
-of bronze. We are not justified in going
-any further. Besides this stone statue at
-Pellene we have other actual notices of
-marble statues of Olympic victors outside
-Olympia, as those of Arrhachion at Phigalia<a id="FNanchor_2208"></a><a href="#Footnote_2208" class="fnanchor">2208</a>
-(Fig. <a href="#f79">79</a>) and of Agias by Lysippos
-at Delphi (Pl. <a href="#p28">28</a> and Fig. <a href="#f68">68</a>). If
-they existed outside Olympia, there is no
-reason why they should not have existed
-in the Altis also, <i>e. g.</i>, the Lysippan marble
-head found there, which we assigned
-in the preceding chapter to the Akarnanian
-victor Philandridas (Frontispiece,
-and Fig. <a href="#f69">69</a>). Many of the older statues,
-like that of Arrhachion, conformed with the “Apollo” type, as we
-have shown in Ch. III,<a id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> and doubtless many such at Olympia were
-of marble.</p>
-
-<p>Reinach’s argument that stone statues in Greece, because of their
-patina of color, were intended to be placed under cover in the porticoes
-or cellas of temples and elsewhere, while bronze ones were meant to
-stand in the open air, has been sufficiently combatted by H. Lechat,<a id="FNanchor_2209"></a><a href="#Footnote_2209" class="fnanchor">2209</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_326">326</a></span>
-who argues that the use of paint in Greek architecture and on temple
-sculptures proves the contrary. As the paint was burnt in, it was
-reasonably durable, and if it did not prove so it was readily renewed.
-At Olympia, among several examples, we may cite the marble <i>Nike</i>
-of Paionios, which stood in the open in the space to the east of the temple
-of Zeus<a id="FNanchor_2210"></a><a href="#Footnote_2210" class="fnanchor">2210</a> (see Plans A and B), while, on the other hand, a bronze
-statue of Aphrodite stood within the Heraion.<a id="FNanchor_2211"></a><a href="#Footnote_2211" class="fnanchor">2211</a> The argument that
-metal statues were cheaper than marble must also be questioned.<a id="FNanchor_2212"></a><a href="#Footnote_2212" class="fnanchor">2212</a>
-In the earlier part of the present work we saw that, for economy’s
-sake, many victors set up small bronze statuettes instead of statues at
-Olympia, numbers of which have been recovered. That such dedications
-were common elsewhere is shown by the countless athlete statuettes—especially
-diskoboloi—which are to be found in all European
-museums.<a id="FNanchor_2213"></a><a href="#Footnote_2213" class="fnanchor">2213</a> For similar reasons victors would choose in place of bronze
-the less durable and cheaper stone, as in the cases of Arrhachion and
-Promachos cited, or even wood, as in those of Rhexibios and Praxidamas.
-Still others, especially boy victors, would set up small marble
-statues, two-fifths to two-thirds life-size, as the fragments of the seven
-examples collected by Treu and already enumerated above show.</p>
-
-<p>Thus we see that the contention that the victor statues at Olympia
-were exclusively of bronze, in the light of the evidence adduced, is
-untenable.</p>
-
-<h3>THE STATUE OF ARRHACHION AT PHIGALIA.</h3>
-
-<p>In his description of Arkadia, Pausanias mentions seeing the stone
-statue of the pancratiast Arrhachion in the market-place of Phigalia.
-He describes it as archaic, especially in pose, the feet being close together
-and the arms hanging by the sides to the hips; and adds that he
-was told that it once bore an inscription which had become illegible in
-his day.<a id="FNanchor_2214"></a><a href="#Footnote_2214" class="fnanchor">2214</a> This Arrhachion won three victories at Olympia in the pan<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_327">327</a></span>kration in Ols. 52–54 (&#8239;=&#8239;572–564 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_2215"></a><a href="#Footnote_2215" class="fnanchor">2215</a> Therefore his statue is one
-of the oldest victor monuments of which we have record. At so early
-a date, before individual types of victor statues had been developed, we
-should expect, in harmony with the description of Pausanias, that this
-statue would conform in style with the well-known archaic “Apollo”
-type, the most characteristic of early Greek sculpture, which, as we
-saw in Chapter III, is exemplified in the long series of statues found
-all over the Greek world, the oldest class being represented by the
-<span class="figright250"><a id="f79"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p327.jpg" width="250" height="392" alt="Stone Statue of the Olympic
-Victor Arrhachion." />
-<span class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 79.</span>—Stone Statue of the Olympic
-Victor Arrhachion, from Phigalia.
-In the Guards’ House at
-Bassai (Phigalia).</span>
-</span>
-example from Thera (Fig. <a href="#f9">9</a>), and one
-of the youngest by that from Tenea
-near Corinth (Pl. <a href="#p8A">8A</a>).</p>
-
-<p>In his commentary on the passage
-of Pausanias, Sir J. G. Frazer records
-that during a visit in May, 1890,
-he saw a recently discovered archaic
-stone statue in a field just outside
-Pavlitsa, a village on the site of the
-southeastern precincts of the old city
-of Phigalia, some 2.5 miles from the
-temple of Apollo Epikourios at Bassai.
-He thought that this statue
-agreed completely with Pausanias’
-description of Arrhachion’s, even to
-the half-effaced inscription which he
-transcribed from its breast just below
-the neck.<a id="FNanchor_2216"></a><a href="#Footnote_2216" class="fnanchor">2216</a> Through the courtesy of
-Dr. Svoronos, of the National Numismatic
-Museum in Athens, I have been
-able to procure a photograph of the
-monument from K. Kouroniotis,
-the Arkadian <i>Ephor</i> of antiquities stationed
-at Bassai, and I present it herewith
-(Fig. <a href="#f79">79</a>). The statue is now<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_328">328</a></span>
-cared for in the house of the temple guards. This statue, like all
-other examples of the series, represents a nude youth standing in a stiff,
-constrained attitude. It is badly mutilated and its surface is rough
-from weathering. Besides having lost its head, arms, and the lower
-part of the legs, it has been broken into two parts across the abdomen.
-The ends of curls on either side of the neck, extending a few
-inches over the breast, show that the head looked straight forward,
-thus following the usual law of “frontality,”<a id="FNanchor_2217"></a><a href="#Footnote_2217" class="fnanchor">2217</a> which precluded any
-turning of the body; for a median line drawn down through the
-middle of the breastbone, the navel, and the αἰδοῖα would divide the
-statue into two equal halves. The body shows the quadrangular form
-of the earlier examples, the sculptor having worked in flat planes
-at right angles to one another, with the corners merely rounded
-off. The remains of arms broken off just below the shoulders show
-that they must have hung close to the sides. The shoulders are
-broad and square, and display none of the sloping lines characteristic
-of other examples, as, <i>e. g.</i>, the one from Tenea. From the breast down
-the body is slender, the hips being very narrow. The legs show the
-usual flatness and the left one is slightly advanced, as is uniformly the
-case in every one of the series. They are somewhat more separated
-than in many other examples. The αἰδοῖα form a rude pyramidal mass,
-not being differentiated as they are, <i>e. g.</i>, in the statues from Naxos and
-Orchomenos<a id="FNanchor_2218"></a><a href="#Footnote_2218" class="fnanchor">2218</a> (Fig. <a href="#f10">10</a>). Some attempt at modeling is visible in the
-muscles of the breast and lower abdomen. In general, it may be said
-that the similarity in attitude of this statue to Egyptian works impresses
-us, as it does in all the examples of early Greek sculpture. As
-the subject of Oriental, especially Egyptian, influence on early Greek
-art has given rise to very diverse views, we shall make a short digression
-at this point to discuss this interesting question.</p>
-
-<h3>EGYPTIAN INFLUENCE ON EARLY GREEK SCULPTURE.</h3>
-
-<p>This question has been under discussion in all its bearings ever since
-Brunn, in 1853, tried to demonstrate the originality of the Daidalian
-ξόανα,<a id="FNanchor_2219"></a><a href="#Footnote_2219" class="fnanchor">2219</a> but, strangely enough, archæologists are not yet agreed as to
-its proper settlement. While some emphasize the spontaneous origin
-of Greek art, others quite as strongly advocate that the early Greek<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_329">329</a></span>
-sculptor, at least, copied Egyptian models.<a id="FNanchor_2220"></a><a href="#Footnote_2220" class="fnanchor">2220</a> Thus Furtwaengler, who
-early assumed a Cretan origin for the “Apollo” type of statues,<a id="FNanchor_2221"></a><a href="#Footnote_2221" class="fnanchor">2221</a> later
-became convinced that it developed in Ionia through Greek contact
-with the colony of Naukratis in Egypt, which was founded in the
-middle of the seventh century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> He concluded that this plastic type
-“<i>ist bekanntlich nichts als die Nachahmung des Haupttypus aegyptischer
-statuarischer Kunst</i>”.<a id="FNanchor_2222"></a><a href="#Footnote_2222" class="fnanchor">2222</a> Similarly Collignon traces the archaic male
-type to Egyptian influence, and assumes that this influence from the
-Nile valley was exerted on the Greek artist before the latter half of
-the seventh century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_2223"></a><a href="#Footnote_2223" class="fnanchor">2223</a> On the other hand, H. Lechat, in his review
-of the evolution of Greek sculpture from its beginning, believes that
-the early sculptor owed but little to Egypt or the East.<a id="FNanchor_2224"></a><a href="#Footnote_2224" class="fnanchor">2224</a> Deonna
-entirely rejects the assumption of Egyptian influence, believing that
-all the so-called characteristics of early Greek statues can be explained
-as the result of natural evolution in Greece itself.<a id="FNanchor_2225"></a><a href="#Footnote_2225" class="fnanchor">2225</a> Von Mach also
-completely excludes all foreign influence when he says: “In her sculpture
-at least, Greece was independent of influence of any one of the
-countries that can at all come under consideration in this connection,
-Phœnicia, Assyria, and Egypt.”<a id="FNanchor_2226"></a><a href="#Footnote_2226" class="fnanchor">2226</a> But here, as in so many questions
-about Greek art, the truth must lie between the two extremes.<a id="FNanchor_2227"></a><a href="#Footnote_2227" class="fnanchor">2227</a> The
-economic conditions of early Greece certainly prove that the Greeks
-were dependent on outside peoples in many ways, and there is no a
-priori reason for denying this dependence in art. We clearly see Egyptian
-influence, for example, in the ceiling of the treasury of Orchomenos,<a id="FNanchor_2228"></a><a href="#Footnote_2228" class="fnanchor">2228</a>
-and that the Greeks learned many animal decorative forms as well as
-a correct observation of nature from Assyrian art is clear, if we study
-the best examples of the late period of that art, the reliefs from the
-palace of Assurbanipal at Nineveh (Konyonjik), now in the British<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_330">330</a></span>
-Museum. Such decorative designs could be easily transmitted to the
-Greeks by the Phœnicians on embroidered fabrics. It seems reasonable,
-therefore, to assume that early Greek artists, especially in the
-Greek colonies to the east and south of Greece, were acquainted with
-earlier models and especially with those of Egypt. The Greeks themselves
-of a later date recognized this debt to Egypt. This is shown
-by many passages in Pausanias, which mention the similarity existing
-between early Greek and Egyptian sculptures,<a id="FNanchor_2229"></a><a href="#Footnote_2229" class="fnanchor">2229</a> and by the curious
-tale told by Diodoros about the Samian artist family of Rhoikos, according
-to which the latter’s two sons made the two halves of the statue
-of the <i>Pythian Apollo</i> for Samos separately, Telekles working in Samos
-and Theodoros in Ephesos. When joined together the two parts
-fitted exactly, just as if they had been made by one and the same artist.
-Diodoros adds that τοῦτο δὲ τὸ γένος τῆς ἐργασίας παρὰ μὲν τοῖς Ἕλλησι
-μηδαμῶς ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι, παρὰ δὲ τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις μάλιστα συντελεῖσθαι.<a id="FNanchor_2230"></a><a href="#Footnote_2230" class="fnanchor">2230</a>
-Such a story is valuable in that it shows that the later Greeks believed
-that they had adopted the conventional Egyptian canon of proportions.
-If we compare any of the “Apollo” statues with Egyptian
-standing figures of any period of Egyptian art, as Bulle has done, the
-resemblances in detail between the two types will be found to be very
-striking. Thus from the Old Kingdom (Memphitic), which included
-the first eight dynasties of Manetho,<a id="FNanchor_2231"></a><a href="#Footnote_2231" class="fnanchor">2231</a> we may cite the painted limestone
-statue of Ra-nefer and the wooden one of Tepemankh in the Museum
-of Cairo (Fig. <a href="#f80">80</a>), two men prominent in the fifth dynasty;<a id="FNanchor_2232"></a><a href="#Footnote_2232" class="fnanchor">2232</a> or
-the wood statue of Ka-aper, the so-called <i>Sheik-el-Beled</i>, which represents
-the apogee of Memphitic art, and that of his “wife,” without legs
-or arms, the two statues being found similarly in a grave at Sakkarah
-(Memphis), and now being in the same museum.<a id="FNanchor_2233"></a><a href="#Footnote_2233" class="fnanchor">2233</a> From the Middle
-Kingdom, including the eleventh to the seventeenth dynasties,<a id="FNanchor_2234"></a><a href="#Footnote_2234" class="fnanchor">2234</a> we may
-mention the painted statue found at Dahshur and now in Cairo, which
-represents Horfuabra, the co-regent of Amenemhat III, who was one of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_331">331</a></span>
-the kings of the twelfth dynasty.<a id="FNanchor_2235"></a><a href="#Footnote_2235" class="fnanchor">2235</a> From the New Empire, including
-the eighteenth to the twentieth dynasties,<a id="FNanchor_2236"></a><a href="#Footnote_2236" class="fnanchor">2236</a> we cite the draped wood
-statue of the priestess Tui, a gem of Egyptian art, which was found
-in a grave near Gurna, and is now in the Louvre;<a id="FNanchor_2237"></a><a href="#Footnote_2237" class="fnanchor">2237</a> and lastly the draped
-alabaster statue of Queen Amenerdis (or Amenartas) in Cairo, the wife
-of the Aethiopian King Piankhi, who began to absorb Egypt by 721–722
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, just before the twenty-fourth dynasty.<a id="FNanchor_2238"></a><a href="#Footnote_2238" class="fnanchor">2238</a> After the early dynasties,
-the Egyptian type of statue was reduced to a fixed and mechanical
-canon, which was used over and over again with lifeless monotony. In<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_332">332</a></span>
-all these statues, whose dates extend over a period of many centuries,
-we note the same technical characteristics which are observable in the
-Greek “Apollos,” with the exception that the latter are always nude
-and lifelike. These characteristics may be summarized thus: long
-hair falling down over the shoulders in a mass;<a id="FNanchor_2239"></a><a href="#Footnote_2239" class="fnanchor">2239</a> shoulders broad in comparison
-with the hips; arms hanging down stiffly by the sides<a id="FNanchor_2240"></a><a href="#Footnote_2240" class="fnanchor">2240</a> or crooked
-at the elbows;<a id="FNanchor_2241"></a><a href="#Footnote_2241" class="fnanchor">2241</a> hands closed, with the thumbs facing forward and
-touching the ends of the index fingers; the left leg slightly advanced
-and the soles placed flat on the ground; high ears,<a id="FNanchor_2242"></a><a href="#Footnote_2242" class="fnanchor">2242</a> and the upper body
-and head turned straight to the front.<a id="FNanchor_2243"></a><a href="#Footnote_2243" class="fnanchor">2243</a> Only minor differences in the
-two types appear. Thus the left foot is always further advanced in
-the Egyptian than in the Greek statues, so that the former appear to
-have less movement and life.<a id="FNanchor_2244"></a><a href="#Footnote_2244" class="fnanchor">2244</a> Since there is no trace of this type in
-Mycenæan art it seems impossible not to conclude that in some way,
-doubtless through Ionian sources, it was originally borrowed from
-Egypt. The imitation of the Egyptian models, however, was never
-slavishly done. The Greek artist immediately rendered the type his own
-by making it nude,<a id="FNanchor_2245"></a><a href="#Footnote_2245" class="fnanchor">2245</a> and by transmuting the abstract lifeless schema
-of the Egyptians into a highly individualized one characterized by life
-and vigor.<a id="FNanchor_2246"></a><a href="#Footnote_2246" class="fnanchor">2246</a> This Egyptian influence, it must be remarked, was operative
-only in the initial stage of Greek sculpture; it was soon lost, as the
-Greek artist came to rely upon himself. F. A. Lange has truly said:
-“<i>Die wahre Unabhaengigkeit der hellenischen Kultur ruht in ihrer Vollendung,
-nicht in ihren Anfaengen</i>”.<a id="FNanchor_2247"></a><a href="#Footnote_2247" class="fnanchor">2247</a></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter400"><a id="f80"></a>
-<img src="images/i_p331.jpg" width="400" height="517" alt="" />
-<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 80.</span>—Statues of Ra-nefer and Tepemankh,
-from Sakkarah. Museum of Cairo.</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>After this digression we will return to the statue of Arrhachion. Dr.
-Frazer was unable to decipher the inscription upon the breast with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_333">333</a></span>
-certainty, but made out the following letters, the last four of which
-are plainly visible in the photograph: ΕΥΝΛΙΑΔ. He believed them
-to be archaic and the first instance of an inscription on this class of
-statues. He thought that the name was that of a man, which favored
-the view that the “Apollo” statues represented mortals rather than
-gods. The letters form a combination manifestly not Greek, and so
-may have no significance; it is even possible that they were engraved
-in modern times.<a id="FNanchor_2248"></a><a href="#Footnote_2248" class="fnanchor">2248</a> In any case we have the statement of Pausanias
-that the inscription was illegible in his day.</p>
-
-<p>There seems little doubt, then, that this mutilated and weather-worn
-statue is the very one seen and described by Pausanias and referred
-by him to the victor Arrhachion.<a id="FNanchor_2249"></a><a href="#Footnote_2249" class="fnanchor">2249</a> It is presented here for two reasons.
-In the first place, it is the oldest dated Olympic victor statue in existence.
-Only three older ones are recorded, and none of these has survived to our
-time. These three are the statues of the Spartan Eutelidas at Olympia,
-who won the boys’ wrestling and pentathlon matches in Ol. 38 (&#8239;=&#8239;628
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_2250"></a><a href="#Footnote_2250" class="fnanchor">2250</a> of the Athenian Kylon on the Akropolis, who won the double
-running-race in Ol. 35 (&#8239;=&#8239;640 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_2251"></a><a href="#Footnote_2251" class="fnanchor">2251</a> of the Spartan Hetoimokles at
-Sparta, who won five times in wrestling at the beginning of the sixth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_2252"></a><a href="#Footnote_2252" class="fnanchor">2252</a> The statue of Oibotas of Dyme, who won the stade-race
-in Ol. 6 (&#8239;=&#8239;756 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), was not set up until Ol. 80 (&#8239;=&#8239;460 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_2253"></a><a href="#Footnote_2253" class="fnanchor">2253</a>
-that of the Spartan Chionis, who won five running-races in Ols. 28–31
-(&#8239;=&#8239;668–656 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), was made later by Myron.<a id="FNanchor_2254"></a><a href="#Footnote_2254" class="fnanchor">2254</a> Pausanias’ statement
-(VI. 18.7) that the wooden statues of Praxidamas and Rhexibios, who
-won in Ols. 59 and 61 respectively (&#8239;=&#8239;544 and 536 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), were the oldest
-at Olympia, is of course incorrect. In the second place, the statue of
-Arrhachion actually proves what has often been assumed, that some
-of the statues classed as “Apollos” are really victor monuments. As
-this question has provoked a good deal of discussion in recent years,
-I will briefly review the arguments by which the opinion has gradually
-gained acceptance.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_334">334</a></span></p>
-
-<h3>EARLY VICTOR STATUES AND THE “APOLLO” TYPE.</h3>
-
-<p>As the earlier examples of the series were discovered under peculiar
-circumstances, they gave no clue to their meaning. Thus the “Apollo”
-of Naxos was found in the quarries of the island, while that from
-Orchomenos (Fig. <a href="#f10">10</a>) was first seen in the convent of Skripou, its exact
-provenience being unknown. From the first they were denominated
-“Apollos,” chiefly because of their long hair<a id="FNanchor_2255"></a><a href="#Footnote_2255" class="fnanchor">2255</a> and nudity,<a id="FNanchor_2256"></a><a href="#Footnote_2256" class="fnanchor">2256</a> while the existence
-of many small bronzes in the same schema dedicated to the god,<a id="FNanchor_2257"></a><a href="#Footnote_2257" class="fnanchor">2257</a>
-and cult statues of similar pose appearing on vase- and wall-paintings,<a id="FNanchor_2258"></a><a href="#Footnote_2258" class="fnanchor">2258</a>
-helped to make the identification more probable. Certain ancient
-texts, describing archaic statues of Apollo in this pose, were also cited
-as evidence, and it was pointed out that many of these statues were
-actually found in or near sanctuaries of the god. Thus Diodoros, in
-his description of the ξόανον of the <i>Pythian Apollo</i> made for the Samians
-by Telekles and Theodoros, which we have already mentioned, says:
-τὰς μὲν χεῖρας ἔχον παρατεταμένας, τὰ δὲ σκέλη διαβεβηκότα.<a id="FNanchor_2259"></a><a href="#Footnote_2259" class="fnanchor">2259</a> Probably
-the gilded image by the Cretan Cheirisophos in the temple of Apollo
-at Tegea was of this type.<a id="FNanchor_2260"></a><a href="#Footnote_2260" class="fnanchor">2260</a> The later type of “Apollo,” with the
-arms extended at the elbows, was doubtless followed in the statue of
-Apollo made for the Delians by Tektaios and Angelion,<a id="FNanchor_2261"></a><a href="#Footnote_2261" class="fnanchor">2261</a> and in the works
-ascribed to Dipoinos and Skyllis and their school. It would be easy to
-give an extended list of such “Apollo” statues found in sanctuaries.<a id="FNanchor_2262"></a><a href="#Footnote_2262" class="fnanchor">2262</a>
-We might instance one from Naukratis, Egypt;<a id="FNanchor_2263"></a><a href="#Footnote_2263" class="fnanchor">2263</a> one from Delos;<a id="FNanchor_2264"></a><a href="#Footnote_2264" class="fnanchor">2264</a> two
-from Aktion;<a id="FNanchor_2265"></a><a href="#Footnote_2265" class="fnanchor">2265</a> several from Mount Ptoion in Bœotia;<a id="FNanchor_2266"></a><a href="#Footnote_2266" class="fnanchor">2266</a> a copy of the
-head of the <i>Choiseul-Gouffier</i> Apollo (Pl. <a href="#p7A">7A</a>) found in Kyrene.<a id="FNanchor_2267"></a><a href="#Footnote_2267" class="fnanchor">2267</a> Still
-others have been found in <i>temenoi</i> of temples, <i>e. g.</i>, two in that of Apollo
-at Naukratis,<a id="FNanchor_2268"></a><a href="#Footnote_2268" class="fnanchor">2268</a> and one in that of Aphrodite there.<a id="FNanchor_2269"></a><a href="#Footnote_2269" class="fnanchor">2269</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_335">335</a></span></p>
-
-<p>However, against this exclusive interpretation doubts have been
-raised with ever-increasing precision, until now we can predicate with
-certainty what Loeschke long ago assumed, that the more statues of the
-series there are found, the less probable will it become that they should
-all be ascribed to Apollo.<a id="FNanchor_2270"></a><a href="#Footnote_2270" class="fnanchor">2270</a> Conze and Michaelis first argued on the basis
-of Pausanias’ description of Arrhachion’s statue that this type was
-employed for victor statues.<a id="FNanchor_2271"></a><a href="#Footnote_2271" class="fnanchor">2271</a> Koerte’s objection to their view on
-the ground of the long hair was refuted by Waldstein, who demonstrated
-that athletes were not represented with short hair until after
-the Persian wars; he pointed out that the archaic grave-figures of the
-mortals Dermys and Kitylos discovered at Tanagra, which were sculptured
-in a constrained attitude analogous to that of the “Apollos,”
-had long hair.<a id="FNanchor_2272"></a><a href="#Footnote_2272" class="fnanchor">2272</a> We now know that the hair of some of the “Apollos”
-is short, which shows the irrelevancy of this argument,<a id="FNanchor_2273"></a><a href="#Footnote_2273" class="fnanchor">2273</a> and we
-also know that nudity characterizes many archaic statues of mortals.
-Nor do we learn much from dedications, for we have examples of
-statues of gods dedicated to other gods and even to goddesses.<a id="FNanchor_2274"></a><a href="#Footnote_2274" class="fnanchor">2274</a>
-<i>Ex votos</i> were often more concerned with the dedicator than with
-the god to whom the statue was dedicated. Doubtless the cult statues
-portrayed on vase-paintings are actually those of Apollo, for at this
-epoch other gods, such as Hermes and Dionysos, are bearded.<a id="FNanchor_2275"></a><a href="#Footnote_2275" class="fnanchor">2275</a></p>
-
-<p>Moreover, that a more advanced <i>schema</i> for representing the god
-Apollo had already become fixed toward the end of the sixth century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, we know from ancient descriptions of the statue of the god made
-for the Delians by Tektaios and Angelion, which represented him in the
-usual archaic attitude, <i>i. e.</i>, of the statue of Arrhachion, but with the
-notable difference that the forearms were outstretched.<a id="FNanchor_2276"></a><a href="#Footnote_2276" class="fnanchor">2276</a> That this was
-the recognized type in the early years of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, is at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_336">336</a></span>tested
-by the bronze statue of the god fashioned by the elder Kanachos
-of Sikyon for Branchidai, the pose of which is known from several
-statuettes and from a long series of Milesian coins.<a id="FNanchor_2277"></a><a href="#Footnote_2277" class="fnanchor">2277</a> For conservative
-reasons this favorite pose was kept for cult statues even into the fourth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, as we learn from representations on coins of the golden
-statue of the god set up in the inmost shrine of the temple at Delphi.<a id="FNanchor_2278"></a><a href="#Footnote_2278" class="fnanchor">2278</a>
-But that many of the earlier examples of the “Apollo” series do represent
-the god, should not be denied. We agree with Homolle that the old
-appellation “Apollo,” after having received too much favor, has now
-by reaction become censured too severely, and in general should still
-be applied to those statues of the series which have been discovered in
-or near sanctuaries of the god, and in the absence of any other indication
-to the contrary, also to those which stand upon bases inscribed
-with dedications to him.<a id="FNanchor_2279"></a><a href="#Footnote_2279" class="fnanchor">2279</a> Such a statue was found on the island of
-Thasos at the bottom of the cella of the temple of Apollo at Alki and is
-now in Constantinople.<a id="FNanchor_2280"></a><a href="#Footnote_2280" class="fnanchor">2280</a> The colossal statue found on the island of
-Delos just south of the temple of Apollo,<a id="FNanchor_2281"></a><a href="#Footnote_2281" class="fnanchor">2281</a> and the huge torso discovered
-in Megara<a id="FNanchor_2282"></a><a href="#Footnote_2282" class="fnanchor">2282</a> may be referred to the god, for their size favors an ascription
-to a deity rather than to mortals. And many other examples of the type
-found in sanctuaries may very well represent Apollo and other gods.<a id="FNanchor_2283"></a><a href="#Footnote_2283" class="fnanchor">2283</a></p>
-
-<p>That several of the series were also funerary in character is abundantly
-proved by the fact that they were discovered in the neighborhood
-of tombs. Thus the <i>Apollo of Tenea</i> (Pl. <a href="#p8A">8A</a>) decorated a tomb in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_337">337</a></span>
-necropolis of Tenea near Corinth.<a id="FNanchor_2284"></a><a href="#Footnote_2284" class="fnanchor">2284</a> Likewise the example from Thera
-(Fig. <a href="#f9">9</a>) was found in a rock-cut niche.<a id="FNanchor_2285"></a><a href="#Footnote_2285" class="fnanchor">2285</a> Another, now in the British
-Museum, was found in the <i>dromos</i> of a tomb on the island of Cyprus,<a id="FNanchor_2286"></a><a href="#Footnote_2286" class="fnanchor">2286</a>
-while a fourth was unearthed from the necropolis of Megara Hyblaia in
-Sicily.<a id="FNanchor_2287"></a><a href="#Footnote_2287" class="fnanchor">2287</a> The one found at Volomandra in Attika in 1900 was also found
-in an old cemetery.<a id="FNanchor_2288"></a><a href="#Footnote_2288" class="fnanchor">2288</a> These furnish proof enough of the sepulchral
-character of many of these statues. Such funerary monuments may,
-of course, have been been set up also in memory of victors.</p>
-
-<p>We are now in a position, on the basis of Pausanias’ description of
-Arrhachion’s statue and the actual monument itself, to maintain with
-certainty what hitherto has been conjectured only, that although
-some of these archaic sculptures represent Apollo and other gods, sepulchral
-dedications, and <i>ex votos</i> in general, others were intended to
-represent athletes also. Doubtless the other early victor monuments
-recorded, such as the wooden statues of Praxidamas and Rhexibios,
-and those of Eutelidas, Kylon, and Hetoimokles, already discussed in
-Ch. III, conformed with the earlier type, while that of Milo, described
-by Philostratos,<a id="FNanchor_2289"></a><a href="#Footnote_2289" class="fnanchor">2289</a> conformed with the later. Certain examples of the
-series have already been ascribed to victors. Thus the marble head of
-Attic workmanship found in or near Athens and known as the Rayet-Jacobsen
-head (Fig. <a href="#f22">22</a>), has been referred to a pancratiast because of its
-swollen and deformed ears.<a id="FNanchor_2290"></a><a href="#Footnote_2290" class="fnanchor">2290</a> Certain statuettes of the same pose as the
-“Apollos” have been looked upon as copies of athlete statues.<a id="FNanchor_2291"></a><a href="#Footnote_2291" class="fnanchor">2291</a> So the
-early doubts<a id="FNanchor_2292"></a><a href="#Footnote_2292" class="fnanchor">2292</a> as to the meaning of these archaic sculptures have been
-resolved in many cases. We have added one well-attested example
-to show that they sometimes represented victor monuments.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_338">338</a></span></p>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_339">339</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>CHAPTER VIII.<br />
-
-<small>POSITIONS OF VICTOR STATUES IN THE ALTIS; OLYMPIC
-VICTOR MONUMENTS ERECTED OUTSIDE OLYMPIA; STATISTICS
-OF OLYMPIC VICTOR STATUARIES.<a id="FNanchor_2293"></a><a href="#Footnote_2293" class="fnanchor">2293</a></small></h2>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Plans A and B.</span></p>
-
-<p>The first part of this final chapter is a special study in the topography
-of the Altis at Olympia. It is an attempt to fix, more or less exactly,
-the positions of victor statues erected there, so far as these can be determined
-from the data furnished by Pausanias, and from the locations
-of the inscribed fragmentary bases of the statues which have been recovered
-during the excavations at Olympia.</p>
-
-<h3>STATUES MENTIONED BY PAUSANIAS.</h3>
-
-<p>We shall first attempt to give the positions of the statues mentioned
-by Pausanias, who is our chief source of information. After describing
-the votive offerings (ἀναθήματα) at the end of Book V, he begins
-the enumeration of the monuments of “race-horses ... and
-athletes and private individuals” at the beginning of Book VI.<a id="FNanchor_2294"></a><a href="#Footnote_2294" class="fnanchor">2294</a> This
-description falls into two routes (ἔφοδοι), the first of which is concerned
-with the statues of 168 victors,<a id="FNanchor_2295"></a><a href="#Footnote_2295" class="fnanchor">2295</a> and the second with those of 19.<a id="FNanchor_2296"></a><a href="#Footnote_2296" class="fnanchor">2296</a> Both
-accounts also include many “honor” monuments erected to private
-persons. The first route begins at the Heraion in the northwestern
-part of the sacred enclosure, while the second begins—manifestly where
-the first ends—at the Leonidaion at its southwestern corner, and
-extends to a point near the so-called Great Altar of Zeus near the
-centre of the Altis (see Plans A and B).<a id="FNanchor_2297"></a><a href="#Footnote_2297" class="fnanchor">2297</a> Besides these meagre indications
-of his two routes furnished by Pausanias himself, we are
-fortunate in knowing exactly the position of one statue, that of Telemachos,
-the 122d victor mentioned, the base of which still stands <i>in situ</i>
-near the South wall of the Altis, a little southeast of the temple of Zeus,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_340">340</a></span>
-showing that the route passed before the eastern front of this temple
-and thence westward to the Leonidaion. With these data and
-with the help of some forty inscribed bases of statues and other monuments
-mentioned by Pausanias, many of which were found in or near
-their original positions, it is possible to trace yet more definitely his
-routes. Several attempts have been made, since the German excavations,
-to define topographically the positions of these statues, especially
-by Hirschfeld,<a id="FNanchor_2298"></a><a href="#Footnote_2298" class="fnanchor">2298</a> Scherer,<a id="FNanchor_2299"></a><a href="#Footnote_2299" class="fnanchor">2299</a> Flasch,<a id="FNanchor_2300"></a><a href="#Footnote_2300" class="fnanchor">2300</a> Doerpfeld,<a id="FNanchor_2301"></a><a href="#Footnote_2301" class="fnanchor">2301</a> and the present writer.<a id="FNanchor_2302"></a><a href="#Footnote_2302" class="fnanchor">2302</a></p>
-
-<p>The position of several inscribed base-fragments of statues, corresponding
-with Pausanias’ order of presentation, should alone be
-sufficient to confute the doubts raised by some scholars that these
-routes through the Altis were not topographical.<a id="FNanchor_2303"></a><a href="#Footnote_2303" class="fnanchor">2303</a> But in any attempt
-to reconstruct them we must constantly be on our guard against
-assuming that Pausanias describes a continuous line or row of monuments,
-as both Hirschfeld and Scherer have done. Though here and
-there this may have been true, still, generally speaking, we must conceive
-of these statues as being strewn about the Altis in no other order
-than that they stood in groups, and that these groups had only a general
-direction; for we shall see that Pausanias sometimes returns to the
-same spot without mentioning it and often leaves long spaces unnoticed.
-Apart from the indication of such groups in the description itself, as
-attested by the use of such words as παρά, ἐφεξῆς, μετά, πλησίον, ἀνάκειται
-ἐπί, ἐγγύτατα, ὄπισθεν, μεταξύ, οὐ πόρρω, οὐ πρόσω, κ.τ.λ., I have
-already shown in my previous work that it is possible to reconstruct
-many other groups, for abundant proof is there given that statues of
-nearly contemporaneous victors were often grouped together, as were
-those of the same family or state, or those victorious in the same contest,
-or those whose statues were made by the same artist.<a id="FNanchor_2304"></a><a href="#Footnote_2304" class="fnanchor">2304</a> So, in general,
-we can group only certain statues in belts or “zones” around some building
-or monument which is still <i>in situ</i>. Further than this we can seldom
-go. W. Gurlitt has thus well expressed the difficulty of following
-these routes of Pausanias: “<i>Jede folgende Statue ist nach der vorhergehenden
-orientirt zu denken ... Beziehungen auf frueher oder spaeter
-erwaehnte Monumente waren ueberfluessig ... wir sind ... auf<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_341">341</a></span>
-wenige Fixpunkte angewiesen und verfallen daher leicht in den Fehler,
-die Wegrichtungen in den Plan zu schematisch einzuzeichnen....
-Das Hin und Her auf den viel verschlungenen Wegen der Altis koennen
-wir nicht mehr controllieren</i>”.<a id="FNanchor_2305"></a><a href="#Footnote_2305" class="fnanchor">2305</a> In his description of the scattered
-altars (V, 14.4–15.12), Pausanias had not the same problem to
-meet as in that of the victor statues. As there was so little continuity
-in describing the altars, which were strewn all over the Altis, he had
-to introduce many other monuments to make their locations known;
-but in the case of the victor statues there was great continuity, and
-consequently such indications would have been superfluous.<a id="FNanchor_2306"></a><a href="#Footnote_2306" class="fnanchor">2306</a> And, in
-general, owing to the number and variety of monuments crowded
-together in the circumscribed area of the Altis, he was not compelled to
-describe Olympia with such definite detail as Athens. That these
-victor statues, however, are described in topographical order is not
-only attested by the internal evidence of Pausanias’ words,<a id="FNanchor_2307"></a><a href="#Footnote_2307" class="fnanchor">2307</a> but also
-by the finding of many of their bases in the order of his presentation.
-With this introductory warning, let us take up the routes of Pausanias
-in detail.</p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">The First Ephodos of Pausanias.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Pausanias begins his enumeration in the northeastern part of the
-Altis: ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ ναοῦ τῆς Ἥρας<a id="FNanchor_2308"></a><a href="#Footnote_2308" class="fnanchor">2308</a>—words which have been the subject of
-much discussion as to whether they are to be understood of the temple
-<i>pro persona</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, the southern side,<a id="FNanchor_2309"></a><a href="#Footnote_2309" class="fnanchor">2309</a> or of the viewpoint of one facing it,
-<i>i.e.,</i> the space (especially the northern or right hand half) before the eastern
-front.<a id="FNanchor_2310"></a><a href="#Footnote_2310" class="fnanchor">2310</a> From the immediate whereabouts of Pausanias we get no
-clue; for at the end of Book V (27.11) he says that he is in the middle of
-the Altis, and yet in the following paragraph (27.12)—evidently added
-as a transition from the account of the altars to that of the victors—he
-mentions the trophy of the people of Mende, in Thrace, which he says
-he nearly mistook for the statue of the pancratiast Anauchidas (131), and
-this, as we shall see, stood near the South wall of the Altis far from the
-centre. Doerpfeld’s contention, therefore, that Pausanias approached
-the Heraion from this point, and that consequently the words ἐν δεξιᾷ
-must refer to its eastern front, is untenable, and we are left dependent
-on the meaning of these words as gathered from other passages
-in Pausanias’ work. An examination of several such passages seems to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_342">342</a></span>
-be convincing that they are used here of the Heraion <i>pro persona</i>.<a id="FNanchor_2311"></a><a href="#Footnote_2311" class="fnanchor">2311</a>
-Furthermore, the finding of the inscribed tablet from the base of the
-statue of Troilos (6) and the pedestal of that of Kyniska (7) in the ruins
-of the Prytaneion, <i>i. e.</i>, not far from the western end of the Heraion, and
-the base of that of Sophios (22) in the bed of the Kladeos still further
-west,<a id="FNanchor_2312"></a><a href="#Footnote_2312" class="fnanchor">2312</a> makes it reasonable to conclude that the first statues mentioned
-(VI, 1.3–3.7), those of the Spartan group (Kyniska-Lichas, 7–14),
-all of the fifth century, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, flanked on either side by statues of the
-fourth, mostly of Eleans (Symmachos-Troilos, 1–6, and Timosthenes-Eupolemos,
-15–28), originally stood in the order named by Pausanias
-along the southern front of the temple.<a id="FNanchor_2313"></a><a href="#Footnote_2313" class="fnanchor">2313</a></p>
-
-<p>Leaving the Heraion, we get no further fixed point until we arrive
-opposite the eastern front of the temple of Zeus. For here around the
-foundation of the statue of the <i>Eretrian Bull</i>—still <i>in situ</i> 32 meters east
-of the northeastern corner of the temple (see Plans A and B)<a id="FNanchor_2314"></a><a href="#Footnote_2314" class="fnanchor">2314</a>—have
-been found fragments of the pedestals of the statues of Narykidas (49)
-and Hellanikos (65) to the south, of Kallias (50) and Eukles (52),
-beneath that of Kallias, to the north, of Euthymos (56) and Charmides
-(58) close together to the east.<a id="FNanchor_2315"></a><a href="#Footnote_2315" class="fnanchor">2315</a> So it is clear that the series of
-statues from Narykidas to Charmides (49–58, P., VI, 6. 1–7.1) stood
-in this neighborhood. Now the statues of the family of Diagoras, the
-Rhodian athlete, stood together (59–63), as Pausanias says (VI, 7.1–2);<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_343">343</a></span>
-one of them, that of Eukles (52), seems to have been moved from its
-original position later, as we learn from a scholiast on Pindar’s seventh
-Olympian ode,<a id="FNanchor_2316"></a><a href="#Footnote_2316" class="fnanchor">2316</a> who, on the authority of the lost works of Aristotle
-and Apollas on the Olympic victors,<a id="FNanchor_2317"></a><a href="#Footnote_2317" class="fnanchor">2317</a> enumerates these statues in an
-order different from that adopted by Pausanias, showing that a change
-in their positions must have taken place some time between the date of
-Aristotle and that of the Periegete.<a id="FNanchor_2318"></a><a href="#Footnote_2318" class="fnanchor">2318</a> The statues of Alkainetos and his
-son Hellanikos (64–65) must also have stood together. Inasmuch as
-the victors from Euthymos to Lykinos (56–68) are, with one exception,
-all pugilists or pancratiasts and of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, they must
-have been grouped together, with the family groups of Diagoras and
-Alkainetos in the centre.<a id="FNanchor_2319"></a><a href="#Footnote_2319" class="fnanchor">2319</a> We may also add the statues of Dromeus
-and Pythokles<a id="FNanchor_2320"></a><a href="#Footnote_2320" class="fnanchor">2320</a> (69–70) of nearly the same date, and we can also extend
-the group in the other direction; for the same scholiast says that
-the statue of Diagoras stood near that of the Spartan Lysandros (35 a).<a id="FNanchor_2321"></a><a href="#Footnote_2321" class="fnanchor">2321</a>
-Pausanias (VI, 3.14 and 4.1) says that the statue of Lysandros stood
-between those of Pyrilampes and Athenaios (35–36). Thus we can
-conclude that the 36 statues (35–70, VI, 3.13–7.10) stood in the zone
-of the <i>Eretrian Bull</i>, extending perhaps across the Altis to the vicinity
-of the Echo Colonnade along its eastern boundary.</p>
-
-<p>It would follow, then, that the intervening statues from Oibotas to
-Xenophon (29–34, P., VI, 3.8–3.13) stood somewhere between the
-Heraion and the <i>Eretrian Bull</i>. It is idle to discuss the route between
-these two monuments more definitely.<a id="FNanchor_2322"></a><a href="#Footnote_2322" class="fnanchor">2322</a></p>
-
-<p>Our next fixed point is the <i>Victory</i> of Paionios, whose foundation is
-still standing in its original position, 37 meters due east of the southeast<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_344">344</a></span>
-corner of the temple of Zeus.<a id="FNanchor_2323"></a><a href="#Footnote_2323" class="fnanchor">2323</a> For, of the next few statues mentioned,
-the base of that of Sosikrates (71) was found “somewhere” east of the
-temple, that of Kritodamos (80) before the “Southeast Building,”
-and that of Xenokles (85), 4 meters to the northeast of the <i>Victory</i> base,
-presumably near its original position.<a id="FNanchor_2324"></a><a href="#Footnote_2324" class="fnanchor">2324</a> Pausanias groups the three
-Arkadian athletes, Euthymenes-Kritodamos (78–80, P., VI, 8.5); then,
-after naming four statues of victors from other states, he mentions two
-more Arkadians together, Xenokles and Alketos (85–86, VI, 9.2); and
-he continues by saying that the statues of the Argives Aristeus and
-Cheimon (87–88, VI, 9.3) stood together. One more statue, that of
-Phillen or Philys<a id="FNanchor_2325"></a><a href="#Footnote_2325" class="fnanchor">2325</a> of Elis (89), is named before he comes to the chariot
-of Gelo. Thus we may conclude that the series of statues denoted by
-the numbers 71–89 (P., VI, 8.1–9.4) stood to the south of the <i>Eretrian
-Bull</i> in the parallel zone of the <i>Victory</i>.</p>
-
-<p>We next come to the series of statues mentioned between the chariots
-of Gelo and Kleosthenes (90–99). The position of the bases of these
-chariots is practically certain. In describing the statues of Zeus in Book
-V, Pausanias says he is proceeding north from the Council-house (23.1),
-and first mentions a statue of Zeus set up by the Greeks who fought
-at Platæa; in describing the victor statues he says that the chariot
-of Kleosthenes stands behind this statue of Zeus (P., VI, 10.6). After
-describing the <i>Zeus</i> of Platæa, he mentions a bronze inscribed tablet as
-standing in front of it (V, 23.4), which recorded the thirty years’ treaty
-of peace between Sparta and Athens, and then says that the statue of the
-<i>Zeus</i> of the Megarians stands near the chariot of Kleosthenes (23.5).
-As he is proceeding north, this Megarian <i>Zeus</i> must have stood north
-of the Platæan one; thus in one group we have the two statues of Zeus
-and the chariot of Kleosthenes. Immediately to the north he next
-mentions the chariot of the Syracusan tyrant Gelo (90), which he says
-is near the statue of the <i>Zeus</i> of the Hyblæans (23.6). Now in coming
-south, in the athlete <i>periegesis</i>, he names eight statues between these
-chariots. Doerpfeld<a id="FNanchor_2326"></a><a href="#Footnote_2326" class="fnanchor">2326</a> has identified the base of the Platæan <i>Zeus</i> with a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_345">345</a></span>
-large pedestal to the northwest of that of the victor Telemachos (122)
-found <i>in situ</i> near the South Altis wall,<a id="FNanchor_2327"></a><a href="#Footnote_2327" class="fnanchor">2327</a> a position which is in harmony
-with the description of the statues of Zeus; just behind it he has identified
-two large foundations near together as those of the two chariots.
-So the eight intervening statues stood here. Of the statues between
-the chariot of Kleosthenes and the base of the statue of Telemachos,
-the base of that of Tellon (102) was found in the East Byzantine wall
-near the South Altis wall; that of Aristion (115) nearby, embedded in
-the same wall; that of Akestorides (119), whose name I have inserted in
-the lacuna in the text of Pausanias (VI, 13.7),<a id="FNanchor_2328"></a><a href="#Footnote_2328" class="fnanchor">2328</a> just northeast of the
-base of Telemachos.<a id="FNanchor_2329"></a><a href="#Footnote_2329" class="fnanchor">2329</a> Thus the series of statues from that of Gelo to
-that of Agathinos (90–121a, P., VI, 9.4–13.11) can be grouped in the
-zone of the <i>Chariots</i>.</p>
-
-<p>As the fragment of the base of the statue of the Athenian pancratiast
-Aristophon (123) was found near the base of Telemachos, but to the
-east of it, and likewise that which supported the equestrian monument
-of Xenombrotos and Xenodikos (133–134) still further to the east near
-the Echo Colonnade,<a id="FNanchor_2330"></a><a href="#Footnote_2330" class="fnanchor">2330</a> we can conclude that the twenty-one statues from
-Aristophon to Prokles (123–138, P., VI, 13.11–14.13), mostly of the
-fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, stood near the South Altis wall to the east (and not
-to the west of the base of Telemachos, where all other investigators
-have wrongly placed them),<a id="FNanchor_2331"></a><a href="#Footnote_2331" class="fnanchor">2331</a> and thus form a group which we can call
-the zone of <i>Telemachos</i>. So we conclude that the long list of statues<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_346">346</a></span>
-from Pyrilampes to Prokles (35–138), nearly two-thirds of all those mentioned
-in the first ἔφοδος of Pausanias, stood in the space to the east and
-southeast of the temple of Zeus, grouped in the parallel zones of the
-<i>Bull</i>, <i>Victory</i>, <i>Chariots</i>, and <i>Telemachos</i>.</p>
-
-<p>On the other hand, the statues beginning with the two of Aischines
-(139) and extending to that of Philonides (154 a) (P., VI, 14.13–16.5)
-must have stood to the west of the base of Telemachos and along the
-South Terrace wall some 20 meters south of the temple of Zeus, where
-many of the following pedestals were found in the order named by Pausanias:
-that of Aischines (139) was found in the Council-house; that
-of Archippos (140) nearby between the South Terrace wall and the
-north wing of the Council-house; that of Epitherses (147) opposite the
-sixth column of the temple from the west, some eleven paces from the
-South Terrace wall, and the fragment of the base of the honor statue
-of Antigonos (147 f) very near it; the bronze foot of one of the statues
-of Kapros (150) was found in the South Terrace wall, 24.40 meters
-from the southwest corner of the temple; and lastly, the base of the
-“honor” statue of Philonides (154 a), Alexander’s courier, was found in
-the southwest corner of the Altis at the extreme west end of the South
-Terrace wall, almost, if not exactly, in its original position.<a id="FNanchor_2332"></a><a href="#Footnote_2332" class="fnanchor">2332</a> Thus
-Pausanias, after coming south to the statue of Telemachos, first goes
-eastward as far as the statue of Prokles, then returns, repassing the
-two chariots on the way without remark, and then continues westward
-to the southwestern corner of the Altis. All statues west of that of Telemachos
-are of the fifth and fourth centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, with the exception of
-one, that of Eutelidas (148), who won in Ol. 38. This is the oldest
-statue in the Altis, despite Pausanias’ statement,<a id="FNanchor_2333"></a><a href="#Footnote_2333" class="fnanchor">2333</a> and it doubtless
-originally stood in the area occupied later toward the middle of the
-fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> by the temple of Zeus, but was then transferred to its
-new position south of the temple.</p>
-
-<p>After the statue of Philonides, there are still 19 statues of victors
-and “honor” men to dispose of in this first ἔφοδος, those from Brimias
-to Glaukon (155–169, P., VI, 16.5–16.9). Of these statues,
-the base of that of Leonidas of Naxos (155a), the founder of the great
-building just outside the southwestern corner of the Altis named after
-him, was discovered in a Byzantine wall before the eastern end of the
-north front of that building, while that of Seleadas (159) was unearthed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_347">347</a></span>
-within the ruins of the same building; the base which supported the
-group-monument of Polypeithes and Kalliteles (160–161)—which,
-owing to the early dates of their victories, some time between
-Ols. (?) 66 and 70 (&#8239;=&#8239;516 and 500 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), must have stood originally
-in the area later occupied by the temple of Zeus, like that of the
-above-mentioned Eutelidas—a little to the south of the Byzantine
-church, between the bases of the statues of Leonidas and Glaukon;
-two fragments of the base of the statue of Deinosthenes (163) have
-been found, one east of the apse of the church, the other in the
-ruins of the Palaistra further north; and lastly, that of Glaukon,
-built into late walls northwest of the church.<a id="FNanchor_2334"></a><a href="#Footnote_2334" class="fnanchor">2334</a> As the statue of Philonides
-stood at the extreme western end of the South Altis wall, and
-as most of these fragments were found in the vicinity of the Leonidaion,
-it would be natural to conclude that the majority of these
-later statues stood in the spaces just outside the West Altis wall.
-But at the end of the first ἔφοδος (VI, 17.1) Pausanias says that he has
-so far named statues “within the Altis”; hence most investigators
-have placed these 19 statues either west of the temple of Zeus or in
-the space at the southwestern corner of the Altis. A little further on
-we shall see that many other victor statues, not mentioned by Pausanias,
-stood just outside the West Altis wall, and it is doubtful whether
-his words ἐν τῇ Ἄλτει (VI, 17.1) should be taken thus literally,
-especially on any theory of his use of earlier accounts in the final compiling
-of his own. If they were “within” the Altis, they could scarcely
-have stood to the west or southwest of the temple of Zeus, for the
-second ἔφοδος, as we shall see, passed there.</p>
-
-<p>A better alternative can be found. In describing the Leonidaion
-(V, 15.2), Pausanias says that this building stood “outside the sacred
-enclosure at the processional entrance into the Altis ... separated
-from this entrance by a street; for what the Athenians call lanes, the
-Eleans name streets.”<a id="FNanchor_2335"></a><a href="#Footnote_2335" class="fnanchor">2335</a> Now Doerpfeld has shown that inside the
-West Altis wall and parallel to it—just south of the base of Philonides’
-statue—is a line of bases ending in the later South wall of the
-Altis, so that this West wall and row of pedestals form a <i>cul de sac</i><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_348">348</a></span>
-(see Plan B).<a id="FNanchor_2336"></a><a href="#Footnote_2336" class="fnanchor">2336</a> It is clear that no such row of statues would have
-been placed leading up to a dead wall; therefore these statues must
-have stood there before the wall was built, and must once have
-formed the eastern boundary of a broad street skirting the eastern
-side of the Leonidaion, which was twice as wide as later, when the
-wall cut off half its breadth and made it a “lane,” though the older name
-“street” was retained. The later Roman enlargement of the Altis
-is well known. The long row of pedestals to the south of and parallel
-to those already discussed as standing along the line of the South
-Terrace wall, westward of the base of Telemachos, once constituted
-the southern boundary of the “Processional Way” (ὁδὸς πομπική),
-which ran from the Leonidaion to where it debouched into the Altis
-at its southeastern corner. Originally outside the Altis, they were
-later, together with the road itself, included in it. The pedestals,
-then, in the above-mentioned <i>cul de sac</i>, and also the fourteen (among
-them that of Metellus Macedonicus; see Plan B) that adorned the
-south side of the Processional Way, may be the remains of some of
-these last statues mentioned by Pausanias.</p>
-
-<h4><span class="smcap">The Second Ephodos of Pausanias.</span></h4>
-
-<p>We next come to the second ἔφοδος, which is introduced by these
-words: Εἰ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ Λεωνιδαίου πρὸς τὸν βωμὸν τὸν μέγαν ἀφικέσθαι τῇ
-δεξιᾷ θελήσειας, τοσάδε ἔστι σοὶ τῶν ἀνηκόντων ἐς μνήμην.<a id="FNanchor_2337"></a><a href="#Footnote_2337" class="fnanchor">2337</a> The Leonidaion,
-the site of which was still in dispute till after the close of the
-excavations, was finally identified by Treu<a id="FNanchor_2338"></a><a href="#Footnote_2338" class="fnanchor">2338</a> with the so-called <i>Suedwestbau</i>,
-as had been already assumed by many investigators.<a id="FNanchor_2339"></a><a href="#Footnote_2339" class="fnanchor">2339</a> The
-site of the Great Altar, however, is still undetermined. The elliptical
-depression to the east of the Pelopion, whose dimensions (125 feet in
-circumference) agree with the figures of Pausanias<a id="FNanchor_2340"></a><a href="#Footnote_2340" class="fnanchor">2340</a> for the <i>prothysis</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_349">349</a></span>
-or lowest stage of the altar, identified with it by most scholars,<a id="FNanchor_2341"></a><a href="#Footnote_2341" class="fnanchor">2341</a> must
-now be given up since the more recent excavations of Doerpfeld, which
-prove it to be the remains of two prehistoric dwelling houses with apse-like
-ends.<a id="FNanchor_2342"></a><a href="#Footnote_2342" class="fnanchor">2342</a> Nor can the remains of walls lying between the Heraion and
-the Pelopion, formerly supposed to be those of an altar, any longer be
-referred to the Great Altar (as Puchstein and Wernicke referred them)<a id="FNanchor_2343"></a><a href="#Footnote_2343" class="fnanchor">2343</a>
-since Doerpfeld’s recent discoveries. So we are dependent on the words
-of Pausanias alone for its location, who says that it stood “equidistant
-from the Pelopion and the sanctuary of Hera, but in front of both,”<a id="FNanchor_2344"></a><a href="#Footnote_2344" class="fnanchor">2344</a>
-therefore somewhat northwest of the elliptical depression nearer the
-centre of the Altis.<a id="FNanchor_2345"></a><a href="#Footnote_2345" class="fnanchor">2345</a> Our problem, then, is to find Pausanias’ route
-between these two points, and here again, as at the beginning of the
-first ἔφοδος, we must rightly interpret the words ἐν δεξιᾷ. Michaelis,
-in his article on the use of ἐν δεξιᾷ and ἐν ἀριστερᾷ in Pausanias’ work,
-made these words refer to the southern side of the Processional Way,
-<i>i. e.</i>, to the side at the right of Pausanias, who was facing east after
-arriving at the Leonidaion.<a id="FNanchor_2346"></a><a href="#Footnote_2346" class="fnanchor">2346</a> Thus the statues already mentioned
-along the South Terrace wall (Aischines to Philonides, 139–154a)
-would now be on his left side. On this interpretation both Hirschfeld
-and Doerpfeld had the second ἔφοδος follow the Processional Way eastward
-parallel to the first—thus including the line of pedestals, which
-we have referred to the end of the first—and then, near the Council<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_350">350</a></span>house,
-curve northward in front of the temple of Zeus, which virtually
-would be a repetition of the first ἔφοδος. On this theory Doerpfeld<a id="FNanchor_2347"></a><a href="#Footnote_2347" class="fnanchor">2347</a>
-wrongly explained the first route as containing statues ἐν τῇ Ἄλτει,
-while the second was outside the older Altis, and so, though equally
-long, contained fewer statues. But against this interpretation it must
-be urged that the Periegete is describing the Altis of his day, when the
-road in question was included within its boundaries, and that the Great
-Altar and the two last statues mentioned (187, 188) as standing near
-the pillar of Oinomaos were always inside.<a id="FNanchor_2348"></a><a href="#Footnote_2348" class="fnanchor">2348</a> And neither this Processional
-Way nor the space before the eastern front of the temple of Zeus
-were localities for “unimportant mixed statues.”<a id="FNanchor_2349"></a><a href="#Footnote_2349" class="fnanchor">2349</a> Furthermore, if
-he had merely retraced his steps after arriving at the Leonidaion—and
-he says nothing of returning—he would not have begun a new route<a id="FNanchor_2350"></a><a href="#Footnote_2350" class="fnanchor">2350</a>,
-but would have said something like this: Εί δὲ ὀπίσω ἀναστρέψας ἀπὸ
-τοῦ Λεωνιδαίου πρὸς τὸν βωμὸν αὐθις ἀφικέσθαι τῇ δεξιᾷ θελήσειας.<a id="FNanchor_2351"></a><a href="#Footnote_2351" class="fnanchor">2351</a> So it
-is simpler to conclude that the new route wound around the western
-and northern sides of the temple of Zeus over the temple terrace.<a id="FNanchor_2352"></a><a href="#Footnote_2352" class="fnanchor">2352</a> As
-no building is mentioned on the way, and as the north side of the temple
-would probably have been called ἀριστερὰ πλευρά (in accordance
-with the usage discussed above in connection with the Heraion), and
-as the Pelopion faces southwest, the words ἐν δεξιᾷ can refer only to the
-right hand of Pausanias, <i>i. e.</i>, the right side of the road followed. If
-we assume that these words originally stood after τοσάδε ἔστι σοί and
-were transferred by a later copyist, the difficulty is resolved.<a id="FNanchor_2353"></a><a href="#Footnote_2353" class="fnanchor">2353</a></p>
-
-<p>Of the nineteen victor statues in this second route (170–188, VI, 17.1–18.7)
-no bases have been found.<a id="FNanchor_2354"></a><a href="#Footnote_2354" class="fnanchor">2354</a> But of the three “honor” statues<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_351">351</a></span>
-included, one base, that of the rhetorician Gorgias of Leontini (184a),
-was recovered 10 meters northeast of the temple of Zeus, and so probably
-not very far from its original position;<a id="FNanchor_2355"></a><a href="#Footnote_2355" class="fnanchor">2355</a> for Pausanias mentions
-only three more statues, before he comes to the last two in this ἔφοδος,
-which two stood in this vicinity. The parts of the Altis to the west
-and north of the temple were unimportant till the time of Alexander
-the Great, and were, therefore, remarkably free of monuments. In the
-whole description of Pausanias, we know of only three altars (those of
-Aphrodite, the Seasons, and the Nymphs) and a wild olive tree (the
-“Olive of the Beautiful Crown”) to the west of the temple (V, 15.3),
-and only of the votive offerings of a certain Mikythos or Smikythos
-to the north of it (V, 26.2).<a id="FNanchor_2356"></a><a href="#Footnote_2356" class="fnanchor">2356</a> As the statue of Gorgias stood among
-the “unimportant mixed statues” already mentioned (184–186), these
-must have stood somewhere north of the temple near its eastern end.
-Finally, the two ancient wooden statues of Praxidamas and Rhexibios
-(187–188, P., VI, 18.7) are mentioned by themselves as near the column
-of Oinomaos, which Pausanias elsewhere<a id="FNanchor_2357"></a><a href="#Footnote_2357" class="fnanchor">2357</a> says stood near the Great
-Altar of Zeus to the left of a road running south from it to the temple.
-Pausanias, after describing these “mixed” statues, may have finally
-left the route thus far followed and introduced these last two statues as
-quite distinct from the second ἔφοδος.<a id="FNanchor_2358"></a><a href="#Footnote_2358" class="fnanchor">2358</a> But he does not seem to have
-gone far from his route, for immediately after ending his account of the
-victor statues, he begins his account of the Treasuries, which lay
-beyond the Great Altar farther north.<a id="FNanchor_2359"></a><a href="#Footnote_2359" class="fnanchor">2359</a> (Plans A and B.)</p>
-
-<p>Thus Pausanias ends his second route somewhere short of the Great
-Altar, and it appears after all to be only a continuation of the first,
-forming with it one unbroken “<i>Rundgang</i>,” though in quite a different
-sense of the word from that intended by Doerpfeld.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_352">352</a></span></p>
-
-<h3>SUMMARY OF RESULTS.</h3>
-
-<p>From a study of these two routes, and a comparison of the dates
-of the victorious athletes,<a id="FNanchor_2360"></a><a href="#Footnote_2360" class="fnanchor">2360</a> we can draw the following conclusions as to
-the positions of the victor statues mentioned by Pausanias as standing
-in the Altis at Olympia:</p>
-
-<p>1. The twenty-eight oldest statues—exclusive of the five already
-mentioned as having been removed from the area of the later temple
-of Zeus<a id="FNanchor_2361"></a><a href="#Footnote_2361" class="fnanchor">2361</a>—dating from Ol. 58 (&#8239;=&#8239;548 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, Pythokritos, 128 b) to Ol.
-76 (&#8239;=&#8239;476 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, Theognetos, 83), <i>i. e.</i>, approximately down to the date
-of the founding of the temple,<a id="FNanchor_2362"></a><a href="#Footnote_2362" class="fnanchor">2362</a> stood in the space between the eastern
-front of the temple and the Echo Colonnade, or to the south of it near
-the South Altis wall. Only one statue (that of Protolaos, 48) stood as
-far north as the <i>Eretrian Bull</i>. Thus the southeastern part of the Altis
-was the oldest part dedicated to victor statues.</p>
-
-<p>2. After this space was mostly filled, the next statues, those dating
-from Ol. 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, Kallias, 50) to Ol. 93 (&#8239;=&#8239;408 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, Eubotas, 75),
-<i>i. e.</i>, from about the time of the foundation of the temple to near the
-date of the battle of Aigospotamoi, fifty-one in number, stood between
-the Heraion and the <i>Victory</i> of Paionios; only one stood as far south
-as the Altis wall, while seven stood around the <i>Chariots</i>, ten around
-the <i>Victory</i>, twenty around the <i>Bull</i>, and the rest further north (including
-176, 185 of the second ἔφοδος, which stood north of the eastern
-end of the temple). Diagoras and his family (59–63), boxers and
-pancratiasts, had their statues near the older famous boxer Euthymos
-(56); Alkainetos and his sons (64–66), boxers, besides many other
-pugilists, had theirs near the Diagorids; Tellon (102) had his near that
-of his compatriot Epikradios (101); later Achæans had theirs near
-that of their countryman Oibotas (29), and Spartans near that of Chionis
-(111); some, as the three victors from Heraia (176, 177, 32),<a id="FNanchor_2363"></a><a href="#Footnote_2363" class="fnanchor">2363</a> stood
-far apart only apparently, for the last one had his statue near the <i>Bull</i>,
-and so not far from the other two, though these are named in the second
-ἔφοδος.</p>
-
-<p>3. From near the date of the battle of Aigospotamoi, down to about
-the birth of Alexander the Great, <i>i. e.</i>, from Ol. 94 to Ol. 106 (&#8239;=&#8239;404 to
-356 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), thirty-six statues filled in the intervals left among these
-older statues; fifteen stood near the Heraion; five between it and the
-<i>Bull</i>, seven around the <i>Bull</i>, five around the <i>Victory</i>, one near the <i>Chariots</i>,
-and three along the South Altis wall. Euthymenes and Kritodamos
-(78, 80) had their monuments near that of their older countryman (79),<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_353">353</a></span>
-whose statue was made by Myron; the Ephesians, Pyrilampes and Athenaios
-(35, 36), had their statues beside that of their benefactor Lysandros
-(35 a).</p>
-
-<p>4. After Alexander’s time, in consequence of the recent building of
-the Philippeion, Leonidaion, and Theekoleon to the west of the Altis,
-the western side of the temple of Zeus (and, to a lesser extent, the
-northern) became important, and henceforth statues surrounded the
-temple on all sides. Of the thirty-three statues of this epoch, nine stood
-to the west of the temple, four to the north, and seven to the south,
-while the rest stood either to the east, or, perhaps, near the Heraion.
-We shall see also that many later statues, known to us from inscriptions
-only, stood outside the Altis, to the west and northwest.</p>
-
-<h3>STATUES NOT MENTIONED BY PAUSANIAS, BUT KNOWN
-FROM RECOVERED BASES.</h3>
-
-<p>Having established these data, it is not difficult, from the positions
-of the many inscribed fragmentary bases found at Olympia and referred
-to victor statues not mentioned by Pausanias, from the approximate
-dates of the victories as gained from the age of the inscriptions,
-and by again employing the system of groups already mentioned, to
-state quite definitely where many of these other statues stood. Pausanias,
-who mentions 187 victors with 192 monuments in his two
-ἔφοδοι, expressly states that he enumerates only those “who had some
-title to fame or whose statues were better made.”<a id="FNanchor_2364"></a><a href="#Footnote_2364" class="fnanchor">2364</a> The reasons for
-his selection and the fact that he mentions the statue of no athlete
-certainly later than the middle of the second century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> (although we
-know from inscriptions that statues were set up far into the third century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>, at least)<a id="FNanchor_2365"></a><a href="#Footnote_2365" class="fnanchor">2365</a> have been subjects of much discussion, but hardly
-concern us here.<a id="FNanchor_2366"></a><a href="#Footnote_2366" class="fnanchor">2366</a> The three latest statues of victors mentioned by
-Pausanias, whose dates are fixed, may be given: those of Kleitomachos,
-who won παγκράτιον and πύξ in Ols. 141 and 142 (&#8239;=&#8239;216 and 212 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_2367"></a><a href="#Footnote_2367" class="fnanchor">2367</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_354">354</a></span>
-of Kapros, victor in παγκράτιον and πάλη in Ol. 142 (&#8239;=&#8239;212 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_2368"></a><a href="#Footnote_2368" class="fnanchor">2368</a> and
-of Akestorides, victor πώλων ἅρματι sometime between Ols. 142 and 144
-(&#8239;=&#8239;212 and 204 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_2369"></a><a href="#Footnote_2369" class="fnanchor">2369</a> Still later statues of victors named by Pausanias,
-whose dates can not be exactly determined, are those of
-Sodamas, who won παίδων στάδιον some time between Ols. 142 and
-145 (&#8239;=&#8239;212 and 200 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_2370"></a><a href="#Footnote_2370" class="fnanchor">2370</a> of Amyntas, victor in παίδων παγκράτιον in
-Ol. (?) 146 (&#8239;=&#8239;196 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_2371"></a><a href="#Footnote_2371" class="fnanchor">2371</a> of Timon, victor in πένταθλον in Ols. 146 or
-147 (&#8239;=&#8239;196 or 192 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_2372"></a><a href="#Footnote_2372" class="fnanchor">2372</a> and of Lysippos, victor in παίδων πάλη some
-time between Ols. 149 and 157 (&#8239;=&#8239;184 and 152 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_2373"></a><a href="#Footnote_2373" class="fnanchor">2373</a> Of the first
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>, Pausanias mentions three victors without statues:
-Artemidoros, who won παγκράτιον in Ol. 212 (&#8239;=&#8239;69 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>);<a id="FNanchor_2374"></a><a href="#Footnote_2374" class="fnanchor">2374</a> Polites,
-victor in στάδιον, δίαυλος and δόλιχος in Ol. 212;<a id="FNanchor_2375"></a><a href="#Footnote_2375" class="fnanchor">2375</a> and Hermogenes, victor
-in στάδιον twice, δίαυλος once, and as ὁπλίτης thrice, in Ols. 215, 216,
-217 (&#8239;=&#8239;81–89 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_2376"></a><a href="#Footnote_2376" class="fnanchor">2376</a> The words of Pliny, <i>Olympiae, ubi omnium qui
-vicissent statuas dicari mos erat</i><a id="FNanchor_2377"></a><a href="#Footnote_2377" class="fnanchor">2377</a> refer, of course, as we have already
-pointed out, only to the privilege and not to the actual fact, for many
-victors would have no statues, as it was necessary for them or their
-relatives or city-states to meet the expenses of their erection.<a id="FNanchor_2378"></a><a href="#Footnote_2378" class="fnanchor">2378</a> No
-more is the rest of his statement to be taken literally, <i>i. e.</i>, that those
-victors who were victorious three times had the right to erect portrait
-statues in their honor; for we have, as has already been shown, at
-least one exception.<a id="FNanchor_2379"></a><a href="#Footnote_2379" class="fnanchor">2379</a> Besides we know that portrait statues were
-practically unknown before the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Most of the
-victor statues were mere types—those of Hermes and Herakles being
-common—without individualized features, simply representing the
-various contests by position or some characteristic, <i>e. g.</i>, the helmet
-and shield for “hoplite” victors.<a id="FNanchor_2380"></a><a href="#Footnote_2380" class="fnanchor">2380</a></p>
-
-<p>Five of these inscriptions have been referred to the sixth and fifth
-centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span><a id="FNanchor_2381"></a><a href="#Footnote_2381" class="fnanchor">2381</a> Of these the inscribed base of Pantares was found near<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_355">355</a></span>
-the South Altis wall, and the statue must originally have stood east of
-the temple of Zeus, near the chariot of Gelo (90), for these two were the
-only victors from Gela, and won in the same kind of contest and at nearly
-the same date.<a id="FNanchor_2382"></a><a href="#Footnote_2382" class="fnanchor">2382</a> The statues of Phrikias of Pelinna and Phanas of Pellene,
-both representing victors in the heavy-armed race, to which I have
-ascribed the two archaic marble heads (Fig. <a href="#f30">30</a>), the former found west of
-the temple of Zeus and the latter to the south of it, must originally have
-stood in the area of the later temple and then have been removed.<a id="FNanchor_2383"></a><a href="#Footnote_2383" class="fnanchor">2383</a>
-That of an unknown victor, whose name ended in ... αδας,<a id="FNanchor_2384"></a><a href="#Footnote_2384" class="fnanchor">2384</a> the
-two fragments of whose base were found, one near the Heraion and the
-other to the east of the temple of Zeus, should have stood near the
-statues of the only other pancratiasts of a similar age, either near those of
-Dorieus (61), who won in Ols. 87 to 89 (&#8239;=&#8239;432 to 424 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), and Damagetos
-(62), who won in Ols. 82 and 83 (&#8239;=&#8239;452 and 448 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), in the zone of the
-<i>Bull</i>, or near that of Timasitheos (82), who won some time between Ols.
-(?) 65 and 67 inclusive (&#8239;=&#8239;520 and 512 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>), in the zone of the <i>Victory</i>.
-Lastly, the second inscribed base of Xenombrotos (133), found near the
-Council-house outside the South Altis wall, doubtless once stood near
-the first (the epigram from which is preserved by Pausanias, VI, 14.12),
-along this wall to the east of the base of Telemachos.<a id="FNanchor_2385"></a><a href="#Footnote_2385" class="fnanchor">2385</a></p>
-
-<p>No inscribed fragments of bases dating from the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>
-have been found.</p>
-
-<p>Beginning with the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, we shall see that most of the
-recovered bases were found either in the western part of the Altis, in the
-neighborhood of the Philippeion, Theekoleon, and Leonidaion, on both
-sides of the West Altis wall, or still farther west and northwest, especially
-in or near the Palaistra and Prytaneion. We have already seen
-that most of the statues named by Pausanias dating from Alexander’s
-time stood to the west (and north) of the temple of Zeus. As Pausanias
-enumerates only statues ἐν δεξιᾷ of his route around the temple to the
-Great Altar, these statues farther west and northwest are omitted
-from his account. Of the four bases of statues referred to the third
-century, all belong to Elean victors; three were found west and northwest
-of the Prytaneion and beyond, showing that these statues once<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_356">356</a></span>
-stood in the vicinity of this building, and the fourth was found farther
-south, by the Palaistra, where it probably stood. Thus the base of
-the wrestler Nikarchos, son of Physsias, was found in a late wall west
-of the Prytaneion;<a id="FNanchor_2386"></a><a href="#Footnote_2386" class="fnanchor">2386</a> that of the statue of an unknown victor, son of
-Taurinos, was found at the southeast corner of the Palaistra;<a id="FNanchor_2387"></a><a href="#Footnote_2387" class="fnanchor">2387</a> that of
-another unknown victor, the son of ... phinos, was found in the
-<i>Nordwestgraben</i>;<a id="FNanchor_2388"></a><a href="#Footnote_2388" class="fnanchor">2388</a> the base of the statue of Thersonides, son of
-Paianodoros, victor κέλητι πωλικῷ, was found northwest of the Prytaneion,
-between the Roman baths and east hall of the Gymnasion.<a id="FNanchor_2389"></a><a href="#Footnote_2389" class="fnanchor">2389</a></p>
-
-<p>Of the four statues referred with certainty to the second century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,
-all but one were found to the west of the Altis, in a region ranging from
-the Philippeion, northwest of the temple of Zeus, to the Leonidaion
-southwest of it. Two of them were found outside the West Altis wall,
-between the Leonidaion and the Byzantine church. Thus the base of
-the statue of D ... gonos, twice victor in πύξ, was found outside
-the apse of the Byzantine church and west of the West Altis wall;<a id="FNanchor_2390"></a><a href="#Footnote_2390" class="fnanchor">2390</a>
-the fragments of that of an unknown boy victor in wrestling or the
-pankration were found in the East Byzantine wall;<a id="FNanchor_2391"></a><a href="#Footnote_2391" class="fnanchor">2391</a> that of an unknown
-victor, συνωρίδι τελείᾳ (twice), and ἅρματι τελείῳ, was found
-south of the Philippeion.<a id="FNanchor_2392"></a><a href="#Footnote_2392" class="fnanchor">2392</a> The fragment of the base of the statue of
-another unknown victor in wrestling, the son of the Elean Aigyptos,
-was found to the northeast of the Leonidaion.<a id="FNanchor_2393"></a><a href="#Footnote_2393" class="fnanchor">2393</a></p>
-
-<p>Of the seven bases referred to the second and first centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,
-three were found in or near the Byzantine church, showing that such
-statues may have stood in the Greek building which was later converted
-into the church.<a id="FNanchor_2394"></a><a href="#Footnote_2394" class="fnanchor">2394</a> Two more were found near the southwest corner of
-the Altis, and therefore may once have stood near the statue of Philonides,
-which Pausanias mentions as standing in that vicinity. Two
-others stood farther away, one inside the Prytaneion, the other northeast
-of the temple of Zeus. Thus the base of an unknown victor, the
-son of Aristotle, συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, was found in front of the north side
-of the Byzantine church;<a id="FNanchor_2395"></a><a href="#Footnote_2395" class="fnanchor">2395</a> that of Aristodamos, the son of Aleximachos
-of Elis, was found in the floor of the church;<a id="FNanchor_2396"></a><a href="#Footnote_2396" class="fnanchor">2396</a> that of an unknown victor
-was found northeast of the temple of Zeus;<a id="FNanchor_2397"></a><a href="#Footnote_2397" class="fnanchor">2397</a> that of a victor συνωρίδι
-πωλικῇ, whose name ended in ... chos, the son of the Elean<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_357">357</a></span>
-Nikodromos, was found southwest of the Altis before the West Altis
-wall;<a id="FNanchor_2398"></a><a href="#Footnote_2398" class="fnanchor">2398</a> the base of two unknown victors from Elis were found respectively
-in the Prytaneion<a id="FNanchor_2399"></a><a href="#Footnote_2399" class="fnanchor">2399</a> and northwest of the Byzantine church,<a id="FNanchor_2400"></a><a href="#Footnote_2400" class="fnanchor">2400</a> while
-that of another Elean, Antigenes, the son of Jason, victor συνωρίδι
-πωλικῇ, was found in the southwest corner of the Altis.<a id="FNanchor_2401"></a><a href="#Footnote_2401" class="fnanchor">2401</a></p>
-
-<p>The positions of the twenty-four bases (belonging to monuments
-of twenty-two victors) with certainty referred to the first pre-Christian
-century were very scattered. One large Pentelic marble
-<i>bathron</i>, supporting the monuments of seven victors of the family of
-Philistos, must have stood just south of the Philippeion, where most of
-the fragments were found. The bases of the statues of two other sons
-and a grandson of the same victor have been recovered, and doubtless
-stood near by, thus forming a family group of ten, outnumbering that
-of Diagoras (59–63 and 52) mentioned by Pausanias. The omission
-of so important a monument in the description of the Periegete has,
-of course, been used as an indication of his employment of earlier lists.
-Of the other bases, two were found outside the South Altis wall, west
-of the Council-house, and two east of it; two east of the temple of Zeus
-(one of them that of the youthful Tiberius, afterwards Roman emperor,
-which must have stood near the <i>Eretrian Bull</i>, where it was found);
-one southwest of the temple, along the South Terrace wall, pointing
-to a position among the statues there named by Pausanias; one east of
-the Byzantine church, pointing to a position south of the Theekoleon,
-two to the northwest of the Altis in the vicinity of the Prytaneion; while
-the others were found scattered all the way from the northeastern part of
-the Altis to the bed of the Kladeos. Thus over half (13) of these statue-bases
-were found in the west and northwest of the Altis and beyond;
-the space to the east of the temple of Zeus—called <i>frequentissimus
-celeberrimusque</i> by Scherer—seems now not to have been greatly prized.
-Most of these victories were gained in hippic contests. Horse-racing
-had early been discontinued, but was revived at the end of the first
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, when members of the imperial family, emulating the
-earlier triumphs of the princes of Sicily and Macedonia, became competitors.
-Thus Tiberius won in the chariot-race, and a few years later
-his nephew Germanicus in the same event. The list of these bases of
-victor statues of the first century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> and their provenience follows. A
-fragment of the base of the victor Agilochos, son of Nikeas of Elis, victor
-κέλητι πωλικῷ, was found in the East Byzantine wall.<a id="FNanchor_2402"></a><a href="#Footnote_2402" class="fnanchor">2402</a> One fragment
-of the <i>bathron</i> of the family group of the Elean Philistos,<a id="FNanchor_2403"></a><a href="#Footnote_2403" class="fnanchor">2403</a> victors in
-hippic contests, was found southwest of the Pelopion, while four others<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_358">358</a></span>
-were discovered south of the Philippeion; the base of the statue of
-Philonikos, a son of Philistos, was also found south of the Philippeion,<a id="FNanchor_2404"></a><a href="#Footnote_2404" class="fnanchor">2404</a>
-and that of another unnamed son was discovered to the west
-of the Prytaneion,<a id="FNanchor_2405"></a><a href="#Footnote_2405" class="fnanchor">2405</a> while the place of finding of that of Charops, the
-son of Telemachos, has not been recorded.<a id="FNanchor_2406"></a><a href="#Footnote_2406" class="fnanchor">2406</a> The base of the monument
-of Aristarchos was found east of the Byzantine church,<a id="FNanchor_2407"></a><a href="#Footnote_2407" class="fnanchor">2407</a> that of
-Damaithidas, son of Menippos of Elis, a victor συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, west
-of the Council-house (south building),<a id="FNanchor_2408"></a><a href="#Footnote_2408" class="fnanchor">2408</a> and that of Thrasymachos (or
-Thrasymedes) in the <i>Nordostgraben</i>.<a id="FNanchor_2409"></a><a href="#Footnote_2409" class="fnanchor">2409</a> A fragment of the base of the
-statue of Demokrates of Antioch in Karia was found in the bed of the
-river Kladeos,<a id="FNanchor_2410"></a><a href="#Footnote_2410" class="fnanchor">2410</a> that of a victor whose name began with Demo...,
-northeast of the Prytaneion,<a id="FNanchor_2411"></a><a href="#Footnote_2411" class="fnanchor">2411</a> while that of Thaliarchos, the son of
-Soterichos of Elis, victor πὺξ παίδων καὶ ἀνδρῶν, was found east of the
-Council-house.<a id="FNanchor_2412"></a><a href="#Footnote_2412" class="fnanchor">2412</a> Bases from two statues of Menedemos, son of Menedemos
-of Elis, victor συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, were found, one east of the
-temple of Zeus, the other inside the Heraion.<a id="FNanchor_2413"></a><a href="#Footnote_2413" class="fnanchor">2413</a> Lykomedes, the son of
-Aristodemos of Elis, victor συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, also had two statues; the
-base of one was found in front of the West Byzantine wall on the south
-side of the temple of Zeus, that of the other in the <i>Westgraben</i>.<a id="FNanchor_2414"></a><a href="#Footnote_2414" class="fnanchor">2414</a>
-The front part of the base of the statue of Archiadas, the son of Timolas
-of Elis, who won κέλητι πωλικῷ, was discovered southwest of the temple
-of Zeus, on the Terrace wall.<a id="FNanchor_2415"></a><a href="#Footnote_2415" class="fnanchor">2415</a> That of an unknown victor in the
-δίαυλος, the son of ... krates of Miletos, was found near the <i>Osthalle</i>,<a id="FNanchor_2416"></a><a href="#Footnote_2416" class="fnanchor">2416</a>
-while that inscribed with the name of Tiberius Claudius Nero
-of Rome, who won a victory τεθρίππῳ just before the end of the century,
-was found south of the <i>Eretrian Bull</i>.<a id="FNanchor_2417"></a><a href="#Footnote_2417" class="fnanchor">2417</a></p>
-
-<p>Nineteen inscribed base-fragments have been referred to the post-Christian
-centuries, thirteen to the first, three to the second, and three
-to the third. The spaces around the temple of Zeus (especially its
-eastern front) are again the favorite ones. Thus the bases of three
-statues were found east of the temple (one <i>in situ</i>), two near its southeastern
-corner, three at the northeastern corner (one, that of Germanicus
-Cæsar, the nephew of Tiberius, just to the north of the <i>Eretrian
-Bull</i>, and so originally standing here near that of his uncle), while
-another stood opposite the fifth column from the east on the north
-side of the temple. Most of these statues must have been passed by
-Pausanias in his first ἔφοδος, which is, perhaps, another evidence of
-his dependence on older lists in compiling his own. Two other bases
-were found to the southwest of the temple, one of them near its cor<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_359">359</a></span>ner,
-and the other nearer the corner of the Altis, <i>i. e.</i>, near the base of
-the statue of Philonides (154a). Thus eleven statues stood near the
-temple. Of the others, four were found in the vicinity of the Palaistra
-(one inside <i>in situ</i>), one to the northeast of the Prytaneion, another
-northeast of the Byzantine church, while the two remaining ones were
-found in the eastern part of the Altis, near the entrance to the Stadion
-and before the Echo Colonnade respectively. The base of the last
-statue of a victor known to have been erected at Olympia, that of
-Valerios Eklektos of Sinope, previously mentioned, was found <i>in situ</i>
-in the Palaistra. We append a detailed list of these bases, giving the
-provenience of each.</p>
-
-<p>Of the first century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>, the fore part of the base of the monument
-of Germanicus, son of Nero Claudius Drusus, was found east of the
-temple of Zeus, north of the <i>Eretrian Bull</i>;<a id="FNanchor_2418"></a><a href="#Footnote_2418" class="fnanchor">2418</a> the base of that of Gnaios
-Markios was found opposite the southeast corner of the temple;<a id="FNanchor_2419"></a><a href="#Footnote_2419" class="fnanchor">2419</a> that
-of Markos Antonios Kallippos Peisanos, son of M. Antonios Alexion
-of Elis, who won κέλητι πωλικῷ in Ol. 177 (&#8239;=&#8239;72 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>), was found in
-the West Byzantine wall at the southwest corner of the temple.<a id="FNanchor_2420"></a><a href="#Footnote_2420" class="fnanchor">2420</a> The
-base of the monument of Polyxenos, son of Apollophanes of Zakynthos,
-victor in πάλη παίδων, was discovered at the southwest corner of the
-Altis far from its probable original location;<a id="FNanchor_2421"></a><a href="#Footnote_2421" class="fnanchor">2421</a> that of P. Kornelios
-Ariston, son of Eirenaios of Ephesos, victor in παγκράτιον παίδων in
-Ol. 207 = 49 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>), in front of the north wall of the Palaistra;<a id="FNanchor_2422"></a><a href="#Footnote_2422" class="fnanchor">2422</a> the
-marble plate from that of Tiberios Klaudios Aphrodeisios of Elis (?),
-who won κέλητι τελείῳ in Ol. 208 (&#8239;=&#8239;53 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>), was unearthed near its
-semicircular base, which was found <i>in situ</i> east of the temple.<a id="FNanchor_2423"></a><a href="#Footnote_2423" class="fnanchor">2423</a> Four
-fragments of the base of the monument of the boy pancratiast Nikanor,
-son of Sokles of Ephesos, were recovered east of the temple, and
-another one near its southeastern corner.<a id="FNanchor_2424"></a><a href="#Footnote_2424" class="fnanchor">2424</a> The base of that of Markos
-Deida of Antioch, victor in πάλη παίδων in Ol. 219 (&#8239;=&#8239;97 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>),
-was found southeast of the temple;<a id="FNanchor_2425"></a><a href="#Footnote_2425" class="fnanchor">2425</a> that of an unknown victor in the
-δίαυλος and as ὁπλίτης (three times) in the North Byzantine wall;<a id="FNanchor_2426"></a><a href="#Footnote_2426" class="fnanchor">2426</a>
-that of Hermas, son of Ision of Antioch, a victor in παγκράτιον,
-between the West Altis wall and the southeastern corner of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_360">360</a></span>
-Palaistra;<a id="FNanchor_2427"></a><a href="#Footnote_2427" class="fnanchor">2427</a> that of Diogenes, son of Dionysios of Ephesos, victor
-σαλπίγγι five times, before the centre of the Echo Colonnade.<a id="FNanchor_2428"></a><a href="#Footnote_2428" class="fnanchor">2428</a> The
-inscribed fragments of the bronze legs of the statues of two unknown
-victors have also been excavated, the one near the starting-place in the
-Stadion,<a id="FNanchor_2429"></a><a href="#Footnote_2429" class="fnanchor">2429</a> the other near the fifth column from the east on the north
-side of the temple of Zeus.<a id="FNanchor_2430"></a><a href="#Footnote_2430" class="fnanchor">2430</a></p>
-
-<p>Of the second century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>, we have the following bases: that of
-Kasia M[nasithea], daughter of M. Betilenos (or Vetulenos) Laitos of
-Elis, who won ἅρματι πωλικῷ, was found northeast of the Prytaneion;<a id="FNanchor_2431"></a><a href="#Footnote_2431" class="fnanchor">2431</a>
-the upper part of the pedestal of the <i>quadriga</i> of L. Minicius Natalis
-of Rome, victor ἅρματι τελείῳ in Ol. 227 (&#8239;=&#8239;129 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>), was unearthed
-in the east wall of the Palaistra.<a id="FNanchor_2432"></a><a href="#Footnote_2432" class="fnanchor">2432</a> The base of the statue erected to the
-herald P. Ailios Artemas of Laodikeia (in Phrygia?) was found 20 meters
-north of the northeastern corner of the temple of Zeus.<a id="FNanchor_2433"></a><a href="#Footnote_2433" class="fnanchor">2433</a></p>
-
-<p>Of the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>, <i>i. e.</i>, after the time of Pausanias, we have
-these bases: that of P. Ailios Alkandridas, son of Damokratidas of
-Sparta, twice victor in (?) πάλη, was found northeast of the Byzantine
-church;<a id="FNanchor_2434"></a><a href="#Footnote_2434" class="fnanchor">2434</a> that of Theopropos of Rhodes, who won κέλητι, was unearthed
-east of the temple of Zeus, just south of the basis of the
-<i>Nike</i> of Paionios;<a id="FNanchor_2435"></a><a href="#Footnote_2435" class="fnanchor">2435</a> the base of the statue of Valerios Eklektos of
-Sinope, victor as κῆρυξ in Ols. 256, 258–260 (&#8239;=&#8239;245, 253–261 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>),
-was found <i>in situ</i> in the Palaistra.<a id="FNanchor_2436"></a><a href="#Footnote_2436" class="fnanchor">2436</a> We should add for this century
-also the inscribed bronze diskos, the votive (not victor) offering of
-Poplios (Publius) Asklepiades of Corinth, which was found 2.5 meters
-south of the Southwest gate of the Altis.<a id="FNanchor_2437"></a><a href="#Footnote_2437" class="fnanchor">2437</a></p>
-
-<p>A study of these inscriptions shows that the practice of setting up
-victor statues decreased in the fourth and third centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, but was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_361">361</a></span>
-revived in the second and first, only to decrease again after the first
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span> On the other hand, the inscriptions show that the number
-of “honor” statues correspondingly increased. Of the later statues,
-most were erected to Eleans; names of victors from Sicily and Italy,
-and from the older Greek states, as Sparta and Athens, are rare, being
-replaced by those from Asia Minor and the newer towns of the Greek
-mainland. This falling off of interest in the games was largely due
-to professionalism. In the second century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, we begin to read in
-the inscriptions of περιοδονῖκαι, <i>i. e.</i>, victors winning prizes at all the
-four national games, a sure indication of the professional spirit. Even
-Pausanias mentions two such victors.<a id="FNanchor_2438"></a><a href="#Footnote_2438" class="fnanchor">2438</a></p>
-
-<p>From these inscribed base-fragments, we have knowledge of 61 victors
-(63 monuments)<a id="FNanchor_2439"></a><a href="#Footnote_2439" class="fnanchor">2439</a> who had statues erected to them, though they
-are not named in the lists of Pausanias. Of the 192 monuments mentioned
-by Pausanias, 40 are known to us from recovered fragments of
-bases and statues. So if we assume the same ratio between known and
-unknown for those not mentioned by Pausanias, we should have the
-proportion 40 : 192 : : 63 : <i>x</i>, where <i>x</i> would equal 302, making a grand
-total of 494 monuments, which number can not be far from the actual
-number of victor statues adorning the Altis.<a id="FNanchor_2440"></a><a href="#Footnote_2440" class="fnanchor">2440</a></p>
-
-<h3>OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS ERECTED OUTSIDE OLYMPIA.</h3>
-
-<p>In Chapter I, we showed that frequently statues or other monuments
-were erected in their native towns as a part of the honor paid to Olympic
-victors. We shall now give a list of all such monuments set up in
-various parts of the Greek world which are known to us from notices in
-ancient literature and from inscriptions.<a id="FNanchor_2441"></a><a href="#Footnote_2441" class="fnanchor">2441</a> These, like the statues in
-the Altis, range in date from the seventh century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> to the fourth
-<span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>, and offer still greater variety in the kinds of dedication. It will
-be best to arrange the list as far as possible chronologically and in
-numerical sequence, adding the authorities for the dates of the various
-victories in the footnotes.<a id="FNanchor_2442"></a><a href="#Footnote_2442" class="fnanchor">2442</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_362">362</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Victors with monuments of the seventh century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>:</p>
-
-<p>1. Chionis, of Sparta.<a id="FNanchor_2443"></a><a href="#Footnote_2443" class="fnanchor">2443</a> Besides his statue by Myron and the tablet
-containing a list of his victories at Olympia mentioned by Pausanias
-(VI, 13.2), the same writer records a similar tablet in Sparta, erected
-near the royal tomb of the Agids, likewise set up by his townspeople
-(III, 14.3). The Spartan tablet, like the monuments in his honor at
-Olympia, was doubtless set up long after the victory, about Ols. 77
-or 78 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 or 468 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).</p>
-
-<p>2. Kylon, of Athens.<a id="FNanchor_2444"></a><a href="#Footnote_2444" class="fnanchor">2444</a> Pausanias records that a bronze statue of
-this victor stood upon the Athenian Akropolis, erected, as he supposes,
-in honor of his beauty and reputation as an Olympic victor (I, 28.1).
-Kylon was the leader of the well-known conspiracy of 632 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, when
-he tried to make himself tyrant of Athens.<a id="FNanchor_2445"></a><a href="#Footnote_2445" class="fnanchor">2445</a> Furtwaengler has proposed
-the theory that this monument was not set up in honor of Kylon
-by the Athenians, as Pausanias says, but that it was a dedication by
-his family after his Olympic victory.<a id="FNanchor_2446"></a><a href="#Footnote_2446" class="fnanchor">2446</a> A. Schaefer,<a id="FNanchor_2447"></a><a href="#Footnote_2447" class="fnanchor">2447</a> however, more
-justly believed that the statue was an expiatory offering for the massacre
-of Kylon’s companions on the Akropolis,<a id="FNanchor_2448"></a><a href="#Footnote_2448" class="fnanchor">2448</a> set up in the time of Perikles,
-the date of which would account for the “beauty” of the statue.
-Still another scholar<a id="FNanchor_2449"></a><a href="#Footnote_2449" class="fnanchor">2449</a> believes that Pausanias’ remark was called forth
-by the epigram on the statue.<a id="FNanchor_2450"></a><a href="#Footnote_2450" class="fnanchor">2450</a></p>
-
-<p>3. Hipposthenes, of Sparta.<a id="FNanchor_2451"></a><a href="#Footnote_2451" class="fnanchor">2451</a> Pausanias records that a temple was
-dedicated to him in Sparta, where he received divine worship (III, 15.7).
-It has been argued that the words of Pausanias (<i>l. c.</i>) show that Hipposthenes
-here was worshiped only in the character of Poseidon,
-whose epithet was ἵππιος (<i>cf.</i> P., I, 30.4).<a id="FNanchor_2452"></a><a href="#Footnote_2452" class="fnanchor">2452</a></p>
-
-<p class="p padt05">Of the sixth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>:</p>
-
-<p>4. Hetoimokles, son of Hipposthenes of Sparta.<a id="FNanchor_2453"></a><a href="#Footnote_2453" class="fnanchor">2453</a> Pausanias mentions
-a statue of this victor at Sparta (III, 13.9).</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_363">363</a></span></p>
-
-<p>5. Arrhachion, of Phigalia.<a id="FNanchor_2454"></a><a href="#Footnote_2454" class="fnanchor">2454</a> Pausanias records the stone statue in
-the archaic pose, and with weathered inscription, erected to this victor in
-the market-place at Phigalia (VIII, 40.1), which we have discussed at
-length in the preceding chapter (Fig. <a href="#f79">79</a>).</p>
-
-<p>6. Kimon, the son of Stesagoras, of Athens.<a id="FNanchor_2455"></a><a href="#Footnote_2455" class="fnanchor">2455</a> Aelian mentions
-αἱ Κίμωνος ἵπποι χαλκαῖ, very true to the originals, in Athens,<a id="FNanchor_2456"></a><a href="#Footnote_2456" class="fnanchor">2456</a> which
-seem to have been set up in honor of his three chariot victories at
-Olympia. His first victory was won when he was in banishment at
-the hands of the tyrant Peisistratos, son of Hippokrates. Having entered
-his horses under the tyrant’s name for the second contest, he was
-in consequence recalled, and a third time entered them and won under
-his own name.<a id="FNanchor_2457"></a><a href="#Footnote_2457" class="fnanchor">2457</a> The pseudo-Andokides confuses this older Kimon
-with the younger, when he calls the latter an Olympic victor.<a id="FNanchor_2458"></a><a href="#Footnote_2458" class="fnanchor">2458</a> Similarly
-a scholiast on Aristophanes<a id="FNanchor_2459"></a><a href="#Footnote_2459" class="fnanchor">2459</a> confuses him with Megakles, who
-won a victory τεθρίππῳ in Ol. 47 (&#8239;=&#8239;592 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>).<a id="FNanchor_2460"></a><a href="#Footnote_2460" class="fnanchor">2460</a></p>
-
-<p>7. Philippos, son of Boutakides, of Kroton.<a id="FNanchor_2461"></a><a href="#Footnote_2461" class="fnanchor">2461</a> The people of Egesta
-in Sicily erected a shrine over his grave in their town, and paid him
-divine honors on account of his beauty, in which he surpassed all his
-contemporaries.<a id="FNanchor_2462"></a><a href="#Footnote_2462" class="fnanchor">2462</a></p>
-
-<p class="p padt05">Of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>:</p>
-
-<p>8. Astylos, or Astyalos, of Kroton.<a id="FNanchor_2463"></a><a href="#Footnote_2463" class="fnanchor">2463</a> Besides mentioning his statue
-by Pythagoras of Rhegion at Olympia, Pausanias in the same passage
-(VI, 13.1) mentions another in the temple of Lakinian Hera near Kroton,
-which his fellow-townsmen pulled down in anger, because he had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_364">364</a></span>
-called himself a Syracusan in order to please the Sicilian tyrant Hiero.<a id="FNanchor_2464"></a><a href="#Footnote_2464" class="fnanchor">2464</a>
-Collignon believes that the statue at Kroton was also a copy of the
-work of Pythagoras at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_2465"></a><a href="#Footnote_2465" class="fnanchor">2465</a></p>
-
-<p>9. Euthymos, son of Astykles, of Lokroi Epizephyrioi in South
-Italy.<a id="FNanchor_2466"></a><a href="#Footnote_2466" class="fnanchor">2466</a> In addition to his statue at Olympia by Pythagoras, mentioned
-by Pausanias (VI, 6.4–6),<a id="FNanchor_2467"></a><a href="#Footnote_2467" class="fnanchor">2467</a> we know of another statue by Pythagoras
-set up in Lokroi in honor of this victor.<a id="FNanchor_2468"></a><a href="#Footnote_2468" class="fnanchor">2468</a> According to Kallimachos,
-both statues were struck by lightning at the same time. Other writers
-tell wondrous tales of this boxer.<a id="FNanchor_2469"></a><a href="#Footnote_2469" class="fnanchor">2469</a></p>
-
-<p>10. Theagenes, son of Timosthenes, of Thasos, one of the most
-famous Olympic victors.<a id="FNanchor_2470"></a><a href="#Footnote_2470" class="fnanchor">2470</a> Besides his statue at Olympia by Glaukias
-of Aegina (VI, 11.2 and 9), Pausanias says that he knows of many other
-places in Greece and elsewhere where images of this victor were set up
-(VI, 11.9), and records one at Thasos to which the Thasians sacrificed
-as to a god (VI, 11.6). The story which he tells about this Thasian
-statue being scourged and falling on the enemy of Theagenes is also
-recounted at greater length by Dio Chrysostom<a id="FNanchor_2471"></a><a href="#Footnote_2471" class="fnanchor">2471</a> and is mentioned by
-Eusebios.<a id="FNanchor_2472"></a><a href="#Footnote_2472" class="fnanchor">2472</a> Lucian says that the statue cured fevers, just as did
-that of Polydamas at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_2473"></a><a href="#Footnote_2473" class="fnanchor">2473</a> Studniczka has argued that the
-statues at Thasos and elsewhere were set up to honor the hero and not
-the victor.<a id="FNanchor_2474"></a><a href="#Footnote_2474" class="fnanchor">2474</a></p>
-
-<p>11. Ladas, of Sparta.<a id="FNanchor_2475"></a><a href="#Footnote_2475" class="fnanchor">2475</a> Two fourth-century epigrams celebrate the
-fleetness of Ladas, and the second names Myron as the statuary of a
-bronze statue of him.<a id="FNanchor_2476"></a><a href="#Footnote_2476" class="fnanchor">2476</a> Pausanias mentions a statue of the same victor
-in the temple of Apollo Lykios in Argos (II, 19.7). Whether the latter
-statue was identical with the one named in the epigram can not be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_365">365</a></span>
-finally determined.<a id="FNanchor_2477"></a><a href="#Footnote_2477" class="fnanchor">2477</a> Pausanias refers to a stadion of Ladas, situated
-between Mantinea and Orchomenos in Arkadia, in which Ladas practiced
-running (VIII, 12.5), and also to his grave between Belemina and Sparta
-(III, 21.1).</p>
-
-<p>12. Kallias, son of Didymias of Athens.<a id="FNanchor_2478"></a><a href="#Footnote_2478" class="fnanchor">2478</a> Apart from his statue at
-Olympia made by the Athenian painter and sculptor Mikon, mentioned
-by Pausanias (VI, 6.1),<a id="FNanchor_2479"></a><a href="#Footnote_2479" class="fnanchor">2479</a> there was a dedication to him at Athens,
-as we learn from the preserved inscription, which enumerates his
-thirteen victories at Olympia and elsewhere.<a id="FNanchor_2480"></a><a href="#Footnote_2480" class="fnanchor">2480</a></p>
-
-<p>13. Diagoras, son of Damagetos, of Rhodes, the most famous of
-Greek boxers.<a id="FNanchor_2481"></a><a href="#Footnote_2481" class="fnanchor">2481</a> In addition to his statue at Olympia by Kallikles,
-son of Theokosmos of Megara, mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 7.1–2)
-as standing among the group of statues of his sons and grandsons, we
-learn from the scholiast on Pindar, <i>Ol.</i> VII, Argum., who quotes
-Gorgon as his authority,<a id="FNanchor_2482"></a><a href="#Footnote_2482" class="fnanchor">2482</a> that this ode, which celebrated the Olympic
-victory of Diagoras, was attached in golden letters to the walls of the
-temple of Athena at Lindos.</p>
-
-<p>14. Agias, of Pharsalos.<a id="FNanchor_2483"></a><a href="#Footnote_2483" class="fnanchor">2483</a> We have already, in Ch. VI, discussed the
-group of marble statues set up at Delphi by Daochos of Pharsalos in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_366">366</a></span>
-honor of his ancestors who had won in various athletic contests, which
-was discovered by the French excavators there in 1894. We there
-mentioned that Preuner found the same metrical inscription which
-appeared on the base of the statue of Agias, the best preserved of the
-group (Pl. <a href="#p28">28</a> and Fig. <a href="#f68">68</a>), in the journal of Stackelberg,<a id="FNanchor_2484"></a><a href="#Footnote_2484" class="fnanchor">2484</a> who had
-copied it in the early part of the nineteenth century from a base in Pharsalos
-which has since disappeared. This Thessalian inscription contained
-the additional words that Lysippos of Sikyon was the sculptor.
-In both inscriptions the victories of Agias at Olympia and elsewhere
-are noted. Thus we know of two statues of Agias, one at Delphi, the
-other at Pharsalos, both presumably by Lysippos. Preuner also thinks
-that a third statue may have stood in Olympia.</p>
-
-<p>15. Cheimon, of Argos.<a id="FNanchor_2485"></a><a href="#Footnote_2485" class="fnanchor">2485</a> In mentioning the statue of Cheimon at
-Olympia by the sculptor Naukydes of Argos, Pausanias, in the same
-passage (VI, 9.3), records another which once stood in Argos, but was
-later removed to the temple of Peace in Rome.<a id="FNanchor_2486"></a><a href="#Footnote_2486" class="fnanchor">2486</a></p>
-
-<p>16. Leon, son of Antikleidas (or Antalkidas), of Sparta.<a id="FNanchor_2487"></a><a href="#Footnote_2487" class="fnanchor">2487</a> A fragment
-of Polemon<a id="FNanchor_2488"></a><a href="#Footnote_2488" class="fnanchor">2488</a> mentions a statue of this victor. It may have stood in
-Olympia, as Foerster without good grounds assumes, or it may have
-stood elsewhere.</p>
-
-<p>17. Eubotas (Eubatas or Eubatos), of Kyrene.<a id="FNanchor_2489"></a><a href="#Footnote_2489" class="fnanchor">2489</a> Besides his statue
-at Olympia recorded by Pausanias (VI, 8.3), we learn of another set
-up at Kyrene by the victor’s wife for his devotion.<a id="FNanchor_2490"></a><a href="#Footnote_2490" class="fnanchor">2490</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_367">367</a></span></p>
-
-<p>18. Promachos, son of Dryon, of Pellene in Achaia.<a id="FNanchor_2491"></a><a href="#Footnote_2491" class="fnanchor">2491</a> Pausanias
-not only mentions a bronze statue of this victor at Olympia (VI, 8.5–6),
-but also records one of stone dedicated likewise by his townsmen in the
-Old Gymnasion of Pellene (VII, 27.5).</p>
-
-<p class="p padt05">Of the fifth or fourth centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>:</p>
-
-<p>19. An unknown victor, of Argos or (?) Tegea.<a id="FNanchor_2492"></a><a href="#Footnote_2492" class="fnanchor">2492</a> Aristotle mentions
-an inscription from a statue of an Olympic victor in two passages of
-his <i>Rhetoric</i>.<a id="FNanchor_2493"></a><a href="#Footnote_2493" class="fnanchor">2493</a> This epigram was repeated by Aristophanes of Byzantion,<a id="FNanchor_2494"></a><a href="#Footnote_2494" class="fnanchor">2494</a>
-who wrongly ascribed it to Simonides.<a id="FNanchor_2495"></a><a href="#Footnote_2495" class="fnanchor">2495</a> Where this statue
-stood can not be determined.</p>
-
-<p class="p padt05">Of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>:</p>
-
-<p>20. Kyniska, daughter of Archidamos I, of Sparta.<a id="FNanchor_2496"></a><a href="#Footnote_2496" class="fnanchor">2496</a> Pausanias,
-before mentioning the monumental group at Olympia by Apellas of
-Megara, which consisted of the statues of Kyniska and her charioteer
-standing beside a huge bronze chariot and horses (VI. 1.6), and the
-small bronze chariot by the same sculptor, set up in her honor in the
-vestibule of the temple of Zeus (V, 12.5), records that there was a
-shrine in Sparta at Plane-tree Grove, near the youths’ exercise ground,
-erected to the heroine Kyniska (III, 15.1). This latter dedication,
-therefore, was not properly a victor monument, though Pausanias in
-the same book says that Kyniska was the first Greek woman to train
-horses and to win a prize at Olympia (III, 8.1).</p>
-
-<p>21. Euryleonis, a victress of Sparta.<a id="FNanchor_2497"></a><a href="#Footnote_2497" class="fnanchor">2497</a> Pausanias says that she had
-a statue in her native city near the so-called Σκήνωμα, “Tent” (III,
-17.6). Curtius has suggested that this may be the small building
-mentioned by Thukydides as the place where King Pausanias took
-refuge when pursued by the ephors.<a id="FNanchor_2498"></a><a href="#Footnote_2498" class="fnanchor">2498</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_368">368</a></span></p>
-
-<p>22. Archias, son of Eukles, of Hybla.<a id="FNanchor_2499"></a><a href="#Footnote_2499" class="fnanchor">2499</a> An epigram in the <i>Greek
-Anthology</i><a id="FNanchor_2500"></a><a href="#Footnote_2500" class="fnanchor">2500</a> speaks of a statue of this victor at Delphi.</p>
-
-<p>23. [Phil]okrates, son of Antiphon, of Athens (deme of Krioa).<a id="FNanchor_2501"></a><a href="#Footnote_2501" class="fnanchor">2501</a>
-An inscribed base of the statue of this victor has been found in Athens.<a id="FNanchor_2502"></a><a href="#Footnote_2502" class="fnanchor">2502</a></p>
-
-<p>24. An unknown victor. An inscribed base, found near the Portico
-of Attalos in Athens, records the victories of an unknown athlete at
-several games, including one in the παγκράτιον ἀνδρῶν at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_2503"></a><a href="#Footnote_2503" class="fnanchor">2503</a></p>
-
-<p>25. Phorystas, son of Thriax (or Triax), of (?) Tanagra.<a id="FNanchor_2504"></a><a href="#Footnote_2504" class="fnanchor">2504</a> The inscribed
-base of the statue of this victor, giving Kaphisias of Bœotia as
-the sculptor, has been discovered in the ruins of Tanagra.<a id="FNanchor_2505"></a><a href="#Footnote_2505" class="fnanchor">2505</a> His brother
-Pammachos won παγκράτιον παίδων at Nemea, and had a statue at
-Thebes, the work of Teisikrates, the inscribed base of which has been
-recovered.<a id="FNanchor_2506"></a><a href="#Footnote_2506" class="fnanchor">2506</a></p>
-
-<p class="p padt05">Of the fourth or third centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>:</p>
-
-<p>26. Aristophon, son of Lysinos, of Athens.<a id="FNanchor_2507"></a><a href="#Footnote_2507" class="fnanchor">2507</a> Besides his statue at
-Olympia, set up at the cost of the people of Athens, mentioned by Pausanias
-(VI, 13.11; <i>cf.</i> VI, 14.1), we have the inscription from the
-base of another which was set up on the Athenian Akropolis.<a id="FNanchor_2508"></a><a href="#Footnote_2508" class="fnanchor">2508</a></p>
-
-<p>27. Attalos, father of King Attalos I,<a id="FNanchor_2509"></a><a href="#Footnote_2509" class="fnanchor">2509</a> of Pergamon.<a id="FNanchor_2510"></a><a href="#Footnote_2510" class="fnanchor">2510</a> The inscribed
-base of his great victor monument, erected by Epigonos, has been dis-
-covered at Pergamon.<a id="FNanchor_2511"></a><a href="#Footnote_2511" class="fnanchor">2511</a></p>
-
-<p class="p padt05">Of the second century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>: none.</p>
-
-<p>Of the first century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>: none.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_369">369</a></span></p>
-
-<p>Of the first century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>:</p>
-
-<p>28. Xenodamos, of Antikyra in Phokis.<a id="FNanchor_2512"></a><a href="#Footnote_2512" class="fnanchor">2512</a> Pausanias mentions a
-bronze statue of this victor in the Old Gymnasion at Antikyra (X,
-36.9). G. Hirschfeld<a id="FNanchor_2513"></a><a href="#Footnote_2513" class="fnanchor">2513</a> had objected to the statement of Pausanias, in
-the passage cited, “that this was the only Olympiad omitted in the
-Elean register,” because of its inconsistency with other passages which
-state that in the 8th Olympiad,<a id="FNanchor_2514"></a><a href="#Footnote_2514" class="fnanchor">2514</a> in the 34th,<a id="FNanchor_2515"></a><a href="#Footnote_2515" class="fnanchor">2515</a> and in the 104th,<a id="FNanchor_2516"></a><a href="#Footnote_2516" class="fnanchor">2516</a> the
-games were celebrated by intruders, and not by the Eleans, and
-hence these Olympiads were regarded as invalid and were not entered
-in the Elean registers. However, as Frazer points out,<a id="FNanchor_2517"></a><a href="#Footnote_2517" class="fnanchor">2517</a> the case with
-Ol. 211 was different. It was doubtless celebrated by the Eleans
-themselves and its validity was not questioned, but either it was
-never entered in the register, or, if entered, was later struck out.
-Africanus (<i>cf.</i> Philostratos)<a id="FNanchor_2518"></a><a href="#Footnote_2518" class="fnanchor">2518</a> says that the celebration of this Olympiad,
-which should have fallen 65 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>, was deferred two years to favor
-Nero, who in 67 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span> received prizes in six events, including the ten-horse
-chariot-race.<a id="FNanchor_2519"></a><a href="#Footnote_2519" class="fnanchor">2519</a> The Eleans, later being ashamed of thus favoring
-the tyrant, probably removed Ol. 211 from the register after his death.
-It may be that for the same reason statues of victors of that Olympiad
-were not set up in the Altis, which would explain why that of Xenodamos
-was set up in his native city, where Pausanias saw it. Not
-finding his name in the Elean register, Pausanias would reason that
-this victory fell in the disgraced Ol. 211.<a id="FNanchor_2520"></a><a href="#Footnote_2520" class="fnanchor">2520</a></p>
-
-<p>28a. Titos Phlabios Artemidoros, son of Artemidoros, of Adana in
-Kilikia.<a id="FNanchor_2521"></a><a href="#Footnote_2521" class="fnanchor">2521</a> The inscribed marble tablet from the base of the statue which
-this victor erected in Naples in honor of his father Artemidoros, son of
-Athenodoros, is preserved. It contains a list of his own many victories
-in παγκράτιον and πάλη in games held in Greece, Italy, Asia Minor, and
-Egypt. Though the statue was erected to his father, the long inscription
-shows that it was intended quite as much to celebrate his own
-athletic prowess.<a id="FNanchor_2522"></a><a href="#Footnote_2522" class="fnanchor">2522</a></p>
-
-<p>29. Titos Phlabios Metrobios, son of Demetrios, of Iasos, Karia.<a id="FNanchor_2523"></a><a href="#Footnote_2523" class="fnanchor">2523</a>
-The inscribed base of his statue has been found in Iasos.<a id="FNanchor_2524"></a><a href="#Footnote_2524" class="fnanchor">2524</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_370">370</a></span></p>
-
-<p>30. Sarapion, of Alexandria, Egypt.<a id="FNanchor_2525"></a><a href="#Footnote_2525" class="fnanchor">2525</a> Pausanias mentions two statues
-of this victor, which stood on either side of the entrance to the
-Gymnasion in Elis known as the Maltho. He adds that they were
-erected by the Eleans in gratitude for the bestowal of corn in a time of
-famine (VI, 23.6). He is not to be confounded with other victors of
-the same name.<a id="FNanchor_2526"></a><a href="#Footnote_2526" class="fnanchor">2526</a></p>
-
-<p class="p padt05">Of the second century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>:</p>
-
-<p>31. Markos Aurelios Demetrios, of Alexandria, Egypt.<a id="FNanchor_2527"></a><a href="#Footnote_2527" class="fnanchor">2527</a> His son,
-M. Aurelios Asklepiades, dedicated a statue to him in Rome, the inscription
-from the base of which has been recovered.<a id="FNanchor_2528"></a><a href="#Footnote_2528" class="fnanchor">2528</a></p>
-
-<p>32. Unknown victor, from Magnesia ad Sipylum, in Lydia.<a id="FNanchor_2529"></a><a href="#Footnote_2529" class="fnanchor">2529</a> His
-statue in Magnesia is known from the recovered inscribed base.<a id="FNanchor_2530"></a><a href="#Footnote_2530" class="fnanchor">2530</a></p>
-
-<p>33. Kranaos or Granianos, of Sikyon.<a id="FNanchor_2531"></a><a href="#Footnote_2531" class="fnanchor">2531</a> Pausanias mentions a bronze
-statue of this victor as standing in the precincts of the temple of
-Asklepios, on the hill of Titane, near Sikyon (II, 11.8).</p>
-
-<p>34. Titos Ailios Aurelios Apollonios, of Tarsos.<a id="FNanchor_2532"></a><a href="#Footnote_2532" class="fnanchor">2532</a> A statue of this
-victor stood in Athens, as we learn from its preserved inscribed base.<a id="FNanchor_2533"></a><a href="#Footnote_2533" class="fnanchor">2533</a></p>
-
-<p>35. Mnasiboulos, of Elateia in Phokis.<a id="FNanchor_2534"></a><a href="#Footnote_2534" class="fnanchor">2534</a> His fellow citizens erected
-a bronze statue in honor of his repelling the robber horde of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_371">371</a></span>
-Kostobokoi, who overran Greece in the days of Pausanias (X, 34.5).
-The statue stood in “Runner” street.</p>
-
-<p class="p padt05">Of the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>:</p>
-
-<p>36. Aurelios Toalios, of (?) Oinoanda, Lykia.<a id="FNanchor_2535"></a><a href="#Footnote_2535" class="fnanchor">2535</a> The inscribed base
-of the statue of this victor has been found in Oinoanda.<a id="FNanchor_2536"></a><a href="#Footnote_2536" class="fnanchor">2536</a></p>
-
-<p>37. Aurelios Metrodoros, of Kyzikos.<a id="FNanchor_2537"></a><a href="#Footnote_2537" class="fnanchor">2537</a> The inscribed base of his
-statue was found in Kyzikos, and is now in Constantinople.<a id="FNanchor_2538"></a><a href="#Footnote_2538" class="fnanchor">2538</a></p>
-
-<p>38. Valerios Eklektos, of Sinope.<a id="FNanchor_2539"></a><a href="#Footnote_2539" class="fnanchor">2539</a> Besides his monument at Olympia,
-which was erected immediately after 261 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>,<a id="FNanchor_2540"></a><a href="#Footnote_2540" class="fnanchor">2540</a> we know, from an
-inscription, of another statue dedicated to him in Athens some time
-between 253 and 257 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span><a id="FNanchor_2541"></a><a href="#Footnote_2541" class="fnanchor">2541</a></p>
-
-<p class="p padt05">Of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">A.&nbsp;D.</span>:</p>
-
-<p>39. Klaudios Rhouphos, also called Apollonios the Pisan, son of
-Klaudios Apollonios, of Smyrna.<a id="FNanchor_2542"></a><a href="#Footnote_2542" class="fnanchor">2542</a> We learn from an inscription found
-in the Baths of Titus in Rome that his statue stood in the council-chamber
-of the Guild of Athletes of Hercules at Rome.<a id="FNanchor_2543"></a><a href="#Footnote_2543" class="fnanchor">2543</a></p>
-
-<p>40. Philoumenos, of Philadelphia, in Lydia.<a id="FNanchor_2544"></a><a href="#Footnote_2544" class="fnanchor">2544</a> The closing verse of
-an inscription belonging to the base of his statue is preserved in Panodoros.<a id="FNanchor_2545"></a><a href="#Footnote_2545" class="fnanchor">2545</a>
-Where the statue stood can not be determined.</p>
-
-<p class="p padt05">Of unknown dates:</p>
-
-<p>41. Ainetos, of (?) Amyklai.<a id="FNanchor_2546"></a><a href="#Footnote_2546" class="fnanchor">2546</a> Pausanias mentions the portrait
-statue of this victor at Amyklai (III, 18. 7). He says that he expired
-even while the crown was being placed on his head.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_372">372</a></span></p>
-
-<p>42. Nikokles, of Akriai in Lakonia.<a id="FNanchor_2547"></a><a href="#Footnote_2547" class="fnanchor">2547</a> Pausanias mentions a monument
-(μνῆμα) erected in his honor at Akriai, between the Gymnasion
-and the sea-wall (III, 22.5).</p>
-
-<p>43. Aigistratos, son of Polykreon, of Lindos in Rhodes.<a id="FNanchor_2548"></a><a href="#Footnote_2548" class="fnanchor">2548</a> A statue
-of this victor was set up at Lindos, as we learn from the preserved
-inscription on its base found there.<a id="FNanchor_2549"></a><a href="#Footnote_2549" class="fnanchor">2549</a> He is called in the inscription
-the first Lindian victor at Olympia.</p>
-
-<p>44. An unknown victor, of (?) Delphi.<a id="FNanchor_2550"></a><a href="#Footnote_2550" class="fnanchor">2550</a> The inscribed base of his
-statue, with remains of the dedication, was found many years ago at
-Delphi by Cockerell.<a id="FNanchor_2551"></a><a href="#Footnote_2551" class="fnanchor">2551</a></p>
-
-<p class="p padt05">We have records of other monuments erected to victors, but it is not
-clear whether the victories recorded were won at Olympia or elsewhere.
-We list the following three doubtful cases, which have already been
-noted in earlier chapters:</p>
-
-<p>1. Epicharinos. Pausanias mentions the statue Ἐπιχαρίνου ὁπλιτοδρομεῖν
-ἀσκήσαντος, by the sculptor Kritios, as standing upon the
-Athenian Akropolis (I, 23.9). The inscribed base of this monument
-was found in 1839, between the Propylaia and the Parthenon.<a id="FNanchor_2552"></a><a href="#Footnote_2552" class="fnanchor">2552</a> The
-inscription states that the statue was the joint work of Kritios (thus
-correcting the spelling Κριτίας of Pausanias) and Nesiotes. It was,
-therefore, a work of the first half of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, the date
-of the sculptors of the <i>Tyrannicides</i> (Fig. <a href="#f32">32</a>). Ross added the word
-ὁπλιτοδρόμος after the name in the inscription. Michaelis,<a id="FNanchor_2553"></a><a href="#Footnote_2553" class="fnanchor">2553</a> however,
-has inserted the name of the victor’s father. Wilamowitz<a id="FNanchor_2554"></a><a href="#Footnote_2554" class="fnanchor">2554</a> went
-further and assumed that Polemon, from whom Pausanias derived
-the account, had already falsely restored the inscription and that the
-statue did not represent Epicharinos, but another victor. This theory
-has been rightly controverted by many scholars.<a id="FNanchor_2555"></a><a href="#Footnote_2555" class="fnanchor">2555</a> It is clear that
-Pausanias got his information from the monument, and not from the
-inscription.</p>
-
-<p>2. Hermolykos, son of Euthoinos or Euthynos. Pausanias mentions
-the statue of the pancratiast Hermolykos as standing on the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_373">373</a></span>
-Akropolis at Athens (I, 23.10). This was probably Hermolykos the
-pancratiast, who is recorded by Herodotos as having distinguished
-himself at the battle of Mykale in 479 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, and as having been afterwards
-killed in battle at Kyrnos in Euboia and buried at Geraistos.<a id="FNanchor_2556"></a><a href="#Footnote_2556" class="fnanchor">2556</a>
-Some scholars have advocated the theory that the portrait statue here
-mentioned by Pausanias was none other than the statue which stood on
-the Akropolis on the base which was discovered in 1839, dedicated by
-Hermolykos, the son of Diitrephes, the work of the sculptor Kresilas,<a id="FNanchor_2557"></a><a href="#Footnote_2557" class="fnanchor">2557</a>
-and that the Periegete mistook the latter for the one mentioned by Herodotos.<a id="FNanchor_2558"></a><a href="#Footnote_2558" class="fnanchor">2558</a>
-However, Frazer finds this explanation “arbitrary and highly
-improbable,” and believes that the base in question supported the
-statue of Diitrephes, pierced with arrows, also mentioned by Pausanias
-(I, 23.3).<a id="FNanchor_2559"></a><a href="#Footnote_2559" class="fnanchor">2559</a> Kirchhoff distinguished not only the statue of Hermolykos
-mentioned by Pausanias and the dedication of Hermolykos revealed by
-the recovered base, but both of these from the statue of the wounded
-man mentioned by Pliny (<i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 74). While J. Six assumed
-that Hermolykos, son of Diitrephes, dedicated the Kresilæan statue in
-honor of his grandfather Hermolykos, son of Euthoinos, and that Pausanias
-wrongly gathered from the inscribed base that the statue represented
-Diitrephes,<a id="FNanchor_2560"></a><a href="#Footnote_2560" class="fnanchor">2560</a> Furtwaengler believed that Diitrephes was the older
-warrior of the name, mentioned by Thukydides,<a id="FNanchor_2561"></a><a href="#Footnote_2561" class="fnanchor">2561</a> and that Pausanias,
-who knew nothing of him, wrongly connected his statue with the
-younger one of that name.<a id="FNanchor_2562"></a><a href="#Footnote_2562" class="fnanchor">2562</a></p>
-
-<p>3. Isokrates, son of Theodoros, of Athens. The pseudo-Plutarch
-mentions a bronze statue of Isokrates, in the form of a παῖς κελητίζων,
-on the Athenian Akropolis.<a id="FNanchor_2563"></a><a href="#Footnote_2563" class="fnanchor">2563</a> As the orator was born in 436 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,
-his youthful victory among the horse-racers must have occurred about
-420 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_374">374</a></span></p>
-
-<h3>SUMMARY OF RESULTS.</h3>
-
-<p>We have found, then, from the literary sources examined, that there
-are at least 44 Olympic victors, to whom a total of 47 monuments were
-erected outside Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_2564"></a><a href="#Footnote_2564" class="fnanchor">2564</a> These monuments were of various kinds—1
-inscribed tablet, 1 Pindaric ode engrossed on a temple wall, 3
-temples or shrines, 37 statues (one of them apparently iconic), bronze
-horses (? quadriga), and 4 dedications which are not further described.
-Thus the bulk of these monuments, as of those at Olympia, consisted
-of statues. Of the 29 monuments erected to 27 victors in the pre-Christian
-centuries, 3 were dedicated in the seventh,<a id="FNanchor_2565"></a><a href="#Footnote_2565" class="fnanchor">2565</a> 4 in the sixth,
-13 (to 11 victors) in the fifth, 1 in the fifth or fourth, 6 in the fourth,<a id="FNanchor_2566"></a><a href="#Footnote_2566" class="fnanchor">2566</a>
-1 in the fourth or third, and 1 in the third. There is no record of
-such a dedication in the second and first centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> Of the 14
-monuments erected to 13 victors known to belong to the post-Christian
-centuries, 4 (to 3 victors) belong to the first, 5 to the second, 3
-to the third and 2 to the fourth; 4 others were set up to 4 victors
-whose dates can not be determined. Of other monuments mentioned
-(though not included in our figures) 3 may or may not have been
-erected to Olympic victors. We find that the greatest number of
-dedications was made in the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, just as we found was
-the case in regard to those at Olympia.<a id="FNanchor_2567"></a><a href="#Footnote_2567" class="fnanchor">2567</a> Of these victors, 10 also
-had monuments at Olympia. The total number of Olympic victor
-monuments, therefore, at Olympia and elsewhere of which we have
-record, amounts to 302.<a id="FNanchor_2568"></a><a href="#Footnote_2568" class="fnanchor">2568</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_375">375</a></span></p>
-
-<h3>STATISTICS OF OLYMPIC VICTOR STATUARIES.</h3>
-
-<p>In conclusion, we shall briefly summarize the number and dates of
-the sculptors of Olympic victor monuments who are known to us from
-all sources.<a id="FNanchor_2569"></a><a href="#Footnote_2569" class="fnanchor">2569</a> Pausanias names 52 such sculptors, who made 102 of the
-192 monuments listed by him. Of the 42 “honor” statues erected in
-the Altis to 35 men, Pausanias mentions only two sculptors, Lysippos,
-who also appears among the victor statuaries, and Mikon of Syracuse,
-who does not.<a id="FNanchor_2570"></a><a href="#Footnote_2570" class="fnanchor">2570</a> Pliny names 24, or nearly one-half of the athlete
-sculptors mentioned by Pausanias.<a id="FNanchor_2571"></a><a href="#Footnote_2571" class="fnanchor">2571</a> No new name of an artist appears
-either on the inscribed bases found at Olympia and referred to the
-monuments recorded by Pausanias, or on the 63 bases discovered
-there, which can not be so referred. Of the 52 sculptors known to us
-from Pausanias and inscriptions, the dates can be assigned definitely
-or approximately thus: of the seventh century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, none; of the sixth
-century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, second half, 2; end, 2; of the end of the sixth and beginning
-of the fifth centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, 1; of the fifth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, first half, 9;
-middle, 4; second half, 3; end, 2; of the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, first half,
-11; middle, 1; second half, 2; end, 3; of the end of the fourth and
-beginning of the third centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, 3; of the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>,
-first half, 1; second half, 1; end, 2; of the end of the third and beginning
-of the second centuries <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, 1; of the second century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, first half, 2.
-No sculptor is named who lived certainly later than the second century
-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span> In addition to these results, 1 sculptor can be assigned only
-roughly to the period subsequent to Alexander the Great, and the epoch
-of still another can not be determined. Of the 37 statues listed above
-as erected to Olympic victors outside Olympia—<i>i. e.&gt;</i>, the major portion
-of the whole number of 47 monuments of various sorts set up in honor
-of 44 victors—the names of only four artists are known. Three of
-these—Myron, Pythagoras of Rhegion, and Lysippos—also worked at
-Olympia. The name, therefore, of only one new sculptor, Kaphisias
-of Bœotia, who lived in the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>, can be added from
-this source, which makes the grand total of victor statuaries known
-to us 53.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_376">376</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLAN A</p>
-<img src="images/i_plan_a.jpg" width="3422" height="2097" alt="" />
-<div class="caption">THE ALTIS AT OLYMPIA<br />
-<small>IN THE GREEK PERIOD<br />
-(THIRD CENTURY B.&nbsp;C.)<br />
-Adapted from Doerpfeld</small>
-</div></div>
-
-<p class="center"><a href="images/i_plan_a.jpg">zoom</a></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter500"><p class="right">PLAN B</p>
-<img src="images/i_plan_b.jpg" width="3388" height="2136" alt="" />
-<div class="caption">THE ALTIS AT OLYMPIA<br />
-<small>IN THE ROMAN PERIOD<br />
-(SECOND CENTURY A.&nbsp;D.)<br />
-Adapted from Doerpfeld</small>
-</div></div>
-
-<p class="center"><a href="images/i_plan_b.jpg">zoom</a></p>
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_377">377</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>FOOTNOTES</h2>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">1</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Gardiner, pp. 8–9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">2</span></a> See <i>infra</i>, p. 228 and n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">3</span></a> <i>B. S. A.</i>, XI, 1904–5, fig. 7 and pp. 12–14. The horse
-also appears on clay documents from Knossos with royal chariots and
-also on tombstones and fragmentary frescoes of Mycenæ; for the
-latter, see <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1887, Pl. XI. On the Libyan origin of the
-first horses introduced into Greece, see W. Ridgeway, <i>The Origin and
-Influence of the Thoroughbred Horse</i>, 1905, p. 480.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">4</span></a> See the bull depicted on a seal from Praisos, to be
-mentioned below: Angelo Mosso, <i>The Palaces of Crete</i>, 1907, p. 218,
-fig. 98. The Italian Mission found at Hagia Triada the bones of a
-gigantic bull, and Mosso (<i>cf.</i> p. 216, n. 1) found the remains of one
-at Phaistos.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">5</span></a> <i>B. S. A.</i>, VII, 1900–1, pp. 94 f. and VIII, 1901–2,
-p. 74; Mosso, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 216–218; H. R. Hall, <i>Anc. History of
-the Near East</i>, 1913, Pl. IV., 2; Mrs. R. C. Bosanquet, <i>Days in
-Attica</i>, 1914, Pl. II; Richter, <i>Hbk. of the Classical Collection of
-the Metropolitan Museum of Art</i>, 1917, p. 23, fig. 13. As Dr. Evans’
-<i>Atlas</i> has not yet appeared, the plate in the text is taken from a
-watercolor by Gilliéron, in the museum of Liverpool.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">6</span></a> It has often been pictured and described: <i>e. g.</i>,
-Schliemann, <i>Tiryns</i>, 1885, Pl. XIII; Schuchhardt, <i>Schliemann’s
-Excavations</i>, 1891, pp. 119 f. and fig. 111; Tsountas-Manatt, <i>The
-Mycenæan Age</i>, 1897, p. 51, fig. 12; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, p. 887,
-fig. 439; Mosso, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 220, fig. 100; H. B. Walters, <i>The
-Art of the Greeks</i>, 1906, Pl. LIX; Springer-Michaelis, p. 113,
-fig. 242; <i>Tiryns, Die Ergebn. d. Ausgrab. d deutsch. Instituts in
-Athen</i>, II, 1912, Pl. XVIII.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">7</span></a> On analogy with the Knossos fresco this figure, because
-of its white skin, should be that of a woman and not of a man, as the
-usual color of the latter is red. However, the charioteers painted
-white on frescoes discovered at Tiryns in 1910, which represent a
-boar hunt (see Rodenwaldt, <i>A. M.</i>, XXXVI, 1911, pp. 198 f. and fig.
-2, p. 201, restored; see also <i>Tiryns</i>, II, Pl. XII, in color) are
-regarded by Hall as youths and not women. He remarks that in Egypt
-young princes, who led the “sheltered life,” were often represented on
-monuments as pale, though red was the more usual color: see Hall, <i>op.
-cit.</i>, p. 58 and n. 1; <i>id.</i>, <i>Aegean Archæology</i>, 1914, p.
-190 and fig. 74 on p. 192. Rodenwaldt interprets them as female: <i>l.
-c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">8</span></a> XV, 679 f. F. Marx, <i>Jb.</i>, IV, 1889, pp. 119 f., on the
-analogy to certain coin types, saw in this fresco a representation of
-river divinities.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">9</span></a> Mosso, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 298, fig. 98.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">10</span></a> See Mosso, p. 311, fig. 153.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">11</span></a> Here the paved space measures only about 30 by 40 feet
-and the two tiers of seats would seat only 400 to 500 spectators: <i>B.
-S. A.</i>, IX, 1902–03, p. 105, fig. 69; see Mosso, p. 315,
-fig. 154, and Baikie, <i>The Sea Kings of Crete</i>, 1913, Pls.
-XXI (before restoration), XXII (restored).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">12</span></a> See Burrows, <i>The Discoveries in Crete</i>, 1907, p. 5. The
-one at Knossos maybe the “choros” wrought by Daidalos for Ariadne:
-<i>Iliad</i>, XVIII, 590–2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">13</span></a> <i>B. S. A.</i>, VIII, 1901–2, pp. 72–4, fig. 39 (arm); Pls.
-II, III; Baikie, <i>op. cit.</i>, Pl. XIX; H. R. Hall, <i>Aegean Archæology</i>,
-Pl. XXX, 2; Mosso, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 222, fig. 102; <i>cf.</i> Burrows, <i>op.
-cit.</i>, p. 21; Bulle, p. 49, fig. 7; Springer-Michaelis, p. 103, fig.
-228.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">14</span></a> Remains of copper wire with gold foil twisted around it
-still adhere to the head of one statuette.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">15</span></a> See Mosso, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 221, fig. 101; <i>B. S. A.</i>, VII,
-1900–01, p. 88.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">16</span></a> Hall, <i>Aegean Archæology</i>, pp. 55–6. Though discovered in
-1889 in a bee-hive tomb near Sparta, these famous cups are obviously
-importations from Crete, the work of an artist of the late Minoan I
-period. Similarly, the lion-hunt on the dagger-blade from Mycenæ is
-akin to Cretan art, if not its product. These cups have been often
-pictured: <i>e. g.</i>, <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1889, Pl. IX; Schuchhardt, Pl. III
-(App., pp. 350 f.); <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, IV, 1891, Pls. XI-XII (in color),
-XIII-XIV; Tsountas-Manatt, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 227–8, figs. 113–114;
-Perrot-Chipiez, VI, Pl. XV (in color) and pp. 786–7, figs. 369–370;
-H. B. Walters, <i>op. cit.</i>, Pl. V; Mosso, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 223 f.,
-figs. 103, a, b, and 104, a, b, c; Hall, <i>op. cit.</i>, Pl. XV. 1,
-and <i>cf. id.</i>, <i>Ancient History of the Near East</i>, pp. 54–5, n. 1;
-Springer-Michaelis, pp. 104–5, figs. 230 a, b; J. H. Breasted, <i>Ancient
-Times</i>, 1916, fig. 140, opp. p. 234.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">17</span></a> This interpretation of the scene has been compared
-with the design of a lion and goat on the short sword-blade from
-the chieftain’s grave at Knossos: see Burrows, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 88
-and <i>cf.</i> pp. 136–7. Here there are two successive scenes; first
-the agrimi (wild goat) is startled and springs away; then the lion
-is represented triumphant at the end of the chase with one paw on
-the beast’s hind quarter and the other raised to strike: see Evans,
-<i>Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos</i>, 1906, p. 57, fig. 59; <i>cf.</i> also bronze
-inlaid dagger-blade from Mycenæ, showing hunting scenes on each face;
-Perrot-Chipiez, VI, Pl. XVII, 1 (panther hunting wild ducks, in color),
-XVIII, 3–4, (lion-hunt by men and lions chasing gazelles, in color);
-<i>cf.</i> Tsountas-Manatt, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 200–2; Springer-Michaelis, Pl.
-V, 2a, b, 3; Schuchhardt, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 229, fig. 227; <i>cf.</i> Burrows,
-<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 136.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">18</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, pp. 224–5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">19</span></a> See Boeckh, p. 319, on <i>Pyth.</i>, II, 78. The same word
-occurs also in an inscription on a late relief from Smyrna, which
-shows horsemen pursuing bulls, leaping on their backs and seizing
-their horns; <i>C. I. G.</i>, II, 3212; also in an inscription from Sinope:
-<i>ibid.</i>, III, 4157 (line 5); an inscription from Aphrodisias calls
-such men ταυροκαθάπται; <i>ibid.</i>, II, Add., 2759b. The
-evidence shows that Gardiner, p. 9, n. 2, is wrong in connecting the
-<i>taurokathapsia</i> with the hunting-field instead of with the circus.
-He cites the Smyrna relief above mentioned (in the Ashmolean Museum
-at Oxford, no. 219), which, however, should be interpreted as an
-acrobatic scene. See J. Baunack, <i>Rhein. Mus.</i>, XXXVIII, 1883, pp. 293
-f., who discusses bull-fighting in Thessaly and Rome and quotes five
-inscriptions of Hellenic times to show that beast fights were common in
-Asia Minor.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">20</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Mosso, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 214–215.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21"><span class="label">21</span></a> Iliad, XVIII, 605–6 (= Od., IV, 18–19).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22"><span class="label">22</span></a> Iliad, XVI, 742–50.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23"><span class="label">23</span></a> Hdt., VI, 129.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24"><span class="label">24</span></a> No. 243; see Salzmann, <i>Le Nécropole de Cameiros</i>, Pl.
-LVII; Gardiner, p. 245, fig. 39.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25"><span class="label">25</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on one found at Knossos in 1903: <i>B. S. A.</i>, IX,
-1902–3, p. 57, and fig. 35 on p. 56. Here the attitude of the boxer
-is almost identical with that on the pyxis to be described below. A
-fuller design of the same sort may be seen on a seal from Hagia Triada
-mentioned in <i>B. S. A.</i>, IX, p. 57, n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26"><span class="label">26</span></a> Hall, <i>Aegean Archæology</i>, p. 33 (c. 1600 B.&nbsp;C.); for
-description, <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 61–2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27"><span class="label">27</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 211. In this respect it should be compared
-with the relief on the archaic (sixth-century B.&nbsp;C.) Attic tripod vase
-from Tanagra, now in Berlin, which shows scenes of boxing, wrestling,
-and running: <i>A. Z.</i>, III, 1881, pp. 30 f. and Pls. III, IV.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28"><span class="label">28</span></a> P., V, 8. 1, says Klymenos came from Crete fifty years
-after Deukalion’s flood and held games at Olympia; <i>cf.</i> VI, 21.6.
-Aristotle assigns the whole political and educational system of Sparta
-to a Cretan origin: <i>Politics</i>, II, 10f., 1271b., f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29"><span class="label">29</span></a> See R. Paribeni, <i>Rendiconti della R. Accad. dei Lincei</i>,
-XII, 1903, fasic. 70, p. 17; F. Halbherr, <i>ibid.</i>, XIV, 1905, pp. 365
-f., fig. 1; Burrows, <i>op. cit.</i>, Pl. 1; Mosso, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 212. fig.
-93; Hall, <i>Aegean Archæology</i>, Pl. XVI (from cast in Museum of Candia,
-whence our plate); <i>cf. id.</i>, <i>Anc. Hist. Near East</i>, Pl. IV., 5. A
-copy is in the Metropolitan Museum, New York: see <i>Hbk. of Classical
-Collection</i>, p. 16, fig. 8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30"><span class="label">30</span></a> Detail of zone, Mosso, p. 213, fig. 94. The acrobat
-wears just such striped boots and bracelets as the man and women on
-the fresco from Knossos. The man binding the legs of the bull on the
-Vapheio cup wears similar apparel. Similar scenes of gymnasts vaulting
-over a bull’s back are seen on the seal of a bracelet found at Knossos
-in 1902: <i>B. S. A.</i>, VIII, 1901–2, p. 18, fig. 43; Mosso, p. 214, fig.
-95a; also on the intaglio of a ring in Athens: Mosso, p. 215, fig. 95b.
-Scenes of gymnasts with bulls at rest are common on seal impressions:
-<i>e. g.</i>, on one from Mycenæ in Athens, Mosso, p. 217, fig. 97; on the
-one in Candia already mentioned, <i>ibid.</i>, fig. 98; <i>cf.</i> Bosanquet,
-Excavations at Praisos, <i>B. S. A.</i>, VIII, p. 252, who believes the bull
-has been surprised by a hunter.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31"><span class="label">31</span></a> Iliad, XXII, 308 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32"><span class="label">32</span></a> XXIII, 673.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33"><span class="label">33</span></a> <i>B. S. A.</i>, VII, 1900–1, fig. 31, pp.
-95 and 96; copied by Gardiner, p. 10, fig. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34"><span class="label">34</span></a> We should bear in mind that the civilization
-pictured in the Homeric poems antedates 1000 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.&nbsp;C.</span>
-</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35"><span class="label">35</span></a> <i>The Iliad</i>,<sup>2</sup> 1900, II, p. 468.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36"><span class="label">36</span></a> Od., VIII, 158 f. (translated by Butcher and Lang).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37"><span class="label">37</span></a> Gardiner, p. 15, points out that there is no mention of
-a chariot-race in the Odyssey, merely because Ithaca was not a land
-“that pastureth horses,” nor had it “wide courses or meadowland.” The
-plains of Thessaly and Argos, the homes of Achilles and Agamemnon
-respectively, were, however, famed for their horses, and the plain
-of Troy was large enough for the chariot-race. The only other
-chariot-races mentioned in the Iliad are held in Elis: XI, 696 f.;
-XXIII, 630 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38"><span class="label">38</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on certain sarcophagi: see Murray, <i>Sarcophagi
-in the British Museum</i>, Pls. II, III (one from Klazomenai).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39"><span class="label">39</span></a> The true <i>hoplomachia</i> described by Homer and later
-practised by the Mantineans and Kyreneans (<i>cf.</i> Athenæus, IV, 41, p.
-154) should not be confounded, as Gardiner, p. 21, n. 3, remarks, with
-the later competition of the same name held at the Athenian <i>Theseia</i>
-and taught in the gymnasia, which was a purely military exercise like
-fencing: Plato, <i>Laches</i>, 182B and <i>passim</i>; <i>Gorgias</i>, 456D; <i>de
-Leg.</i>, 833E; <i>cf.</i> Dar.-Sagl., <i>s. v.</i> <i>Hoplomachia</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40"><span class="label">40</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Leaf, in his <i>Companion to the Iliad</i>, 1892, p.
-380; <i>id.</i>, <i>The Iliad</i>, II, p. 417, note on line 621.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41"><span class="label">41</span></a> Iliad, XXIII, 634 f.; <i>ibid.</i>, 621–3, where Achilles
-gives Nestor a prize because he will never again be able to contend in
-boxing, wrestling, hurling the javelin, or running. In Od., VIII, 103
-and 128, leaping is substituted for chariot-racing.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42"><span class="label">42</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Iliad, XXII, 163–4: “The great prize ... of a
-man that is dead”; XXIII, 630 f., where Nestor recalls victories in the
-games held by the Epeians at Bouprasion in Elis at the funeral of the
-local hero Amarynkeus. Bouprasion is also mentioned in Iliad, XI, 756,
-in Nestor’s story of the war between the Pylians and Epeians and of
-the war waged by his father Neleus on Augeas, for stealing four horses
-which had been sent to Elis to contend for a tripod.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43"><span class="label">43</span></a> Examples of panegyric games in honor of gods are found
-also in the Homeric Hymn to the Delian Apollo, I, 146 f.; in Pindar,
-<i>Ol.</i>, IX. 6 (Zeus); P., VIII, 2.1 (Zeus) and schol.; and Hdt., I, 144
-(Apollo) and schol.; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44"><span class="label">44</span></a> P., VIII, 4.5. For other examples of funeral games, see
-references in Krause, p. 9, n. 3. He also shows that musical contests
-were funerary in character.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">45</span></a> The scholiast on Pindar, <i>Nem.</i>, Argum., Boeckh, p. 424
-B, and <i>Isthm.</i>, Argum., p. 514, calls the Nemean and Isthmian games
-funerary; Clem. Alex., <i>Protrept.</i>, Ch. II, 34, 29 P. (quoted by
-Eusebios, <i>Praep. evang.</i>, II, 6, 72 b. c.) says that all four great
-games were funerary in origin.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46"><span class="label">46</span></a> P., I., 44.8; Clem. Alex., <i>Strom.</i>, I, Ch. 21, 137, 401
-P.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47"><span class="label">47</span></a> P., II, 15.2–3; Apollod., III, 6, 4; Hyginus, <i>Fab.</i>,
-74; schol. on Pindar’s <i>Nem.</i>, Argum. Here the umpires wore mourning
-garments because of the origin of the games; see Gardiner, p. 225.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48"><span class="label">48</span></a> Aristotle, <i>Peplos</i>, frag. = <i>F. H. G.</i>, II, p. 189, no.
-282; Clem. Alex., <i>Protr.</i>, Ch. I, 2, 2 P. and Ch. II, 34, 29 P.; Hyg.,
-<i>Fab.</i>, 140. For a different story of the founding (to appease Apollo
-for not protecting the temple when Delphi was invaded by Danaos), see
-Augustine, <i>de Civ. Dei</i>, XVIII, 12; <i>cf.</i> schol. on Pind., <i>Pyth.</i>,
-Argum.; Ovid, <i>Met.</i>, I, 445f. The <i>Pythia</i> were reorganized by the
-Amphictyons as a funeral contest in honor of the soldiers who fell in
-the first Sacred War.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49"><span class="label">49</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> P., V, 13.1–2; Clem. Alex., <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">50</span></a> V, 7.6–9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">51</span></a> See Strabo, VIII, 3.30 (C.354–5); Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, II, 3
-f.; VI, 67 f.; X, 25 f.; Diod., IV, 14 and V, 64. According to Pindar,
-<i>ll. cc.</i> and the scholiast on <i>Ol.</i>, II, 2, 5, and 7, Boeckh, pp.
-58–9, Herakles, the son of Zeus, instituted the games in honor of
-Zeus; but Statius, <i>Theb.</i>, VI, 5 f., Solinus, I, 28 (ed. Mommsen),
-Hyg., <i>Fab.</i>, 273. Clem. Alex., <i>Strom.</i>, I, Ch. 21, 137, say it was
-in honor of Pelops. On the traditional connection of Herakles with
-Olympia, see E. Curtius, <i>Abh. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin,
-philos.-histor. Kl.</i>, 1894, pp. 1098 f.; Busolt, <i>Griech. Gesch</i><sup>2</sup>,
-1893, I, pp. 240 f. On legends of the early history of Olympia, see
-Krause, <i>Olympia, oder Darstellung der grossen olympischen Spielen</i>,
-1838, pp. 26 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52"><span class="label">52</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Frazer, II, pp. 549–50; Krause, p. 9, n. 3; from
-these two many of the following examples are taken. <i>Cf.</i> also Rouse,
-pp. 4 and 10; Koerte, Die Entstehung der Olympionikenliste, <i>Hermes</i>,
-XXXIX, 1904, pp. 224 f.; Krause, <i>Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien</i>,
-1841, pp. 9 f. (Pythian), 112 f. (Nemean), 170 f. (Isthmian); Gardiner,
-pp. 27 f.; see also Ridgeway, <i>Origin of Tragedy</i>, 1910, pp. 36, 38,
-and <i>cf.</i> <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXXI, 1911, p. <span class="smcap">XLVII</span>. Since the simple
-theory of the origin of the Olympic Festival in the funeral games in
-honor of Pelops does not explain all the legends of the games nor all
-the peculiar customs of the festival, and because of the inadequate
-character of the literary evidence (the earliest mention of it being a
-Delphic oracle quoted by Phlegon, <i>F. H. G.</i>, p. 604; <i>cf.</i> Clem. Alex.,
-<i>Protrept</i>, II, 34, p. 29), it has been attacked by F. M. Cornford
-(in Miss Harrison’s <i>Themis</i>, pp. 212 f.) and others. These scholars
-have tried to find the origin of the Olympic games rather in a ritual
-contest of succession to the throne, the honors extended to a victor
-being held to prove his kingly or divine character. The theory was
-first proposed by A. B. Cook, The European Sky God, <i>Folk Lore</i>, 1904,
-and has recently been elaborated by Frazer in his <i>Golden Bough</i>,<sup>3</sup>
-III, pp. 89 f., who has attempted to harmonize it with his earlier
-funeral theory. The inadequacy of the newer theory has been shown by E.
-N. Gardiner, The Alleged Kingship of the Olympic Victor, <i>B. S. A.</i>,
-XXII, 1916–18, pp. 85 f. For a review of his paper, see also <i>J. H.
-S.</i>, XXXVIII, 1918, pp. <span class="smcap">XLVII</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53"><span class="label">53</span></a> V, 13.2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54"><span class="label">54</span></a> According to the same scholiast, on 1. 149; Boeckh, p.
-43.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55"><span class="label">55</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> <i>C. I. G.</i>, II, 1969, ἀγὼν ... ἐπιτάφιος
-θεματικός.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56"><span class="label">56</span></a> Hdt., VI, 38.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57"><span class="label">57</span></a> P., III, 14.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58"><span class="label">58</span></a> Thukyd., V, 11.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59"><span class="label">59</span></a> Plut., <i>Timoleon</i>, 39; Diod. Sic., XVI, 90.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">60</span></a> Aulus Gellius, X, 18.5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61"><span class="label">61</span></a> Arrian, <i>Anabasis</i>, VII, 14. Games were held every four
-years in honor of Antinoos, the favorite of Hadrian, at Mantinea: P.,
-VIII, 9.8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62"><span class="label">62</span></a> Strabo, XIV, 1.31 (C. 644.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63"><span class="label">63</span></a> P., IX, 2, 5–6; he says that they were celebrated every
-fourth year and that the chief prizes were for running.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64"><span class="label">64</span></a> Philostr., <i>Vit. Soph.</i>, II, p. 624; Heliod., <i>Aethiop.</i>,
-I, 17; Aristotle, <i>Constit. of Athens</i>, 58; <i>cf.</i> P., I, 29.4. Games
-were also held in the Academy in honor of Eurygyes: Hesych., <i>s. v.</i>
-ἐπ’ Εὐρυγύῃ ἀγών.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65"><span class="label">65</span></a> Dennis, <i>Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria</i>,<sup>3</sup> 1883, I, p.
-374 (Corneto); II, pp. 323 and 330 (Chiusi).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66"><span class="label">66</span></a> On the Etruscan origin of the <i>ludi funebres</i>, see
-Val. Max., II, 4.4; Tertullian, <i>de Spect.</i>, 12; Servius <i>ad</i> Virg.,
-<i>Aen.</i>, X, 520. For the Etruscan origin of the <i>munera gladiatorum</i>,
-see Tertull., <i>op. cit.</i>, 5; Athenæus, IV, 39 (quoting Nikolaos of
-Damascus); <i>cf.</i> Strabo, V, 4.13 (C. 250). They were first introduced
-into Rome in 264 B.&nbsp;C. in honor of D. Junius Brutus; Livy, XVI (Epit.);
-and are frequently mentioned: <i>e. g.</i>, by Livy, XXIII, 30, 15; XXXI,
-50, 4; XXXIX, 46, 2; XLI, 28, 11; Polyb., XXXII, 14, 5; Serv., <i>ad
-Aen.</i>, III, 67 and V, 78; Suetonius, <i>Julius</i>, 26; etc. See Dar.-Sagl.,
-II, 2, pp. 1384 f., 1563 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67"><span class="label">67</span></a> Page 28; he quotes P. W. Joyce, <i>Social History of
-Ireland</i>, II, pp. 435 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68"><span class="label">68</span></a> V, 17.5–19.10. The description of the throne (P., III,
-18.9 f; <i>cf.</i> Apollodoros, I, 9.28) is merely summary, as Pausanias
-only mentions the games represented on it without describing them in
-detail.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69"><span class="label">69</span></a> The best reconstruction of the scenes on the chest is by
-H. Stuart Jones: <i>J. H. S.</i>, XIV, 1894, pp. 30–80 and Pl. I (repeated
-by Frazer, III, Pl. X, opp. p. 606). See also Robert, <i>Hermes</i>, XXIII,
-1888, pp. 436 f.; Pernice, <i>Jb.</i>, III, 1888, pp. 365 f.; Studniczka,
-<i>Jb.</i>, IX, 1894, pp. 52 f., n. 16; Collignon, I, pp. 93–100; Furtw.,
-<i>Mw.</i>, pp. 723–32.
-</p>
-<p>
-The best attempt to reconstruct the scenes on the throne is by
-Furtwaengler: <i>Mw.</i>, fig. 135, opposite p. 706; text, pp. 689–719;
-<i>cf.</i> the best of the older attempts by Brunn, <i>Rhein. Mus.</i>, N. F., V,
-1847, p. 325; <i>id.</i>, <i>Kunst bei Homer</i>, pp. 22 f.; <i>id.</i>, <i>Griech.
-Kunstgesch.</i>, 1893, I, pp. 178 f. <i>Cf.</i> also Klein, <i>Arch.-epigr. Mitt.
-aus Oesterr.-Ungarn</i>, IX, 1885, pp. 145 f.; against Klein, see Pernice,
-as above, p. 369. <i>Cf.</i> Collignon, I, pp. 230–2; Murray, I, pp. 89 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70"><span class="label">70</span></a> If we followed Pausanias’ account that this was the very
-chest made to save the infant Kypselos, father of Periandros and future
-tyrant of Corinth, and that it was dedicated at Olympia by the Kypselid
-family (for the story, see Hdt., V, 92), the chest would belong to the
-eighth century B.&nbsp;C., and must have been dedicated before 586–5 B.
-C., when the Kypselid dynasty ended at Corinth; see Busolt, <i>Griech.
-Gesch.</i>,<sup>2</sup> I, pp. 638 and 657. However, the chest at Olympia had
-nothing to do with the legendary one, but was merely a richly decorated
-offering to the gods, the work of a Corinthian artist of the end of the
-seventh or beginning of the sixth century B.&nbsp;C., and one who knew the
-epic poems well.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71"><span class="label">71</span></a> <i>Vasen</i>, 1655; Perrot-Chipiez, IX, p. 637, fig. 348
-(departure of Amphiaraos); p. 639, fig. 349 (chariot-race); Gardiner,
-p. 29, fig. 3; Frazer, III, p. 609, fig. 77; Baum. I, fig. 69; and see
-Robert <i>Annali</i>, XLVI, 1874, pp. 82 f.; <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, X, 1874–1878,
-Pls. IV, V. The discovery of this vase at Cerveteri (Caere) in 1872
-proved the Corinthian workmanship of the chest.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72"><span class="label">72</span></a> Micali, <i>Monumenti per servire all’historia degli antichi
-popoli Italiani</i><sup>2</sup>, 1833, Pl. XCV; described by Jahn, <i>Archaeol.
-Aufsaetze</i>, pp. 154 f. (quoted by Frazer, III, p. 610). For scenes
-representing the departure of Amphiaraos and a four-horse chariot-race,
-see also an Attic-Corinthian vase in Florence: Perrot-Chipiez, X, pp.
-109 and 111, figs. 78, 79 (&#8239;=&#8239;Thiersch, <i>Tyrrhenische Amphoren</i>, Pl.
-IV); the latter also gives us the oldest representation of a Greek
-stadion.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73"><span class="label">73</span></a> <i>A. Z.</i> XLIII, 1885, Pl. VIII; Gardiner, p. 30, fig. 4
-(one side).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74"><span class="label">74</span></a> Cited by Gardiner, pp. 30–31; Inghirami, <i>Mon. Etr.</i>,
-1821–1826, III, 19, 20; Schreiber, <i>Bilder-atlas</i>, Pl. XIII, 6; M. W.,
-I, Pl. LX, fig. 302b.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75"><span class="label">75</span></a> Reproduced by Gardiner, p. 21, fig. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76"><span class="label">76</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> on this topic, Gardiner, pp. 31–2; <i>cf.</i> <i>B. S.
-A.</i>, XXII, 1916–18, p. 86, where, in speaking of the disputed origin
-of the custom of funeral games, he says: “It is at least conceivable
-that it originated from different causes in different places and among
-different peoples.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77"><span class="label">77</span></a> See a list of twenty-five local <i>Olympia</i> in Smith’s
-<i>Dictionary of Antiquities</i>,<sup>3</sup> 1891, II, pp. 273 f., <i>s. v.</i> <i>Olympia</i>,
-taken from Krause, <i>Olympia</i>, pp. 202 f. Dar.-Sagl., IV, i, pp. 194 f., list 34 local <i>Olympia</i>. Most of these lesser <i>Olympia</i>
-are known to us only from inscriptions and coins. Peisistratos appears
-to have founded annual <i>Olympia</i> at Athens, when he began to build the
-Olympieion; Pindar seems to allude to them in <i>Nem.</i> II, 23 (<i>cf.</i>
-schol. <i>ad loc.</i>); they were reorganized magnificently by Hadrian in A.
-D. 131; Spartianus, <i>Vit. Hadriani</i>, 13. <i>Cf.</i> Gardiner, p. 229.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78"><span class="label">78</span></a> Lysias, <i>Paneg.</i>, notes this fact, when he says that
-Herakles restored peace and unity by instituting the games. Pausanias
-speaks similarly of the restoration of the games by Iphitos and
-Lykourgos: V, 4.5 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79"><span class="label">79</span></a> P., V, 1.3; 3.6; Strabo, VIII, 3.33 (C.357).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80"><span class="label">80</span></a> The decree governing the festival was inscribed on a
-diskos, which dates probably from the seventh century B.&nbsp;C., and was
-preserved in the Heraion down to the time of Pausanias. On it the names
-of Iphitos and Lykourgos were legible down to Aristotle’s day: P., V,
-20.1; Plut., <i>Lycurgus</i>, I. 1. Phlegon, <i>F. H. G.</i>, III, p. 602, and a
-scholion on Plato, <i>de Rep.</i>, 465 D, mention Kleosthenes; <i>cf.</i> Louis
-Dyer, <i>Harvard Classical Studies</i>, 1908, pp. 40 f.; Gardiner, p. 43, n.
-1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81"><span class="label">81</span></a> For a discussion of the sources and history of this
-register, originally compiled near the end of the fifth century B.&nbsp;C.
-by Hippias of Elis (Plut., <i>Numa</i>, I, 4; <i>cf.</i> Mahaffy, <i>J. H. S.</i>, II,
-1881, pp. 164f.), and revised by various later writers from Aristotle
-and Philochoros to Phlegon of Tralles and Julius Africanus, see
-Juethner, <i>Ph.</i>, pp. 60–70. From it a complete list of stade-runners
-was copied by the church-historian Eusebios from Africanus, who had
-brought it down to 217 A.&nbsp;D.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82"><span class="label">82</span></a> V, 8.6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83"><span class="label">83</span></a> Mentioned by P., V, 4.6 and elsewhere; for the mythical account see P., V, 7.6–8.5 (from
-Herakles to Oxylos); V, 8.5, and V, 9.4 (revived under the presidency of Iphitos and the descendants
-of Oxylos). Phlegon, <i>F. H. G.</i>, III, p. 603, says that the games were discontinued for 28
-Olympiads from the time of Herakles and Pelops to that of Koroibos. Velleius Paterculus, I, 8
-(ed. Halm), dates the revival under Iphitos, 793 B.&nbsp;C. Strabo, quoting Ephoros, says that the
-Achæans controlled Olympia to the time of Oxylos; for his mythical account of the games, see
-VIII, 3.33 (C. 357). On presidents of the games being elected from the Eleans, see P., V, 9.4–6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84"><span class="label">84</span></a> Especially by Xenophon, <i>Hell.</i>, III, 2.31; VII, 4.28. Pausanias omits all evidence of the
-part played by Kleosthenes in the truce. See Gardiner, pp. 44 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85"><span class="label">85</span></a> See Doerpfeld, <i>A. M.</i>, XXXIII, 1908, pp. 185 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86"><span class="label">86</span></a> Recently E. N. Gardiner has argued that the worship of Zeus came directly from Dodona to
-Olympia before it had reached Crete and that Cretan elements in the cult first appear at Olympia
-in the VIII century B.&nbsp;C. He believes that the worship of Hera reached Olympia from Argos
-later than that of Zeus, toward the end of the VIII century B.&nbsp;C., when he supposes the Heraion
-was built as a joint temple to both deities; <i>B. S. A.</i>, XXII, 1916–18, pp. 85–86.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87"><span class="label">87</span></a> On his cult see P., V, 13.2, and scholion on Pindar, <i>Ol.</i> I, 146 and 149, Boeckh, p. 43. After
-being reduced to the rank of hero, Pelops still kept his own precinct in the Altis throughout antiquity.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88"><span class="label">88</span></a> On the history of Olympia, see Gardiner, pp. 38 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89"><span class="label">89</span></a> For the legends connected with the origin of the three, see Krause, <i>Die Pythien, Nemeen und
-Isthmien</i>, and the various articles in Dar.-Sagl.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90"><span class="label">90</span></a> Schol. on Pindar, <i>Pyth.</i>, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91"><span class="label">91</span></a> On the Sacred or Krisaian War (590 B.&nbsp;C.), see Bury, <i>History of Greece</i>, 1913, pp. 158–9. The
-first Pythiad was reckoned from 586 (not from 582 as Bury and others state): see Frazer, V,
-p. 244; Boeckh, <i>Explic. ad Pind.</i>, <i>Ol.</i>, XII, pp. 206 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92"><span class="label">92</span></a> See Strabo, IX, 3.10, (C. 421); P., X, 7.4–5; schol. on Pind., <i>Pyth.</i>, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298.
-Ovid’s idea (<i>Met.</i>, I, 445) that boxing, running, and chariot-racing existed from the first, is
-wrong. On the Pythian games, see Gardiner, pp. 208 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">93</span></a> On the Nemean games, see Gardiner, pp. 223–6. As no proper excavations have been made on
-the site, our knowledge of the games is confined almost entirely to literary evidence.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94"><span class="label">94</span></a> P., II, 15.3, and VI, 16.4, mentions a winter celebration. The scholiast on Pindar’s <i>Nem.</i>,
-Argum., Boeckh, pp. 424–5, says that it was a τριετής held on the 12th of the month Panemos,
-and so it was a summer and not a winter celebration. On theories of two celebrations, see
-Frazer, II, pp. 92–3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95"><span class="label">95</span></a> They were not held in midsummer as some have maintained: see Thukyd., VIII, 9–10; Unger,
-<i>Philologus</i>, XXXVII, 1877, 1–42; Nissen, <i>Rhein. Mus.</i>, XLII, 1887, pp. 46 f. On the Isthmian
-games, see Gardiner, pp. 214 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96"><span class="label">96</span></a> For the nine-day celebration of the <i>Great Panathenaia</i>, see A. Mommsen, <i>Feste der Stadt Athen</i>,
-1898, p. 153; <i>cf.</i> Gardiner, pp. 229 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97"><span class="label">97</span></a> See Mommsen, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 278 f., and <i>Heortologie</i>, 1864, pp. 269 f. In recent years victor lists
-of the <i>Theseia</i> have been found: <i>C. I. G.</i>, II, 444–450, esp. 447; for two other fragments, see <i>A. M.</i>,
-XXX, 1905, pp. 213 f, and <i>Beilag</i>, a and b (c = <i>C. I. G.</i>, above). For other lists of victors of local
-games, see <i>A. M.</i>, XXVIII, 1903, pp. 338 f. (Oropos, Samos, Larisa). For vase-paintings of the
-athletic exploits of Theseus, see Harrison, <i>Mythology and Monuments of Ancient Athens</i>, 1890, pp.
-<span class="smcap">XCVIII</span> f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98"><span class="label">98</span></a> See <i>Ol.</i>, IX, 89; XIII, 110; <i>Pyth.</i>, VIII, 79.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99"><span class="label">99</span></a> Iliad, XXIII, 262–70; <i>cf.</i> XXII, 163–4, where the prizes were slave women and tripods.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">100</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 700–5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101"><span class="label">101</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 653–6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102"><span class="label">102</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 740–51.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103"><span class="label">103</span></a> <i>Op.</i>, 653–9; <i>cf. Scut.</i>, 312–13.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104"><span class="label">104</span></a> Iliad, XI, 700; XXIII, 264; Hesiod, <i>Scut.</i>, 312. It is thus represented on a Dipylon vase:
-<i>Mon. d. I.</i>, IX, 1869–73, Pl. XXXIX, 2; on the Corinthian vase representing the funeral games
-of Pelias and Amphiaraos: <i>ibid.</i>, X, Pl. V B; on the François vase, and on many others.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105"><span class="label">105</span></a> Iliad, XXII, 164; <i>cf.</i> Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCXLVII.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106"><span class="label">106</span></a> Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLVI.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107"><span class="label">107</span></a> On an amphora by Nikosthenes: Klein, <i>Griech. Vasen mit Meistersignaturen</i>,<sup>2</sup> 1887, Pl. XXXI.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108"><span class="label">108</span></a> Iliad, XXIII, 702, as above.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109"><span class="label">109</span></a> Hdt., I, 144.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110"><span class="label">110</span></a> Ion, <i>ap.</i> P., VII, 4.10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111"><span class="label">111</span></a> Aristeid., I, p. 841 (ed. Dindorf).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112"><span class="label">112</span></a> Polemon <i>ap.</i> schol. on Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, VII, 153, Boeckh, pp. 180–1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113"><span class="label">113</span></a> On the above-mentioned Corinthian vase: <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, X, Pls. IV, V; on the chest of Kypselos:
-P., V, 17.11.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114"><span class="label">114</span></a> In the Iliad, as above.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115"><span class="label">115</span></a> P., III, 18.7–8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116"><span class="label">116</span></a> <i>A. Z.</i>, XL, 1882, p. 333; <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, VI, 1882, p. 118.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117"><span class="label">117</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, IX, 1885, p. 478.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118"><span class="label">118</span></a> P., IX, 10.4; Hdt., I, 92.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119"><span class="label">119</span></a> See Carapanos, <i>Dodone et ses Ruines</i>, 1878, pp. 40, 41, and 229, and Pl. XXIII, 2.2 <i>bis</i>, 3, 4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120"><span class="label">120</span></a> P., X, 7.6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121"><span class="label">121</span></a> P., IV, 32.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122"><span class="label">122</span></a> On the tripod, see Reisch, pp. 6–7 and 58–9; Rouse, pp. 150–1 and 355; most of the above
-examples have been taken from these writers.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123"><span class="label">123</span></a> <i>Nem.</i>, X, 45 f.; <i>cf.</i> schol. on <i>Ol.</i>, VII, 153, Boeckh, pp. 180–1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124"><span class="label">124</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 965. On the value of bronze, <i>cf.</i> Reisch, p. 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125"><span class="label">125</span></a> Schol. on Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, VII, 152, Boeckh, p. 180.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126"><span class="label">126</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Ol.</i>, VII, 156, Boeckh, p. 181.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127"><span class="label">127</span></a> Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, IX, 89–90.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128"><span class="label">128</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Nem.</i>, IX, 51; X, 43 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129"><span class="label">129</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Nem.</i>, X, 44; schol. on <i>Ol.</i>, XIII, 155 and VII, 156, Boeckh, pp. 288 and 156, and
-<i>Explic. ad Olymp.</i>, IX, 102, p. 194.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130"><span class="label">130</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, III, <span class="smcap">1</span>, 116.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131"><span class="label">131</span></a> Schol. on Pindar, <i>Nem.</i>, X, 64, Boeckh, p. 504; <i>cf.</i> <i>C. I. A.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 965.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132"><span class="label">132</span></a> <i>A. G.</i>, XIII, 8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133"><span class="label">133</span></a> <i>I. G. A.</i>, 525; <i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, 257.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134"><span class="label">134</span></a> For many of these examples, see Reisch, pp. 57 f. (and notes), and Rouse, pp. 150–1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135"><span class="label">135</span></a> At the <i>Panathenaia</i> a golden crown was given the victorious harpist, a hydria to the torch-racer,
-and an ox to the victor in the pyrrhic chorus: <i>C. I. A.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 965. Weapons were given at
-Delos: <i>C. I. G.</i>, II, 2360; a golden crown was given at the Pythian games in Delphi to the city
-which furnished the finest sacrificial ox: Xenophon, <i>Hell.</i>, IV, 4.9; here also golden crowns and
-arms were presented for soldiers’ contests: Xenophon, <i>ibid.</i>, III, 4.8 and IV, 2.7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136"><span class="label">136</span></a> VIII, 48.2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137"><span class="label">137</span></a> Foerster, 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138"><span class="label">138</span></a> Frag., (= <i>F. H. G.</i>, III, p. 604).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139"><span class="label">139</span></a> V, 7.7; <i>cf.</i> Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, III, 24 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140"><span class="label">140</span></a> <i>Ol.</i>, III, 13 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141"><span class="label">141</span></a> Pseudo-Aristot., <i>de mirab. Auscult.</i>, 51; schol. on Aristoph., <i>Plutus</i>, 586; Suidas, <i>s. v.</i> κοτίνου
-στεφάνῳ.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142"><span class="label">142</span></a> P., V, 15.3; <i>cf.</i> Theophrastos, <i>Hist. Plant.</i>, IV, 13, 2; Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XVI, 240.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143"><span class="label">143</span></a> Schol. on Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, III, 60, Boeckh, p. 102.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144"><span class="label">144</span></a> Pseudo-Aristot., <i>l. c.</i>; schol. on Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, III, 60, and VIII, 12, Boeckh, pp. 102 and 189.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145"><span class="label">145</span></a> Weniger, <i>Der heilige Oelbaum in Olympia</i>, 1895.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146"><span class="label">146</span></a> P., X, 7.5; <i>Marmor Parium</i>, 53 f. On the reason why the laurel was the prize for a Pythian
-victory, see P., X, 7.8; <i>cf.</i> VIII, 48.2 (as above); schol. on Pindar, <i>Pyth.</i>, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298.
-On the Delphian laurel, see also Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XV, 127; <i>Dio Cass.</i>, LXIII, 9. Virgil crowns his
-victors with laurel: <i>Aen.</i>, V, 246 and 539.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147"><span class="label">147</span></a> Aelian, <i>Var. Hist.</i>, III, 1; schol. on Pindar, <i>Pyth.</i>, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148"><span class="label">148</span></a> See Gardiner, p. 208, fig. 27, a coin in the British Museum: <i>B. M. Coins, Delphi</i>, 38.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149"><span class="label">149</span></a> <i>Anacharsis</i>, 9; see also <i>C. I. A.</i>, III, 116; Kaibel, <i>Epigrammata graeca</i>, 1878, no. 931.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150"><span class="label">150</span></a> <i>Nem.</i>, IV, 88; <i>Ol.</i>, XIII, 32 f.; <i>Isthm.</i>, II, 16, VIII, 64.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151"><span class="label">151</span></a> Schol. on Pindar, <i>Nem.</i>, Argum., Boeckh, p. 426.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152"><span class="label">152</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, P., VIII, 48.2; <i>cf.</i> Plut., <i>Qaest. conviv.</i>, V, 3.3; <i>Timoleon</i>, 26.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153"><span class="label">153</span></a> Krause, <i>Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien</i>, pp. 197 f.; schol. on <i>Isthm.</i>, Argum., Boeckh, p. 514.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154"><span class="label">154</span></a> See <i>B. M. Coins, Corinth</i>, 509–12; 564; 602–3 (603 = Gardiner, p. 214, fig. 28); 624; <i>cf.</i> <i>I. G.</i>, II,
-1320, and Gardiner, p. 222, n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155"><span class="label">155</span></a> P., II, 1.7. Curtius, <i>Peloponnesos</i>, II, p. 543, believes that the pine was not a fir, but the <i>Pinus
-maritima</i>; Philippson, in the <i>Zeitschr. d. Gesellsch. fuer Erdkunde zu Berlin</i>, XXV, 1890, pp. 74 f.,
-believes that it was the <i>Pinus halepensis</i> Mill.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156"><span class="label">156</span></a> See Droysen, <i>Hermes</i>, XIV, 1879, p. 3; Head, <i>Historia Nummorum</i>, pp. 146 f.; Imhoof-Blumer
-and O. Keller, <i>Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Muenzen und Gemmen</i>, Pl. VI, 8; VII, 2; IX, 9–12;
-XXV, 19.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157"><span class="label">157</span></a> VIII, 48.2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158"><span class="label">158</span></a> See Tarbell, <i>Class. Phil.</i>, III, pp. 264 f.; he traces its origin to Delos and its popularity to the
-restoration of the Delian festival by the Athenians in 426 B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159"><span class="label">159</span></a> Mentioned by Phanias, <i>ap.</i> Athen., VI, 21 (232 c.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160"><span class="label">160</span></a> <i>Op.</i>, 654 f.; <i>cf.</i> P., IX, 31.3. The spurious epigram in <i>A. G.</i>, VII, 53, may have been engraved
-on this tripod set up in the temple on Mt. Helikon.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161"><span class="label">161</span></a> P., X, 7.6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162"><span class="label">162</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, IV, 373<sup>79</sup>; another is mentioned <i>ibid.</i>, I, 493.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163"><span class="label">163</span></a> Hdt., V, 60.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164"><span class="label">164</span></a> Hdt., I, 144.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165"><span class="label">165</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, pp. 72 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166"><span class="label">166</span></a> See Rouse, pp. 153 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167"><span class="label">167</span></a> V, 12.8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168"><span class="label">168</span></a> VI, 19.4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169"><span class="label">169</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Rouse, p. 160 and Reisch, p. 62 and n. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170"><span class="label">170</span></a> See Rouse, <i>l. c.</i>; for the inscription, <i>I. G. A.</i>, 370.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171"><span class="label">171</span></a> II, 29.9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172"><span class="label">172</span></a> <i>I. G. A.</i>, XIII, 449; see discussion of both stones in <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, 1907, pp. 2 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173"><span class="label">173</span></a> In Ol. 255 (&#8239;=&#8239;241 A.&nbsp;D.); Foerster, 739; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 240–1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174"><span class="label">174</span></a> See <i>Bronz. v. 0l.</i>, p. 179.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175"><span class="label">175</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, the inscribed lead weight of the seventh or sixth centuries B.&nbsp;C., found at Eleusis and
-dedicated by Epainetos: <i>C. I. A.</i>, IV, <small>2</small>, 422<sup>4</sup>; <i>cf. Arch. Eph.</i>, 1883, pp. 189–91.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176"><span class="label">176</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., p. 180; Tafelbd., Pl. LXV, 1101 a.; <i>cf.</i> another from the Cyrenaica in
-the British Museum: <i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, no. 326.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177"><span class="label">177</span></a> <i>C. I. G.</i>, I, 243; <i>C. I. A.</i>, III, 1, 124; <i>Rhein. Mus.</i>, XXXIV, 1879, p. 206; on prize torches, see
-<i>A. G.</i>, VI, 100, and <i>cf.</i> Kaibel, <i>Epigr. gr.</i>, 1878, 943.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178"><span class="label">178</span></a> Kallim., XLIX; <i>A. G.</i>, VI, 311; <i>cf.</i> Reisch, pp. 62 and 145–6, figs. 13, 14; Rouse, pp. 162–3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179"><span class="label">179</span></a> See Reisch, p. 62, and n. 4. The flutist Straton dedicated his flute at Thespiai in the third
-century B.&nbsp;C.: <i>C. I. G. G. S.</i>, I, 1818; a harpist his harp at Athens: <i>C. I. A.</i>, III, 112.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180"><span class="label">180</span></a> P., VI, 10.6–7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181"><span class="label">181</span></a> P., VI, 9.4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182"><span class="label">182</span></a> P., VI, 12.1</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183"><span class="label">183</span></a> P., VI, 10.8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184"><span class="label">184</span></a> P., VI, 16.9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185"><span class="label">185</span></a> P., V, 12.5; the monument consisted of bronze horses only.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186"><span class="label">186</span></a> P., VI, 16.6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187"><span class="label">187</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, chariots and drivers, <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 248, 248a, 249, 250; Textbd., pp.
-39–40; chariots without drivers, <i>ibid.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 252, 252a, 253; Textbd., p. 40; charioteers
-without chariots, <i>ibid.</i>, Pl. XVI, 251; Textbd., p. 40; horses belonging to two-wheeled chariots,
-<i>ibid.</i>, Pl. XVI, 254, 254a; Textbd., pp. 40–1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188"><span class="label">188</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. XXV, 498 f.; Textbd., p. 68.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189"><span class="label">189</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>; he is followed by Reisch, p. 61; Rouse, p. 166, however, thinks that they
-would have been an “artistic blunder.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190"><span class="label">190</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. XXV, 503 f.; Textbd., p. 69.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191"><span class="label">191</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Pl. XXV, 510; some are older than the date of the introduction of the mule-car race,
-Ol. 70 (&#8239;=&#8239;500 B.&nbsp;C.), and some may have been used as bases for animal figures: <i>e. g.</i>, Pl. XXV, 509;
-Textbd., p. 69.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192"><span class="label">192</span></a> Rouse, p. 165, suggests, though without evidence, that they may have been offered before the
-contest with a propitiatory sacrifice.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193"><span class="label">193</span></a> Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 71.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194"><span class="label">194</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, XXXIV, 78: <i>fecit et quadrigas bigasque</i>, etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195"><span class="label">195</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, XXXIV, 63 and 64: <i>fecit et quadrigas multorum generum</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196"><span class="label">196</span></a> P., VI, 12.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197"><span class="label">197</span></a> Either in Ol. 69 (&#8239;=&#8239;504 B.&nbsp;C.) or 70 (&#8239;=&#8239;500 B.&nbsp;C.) or before 67 (&#8239;=&#8239;512 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 126;
-Foerster, 778 (undated).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198"><span class="label">198</span></a> P., VI, 14.4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199"><span class="label">199</span></a> The father won κέλητι in Ol. 66 or 67 (&#8239;=&#8239;516 or 512 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 120; Foerster, 129 and
-149a; P., VI, 13.9; the sons won in the same event in Ol. 68 (&#8239;=&#8239;508 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 121, and
-pp. 50–51; Foerster, 152; P., VI, 13.10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200"><span class="label">200</span></a> VI, 2.1–2; he won in the heavy-armed race and in charioteering in Ols. (?) 83, 84, (&#8239;=&#8239;448, 444
-B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211a; Foerster believes that the two statues represented Lykinos and
-his charioteer, and that they stood in the chariot, which is not mentioned by Pausanias.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201"><span class="label">201</span></a> So Foerster, l. c.; see also Robert, O. S., p. 176; Rutgers, p. 144; and Klein, <i>Archaeol.-epigr.
-Mitt, aus Oesterr.-Ungarn</i>, VII, 1883, p. 70. For an improbable view, see Brunn, I, p. 479.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202"><span class="label">202</span></a> P., VI, 12.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203"><span class="label">203</span></a> Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXIV, 75.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204"><span class="label">204</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, XXXIV, 78.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205"><span class="label">205</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, XXXIV, 19.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206"><span class="label">206</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 255–7; XVI, 258; Textbd., p. 41; terra-cotta horses, <i>ibid.</i>,
-XVII, 267–75; Textbd., pp. 43–4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207"><span class="label">207</span></a> See Rouse, p. 167.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208"><span class="label">208</span></a> Pindar, <i>Pyth.</i>, V, 34 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209"><span class="label">209</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, IV, <small>2</small>, p. 89, 373<sup>99</sup>; <i>cf.</i> <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1887, p. 146 (inscribed base reproduced).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210"><span class="label">210</span></a> Mentioned by the pseudo-Plutarch, <i>Vit. X Orat.</i>, IV (Isokrates), 42, p. 839 c</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211"><span class="label">211</span></a> Pindar’s <i>Pyth.</i> XII celebrates the victory of Midas of Akragas in flute-playing; he won in
-Pyth. 24 and 25 (&#8239;=&#8239;490 and 486 B.&nbsp;C.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212"><span class="label">212</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXV, 58; both at Corinth and Delphi.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213"><span class="label">213</span></a> Strabo, VIII, 6. 20 (C. 378); Aristeid., <i>Isthm.</i>, 45; Livy, XXXIII, 32. Dio Chrysostom
-has graphically described the crowds of spectators who still frequented the <i>Isthmia</i> in the first
-century A.&nbsp;D.: <i>Orat.</i>, VII (Διογένης ἢ περὶ ἀρετῆς); VIII (Διογένης ἢ Ἰσθμικός); <i>cf.</i> Gardiner, p. 173.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214"><span class="label">214</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Solon</i>, 23; Diog. Laert., 1, 55: etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215"><span class="label">215</span></a> For a list of victors, see Krause, <i>Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien</i>, pp. 209 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216"><span class="label">216</span></a> See Julian, <i>Epist.</i>, XXXV.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217"><span class="label">217</span></a> See Monceaux on the excavation of the temple of Poseidon, <i>Gaz. arch.</i>, IX, 1884, pp. 358 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218"><span class="label">218</span></a> Lucian, <i>Nero</i>, 2, says Olympia was the “most athletic” of all; Bacchylides, XII, emphasizes
-the athletic character of Nemea.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219"><span class="label">219</span></a> The boys’ pentathlon was introduced in the fifty-third Nemead (&#8239;=&#8239;467 B.&nbsp;C.) and the pankration
-for boys earlier: <i>cf.</i> Pindar, <i>Nem.</i>, V (in honor of the boy pancratiast Pytheas of Aegina;
-<i>cf.</i> Bacchylides, XIII); VII (in honor of the boy pentathlete Sogenes of Aegina, who won in
-Nem. 54); IV and VI (in honor of two Aeginetan boy wrestlers). The horse-race for boys is
-mentioned by P., VI, 16.4. Races in armor were also important: Ph., 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220"><span class="label">220</span></a> See Gardiner, pp. 223 f.; list of victors in Krause, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 147 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221"><span class="label">221</span></a> X, 9.2 (Frazer’s transl.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222"><span class="label">222</span></a> See Foucart and Wescher, <i>Inscriptions recueillies à Delphes</i>, 1863, no. 469; Haussoulier, <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>,
-VI, 1882, pp. 217 f.; Couve, <i>ibid.</i>, XVIII, 1894, pp. 70–100. One is in honor of the Corinthian
-singer Aristonos, who composed a hymn to Apollo, found at Delphi: <i>ibid.</i>, XVII, 1893, pp.
-563 f. A Samian flutist, Satyros, gained a prize without contest and recited a choral ode called
-<i>Dionysos</i> in the stadion, and played an air from Euripides’ <i>Bacchae</i> on the lyre; <i>ibid.</i>, XVII,
-pp. 84 f. Native towns erected statues to musical victors: <i>C. I. G.</i>, I., nos. 1719–20. One
-inscription records the rules to be observed by runners, who could not drink new wine, etc.:
-<i>J. H. S.</i>, XVI, 1896, p. 343 and <i>Berliner Philolog. Wochenschr.</i>, XVI, 1896, p. 831 (June 27); <i>cf.</i>
-Frazer, V, p. 260. The base of a statue of a boy wrestler has been found: <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXI, 1874, p. 57.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223"><span class="label">223</span></a> X, 9.2–3; on Phaÿllos, see Foerster, 794 (undated).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224"><span class="label">224</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 59.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225"><span class="label">225</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, §57.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226"><span class="label">226</span></a> On <i>Pyth.</i>, IX, Argum., Boeckh, p. 401 B.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227"><span class="label">227</span></a> XXIV, 7.10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228"><span class="label">228</span></a> To be discussed <i>infra</i>, in Ch. V.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229"><span class="label">229</span></a> II, 1.7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230"><span class="label">230</span></a> <i>I. G. B.</i>, nos. 120, 133, 148.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231"><span class="label">231</span></a> <i>C. I. G.</i>, II, 2888.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232"><span class="label">232</span></a> P., VIII, 38.5; <i>cf.</i> Reisch, p. 39, n. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233"><span class="label">233</span></a> P., I, 23.9; <i>C. I. A.</i>, I, 376; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 39.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234"><span class="label">234</span></a> P., I, 23.10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235"><span class="label">235</span></a> P., I, 24.3; <i>cf.</i> Reisch, p. 39.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236"><span class="label">236</span></a> Pseudo-Plutarch, <i>Vit. X Orat.</i>, already mentioned.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237"><span class="label">237</span></a> P., I, 18.3 and IX, 32.8; <i>cf.</i> Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 79.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238"><span class="label">238</span></a> <i>Contra Leocr.</i>, p. 51 (ed. Reiske, p. 176.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239"><span class="label">239</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Furtwaengler, <i>A. M.</i>, V, 1880, pp. 27 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240"><span class="label">240</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, I, 419; he won in Ol.77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241"><span class="label">241</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, II, <small>3</small>, 1303.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242"><span class="label">242</span></a> Aelian, <i>Var. Hist.</i>, IX, 32. Reisch, p. 39, ascribes these to the monument of the older Kimon,
-who won in chariot-racing three times at Olympia: Hdt., VI, 103; Plut., <i>Cato Major</i>, 5; Foerster,
-124 and 132.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243"><span class="label">243</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, II, <small>3</small>, 1300.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244"><span class="label">244</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1301; <i>cf.</i> <i>C. I. G.</i>, I, 233.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245"><span class="label">245</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1305, 1312.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246"><span class="label">246</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1302.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247"><span class="label">247</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1304.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248"><span class="label">248</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1323.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249"><span class="label">249</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1313.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250"><span class="label">250</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1314.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251"><span class="label">251</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1318–20.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252"><span class="label">252</span></a> The Ἑλλανοδίκαι, mentioned by P., V, 9. 4 f. and elsewhere; sometimes he calls them merely
-οἱ Ἠλεῖοι: <i>e. g.</i>, VI, 13.9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253"><span class="label">253</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, P., VI, 13.9, says that the Eleans allowed Pheidolas to dedicate a statue of his mare;
-in VI, 3.6, he says that they allowed the wrestler Kratinos to set up a statue of his trainer.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254"><span class="label">254</span></a> XXXIV, 16. See <i>infra</i>, pp. 54 and 354.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255"><span class="label">255</span></a> VI, 1.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256"><span class="label">256</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, p. 236.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257"><span class="label">257</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., pp. 19 f. (nude youths with lost attributes so that they can not be named
-with certainty); Tafelbd., Pl. VIII, 47 (the oldest); VII, 48 = F. W., 352 (Apollo, following Overbeck,
-<i>Gr. Kunstmytk.</i>, III, <i>Apollon</i>, p. 35, fig. 6); VIII, 49 = F. W., 353; VIII, 51–4 and 57 (the
-latter is a boxer of the fifth century B.&nbsp;C. = Fig. 2 in text); VI, 50; VI, 59 (right arm of a fifth-century
-B.&nbsp;C. diskobolos); VI, 63 (right lower leg). Purgold, <i>Annali</i>, LVII, 1885, pp. 167 f., makes
-these diskoboloi decorative in character.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258"><span class="label">258</span></a> De Ridder, no. 747.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259"><span class="label">259</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 746.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260"><span class="label">260</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 636.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261"><span class="label">261</span></a> Carapanos, <i>Dodone et ses Ruines</i>, 1878, Pl. XI, 1 and 1 <i>bis</i> (probably not Atalanta, as Carapanos
-suggests on p. 31, no. 4).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262"><span class="label">262</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXI, 1897, Pls. X and XI.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263"><span class="label">263</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, XV, 1890, p. 365.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264"><span class="label">264</span></a> <i>Jb.</i>, I, 1886, pp. 163 f., and Pl. IX; II, 1887, pp. 95 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265"><span class="label">265</span></a> Carapanos, <i>op. cit.</i>, Pl. XIII, 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266"><span class="label">266</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, see E. von Sacken, <i>Die antiken Bronzen des k. k. Muenz- und Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien</i>,
-1871, Pl. 37, fig. 4, and Pl. 45, fig. 1; <i>cf.</i> <i>J. H. S.</i>, I, Pl. V, fig. 1, text, pp. 176–7. See lists, from
-which many of the above examples are taken, in Reisch, p. 39, and Rouse, pp. 172 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267"><span class="label">267</span></a> The seven fragments collected by Treu, which are two-fifths to two-thirds life-size: <i>Bildw. v.
-Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 2, (= Fig. 78, <i>infra</i>) and Textbd., p. 216, no. 241; Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 3,
-4 and Textbd., p. 216, n. 4 and fig. 242.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268"><span class="label">268</span></a> V, 27.2–3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269"><span class="label">269</span></a> Reisch, pp. 39 f., gives examples of these for chariot victories at the <i>Panathenaia</i> and the games
-at Oropos, which latter were imitated from the <i>Panathenaia</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270"><span class="label">270</span></a> V, 16.3: καὶ δὴ ἀναθεῖναί σφισιν ἔστι γραψαμέναις εἰκόνας. Rouse, p. 167, n. 9, shows that
-these words do not mean “statues of themselves with their names engraved on them,” as
-Frazer translates, but painted reliefs.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271"><span class="label">271</span></a> Benndorf, <i>Griech. und Sicil. Vasenbilder</i>, I, Pl. IX, pp. 13 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272"><span class="label">272</span></a> I, 22.7. Reisch, p. 40, believes this represented a Panathenaic victor.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273"><span class="label">273</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXV, 99. <i>Cf.</i> E. Kroker, <i>Gleichnamige griechische Kuenstler</i>, 1883, p. 35.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274"><span class="label">274</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, §75.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275"><span class="label">275</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, §63.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276"><span class="label">276</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, §141.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277"><span class="label">277</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, §106.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278"><span class="label">278</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, §71.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279"><span class="label">279</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, §130.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280"><span class="label">280</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, §144.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281"><span class="label">281</span></a> P., VI, 14.13. He won the pentathlon twice some time between Ols. 126 and 132 (&#8239;=&#8239;276 and
-252 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 139; Foerster, 451 and 456; the inscription on one has been recovered: <i>Inschr. v.
-Ol.</i>, 176.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282"><span class="label">282</span></a> P., VI, 3.11. His victories in running races occurred in Ols. (?) 95, (?) 97 and 99; (&#8239;=&#8239;400, 392
-and 384 B.&nbsp;C.): Afr.; Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316. The inscription from the base of one is
-preserved in <i>A. G.</i>, XIII, 15.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283"><span class="label">283</span></a> P., VI, 2.1–2; Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211a.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284"><span class="label">284</span></a> P., VI, 15.10; he won the pankration and wrestling match in Ol. 142 (&#8239;=&#8239;212 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 150;
-Foerster, 474, 475.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285"><span class="label">285</span></a> P., VI, 1.4; he won in the two- and four-horse chariot-races in Ols. 102, 103 (&#8239;=&#8239;372 and 368
-B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338, 345; for the inscription on its base, see <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 166. P. Gardner,
-in <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXV, 1905, p. 245, infers that he had only one victory, in 372 B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286"><span class="label">286</span></a> P., VI, 2.2; he won in Ols. (?) 86, 87 (&#8239;=&#8239;436, 432 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 13; Foerster, 250, 256.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287"><span class="label">287</span></a> P., VI, 14.12; <i>Inschr. v . Ol.</i>, 170; <i>ibid.</i>, no. 154 belongs to the victory mentioned by Pausanias.
-He won κέλητι in Ol. (?) 83 (&#8239;=&#8239;448 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 133; Foerster, 327.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288"><span class="label">288</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Deinomenes set up a chariot-group to his father Hiero: P., VI, 12.1; Glaukos had a
-statue dedicated by his son: VI, 10.3; Menedemos set up a statue to his father of the same name:
-<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 214; the sons of Hiero II, the son of Hierokles, of Syracuse, set up in honor of their
-father two statues by the Syracusan statuary Mikon, one on horseback, the other on foot: P., VI,
-12.2 f.; Hyde 105a and pp. 44–5; another of the same Hiero was set up at Olympia by his sons:
-VI, 15.6; Hyde, 147a; these latter, however, are “honor” and not victor statues.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289"><span class="label">289</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Hermokrates dedicated a statue to his son Kleitomachos of Thebes: P., VI, 15.3 f.;
-he won in pankration and boxing in Ols. 141 and 142 (&#8239;=&#8239;216, 212 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 146; Foerster,
-472, 476. The epigram by Alkaios (= Minor) of Messenia is preserved in <i>A. G.</i>, IX, 588. For
-inscriptions after the time of Augustus, see <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 215 (Menedemos to his son of the same
-name); 216 (Aristodemos to his son Lykomedes of Elis); Foerster, 550; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 218 (Timolas
-to his son Archiadas of Elis); Foerster, 535; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290"><span class="label">290</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Klaudia Kleodike to her son M. Antonios Kallipos Peisanos of Elis: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 223;
-Foerster, 568.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291"><span class="label">291</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Diodoros to his brother Nikanor of Ephesos: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 227; he won the pankration
-in Ol. 217 (&#8239;=&#8239;89 A.&nbsp;D.): Foerster, 666.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292"><span class="label">292</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Loukios Betilenos (= Vetulenus) set one up to T. Klaudios Aphrodeisios of Elis (?):
-<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 226. He won κέλητι in Ol. 208 (&#8239;=&#8239;53 A.&nbsp;D.): Foerster, 634; two Eleans set up
-statues, one, M. Antonios Peisanos, to Germanicus Caesar, adopted son of the Emperor Tiberius
-(Foerster, 612), the other, Gnaios Markios, to Tiberius or Germanicus: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 221 and 222.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293"><span class="label">293</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Mikon the trainer to an unknown Samian boxer: P., VI, 2.9; Hyde, 19 and pp. 29–30;
-Foerster, 804.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294"><span class="label">294</span></a> P., VI, 3.8; <i>cf.</i> VII, 17.6 and 13 f.; Afr.; Hyde, 29; Foerster, 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295"><span class="label">295</span></a> P., VI, 6.2; he won some time between Ols. (?) 93 and 103 (&#8239;=&#8239;408 and 368 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 53;
-Foerster, 355.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296"><span class="label">296</span></a> P., VI, 17.2; he won some time between Ols. (?) 114 and 132 (&#8239;=&#8239;324 and 252 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde,
-172; Foerster, 354.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297"><span class="label">297</span></a> P., VI, 17.2; two of the victories in the stade-race fell in Ols. 129 and 130 (&#8239;=&#8239;264 and 260 B.&nbsp;C.):
-Afr.; Hyde, 173; Foerster, 440–2; 444–5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298"><span class="label">298</span></a> P., VI, 17.4. He won the boys’ wrestling match some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 118 (&#8239;=&#8239;320
-and 308 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 178; Foerster, 377.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299"><span class="label">299</span></a> For the one at Olympia, see P., VI, 8.5; for the one at Pellene, <i>id.</i>, VII, 27.5; he won in Ol. 94
-(&#8239;=&#8239;396 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 81; Foerster, 286. Similarly, Hiero II, King of Syracuse, had two statues
-<i>honoris causa</i> at Olympia set up by his fellow citizens: P., VI, 15. 6; Hyde, 147a.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300"><span class="label">300</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 169; <i>cf.</i> P., VI, 13.11; he won the pankration some time between Ols. (?) 115 and
-130 (&#8239;=&#8239;320 and 260 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 123; Foerster, 758 (undated).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301"><span class="label">301</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 186; <i>cf.</i> P., VI, 15.6; he won twice in boxing between Ols. (?) 144 and 147 (&#8239;=&#8239;204
-and 192 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 147; Foerster, 510 and 512.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302"><span class="label">302</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 224; he won the boys’ wrestling match in Roman days; Foerster, 823.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303"><span class="label">303</span></a> P., VI, 2.2–3; Thukydides, V, 49–50; he won in Ol. 90 (&#8239;=&#8239;420 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 14; Foerster,
-270.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304"><span class="label">304</span></a> Vol. II, p. 222.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305"><span class="label">305</span></a> So Scherer, p. 5. His evidence is from inscriptions of imperial days (<i>e. g.</i>, <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 218,
-223, 227), when the dedicatory formula differed somewhat from that of earlier times.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306"><span class="label">306</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 147–8; <i>cf.</i> P., VI, 10.9; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307"><span class="label">307</span></a> VI, 3.6. He won sometime between Ols. (?) 120 and 130 (&#8239;=&#8239;300 and 260 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 27;
-Foerster, 433.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308"><span class="label">308</span></a> VI, 8.3. He won the stade-race and the chariot-race in Ols. 93 and 104 (&#8239;=&#8239;408 and 364 B.&nbsp;C.)
-respectively: Afr.; Hyde, 75; Foerster, 277, 350.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309"><span class="label">309</span></a> P., VI, 14.6; he won in wrestling matches six times in Ol. (?) 61, and in Ols. 62, 63, 64, 65,
-66 (&#8239;=&#8239;536–516 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 128; Foerster, 116, 122, 126, 131, 136, 141.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310"><span class="label">310</span></a> P., VI, 13.2; Afr.; Hyde, 111 and p. 48; Foerster, 39, 41–6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311"><span class="label">311</span></a> P., VI, 4.6; Hyde, 41 and <i>cf.</i> p. 36; Foerster, 384, 392.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312"><span class="label">312</span></a> P., VI, 5.1.; VII, 27.6; Afr.; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313"><span class="label">313</span></a> P., VI, 10.1; Hyde, 93 and p. 42; Foerster, 137.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314"><span class="label">314</span></a> The age of boy victors at Olympia seems to have been 17–20: see <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 56, ll. II f.
-(referring to the order of the <i>Augustalia</i>, or Σεβαστὰ ἰσολύμπια, celebrated in Naples, which
-were modeled after those of Olympia, <i>cf.</i> <i>C. I. G.</i>, III, 5805). Archippos of Mytilene won the
-crown for boxing at Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, and on the Isthmus among the men at not over
-twenty years of age: P., VI, 15.1; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 173; he won sometime between Ols. (?) 115 and
-125 (&#8239;=&#8239;320 and 280 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 140; Foerster, 757 (undated). Since Pausanias mentions this
-as a remarkable record, we should suspect his statement that the boy runner Damiskos of
-Messene was but twelve when he won the stade-race: VI, 2.10; he won Ol. 103 (&#8239;=&#8239;368 B.&nbsp;C.):
-Afr.; Hyde, 20; Foerster, 343. Another victor, of unknown date, Nikasylos of Rhodes, was disqualified
-when eighteen years old from entering the boys’ wrestling match because of his age,
-and so entered that of the men: P., VI, 14.1–2; Hyde, 125; Foerster, 787. He died at twenty.
-Such inconsistencies in Pausanias’ account show that the Hellanodikai exercised some discretion
-in their judgment, taking into consideration not merely age, but size and strength.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315"><span class="label">315</span></a> On maintenance at the Prytaneion, see Plato, <i>de Rep.</i>, V, 465 D; <i>Apology</i>, 36 D; Plut., <i>Aristeides</i>,
-27; Athenæus, VI, 32 (p. 237, quoting Timokles), and X, 6 (p. 414, quoting Xenophanes);
-R. Schoell, Die Speisung im Prytaneion zu Athen, <i>Hermes</i>, VI, 1872, pp. 14 f. (and
-Athenian inscription, pp. 30 f.) He concludes that this honor was given to Athenian victors
-only in the chariot-race at Olympia, and in gymnic contests at the other great games. Solon
-ordained that these meals be frugal, consisting of a barley loaf on common days and a wheaten
-one on festival days: see Athenæus, IV, 14 (p. 137 e).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316"><span class="label">316</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 965.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317"><span class="label">317</span></a> Dio Cassius, LII, 30, 5–6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318"><span class="label">318</span></a> Suet., <i>Octav.</i>, 45; <i>cf.</i> Gardiner, pp. 174–5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319"><span class="label">319</span></a> P., VI, 13.1; Afr.; Hyde, 110; Foerster, 176–7, 181–2, 187–8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320"><span class="label">320</span></a> P., VI, 18.6; Hyde, 186; Foerster, 317, 323.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321"><span class="label">321</span></a> P., VI, 3.11; Afr.; Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322"><span class="label">322</span></a> P., VI, 2.6–7; Hyde, 16; Foerster, 309.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323"><span class="label">323</span></a> P., VI, 2.2–3; Thukyd., V, 49–50; Krause, <i>Olympia</i>, p. 144.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324"><span class="label">324</span></a> P., V, 21.3–4. Eupolos won in Ol. 98 (&#8239;=&#8239;388 B.&nbsp;C.): Foerster, 313. See Plans A and B.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325"><span class="label">325</span></a> P., V, 21.5; Kallipos won Ol. 112 (&#8239;=&#8239;332 B.&nbsp;C.): Foerster, 385.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326"><span class="label">326</span></a> P., V, 21.8 f.; on Straton, see Foerster, 570–1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327"><span class="label">327</span></a> P., V, 21.16–17; see Foerster, 598 (for the Elean boy wrestler Polyktor, son of Damonikos); P.,
-V, 21.15; Foerster 684 (for the boxer Didas and his antagonist Sarapammon, both Egyptians).
-On cases of bribery at Olympia, see Gardiner, pp. 134–5 and 174; Krause, <i>Olympia</i>, pp. 144 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328"><span class="label">328</span></a> P., V, 21.18.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329"><span class="label">329</span></a> P., V, 21.12–14.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330"><span class="label">330</span></a> Dittenberger, <i>Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum</i>,<sup>2</sup> II, 689; Cavvadias (Kabbadias), <i>Fouilles
-d’Épidaure</i>, I, 1891, p. 77, no. 238.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331"><span class="label">331</span></a> Ph., 45. He says that victories were bought and sold in his day and that the practice was
-encouraged by trainers. <i>Cf.</i> Gardiner, p. 219.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332"><span class="label">332</span></a> Lucian, <i>Nero</i>, 9. <i>Cf.</i> Gardiner, pp. 218–219</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333"><span class="label">333</span></a> See Gardiner, p. 77.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334"><span class="label">334</span></a> Diod., XIII, 82; Foerster, 271 and 276. Suetonius says that Nero, on arriving in Naples
-after his tour of Greece, made his entrance in a chariot drawn by white horses through a breach
-in the city wall “according to the practice of victors at the Greek games,” and that he entered
-Rome in the triumphal chariot of Augustus dressed in a purple tunic and a gold-embroidered
-cloak through a breach in the wall of the Circus Maximus: <i>Nero</i>, 25. Though Plutarch says that
-victors could tear down part of the city walls (<i>Quaest. conviv.</i>, II, 5.2), such extravagances seem to
-have been introduced late and not to have belonged to the great days of Greek athletics.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335"><span class="label">335</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Waldstein, <i>J. H. S.</i>, I, 1880, pp. 198–9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336"><span class="label">336</span></a> Hdt., V, 47; <i>cf.</i> Eustath. on Hom., Iliad, III, p. 383, 43; Foerster, 138.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337"><span class="label">337</span></a> P., VI, 6.4 f.; Afr.; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338"><span class="label">338</span></a> P., VI, 6.7–11; Strabo, VI, 1.5 (C. 255); Ael., <i>Var. Hist.</i>, VIII, 18.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339"><span class="label">339</span></a> So Kallimachos <i>apud</i> Plin., <i>H. N.</i>, VII, 152 (= <i>S. Q.</i>, 494); he also states that two of his statues,
-one at Lokroi, the other at Olympia, were struck by lightning on the same day.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340"><span class="label">340</span></a> P., VI, 11.8–9; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 104; Foerster, 191, 196.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341"><span class="label">341</span></a> P., VI, 11.2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342"><span class="label">342</span></a> P., VI, 9.8; <i>cf.</i> Suidas, <i>s. v.</i> Κλεομήδης; Foerster, 162; <i>cf.</i> Hyde, 90a (though there was no
-statue at Olympia).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343"><span class="label">343</span></a> VI, 9.6–8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344"><span class="label">344</span></a> Thus P., VI, 11.9, says that statues of Theagenes were erected within and beyond Greece
-and could heal sickness. Lucian says that in his day the statues of both Theagenes on Thasos
-and of Polydamas of Skotoussa at Olympia cured fevers: <i>Deorum Concilium</i>, 12. Polydamas
-won the pankration in Ol. 93 (&#8239;=&#8239;408 B.&nbsp;C.): Afr.; his statue by Lysippos was set up later: P.,
-VI, 5.1; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279. Gardiner has recently called attention to the fact that the
-evidence for the canonization of the five victors mentioned is mostly late, and he therefore
-doubts if it had anything to do with their victories at Olympia: <i>B.S.A.</i>, XXII, 1916–18, pp. 96, 97.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345"><span class="label">345</span></a> Ll. 1161 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346"><span class="label">346</span></a> <i>De Rep.</i>, V, 465 D. E.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347"><span class="label">347</span></a> <i>De Rep.</i>, 620 B.; <i>cf.</i> Gardiner, pp. 129–130.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348"><span class="label">348</span></a> Xen., <i>Hell.</i>, I, 5.19; P., VI, 7.4 f.; Hyde, 61; Foerster, 258, 260, 262.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349"><span class="label">349</span></a> Damagetos won in boxing (?) in Ol. 56 (&#8239;=&#8239;556 B. C): Hermipp., <i>fr.</i> 14 (= <i>F. H. G.</i> III, p. 39);
-<i>A. G.</i>, VII, 88; Pl., <i>H. N.</i>, VII, 119; Foerster, 108.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350"><span class="label">350</span></a> <i>Hbk.</i>, pp. 215–216.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351"><span class="label">351</span></a> <i>Ap.</i> Athenæum, X, 6 (pp. 413–14); Gardiner, p. 79, has given a translation of his protest.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352"><span class="label">352</span></a> <i>Ap.</i> Athen., X, 5 (p. 413).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353"><span class="label">353</span></a> <i>De Rep.</i>, 404 A.; 410 D. (<i>cf.</i> 535 D.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354"><span class="label">354</span></a> Προτρεπτικὸς λόγος ἐπὶ τὰς τέχνας. For translation, see Gardiner, p. 188.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355"><span class="label">355</span></a> See Secchi, <i>Mosaico Antoniniano</i>, and Baum., I, p. 223, fig. 174.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356"><span class="label">356</span></a> VI, 1.1: ποιήσασθαι καὶ ἵππων ἀγωνιστῶν μνήμην καὶ ἀνδρῶν ἀθλητῶν.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357"><span class="label">357</span></a> See Dittenberger, <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, p. 239.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358"><span class="label">358</span></a> Pp. 272–3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359"><span class="label">359</span></a> P., VI, 10.8; Hyde, 99 b and p. 44; Foerster, 77–9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360"><span class="label">360</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. 0l.</i>, 236; Foerster, 686. It was the custom also at Delphi to dedicate chariots;
-thus we have already mentioned that Arkesilas IV of Kyrene dedicated his chariot there after
-a Pythian victory in Ol. 78.3 (&#8239;=&#8239;462 B.&nbsp;C.): Pindar, <i>Pyth.</i>, V, 34 f. An inscription tells us of a
-bronze wheel being dedicated to the Dioskouroi: <i>I. G. A.</i>, p. 173, 43a.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361"><span class="label">361</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 142 (Pantares); 160 (Kyniska).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362"><span class="label">362</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, <i>ibid.</i>, 143 (Gelo); 178 (Glaukon); 190 (son of Aristotle); 191 (Agilochos); 194 (son of
-Nikodromos); 197 (Antigenes); 217 (Lykomedes); 222 (Gnaios Markios); 233 (Kasia Mnasithea).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363"><span class="label">363</span></a> Thus <i>ibid.</i>, 142, 143, 236.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364"><span class="label">364</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 178, 190 (supplied), 191 (supplied), 194, 197, 217, 227, 233 (supplied).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365"><span class="label">365</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 160.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366"><span class="label">366</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 177.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367"><span class="label">367</span></a> V, 21.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368"><span class="label">368</span></a> V, 25.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369"><span class="label">369</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, V, 1880, p. 29.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370"><span class="label">370</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 144; here in the renewed inscription occurs also the word ἀνέθηκεν; Hyde, 56;
-Foerster, 185, 195, 207.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371"><span class="label">371</span></a> <i>L. c.</i>, p. 31, n. 1; here he gives a list of the metrical exceptions of the fifth century B.&nbsp;C.; from
-inscriptions, that of Aineas, <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXV, 1877, p. 38, no. 86; Foerster, 244 (an inscription not
-appearing in <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>), and Tellon, <i>A. Z.</i>, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 190, no. 91, and XXXVIII, 1880, p. 70
-(= <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 147–8); from Pausanias, that of Kleosthenes (wrongly Kleisthenes), VI, 10.6,
-and Damarchos, VI, 8.2. The list should he corrected as follows. From inscriptions: Tellon, boy
-boxer of Ol. 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; P., VI, 10.9; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 147–8; Hyde, 102; Foerster,
-237; Kyniskos, boy boxer of Ol. (?) 80 (&#8239;=&#8239;460 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 4.11; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 149; Hyde,
-45; Foerster, 255; Charmides, boy boxer of Ol. (?) 79 (&#8239;=&#8239;464 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 7.1; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>,
-156 (renewed); Hyde, 58; Foerster, 763 (undated); ... krates, boy runner, Ol. (?) 93 (&#8239;=&#8239;408
-B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 157; Foerster, 280. From Pausanias: Damarchos, boxer, who won before
-Ol. 75 (&#8239;=&#8239;480 B.&nbsp;C.) or after Ol. 83 (&#8239;=&#8239;448 B.&nbsp;C.): VI, 8.2; Hyde, 74 and p. 38; Foerster, 452.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372"><span class="label">372</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, the Cretan Philonides, courier of Alexander the Great, dedicated his portrait statue to the
-god: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 276; P., VI, 16.5; Hyde, 154 a.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373"><span class="label">373</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 144.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374"><span class="label">374</span></a> So Dittenberger, and Furtwaengler (<i>l. c.</i>, p. 30, n. 2), following Roehl, <i>I. G. A.</i>, on no. 388; Roehl
-believed that originally the word Lokroi or the name of the victor’s father appeared as the dedicator,
-and later, because the victor wished to remove the expense from his city or because his father
-died, Euthymos himself restored it; see discussion of Dittenberger, <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, pp. 249–520.
-The original inscription has ἔστησε.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375"><span class="label">375</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 264; Roehl, <i>I. G. A.</i>, 589.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376"><span class="label">376</span></a> So Dittenberger, <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, p. 241, and no. 213; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 72; Foerster, following the
-earlier dating of Dittenberger (<i>A. Z.</i>, XXXV, 1877, p. 42, nos. 49–50), dates the two victories
-later, in Ols. (?) 200, 203 (&#8239;=&#8239;21 and 33 A.&nbsp;D.); nos. 614 and 619.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377"><span class="label">377</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 225, 228, 229–30, 231, 232.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378"><span class="label">378</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, pp. 240–1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379"><span class="label">379</span></a> Furtwaengler, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 30; Reisch, p. 37; Rouse, p. 167; Frazer, III, p. 624. Against the view
-that victor statues were first called votive in Roman days, see Purgold, <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXIX, 1881, p. 89,
-on no. 390 (= inscription of Glaukon = <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 178; however, he was a victor in chariot-racing).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380"><span class="label">380</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, by Scherer, p. 5; Kuhnert, <i>Jahrb. fuer cl. Phil.</i>, Supplbd., XIV, 1885, p. 257, n. 7; Flasch,
-in Baum., II, p. 1096; <i>cf.</i> Dittenberger-Purgold, <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, p. 240; Frazer, III, pp. 623–4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381"><span class="label">381</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Ziemann, <i>de Anathematis Graecis</i>, 1885, p. 54.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382"><span class="label">382</span></a> <i>Hermes</i>, XIII, 1878, p. 437, n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383"><span class="label">383</span></a> Pp. 35 f.; followed by M. K. Welsh, <i>B. S. A.</i>, XI, 1904–5, pp. 33–4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384"><span class="label">384</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Pythokles, who won the pentathlon in Ol. 82 (&#8239;=&#8239;452 B.&nbsp;C.), does not mention his contest
-on the base (<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 162–3), nor does Pausanias give it (VI, 7.10); we learn it only from
-the <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>: see Robert <i>O. S.</i>, p. 185; Hyde, 70; Foerster, 295.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385"><span class="label">385</span></a> On p. 36, n. 1, he points out that at Athens the usual dedication formula was omitted; <i>e. g.</i>,
-in the inscription of the Isthmian victor Diophanes, <i>C. I. A.</i>, II, 3, 1301, and in that of a Panathenaic
-victor, <i>ibid.</i>, 1302. The presence of the word in an Athenian inscription referring to
-the Olympic victor Kallias rests on an uncertain restoration; <i>ibid.</i>, I, 419; he won Ol. 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472
-B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386"><span class="label">386</span></a> Pp. 167 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387"><span class="label">387</span></a> Both Reisch, p. 36, and Dittenberger, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 240, agree also in opposing Furtwaengler’s
-<i>Versnoth</i> explanation.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388"><span class="label">388</span></a> Thus Pausanias mentions the “chariot, horses, charioteer and Kyniska herself”: VI, 1.6.
-Again he speaks of the “chariot and statue of Gelo”: VI, 9.4–5; in referring to the chariot of
-Kleosthenes by Hagelaïdas he says: “Along with the statue of the chariot and horses, he [Kleosthenes]
-dedicated statues of himself and the charioteer,” and even adds the names of the horses:
-VI, 10.6. In VI, 18.1, he mentions the group of Kratisthenes as “the chariot, Nike mounting it,
-and Kratisthenes”; in VI, 16.6 he speaks of “a small chariot and figure of the father of Polypeithes,
-the wrestler Kalliteles”; etc. <i>Cf.</i> Dittenberger, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 239–40.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389"><span class="label">389</span></a> He won in Ol. 255 (&#8239;=&#8239;241 A.&nbsp;D.): Foerster, 739: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 241.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390"><span class="label">390</span></a> No dedication, however, is inscribed on it: <i>I. G. A.</i>, 160; <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, on no. 1101, p. 180.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391"><span class="label">391</span></a> Chionis, a famous runner from Sparta, had a tablet, which listed his victories, set up beside
-his statue at Olympia: P., VI, 13.2; he won in Ols. 28–31 (&#8239;=&#8239;668–656 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 111; Foerster,
-39, 41–46. His statue was erected long after his death, in Ol. 77 or 78, and so probably the
-stele also: Hyde, p. 48. Deinosthenes, who won the stade-race in Ol. 116 (&#8239;=&#8239;316 B.&nbsp;C.), had a
-slab set up beside his statue at Olympia, on which was inscribed the distance between it and a
-similar one in Sparta: P., VI, 16.8; Afr.; Hyde, 163; Foerster, 403.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392"><span class="label">392</span></a> He won the chariot-race in Ol. 33 (&#8239;=&#8239;648 B.&nbsp;C.): Foerster, 51.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393"><span class="label">393</span></a> P., VI, 19.2; on the mistake of Pausanias, see Flasch, in Baum., II, p. 1104 B.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394"><span class="label">394</span></a> <i>Or.</i>, XXXI, 596 R (&#8239;=&#8239;328 M).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395"><span class="label">395</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 17.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396"><span class="label">396</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 23–4. The subject of portrait honorary statues at Athens has been treated by
-L. B. Stenessen, <i>de Historia variisque Generibus statuarum iconicarum apud Athenienses</i>, Christiania,
-1877; for all Greece by M. K. Welsh, Honorary Statues in Ancient Greece, <i>B. S. A.</i>, XI,
-1904–5, pp. 32–49.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397"><span class="label">397</span></a> See list in Hyde, <i>Index</i> on p. V.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398"><span class="label">398</span></a> King Hiero of Syracuse had five: Hyde, 147 a (= three) and 105a (= two); Antigonos Monophthalmos
-had three: Hyde, 103 d, 147 f, 151 b.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399"><span class="label">399</span></a> Archidamas III, son of Agesilaos: P., VI, 4.9; Hyde, 42 a; VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 c; Areus, son
-of Akrotatos, P., VI, 12.5; Hyde, 105 b; VI, 15.9; Hyde, 148 a: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 308.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400"><span class="label">400</span></a> Demetrios Poliorketes, P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 e; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 304; VI, 16.3; Hyde, 152 b.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401"><span class="label">401</span></a> Pyrrhos: P., VI, 14.9; Hyde, 128 a.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402"><span class="label">402</span></a> Hiero II: P., VI, 12.2 f. (two statues set up by his sons: Hyde, 105 a); VI, 15.6 (three statues,
-one set up by sons, two by fellow-citizens: Hyde, 147 a).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403"><span class="label">403</span></a> Philip II, son of Amyntas; Alexander the Great; Seleukos Nikator, son of Antiochos; Antigonos,
-son of Philip, surnamed Monophthalmos; these four princes had statues together: P., VI, 11.1;
-Hyde, 103 a, b, c, d. Antigonos had also other statues in different parts of the Altis: P., VI, 15.7;
-Hyde, 147 f; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 305; VI, 16.2; Hyde, 151 b. Antigonos Doson and Philip III had
-statues together: P., VI, 16.3; Hyde, 152 a. The Syrian king Seleukos Nikator had another
-statue at Olympia: P., VI, 16.2; Hyde, 151 c. Three of the Egyptian dynasty had statues:
-Ptolemy Lagi, P., VI, 15.10; Hyde, 149 a; Philadelphus, P., VI, 17.3; Hyde, 173 a; and another
-whose name is uncertain, P., VI, 16.9; Hyde, 166 a.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404"><span class="label">404</span></a> P., VI, 4.8; Hyde, 41 b.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405"><span class="label">405</span></a> P., VI, 17.7; Hyde, 184 a; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 293.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406"><span class="label">406</span></a> P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 d.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407"><span class="label">407</span></a> P., VI, 14.9–10; Hyde, 128 b.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408"><span class="label">408</span></a> P., VI, 14.11 Hyde, 128 c in Ol. (?) 127 (&#8239;=&#8239;272 B.&nbsp;C.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409"><span class="label">409</span></a> P., VI, 14.12; Hyde, 134 a; erected between Ols. (?) 103 and 115 (&#8239;=&#8239;368 and 320 B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410"><span class="label">410</span></a> P., VI, 16.5; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 276, 277; Hyde, 154 a.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411"><span class="label">411</span></a> P., VI, 14.9–10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412"><span class="label">412</span></a> P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 b.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413"><span class="label">413</span></a> P., VI, 15.2; Hyde, 143 a.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414"><span class="label">414</span></a> VI, 12.5. The date of his victory is unknown, but fell probably in Ol. 134 or 135 (&#8239;=&#8239;244
-or 240 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 105 c and pp. 44–5; Foerster, 463.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415"><span class="label">415</span></a> He won some time between Ols. (?) 99 and 102 (&#8239;=&#8239;384 and 372 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 3.2–3;
-Hyde, 23 and pp. 30–1; Foerster, 335.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416"><span class="label">416</span></a> On the ancient custom of carrying off votive offerings and images from vanquished foes, see
-P., VIII, 46.2–4. He shows that Augustus only followed a long-established precedent. Pliny,
-<i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 36, in speaking of the great number of statues plundered from Greece by
-Mummius and the Luculli, quotes G. Licinius Mucianus (three times consul), who died before
-77 B.&nbsp;C., to the effect that 73,000 statues were still to be seen at Rhodes in his time, and that
-supposably as many more were yet to be found in Athens, Olympia, and Delphi.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417"><span class="label">417</span></a> At the beginning of his description of Elis (V, 1.2), Pausanias says that 217 years had passed
-since the restoration of Corinth. As that event fell in 44 B.&nbsp;C., he was writing his fifth book in
-174 A.&nbsp;D., <i>i. e.</i>, in the reign of Marcus Aurelius. With this date other chronological references
-in his work agree. That the fifth book was written before the sixth is deduced from a comparison
-of V, 14.6 with VI, 22.8 f. Though the sixth book, therefore, can not have been composed
-earlier than 174 A.&nbsp;D., it may, of course, have been written much later. On the dates of the
-various books, see Frazer, I, pp. xv f. On the great importance of Pausanias for the whole history
-of Greek art, see C. Robert, <i>Pausanias als Schriftsteller</i>, 1909, p. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418"><span class="label">418</span></a> <i>Historia naturalis</i>, Bks. XXXIV-XXXVI (ed. Jex-Blake).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419"><span class="label">419</span></a> This process has never been carried further nor with greater insight than in Furtwaengler’s
-great work, <i>Meisterwerke der griech. Plastik</i>, 1893.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420"><span class="label">420</span></a> In his <i>Handbuch der Archaeologie der Kunst</i>, 3d ed., 1848, by F. G. Welcker, p. 740.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421"><span class="label">421</span></a> Chapter VII, <i>infra</i>, pp. 321 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422"><span class="label">422</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Furtwaengler-Urlichs, <i>Denkmaeler griech. und roem. Skulptur</i> (Handausgabe<sup>3</sup>), 1911,
-p. 101.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423"><span class="label">423</span></a> <i>Pro. Imag.</i>, 11, pp. 490 f.: Ἀκούω ... μήδ’ Ὀλυμπίασιν ἐξεῖναι τοῖς νικῶσι μείζους τῶν σωμάτων
-ἀνεστάναι τοὺς ἀνδριάντας, κ. τ. λ.; Scherer, pp. 10 f.; <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., p. 250.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424"><span class="label">424</span></a> VI, 5.1. On the statue, see E. Preuner, <i>Ein delphisches Weihgeschenck</i>, p. 26; for the recovered
-sculptured base, see <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., pp. 209 f.; Tafelbd., Pl. LV. 1–3. Polydamas
-won the pankration in Ol. 93 (&#8239;=&#8239;408 B.&nbsp;C.), but his statue was set up long after, in the time of
-Lysippos: Afr.; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425"><span class="label">425</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 146; <i>cf.</i> Scherer, pp. 10–11. He won in Ol. 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 6.1; <i>Oxy.
-Pap.</i>; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426"><span class="label">426</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 159 (renewed); <i>I. G. B.</i>, 86. Eukles won in Ols. (?) 90–93, (&#8239;=&#8239;420–408 B.&nbsp;C.):
-P., VI, 6.2; Hyde, 52; Foerster, 297.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427"><span class="label">427</span></a> The lost work of Aristotle is mentioned by Diogenes Laertios, V, 26. For the scholiast, see
-Boeckh, p. 158; and <i>F. H. G.</i>, II, p. 183 (= Aristotle, fragm. 264), IV., p. 307 (= Apollas,
-fragm. 7).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428"><span class="label">428</span></a> Pollux, <i>Onomastikon</i>, II, 158, says that the cubit (πῆχυς) contains 24 δάκτυλοι or 6 παλασταί; it
-was therefore 18.25 inches and the finger 0.7 inch long. The Solonian cubit of 444 mm. gives 17.53 inches, the finger .73 inch,
-which makes Diagoros’ statue 6 feet 1.75 inches tall.Though the cubit was later lengthened
-to about 2 feet, the old size was retained for measuring wood and stone: <i>cf.</i> Boeckh, <i>Metrologische
-Untersuchungen</i>, 1838, p. 212.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429"><span class="label">429</span></a> Scherer, p. 11, gave its height as 6 feet and 5 inches.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430"><span class="label">430</span></a> Diagoras won in Ol. 79 (&#8239;=&#8239;464 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 59; Foerster, 220; <i>cf.</i> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 151
-(renewed); Damagetos in Ols. 82–3 (&#8239;=&#8239;452–448 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 62; Foerster,
-253; <i>cf.</i> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 152.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431"><span class="label">431</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 165 (renewed); he won Ol. 82 (&#8239;=&#8239;452 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; P., VI, 13.6; Hyde, 115;
-Foerster, 376.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432"><span class="label">432</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, nos. 147–8, Tellon, who won the boys’ boxing match in Ol. 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 B.&nbsp;C.):
-<i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237; <i>ibid.</i>, 155 (renewed), Hellanikos, boy boxer,
-who won in Ol. 89 (&#8239;=&#8239;424 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 7.8; Hyde, 65; Foerster, 263; <i>ibid.</i>, 158, boxer Damoxenidas,
-who won some time between Ols. 95 and 100 (&#8239;=&#8239;400 and 380 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 6.3; Hyde, 54;
-Foerster, 319; <i>ibid.</i>, 164, Xenokles, boy wrestler, who won some time between Ols. (?) 94 and
-100 (&#8239;=&#8239;404 and 380 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 9.2; Hyde, 85; Foerster, 308; <i>ibid.</i>, 177, Telemachos, chariot
-victor some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130 (&#8239;=&#8239;320 and 260 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 13.11; Hyde, 122;
-Foerster, 513.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433"><span class="label">433</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 182, Thrasonides, who won κέλητι πωλικῷ in the third century B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434"><span class="label">434</span></a> Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 246, fig. 99; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 447, fig. 69. See p. 155.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435"><span class="label">435</span></a> See Chapter VI., <i>infra</i>, p. 295.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436"><span class="label">436</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 65.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437"><span class="label">437</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, p. 28 and n. 1; <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., pp. 216 f.; Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 2–4; <i>cf.</i> Furtwaengler,
-<i>50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, 1890, pp. 147 f.; <i>cf.</i> <i>infra</i>, Ch. VII, pp. 324–5, <i>c. d. e.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438"><span class="label">438</span></a> <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., pp. 29 f; Tafelbd., Pl. VI, 1–4, 9–10; <i>cf.</i> <i>infra</i>, pp. 162–3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439"><span class="label">439</span></a> See <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, pp. 234–5; <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., pp. 10–12; <i>cf.</i> <i>infra</i>, p. 322 and notes 1–7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440"><span class="label">440</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., pp. 10–11; Tafelbd., Pl. II, 2, 2<i>a</i>; F. W., no. 323; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441"><span class="label">441</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., p. 12; Tafelbd., Pl. IV, 5, 5a; F. W., 325.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442"><span class="label">442</span></a> Furtw.-Urlichs, <i>Denkmaeler</i>, p. 104. On nudity and athletics, see the article by Furtwaengler,
-Die Bedeutung der Gymnastik in der griech. Kunst, in <i>Saemann’s Monatschr. fuer paedagog.
-Reform.</i>, 1905; W. Mueller, <i>Nacktheit und Entbloessung in der alt-orient. und aelteren griech.
-Kunst</i>, Diss. inaug., Leipsic, 1906.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443"><span class="label">443</span></a> The boxer Euryalos “first put a cincture (ζῶμα) about him,” in his bout with Epeios: Iliad,
-XXIII, 683. See also XXIII, 710; Od., XVIII, 67 and 76.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444"><span class="label">444</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, wrestlers on a black-figured amphora in the Vatican: <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXV, 1905, p. 288, fig. 24;
-boxers, runners, and a jumper on a b.-f. stamnos in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris (no. 252):
-Gardiner, p. 418, fig. 142, from de Ridder, <i>Cat. des vases peints</i>, I, p. 160.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445"><span class="label">445</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 18.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446"><span class="label">446</span></a> Ph., 17. This mantle was called τρίβων—the “worn,” hence was thin and coarse; Hermann-Bluemner,
-<i>Griech. Privatalt.</i>, p. 175; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447"><span class="label">447</span></a> P., I, 44.1; Eustath., on Iliad, XXIII, 683, p. 1324, 12 f. Dionys. Hal., <i>Antiq. Rom.</i>, VII, 72,
-says that it was the Spartan Akanthos, who won in a running race, <i>i. e.</i>, δόλιχος, in Ol. 16; so also
-Afr.; see P., V, 8.6; Foerster, 17. Orsippos won the stade-race in Ol. 15: Afr.; Eustath., <i>l. c.</i>;
-Dionys., <i>l. c.</i> Foerster, 16. But Didymos, schol. on Iliad, XXIII, 683, says that Orsippos won
-in Ol. 32 (&#8239;=&#8239;652 B.&nbsp;C.); similarly <i>Etym. magn.</i>, p. 242, <i>s. v.</i> γυμνάσια; however, Boeckh, <i>Kleine
-Schriften</i>, IV, p. 173, has shown that Ol. 15 is right. Isidoros, in a confused passage, <i>Orig.</i>,
-XVIII, 17.2, says that athletes were early girded and dropped the loin-cloth in consequence of
-a runner getting weary, whence a decree of the time of the archon Hippomenes at Athens (Ol.
-14.2) allowed athletes to contend nude; the same story is told in the <i>Schol. Venet.</i> on the Iliad,
-XXIII, 683; see Foerster, 16.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448"><span class="label">448</span></a> <i>A. G.</i>, App. 272; Cougny, <i>Anth. Pal.</i>, 1890, III (<i>App. nov.</i>), p. 4, no. 24; P., I, 44.1, says that
-his tomb was near that of Koroibos.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449"><span class="label">449</span></a> <i>C. I. G.</i>, I, 1050 (with Boeckh’s commentary on the loin-cloth); <i>C. I. G. G. S.</i>, 52; Kaibel, <i>Epigr.
-Gr., ex lapid. conl.</i>, 1878, no. 843; Frazer, II, p. 538. The schol. on Thukyd., I, 6, quotes four
-lines of it. The name was spelled Orrippos in the Megarian dialect.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450"><span class="label">450</span></a> Ph., 17. The story is told also by P., V, 6.7–8. Peisirhodos won in Ol. (?) 88 (&#8239;=&#8239;428 B.&nbsp;C.):
-P., VI, 7.2; Hyde, 63; Foerster, 314. This brings the change near the end of the fifth century
-B.&nbsp;C. For the spelling of the name of the victor, see Foerster, <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451"><span class="label">451</span></a> I. 6. Here the historian is speaking of athletes in general; Dionysios, VII, 72 and P., I, 44.1,
-speak only of runners.
-</p>
-<p>
-Scherer, p. 20, n. 1 (following Krause, I, pp. 405 and 501, n. 18) thought that the words of Thukydides
-(τὸ δὲ πάλαι) referred to the time antedating Ol. 15, and not later, and concluded that in
-wrestling (introduced in Ol. 18 = 708 B.&nbsp;C.) and boxing (introduced in Ol. 23 = 688 B.&nbsp;C.) the
-contestants were always nude. Boeckh, however, rightly concluded that the historian meant
-that in Ol. 15 only the runners laid off the loin-cloth, while other athletes did so just before his
-day: <i>C. I. G.</i>, I, p. 554.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452"><span class="label">452</span></a> <i>De Rep.</i>, 452 D. He says that the custom of nudity was introduced first by the Cretans and
-then by the Spartans.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453"><span class="label">453</span></a> Thus von Mach says (p. 240): “They were dedicatory statues representing events that had
-taken place in honor of the gods,” and adds that on such occasions persons were draped, except
-where such drapery would cause inconvenience, <i>i. e.</i>, in gymnastic contests.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454"><span class="label">454</span></a> See Gardiner, p. 465, fig. 172.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455"><span class="label">455</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, the statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome: Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II, no. 973 (fig. 29,
-p. 557, restored); <i>Guide</i>, 597 (fig. 28); Joubin, p. 134, fig. 40; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 536.6;
-<i>B. Com. Rom.</i>, XVI, 1888, Pls. XV, XVI, 1, 2, (two views) and XVIII (restored), pp. 335–365
-(G. Ghirardini).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456"><span class="label">456</span></a> Pollux, III, 155, wrongly states that runners wore soft leathern boots (ἐνδρομίδες); these never
-appear on vases, as Krause, I, p. 362 and n. 5, and Gardiner, p. 273, point out, and were the
-usual footwear of messengers. <i>Cf.</i> Mueller, <i>Arch. d. Kunst</i>, §363, 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457"><span class="label">457</span></a> At Ephesos in Thukydides’ day: III, 104; earlier on Delos: Thukyd., <i>ibid.</i>, and Homeric Hymn
-to the Delian Apollo, 146 f. Maidens and youths wrestled in the gymnasia on Chios:
-Athenæus, XIII, 20 (p. 566 e.); <i>cf.</i> Boeckh, <i>C. I. G.</i>, II, text to no. 2214.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458"><span class="label">458</span></a> On athletic contests for women in Sparta, see Plutarch, <i>Lykourgos</i>, 14; Xen., <i>de Rep. lac.</i>,
-I, 4. Aristoph., <i>Lysistr.</i>, 80 f., says that the beauty and color of the Lakonian woman Lampito
-came from gymnastic exercises.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459"><span class="label">459</span></a> P., V, 6.7. He says that those who broke the Elean rule were thrown from Mount Typaion
-(a rock south of the river). Their exclusion was doubtless due to a religious taboo and not to
-modesty; Gardiner, p. 47. P., VI, 20.9, says that the restriction did not include maidens. As
-there is no other reference about unmarried girls at Olympia, it is probable that girls were
-not admitted; <i>cf.</i> Krause, <i>Olympia</i>, p. 54 and n. 9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460"><span class="label">460</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Kyniska, P., VI, 1.6, and other Spartan victresses, III, 8.1; Euryleonis, who won
-in a two-horse chariot-race in Ol. (?) 103 (&#8239;=&#8239;368 B.&nbsp;C.): P., III, 17.6; Foerster, 344; Belistiche,
-mistress of Ptolemy Philadelphus, was the first to win συνωρίδι πώλων in Ol. 129 (&#8239;=&#8239;264 B.&nbsp;C.):
-P., V, 8.11; Foerster, 443; Theodota, daughter of the Elean Antiphanes, won ἅρματι πωλικῷ in
-the first century B.&nbsp;C.: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 203; Foerster, 547.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461"><span class="label">461</span></a> P., VI, 20.9. The inscribed marble base of a statue of one of these priestesses has been found
-at Olympia: see <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 485.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462"><span class="label">462</span></a> See P., V, 6.7–8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463"><span class="label">463</span></a> However, we do not know if they were held in the same year as that of the Olympic festival, or
-at what time of the year. See L. Weniger, <i>Klio, Beitraege zur alten Geschichte</i>, V, 1905, pp. 22 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464"><span class="label">464</span></a> P., V, 162–4. These πίνακες were probably iconic (portrait) paintings. Holes have been
-found on columns of the Heraion to which they may have been attached. On the girls’ race,
-see B. B., text to no. 521 (Arndt).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465"><span class="label">465</span></a> It is a marble copy of an original bronze which is generally dated about 470 B.&nbsp;C., because
-of archaic reminiscences in the head. It represents a girl of about 14 years. See Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I,
-no. 364; <i>Guide</i>, 378, and references; F. W., 213; Bulle, pp. 304 f. Overbeck, II, p. 475, refers it
-to the school of Pasiteles. It is pictured in B. B., no. 521; Bulle, 142; Baum., III, p. 2111, fig.
-2362; Springer-Michaelis, p. 224, fig. 412; von Mach, 73; Amelung, <i>Museums of Rome</i>, I, fig. 74;
-Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 527.6; Clarac, Pl. 864, 2199. A similar statue is the torso in Berlin: <i>Beschr.
-der Skulpt.</i>, no. 229; and <i>cf.</i> Kekulé, <i>Annali</i>, XXXVI, 1865, p. 66 (who points out the resemblance
-of the head of the Vatican statue to that of the figure by Stephanos, Pl. 12); Clarac,
-Pl. 864, 2200. The height of the Vatican statue is given by Bulle as 1.56 meters. <i>Cf.</i> also a
-statuette of a similar girl runner from Dodona: Rayet, I, Pl. 17, 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466"><span class="label">466</span></a> However, B. Schroeder believes that it is merely a victorious danseuse, and gives several
-examples of dancers from vase-paintings and the lesser arts: <i>R. M.</i>, XXIV, 1909, pp. 109 ff.
-(figs. 1–3). In all of these lively motion is expressed and the free foot is raised high from the ground.
-When the curious little plat under the statue’s right foot (perhaps intended to represent the
-starting-stone at the stadion) is removed, the position of the statue does not fit the dance; see
-Bulle, p. 304, for discussion of this starting-stone.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467"><span class="label">467</span></a> VIII, 48.2; <i>cf.</i> Plut., <i>Quaest. conviv.</i>, VIII, 4, I, (p. 982).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468"><span class="label">468</span></a> Bulle compares it with the Tuebingen hoplite-runner (Fig. 42) ready to start, though the
-quieter pose of the Vatican statue befits a girl rather than the impetuous energy of the man.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469"><span class="label">469</span></a> On the Διονυσίαδες, see P., III, 13.7; Hesychios, <i>s. v.</i>; <i>cf.</i> Theokr., XVIII, 22; Plut., <i>Lycurgus</i>, 14;
-Pauly-Wissowa, <i>s. v.</i> <i>agones</i>, I, p. 847; Reisch, p. 46, n. 4. Pauly-Wissowa, <i>s. v.</i> χιτών (III, <small>2</small>, p.
-2314) shows that the use of the chiton closed on one side was a Dorian, and especially a Spartan,
-custom.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470"><span class="label">470</span></a> On the running race at Kyrene, <i>cf.</i> Boeckh, <i>Explic. ad Pind.</i>, <i>Pyth.</i>, IX, p. 328. Plato, in his
-<i>de Leg.</i>, VIII, 833, D, E, ordained for girls the three running races (στάδιον, δίαυλος, and δόλιχος);
-the youngest girls should run nude, the others (from 13 to 18) suitably dressed.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471"><span class="label">471</span></a> Suet., <i>Domitian</i>, 4; Dio Cassius, LXVII, 8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472"><span class="label">472</span></a> Arndt believes it is Myronian in character: B. B., text to 521.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473"><span class="label">473</span></a> See Waldstein, <i>J. H. S.</i>, I, 1880, pp. 170 f. On the style of wearing the hair in Greece, see the
-following works: K. O. Mueller, <i>Handbuch d. Archaeol. d. Kunst</i><sup>3</sup>, pp. 474 f; Bluemner, <i>Leben u.
-Sitten der Griechen</i>, I, pp. 76 f.; <i>Home Life of the Ancient Greeks</i> (transl. of preceding, by A. Zimmern),
-1893, pp. 64 f; Dar.-Sagl., <i>s. v.</i> <i>coma</i> (Pottier), I, <small>2</small>, pp. 1355 f.; Pauly-Wissowa, VII, <small>2</small>,
-pp. 2109 ff. (Bremer); Baum., I, pp. 615 f; Guhl-Koner-Engelmann, <i>Das Leben d. Gr. u. Roem.</i><sup>6</sup>,
-1893, pp. 297 f; Amelung, <i>Gewandung d. Gr. u. Roem.</i>, 1903; Helbig, <i>Atti della R. Accad. dei
-Lincei</i>, Ser. III, vol. V., pp. 1 f. (for the Homeric age).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474"><span class="label">474</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> the recurring epithet of Homer, κάρη κομόωντες Ἀχαῖοι; Helbig, <i>Das homerische Epos</i><sup>2</sup>,
-p. 236, n. 3; for examples of long hair in the epic, <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 236 f. That the Homeric hair fell
-free over the shoulders and not in any conventional order has been proved against Helbig by
-H. Hofmann, <i>Jb. f. cl. Philol.</i>, Supplbd., XXVI, 1900, pp. 182 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475"><span class="label">475</span></a> Eurip., <i>Bacchae</i>, 455; Aristotle, <i>de Physiogn.</i>, 3, p. 38; pseudo-Phokylides, 212.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476"><span class="label">476</span></a> Aristoph., <i>Equit.</i>, 580 and cf. 1121; <i>Nubes</i>, 14; <i>Lysistrata</i>, 561; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477"><span class="label">477</span></a> Od., IV, 198; Euripides, <i>Alkestis</i>, 818–19; Aristoph., <i>Plut.</i>, 572; Plato, <i>Phaedo</i>, 89 C; Athenæus,
-XV, 16 (p. 675 a); Hdt., I, 82; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478"><span class="label">478</span></a> Aristoph., <i>Aves</i>, 911.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479"><span class="label">479</span></a> Ph., <i>Imag.</i>, II, 32; Lucian, <i>Dial. meretr.</i>, V, 3 (p. 290); etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480"><span class="label">480</span></a> Xen., <i>de Rep. lac.</i>, Ch. XI, 3; <i>cf.</i> Plut., <i>Apothegm. reg. et imperat.</i>, p. 754; and see Aristotle,
-<i>Rhet.</i>, I, 9, p. 1397 a, 28; Plut., <i>Lysandros</i>, I; <i>Lykourgos</i>, 22; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481"><span class="label">481</span></a> Hdt., VII, 208.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482"><span class="label">482</span></a> Aristoph., <i>Aves</i>, 1281–2: Lysias, XVI, 18; Lucian, <i>Auctio vitarum</i>, 2 (Pythagoreans).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483"><span class="label">483</span></a> Pollux, VI, 3.22; VIII, 9.107; Athenæus, XI, 88 (p. 494 f.): Hesychios, <i>s. v.</i> κουρεῶτις and
-οἰνιστήρια; Photius, <i>Lex.</i>, p. 321.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484"><span class="label">484</span></a> Aischyl., <i>Choeph.</i>, 6; P., I, 37.3; at Delphi, Dio Chrys., <i>Or.</i>, XXXV, p. 67 R.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485"><span class="label">485</span></a> Eurip., <i>Bacchae</i>, 455.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486"><span class="label">486</span></a> Κρωβύλος and κόρυμβος are etymologically the same word: see Prellwitz, <i>Etymolog. Woerterbuch
-d. griech. Sprache</i>. It used to be assumed that κόρυμβος referred to the similar coiffure of young
-girls. On the κρωβύλος, see the following: K. O. Mueller, <i>op. cit.</i><sup>3</sup>, p. 476, 5; <i>id.</i>, <i>Die Dorier</i>, II, 266;
-Conze, <i>Nuove memorie dell’ instituto archeol.</i>, pp. 408 f.; Helbig, <i>Comment. philolog. in honorem
-Mommseni</i>, 1877, pp. 616 f., and <i>Rhein. Mus.</i>, XXXIV, 1879, pp. 484 f.; Schreiber, Der altattische
-Krobylos, <i>A. M.</i>, VIII, 1883, pp. 246–273, and Pls. XI., XII.; <i>id.</i>, IX, 1884, pp. 232–254 and Pls.
-IX, X; and after him, Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 644, Collignon, I, p. 363, and de Villefosse, <i>Mon.
-Piot</i>, I, 1894, p. 62; Klein, <i>Gesch. d. gr. Kunst</i>, I, p. 255; Studniczka, Krobylos und Tettiges,
-<i>Jb.</i>, XI, 1896, pp. 248–291. Pauly-Wissowa, <i>l. c.</i>, pp. 2120 f.; Dar.-Sagl., I, <small>2</small>, pp. 1357–59 and
-1571; etc. That the term κρωβύλος represented a way of wearing the hair and not a part of the
-hair has been proved by Hauser: <i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, 1906, Beiblatt, pp. 87 f. On other methods
-of dressing the hair, see Pauly-Wissowa, <i>l. c.</i>, pp. 2112 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487"><span class="label">487</span></a> <i>Ap.</i> Athen., XII, 30 (p. 525).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488"><span class="label">488</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 5 (p. 512 c).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489"><span class="label">489</span></a> I, 6; <i>cf.</i> Aristophanes, <i>Nubes</i>, 984 and schol.; <i>Equit.</i>, 1331.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490"><span class="label">490</span></a> See fragm. of Nikolaos of Damascus, (perhaps from the <i>Lydiaka</i> of Xanthos), <i>F. H. G.</i>, III,
-p. 395, fragm. 62.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491"><span class="label">491</span></a> See Krause, p. 541, n. 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492"><span class="label">492</span></a> See <i>Ant. Denkm.</i>, I, 1886, Pl. VIII, 3 b; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493"><span class="label">493</span></a> See hero reliefs in <i>A. M.</i>, II, 1877, Pls. XX-XXV. On early Corinthian vases, men are
-represented regularly with long hair.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494"><span class="label">494</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on the bust of Apollo in the Glyptothek, Munich: von Mach, 449 (left); on the bearded
-man (Dionysos?) in the British Museum: <i>id.</i>, 450 (right); and on the Apollo of Naples: <i>id.</i>, 448:
-On the latter head the narrow band of the former two examples has become very broad.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495"><span class="label">495</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Waldstein, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 177.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496"><span class="label">496</span></a> <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 67 (on statues of Zeus, hair reaching the shoulders, a style later becoming typical
-of that god); p. 407 (the Argive school gave short hair to heads of Zeus); <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 42 and
-118; <i>cf.</i> <i>Mw.</i>, p. 273.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497"><span class="label">497</span></a> <i>Mw.</i>, p. 249. Furtwaengler gives an example of a short-haired Apollo of the school of
-Euphranor, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 590.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498"><span class="label">498</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, p. 16. <i>E. g.</i>, the Florentine gem: Furtwaengler, <i>Antike Gemmen</i>, 1900, Pl. XXXIX,
-no. 29.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499"><span class="label">499</span></a> Pp. 444 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_500"><span class="label">500</span></a> A good example of this is seen on the <i>Apollo of Tenea</i> (Pl. 8 A).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_501"><span class="label">501</span></a> Bulle, Pl. 225. He dates it in the middle of the sixth century B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502"><span class="label">502</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 16 (Jex-Blake’s transl.) The Latin of the last portion of this passage runs:
-<i>Olympiae, ubi omnium qui vicissent statuas dicari mos erat, eorum vero qui ter ibi superavissent ex
-membris ipsorum similitudine expressa, quas iconicas vocant.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503"><span class="label">503</span></a> Hirt, <i>Ueber das Bildniss der Alten</i>, 1814–15, p. 7; Visconti, <i>Iconographie grecque</i> (1st ed. Paris
-1808, Milan, 1824–26), Discours prelim., p. VIII, n. 4. They argued from Lucian’s <i>pro Imag.</i>,
-11, a passage already discussed <i>supra</i>, p. 45 and n. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504"><span class="label">504</span></a> Scherer, pp. 9 f., and especially p. 13; Lessing, <i>Laokoön</i>, II, 13, made Pliny’s words a text
-for a famous passage.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_505"><span class="label">505</span></a> For the latest discussion of Pliny’s passage, see <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, pp. 236 and 295–6 (the latter in
-reference to the inscribed base of the statue of Xenombrotos to be discussed a few lines <i>infra</i>).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506"><span class="label">506</span></a> Klein, quoted by Jex-Blake, p. 14, footnote to line 7, believes Pliny’s statement apocryphal, an
-idea escaping all scholars except, perhaps, Bluemner in his commentary on the <i>Laokoön</i> (p. 503).
-Evidently Pliny, or his source, is explaining the discrepancy between ideal and portrait
-statues as the result of an improbable rule, since the ancients applied little historical criticism to
-art, and hence did not distinguish between works representing types and those representing
-individuals. Dio Chrysostom, in his treatise Περὶ κάλλους (<i>Orat.</i>, XXI, 1, p. 501 R), tries to
-explain the difference between early and late statues on the ground of physical degeneration
-in the latter.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507"><span class="label">507</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol</i>, 170. He won in Ol. (?) 83 (&#8239;=&#8239;448 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 14.12; Hyde, 133; Foerster,
-327. This date follows the reasoning of Robert, <i>O. S.</i>, pp. 180 f. Pausanias, <i>l. c.</i>, mentions another
-monument of the victor, the inscribed base of which has been found: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 154, though
-Dittenberger wrongly refers it to Damasippos: Foerster, 812; Hyde, pp. 53–4. The same authority
-refers no. 170 to the middle of the fourth century B.&nbsp;C., or a couple of decades later, because
-of the lettering and orthography. The monument of no. 170 must, therefore, have been set up
-long after the victory—about a century later.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508"><span class="label">508</span></a> Dittenberger, <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, p. 296, compares two other inscriptions with no. 170, viz, no.
-174 (in which the words ὧδε στάς occur) and <i>C. I. G. G. S.</i>, I, 2470, l. 3 (where the words τοίας ἐκ
-προβολᾶς occur). However, as he says, these two refer to the poses of the statues of gymnic
-victors and not to portraits. Pausanias frequently uses the word εἰκών for ἀνδριάς (<i>e. g.</i>, III,
-18.7) of a victor, but this seems to be no indication of a portrait statue.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509"><span class="label">509</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Dittenberger, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 296. Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 530, think the case of Xenombrotos
-may simply be exceptional.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510"><span class="label">510</span></a> VI, 3.11–12; he was three times victor in running races in Ols. (?) 95, (?) 97, and 99
-(&#8239;=&#8239;400, 392, 384 B.&nbsp;C.); the latter date is attested by Afr.: Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316.
-For the epigram on the base of one of these statues, see <i>A. G.</i>, XIII, 15.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_511"><span class="label">511</span></a> VI, 4.1; he was three times victor in the pankration in Ols. 104, (?) 105, (?) 106 (&#8239;=&#8239;364–356
-B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 37; Foerster, 349, 353, 359.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_512"><span class="label">512</span></a> VI, 17.2; he was thrice victor in running races in Ols. 129, 130 (&#8239;=&#8239;264, 260 B.&nbsp;C.): Afr.;
-Hyde, 173; Foerster, 440–2, 444–5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_513"><span class="label">513</span></a> VI, 15.9; he was four times victor in the pankration, once in hoplite running, and once in the
-δίαυλος, at unknown dates: Hyde, 149; Foerster, 767–72. We can not say that his victories fell
-at a date when iconic statues were in vogue.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_514"><span class="label">514</span></a> VI, 6.6; he won in Ols. 74, 76, 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;484, 476–2 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185,
-195, 207; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 144.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_515"><span class="label">515</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, VI, 13.3–4 and 8: Hermogenes, five times victor in running races in Ols. 215, 216, 217
-(&#8239;=&#8239;81–89 A.&nbsp;D.): Afr.; Hyde, 111a; Foerster, 654–6, 659–660, 662–4; Polites, three times victor
-in running races in Ol. 212 (&#8239;=&#8239;69 A.&nbsp;D.): Afr.; Hyde, 111b; Foerster, 648–50; Leonidas, four
-times victor in running races in Ols. 154, 155, 156, 157 (&#8239;=&#8239;164–152 B.&nbsp;C.): Afr.; Hyde, 111c; Foerster,
-495–7, 498–500, 502–4, 507–9; Tisandros, four times victor in boxing in Ols. (?) 60–3 (&#8239;=&#8239;540–528
-B.&nbsp;C.), at a date too early for portraiture: Hyde, 119a; Foerster, 115, 119, 123, 124. There
-are other examples from the early fifth and the sixth centuries B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_516"><span class="label">516</span></a> <i>Princ. Gr. Art</i>, Ch. XI (Portrait Sculpture), pp. 165 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_517"><span class="label">517</span></a> Gardner, p. 165, cites Bernouilli, <i>Griech. Ikonogr.</i>, 1901, as listing 26 known portraits of
-Euripides and 32 of Demosthenes, and calls attention to the fact that 870 plates in the
-Bruckmann series, <i>Griech. und Roem. Portraets</i> (ed. Brunn und Arndt), from 1891 on, are of
-Roman portraits. On the subject of Græco-Roman portraits, see also Bernouilli, <i>Roem. Ikonogr.</i>,
-1882–94; Hekler, <i>Greek and Roman Portraits</i>, 1912; and the works of E. Q. Visconti, now antiquated:
-<i>Iconogr. gr.</i> (Paris, 1808) and <i>Iconogr. romana</i> (Milan, 1818).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_518"><span class="label">518</span></a> XXXIV, 74. Pausanias mentions a portrait of Perikles without naming the artist, I, 25.1;
-<i>cf.</i> I. 28.2. The inscribed base was found in Athens in 1888: Ἀρχαιολογικὸν Δελτίον, 1889,
-pp. 36 f. (Lolling). A terminal portrait of Perikles, extant in several copies, has been identified
-as a copy of this work, <i>e. g.</i>, one in the British Museum: <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, no. 549; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>,
-Pl. VII, opp. p. 118 (profile, fig, 46, p. 119); Hekler, <i>op. cit.</i>, Pl. 4 a.; F. W., 481. Another
-replica is in the Vatican: Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, 276, and Nachtraege, II, p. 471; Visconti, <i>Iconogr.
-gr.</i>, I, Pl. XV; B. B., 156; Hekler, <i>op. cit.</i>, Pl. 4 b. However, Hitz.-Bluemn., I, p. 307, <i>ad
-loc.</i> Paus., think that the word ἀνδριάς used by Pausanias can not apply to a terminal bust;
-Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 117, n. 4, says that the word does not necessarily mean a whole statue. <i>Cf.</i>
-Bernouilli, <i>Jb.</i>, XI, 1896, pp. 107 f.; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 117 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_519"><span class="label">519</span></a> See <i>I. G. B.</i>, 62, 63.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_520"><span class="label">520</span></a> <i>Philopseudes</i>, 18 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_521"><span class="label">521</span></a> Αὐτοανθρώπῳ ὅμοιον, §18.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_522"><span class="label">522</span></a> A good example of a Roman copy (from the age of Hadrian) of an original iconic athlete statue
-in bronze from the end of the fourth century B.&nbsp;C., is a bearded head in the Museo Chiaramonti;
-its swollen ears and the deep furrow in the hair for the metal crown show that it is from the statue
-of a victor. See Amelung, <i>Vat.</i>, I, p. 483, no. 257 and Tafelbd., I, Pl. 50; Arndt-Bruckmann,
-<i>Gr. und Roem. Portr.</i>, Pls. 223–4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_523"><span class="label">523</span></a> XXXV, 153. Jex-Blake, p. 176, justly remarks that this invention had nothing to do with
-the custom of taking death-masks.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_524"><span class="label">524</span></a> Xen., <i>Symp.</i>, IV, 17: θαλλοφόρους γὰρ τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ τοὺς καλοὺς γέροντας ἐκλέγονται κ. τ. λ.;
-<i>cf.</i> Aristoph., <i>Vesp.</i>, 544, and Athen., XIII, 20 (p. 565) and scholion.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_525"><span class="label">525</span></a> XIII, 90 (p. 609 e, f); here he quotes a history of Arkadia by Nikias.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526"><span class="label">526</span></a> Athen., XIII, 20 (pp. 565 f and 566 a); <i>cf.</i>, Theophr., <i>apud</i> Athen., XIII, 90 (pp. 609 f, 610 a).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_527"><span class="label">527</span></a> Athen., XIII, 90 (p. 610a): here Athenæus is also quoting Theophrastos. In XIII, 20
-(p. 565), he quotes Herakleides Lembos as saying that in Sparta the handsomest man and woman
-were especially honored.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528"><span class="label">528</span></a> Hdt., V, 47; Eustath. <i>ad</i> Iliad, III, p. 383, 43; Foerster, 138.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_529"><span class="label">529</span></a> P., IX, 22.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_530"><span class="label">530</span></a> P., VII, 24.4; cf., VIII, 47.3, for a similar custom at Tegea.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_531"><span class="label">531</span></a> See O. Mueller, <i>Die Dorier</i><sup>1</sup>, 1824, II, p. 238 (quoted by Krause, I, p. 37, n. 19). For references
-to contests of beauty in Greece, see <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 33–38.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_532"><span class="label">532</span></a> On this subject, see the recent essay by W. H. Goodyear, Lessing’s Essay on the Laocoön
-and its Influence on the Criticism of Art and Literature, <i>Brooklyn Museum Quarterly</i>, Oct.
-1917, pp. 228–9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_533"><span class="label">533</span></a> Thus we have Polykleitos of Argos and Patrokles, perhaps his brother; Naukydes of Argos
-and Daidalos of Sikyon, sons of Patrokles; the younger Polykleitos—who called himself an Argive—the
-brother of Naukydes; Alypos of Sikyon, the pupil of Naukydes; etc. Statues by all these
-sculptors except Patrokles are known to have stood in Olympia.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_534"><span class="label">534</span></a> <i>Hbk.</i><sup>2</sup>, p. 254.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_535"><span class="label">535</span></a> His criticism of painting occurs in <i>Poet.</i>, 1448a, 5, 1450a, 26, and <i>Polit.</i>, V, 1340a, 35. In <i>Eth</i>.,
-VI, 1141a, 10, he says that Pheidias and Polykleitos were masters in marble and bronze respectively.
-For a discussion of Aristotle’s æsthetics of painting and sculpture, see M. Carroll, in
-<i>Publ. of Geo. Washington University</i>, Philol. and Lit. Series, I, <small>1</small> (Nov., 1905), pp. 1–10; and for
-both Aristotle and Plato on art, see Kalkman, <i>50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, 1890 (Proport.
-des Gesichts), pp. 3 f. and notes.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_536"><span class="label">536</span></a> I, 5, 1361b; Oppian, <i>Kyneget.</i>, I, 89–90, speaks of the similarly well-developed bodies of hunters.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_537"><span class="label">537</span></a> <i>Mem.</i>, III, 10.6–8. For his visit to the painter Parrhasios, see <i>ibid.</i>, 10.1–5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538"><span class="label">538</span></a> Following the suggestion of Klein, II, p. 143, and W. L. Westermann, <i>Class. Rev.</i>, XIX,
-1905, pp. 323–5. The latter gives several examples of similarly shortened forms of names and
-believes the passage in Xenophon emphasizes the fact that Polykleitos was employed at
-Athens. Plato frequently mentions Polykleitos by his full name: <i>e. g.</i>, <i>Protag.</i>, 328 C (sons
-of Polykleitos), 311 C (Polykleitos and Pheidias). P. Gardner justly observes that the
-statues of Polykleitos “however beautiful, are scarcely life-like:” <i>Prince. Gk. Art.</i>, p. 15,
-n. 1; <i>Grammar</i>, p. 17.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539"><span class="label">539</span></a> II, 17: τὰ σκέλη μὲν παχύνονται, τοὺς ὤμους δὲ λεπτύνονται, κ. τ. λ.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_540"><span class="label">540</span></a> See schol. on Plato, <i>Amatores</i>, p. 135 E; <i>cf.</i> Epiktetos, <i>Encheir.</i>, Ch. 29.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_541"><span class="label">541</span></a> P., VI, 10.5; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 97; Foerster, 240; <i>cf.</i> Krause, <i>Olympia</i>, pp. 302 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_542"><span class="label">542</span></a> His date is uncertain: P., VI, 15.9; Hyde, 149; Foerster, 767–772.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_543"><span class="label">543</span></a> P., VI, 3.2; he won at Olympia some time between Ols. (?) 99 and 102 (&#8239;=&#8239;384 and 372 B.&nbsp;C.):
-Hyde, 23; Foerster, 335.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_544"><span class="label">544</span></a> P., I, 29.5: Hdt., VI, 92; IX, 75; <i>cf.</i> Krause, I, pp. 495–6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_545"><span class="label">545</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Phaÿllos of Kroton was famed for his fleetness, his jumping, and his throwing the diskos.
-See Aristoph., <i>Acharn.</i>, 212; <i>Vespes</i>, 1206; <i>A. G.</i>, App. 297; <i>cf.</i> Hdt., VIII, 47; P., X, 9.2. He
-won at Delphi only.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_546"><span class="label">546</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Myron at Delphi: Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 57; Alkamenes, <i>ibid.</i>, XXXIV, 72; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_547"><span class="label">547</span></a> 656 E, 657 A.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_548"><span class="label">548</span></a> Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXVI, 39. These works were probably critical as well as descriptive.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_549"><span class="label">549</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, of Pasiteles, XXXVI, 39; of Arkesilaos, XXXVI, 41; of Koponios, <i>ibid.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550"><span class="label">550</span></a> 18(70). In this passage he also gives similar judgments on several painters. On Cicero
-on art, see Grant Showerman, <i>Proceed. Amer. Philol. Ass’n</i>, XXXIV, 1903, pp. xxxv f. He
-shows that Cicero’s references to art proceed from his instinct as a stylist and not from any
-enthusiasm for art itself.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_551"><span class="label">551</span></a> <i>Imag.</i>, 6, p. 464. His eclectic statue is made up of works by Praxiteles, Alkamenes, Pheidias,
-and Kalamis.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_552"><span class="label">552</span></a> <i>Rhetorum praeceptor</i>, 9–10. He spells the two first names Ἡγησίας, Κράτης.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_553"><span class="label">553</span></a> XXXVI, 37. For careful judgments of Pliny’s work, see Jex-Blake, pp. xci f.: Kalkmann, <i>Die
-Quellen der Kunstgeschichte des Plinius</i>, 1898; Robert, <i>Archaeologische Maerchen</i>, 1886, pp. 28 f.;
-F. Muenzer, <i>Hermes</i>, XXX, 1895, pp. 499 f. (and <i>Beitraege zur Kritik der Naturgesch. des Plinius</i>,
-1897); Botsford and Sihler, <i>Hellenic Civilization</i>, 1915, pp. 551–8 (= Translation by Jex-Blake of
-Pliny, XXXIV, 53–84 [sculptors], revised by E. G. Sihler); pp. 558–567 (= Pliny, XXXV, 15,
-and 53–97 [painters], revised by E. G. S.). For short estimate of Pliny’s work, see Mackail,
-<i>Latin Literatures</i>, 1895, p. 197.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554"><span class="label">554</span></a> See his characterization of the great Greek painters and sculptors in <i>Inst. Orat.</i>, XII, Ch. 9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_555"><span class="label">555</span></a> Also in the work of H. Stuart Jones, <i>Select Passages from Anc. Writers Illustrative of the Hist. of
-Gk. Sculpt.</i>, 1895; <i>cf.</i>, A history of classical writers on art from Xenokrates to Pliny, in Jex-Blake,
-pp. xvi-xci; <i>cf.</i> Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, <i>Antigonos von Karystos</i> (Kiessling and Wilamowitz,
-<i>Philolog. Untersuchungen</i>, IV, 1881), pp. 7 f.; P. Gardner, <i>Principles of Greek Art</i>, Ch. II, pp. 13 f.
-(Ancient Critics on Art); etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_556"><span class="label">556</span></a> <i>A. Pl.</i>, 2; Bergk, <i>P. l. G.</i>, III<sup>4</sup>, no. 149, p. 498. Theognetos won in Ol. 76 (&#8239;=&#8239;476 B.&nbsp;C.):
-P., VI, 9.1; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>, Hyde, 83; Foerster, 193 and 193 N.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_557"><span class="label">557</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 88. Kallias won in Ol. 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 6.1; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 50;
-Foerster, 208; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 146.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_558"><span class="label">558</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, XXXIV, 71.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_559"><span class="label">559</span></a> Kalamis made the horses and jockeys, Onatas the chariot: P., VI, 12.1; Hiero won twice in the
-horse-race and once in the chariot-race in Ols. 76–78 (&#8239;=&#8239;476–468 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 105;
-Foerster, 199, 209, 215.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560"><span class="label">560</span></a> VI, 6.6. He won in Ols. 74, 76–7 (&#8239;=&#8239;484, 476–472 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 56; Foerster,
-185, 195, 207.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_561"><span class="label">561</span></a> VI, 4.4. He won in Ols. 81 and 82 (&#8239;=&#8239;456–452 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 38; Foerster, 202, 203.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_562"><span class="label">562</span></a> VI, 9.3. He won in Ol. 83 (&#8239;=&#8239;448 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 88: Foerster, 285.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563"><span class="label">563</span></a> V, 27.3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_564"><span class="label">564</span></a> Bulle, p. 104, remarks that up to the present no single Roman copy can be <i>proved</i> to be
-that of an Olympic victor statue. This fact must be constantly borne in mind.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565"><span class="label">565</span></a> No. 6439; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, pp. 299–300 and fig.; <i>Ausgr. v. Ol.</i>, V, Pls. XXI,
-XXII, and p. 14; <i>Funde v. Ol.</i>, Pl. XXIII, and p. 16; <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., pp. 10–11; Tafelbd.,
-Pl. II, 2 and 2a; Boetticher, <i>Olympia</i>, Pl. XI, 1; Baum., p. 1104 00, figs. 1296, a and b; F. W.,
-no. 323; Bulle, 235 and fig. 154, on p. 501; von Mach, 482; B. B., 247.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566"><span class="label">566</span></a> Furtw.-Wolters, <i>Beschr. d. Glyptothek</i>,<sup>2</sup> 1910, no. 457, pp. 398 f.; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 291; <i>Mw.</i>,
-p. 507; F. W., no. 216; B. B., 8; Bulle, 207 (front and side); Kekulé, <i>A. Z.</i>, XLI, 1883, Pl. XIV,
-3, p. 246; H. Schrader, <i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, 1911, p. 74; Hauser, <i>R. M.</i>, X, 1895, pp. 103 f.
-Kekulé, because of its similarity to the <i>Apollo</i> of the West Gable, derived it from the art of the
-Olympia pediment sculptures; Flasch, <i>Verh. d. 29sten Philologenversamml.</i>, Innsbruck, 1874,
-p. 162, and Brunn, <i>Beschr. d. Glypt.</i><sup>5</sup>, no. 302, and <i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1892, p. 658, classed it as
-Polykleitan; Bulle calls it Attic-Argive without Polykleitan influence, while Furtwaengler finds it
-Polykleitan-Attic. The latter gives several replicas, two of green and black basalt respectively,
-in the Museo delle Terme, and a marble head in the Museo Chiaramonti, no. 475. Bulle gives
-the height of the Munich head as 0.23 meter.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_567"><span class="label">567</span></a> Αἰδώς; <i>cf.</i> <i>decor</i>, applied to the work of Polykleitos by Quintilian: <i>Inst. Orat.</i>, XII, 9. 7–8; <i>cf.</i> also
-Vitruvius, <i>de Arch.</i>, I, 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_568"><span class="label">568</span></a> Furtw.-Urlichs, <i>Denkm. d. gr. und roem. Skulpt.</i>, Hdausgabe,<sup>3</sup> 1911, p. 102, n. 1. He adds that
-it is <i>das Ideal von Reinheit, Unschuld, liebenswuerdig edler Groesse, eines der herrlichsten griechischen
-Originale, die uns erhalten sind</i>. It is photographed <i>ibid.</i>, figs. 30, 31. In the <i>Beschr. d.
-Glypt.</i>, p. 399, he says it is <i>das edelste und vollendetste Werk, das die Glyptothek besitzt—ihr
-kostbarster Schatz</i>, etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_569"><span class="label">569</span></a> Formerly in the Coll. Tyszkiewicz: B. B., 324, (two views); Bulle, 206 (two views); von Mach,
-481 (two views); <i>Mon. Piot</i>, I, 1894, pp. 77 f. (E. Michon) and Pls. X, XI; S. Reinach, <i>Têtes</i>,[P2, looked in original]
-Pl. 72 and p. 58; Kalkmann, Prop. d. Gesichts, p. 27 (vignette); Collignon, II, Frontispiece and
-p. 169; Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl. XL; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 290–1 and Pl. XIV; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 507. The
-best illustration of the head is given by de Ridder, <i>Les Bronzes antiques du Louvre</i>, I, 1913, Pl. I
-(and text p. 8, on no. 4). It is 0.33 meter in height (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_570"><span class="label">570</span></a> Preface to Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. xiii.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_571"><span class="label">571</span></a> So Furtw., <i>l. c.</i>; Bulle, however, sees in it only Attic work and finds it slightly coarser and
-harder than the Munich head described.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_572"><span class="label">572</span></a> Invent. 5633; <i>Bronzi d’Ercol.</i>, I, 73, 74; D. Comparetti e G. de Petra, <i>La Villa Ercolanese
-dei Pisoni</i>, 1883, XI, 1; B. B., 323 (two views); Rayet, II, Pl. 67; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 291; <i>Mw.</i>,
-p. 508; the latter believes that it, like the preceding two heads, is Polykleitan and Attic.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_573"><span class="label">573</span></a> <i>Bedeutung der Gymnastik in d. gr. Kunst</i>, 1905; <i>cf.</i> also Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, p. 23, and <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 215.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_574"><span class="label">574</span></a> Furtw.-Urlichs, <i>Denkmaeler</i>, already cited, p. 63, n. 3. (Translated under the title <i>Greek
-and Roman Sculpture</i> by H. Taylor, 1914; p. 119.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_575"><span class="label">575</span></a> See F. W. G. Foat, Anthropometry of Greek Statues, <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXXV, 1915, pp. 225 f. (p. 226).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_576"><span class="label">576</span></a> Plato, <i>Phileb.</i>, 64 E, regarded μετριότης and συμμετρία as qualities of beauty and virtue;
-<i>cf.</i> Aristotle, <i>Metaphys.</i>, X, 3.7, and <i>Nicom. Eth.</i>, V, 5.14, 1133b. Vitruvius, <i>de Arch.</i>, I, 2, makes
-symmetry in architecture a quality of <i>eurythmia: Item symmetria est ex ipsius operis membris
-conveniens consensus ex partibusque separatis ad universae figurae speciem ratae partis responsus</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_577"><span class="label">577</span></a> I, 2: <i>Haec [eurythmia] efficitur, cum membra operis convenientia sunt, altitudinis ad latitudinem,
-latitudinis ad longitudinem, et ad summam omnia respondent suae symmetriae</i>; <i>cf.</i> III, 1;
-Lucian, <i>pro Imag.</i>, 14 (ῥυθμίζειν τὸ ἄγαλμα); Clem. Alex., <i>Paedagog.</i>, 3.11 and 64 (εὐρυθμὸς καὶ
-καλὸς ἀνδριάς); Xen., <i>Mem.</i>, III, 10.9 (ῥυθμός, of corselets); Plut., <i>de Educ. puer.</i>, 11 (τῶν σωμάτων
-εὐρυθμία); Diod., I, 97. 6 (ῥυθμὸς ἀνδριάντων, <i>i.e.</i>, rhythmic order or grace in statuary): <i>id.</i>, II, 56.4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_578"><span class="label">578</span></a> Vitruv., III, 1: <i>&lt;proportio&gt;, quae graece ἀναλογία dicitur. Proportio est ratae partis membrorum
-in omni opere totiusque commodulatio, ex qua ratio efficitur symmetriarum.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_579"><span class="label">579</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 65.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_580"><span class="label">580</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, <i>e. g.</i>, XXXV, 67 and 128.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_581"><span class="label">581</span></a> Ueber die Kunsturteile bei Plinius, <i>Ber. ueber d. Verhandl. d. k. saechs. Ges. d. Wiss. zu Leipzig</i>, II,
-1850, p. 131; <i>cf.</i> H. L. Urlichs, <i>Ueber griech. Kunstschriftsteller</i> (Diss. inaug., Wuerzburg, 1887).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_582"><span class="label">582</span></a> <i>Principles of Greek Art</i>, 1914, p. 20 (= <i>Grammar of Greek Art</i>, 1905, p. 22).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_583"><span class="label">583</span></a> Quoted by Gardner, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 22 (= <i>Grammar</i>, p. 23), from two papers by H. Brunn, Ueber
-tektonischen Styl in der griech. Plastik und Malerei, in <i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1883, pp. 299 f., 1884,
-pp. 507 f. Overbeck, I, pp. 266–277, explains rhythm in art as the <i>Ordnung der Bewegung</i>, in
-accordance with the definition of Plato: τῇ δὴ τῆς κινήσεως τάξει ῥυθμὸς ὄνομα εἴη: <i>de Leg.</i>, 665 A.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_584"><span class="label">584</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 58 (S. Q., 533): <i>Numerosior in arte quam Polyclitus et in symmetria diligentior</i>.
-The interpretation of this disputed passage depends, of course, on the meaning of
-<i>numerosior</i>, and whether we accept the curious statement of the manuscript that Myron surpassed
-Poykleitos in symmetry, or, by omitting the <i>et</i> (with Sillig), make it mean just the contrary
-and in harmony with the usual ancient view that symmetry was the salient characteristic of
-Polykleitan art. The passage, then, would contrast the symmetry of Polykleitos with the
-variety of Myron. This accords with Pliny’s use of <i>numerosus</i> elsewhere (<i>e. g.</i>, XXXV, 130
-and 138), which always refers to number. See Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 275 (note).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_585"><span class="label">585</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, XXXIV, 65, he says: <i>Nova intactaque ratione quadratas veterum staturas permutando</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_586"><span class="label">586</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, XXXV, 67.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_587"><span class="label">587</span></a> VIII. I. 47.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_588"><span class="label">588</span></a> The Egyptians divided the front view of the body into 19 parts (or 21 parts and a quarter,
-including the height of the head-dress): Diod., 1, 98. See Lepsius, <i>Monum. funéraires de
-l’Égypte</i> (figure, reproduced in Dar.-Sagl, I, 2, p. 892, fig. 1125); <i>cf.</i> his <i>Descript. de l’Égypte</i>,
-IV, LXII; Wilkinson, <i>History of Egypt</i>, p. 113, Pl. IV; these references are given by Foat, <i>op.
-cit.</i>, p. 225, n. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_589"><span class="label">589</span></a> Vitruv., I, 2. However, in thus following the statement of the Roman architect, it must be
-said that the attempt to recover and establish such a canon in Greek architecture is still unproved.
-The subject is complicated and has led to very different views. Thus, while many scholars
-have defended the theory of the canon (<i>e. g.</i>, Pennethorne, <i>Geom. and Optics of Anc. Arch.</i>, 1878;
-Penrose, in Whibley, <i>Comp. to Gk. Stud.</i><sup>1</sup>, 1905, pp. 220–1; Ferguson, <i>Hist. Arch.</i>, ed. 1887, I, p.
-251; P. Gardner, <i>Princ. Gk. Art.</i>, p. 21; Statham, <i>Short Crit. Hist. Arch.</i>, 1912, p. 130), others are
-opposed, and believe that design in Greek architecture was a matter of feeling, and that the orders
-were first reduced to formulæ in Roman days (<i>e. g.</i>, A. K. Porter, <i>Med. Arch.</i>, 1909, I, 9; Goodyear,
-<i>Greek Refinements, Studies in Temperamental Arch.</i>, 1912, esp. p. 83, quoting Joseph Hoffer from
-<i>Wiener Bauzeitung</i>, 1838). See on the subject a recent article by my pupil, Dr. A. W. Barker,
-in <i>A. J. A.</i>, XXII, 1918, pp. 1 f., in which the above and other references are given.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_590"><span class="label">590</span></a> Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, pp. 22–3, says: “Paradoxical as it may seem at first sight, the very freedom
-of Greek sculpture is to a great extent due to its close adherence to tradition.” He shows how
-the free play of imagination depends on external conditions and tradition.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_591"><span class="label">591</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Vitruv., I, 2; especially these words: <i>Ut in hominis corpore e cubito, pede, palmo, digito,
-ceterisque particulis (partibus) symmetria est eurythmiae qualitas</i>; also III, 1: <i>Pes vero altitudinis
-corporis sextae</i> &lt;<i>partis</i>&gt;; <i>cubitum quartae; pectus item quartae</i>, etc. Also Philostr., <i>Imag.</i>,
-Proem.; the third-century A.&nbsp;D. (?) treatise called <i>de Physiognomia</i>; St. Augustine, <i>de Civ. Dei</i>,
-XV, 26. 1; the poet Martianus Capella, of the middle of the fifth century A.&nbsp;D., who says,
-VII, 739: <i>septem corporis partes hominem perficiunt</i>; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_592"><span class="label">592</span></a> Die Proportionen des Gesichts in der griechischen Kunst (= <i>53stes Berliner Wincklemanns programm</i>,
-1893).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_593"><span class="label">593</span></a> <i>Gestalt des Menschen</i>, in <i>Verh. d. Berl. Anthrop. Gesell.</i>, 1895. This work is based on the older
-investigations of C. Schmidt, <i>Proportionsschluessel</i>, 1849, and of C. Carus, <i>Die Proportionslehre
-der menschlichen Gestalt</i>, 1874. See also P. Richer, <i>Canon des proportions du corps humain</i>,
-1893; E. Duhousset, Proportions artistiques et anthropométrie scientifique, <i>Gaz. B-A.</i>, III, Pér.
-3, 1 90, pp. 59 f.; E. Guillaume, art. Canon, <i>Dict. de l’Acad. des B-A.</i>; E. Gebhard, in Dar.-Sagl.,
-I, 2, pp. 891–892; <i>cf.</i> Collignon, I, pp. 490 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_594"><span class="label">594</span></a> F. W. G. Foat, <i>op. cit.</i>, offers a scheme or typical design, based on wide data, which will serve
-as a universal basis for securing facts about any statue under examination.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_595"><span class="label">595</span></a> On the influence of such canons of proportion on contemporary artists, see Balcarres, <i>Evolution
-of Italian Sculpture</i>, p. 128.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_596"></a><a href="#FNanchor_596"><span class="label">596</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Vitruvius, quoted above. The scholion on Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, VII, Argum., Boeckh, p. 158, speaks
-of πηχῶν τεσσάρων δακτύλων πέντε as the height of the statue of Diagoras at Olympia, etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_597"><span class="label">597</span></a> Vitruvius, <i>de Arch.</i>, VII, Praef., 14, lists writers who <i>praecepta symmetriarum conscripserunt</i>.
-See V. Mortet, <i>Rev. Arch.</i>, Sér. IV, XIII, 1909, pp. 46 f, and figs. 1 and 2. In this
-discussion of ancient canons he shows that the chief ratio was that of the head to the height of
-the body; the proportion of 8 heads to the body was that adopted by da Vinci and J. Cousin:
-7 to 8 is found in the figures of the Parthenon frieze; a little under 7 in the <i>Diadoumenos</i> of
-Polykleitos.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_598"><span class="label">598</span></a> See Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 49–52. As examples, he gives the statue of Apollo from the Tiber now in
-the Museo delle Terme: <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 50–51, figs. 8 and 9; <i>cf.</i> <i>R. M.</i>, 1891, pp. 302, 377 and Pls. X-XII;
-the Mantuan <i>Apollo</i>: <i>cf.</i> <i>50stes Berliner Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, p. 139, n. 61 (for replicas); etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_599"></a><a href="#FNanchor_599"><span class="label">599</span></a> For Polykleitos’ canon, see Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 55; <i>S. Q.</i>, 953 f.; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 249.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_600"></a><a href="#FNanchor_600"><span class="label">600</span></a> So Pliny, <i>op. cit.</i>, XXXV, 128; <i>cf.</i> J. Six, <i>Jb.</i>, XXIV, 1909, pp. 7 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_601"></a><a href="#FNanchor_601"><span class="label">601</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 61; see Jex-Blake, p. <span class="smcap">XLVIII</span>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_602"></a><a href="#FNanchor_602"><span class="label">602</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 65.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_603"></a><a href="#FNanchor_603"><span class="label">603</span></a> However, other fourth-century artists, notably Praxiteles, used impressionism in the treatment
-of the hair: see Bulle, pp. 444 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_604"></a><a href="#FNanchor_604"><span class="label">604</span></a> In XXXIV, 80, he mentions Menaichmos, who wrote on the toreutic art probably in the
-fourth century B.&nbsp;C.; in XXXIV, 83 (<i>cf.</i> XXXV, 68), he mentions Xenokrates, of the school
-of Lysippos, who wrote books on art; he is probably identical with an artist of the same name
-known to us from inscriptions from Oropos and Elateia: <i>I. G. B.</i>, 135, a, b (Oropos), c (Elateia);
-<i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1892, 52 (Oropos); the identity is doubted by Jex-Blake, p. xx, n. 2. In XXXIV,
-84 (<i>cf.</i> XXXV, 68) he speaks of Antigonos, who wrote on painting and who was employed by
-Attalos I of Pergamon to work on the trophies of his victory over the Gauls. For Antigonos as
-a writer on the criticism of art, see Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, <i>Antigonos von Karystos</i> (Kiessling
-and Wilamowitz, <i>Philolog. Untersuchungen</i>, IV, 1881), Ch. I, pp. 7 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_605"><span class="label">605</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 55. According to the exact words of Pliny, the <i>Canon</i> and the <i>Doryphoros</i>
-were distinct works. It is probable, however, that Pliny’s words conceal the same statue under
-two names, his commentary on each coming from a different source: see Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 229
-and n. 4; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 422 and n. 2; <i>cf.</i> Muenzer, <i>Hermes</i>, XXX, 1895, p. 530, n. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_606"></a><a href="#FNanchor_606"><span class="label">606</span></a> Cicero, <i>Brut.</i>, 86, 296. On the fame of the <i>Doryphoros</i>, see <i>id.</i>, <i>Orator</i>, 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_607"></a><a href="#FNanchor_607"><span class="label">607</span></a> <i>Instit. Orat.</i>, V, 12.21. In Philon’s treatise περὶ βελοποιϊκῶν, IV, 2, we read: τὸ γὰρ εὖ παρὰ
-μικρὸν διὰ πολλῶν ἀριθμῶν ἔφη γίνεσθαι, sc. Πολύκλειτος, (“Beauty,” he said, “was produced
-from a small unit through a long chain of numbers”), a description which rightly characterizes
-the <i>Doryphoros</i>. The system given by Vitruv., III, 1, hardly agrees with Polykleitan statues and
-so has been connected by Kalkmann, though on insufficient grounds, with the canon of Euphranor:
-see <i>50stes Berlin Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, 1890 (Proport. des Gesichts), pp. 43 f.; <i>cf.</i> H. Stuart Jones,
-<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 129.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_608"><span class="label">608</span></a> <i>Guida Museo Napoli</i>, no. 146; Collignon, I, Pl. XII, opp. p. 488; Bulle, 47 and analysis on
-pp. 97–102.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_609"><span class="label">609</span></a> Kalkmann, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 53, gives the height as 1.98–1.99 m.; Bulle, p. 97 to no. 47, as 1.99 m.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_610"><span class="label">610</span></a> In Rayet, I, Text to Pl. 29; reproduced in <i>Études d’art antique et moderne</i>, 1888, pp. 399 f.;
-<i>cf.</i> also Collignon, I, pp. 492 f. and P. Gardner, <i>Principles of Greek Art</i>, pp. 21 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_611"><span class="label">611</span></a> <i>De plac. Hipp. et Plat.</i>, 5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_612"></a><a href="#FNanchor_612"><span class="label">612</span></a> B. B., 321; Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, 956; <i>Guide</i>, 617; F. W., 215; to be discussed <i>infra</i>, pp. 201–2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_613"><span class="label">613</span></a> <i>Orat.</i>, XXXI, 89 f. (614 R).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_614"><span class="label">614</span></a> In the present discussion we shall confine ourselves to the assimilation of mortal types to
-those of athletic gods and heroes, omitting the larger question of assimilation to divine types
-in general. A good example of the latter is afforded by P. VIII, 9.7–8. Here, in noting that
-the Mantineans worshipped Antinoos as a god by the erection of a temple and the celebration
-of mysteries and games, he says that images and paintings of the hero were in the Gymnasion
-there, the latter Διονύσῳ μάλιστα εἰκασμέναι.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_615"></a><a href="#FNanchor_615"><span class="label">615</span></a> Kabbadias, no. 218; <i>Rev. Arch.</i>, III (1er Sér.), 1846, Pl. 53, fig. 2; Ph. Le Bas, <i>Voyage archéologique</i>
-(ed. Reinach), Pl. CXVIII, p. 107; B. B., 18; von Mach, 191; F. W., 1220; Reinach.,
-<i>Rép.</i>, II, i, 149, 10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_616"></a><a href="#FNanchor_616"><span class="label">616</span></a> <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, p. 49.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_617"><span class="label">617</span></a> Kabbadias, no. 219.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_618"><span class="label">618</span></a> Formerly known as the <i>Antinous</i>: M. W., II, Pl. 28, 307; Clarac, IV, Pl. 665, 1514; Reinach,
-<i>Rép.</i>, I, 367,2 (with restored arms); von Mach, no. 192; Amelung, <i>Vat.</i>, II, no. 53 (pp. 132 f.)
-and Pl. 12; F. W., no. 1218; Baum., I, pp. 675 f. and fig. 737.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_619"><span class="label">619</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, III, no. 1599 and Pl. IV; Clarac, IV, Pl. 664, 1539; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, i, 149, 1;
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 317, fig. 567. A corresponding replica from Melos is described by F. W.,
-1219; for a replica of the head (on a torso which does not belong to it) in the Braccio Nuovo of the
-Vatican, see Amelung, <i>Vat.</i>, I, no. 132 (p. 155) and Pl. 21; for others, see Koerte, <i>A. M.</i>, III,
-1878, pp. 98 f. The height is given in <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i> as 6 ft. 7–1/2 in. (without the plinth).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_620"><span class="label">620</span></a> Amelung, <i>Vat.</i>, II, p. 656 and Pl. 61; Furtw., <i>Mw.</i>, p. 361, fig. 48. It is a marble copy of an
-original bronze of Myronian origin. Its height is 1.98 meters (Amelung).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_621"><span class="label">621</span></a> Duetschke, IV, no. 416; M. W., II, Pl. 30, 329.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_622"><span class="label">622</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 416; Koerte, <i>A. M.</i>, III, 1878, p. 350, no. 72.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_623"><span class="label">623</span></a> Duetschke, IV, no. 876; Clarac, 958, 2473; Conze, in <i>A. A.</i>, 1867, pp. 105–6. Here Conze
-gives a list of which three reliefs and one statue represent dead men as Hermes.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_624"></a><a href="#FNanchor_624"><span class="label">624</span></a> Duetschke, IV, no. 46; Conze, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 106 (mentioned in preceding note).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_625"></a><a href="#FNanchor_625"><span class="label">625</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, the well-known bust of the emperor Commodus
-with the attributes of Hercules in the Palazzo
-dei Conservatori, Rome: Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, 930;
-Baum., I, p. 398, fig. 432; Arndt-Bruckmann, <i>Griech.
-u. roem. Portraets</i>, 230; Hekler, <i>Greek and Roman Portraits</i>,
-1912, Pl. 270 a; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 583, 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_626"></a><a href="#FNanchor_626"><span class="label">626</span></a> <i>Not. Scav.</i>, 1885, p. 42; <i>Ant. Denkm.</i>, I, <span class="smcap">I</span>, 1886,
-Pl. V; Bulle, 75 and fig. 27, p. 141; B. B., 246; Helbig,
-<i>Fuehrer</i>, II., 1347, and references; Arndt-Bruckmann,
-<i>Griech. u. roem. Portraets</i>, Pls. 358–360; Hekler, <i>Greek
-and Roman Portraits</i>, Pls. 82–4; Collignon, II, p. 493,
-fig. 257; Murray, <i>Hbk.</i> Gr. <i>Archæol.</i>, 1892, pp. 305 f., fig. 100; Lanciani, <i>Ruins and Excavations
-of Anc. Rome</i>, 1897, Pl. on p. 303; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, 2, 548, 7; <i>cf.</i> Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 364, n. 2, and
-<i>Mw.</i>, p. 597, n. 3. The height of the statue is 2.08 meters, or 2.37 meters to the hand (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_627"></a><a href="#FNanchor_627"><span class="label">627</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Philip V, Perseus, Alexander Balas (who usurped the Seleucid throne in 149 B.&nbsp;C.),
-Demetrios I (Soter), of Syria (who reigned 162–150 B.&nbsp;C.), and Antiochos II, (Theos, who reigned
-261–246 B.&nbsp;C.), have been suggested.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_628"></a><a href="#FNanchor_628"><span class="label">628</span></a> See Imhoof-Blumer, <i>Portraetkoepfe auf ant. Muenzen hellenischer und hellenisierter Voelker</i>,
-1885, Pls. I, 6; III, 24; V, 21; VI, 29 and 31.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_629"></a><a href="#FNanchor_629"><span class="label">629</span></a> A small replica of this famous statue may probably be seen in the bronze statuette in the
-Nelidoff collection: Wulff, <i>Alexander mit der Lanze</i>, 1898, Pls. I, II; Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II, p. 134,
-fig. 35. On supposed replicas, see Bernouilli, <i>Das Bildniss Alex. d. Gr.</i>, p. 107; and Th. Schreiber,
-Studien ueber das Bildniss Alex. d. Gr., <i>Abh. d. philolog.-histor. Cl. d. k. saechs. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch.</i>,
-XXI, 1903, no. III, pp. 100 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_630"></a><a href="#FNanchor_630"><span class="label">630</span></a> Kabbadias, 235; Collignon, in <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XIII, 1889, p. 498 and Pl. III; Bulle, 74.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_631"></a><a href="#FNanchor_631"><span class="label">631</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> the <i>Farnese Herakles</i>, Bulle, 72; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_632"></a><a href="#FNanchor_632"><span class="label">632</span></a> Collignon, I, p. 253, fig. 122; see below, p. 119 and note 5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_633"></a><a href="#FNanchor_633"><span class="label">633</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, in the <i>Payne Knight</i> bronze of the British Museum (<i>B. M. Bronz.</i>, no. 209 and
-Pl. 1) and the <i>Sciarra</i> bronze (Collignon, I, p. 321, fig. 161; <i>R. M.</i>, II, 1887, Pls. IV, IVa, V),
-which will be discussed in Ch. III, pp. 108, 119.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_634"></a><a href="#FNanchor_634"><span class="label">634</span></a> He won Ol. (?) 80 (&#8239;=&#8239;460 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 4.11; Hyde, 45; Foerster, 255; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i> 149.
-<i>Cf.</i> Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 249 f.; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 452 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_635"></a><a href="#FNanchor_635"><span class="label">635</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, p. 255; an almost exact copy of the Eleusis statue is in the Museo Torlonia, no. 37.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_636"></a><a href="#FNanchor_636"><span class="label">636</span></a> Froehner, <i>Les medaillons de l’Empire romain</i>, 1878, p. 123; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_637"></a><a href="#FNanchor_637"><span class="label">637</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 229 f., especially pp. 233 f.; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 422 f., especially pp. 426 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_638"></a><a href="#FNanchor_638"><span class="label">638</span></a> On an Argive funerary relief: see <i>A. M.</i>, III, 1878, pp. 287 f. and Pl. XIII: this free adaptation
-of the <i>Doryphoros</i> dates from the middle of the fourth century B.&nbsp;C.; it will be treated later on
-in our discussion of the <i>Doryphoros</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_639"></a><a href="#FNanchor_639"><span class="label">639</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Ph., 16, (the palæstra of Hermes, the first known); Babr., 48,5 (παλαιστρίτης θεός). A
-trainer of professional athletes was called a γυμνάστης (a term sometimes applied to athletic
-gods): Xen., <i>Mem.</i>, II, 1.20; Plato, <i>de Leg.</i>, 720 E; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_640"></a><a href="#FNanchor_640"><span class="label">640</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, <i>Suppl.</i>, 189, 333; <i>Agam.</i>, 513.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_641"></a><a href="#FNanchor_641"><span class="label">641</span></a> As in Iliad, XV, 428; XVI, 500; XXIV, 1. Eustathius in a scholion on the latter passage
-wrongly says that Aischylos called the ἀγοραῖοι θεοί “ἀγώνιοι θεοί.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_642"></a><a href="#FNanchor_642"><span class="label">642</span></a> As in Hesychios, who says ἀγώνιοι θεοὶ = οἱ τῶν ἀγώνων προεστῶτες.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_643"></a><a href="#FNanchor_643"><span class="label">643</span></a> 509, ὕπατος χώρας, “lord of Nemea.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_644"></a><a href="#FNanchor_644"><span class="label">644</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, ὁ Πύθιος ἄναξ.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_645"></a><a href="#FNanchor_645"><span class="label">645</span></a> 515.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_646"></a><a href="#FNanchor_646"><span class="label">646</span></a> <i>E. g.</i> Plato, <i>de Leg.</i>, 783 A; Pindar, <i>Isthm.</i>, I, 60, <i>Ol.</i>, VI, 79, and <i>Pyth.</i>, II, 10 (of Hermes);
-Soph., <i>Trach.</i>, 26 (of Zeus, the decider of contests); <i>C. I. G.</i>, II, 1421 (of Hermes); <i>cf.</i> also Simonides,
-quoted by Athenæus, XI, 90 (p. 490); Aischyl., <i>fragm.</i> 384 (of Hermes); Aristoph., <i>Plut.</i>,
-1161 (of Hermes); <i>C. I. G.</i>, I, 251; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_647"></a><a href="#FNanchor_647"><span class="label">647</span></a> See Preller-Robert, <i>Griech. Mythol.</i><sup>4</sup>, 1894, p. 415, n. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_648"></a><a href="#FNanchor_648"><span class="label">648</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Krause, pp. 169 f.; Preller-Robert, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 415 f.; Urlichs, <i>Skopas</i>, p. 42; Nissen,
-<i>Pompej. Stud.</i>, p. 168; Roscher, <i>Lex.</i>, I, 2, p. 2369; S. Eitrem, in Pauly-Wissowa, VIII,
-pp. 786–7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_649"></a><a href="#FNanchor_649"><span class="label">649</span></a> Pindar, <i>Nem.</i>, X, 52–3; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>, VII, 1015, 8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_650"></a><a href="#FNanchor_650"><span class="label">650</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, at Messene, P., IV, 32.1 (along with that of Theseus).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_651"></a><a href="#FNanchor_651"><span class="label">651</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, III, 2156; <i>C. I. G.</i>, I, 250, and Neubauer, <i>Hermes</i>, XI, 1876, p. 146, no. 12;
-for the dedication of a torch to Hermes, see <i>A. G.</i>, VI, 100.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_652"></a><a href="#FNanchor_652"><span class="label">652</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, II, 3, 1225–6; IV, 2, 1225b; 1226, b, c, d.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_653"></a><a href="#FNanchor_653"><span class="label">653</span></a> <i>Inschr. Gr. Insul.</i>, III (Thera), 390; <i>cf.</i> Cougny, <i>Epigr. Anth. Pal.</i>, III, 1890 (<i>Appendix nova</i>),
-p. 26, no. 168.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_654"></a><a href="#FNanchor_654"><span class="label">654</span></a> Schol. on Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, VI, 134, Boeckh, p. 148. He is represented as a wrestler in a bronze
-group from Antioch, with wings in his hair: R. Foerster, <i>Jb.</i>, XIII, 1898, pp. 177 f., and Pl. XI
-(to be discussed <i>infra.</i>, p. 233 and note 2).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_655"></a><a href="#FNanchor_655"><span class="label">655</span></a> Servius on Virgil’s <i>Aen.</i>, VIII, 138.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_656"></a><a href="#FNanchor_656"><span class="label">656</span></a> I, 2.5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_657"></a><a href="#FNanchor_657"><span class="label">657</span></a> V, 14.9 (Ἑρμοῦ ... Ἐναγωνίου).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_658"></a><a href="#FNanchor_658"><span class="label">658</span></a> VIII, 14.10. An inscription (<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 184) records that a certain Akestorides of Alexandria
-Troas (whose name is left out of the text of Pausanias, VI, 13.7) won a victory at Pheneus,
-and this was probably at these games; on this victor, see Hyde, 119, and pp. 49–50.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_659"></a><a href="#FNanchor_659"><span class="label">659</span></a> V, 7.10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_660"></a><a href="#FNanchor_660"><span class="label">660</span></a> Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, no. 324; <i>Guide</i>, 331; B. B., 131; Bulle, 54; von Mach, 126 b; Baum., I,
-p. 458, fig. 503; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 526,8; Collignon, II. p. 124, fig. 60; Overbeck, I, pp. 380 f. and fig.
-102; F. W., no. 465; <i>A. Z.</i>, XXIV, 1866, Pl. CCIX, 1–2, pp. 169 f. (Kekulé) and Pl. 209, 1, 2;
-<i>Annali</i>, LI, 1879, pp. 207 f. (Brunn); <i>Jb.</i>, XIII, 1898, pp. 57 f. and fig. 1 (Habich); <i>J. H. S.</i>,
-XXVIII, 1907, p. 25, fig. 13; <i>A. J. A.</i>, VII, 1903, pp. 445 f. (von Mach); Springer-Michaelis,
-p. 268, fig. 482; replicas in the Louvre (photo Giraudon, no. 1209), London (<i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>
-III, no. 1753), Duncombe Park, England (Michaelis, p. 295, no. 2), and elsewhere; for series,
-see J. Six, <i>Gaz. arch.</i>, 1888, pp. 291 and Pl. 29, fig. 10 A.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_661"></a><a href="#FNanchor_661"><span class="label">661</span></a> <i>Mw.</i>, p. 122; also Smith, <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, III, no. 1753.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_662"></a><a href="#FNanchor_662"><span class="label">662</span></a> First by Visconti, <i>Mus. Pio Clem.</i>, III, p. 130; lately by G. Habich, <i>l. c.</i>, and others.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_663"></a><a href="#FNanchor_663"><span class="label">663</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 72; <i>S. Q.</i>, 826. It was the only bronze work which the sculptor is known to
-have made, all his other works being in marble.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_664"></a><a href="#FNanchor_664"><span class="label">664</span></a> Kekulé (<i>l. c.</i>), Furtwaengler (<i>l. c.</i>), and others make the identification.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_665"></a><a href="#FNanchor_665"><span class="label">665</span></a> Long ago Turnebus (<i>Advers.</i>, 1580, p. 486) explained the word in the sense of ἔγκρισις ἀθλητῶν,
-as used by Lucian, <i>pro Imag.</i>, 11; <i>cf.</i>, Cicero’s <i>probatio</i>, in his <i>de Off.</i>, I, 144. Most modern commentators,
-however, refer the word to the statue, translating it “classical” or “chosen”: thus Urlichs,
-<i>Chrest. Pl.</i>, 1857, p. 325; O. Jahn, Ueber die Kunsturteile des Plinius (<i>Ber. saechs. Ges. d. Wiss.</i>,
-1850), p. 125; H. L. von Urlichs, <i>Blaetter f. d. bayr. Gymnasialsch.</i>, 1894, pp. 609 f., translates it
-“klassisch” or “mustergueltig,” <i>i. e.</i>, serving as a pattern or standard. But the term was too well
-known as an athletic one for it ever to have been applied to a statue. The present participle,
-instead of the usual aorist (ἐγκριθείς), shows that Alkamenes’ statue represented an athlete in the
-act of undergoing selection. The old emendation into ἐγχριόμενος has been recently defended by
-Klein, <i>Praxiteles</i>, p. 50, who identifies Pliny’s statue with the Glyptothek <i>Oil-pourer</i> (Pl. 11); it
-is discredited by the occurrence of the epithet <i>Encrinomenos</i> as a Roman proper name, <i>C. I. L.</i>,
-V, <small>1</small>, 4429, which shows how familiar it was. See Jex-Blake, on the passage of Pliny.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_666"></a><a href="#FNanchor_666"><span class="label">666</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 345; Helbig, <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_667"></a><a href="#FNanchor_667"><span class="label">667</span></a> It seems to be a Hadrianic copy of an original which stood on the Athenian Akropolis.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_668"></a><a href="#FNanchor_668"><span class="label">668</span></a> Now in the Antiquarium, Rome: Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, no. 1030; noted in <i>B. Com. Rom.</i>,
-XXXVIII, 1910, p. 249, and fully discussed, <i>ibid.</i>, XXXIX, 1911, pp. 97 f. (L. Mariani), and
-Pls. VI, VII (three views), and VIII (head, two views).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_669"></a><a href="#FNanchor_669"><span class="label">669</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 80: <i>Naucydes Mercurio et discobolo et immolante arietem censetur</i>, etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_670"></a><a href="#FNanchor_670"><span class="label">670</span></a> <i>Ueber den Diskoswurf bei den Griechen</i>, 1892, p. 55. However, von Mach discusses a r.-f.
-deinos in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, which resembles the pose of the statue: <i>A. J. A.</i>,
-VII, 1903, p. 447, fig. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_671"></a><a href="#FNanchor_671"><span class="label">671</span></a> As in a vase by Douris: <i>A. Z.</i>, 1883, Pl. II; Furtw., <i>Berliner Vasen</i>, no. 2283 A; also on a Hellenistic
-gem in Berlin: Furtw., <i>Gemmen Katalog</i>, no. 6911. Philostr., <i>Imag.</i>, I, 24, says that the
-left foot was advanced.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_672"></a><a href="#FNanchor_672"><span class="label">672</span></a> Coin of Amastris: Schlosser, <i>Numism. Zeitschr.</i> (Vienna), XXIII, 1891, p. 19, Pl. 2, no. 35; a
-better reproduction by Imhoof-Blumer, in Sallet’s <i>Zeitschr. f. Numism.</i>, XX, 1897, p. 269, Pl. 10,
-n. 2 (= Habich, p. 58, fig. 2); another in <i>B. M. Coins</i> (Pontus), Pl. XX, 7, pp. 87 and 21. On
-this and the Thracian coin, see also Habich, Hermes Diskobolos auf Muenzen, in <i>Journ. internat.
-d’arch, num.</i>, II, 1898, pp. 137 f. Habich gives a gem showing the god with a kerykeion in
-the left hand, and a diskos in the right and with the right foot advanced: p. 61, fig. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_673"></a><a href="#FNanchor_673"><span class="label">673</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Michaelis, <i>Jb.</i>, XIII, 1898, pp. 175–6. He looks upon the statue simply as that of a
-diskobolos.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_674"></a><a href="#FNanchor_674"><span class="label">674</span></a> In the National Museum, Athens, no. 13399: Staïs, <i>Marb. et Bronz.</i>, pp. 353–354 and fig.; <i>Arch.
-Eph.</i>, 1902, Pl. 17; Svoronos, Textbd., I, pp. 42–3; Tafelbd., I, Pl. VIII, no. 1; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXI,
-1901, p. 351 (Bosanquet). This statuette is 0.25 meter in height and the base 0.09 meter
-(Svoronos).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_675"></a><a href="#FNanchor_675"><span class="label">675</span></a> Svoronos, p. 43, reproduces the coins of Amastris and Philippopolis.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_676"></a><a href="#FNanchor_676"><span class="label">676</span></a> Stuart Jones, <i>Cat. Mus. Capitol.</i>, p. 288, no. 21 and Pl. 71; Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, no. 858; <i>Guide</i>,
-509; B. B., 387; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 303 and n. 7; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 525 and n. 1; Clarac, II, 859, 2170; Reinach,
-<i>Rép.</i>, I, 525, 1; Lange, <i>Motiv des aufgestuetzten Fusses</i>, 1879, pp. 13 f. Helbig speaks of a
-replica in Paris, but confounds it with the type of the so-called <i>Sandal-binder</i> of the Louvre
-(Fig. 8). The Capitoline statue is 1.845 meters in height (Stuart Jones).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_677"></a><a href="#FNanchor_677"><span class="label">677</span></a> The motive of the “aufgestuetztes Bein” is more likely Lysippan than Skopaic, as Furtwaengler
-wrongly assumed.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_678"></a><a href="#FNanchor_678"><span class="label">678</span></a> Svoronos, Textbd., I, pp. 18 f. (with bibliography of all the objects down to 1903, on p. 15,
-n. 1.); Tafelbd., I, Pls. I and II (front and back); Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, pp. 302–304 and
-fig.; Bulle, 61; von Mach, 290; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIII, 1903, Pls. VIII (head), IX (body, three views);
-H. B. Walters, <i>Art of the Greeks</i>, Pl. XVI; Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl. LXXVIII; for bibliographical
-notice and discussion, see <i>A. J. A.</i>, V, 1901, p. 465, and VII, 1903, pp. 464–5; Springer-Michaelis,
-p. 297, fig. 531; the best account of the statue in English is by Dr. A. S. Cooley, in <i>Record
-of the Past</i>, II, 1903, pp. 207–13 (with two illustrations). It is 1.94 meters in height, <i>i. e.</i>,
-slightly over life-size (Svoronos).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_679"></a><a href="#FNanchor_679"><span class="label">679</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXI, 1901, pp. 205 f; he also briefly described all the bronzes found in <i>A. A.</i>, 1901,
-pp. 17–19, (4 figs.), in <i>Rev. des Ét. gr.</i>, XIV, 1901, pp. 122–6 (5 figs.), and in <i>C. R. Acad. Inscr.</i>,
-1901, pp. 58–63 (3 figs.) and 158–9 (3 Pls.). All the bronzes were published after cleansing in
-<i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1902, pp. 145 f., with Pls. 7–17 and figs. 1–18 in the text; see also Staïs, <i>Les trouvailles
-dans la mer de Cythère</i>, 1905; the last publication of all the pieces is by Svoronos, Textbd.,
-I, pp. 1–86; Tafelbd., I, Pls. I-XX.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_680"></a><a href="#FNanchor_680"><span class="label">680</span></a> In his popular discussion of the bronzes in <i>Monthly Review</i>, June, 1901, pp. 110–127 (with
-5 Pls., and 5 figs.). Similar praise is that of W. Klein, II, p. 403; he calls it <i>die wundervollste
-aller uns erhaltenen Bronzestatuen des Altertums</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_681"></a><a href="#FNanchor_681"><span class="label">681</span></a> <i>London Illustrated News</i>, June 6, 1903 (with double-page plate).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_682"></a><a href="#FNanchor_682"><span class="label">682</span></a> <i>Gaz. d. B.-A.</i>, XXV, Pér. III, 1901, pp. 295–301 (with 3 figures).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_683"></a><a href="#FNanchor_683"><span class="label">683</span></a> In a monograph entitled Ὁ Ἔφηβος τῶν Ἀντικυθήρων (pp. 1–42, and 6 figs.), Athens, 1903.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_684"><span class="label">684</span></a> It was restored by the French sculptor André, who covered it with putty to conceal the jointures
-and the rivets which were used in welding the fragments together. He also colored it
-to resemble bronze. The method used in the restoration is certainly open to objection, but not
-to the extent asserted by certain scholars, <i>e. g.</i>, by von Mach, who asserts that no Greek statue
-has received such unworthy treatment, and that the restoration makes it possible to refer the
-statue to almost any age or admixture of influences: <i>Greek Sculpture, Its Spirit and Principles</i>,
-p. 326. Much of the beauty of the statue, to be sure, is gone, but the style is not obscured. It
-has been restored too full, which gives it a sensuous appearance. For the statue, before restoration,
-see Svoronos, Textbd., p. 18, fig. 2; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, fig. on p. 304.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_685"></a><a href="#FNanchor_685"><span class="label">685</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIII, 1903, pp. 152 f.; <i>cf.</i> <i>Sculpt.</i>, pp. 244 f.; <i>Hbk.</i>, pp. 532 f. In Chap. VI of the
-present work we shall follow the view which ascribes the <i>Herakles</i> to Lysippos: <i>infra</i>, pp. 298, 311.
-The Praxitelean and Lysippan influences in the bronze under discussion are noted by Richardson,
-p. 276.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_686"></a><a href="#FNanchor_686"><span class="label">686</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 217 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_687"></a><a href="#FNanchor_687"><span class="label">687</span></a> For the former, see Amelung, <i>Fuehrer</i>, 249; von Mach, 327; Reinach, I, 452, 2. On the hem
-of the cloak is an Etruscan dedicatory inscription to one Metilius by his wife, containing the
-name of Tenine Tuthines as the bronze-caster: see Corssen, <i>Sprache d. Etrusker</i>, I, pp. 712 f.
-(quoted by von Mach). For the latter, see Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, no. 5; <i>Guide</i>, 5; <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, VI and
-VII, 1857–63, Pl. 84, 1; <i>Annali</i>, XXXV, 1863, pp. 432 f. (Koehler); Rayet, II, Pl. 71; B. B., 225;
-Bernouilli, <i>Roem. Ikonogr.</i>, II, i, pp. 24 f., fig. 2; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_688"></a><a href="#FNanchor_688"><span class="label">688</span></a> Text on pp. 115 f.; Klein, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 403 f., believes that the enigma of its interpretation
-remains unsolved. He looks upon it as, perhaps, a pre-Lysippan work, a sort of <i>Vorstufe</i> to
-the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_689"></a><a href="#FNanchor_689"><span class="label">689</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 534.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_690"></a><a href="#FNanchor_690"><span class="label">690</span></a> On this gesture, see von Mach, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 325–6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_691"></a><a href="#FNanchor_691"><span class="label">691</span></a> Textbd., I, figs. 13–14, pp. 26–7. For the gem, see <i>ibid.</i>, fig. 3, p. 22; Reinach, <i>Pierres gravées</i>,
-Pl. 56, 34.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_692"></a><a href="#FNanchor_692"><span class="label">692</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 77. So Miss Bieber, <i>Jb.</i>, XXV, 1910, pp. 159 f., following the suggestion
-of Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, ed. I, 1907, pp. 254 f. (view reiterated in ed. 2, 1910, p. 304), and
-Loeschke. Pliny says that the statue of Euphranor displayed every phase of Paris’ character, in
-the triple aspect of judge of the goddesses, lover of Helen, and slayer of Achilles. On this statue,
-of which we know so little, <i>cf.</i> the very different results reached by Furtwaengler (<i>Mp.</i>, pp. 357 f.;
-<i>Mw.</i>, pp. 591–2) and Robert (<i>Hallisches Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, XIX, 1895, pp. 20 f.). Edw.
-Vicars, in the <i>Pall Mall Magazine</i>, XIX, 1903, pp. 551 f., followed by Dr. Cooley, believes that
-the bronze should be restored as Paris holding the apple of discord in the right hand.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_693"></a><a href="#FNanchor_693"><span class="label">693</span></a> <i>Suppl. de la Gaz. d. B.-A.</i>, 1901, pp. 68 f., and 76 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_694"></a><a href="#FNanchor_694"><span class="label">694</span></a> VI, 100 f.; VIII, 372 f.; in the latter connection it is an adjunct to the dance.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_695"></a><a href="#FNanchor_695"><span class="label">695</span></a> Athenæus, I, 44 (p. 24 b), quotes the Pergamene Karystios (= <i>F. H. G.</i>, IV, p. 359, fragm.
-14) as saying that the women of Kerkyra played ball in his time. For Rome, <i>cf.</i> Hor., <i>Sat.</i>, II,
-2.11; Suetonius, <i>Octav.</i>, 83; Pliny, <i>Ep.</i>, III, 1.8; Seneca, <i>de Brev. vit.</i>, 13; etc. On ball-playing,
-see Grasberger, <i>Erziehung und Unterricht</i>, I, 1864, pp. 84 f.; L. Becq de Fouquières, <i>Les Jeux des
-Anciens</i>,<sup>2</sup> 1873, Ch. IX, pp. 176–199.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_696"></a><a href="#FNanchor_696"><span class="label">696</span></a> Athen., I, 25 (p. 14 d, e).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_697"></a><a href="#FNanchor_697"><span class="label">697</span></a> Athen., I, 25–26 (pp. 14 f, 15 a).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_698"></a><a href="#FNanchor_698"><span class="label">698</span></a> In his περὶ τοῦ διὰ σμικρᾶς σφαίρας γυμνασίου. <i>Cf.</i> Sidon. Apoll., V, 17; Martial, IV, 19; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_699"></a><a href="#FNanchor_699"><span class="label">699</span></a> Athen., I, 34 (p. 19 a).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_700"></a><a href="#FNanchor_700"><span class="label">700</span></a> Athen., I, 26 (p. 15); <i>cf.</i>, Eustath., on Od., VI, 115, p. 1553; only the Milesians were opposed
-to it: <i>id.</i>, on Od., VIII, 372, p. 1601.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_701"></a><a href="#FNanchor_701"><span class="label">701</span></a> Theophr., <i>Char.</i>, V, 9; Pliny, <i>Ep.</i>, II, 17.12 and V, 6.27; Suetonius, <i>Vit. Vespas.</i>, 20; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_702"></a><a href="#FNanchor_702"><span class="label">702</span></a> <i>B. S. A.</i>, X, 1903–4, pp. 63 f; <i>cf.</i>, XII, 1905–6, p. 387.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_703"></a><a href="#FNanchor_703"><span class="label">703</span></a> The σφαιρεῖς are mentioned in <i>C. I. G.</i>, I, 4, 1386, 1432; P., III, 14.6, mentions a statue of Herakles
-there, to which these youths sacrificed. Mueller, <i>Die Dorier</i>, 4, 5, § 2, classed these competitions
-as a sort of football.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_704"></a><a href="#FNanchor_704"><span class="label">704</span></a> <i>Rev. des Ét. gr.</i>, XIV, 1901, pp. 445–8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_705"></a><a href="#FNanchor_705"><span class="label">705</span></a> Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II, no. 1299; B. B., 413; Bulle, 44; Arndt-Amelung, <i>Einzelaufnahmen</i>, III,
-text to no. 1127; F. W., text to 1630; Rayet, II, text to Pl. 70, fig. on p. 5; Kekulé, <i>Die griech.
-Skulpt.</i>,<sup>2</sup> fig. on p. 349 (the <i>Germanicus</i> on p. 348; <i>cf.</i> Bulle, p. 94, fig. 17); Loewy, <i>Griech.
-Plastik</i>, Pl. 94, fig. 176 a, p. 80. The statue is 1.83 meters high (Bulle). Head alone in Overbeck,
-II, p. 446, and <i>cf.</i> 456, n. 4; Arndt-Amelung, nos. 270–271. A fine herma-replica of the head
-is at Broadlands, England: Michaelis, p. 219, no. 9; Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 58, fig. 13 (three
-views). A poorer copy is in the Uffizi, Florence: Duetschke, III, no. 13; Arndt-Amelung,
-<i>Einzelaufnahmen</i>, 83–84.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_706"></a><a href="#FNanchor_706"><span class="label">706</span></a> Graef, <i>Aus der Anomia</i>, 1890, p. 69. Bulle finds the head similar to that of the <i>Lemnian Athena</i>
-and the body to that of the <i>Farnese Anadoumenos</i> of the British Museum (= Bulle, no. 49).
-Furtwaengler thinks that its relation to the <i>Lemnia</i> is not close enough to warrant us in assigning it
-to Pheidias: <i>Mp.</i>, p. 57; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 86 and 742. On the basis of a Phokaian coin (Berlin example,
-<i>Mp.</i>, Pl. VI, 19; copy in British Museum, <i>B. M. Coins</i>, Ionia, IV, 23), which represents a
-similar Hermes, he ascribes the statue to an Ionian artist and conjectures Telephanes
-mentioned by Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 68.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_707"></a><a href="#FNanchor_707"><span class="label">707</span></a> Helbig finds the head Myronian, but the body unconnected with any of the well-known
-artistic tendencies of his day.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_708"></a><a href="#FNanchor_708"><span class="label">708</span></a> As shown in the <i>Germanicus</i> copy; the right arm is wrongly restored in the Ludovisi statue.
-In the <i>Germanicus</i> the arm is bowed more at the elbow, the hand reaching the level of the temples.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_709"></a><a href="#FNanchor_709"><span class="label">709</span></a> Froehner, pp. 213 f., no. 184 (and bibliography); F. W., 1630; Rayet, II, Pls. 69 (statue),
-70 (head); etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_710"></a><a href="#FNanchor_710"><span class="label">710</span></a> <i>A. J. A.</i>, XV, 1911, Pl. VI and pp. 215–16 (Caskey); <i>Jb.</i>, XXIV, 1909, Pls. I and II (from Munich
-cast), pp. 1 f. (Sieveking). For the <i>Hermes</i> of the Boboli gardens, see <i>ibid.</i>, figs. 1 and 3, pp.
-2 and 4; Arndt-Amelung., <i>Einzelauf.</i>, 103–105; Duetschke, II, no. 84; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 230, <i>Mw.</i>,
-p. 424. Another replica is in the Hermitage: Kieseritzky, <i>Kat.</i>, no. 179; Sieveking, figs. 4–5, p. 5;
-<i>Mp.</i>, p. 290, <i>Mw.</i>, 506; another in the Torlonia Museum in Rome, no. 475: Sieveking, fig. 6, p. 5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_711"></a><a href="#FNanchor_711"><span class="label">711</span></a> <i>Gaz. d. B.-A.</i>, 1911, p. 251.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_712"></a><a href="#FNanchor_712"><span class="label">712</span></a> Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 230 and <i>cf.</i> p. 290; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 424 and <i>cf.</i> p. 506.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_713"></a><a href="#FNanchor_713"><span class="label">713</span></a> See the <i>Annual Report of the Museum of Fine Arts</i>, 1898, p. 20. Mahler, <i>Polyklet u. seine
-Schule</i>, p. 27, no. 34, wrongly thought that it was a replica of the <i>Doryphoros</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_714"></a><a href="#FNanchor_714"><span class="label">714</span></a> Froehner, no. 183, pp. 210 f. (bibliography on pp. 212–13; later bibliogr. in Klein, <i>Praxitel.
-Stud.</i>, 1899, p. 4, n. 2); B. B., no. 67; von Mach, 238 b; Clarac, Pl. 309, no. 2046. Replica in Munich
-(with a head of Apollo not belonging to the torso): Furtw.-Wolters, <i>Beschr. d. Glypt.</i><sup>2</sup>,
-1910, 287 (with list of replicas); von Mach, 238a; Clarac, V, 814, 2048; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 487,
-7; Klein, pp. 4 f.; one in London, in Lansdowne House: Michaelis, pp. 464f., no. 85 and Pl. opp.
-p. 464; Clarac, V, 814, 2048 A; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 487, 6; one in the Vatican: Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I,
-487, 5; head and torso in Athens: <i>ibid.</i>, II, i, 153, 10; <i>A. M.</i>, XI, 1886, Pl. IX (middle), pp.
-362 f. (Studniczka); head in Copenhagen, formerly in the Borghese Coll., Rome: P. Arndt,
-<i>Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg</i>, 1912, Pls. 128, 129, and text pp. 177 f., (fig. 95 = bronze restoration for the
-municipal Museum in Stettin, combining the Lansdowne body and the Fagan head in the
-British Museum; for the Fagan head see <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, III, 1785).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_715"></a><a href="#FNanchor_715"><span class="label">715</span></a> See von Mach, 170; R. Kekulé, <i>Die Reliefs an der Balustrade der Athena Nike</i>, with Pls. 1–6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_716"></a><a href="#FNanchor_716"><span class="label">716</span></a> From the <i>Ekphrasis</i> of Christodoros, <i>A. G.</i>, II, <i>vv.</i> 297–302. It was first shown to be a statue
-of Hermes by Lambeck, <i>de Mercurii statua</i>, Thorn, 1860.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_717"></a><a href="#FNanchor_717"><span class="label">717</span></a> Pick, <i>Die antiken Muenzen Nordgriechenlands</i>, I, Pl. XVI, 25; <i>cf.</i> Froehner, p. 211.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_718"></a><a href="#FNanchor_718"><span class="label">718</span></a> Duetschke, IV, no. 151; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, 1906, Pl. XVI, pp. 239 f. (Wace).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_719"></a><a href="#FNanchor_719"><span class="label">719</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, <i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, nos. 1200, 1202, 1207; for a herm in the Braccio Nuovo of the Vatican,
-after a fourth-century B.&nbsp;C. type, see Amelung, <i>Vat.</i>, I, p. 84, no. 65 and Pl. X.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_720"></a><a href="#FNanchor_720"><span class="label">720</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, III, no. 1600 and Pi. III; <i>Jb.</i>, I, 1886, p. 54, and Pl. 5, and fig. 1 (Wolters);
-Kalkmann, Proport. d. Gesichts, pp. 41 and 98; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, Pl. XVIII. opp. p. 346; for a full discussion
-of this head, see the note by translator in <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 346–7. The head is 11–1/2 inches high
-(<i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_721"></a><a href="#FNanchor_721"><span class="label">721</span></a> Nissen, <i>Pompej. Stud.</i>, p. 166.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_722"></a><a href="#FNanchor_722"><span class="label">722</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 18.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_723"></a><a href="#FNanchor_723"><span class="label">723</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, one in Paris, in the Cab. des Médailles, no. 3350; Clarac, 666 D, 1512 F.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_724"></a><a href="#FNanchor_724"><span class="label">724</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, E. von Sacken, <i>Die ant. Bronzen des k. k. Muenz-und Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien</i>, 1871,
-Pl. 10, 4; a bronze <i>Mercury</i> in Paris, in the Cab. des Méd., Coll. Oppermann (0.20 m. tall): Furtw.,
-<i>Mp.</i>, p. 233, fig. 94, and <i>Mw.</i>, p. 428, fig. 64; bronze statuette of Mercury in the British Museum
-with chlamys over the left shoulder: <i>Mp.</i>, p. 232, fig. 93; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 427, fig. 63.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_725"></a><a href="#FNanchor_725"><span class="label">725</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, p. 231, n. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_726"></a><a href="#FNanchor_726"><span class="label">726</span></a> <i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, no. 1217.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_727"></a><a href="#FNanchor_727"><span class="label">727</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 288 f.; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 502 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_728"></a><a href="#FNanchor_728"><span class="label">728</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 165 (renewed); base pictured, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 288, fig. 123; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 503; fig. 90.
-Furtwaengler had ascribed the statue of Aristion to the younger Polykleitos; this was disproved
-by the date of Aristion’s victory, Ol. 82 (&#8239;=&#8239;452 B.&nbsp;C.), given by the <i>Oxy. Pap.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_729"></a><a href="#FNanchor_729"><span class="label">729</span></a> Michaelis, p. 446, no. 35; Clarac, V, 946, 2436 A; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 289, fig. 124; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 504,
-fig. 91.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_730"></a><a href="#FNanchor_730"><span class="label">730</span></a> XXIII, 660; <i>cf.</i> Od., XIX, 86: “By Apollo’s grace he hath so goodly a son”—meaning that
-Apollo gave increase of physical strength to men, just as Artemis did to women. <i>Cf.</i> Hesiod,
-<i>Theog.</i>, 346–7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_731"></a><a href="#FNanchor_731"><span class="label">731</span></a> V, 7.10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_732"></a><a href="#FNanchor_732"><span class="label">732</span></a> <i>Quaest. conviv.</i>, VIII, 4 (= p. 724 C, D.); here he also mentions a Gymnasion of Apollo at
-Athens.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_733"></a><a href="#FNanchor_733"><span class="label">733</span></a> Told by many writers: <i>e. g.</i>, Apollod., II, 6.2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_734"></a><a href="#FNanchor_734"><span class="label">734</span></a> P., X, 13.7, describes a group at Delphi representing Apollo and Hermes grasping the tripod
-before the fight; in VIII, 37.1 he mentions the same subject on a marble relief at Lykosoura, and
-in III, 21.8 says that Gythion was founded by the two after the contest, and that their images
-stood in the agora there. The subject was represented in the gable of the Siphnian Treasury at
-Delphi: Frazer, V, p. 274 (in connection with P., X, 11.2). Stephani enumerated 89 existing works
-of art which represent this subject, of which 58 appear on black-figured, 18 on red-figured vases,
-8 on marble reliefs, 3 on terra-cottas, and 2 on gems: <i>Comptes rendus de la comm. impér. archéol.</i>,
-St. Petersburg, 1868, pp. 31 f.; Overbeck has added to the list: <i>Griech. Mythol.</i>, III, Apollon,
-1889, pp. 391–415.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_735"></a><a href="#FNanchor_735"><span class="label">735</span></a> The <i>Choiseul-Gouffier</i> statue: <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, no. 209; <i>Marbles and Bronzes</i>, Pl. III; <i>Specimens</i>,
-II, Pl. V; <i>Museum Marbles</i>, XI, Pl. 32; F. W., no. 221; <i>J. H. S.</i>, I, 1881, Pl. IV, and pp.
-178 f., and <i>cf.</i>, II, 1882, pp. 332 f. (Waldstein); von Mach, Pl. 67; Collignon, I, p. 403, fig. 208;
-Clarac, III, 482, 931 H, and p. 213: Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 85, 10; Conze, <i>Beitr. zur Gesch. d. gr.
-Pl.</i><sup>2</sup>, 1869, Pl. VI; Springer-Michaelis, p. 234, fig. 429. The height of the statue is 5 feet, 10.5
-inches (<i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>). The <i>Apollo-on-the-Omphalos</i>: Kabbadias, 45; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>,
-pp. 23–24 and fig.; <i>J. H. S.</i>, I, Pl. V, fig. 3; Collignon, I, p. 405, fig. 209; B. B., 42; von Mach,
-66; F. W., 219; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 85, 7; Conze, <i>op. cit.</i>, Pls. III-V, and text, pp. 13 f.; Murray,
-I, Pl. VIII, opp. p. 234 (both statues); torso in Munich, Arndt-Amelung, <i>Einzelauf.</i>, nos. 849–50;
-for list of other copies, see <i>A. M.</i>, IX, 1884, pp. 239–40.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_736"></a><a href="#FNanchor_736"><span class="label">736</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, no. 209 (A. H. Smith).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_737"></a><a href="#FNanchor_737"><span class="label">737</span></a> See Waldstein, p. 180; F. W., no. 219; <i>A. M.</i>, IX, 1884, p. 248.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_738"></a><a href="#FNanchor_738"><span class="label">738</span></a> Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 85, 9; M. D., I, p. 47, no. 179; <i>cf.</i> F. W., 219. Overbeck, <i>Griech.
-Kunstmythol.</i>, III. <i>Apollon</i>, p. 162, fig. 9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_739"></a><a href="#FNanchor_739"><span class="label">739</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, I, 1876, Pl. X, and pp. 178 f. (Kekulé); Bulle, 105 (Left) and p. 208, fig. 47.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_740"></a><a href="#FNanchor_740"><span class="label">740</span></a> Published in <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, 1906, pp. 278–80 (Dickins); here, on p. 279, we have the fragment
-photographed with the lower parts of the <i>Choiseul-Gouffier</i> and <i>Omphalos</i> copies on either
-side; Dickins says that with the possible exception of the Athens statue this fragment shows
-the best workmanship of all the copies. Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, no. 1268.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_741"></a><a href="#FNanchor_741"><span class="label">741</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, no. 211; it shows the <i>krobylos</i> best.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_742"></a><a href="#FNanchor_742"><span class="label">742</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, no. 210.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_743"></a><a href="#FNanchor_743"><span class="label">743</span></a> Braun, <i>Vorschule d. Kunstmythol.</i>, Pl. V, (quoted by A. H. Smith).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_744"></a><a href="#FNanchor_744"><span class="label">744</span></a> <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, X, 1874–78, Pl. 54; discussed in <i>Annali</i>, L, 1878, pp. 61 f. (Brizio).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_745"></a><a href="#FNanchor_745"><span class="label">745</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, no. 859; Beulé, <i>Monnaies d’Athênes</i>, p. 271, quoted in <i>Jb.</i>, II, 1887,
-p. 235, n. 54.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_746"></a><a href="#FNanchor_746"><span class="label">746</span></a> <i>Jb.</i>, II, pp. 234 f.; on p. 234, the Athens statue and the figure from the Bologna krater are
-shown side by side.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_747"></a><a href="#FNanchor_747"><span class="label">747</span></a> <i>Fuehrer</i>, under no. 859 (the Capitoline replica), and especially under no. 1268.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_748"></a><a href="#FNanchor_748"><span class="label">748</span></a> <i>Beitraege zur Gesch. d. gr. Pl.</i><sup>2</sup>, p. 19.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_749"></a><a href="#FNanchor_749"><span class="label">749</span></a> Roscher, <i>Lex.</i>, I, p. 456.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_750"></a><a href="#FNanchor_750"><span class="label">750</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, IX, 1884, p. 244.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_751"></a><a href="#FNanchor_751"><span class="label">751</span></a> Mentioned by P., I, 3.4; this view has been upheld by Conze, <i>l.c.</i>; Murray, I, p. 235; <i>cf.</i> Furtw.,
-<i>l. c.</i>, and on the artist, see his article in <i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1907, pp. 160 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_752"></a><a href="#FNanchor_752"><span class="label">752</span></a> <i>S. Q.</i>, nos. 508–526.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_753"></a><a href="#FNanchor_753"><span class="label">753</span></a> Furtw., <i>l. c.</i>; the coin in the British Museum is pictured in <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIV, 1904, p. 205, fig. 2.
-Conze’s theory of identifying the type with the <i>Alexikakos</i> has been questioned among others
-also by Overbeck: I, n. 226, to pp. 280 (on p. 301).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_754"></a><a href="#FNanchor_754"><span class="label">754</span></a> Dionys. Halic., <i>de Isocrate Judicium</i>, III, p. 542 (ed. Reiske); <i>S. Q.</i>, 531.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_755"></a><a href="#FNanchor_755"><span class="label">755</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, especially p. 182.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_756"></a><a href="#FNanchor_756"><span class="label">756</span></a> P., VI, 6.6. He won in the early fifth century, in Ols. 74, 76, 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;484, 476, 472 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy.
-Pap.</i>; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_757"></a><a href="#FNanchor_757"><span class="label">757</span></a> F. W., nos. 219 and 221. Clarac, Text, Vol. III, p. 213, leaves it in doubt whether it be
-Apollo or an athlete; however, he calls the Capitoline copy an athlete.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_758"></a><a href="#FNanchor_758"><span class="label">758</span></a> Published by Miss K. A. McDowall, <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIV, 1904, pp. 203–7 and fig. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_759"></a><a href="#FNanchor_759"><span class="label">759</span></a> The untrustworthy character of the Torlonia copy has been shown by Overbeck, <i>Kunstmythologie</i>,
-III, <i>Apollon</i>, pp. 109 and 162. The Roman copy in the Capitoline is also inferior,
-and the legs are wrongly restored—for at that period in art there was little difference between
-the free and the rest leg; see Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, no. 859; Stuart Jones, <i>Cat. Mus. Capit.</i>, p. 287,
-no. 20 and Pl. 69; Conze, <i>Beitraege zur Gesch. d. gr. Pl.</i><sup>2</sup>, Pl. VII; Clarac, 862, 2189; head in Arndt-Amelung,
-<i>Einzelaufnahmen</i>, Serie II, 452–4, p. 35.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_760"></a><a href="#FNanchor_760"><span class="label">760</span></a> Waldstein ascribed the original to Pythagoras, partly because this artist was famed for the
-detail of veins, sinews, and hair: see Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 59.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_761"></a><a href="#FNanchor_761"><span class="label">761</span></a> <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., pp. 223 f.; Tafelbd., Pl. LVII, 3–5. The original height was 2.60 meters.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_762"></a><a href="#FNanchor_762"><span class="label">762</span></a> <i>Strena Helbigiana</i>, 1900, p. 293; discussed also by Miss McDowall (<i>l. c.</i> and fig. 3, p. 206);
-a poor replica is in Munich: Furtw., <i>Mw.</i>, p. 115, and fig. 21.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_763"></a><a href="#FNanchor_763"><span class="label">763</span></a> <i>B. M. Coins, Troas</i>, etc., Pl. XXXII, 1; McDowall, <i>l. c.</i>, fig. 4, p. 207.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_764"></a><a href="#FNanchor_764"><span class="label">764</span></a> Bulle, 50, who gives the height 1.86 meters; von Mach, 115; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 547, 9;
-other references <i>infra</i>, on p. 152, n. 5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_765"></a><a href="#FNanchor_765"><span class="label">765</span></a> <i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, VIII, 1905, pp. 42 f.; IX, 1906, pp. 279 f.; <i>cf.</i>, Furtw.-Urlichs, <i>Denkm.</i>,
-pp. 105–6, n. 1 (Engl. ed., p. 120).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_766"></a><a href="#FNanchor_766"><span class="label">766</span></a> <i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, XII, 1909, pp. 100 f. He thinks that the original may have been identical
-with the statue of Ἀπόλλων ἀναδούμενος standing before the temple of Ares at Athens, P., I,
-8.4, and that the παῖς ἀναδούμενος of Pheidias at Olympia, P. VI, 4.5, also may have been an
-Apollo. He also interprets the figure of a charioteer entering a chariot on an Attic relief (Fig. 63),
-to be discussed later, as an Apollo: <i>Jb.</i>, VII, 1892, pp. 54 f. For the relief, see B. B., 21; von
-Mach, 56; F. W., no. 97; <i>infra</i>, pp. 269 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_767"></a><a href="#FNanchor_767"><span class="label">767</span></a> <i>Cf.</i>, Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 18 (<i>Achilleae</i>). On these “Achillean” statues (a generic name
-for statues of athletes leaning on their spears, from Achilles, the typical hero of ephebes), see
-Furtwaengler, <i>Jahrbuecher f. cl. Philol.</i>, Supplbd., IX, 1877, p. 47, n. 11.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_768"></a><a href="#FNanchor_768"><span class="label">768</span></a> <i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, VIII, 1905, pp. 269 f. Miss McDowall, in the article already cited,
-p. 204, has also argued that there is no necessary connection between the quiver slung over the
-tree-support and Apollo.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_769"></a><a href="#FNanchor_769"><span class="label">769</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 162–3; Loewy, <i>op. cit.</i>, X, 1907, pp. 326 f. Studniczka, <i>ibid.</i>, IX, 1906, pp. 311 f.,
-discusses the base and believes that the pose of the statue of Pythokles was the same as that of
-the <i>Borghese Ares</i> of the Louvre (von Mach, 125; F. W., 1298; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i> I, 133, 1–3; etc.),
-the weight on the left foot, <i>i. e.</i>, essentially different from the Polykleitan pose.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_770"></a><a href="#FNanchor_770"><span class="label">770</span></a> <i>R. M.</i>, XXVII, 1912, p. 37.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_771"></a><a href="#FNanchor_771"><span class="label">771</span></a> Duetschke, IV, no. 52 (= wrongly female); <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, 1906, Pl. XV (three views), and
-pp. 235 f. (Wace).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_772"></a><a href="#FNanchor_772"><span class="label">772</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, p. 247; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 448–449; he assigns it to the third quarter of the fifth century B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_773"></a><a href="#FNanchor_773"><span class="label">773</span></a> Amelung, <i>Rev. arch.</i>, II, 1904, p. 344.1; Wace, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 237.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_774"></a><a href="#FNanchor_774"><span class="label">774</span></a> Both Schreiber, <i>A. M.</i>, VIII, 1883, pp. 246 f., and Studniczka, <i>Jb.</i>, XI, 1896, pp. 255 f.,
-have shown that the hair arranged in the double plait, whether the κρωβύλος or not, is Attic,
-and that similarly the mass of locks over the ears is common in Attic works.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_775"></a><a href="#FNanchor_775"><span class="label">775</span></a> P., V, 7.9. In V, 7.7, the Idæan Herakles is said to have first crowned his brother as victor
-there; <i>cf.</i> V, 8.3–4. We have already (p. 10) spoken of the difference of opinion as to whether it
-was the Cretan (Idæan) Herakles, or the more famous son of Zeus and Alkmena, who founded the
-games. On the traditional connection of the hero with Olympia, see E. Curtius, <i>Sitzb. d. k. preuss.
-Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin</i>, 1894, pp. 1098 f.; Busolt, <i>Gr. Gesch.</i>,<sup>2</sup> I, pp. 240 f.; Krause, <i>Olympia</i>,
-pp. 26 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_776"></a><a href="#FNanchor_776"><span class="label">776</span></a> With the river-god Acheloos, III, 18.16 (the contest pictured in relief on the throne of Apollo
-at Amyklai; <i>cf.</i> the same scene represented by the cedar-wood figures inlaid with gold on the
-treasury of the Megarians at Olympia, VI, 19, 12); with Antaios, IX, 11.6 (pictured in the sculptures
-of the gable of the Herakleion at Thebes); with Eryx, III, 16.4 and IV, 36.4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_777"></a><a href="#FNanchor_777"><span class="label">777</span></a> P., V, 8.4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_778"></a><a href="#FNanchor_778"><span class="label">778</span></a> P., V, 21.9; he won in Ol. 178 (&#8239;=&#8239;68 B.&nbsp;C.): Foerster, 570–1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_779"></a><a href="#FNanchor_779"><span class="label">779</span></a> V, 21.10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_780"></a><a href="#FNanchor_780"><span class="label">780</span></a> These victors were Kapros of Elis, who won in Ol. 124 (&#8239;=&#8239;212 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 150; Foerster, 474,
-475; he had two statues, the remains of which may have been recovered: see <i>Bronzen v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd.,
-Pls. II, III; Aristomenes of Rhodes, who won in Ol. 156 (&#8239;=&#8239;156 B.&nbsp;C.): Foerster, 505–6; Protophanes
-of Magnesia ad Maiandrum (ad Lethaeum in P., <i>l. c.</i>), who won in Ol. 172 (&#8239;=&#8239;92 B.&nbsp;C.):
-Foerster, 538–9; Marion of Alexandria, who won in Ol. 182 (&#8239;=&#8239;52 B.&nbsp;C.): Foerster, 579–80; Aristeas
-of Stratonikeia, who won in Ol. 198 (&#8239;=&#8239;13 A.&nbsp;D.): Foerster, 609–10; Nikostratos of Aigeai in
-Kilikia, who won in Ol. 204 (&#8239;=&#8239;37 A.&nbsp;D.): Foerster, 621–2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_781"></a><a href="#FNanchor_781"><span class="label">781</span></a> Two men entered later, but were disqualified: Sokrates, who won in wrestling (?) in Ol. 232
-(&#8239;=&#8239;149 A.&nbsp;D.): Foerster, 704; and Aurelios Ailix, or Helix, of Phœnicia, who won the pankration
-in Ol. 250 (&#8239;=&#8239;221 A.&nbsp;D.): Foerster, 734. See Dio Cassius, LXXIX, 10; Philostr., <i>Heroicus</i>, III,
-13 (p. 147, ed. Kayser); <i>cf.</i> Ph., 46 and note by Juethner, <i>ad loc.</i> Ailix won in both events on the
-same day at the Capitoline games in Rome, which no one had done before: Foerster, <i>l. c.</i> Frazer,
-III, p. 625.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_782"></a><a href="#FNanchor_782"><span class="label">782</span></a> Such victors were numbered in two ways; some authorities in the way mentioned above,
-<i>e. g.</i>, Dio Cassius, <i>l. c.</i>; others numbered them δεύτερος, τρίτος, κ. τ. λ., <i>e. g.</i>, Africanus; <i>cf.</i> Rutgers,
-pp. 73 f. and n. 1, and p. 97 and n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_783"></a><a href="#FNanchor_783"><span class="label">783</span></a> See F. Kindscher, Die herakleischen Doppelsieger zu Olympia, <i>Jahn’s Archiv f. Phil. u.
-Paedag.</i>, II, 1845, pp. 392–411.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_784"></a><a href="#FNanchor_784"><span class="label">784</span></a> P., IV, 32.1 (statues of the three in the Gymnasion at Messene). He mentions, IX, 11.7, a
-Gymnasion and Stadion of the hero near the Herakleion in Thebes.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_785"></a><a href="#FNanchor_785"><span class="label">785</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXIII, 1899, pp. 455–6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_786"></a><a href="#FNanchor_786"><span class="label">786</span></a> On the difficulty of distinguishing statues of victors from those of Herakles, see also Arndt,
-<i>La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg</i>, Text, p. 138, to Pl. 94.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_787"></a><a href="#FNanchor_787"><span class="label">787</span></a> P., VI, 2.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_788"></a><a href="#FNanchor_788"><span class="label">788</span></a> Ch. VI, pp. 293 f., especially pp. 298–299.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_789"></a><a href="#FNanchor_789"><span class="label">789</span></a> <i>La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg</i>, Pl. 117 (three views). It was formerly in the Tyszkiewicz collection.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_790"></a><a href="#FNanchor_790"><span class="label">790</span></a> See Arndt, <i>l. c.</i> Furtwaengler believed the head Praxitelean: see Roscher, <i>Lex.</i>, I, <small>2</small>, p. 2166
-ll. 61 f. S. Reinach saw in it a <i>mélange</i> of Skopaic and Praxitelean elements: <i>Gaz. d. B.-A.</i>, 3,
-Pér., XVI, 1896, II, p. 332 and fig. on p. 328; <i>Têtes</i>, Pl. 176, p. 139; he is followed by Arndt.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_791"></a><a href="#FNanchor_791"><span class="label">791</span></a> <i>Antichita di Ercolano, Bronzi</i>, I, Pls. 49 and 50; D. Comparetti e G. de Petra, <i>La Villa
-Ercolanese dei Pisoni</i>, 1883, Pl. VII, 3, p. 261, 4; Rayet, II, Pl. 66; B. B., no. 364; F. W., 1302.
-Similarly, the bronze head of a youth in Naples, with a rolled fillet, may be from the statue of a
-victor or of the hero: Invent., 5594; B. B., 365.]</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_792"></a><a href="#FNanchor_792"><span class="label">792</span></a> For the Naples replica, see Comparetti e de Petra, <i>Villa Ercolan.</i>, Pl. XXI, 3; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>
-p. 234, fig. 95; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 430, fig. 65; poorer copy in the Museo Chiaramonti of the Vatican (no.
-139): Helbig, <i>Guide</i>, 69; B. B., 338; another in Broadlands, England: Michaelis, p. 220, no. 10;
-<i>Mp.</i>, p. 235, fig. 96; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 431, fig. 66. Graef had already conjectured the type to be that of a
-Polykleitan <i>Herakles: R. M.</i>, IV, 1889, p. 215. He is followed by Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 23.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_793"></a><a href="#FNanchor_793"><span class="label">793</span></a> Amelung., <i>Vat.</i>, I, p. 738, no. 636 and Pl. 79; Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, no. 108; <i>Guide</i>, 113; B. B.,
-no. 609; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 341, fig. 146 (head, on p. 342, fig. 147); <i>Mw.</i>, p. 575, fig. 109 (head,
-on p. 577, fig. 110). The group is 2.12 meters high (Amelung.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_794"></a><a href="#FNanchor_794"><span class="label">794</span></a> Helbig, <i>Guide</i>, no. 242.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_795"></a><a href="#FNanchor_795"><span class="label">795</span></a> Helbig, <i>ibid.</i>, no. 470; <i>R. M.</i>, IV, 1889, p. 197, no. 12 (Skopaic).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_796"></a><a href="#FNanchor_796"><span class="label">796</span></a> It was found in Genzano: <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, III, no. 1731 and Pl. V, fig. 2; height, 1 foot, 4–7/8
-inches; for references, see <i>infra</i>, p. 169, n. 8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_797"></a><a href="#FNanchor_797"><span class="label">797</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, III, no. 1732; <i>Specimens</i>, I, Pl. 57; <i>Museum Marbles</i>, III, Pl. 12. A similar
-head, half portrait and half ideal, appears on coins of Macedonia. Such filleted heads as nos.
-1733 and 1740 of <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i> are probably from statues of Herakles. The statuette of a seated
-Herakles, <i>ibid.</i>, no. 1726, with the lion-skin and wearing a laurel wreath tied on with a fillet
-(= Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, p. 227, no. 3; <i>J. H. S.</i>, III, 1882, Pl. XXV.) and inscribed as the work
-of Diogenes (<i>I. G. B.</i>, 361), recalls the description of the pose of the <i>Hermes Epitrapezios</i> made
-by Lysippos for Alexander: Statius, <i>Silv.</i>, IV, 6; <i>cf.</i> Martial, IX, 44.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_798"></a><a href="#FNanchor_798"><span class="label">798</span></a> <i>B. M. Bronz.</i>, nos. 1254, 1276, 1292, etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_799"></a><a href="#FNanchor_799"><span class="label">799</span></a> <i>B. M. Bronz.</i>, Pl. II (upper right-hand); text, no. 212.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_800"></a><a href="#FNanchor_800"><span class="label">800</span></a> Friedrichs, <i>Kleinere Kunst</i>, 1850; mentioned by Furtw., <i>Mw.</i>, p. 525, n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_801"></a><a href="#FNanchor_801"><span class="label">801</span></a> III, nos. 9 and 19; no. 19 has swollen ears.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_802"></a><a href="#FNanchor_802"><span class="label">802</span></a> See Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 234 and 236; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 429 and 433. He gives as an example the Polykleitan
-ephebe head-type discussed <i>supra</i>, p. 95.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_803"></a><a href="#FNanchor_803"><span class="label">803</span></a> P., V, 8.4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_804"></a><a href="#FNanchor_804"><span class="label">804</span></a> P., V, 15.5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_805"></a><a href="#FNanchor_805"><span class="label">805</span></a> P., III, 14.7 (ἀφετήριοι).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_806"></a><a href="#FNanchor_806"><span class="label">806</span></a> P., II, 34.10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_807"></a><a href="#FNanchor_807"><span class="label">807</span></a> Iliad, III, 237 (= Od., XI, 300); Homeric Hymn to the Dioskouroi, XXXIII, 3; Pindar, <i>Isthm.</i>,
-I, 16 f.; <i>Pyth.</i>, V. 9; etc. Kastor was famed also for throwing the quoit: Pindar, <i>Isthm.</i>, I, 25.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_808"></a><a href="#FNanchor_808"><span class="label">808</span></a> Iliad and Od., <i>ll. cc.</i>; Simonides, frag. 8 (<i>P. l. G.</i>, III, p. 390); Apoll. Rhod., <i>Argon.</i>, II, 1 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_809"></a><a href="#FNanchor_809"><span class="label">809</span></a> Apoll. Rhod., <i>op. cit.</i>, I, 146; Theokr., XXII, 2–3 and 34; Pindar, <i>Pyth.</i>, XI, 61–2; <i>Nem.</i>, X,
-49–50; <i>Isthm.</i>, V, 32–3; etc.; various Roman poets: see Bethe, in Pauly-Wissowa, V, I, pp. 1092–4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_810"></a><a href="#FNanchor_810"><span class="label">810</span></a> <i>R. M.</i>, XV, 1900, 1 f. (with illustrations).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_811"></a><a href="#FNanchor_811"><span class="label">811</span></a> <i>I. G. A.</i>, 37.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_812"></a><a href="#FNanchor_812"><span class="label">812</span></a> <i>B. M. Bronz.</i>, no. 3207; <i>C. I. G. G. S.</i>, III, 1, 649; <i>Rev. arch.</i>, Sér. 3, XVIII, 1891, Pl. 18,
-and pp. 45 f. (Froehner); <i>Wochenschr. f. kl. Phil.</i>, VIII, 1891, p. 859; Gardiner, p. 317, fig. 73.
-Froehner reads the name “Exotra,” that of a woman victor.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_813"></a><a href="#FNanchor_813"><span class="label">813</span></a> <i>I. G. A.</i>, 43 a (p. 173).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_814"></a><a href="#FNanchor_814"><span class="label">814</span></a> Duetschke, IV, no. 534. Another relief fragment in the Uffizi shows the upper part of the
-two with horses, each wearing the chlamys and pilleus and carrying spears: Duetschke, III, 446.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_815"></a><a href="#FNanchor_815"><span class="label">815</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, no. 780; <i>Museum Marbles</i>, II, Pl. 11; <i>cf.</i> a similar relief, no. 781. The relief
-<i>ibid.</i>, III, no. 2206, supposedly representing Kastor, has been pronounced a modern forgery
-by Treu: see F. W., 1006.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_816"></a><a href="#FNanchor_816"><span class="label">816</span></a> Ch. I, pp. 27 f. and 37 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_817"></a><a href="#FNanchor_817"><span class="label">817</span></a> This is the usual division of victor monuments: Scherer, pp. 21 f.; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, <small>2</small>,
-p. 530; Furtw.-Urlichs, <i>Denkmaeler griech. und roem. Skulptur</i>, Handausgabe<sup>3</sup>, 1911, pp. 104 f.
-(translation by H. Taylor, 1914, pp. 120 f.) Reisch, p. 40, divides <i>Siegerbilder in Motiven von
-allgemeiner Geltung und Bilder in Motiven, die der speciellen Veranlassung der Weihung entlehnt
-sind</i>—a division practically amounting to that of rest and motion statues, as we shall see.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_818"></a><a href="#FNanchor_818"><span class="label">818</span></a> Discussed <i>infra</i> in Ch. VII, pp. 334 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_819"></a><a href="#FNanchor_819"><span class="label">819</span></a> VIII, 40.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_820"></a><a href="#FNanchor_820"><span class="label">820</span></a> See <i>infra</i>, Ch. VII, pp. 327–8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_821"></a><a href="#FNanchor_821"><span class="label">821</span></a> We know of one case, at least, where an “Apollo” (draped) was transferred to a relief—on a
-column drum of the old Artemision in Ephesos, now in the British Museum: <i>J. H. S.</i>, X, 1889,
-Pl. III, pp. 4 f., and figs. 4a, 5 (Murray); Overbeck, I, p. 106, fig. 9; Richardson, p. 53, fig. 16.
-According to Herodotos, I, 92, most of these columns were the gifts of Crœsus, who reigned
-560–546 B.&nbsp;C. On the whole series of “Apollos,” see W. Deonna, <i>Les Apollons archaïques</i>,
-1909; <i>cf.</i> F. W., text to no. 14, pp. 9 f; <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, pp. 82–3, with references; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_822"></a><a href="#FNanchor_822"><span class="label">822</span></a> See Richardson, pp. 39 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_823"></a><a href="#FNanchor_823"><span class="label">823</span></a> Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, pp. 11–12 and fig.; <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>,
-X, 1886, Pl. V (two views) and pp. 98 f. (Holleaux);
-Collignon, I, p. 117, fig. 58; Deonna, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 161, no. 35;
-Richardson, p. 44, fig. 12. It is in the National Museum
-at Athens, where most of the “Apollos” are to be found.
-The sanctuary of Apollo Ptoios on Mount Ptoion,
-Bœotia, is mentioned by P., IX, 23.6, Hdt., VIII, 135,
-and other writers.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_824"></a><a href="#FNanchor_824"><span class="label">824</span></a> In Athens: Kabbadias, no. 8; Staïs, <i>Marbres et
-Bronzes</i>, p. 10; Deonna, p. 227, no. 129; <i>A. M.</i>, III,
-1878, Pl. VIII; Collignon, I, p. 132, fig. 66; Gardner,
-<i>Hbk.</i>, p. 131, fig. 16; Richardson, p. 39, fig. 5; B. B.,
-no. 77C; von Mach, 12; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 76, <small>10</small>;
-F. W., 14; Springer-Michaelis, p. 172, fig. 336; Perrot-Chipiez,
-VIII, p. 319, fig. 133.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_825"></a><a href="#FNanchor_825"><span class="label">825</span></a> Kabbadias, no. 9; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, pp. 9–10
-(1.27 m. high); <i>Annali</i>, XXXIII, 1861, pp. 79 f. and Pl. E; Deonna, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 148, no. 26; <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>,
-V, 1881, Pl. IV, and pp. 319 f.; Collignon, I, p. 114, fig. 56; Overbeck, I, fig. 14; Gardner,
-<i>Hbk.</i>, p. 166, fig. 29; Richardson, p. 40, fig. 8; B. B., 77A; von Mach, 11 b; Perrot-Chipiez,
-VIII, p. 509, fig. 260; F. W., 43; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 76, 11.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_826"></a><a href="#FNanchor_826"><span class="label">826</span></a> Kabbadias, no. 10; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, p. 8 (1.30 meters high); Deonna, p. 153, no. 28; <i>B.
-C. H.</i>, X, 1886, Pl. IV, and p. 66 (Holleaux); Collignon, I, p. 196, fig. 92; von Mach, 15a (left);
-Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 168, fig. 30; B. B., 12 (left); Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 76, 7. In another found at
-Mount Ptoion in 1903, the left arm is almost entirely broken away: <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXXI, 1907,
-Pl. XX.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_827"></a><a href="#FNanchor_827"><span class="label">827</span></a> Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, p. 10, no. 1558; Deonna, p. 217, no. 114, <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XVI, 1892, Pl.
-XVI (two views) and pp. 560 f. (Holleaux); von Mach, no. 13; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 321,
-fig. 134; Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 132, fig. 17; Richardson, p. 39, fig. 6; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 76, 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_828"></a><a href="#FNanchor_828"><span class="label">828</span></a> Furtw.-Wolters, <i>Beschreib. d. Glypt.</i>,<sup>2</sup> pp. 49 f., no. 47; Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 158, fig. 26;
-Gardiner, p. 87, fig. 7; Richardson, p. 40, fig. 7; B. B., no. I; Bulle, 37 (right); von Mach, 14;
-Furtw.-Urlichs, <i>Denkm.</i>, Pl. I, pp. 3 f; <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, IV, 1847, Pl. XLIV; Baum., I, fig. 340;
-Collignon, I, p. 202, fig. 96; Springer-Michaelis, p. 174, fig. 338; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 401,
-figs. 187, 188; F. W., 49; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 76, 2. It is 1.53 meters high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_829"></a><a href="#FNanchor_829"><span class="label">829</span></a> Left: torso found in 1885: <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XI, 1887, Pl. VIII, and pp. 185 f. (Holleaux); Collignon,
-I, p. 198, fig. 49; Richardson, p. 41, fig. 9 (without the head); head found in 1903: <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>,
-XXXI, 1907, Pls. XVII-XVIII; entire figure, <i>ibid.</i>, Pl. XIX; text, pp. 187 f. (Mendel);
-Kabbadias, 12; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, p. 9 and fig.; Deonna, p. 156, no. 30. Right: Staïs,
-pp. 12–13, no. 20; Deonna, no. 35; Collignon, I, p. 315 and fig. 157 (two views); <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XI,
-1887, Pls. XIII and XIV, and pp. 275 f., and X, 1886, fig. VI (without head) and pp. 269 f.;
-von Mach, 15b (right); Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 169, fig. 31; Richardson, p. 42, fig. 10 (two views);
-Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 77, 4 (without head); <i>cf.</i> II, <small>1</small>, 18, 4 and 5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_830"></a><a href="#FNanchor_830"><span class="label">830</span></a> See Holleaux, <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XI, p. 186, n. 1. Richardson, p. 41, wrongly thought that they
-were of marble, explaining the preservation of the arms by their presence; the arms, however,
-were formerly broken off and have since been readjusted to the statue.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_831"></a><a href="#FNanchor_831"><span class="label">831</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, no. 206; <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, IX, 1869–73, Pl. XLI; <i>Annali</i>, XLIV, 1872, pp. 181 f.;
-B. B., 51; von Mach, 16; Overbeck, I, p. 237, fig. 61; F. W., 89; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 81, 6. It is
-3 feet 4 inches in height.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_832"></a><a href="#FNanchor_832"><span class="label">832</span></a> See Holleaux, <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, X, 1886, p. 271; XI, p. 186; and <i>cf.</i> Vischer, <i>Kleine Schriften</i>, II.
-pp. 302 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_833"></a><a href="#FNanchor_833"><span class="label">833</span></a> B. B., no. 76.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_834"></a><a href="#FNanchor_834"><span class="label">834</span></a> See Holleaux, in <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XI, 1887, p. 178.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_835"></a><a href="#FNanchor_835"><span class="label">835</span></a> From the inscription on its thigh.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_836"></a><a href="#FNanchor_836"><span class="label">836</span></a> In the Athens Museum; it dates from the middle of the sixth century B.&nbsp;C.: Staïs, <i>Marbres
-et Bronzes</i>, p. 11, no. 1906 and fig. (1.78 m. high); Deonna, p. 133, no. 5; Perrot-Chipiez,
-VIII, figs. 189–190; Kabbadias, <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1902, pp. 43 f. and Pls. 3 and 4; Bulle, no. 37
-(left), who gives its height as 1.79 meters.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_837"></a><a href="#FNanchor_837"><span class="label">837</span></a> See Furtw.-Urlichs, <i>Denkm.</i>, text to Pl. I, p. 4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_838"></a><a href="#FNanchor_838"><span class="label">838</span></a> Furtw.-Urlichs, <i>Denkm.</i>, p. 4, ascribe it to the Cretan sculptors Skyllis and Dipoinos, who
-worked in Argos, Sikyon, and Corinth, or to their school.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_839"></a><a href="#FNanchor_839"><span class="label">839</span></a> Statue A: <i>Fouilles de Delphes</i>, IV, Pl. I; <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXIV, 1900, Pls. XIX-XXI (front, side,
-and rear) and pp. 445 f. (Homolle); Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 155, fig. 25; Gardiner, p. 89, fig. 8;
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 174, fig. 337; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, Pls. IX, X. Statue B (fragmentary):
-<i>Fouilles de Delphes</i>, IV, p. 7, fig. 7; <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXIV, 1900, Pl. XVIII. See also the following:
-<i>Gaz. B.-A.</i>, III Pér., XII, 1894, pp. 444–6; XIII, pp. 32 f.; <i>C. R. Acad. Inscr.</i>, 1894, p. 585;
-especially Homolle, <i>l. c.</i>, pp. 445 f. (he exchanges B for A); <i>cf.</i> <i>A. J. A.</i>, 1895, p. 115; Reinach,
-<i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 77, 6 and 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_840"></a><a href="#FNanchor_840"><span class="label">840</span></a> VI, 10.5; the epigram reads:
-</p>
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="stanza">
-<div class="line">Εὐτελίδας καὶ Χρυσόθεμις τάδε ἔργα τέλεσσαν</div>
-<div class="line">Ἀργεῖοι, τέχναν εἰδότες ἐκ προτέρων.</div>
-</div></div></div>
-<p>
-Damaretos of Heraia won two victories in the heavy-armed race in Ols. 65, 66 (&#8239;=&#8239;520, 516
-B.&nbsp;C.); Theopompos two in the pentathlon in Ols. (?) 69, 70 (&#8239;=&#8239;504, 500 B.&nbsp;C.). Their monument
-was one in common: Hyde, nos. 94, 95 and pp. 42 f.; Foerster, 135, 140 and 168, 169.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_841"></a><a href="#FNanchor_841"><span class="label">841</span></a> P., VI, 15.8; he won in the boys’ wrestling match and in the pentathlon in Ol. 38 (&#8239;=&#8239;628
-B.&nbsp;C.): Afr.; Hyde, 148; Foerster, 61, 62.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_842"></a><a href="#FNanchor_842"><span class="label">842</span></a> Hoplite victor in Ol. 68 (&#8239;=&#8239;508 B.&nbsp;C.): Foerster, 151.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_843"></a><a href="#FNanchor_843"><span class="label">843</span></a> Victor in three running races on the same day (τριαστής) in Ol. 67 (&#8239;=&#8239;512 B.&nbsp;C.): Afr.;
-Foerster, 144–6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_844"></a><a href="#FNanchor_844"><span class="label">844</span></a> They won in boxing in Ol. 59 (&#8239;=&#8239;544 B.&nbsp;C.) and the pankration in Ol. 61 (&#8239;=&#8239;536 B.&nbsp;C.)
-respectively: P., VI, 18.7; Hyde, 187, 188, and p. 56; Foerster, 113 and 120. Pausanias, <i>l. c.</i>,
-wrongly says that they were the oldest statues at Olympia.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_845"></a><a href="#FNanchor_845"><span class="label">845</span></a> He won the double foot-race in Ol. 35 (&#8239;=&#8239;640 B.&nbsp;C.): Afr.; P., I, 28.1; Foerster, 55.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_846"></a><a href="#FNanchor_846"><span class="label">846</span></a> He won five victories in wrestling at the beginning of the sixth century B.&nbsp;C.: P., III,
-13.9; Foerster, 86–90. The statue of Oibotas of Dyme, who won the stade-race in Ol. 6 (&#8239;=&#8239;756
-B.&nbsp;C.), was set up in Ol. 80 (&#8239;=&#8239;460 B.&nbsp;C.): Afr.; P., VI, 3.8; Hyde, 29; Foerster, 6; that of Chionis
-of Sparta, who won seven running races in Ols. 28–31 (&#8239;=&#8239;668–656 B.&nbsp;C.), was made by
-Myron, and consequently was erected in the fifth century B.&nbsp;C.: P., VI, 13.2; Afr.; Hyde, 111,
-and p. 48; Foerster, 39, 41–6: these two, therefore, did not necessarily conform with the
-“Apollo” type.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_847"></a><a href="#FNanchor_847"><span class="label">847</span></a> VI, 14.5 f; he won in Ol. (?) 61, and in Ols. 62, 63, 64, 65, 66 (&#8239;=&#8239;536–516 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 128;
-Foerster, 116, 122, 126, 131, 136, and 141; Afr. gives the second victory as Ol. 62; see Foerster,
-122.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_848"></a><a href="#FNanchor_848"><span class="label">848</span></a> <i>Vit. Apoll. Tyan.</i>, IV, 28.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_849"></a><a href="#FNanchor_849"><span class="label">849</span></a> VI, 14.6–7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_850"></a><a href="#FNanchor_850"><span class="label">850</span></a> Frazer, IV, p. 44, believes that this description may be imaginary, concocted from stories of
-Milo’s feats of strength; but Hitz.-Bluemn., II, <small>2</small>, p. 601, cite Guttman, <i>de olympionicis apud
-Philostratum</i>, p. 7, Matz, <i>de Philostr. in describ. imag. Fide</i>, p. 33, and Gurlitt, <i>Ueber Pausanias</i>,
-1890, p. 413, as believing that it was based on the appearance of the statue. Scherer, pp. 23 f.,
-thought that Philostratos followed Pausanias in interpreting the attributes of the statue, and
-that the latter got his idea of the strength of the victor from the statue or from a cicerone.
-Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, VII, 19, says of Milo: <i>Malum tenenti nemo digitum corrigebat</i>. Aelian mentions
-Milo’s feat with the pomegranate in <i>Var. Hist.</i>, II, 24 and <i>de Nat. anim.</i>, VI, 55.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_851"></a><a href="#FNanchor_851"><span class="label">851</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Philostr., <i>l. c.</i>, ll. 27, 28: καὶ τὸ μήπω διεστὼς τῇ ἀρχαίᾳ ἀγαλματοποιίᾳ προσκείσθω.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_852"></a><a href="#FNanchor_852"><span class="label">852</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 31.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_853"></a><a href="#FNanchor_853"><span class="label">853</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> P., VIII, 46.3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_854"></a><a href="#FNanchor_854"><span class="label">854</span></a> Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 75.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_855"></a><a href="#FNanchor_855"><span class="label">855</span></a> For the type, see the Payne Knight bronze statuette in the British Museum: <i>B. M. Bronz.</i>,
-no. 209 and Pl. I; Frazer, IV, p. 430, fig. 45; the same type appears on Milesian coins. <i>Cf.</i>
-Brunn, I, 77. Frazer is against Scherer’s contention.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_856"></a><a href="#FNanchor_856"><span class="label">856</span></a> II, <small>2</small>, pp. 601–2. See P., VI, 9.1 (statue of Theognetos).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_857"></a><a href="#FNanchor_857"><span class="label">857</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 59.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_858"></a><a href="#FNanchor_858"><span class="label">858</span></a> <i>Anachar.</i>, 9; <i>cf.</i> <i>A. G.</i>, IX, 357.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_859"></a><a href="#FNanchor_859"><span class="label">859</span></a> No. 38; <i>cf.</i> for the left-hand figure, p. 83, fig. 11 (side view).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_860"></a><a href="#FNanchor_860"><span class="label">860</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XVIII, 1894, pp. 44 f., Pls. V, VI (de Ridder); Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 547, fig. 332;
-A. de Ridder, no. 740, pp. 268–9, and Pls. III, IV. It is similar in pose to bronzes in the same
-museum, nos. 736 (= de Ridder, Pl. II, <small>1</small>), 737 (= Pl. II, <small>3</small>), and 738 (= Pl. II, <small>2</small>). It is 0.27
-meter high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_861"></a><a href="#FNanchor_861"><span class="label">861</span></a> It will be considered later on in this chapter: p. 119 and n. 3. It is 0.185 meter high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_862"></a><a href="#FNanchor_862"><span class="label">862</span></a> This statuette, showing Peloponnesian tendencies, is in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston;
-it is 0.25 meter high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_863"></a><a href="#FNanchor_863"><span class="label">863</span></a> In the same way the pediment statues from Aegina differ from Attic works by straighter
-lines and more compact forms.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_864"></a><a href="#FNanchor_864"><span class="label">864</span></a> He won a chariot victory some time between Ols. (?) 98 and 101 (&#8239;=&#8239;388 and 376 B.&nbsp;C.): P.,
-VI, 2.8; Hyde, 17 (&#8239;=&#8239;105 d; P., VI, 1.26); Foerster, 310.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_865"></a><a href="#FNanchor_865"><span class="label">865</span></a> He won in chariot-racing some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130 (&#8239;=&#8239;320 and 260 B.&nbsp;C.): P.,
-VI, 13.11; Hyde, 122; Foerster, 513. The date is from the lettering on the recovered base:
-<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 177; <i>cf.</i> Hyde, p. 51. On such statues, <i>cf.</i> Reisch, p. 41.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_866"></a><a href="#FNanchor_866"><span class="label">866</span></a> The spelling Ηαγελαιδας occurs on two blocks, d, e, from the Praxiteles bathron at Olympia:
-<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 631 = <i>I. G. B.</i>, 30; for the whole Praxiteles bathron see <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 266. Dittenberger
-and Purgold keep the reading Hagelaïdas. Possibly the spelling Ἁγελαίδα stands for
-ὁ Ἀγελαίδα; the MSS. of Pliny read Hagelades; see <i>I. G. B.</i>, p. xviii, Add. to no. 30; Gardner,
-<i>Hbk.</i>, p. 217, n. 1. On the sculptor, see Lechat, p. 380 and n. 4, and pp. 454 f.; Collignon,
-I, pp. 316 f.; Joubin, pp. 14 f., 83 f., 92 f., etc.; Brunn, pp. 63 f.; Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, pp. 216 f.; and
-especially Pfuhl, in Pauly-Wissowa, VII, pp. 2189 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_867"></a><a href="#FNanchor_867"><span class="label">867</span></a> For Myron, see Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 57. Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 196, <i>Mw.</i>, 379–80, thinks
-that the connection is not literally true, even if considerations of chronology are not against it,
-and derives the story of Hagelaïdas teaching Myron from the similarity between the work of
-the two. For Polykleitos, see Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 55. The tradition that Hagelaïdas was the
-master of Polykleitos has been unreasonably assailed by many scholars: <i>e. g.</i>, by Robert, <i>Arch.
-Maerchen</i>, 1886, p. 97; Mahler, <i>Polyklet u. s. Sch.</i>, 3912, pp. 6 f.; Klein, I, p. 340; <i>cf.</i> II, p. 143;
-<i>cf.</i> Springer-Michaelis, I, p. 210. Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 196, <i>Mw.</i>, p. 380, believes it impossible
-because of chronological difficulties, and assumes a sculptor of an intermediate generation
-as the teacher of Polykleitos; he, followed by Mahler, <i>l. c.</i>, and Klein, I, 340, names Argeiadas
-(mentioned in <i>I. G. B.</i>, no. 30) as this intermediate artist. However, he admits that the
-statement is true in a general sense, since Polykleitos developed his canon from that of
-Hagelaïdas: <i>cf.</i> <i>50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, p. 149; Pfuhl, however, p. 2192, has shown
-that the relationship is perfectly possible.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_868"></a><a href="#FNanchor_868"><span class="label">868</span></a> To be mentioned <i>infra</i>, p. III and note 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_869"></a><a href="#FNanchor_869"><span class="label">869</span></a> Dio Chrysost., <i>de Hom. et Socr.</i>, 1; here Mueller amends the MSS. reading ΗΠΟΥ to
-ΗΓΙΟΥ; E. A. Gardner, <i>Class. Rev.</i>, 1894, p. 70, wrongly reads Ἡγελάδου.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_870"></a><a href="#FNanchor_870"><span class="label">870</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 53 and 196; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 80–81, and 380.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_871"></a><a href="#FNanchor_871"><span class="label">871</span></a> Wilamowitz has shown that it comes from Apollonios, son of Chairis, who lived <i>circa</i> 100
-B.&nbsp;C., and that it goes back probably to the <i>Chronica</i> of Apollodoros of Athens, who lived in
-the middle of the second century B.&nbsp;C.: <i>Aus Kydathen</i> (Kiessling and Wilamowitz, <i>Philolog.
-Untersuchungen</i>, I, 1880), pp. 154 f. Kalkmann, in his <i>Quellen der Kunstgesch. d. Plinius</i>,
-p. 41, believes that the date which is given by Pliny (XXXIV, 49) for the <i>floruit</i> of Hagelaïdas,
-Ol. 87 (&#8239;=&#8239;423–429 B.&nbsp;C.), comes from the same Apollodoros.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_872"></a><a href="#FNanchor_872"><span class="label">872</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, pp. 41 and 65 f.; Pfuhl, p. 2194. Brunn, <i>l. c.</i>, Overbeck, I, p. 140, and Robert, <i>l. c.</i>,
-had assumed an earlier plague at the beginning of the fifth century B.&nbsp;C.; but the real occasion
-for the dedication of the <i>Herakles</i> remains obscure.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_873"></a><a href="#FNanchor_873"><span class="label">873</span></a> P., IV, 33.2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_874"></a><a href="#FNanchor_874"><span class="label">874</span></a> P., VI, 8.6; Hyde, 82; Foerster, 142, 148.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_875"></a><a href="#FNanchor_875"><span class="label">875</span></a> P., VI, 14.11; Hyde, 132; Foerster, 133, 134.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_876"></a><a href="#FNanchor_876"><span class="label">876</span></a> P., VI, 10.6 f.; Hyde, 99; Foerster, 143. There is no reason for following Brunn in his
-contention that these statues were set up some time after the victories, as these dates fit the
-chronology of the artist outlined above.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_877"></a><a href="#FNanchor_877"><span class="label">877</span></a> A fifth-century type of statue occurs on these coins, representing the god standing with the
-left foot forward, the knee slightly bent, a thunderbolt held in the extended right hand and
-an eagle in the extended left: <i>B. M. Coins</i>, Pelop., Pl. XXII, nos. 1 and 6; Hitz.-Bluemn.,
-I, <small>2</small>, Muenztafel, III, 20 and 12; Springer-Michaelis, I, p. 211, fig. 393; Collignon, I, p. 318,
-figs. 158–159. Frickenhaus, quoted by Pfuhl, p. 2194, believes that the pose is seen also in
-the small bronze pictured in <i>B. S. A.</i>, III, 1896–7, Pl. X, 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_878"></a><a href="#FNanchor_878"><span class="label">878</span></a> P., VII, 24.4. See <i>B. M. Coins, Pelop.</i>, Pl. IV, nos. 12 and 17, and <i>cf.</i> 14; Hitz.-Bluemn.,
-II, <small>1</small>, Muenztafel, IV, 16–17; Svoronos, <i>Journ. int. d’arch. num.</i>, II, 1898, 302, Pl. 14, 11.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_879"></a><a href="#FNanchor_879"><span class="label">879</span></a> Furtwaengler, <i>50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, 1890 (Eine argivische Bronze), pp. 152–153
-and Pl. I (3 views); from which plate Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 221, fig. 49; Waldstein, <i>J. H. S.</i>,
-XXIV, 1904, p. 131, fig. 1; Gardiner, p. 93, fig. 11; von Mach, 17 b; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>,
-85, 1; <i>cf.</i> Frost, <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIII, 1903, pp. 223 f., and fig. 1, who compares its style and
-pose with a later bronze statuette found off Cerigotto (<i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1902, Pl. 14). Ligourió
-is on the site of the ancient Lessa: Curtius, <i>Peloponnesos</i>, II, 1852, p. 418. The bronze without
-the base is 135 millimeters high (Furtwaengler).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_880"></a><a href="#FNanchor_880"><span class="label">880</span></a> B. B., 302; Bulle, 43; Springer-Michaelis, p. 234, fig. 428; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 52, fig. 10
-(upper part); <i>Mw.</i>, p. 79, fig. 3; Overbeck, II, p. 473, fig. 228 b. It is 1.60 meters high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_881"></a><a href="#FNanchor_881"><span class="label">881</span></a> Listed by Furtwaengler, <i>50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, p. 139, n. 61. For the relation of
-these copies to each other, <i>id.</i>, <i>Berl. Philol. Wochenschr.</i>, XIV, 1894, pp. 81 f.; he ascribes them
-to Hegias.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_882"></a><a href="#FNanchor_882"><span class="label">882</span></a> B. B., no. 301; Bulle, 41; von Mach, 321; Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II, 1846; <i>Guide</i>, 744; Baum., II,
-p. 1191, fig. 1391; Collignon, II, p. 661, fig. 346; Overbeck, II, p. 473, fig. 228, a; Reinach,
-<i>Rép.</i>, II, 2, 588, 9; F. W., 225; <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVI, 1878, Pl. XV, and pp. 123 f.; <i>Annali</i>,
-XXXVIII, 1865, Pl. D and pp. 58 f.; Kekulé, <i>Gruppe des Kuenstlers Menelaos in Villa Ludovisi</i>,
-1870, Pl. II, 2, pp. 20 f.; Joubin, p. 87, fig. 15; Springer-Michaelis, p. 211, fig. 398.
-The best copy of the head of the statue by Stephanos is in the Lateran Museum, Rome: see
-Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 217, fig. 92; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 405, fig. 62. The statue is 1.44 meters high (Bulle).
-For the inscription on the tree-trunk, see <i>I. G. B.</i>, no. 374.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_883"></a><a href="#FNanchor_883"><span class="label">883</span></a> The best example is in Naples, the group being known, and probably correctly, since Winckelmann’s
-day, as <i>Orestes</i> and <i>Elektra</i>: B. B., no. 306; Kekulé, <i>Gruppe d. Menelaos</i>, Pl. II, 1; Bulle,
-141 (height 1.44 meters); Collignon, II, pp. 662, fig. 347; Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 557, fig. 151; Clarac,
-V, 836, 2093; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 506.4. A sketch of the Naples <i>Orestes</i> and the Ligourió
-bronze, showing their great resemblance, is given by Furtwaengler, <i>50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>,
-p. 137. A replica of the female figure is cited by Michaelis as in Marbury Hall, England:
-p. 503, no. 6; <i>cf.</i> Conze, <i>Beitraege zur Gesch. d. gr.</i> Pl.<sup>2</sup>, p. 25, n. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_884"></a><a href="#FNanchor_884"><span class="label">884</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, the so-called group of <i>Orestes</i> and <i>Pylades</i> in the Louvre: von Mach, 323; Collignon,
-II, p. 663, fig. 348; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 161, 2 (= <i>Mercury</i> and <i>Vulcan</i>).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_885"></a><a href="#FNanchor_885"><span class="label">885</span></a> Kalkmann, <i>53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, 1893, pp. 77 f., thought that the Stephanos
-figure went back to an original by Pythagoras, the rival of Myron, which Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>,
-p. 49, rightly characterizes as “wide of the mark”; Pfuhl, p. 2197, Bulle, and others regard its
-ascription to the school of Hagelaïdas as probable, even if not capable of proof. Furtwaengler,
-<i>50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, p. 152, believes it was <i>vermutlich ein Werk des Meisters</i> (<i>i. e.</i>,
-<i>Hagelaïdas</i>) <i>selbst</i>: on pp. 146–7 he pronounces the life-size marble torso of a statue of a nude
-man found in a wall over the ruins of the Palaistra at Olympia (Treu, <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVIII, 1880,
-p. 45)—because of its resemblance in pose to that of the Ligourió statuette—a Roman school
-copy of an original bronze victor statue going back to Hagelaïdas.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_886"></a><a href="#FNanchor_886"><span class="label">886</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, the marble group formerly in the Boncompagni-Ludovisi collection, now in the
-Museo delle Terme, Rome: Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II, 1314; <i>Guide</i>, 887; B. B., no. 309; von Mach,
-322; Baum., II, p. 1193, fig. 1393; Springer-Michaelis, p. 454, fig. 834; Kekulé, <i>Die Gruppe
-d. Menelaos</i>, Pl. I; Schreiber, <i>Bildw. d. Villa Ludovisi</i>, p. 89, no. 69; Collignon, II, p. 665,
-fig. 349; F. W., 1560; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 506, 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_887"></a><a href="#FNanchor_887"><span class="label">887</span></a> V, 10.8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_888"></a><a href="#FNanchor_888"><span class="label">888</span></a> Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 72, and XXXVI, 16.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_889"></a><a href="#FNanchor_889"><span class="label">889</span></a> See Brunn, pp. 236–7 and 244–5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_890"></a><a href="#FNanchor_890"><span class="label">890</span></a> Loeschke (<i>Dorpaterprogr.</i>, 1887, p. 7, on the basis of an early suggestion of Furtwaengler
-in <i>A. M.</i>, III, 1878, p. 194) and J. Six (<i>J. H. S.</i>, X, 1889, pp. 109 f.), assumed two sculptors
-of the name of Alkamenes, ascribing the gable statues and that of <i>Hera</i> at Phaleron (mentioned
-by P., I, 1.5) to the elder one. Furtwaengler later retracted the theory of two artists and
-assumed but one (<i>Mp.</i>, p. 90, n. 3; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 122 and n. 6). Koepp has shown that the <i>Hera</i> is
-of no use in dating, since the story of Pausanias that the temple of Hera was destroyed by the
-Persians is an invention (<i>Jb.</i>, V, 1890, p. 277). The idea of an elder Alkamenes based on the
-inscription on a herm recently found in Pergamon (<i>A. A.</i>, 1904, fig. on p. 76) has also
-been refuted by Winter (<i>A. M.</i>, XXIX, 1904, pp. 208–211, and Pls. XVIII-XXI), who has
-shown that the inscription and statue do not go so far back.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_891"></a><a href="#FNanchor_891"><span class="label">891</span></a> See Baum., pp. 1104 KK.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_892"></a><a href="#FNanchor_892"><span class="label">892</span></a> P. 243.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_893"></a><a href="#FNanchor_893"><span class="label">893</span></a> <i>A. Z.</i>, XLI, 1883, pp. 141 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_894"></a><a href="#FNanchor_894"><span class="label">894</span></a> No. 135.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_895"></a><a href="#FNanchor_895"><span class="label">895</span></a> <i>Arch. Stud. H. Brunn dargebr.</i>, pp. 67 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_896"></a><a href="#FNanchor_896"><span class="label">896</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, VII, 1882, pp. 206 f. He also found the style of the two pediments unlike.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_897"></a><a href="#FNanchor_897"><span class="label">897</span></a> <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXIX, 1881, p. 78, n. (= Argive-Sikyonian); <i>cf.</i> <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., pp. 44–95;
-Tafelbd., Pls. IX-XVII (East Gable), XXII-XXXI (West Gable).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_898"></a><a href="#FNanchor_898"><span class="label">898</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, XII, 1887, pp. 374–5 (= Argive-Sikyonian); <i>cf.</i> <i>R. M.</i>, II, 1887, pp. 53 f., where he
-excepts the four corner figures of the West Gable as Attic, because they are of Pentelic marble,
-and not Parian, like the others.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_899"></a><a href="#FNanchor_899"><span class="label">899</span></a> I, pp. 460–1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_900"></a><a href="#FNanchor_900"><span class="label">900</span></a> I, p. 330 (= Elean).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_901"></a><a href="#FNanchor_901"><span class="label">901</span></a> For a discussion of the whole question of the artists, see Hitz.-Bluemn., II, i, pp. 329 f.;
-Frazer, III, pp. 512 f. For a restoration of the two groups, see Treu, <i>Jb.</i>, III, 1888, Pls. 5, 6
-(West), and <i>ibid.</i>, IV, 1889, Pls. 8, 9 (East); whence Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 246, figs, 57 and 56
-respectively; see also <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pls. XVIII-XXI; Textbd., pp. 114–137; Overbeck,
-I, Pl. opp. p. 309; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_902"></a><a href="#FNanchor_902"><span class="label">902</span></a> Richardson, p. 101, fig. 49 (side), and p. 154 for the statement; Lechat, <i>Au Musée</i>, Pl. XVI;
-Bulle, pp. 462–3, figs. 135, 136; B. B., no. 461 (middle row, bottom); <i>A. M.</i>, XII, 1887, pp.
-372 f. (Studniczka); de Ridder, no. 467; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 679, fig. 347; it is 0.10 meter
-high (Graef., <i>A. M.</i>, XV, 1890, p. 16, n. 1). For the figure of Apollo, see Bulle, no. 42; <i>Bildw.
-v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. XXII, and Textbd., p. 69; von Mach, 86 (statue), 446 (head). The
-original height was 3.10 meters (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_903"></a><a href="#FNanchor_903"><span class="label">903</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, p. 53; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 80; <i>50stes Bert. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, pp. 140–1 and 148.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_904"></a><a href="#FNanchor_904"><span class="label">904</span></a> The torso was found in 1865, the head in 1888: torso, <i>A. M.</i>, V, 1880, p. 20 and Pl. I, with
-wrong head (Furtwaengler); head, <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1888, p. 81 and Pl. III; figure in outline,
-Collignon, I, pp. 374–5, figs. 191–2; Dickins, no. 698, pp. 264 f.; B. B., 461 b; Bulle, 40 and
-figs. 15, 14 on pp. 87–8 (from a cast); von Mach, 57; Overbeck, I, p. 205, fig. 48; Lechat, p. 452,
-fig. 38; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, 2, 588, 1; Springer-Michaelis, p. 217, fig. 403; Furtwaengler, <i>A. A.</i>,
-1889, p. 147, <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 76, n. 2, and 81; Wolters, <i>A. M.</i>, XIII, 1888, p. 226. Bulle dates it
-toward 480 B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_905"></a><a href="#FNanchor_905"><span class="label">905</span></a> The same turn appears in the sixth-century Rampin head: Collignon, I, p. 360, fig. 182.
-It will be discussed later on, pp. 126–127.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_906"></a><a href="#FNanchor_906"><span class="label">906</span></a> Furtwaengler, <i>50stes Bert. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, pp. 132 and 150; <i>Mp.</i>, p. 19; Dickins, p. 265.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_907"></a><a href="#FNanchor_907"><span class="label">907</span></a> It is a dedication by Euthydikos: Collignon, I, Pl. VI (right), opp. p. 356; von Mach,
-no. 26 (right); Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 212, fig. 47; Bulle, 240; Lechat, <i>Au Musée</i>, p. 367, fig. 37;
-Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 595, fig. 299; Richardson, p. 78, fig. 33; Springer-Michaelis, p. 207,
-fig. 390. Bulle gives it as half life-size.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_908"></a><a href="#FNanchor_908"><span class="label">908</span></a> Dickins, pp. 248 f., no. 689; Bulle, no. 198; B. B., 460; von Mach, 440 and 443 (left);
-Collignon, I, p. 362, fig. 184, and bibliog., note 3, p. 363; Overbeck, I, p. 206, fig. 49; Gardner,
-<i>Hbk.</i>, p. 213, fig. 48; Lechat, p. 362 and <i>Au Musée</i>, p. 374, fig. 39; Furtw., <i>50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>,
-p. 151; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, Pl. XIV; <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, III, 1888, Pl. II. It is slightly
-under life-size.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_909"></a><a href="#FNanchor_909"><span class="label">909</span></a> Here again Furtwaengler ascribes it to Hegias, whose art he derives from Hagelaïdas.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_910"></a><a href="#FNanchor_910"><span class="label">910</span></a> Richter, <i>Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes in the Metropolitan Museum</i>, p. 49, fig. 78;
-it will be discussed <i>infra</i> in Ch. IV, pp. 220–1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_911"></a><a href="#FNanchor_911"><span class="label">911</span></a> See <i>supra</i>, p. 105 and n. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_912"></a><a href="#FNanchor_912"><span class="label">912</span></a> On Chrysothemis, see Robert in Pauly-Wissowa, III, <small>2</small>, p. 2521; Brunn, pp. 61–2; Overbeck,
-I, p. 140; Collignon, I, pp. 225 (= forerunners of Hagelaïdas and Polykleitos), and <i>cf.</i> p. 320.
-On Eutelidas, see Pauly-Wissowa, VI, <small>1</small>, p. 1493.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_913"></a><a href="#FNanchor_913"><span class="label">913</span></a> Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 55; others, <i>e. g.</i>, P., VI, 6.2, call him an Argive. He belonged to a
-family of sculptors, some of whom worked in Sikyon and others in Argos.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_914"></a><a href="#FNanchor_914"><span class="label">914</span></a> Kyniskos: P., VI, 4.11; Hyde, 45; Foerster, 255; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 149; Pythokles: P., VI, 7.10;
-<i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 70; Foerster, 295; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 162–3; Aristion: P., VI, 13.6; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>;
-Hyde, 115; Foerster, 376; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 165 (renewed); <i>I. G. B.</i>, 92; Thersilochos: P., VI,
-13.6; Hyde, 114; Foerster, 369.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_915"></a><a href="#FNanchor_915"><span class="label">915</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 91. In the same book, § 72, Pliny mentions another pupil of Polykleitos,
-Aristeides, as the fashioner of chariot-groups. Pausanias merely mentions him in connection
-with improvements in the hippodrome at Olympia made by Kleoitas: VI, 20.14; see Pauly-Wissowa,
-II, pp. 896–7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_916"></a><a href="#FNanchor_916"><span class="label">916</span></a> Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 226, makes Naukydes, Daidalos, and the younger Polykleitos sons
-of Patrokles, the brother of the great Polykleitos. Naukydes and Daidalos describe themselves
-as sons of Patrokles in two inscriptions: <i>I. G. B.</i>, 86 and 88. Pausanias, however, calls
-Naukydes a brother of Polykleitos and son of Mothon: II, 22.7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_917"></a><a href="#FNanchor_917"><span class="label">917</span></a> Cheimon: P., VI, 9.3; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 88; Foerster, 285; Baukis: P., VI, 8.4; Hyde, 77;
-Foerster, 318; Eukles: P., VI, 6.2; Hyde, 52; Foerster, 297; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 159 (renewed).
-Naukydes’ activity extended from Ol. 83 to Ol. 95 (&#8239;=&#8239;448–400 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, p. 39.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_918"></a><a href="#FNanchor_918"><span class="label">918</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 49.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_919"></a><a href="#FNanchor_919"><span class="label">919</span></a> P., VI, 8.1; Hyde, 72; Foerster, 268.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_920"></a><a href="#FNanchor_920"><span class="label">920</span></a> P., VI, 6.2, expressly distinguishes between the elder and younger Polykleitos; in speaking
-of the statue of the boy wrestler Agenor, he says that Polykleitos, the pupil of Naukydes,
-“not the one who made the statue of Hera,” fashioned it. Robert, <i>O. S.</i>, pp. 186 f., gives
-his activity as Ols. 98 to 103 (&#8239;=&#8239;388–368 B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_921"></a><a href="#FNanchor_921"><span class="label">921</span></a> Antipatros: P., VI, 2.6; Hyde, 16; Foerster, 309; Agenor: P., VI, 6.2; Hyde, 53; Foerster,
-355; Xenokles: P., VI, 9.2; Hyde, 85; Foerster, 308; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 164; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 90; Furtwaengler
-wrongly ascribed the statue of Xenokles to the elder Polykleitos and that of Aristion
-to the younger: <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 224–5. Loewy had already assumed the eider for Aristion, <i>Strena
-Helbigiana</i>, p. 180, n. 4, and this was confirmed by the early dating of his victory in the <i>Oxy.
-Pap.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_922"></a><a href="#FNanchor_922"><span class="label">922</span></a> P., VI, 16.7; Hyde, 162; Foerster, 515. On this sculptor, see Pauly-Wissowa, I, p. 2137;
-<i>I. G. B.</i>, 475; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 318; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_923"></a><a href="#FNanchor_923"><span class="label">923</span></a> Before 600 B.&nbsp;C.; Robert, in Pauly-Wissowa, V, pp. 1159 f.; <i>cf.</i> Collignon, I, pp. 131 and
-222 f.; Overbeck, I, pp. 84 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_924"></a><a href="#FNanchor_924"><span class="label">924</span></a> P., VI, 9.1, f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_925"></a><a href="#FNanchor_925"><span class="label">925</span></a> Antipatros of Sidon, in <i>A. Pl.</i> (XVI), no. 220; on Aristokles, see Pauly-Wissowa, II, p. 937;
-Robert, <i>Arch. Maerch.</i>, pp. 95 ff.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_926"></a><a href="#FNanchor_926"><span class="label">926</span></a> Longpérier, <i>Notice des bronzes antiques du Louvre</i>, I, 1868, no. 69; de Ridder, <i>Les bronzes
-antiques du Louvre</i>, I, 1913, Pl. 2, <small>2</small>, and p. 7; B. B., no. 78; Collignon, I, Pl. V, opp. p. 312;
-von Mach, 18 (two views); Overbeck, I, p. 235, fig. 60 (two views); Springer-Michaelis, p.
-211, fig. 397; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, Pl. XI; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 84, 9. For bibliography, see
-Deonna, <i>Les Apollons archaïques</i>, p. 274. It is only 3 feet 4 inches tall. The <i>Apollo Philesios</i>,
-stolen from Miletos at the destruction of the city by Darius in 493 B.&nbsp;C. (Hdt., VI, 19; but
-P., VIII, 46.3, and later writers wrongly say by Xerxes; see E. Meyer, <i>Gesch. d. Altertums</i>,<sup>2</sup>
-1912, III, p. 309), was restored from Ekbatana in Media in 306 B.&nbsp;C. by Seleukos Nikator
-(P., <i>l. c.</i>, and <i>cf.</i> I, 16.3). It is also mentioned by P., II, 10.5. The genuineness of the
-Piombino statuette has been assailed, but Overbeck has proved it genuinely archaic: <i>Griech.
-Kunstmyth.</i>, III, <i>Apollon</i>, 1889, pp. 22 f.; <i>cf.</i> <i>Gesch. d. gr. Pl.</i>, I, pp. 234 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_927"></a><a href="#FNanchor_927"><span class="label">927</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 75; <i>cf.</i> Jex-Blake <i>ad loc.</i>, p. 60. Pausanias mentions a cedar replica of the
-<i>Apollo</i> at Thebes: II, 10.5 and IX, 10.2. See p. 336, n. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_928"></a><a href="#FNanchor_928"><span class="label">928</span></a> P. Gardner, <i>The Types of Greek Coins</i>, 1883, Pl. XV, nos. 15–16; Collignon, I, p. 312, figs. 153–155;
-<i>cf.</i> B. Head, <i>Historia Nummorum</i><sup>2</sup>, 1911, p. 586; Overbeck, <i>Apollon</i>, pp. 23 f., and Muenztafel
-I, nos. 22 f. Also on gems: see M. W., I, Pl. XV, no. 61; <i>B. M. Gems</i>, no. 720; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_929"></a><a href="#FNanchor_929"><span class="label">929</span></a> <i>L. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_930"></a><a href="#FNanchor_930"><span class="label">930</span></a> <i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, no. 209 and Pl. I (middle); <i>Specimens</i>, Pl. 12; <i>Annali</i>, VI, 1834, Pl. D,
-fig. 4; Overbeck, I, p. 144, fig. 24, and <i>Apollon</i>, p. 24, fig. 5; Murray, I, p. 193, fig. 49; Rayet
-et Thomas, <i>Milet et le golfe Latmique</i>, Pl. 28, 2; Collignon, I, p. 313, fig. 156; Dar.-Sagl., I,
-p. 318, fig. 375; von Mach, 17 a; Springer-Michaelis, p. 183, fig. 350; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII,
-p. 475, fig. 242; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 80, 9; Fowler and Wheeler, <i>Hbk. of Greek Archæology</i>,
-1909, p. 331, fig. 251; Furtwaengler, in Roscher, <i>Lex.</i>, I, <small>1</small>, p. 451; Frazer, IV, p. 430, fig. 45,
-Bulle, 28 (middle). A modern copy is in the Antiquarium, Munich: F. W., 51. It is 0.185
-meter high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_931"></a><a href="#FNanchor_931"><span class="label">931</span></a> <i>R. M.</i>, II, 1887, pp. 90 f. (Studniczka) and Pls. IV, IV a, V; Collignon, I, p. 321, fig. 161;
-Overbeck, I, p. 239, fig. 62; Michaelis in <i>A. Z.</i>, XXI, 1863, pp. 122 f. (Anzeiger). It is 1.11
-meters in height.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_932"></a><a href="#FNanchor_932"><span class="label">932</span></a> Collignon, I, p. 253, fig. 122; Overbeck, <i>Griech. Kunstmythol.</i>, III, <i>Apollon</i>, p. 36, fig. 8;
-Fraenkel, in <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVII, 1879, pp. 84–91, and Pl. 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_933"></a><a href="#FNanchor_933"><span class="label">933</span></a> The small bronze also found there, 0.155 meter high, belongs to the same series: <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, X,
-1886, pp. 190 f., and Pl. IX. It greatly resembles the statuette from Naxos. For a list of
-replicas of the statue of Kanachos, see Rayet, <i>Études d’archéologie et d’art</i>, p. 164; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_934"></a><a href="#FNanchor_934"><span class="label">934</span></a> On the style of Kanachos and the <i>Apollo</i>, see also Kekulé, <i>Sitzb. d. preuss. Akad. d. Wiss.
-zu Berlin</i>, 1904, I, pp. 786–801; O. Mueller, <i>Kleine Schriften</i>, II, p. 537; F. W., to no. 51;
-Brunn, pp. 74 f.; Collignon, I, pp. 310 f.; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_935"></a><a href="#FNanchor_935"><span class="label">935</span></a> P., VI, 1.3 and 8.5; Hyde, 1, 2, 3, and 78; Foerster, 296, 300, 299, 290 and 305; on Alypos,
-see Pauly-Wissowa, I, p. 1711; Brunn, p. 280; <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXI, 1897, pp. 287 f.; and <i>cf.</i> P.,
-X, 9.10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_936"></a><a href="#FNanchor_936"><span class="label">936</span></a> P., VI, 13.7; Hyde, 116; Foerster, 291; on the sculptor, see Brunn, p. 277.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_937"></a><a href="#FNanchor_937"><span class="label">937</span></a> P., VI, 3.13; Hyde, 34; Foerster, 575; on the sculptor, see Brunn, pp. 292 and 419; <i>cf.</i> Hyde,
-p. 34.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_938"></a><a href="#FNanchor_938"><span class="label">938</span></a> Timon and Aigyptos, who won some time between Ols. (?) 98 and 101: P., VI, 2.8; Hyde, 17,
-18; Foerster, 310, 301; Aristodemos, Ol. 98: P., VI, 3.4; Hyde, 25; Foerster, 312; Eupolemos,
-Ol. 96: Afr.; P., VI, 3.7; Hyde, 28; Foerster, 294. On Daidalos, see Pauly-Wissowa, IV,
-pp. 2006 f.; Robert, <i>O. S.</i>, pp. 191 f.; Brunn, pp. 14 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_939"></a><a href="#FNanchor_939"><span class="label">939</span></a> P., VI, 3.5; Hyde, 26; Foerster, 325. On Damokritos, see Pauly-Wissowa, IV, p. 2070;
-Brunn, p. 105.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_940"></a><a href="#FNanchor_940"><span class="label">940</span></a> Deinolochos: P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 5; Foerster, 330; Hysmon: P., VI, 3.9; Hyde, 31; Foerster,
-347; Kritodamos: P., VI, 8.5; Hyde, 80; Foerster, 337; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 167; <i>I. G. B.</i>, no. 96;
-Alketos: P., VI, 9.2; Hyde, 86; Foerster, 320; Lykinos: P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 100; Foerster,
-336. On Kleon, see Brunn, pp. 285; <i>I. G. B.</i>, to no. 95.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_941"></a><a href="#FNanchor_941"><span class="label">941</span></a> Troilos: P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338 and 345; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 166; the dates of his two
-victories, Ols. 102, 103, are known; Philandridas: P., VI, 2.1; Hyde, 10; Foerster, 393; his victory
-fell either in Ol. 102 or Ol. 103; Cheilon: P., VI, 4.6–7; Hyde, 41; Foerster, 384 and 392; P.,
-because of the dating of Lysippos, inferred that this victor fell either at Chæroneia (338 B.&nbsp;C.)
-or Lamia (322 B.&nbsp;C.), both of which dates fall within the working years of the sculptor; see
-P. Gardner, <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXV, 1905, p. 246; Polydamas: P., VI, 5.1; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279;
-Africanus gives us the date of his victory as Ol. 93, though the statue was set up after the victor’s
-death; Kallikrates, of Magnesia on the Mæander: P., VI, 17.3; Hyde, 175; Foerster,
-390 and 397 (for two victories). Lysippos made two honor statues for Pythes of Abdera:
-P., VI, 14.12; Hyde, 134 a.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_942"></a><a href="#FNanchor_942"><span class="label">942</span></a> Kallon: P., VI, 12.6; Hyde, 106; Foerster, 410; Nikandros: P., VI, 16.5; Hyde, 157;
-Foerster, 408 and 413 (two victories). On the sculptor, see Pauly-Wissowa, IV, p. 2013;
-Brunn, p. 407.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_943"></a><a href="#FNanchor_943"><span class="label">943</span></a> P., VI, 17.5; Hyde, 181; Foerster, 401. On Daitondas, see Robert in Pauly-Wissowa, IV,
-p. 2015 (who dates the sculptor at the beginning of the third century B.&nbsp;C., because of an
-inscribed base found at Delphi: <i>I. G. B.</i>, 97; <i>C. I. G. G. S.</i>, I, 2472); <i>cf.</i> Schmidt, <i>A. M.</i>, V,
-1880, pp. 197–8, no. 58; <i>cf.</i> Brunn, p. 418.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_944"></a><a href="#FNanchor_944"><span class="label">944</span></a> P., VI, 2.6 f.; Hyde, 15; Foerster, 424.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_945"></a><a href="#FNanchor_945"><span class="label">945</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 51; <i>cf.</i> XXXIV, 78 (for his image of the Eurotas river); XXXV, 141 (as
-painter). The <i>Tyche</i> is mentioned by P., VI, 2.7. Many copies of this work in marble,
-bronze, and silver have been identified, especially a marble statuette in the Vatican: B. B.,
-no. 154; Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, 362; F. W., 1396; von Mach, 256; etc. For a list of copies, see R.
-Foerster, <i>Jb.</i>, XII, 1897, pp. 145 f.; <i>cf.</i> Amelung, <i>Fuehrer d. Florenz</i>, nos. 261–2; and P. Gardner,
-<i>J. H. S.</i>, IX, 1888, pp. 75 f. and Pl. V (silver statuette). On the sculptor, see Robert in Pauly-Wissowa,
-VI, pp. 1532–3; Brunn, I, pp. 411 f.; II, p. 157 (painter); Overbeck, II, pp. 172 f.;
-Collignon II, pp. 485 f.; Murray<sup>2</sup>, II, pp. 354 f. Robert, <i>l. c.</i>, gives three other sculptors of
-the same name; <i>cf.</i> <i>I. G. B.</i>, nos. 143 and 244–9; Homolle, <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XVIII, 1894, pp. 336 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_946"></a><a href="#FNanchor_946"><span class="label">946</span></a> Kratinos: P., VI, 3.6; Hyde, 27; Foerster, 433; Alexinikos: P., VI, 17.7; Hyde, 184; Foerster,
-438. On the sculptor, see Pliny, XXXIV, 85; Brunn, p. 415.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_947"></a><a href="#FNanchor_947"><span class="label">947</span></a> P., V, 25.12–13.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_948"></a><a href="#FNanchor_948"><span class="label">948</span></a> P., V, 27.8 (= joint work of Onatas and Kalliteles).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_949"></a><a href="#FNanchor_949"><span class="label">949</span></a> P., V, 25.8 f. The base has been found <i>in situ</i> east of the temple of Zeus: <i>Ergebn. v. Ol.</i>,
-Tafelbd., II, Pl. XVII, 12; Textbd., pp. 145 f. See Plans A and B.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_950"></a><a href="#FNanchor_950"><span class="label">950</span></a> P., VI, 12.1. Hiero won three victories in Ols. 76, 77, 78 (&#8239;=&#8239;476–468 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>,
-Hyde, 105; Foerster, 199, 209, 215. The monument was dedicated in 467 B.&nbsp;C. after the death
-of the king. For the sculptor, see Brunn, p. 88.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_951"></a><a href="#FNanchor_951"><span class="label">951</span></a> P., VI, 9.4–5; Hyde, 90; Foerster, 180; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 143.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_952"></a><a href="#FNanchor_952"><span class="label">952</span></a> Philon: P., VI, 9.9; Hyde, 91; Foerster, 167 and 179; he won in Ols. (?) 72 and 73 (&#8239;=&#8239;492
-and 488 B.&nbsp;C.); Glaukos (boy boxer): P., VI, 10.1–3; Hyde, 93; Foerster, 137; he won in Ol. 65
-(&#8239;=&#8239;520 B.&nbsp;C.), but his statue was set up by his son at the beginning of the fifth century
-B.&nbsp;C.: Hyde, p. 42; Theagenes: P., VI, 11.2 f.; he won in Ols. 75 and 76 (&#8239;=&#8239;480 and 476 B.&nbsp;C.):
-<i>Oxy. Pap.</i>, Hyde, 104; Foerster, 191, 196.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_953"></a><a href="#FNanchor_953"><span class="label">953</span></a> For the meaning of the word σκιαμαχεῖν, see <i>infra</i>, Ch. IV, p. 243 and n. 4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_954"></a><a href="#FNanchor_954"><span class="label">954</span></a> Theognetos: P., VI, 9.1; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 83; Foerster, 193, 193 N; Epikradios: P., VI,
-10.9; Hyde, 101; Foerster, 228.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_955"></a><a href="#FNanchor_955"><span class="label">955</span></a> P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 103 and p. 44; Foerster, 519. On the sculptor, see Brunn, p. 96.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_956"></a><a href="#FNanchor_956"><span class="label">956</span></a> P., VI, 14.2; Hyde, 133; Foerster, 327. For the sculptor, see Brunn, p. 96.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_957"></a><a href="#FNanchor_957"><span class="label">957</span></a> Lechat, <i>Au Musée</i>, Pl. XV; <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1887, Pl. III and pp. 43 f.; Bulle, 226 (two views);
-von Mach, 442, 443 (right); S. Reinach, <i>Têtes</i>, nos. 5 and 6; Overbeck, I, p. 198, fig. 44 (two
-views); Collignon, I, p. 304, fig. 151; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, pp. 526–7, figs. 271–2; E. A.
-Gardner, <i>J. H. S.</i>, VIII, 1887, p. 191. While Overbeck and Lechat regard it as Attic, most
-scholars call it Aeginetan. The helmet is separately made and fastened on. Bulle dates
-it in the first decade of the fifth century B.&nbsp;C. It is 0.27 meter high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_958"></a><a href="#FNanchor_958"><span class="label">958</span></a> Comparetti e de Petra, <i>La Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni</i>, 1883, Pl. VII, 1, p. 260; Collignon, I,
-p. 303, fig. 150; <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, IX, 1869–73, Pl. XVIII; Kekulé, <i>Annali</i>, XLII, 1870, pp. 263 f.;
-von Mach, 441; F. W., 229; for its style, see Rayet, I, text to Pl. 26. Studniczka, <i>R. M.</i>, II,
-1887, p. 105, n. 47, believes that the closely allied colossal marble head in the Museo Torlonia
-(no. 501) in Rome is a copy of the colossal <i>Apollo</i> of Onatas at Pergamon, mentioned by P.,
-VIII, 42.7. The head of the <i>Zeus</i> found at Olympia (<i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Pl. I, <small>1</small>, <small>1</small> a) has been
-regarded as Aeginetan.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_959"></a><a href="#FNanchor_959"><span class="label">959</span></a> Collignon, I, p. 306; fig. 152 on p. 305.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_960"></a><a href="#FNanchor_960"><span class="label">960</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, no. 206; etc. Brunn, <i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1872, pp. 529 f., referred it to
-the school of Kallon; <i>cf.</i> also Collignon, I, p. 302.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_961"></a><a href="#FNanchor_961"><span class="label">961</span></a> Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 169, fig. 31; von Mach, no. 15 (right); etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_962"></a><a href="#FNanchor_962"><span class="label">962</span></a> <i>Aegina, das Heiligtum der Aphaia</i>, 1906; see Tafelbd., II, Pls. 104 (West Gable), 105
-(East Gable), (the pediment groups in colors); whence Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 226, Pls. 50–51; <i>cf.</i>
-also Springer-Michaelis, pp. 214–15, figs. 400 (West Gable), 401 (East Gable); fig. 399 gives an
-older arrangement of the West Gable statues, as set up in plaster in the Strasbourg Museum.
-Since Furtwaengler’s death new attempts at reconstruction have been made, notably by P.
-Wolters, <i>Aeginetische Beitraege</i>, and D. Mackenzie, in <i>B. S. A.</i>, XV, 1908–09, pp. 274 f. and
-PI. XIX (East Gable). For various figures, see von Mach, nos. 78–83. See Furtwaengler-Wolters,
-<i>Beschr. d. Glypt.</i><sup>2</sup>, pp. 95 f. and figs. 74 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_963"></a><a href="#FNanchor_963"><span class="label">963</span></a> While Overbeck dates them about 500 B.&nbsp;C., Furtwaengler, Bulle, Gardner, and others
-date them about 480 B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_964"></a><a href="#FNanchor_964"><span class="label">964</span></a> Hdt., VIII, 93.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_965"></a><a href="#FNanchor_965"><span class="label">965</span></a> P., X, 13. 10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_966"></a><a href="#FNanchor_966"><span class="label">966</span></a> Furtw., <i>op. cit.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. 95, no. 82, and Textbd., pp. 248–9, and fig. 178 on p. 23;
-B. B., no 26; Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 229, fig. 52; it is from the north half of the gable.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_967"></a><a href="#FNanchor_967"><span class="label">967</span></a> Furtw., fig. 204, p. 248.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_968"></a><a href="#FNanchor_968"><span class="label">968</span></a> Furtw.-Wolters, <i>Beschr. d. Glyptothek</i>,<sup>2</sup> no. 78; Furtw., <i>op. cit.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. 96, no. 32, and
-Textbd., pp. 223–4; the figure on our plate to the right = Furtw.-Wolters, <i>Beschr.</i>, no. 77 and
-Furtw., <i>op. cit.</i>, Pl. 96, no. 29, Textbd., p. 221. No. 78 should stand, however, in front of 77 as
-arranged by Furtwaengler, <i>op. cit.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. 104, and both should be placed in the south
-half of the West Pediment and not in the north. For the two figures in Fig. 21, see also
-von Mach, 78 (middle and right). For another figure (armed with helmet, shield, and spear)
-from the East Gable, see Bulle, 86 = Furtw.-Wolters, no. 86 (formerly no. 56).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_969"></a><a href="#FNanchor_969"><span class="label">969</span></a> Recently these sculptures, and especially the limestone (λίθος πώρινος) fragments, have
-been dated from 490 B.&nbsp;C., rather than from 480: see Svoronos, I, p. 92. The Akropolis
-was destroyed by Xerxes in 480 B.&nbsp;C., but it is problematical if with the completeness
-recorded by Hdt., VIII, 53; see Doerpfeld in <i>A. M.</i>, XXVII, 1902, pp. 379 f.; Dickins, pp. 5 f.
-The next year Mardonios destroyed the city by fire: Hdt., IX, 13.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_970"></a><a href="#FNanchor_970"><span class="label">970</span></a> See von Mach, 25 f.; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, pp. 635 f.; for details, Lechat, <i>Au Musée</i>, and
-Schrader, <i>Die archaischen Marmorskulpturen im Akropolis-Museum zu Athen</i>, 1909. See also
-Dickins, <i>op. cit.</i>; Perrot-Chipiez, pp. 574 f. and p. 577, fig. 289 (= <i>Au Musée</i>, fig. 26), and
-p. 578, fig. 290 (= <i>Au Musée</i>, fig. 8); etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_971"></a><a href="#FNanchor_971"><span class="label">971</span></a> <i>Mon. gr.</i>, VII, 1878 (publ. in vol. I, 1882), Pl. I and pp. 1–14 (A. Dumont); <i>Mon. Piot</i>,
-VII, Pl. XIV, and pp. 146–7 (Lechat); Rayet, I, Pl. 18; Collignon, I, p. 360, fig. 182; Reinach,
-<i>Têtes</i>, 3, 4; Bulle, 225; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 641, fig. 328.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_972"></a><a href="#FNanchor_972"><span class="label">972</span></a> So Richardson, p. 83, and others.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_973"></a><a href="#FNanchor_973"><span class="label">973</span></a> So Bulle; he dates it in the first half of the sixth century B.&nbsp;C., doubtless a little too early.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_974"></a><a href="#FNanchor_974"><span class="label">974</span></a> It is now in the National Museum at Athens: Kabbadias, no. 38; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>,
-p. 17; <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1874, p. 484 and Pl. 71, Γ, a (Koumanoudis); Sybel, <i>Kat. d. Skulpt. zu Athen</i>,
-1881, no. 2904; von Mach, 351; Overbeck, I, p. 202, fig. 46; Collignon, I, p. 385, fig. 200;
-F. W., 99; Conze, <i>Die attischen Grabreliefs</i>, I, 1890, Pl. IV, pp. 5–6; Kirchhoff and Curtius,
-<i>Philolog. u. histor. Abh. d. k. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin</i>, 1873, pp. 156 f. (and two illustrations,
-one of a second fragment); Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 664, fig. 342.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_975"></a><a href="#FNanchor_975"><span class="label">975</span></a> The breadth of 14 inches at top would become 30 inches at bottom. A second fragment,
-apparently belonging to the first, contains a part of the leg: <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1874, Pl. 71, Γ, b.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_976"></a><a href="#FNanchor_976"><span class="label">976</span></a> The same motive occurs on vases: <i>e. g.</i>, Gerhard, I, Pl. XXII, and IV, Pl. CCLXXII.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_977"></a><a href="#FNanchor_977"><span class="label">977</span></a> This very low relief is the most perfect of the older Attic grave-stelæ, and dates from the
-second half of the sixth century B.&nbsp;C.: Kabbadias, no. 29; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, p. 15 and
-fig. (2.40 m. high); Sybel, <i>op. cit.</i>, no. 3361; Overbeck, I, p. 200, fig. 45; Conze, <i>Die attischen
-Grabreliefs</i>, I, Pl. II, 1, p. 4; B. B., no. 41 A; Baum., I, p. 341, fig. 358; Kekulé, <i>Die ant. Bildw.
-im Theseion</i>, no. 363; Springer-Michaelis, p. 195, fig. 371; F. W., no. 101. Overbeck dates it
-at the beginning of the fifth century B.&nbsp;C.; Richardson, p. 91 and fig. 43, about 525 B.&nbsp;C.
-For a duplicate stele from Ikaria, see <i>A. J. A.</i>, V, 1889, Pl. I and pp. 9 f. (Buck); Conze, <i>op.
-cit.</i>, I, Pl. II, 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_978"></a><a href="#FNanchor_978"><span class="label">978</span></a> Dickins, no. 692 and fig.; mentioned by Furtwaengler, <i>A. M.</i>, V, 1880, pp. 25 and 32;
-discussed by R. Delbrueck, <i>ibid.</i>, XXV, 1900, pp. 373 f., Pls. XV, XVI (bottom).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_979"></a><a href="#FNanchor_979"><span class="label">979</span></a> <i>La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg</i>, 1896, Pls. 1, 2 (and text by Arndt); Reinach, <i>Têtes</i>, Pls. 1, 2;
-Rayet, <i>Mon. gr.</i>, VI, 1877 (publ. in vol. I, 1882), Pl. I; <i>id.</i>, <i>Ét. d’archéol. et d’art</i>, pp. 1–8 and
-Pl. I; Collignon, I, pp. 361, fig. 183; B. B., no. 116; Bulle, 197; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 643,
-fig. 329.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_980"></a><a href="#FNanchor_980"><span class="label">980</span></a> Collignon, I, p. 376, fig. 193; Bulle, fig. 128 on p. 440.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_981"></a><a href="#FNanchor_981"><span class="label">981</span></a> Brunn-Arndt, <i>Gr. und roem. Portraets</i>, Pls. XXIII-XXIV.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_982"></a><a href="#FNanchor_982"><span class="label">982</span></a> <i>Gaz. arch.</i>, 1887, Pl. XI.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_983"></a><a href="#FNanchor_983"><span class="label">983</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Arndt, <i>La Glyptothèque Ny-Carlsberg</i>, text to nos. 1 and 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_984"></a><a href="#FNanchor_984"><span class="label">984</span></a> <i>Sammlung Sabouroff</i>, 1883, I, Einleitung, p. 5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_985"></a><a href="#FNanchor_985"><span class="label">985</span></a> Found in two fragments in 1822 and 1859–60: Dickins, no. 1342, pp. 275 ff., and fig.; B. B.,
-21; von Mach, 56; Overbeck, I, p. 203 and fig. 47; H. Schrader, <i>A. M.</i>, XXX, 1905, pp. 305
-f., and Pl. XI. Other references are given <i>infra</i>, p. 269, n. 9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_986"></a><a href="#FNanchor_986"><span class="label">986</span></a> See Hauser, <i>Jb.</i>, VII, 1892, pp. 54 f., who discusses the question of the sex of the figure at
-length.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_987"></a><a href="#FNanchor_987"><span class="label">987</span></a> So Hauser, <i>l. c.</i>; followed by Robinson, <i>Cat. Museum of Fine Arts in Boston</i>, no. 33.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_988"></a><a href="#FNanchor_988"><span class="label">988</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Gerhard, I, Pls. XX and XXI.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_989"></a><a href="#FNanchor_989"><span class="label">989</span></a> See <i>infra</i>, Ch. V, pp. 269 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_990"></a><a href="#FNanchor_990"><span class="label">990</span></a> While Schrader (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 313) dates it in the last quarter of the sixth century B.&nbsp;C., Dickins
-finds it earlier than the remnants of the sculptures of the Hekatompedon and, because of the
-delicate carving of the drapery and hair, despite its Attic features, calls it “typically Ionian in
-its elaboration of detail.” However, I follow Overbeck’s date at the beginning of the fifth century
-B.&nbsp;C. (<i>op. cit.</i> p. 204), and believe that it represents a time near the close of Ionic influence
-on Attic art.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_991"></a><a href="#FNanchor_991"><span class="label">991</span></a> P., VI, 6.1; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 146.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_992"></a><a href="#FNanchor_992"><span class="label">992</span></a> Of the Spartan hoplite and chariot victor Lykinos, who won two victories in Ols. (?) 83
-and 84 (&#8239;=&#8239;448 and 444 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 2.1; Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211 N; of the pancratiast
-Timanthes of Kleonai, who won in Ol. 81 (&#8239;=&#8239;456 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 8.4; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 76;
-Foerster, 232; of the unknown Arkadian boxer, mentioned by P., VI, 8.5, who won in Ol. 80
-or Ol. 84 (&#8239;=&#8239;460 or 444 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 79, and pp. 39–41; <i>cf.</i> Foerster, 222 a, Hyde, 79 a;
-<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 174; of the Spartan runner Chionis, who won in Ols. 28, 29, 30, 31 (&#8239;=&#8239;668–656
-B.&nbsp;C.), but his statue was erected in Ol. 77 or 78 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 or 468 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 13.2; Afr.;
-Hyde, 111 and p. 48; Foerster, 39, 41–6. On two statues of Lykinos, see <i>infra</i>, p. 187, n. 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_993"></a><a href="#FNanchor_993"><span class="label">993</span></a> Of the Elean boxer Satyros, who won two victories in Ols. (?) 102, 103 (&#8239;=&#8239;372, 368 B.&nbsp;C.):
-P., VI, 4.5; Hyde, 39; Foerster, 342, 348; of the boy boxers Telestas and Damaretos of Messene,
-who won some time between Ols. 102 and 114 (&#8239;=&#8239;372 and 324 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 14.4; Hyde, 127;
-Foerster, 378; and P., VI, 14.11; Hyde, 130; Foerster, 373. On the sculptor, see Hyde, p. 35.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_994"></a><a href="#FNanchor_994"><span class="label">994</span></a> P., VI, 4.5; Hyde, 40; Foerster, 494.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_995"></a><a href="#FNanchor_995"><span class="label">995</span></a> P., VI, 12.8 f.; Hyde, 109; Foerster, 529; <i>cf.</i> Robert, <i>Hermes</i>, XIX, 1884, pp. 306 f.
-On the artist family of Polykles, his sons Timokles and Timarchides, Polykles Minor and
-Timarchides Minor, see Robert, <i>l. c.</i>, pp. 300 f.; Hyde, pp. 45–47 and table on p. 46.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_996"></a><a href="#FNanchor_996"><span class="label">996</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 73 (Boëdas); XXXIV, 78 (Euphranor); XXXIV, 90 (Sthennis).
-In XXXIV, 91, he gives a list of artists who made statues of <i>sacrificantes</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_997"></a><a href="#FNanchor_997"><span class="label">997</span></a> In the Iliad, I, 450; VIII, 347; XV, 371; Aischylos, <i>Prom.</i>, 1005 (ὑπτιάσμασι χερῶν); etc.
-On the attitude of prayer in Greek art, see L. Gurlitt, <i>A. M.</i>, VI, 1881, pp. 158 f. (who tries to
-show that the gestures of prayer and adoration were distinct); Sittl, <i>Die Gebaerden der Gr.
-und Roem.</i>, pp. 305 f.; <i>cf.</i> Conze, <i>Jb.</i>, I, 1886, pp. 1–13 (on the <i>Praying Boy</i> of Berlin, Pl. 10.)
-See also Dar.-Sagl., I, pp. 80 f., <i>s. v.</i> <i>adoratio</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_998"></a><a href="#FNanchor_998"><span class="label">998</span></a> V, 25. 5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_999"></a><a href="#FNanchor_999"><span class="label">999</span></a> See article by P. Girard and J. Martha in <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, II, 1878, pp. 421 f. (lists of inventories
-of objects consecrated there).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1000"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1000"><span class="label">1000</span></a> Scherer, p. 33, shows that the gesture in such statues was meant to invoke victory rather
-than to pay thanks for one that had been gained.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1001"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1001"><span class="label">1001</span></a> Scherer agrees with Philostratos, <i>Vit. Apoll. Tyan.</i>, IV, 28, that the gesture of the right
-hand of the statue was one of prayer, and argues from it that many similar statues existed
-there: p. 31. Rouse wrongly assumes that all such statues were votive: p. 170.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1002"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1002"><span class="label">1002</span></a> P., VI, 1.7; he won in Ol. (?) 79 (&#8239;=&#8239;464 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 8; Foerster, 233.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1003"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1003"><span class="label">1003</span></a> Ol. VII, Argum., Boeckh, p. 158.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1004"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1004"><span class="label">1004</span></a> Fragm. no. 264 (= <i>F. H. G.</i>, II, p. 183).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1005"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1005"><span class="label">1005</span></a> Fragm. no. 7 (= <i>F. H. G.</i>, IV, p. 307).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1006"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1006"><span class="label">1006</span></a> Diagoras won in Ol. 79 (&#8239;=&#8239;464 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 7.1 f.; Hyde, 59; Foerster, 220; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>,
-151 (renewed). For the sculptor of the statue, Kallikles, see Robert, <i>O. S.</i>, pp. 194 f. On
-Diagoras, see van Gelder, <i>Gesch. d. alt. Rhodier</i>, p. 435. Akousilaos won in Ol. 83 (&#8239;=&#8239;448
-B.&nbsp;C.): P., <i>l. c.</i>; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 60; Foerster, 252.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1007"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1007"><span class="label">1007</span></a> <i>Beschr. d. Skulpt.</i>, Inv. 6306; <i>A. M.</i>, VI, 1881, p. 158. Rouse, p. 171, following Scherer,
-pp. 31 f., doubts if this statue represents the attitude of any of the Olympic victor statues.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1008"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1008"><span class="label">1008</span></a> She won two victories in Ols. (?) 96, 97 (&#8239;=&#8239;396, 392 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 1.6 f.; Hyde, 7; Foerster,
-326, 333; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 160 (here the name appears in the uncontracted form Ἀπελλέας).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1009"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1009"><span class="label">1009</span></a> <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVII, 1879, pp. 151–2 (on no. 301 = <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 160); he is followed by Foerster,
-<i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1010"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1010"><span class="label">1010</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 86.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1011"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1011"><span class="label">1011</span></a> XXXIV, 70. For the motive, see the small bronze in Kassel, representing Aphrodite: <i>Jb.</i>,
-IX, 1894, Pl. IX (two views), and pp. 248–50 (W. Klein), though its connection with Praxiteles
-must not be pressed; also bronze statuette in British Museum: Bulle, 1, pp. 332 f., and fig. 81.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1012"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1012"><span class="label">1012</span></a> Described by R. von Schneider, Die Erzstatue vom Helenenberge, in <i>Jahrb. d. Samml. d.
-oesterr. Kaiserhauses</i>, XV, 1893; illustrated by E. von Sacken, <i>Die ant. Bronz. d. k. k. Muenz.-
-und Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien</i>, 1871, I, Pls. XXI-XXII, pp. 52 f., and <i>cf.</i> <i>A. M.</i>, VI, 1881
-p. 155 (Gurlitt).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1013"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1013"><span class="label">1013</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> F. W., 1562.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1014"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1014"><span class="label">1014</span></a> <i>C. I. L.</i>, III, <small>2</small>, 4815.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1015"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1015"><span class="label">1015</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, p. 290; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 506–7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1016"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1016"><span class="label">1016</span></a> <i>Beschr. d. ant. Skulpt.</i>, no. 2 (for history and bibliography); B. B., 283; von Mach, 273;
-Bulle, 64; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 459, 4; <i>cf.</i> Conze, <i>Jb.</i>, I, 1886, pp. 1 f.; <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 217 (Furtwaengler);
-<i>ibid.</i>, pp. 219 f. (Puchstein); Springer-Michaelis, p. 341, fig. 614. A similar attitude
-of prayer appears on the figure of Phineus on a r.-f. Attic amphora in the British
-Museum: <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 143 f. and Pl. XII, 1 (Flasch). The statue is 1.28 meters
-high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1017"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1017"><span class="label">1017</span></a> Loewy, <i>R. M.</i>, XVI, 1901, pp. 391 f. and Pls. XVI-XVII, by a comparison with the
-Vatican <i>Apoxyomenos</i> (Pl. 29), and the Naples resting <i>Hermes</i> (von Mach, 237; Reinach,
-<i>Rép.</i>, I, 367, 1), has shown its Lysippan character; <i>cf.</i> also Mau, <i>l. c.</i> in next note, Bulle, and
-others, who refer it to the same school; Bulle assigns it possibly to Boëdas, the pupil of
-Lysippos, who made a praying figure: Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 73; similarly Amelung, in
-Thieme-Becker, <i>Lex. d. bild. Kuenstler</i>, IV, p. 187, Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 452, and others.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1018"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1018"><span class="label">1018</span></a> <i>R. M.</i>, XVII, 1902, pp. 101 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1019"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1019"><span class="label">1019</span></a> <i>Muenchner Allg. Ztg.</i>, 1902, Nov. 29, Beilage, no. 297; <i>cf.</i>, for his restoration of the arms,
-<i>ibid.</i>, 1903, Beilage, no. 277, p. 445 (quoted by von Mach and Bulle, respectively).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1020"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1020"><span class="label">1020</span></a> <i>Jb.</i>, I, 1886, fig. on p. 217; reproduced in <i>A. A.</i>, 1904, p. 75 (Conze); also on coins,
-<i>Jb.</i>, III, 1888, pp. 286 f. and Pl. IX (Imhoof-Blumer).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1021"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1021"><span class="label">1021</span></a> <i>Rev. arch.</i>, Sér. IV, II, 1903, pp. 205–10, 411–12 (Lechat), and Pl. XV; reproduced in <i>A. A.</i>,
-<i>l. c.</i> Babelon, <i>C. R. Acad. Inscr.</i>, 1904, p. 203, thought that the stele represented a seer in
-liturgic attitude as on certain coins of Sikyon; he argued, therefore, that the Berlin statue
-did not represent an athlete.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1022"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1022"><span class="label">1022</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Levezow, <i>de juvenis adorantis Signo</i>, Berlin, 1808, p. 12; and Welcker, <i>Das akad. Mus.
-zu Bonn</i>, p. 42 (quoted by Gurlitt, <i>op. cit.</i> in the next note, p. 157); <i>cf.</i> Scherer, pp. 32–3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1023"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1023"><span class="label">1023</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, VI, 1881, pp. 154 f. (Gurlitt), and Pl. V (from cast in Berlin): it is 2.18 meters high
-and 1.11 meters broad.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1024"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1024"><span class="label">1024</span></a> In the National Museum, Athens; discussed by Kekulé, <i>Die antiken Bildwerke im Theseion
-zu Athen</i>, 1869, no. 151; illustrated in <i>Exped. scientifique de Morée</i>, III, 1838, Pl. XLI (= from
-Aegina).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1025"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1025"><span class="label">1025</span></a> See O. Jahn in <i>Annali</i>, XX, 1848, pp. 213 f. and Pl. K a (= Orestes); <i>A. Z.</i>, XXX, 1872, p. 60,
-Pl. 46 (Heydemann); Gurlitt, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 156; <i>cf.</i> Sophokles, <i>Aias</i>, 815 f., to explain the scene.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1026"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1026"><span class="label">1026</span></a> See Richter, <i>Gk., Etrusc., and Rom. Bronz. in the Metropolitan Museum</i>, 1918, no. 89 (7 inches
-high) and fig. on p. 59; <i>Cat. Class. Coll.</i>, p. 115, fig. 73; published by Furtwaengler, <i>Sitzb.
-Muen. Akad.</i>, 1905, II, p. 264, fig. 1 and Pl. IV (who considered it Etruscan and not Greek);
-Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, III, 24, 3. Richter, <i>op. cit.</i>, no. 79 (11–3/4 inches high), and figs. on p. 53
-(two views); <i>Cat. Class. Coll.</i>, p. 91, fig. 54; <i>Burlington Fine Arts Club, Cat. Anc. Gk. Art</i>,
-1904, p. 46, no. 36, and Pl. LIII; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, IV, 370, 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1027"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1027"><span class="label">1027</span></a> On the custom of athletes smearing themselves with oil and dust in the palæstra before
-entering the wrestling match, see Lucian, <i>Anacharsis, sive de exercitationibus</i>, 28.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1028"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1028"><span class="label">1028</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXV, 144.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1029"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1029"><span class="label">1029</span></a> Several cited by L. Bloch, <i>R. M.</i>, VII, 1892, pp. 88 f.; and especially one in <i>A. Z.</i>,
-XXXVII, 1879, Pl. IV (red-figured krater by Euthymides from Capua, now in Berlin);
-Hartwig, <i>Die griech. Meisterschalen</i>, 1893, p. 570. <i>Cf.</i> Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 259, <i>Mw.</i>, p. 466.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1030"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1030"><span class="label">1030</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Brunn, <i>Annali</i>, LI, 1879, pp. 201 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1031"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1031"><span class="label">1031</span></a> Michaelis, pp. 601–2, no. 9; Bulle, p. 109, fig. 19; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 257, fig. 107, <i>Mw.</i>, p.
-465, fig. 77. It is 1.68 meters high (Michaelis).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1032"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1032"><span class="label">1032</span></a> It has the same foot position as that on the base of the statue of the boxer Kyniskos, by
-Polykleitos: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 149.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1033"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1033"><span class="label">1033</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, by F. W., 462–4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1034"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1034"><span class="label">1034</span></a> Furtw.-Wolters, <i>Beschr. d. Glypt.</i>,<sup>2</sup> no. 302; B. B., 132 (= front view, from cast), 134
-(left = back view), 135 (= head, from cast, two views); Bulle, 55; <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, XI, 1879–83,
-Pl. VII; Brunn, <i>Annali</i>, LI, 1879, pp. 201 f. and Pl. ST, 1, 2; F. W., 462; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>,
-I, 522, 2; Clarac, V, 857, 2174; for replicas, Furtw., <i>Mw.</i>, p. 466, n. 4 and <i>Mp.</i>, p. 259, n. 4;
-Duetschke, IV, pp. 53 f. on no. 82; etc. It is 1.93 meters high with the plinth, 1.80 meters
-without (Furtw.-Wolters).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1035"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1035"><span class="label">1035</span></a> The right arm is wrongly restored in the Munich statue; its proper restoration is given in a
-cast in Brunswick: Bulle, p. 112, fig. 20. Bulle, however, says that the Munich statue may
-be that of a boxer and not of an oil-pourer (wrestler).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1036"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1036"><span class="label">1036</span></a> Pointed out by Kekulé, <i>Ueber den Kopf des Praxitelischen Hermes</i>, 1881, p. 8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1037"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1037"><span class="label">1037</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 72; Klein, <i>Praxiteles</i>, 1898, p. 50; <i>id.</i>, <i>Arch.-epigr. Mitt. aus Oest.</i>, XIV,
-1891, pp. 6–9. We have discussed it <i>supra</i>, p. 77.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1038"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1038"><span class="label">1038</span></a> For the <i>Marsyas</i> in the Lateran Museum in Rome, see Bulle, no. 95, and text, pp. 183 f.,
-and Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II, no. 1179. See Brunn, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 204.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1039"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1039"><span class="label">1039</span></a> B. B., 557, text by Sieveking; described also by Furtwaengler, <i>Beschr. d. Glypt.</i>,<sup>2</sup> p. 313.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1040"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1040"><span class="label">1040</span></a> F. W., no. 463; <i>Annali</i>, LI, 1879, Pl. ST, 3; B. B., 133 (= front view), 134 (right = back view);
-Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 259–60, <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 467–8; for list of replicas of this torso, see <i>Mp.</i>, p. 259,
-n. 9, <i>Mw.</i>, p. 467, n. 4. Brunn, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 217, thought it a copy of the Munich statue.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1041"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1041"><span class="label">1041</span></a> One in Turin, F. W., 464; Duetschke, IV, no. 82; two statuettes in the Vatican
-(Braccio Nuovo), discussed by Bloch in <i>R. M.</i>, VII, 1892, pp. 93 f.; Helbig, <i>Guide</i>, nos. 42
-and 44.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1042"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1042"><span class="label">1042</span></a> Furtw.-Wolters, <i>Beschr. d. Glypt.</i>,<sup>2</sup> no. 458; Clarac, Pl. 858, 2175; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 263 f.;
-<i>Mw.</i>, pp. 473 f. It is 1.54 meters high. A replica is in the Vatican: see Furtwaengler, <i>l. c.</i>; we
-shall treat it later in reference to the statue of the pentathlete Pythokles; Hyde, 70; Foerster,
-295; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 162–3; see <i>infra</i>, p. 144 and n. 4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1043"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1043"><span class="label">1043</span></a> <i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, no. 514, on p. 71, and Pl. XVI; <i>Specimens</i>, I, Pl. 15; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II,
-91, 7; <i>Mon. gr.</i>, II, no. 23, Pl. XV and p. 1 (ascribing it to the Argive school). It forms the
-basis for a mirror.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1044"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1044"><span class="label">1044</span></a> Furtwaengler, <i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1897, II, pp. 129 f. and Pl. 6 (influence of Kalamïs).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1045"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1045"><span class="label">1045</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, X, 1886, pp. 393 f. (S. Reinach) and Pl. XII, 3 (this should be numbered XIV, 4;
-see text); Pottier et Reinach, <i>Nécrop. de Myrina</i>, Pl. XLI, 3, pp. 450 f. It is 0.205 meter high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1046"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1046"><span class="label">1046</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, F. W., 1798; relief found in 1830 in Hermione, now in Athens; it is of the second
-or third century B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1047"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1047"><span class="label">1047</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on the stone of Gnaios: <i>Jb.</i>, III, 1888, pp. 315 f., no. 3; Pl. X, no. 12; Furtwaengler,
-<i>Die antiken Gemmen</i>, 1900, Pl. L, no. 9, and Vol. II, p. 241; also on the gem pictured by Toelken,
-<i>Erklaer. Verzeichn. d. ant. vertieft geschnittenen Steine d. preuss. Gemmensammlung</i>, 1835,
-Klasse VI, 107 (= <i>Die ant. Gemmen</i>, Pl. XLIV, no. 24, and Vol. II, pp. 213); Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>,
-p. 260, n. 6, and <i>Mw.</i>, p. 468, n. 4, who mentions it, believes that these gems correspond more
-nearly with the Dresden than with the Petworth athlete type.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1048"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1048"><span class="label">1048</span></a> The strigil was a curved blade hollowed out inside with both edges sharp; the general
-form remained largely the same from the sixth century B.&nbsp;C., down into Roman days, though
-the curve and the handle changed. The commonest were of bronze or iron: see Dar.-Sagl.,
-IV, <small>2</small>, pp. 1532 f., <i>s. v.</i> <i>strigilis</i> (S. Dorigny); K. Friederichs, <i>Kleinere Kunst und Industrie im
-Altertum</i>, 1871, pp. 88 f. Examples in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, are given by
-Richter, in <i>Gk., Etr. and Rom. Bronzes</i>, nos. 855 f.; others (strigils and handles) are in the
-British Museum: <i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, nos. 320–326, 665, and 2420–2454, and figs. 74–75, p. 319; on
-the operation, see Kuppers, <i>Der Apoxyomenos des Lysippos</i>, 1874.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1049"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1049"><span class="label">1049</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on an amphora in Vienna: Schneider, <i>Arch.-epigr. Mitt. aus Oest.</i>, V, <small>1881</small>, p. 139,
-Pl. IV; Hoppin, <i>Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases</i>, I. p. 334, no. 25 and Pl. (right-hand fig.); on a kylix
-formerly in possession of Lucien Bonaparte, now in the British Museum, E 83: Gerhard, IV,
-Pl. CCLXXVII, 2 (left-hand figure), and p. 50; Murray, <i>Designs from Greek Vases</i>, no. 58;
-others on which the athlete is cleansing the strigil and not the body are given by Hartwig
-in <i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, IV, 1901, p. 154 and figs. 178 (Peleus on krater from Bologna), 179
-(athlete on B. M. vase mentioned above, E. 83, third figure from left, middle row), 180 (cup
-in Rome, Museo Gregoriano), 181 (jug, <i>ibid.</i>); Hartwig, pp. 153–4, mentions an athlete on
-a cup in the Museo Papa Giulio, Rome. For the motive of an apoxyomenos on a vase in
-the Louvre, see Hartwig, <i>Die greich. Meisterchalen</i>, pp. 24 f. and fig. 2a.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1050"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1050"><span class="label">1050</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 55, 62 and 76, respectively.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1051"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1051"><span class="label">1051</span></a> Pliny, XXXIV, 86 and 87, respectively.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1052"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1052"><span class="label">1052</span></a> A list is given by Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 262, n. 2; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 471, n. 1; a gem from the Hermitage is
-shown in <i>Mp.</i>, p. 262, fig. 109; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 471, fig. 79; = <i>Die antiken Gemmen</i>, Pl. XLIV, no. 19;
-<i>cf.</i> also <i>ibid.</i>, no. 18; Hartwig, in the article cited in note 1 above, adds two more gems showing
-an athlete in a similar position, in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts: p. 155, figs. 183, 184. Here
-the youth, as Hartwig against the interpretation of Furtwaengler makes clear, is cleansing
-the strigil and not his body.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1053"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1053"><span class="label">1053</span></a> So J. Sieveking, <i>Die Bronzen der Samml. Loeb</i>, 1913, Pl. 11, pp. 27 f.; <i>cf.</i> <i>Burlington Fine
-Arts Club, Cat. Anc. Gk. Art</i>, 1904, Pl. 50, B. 47, and von Duhn, <i>Sitzb. d. Heidelberger Akad.
-d. W.</i>, Abt. 6, p. 9. It is 0.09 meter high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1054"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1054"><span class="label">1054</span></a> Von Mach, 235; F. W., 1264; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 515, 6 and 7; <i>cf.</i> II, <small>2</small>, 546, 2; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1055"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1055"><span class="label">1055</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV. 65.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1056"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1056"><span class="label">1056</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, pp. 288 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1057"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1057"><span class="label">1057</span></a> Amelung, <i>Fuehrer</i>, no. 25; Duetschke, III, 72 (1.93 meters high); B. B., 523–4 (text by
-Arndt); Bulle, p. 116, fig. 21; <i>cf.</i> Helbig, <i>Guide</i>, I, pp. 26 f., on nos. 42 and 44 (statuettes); Benndorf,
-<i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, 1898, Beiblatt, pp. 66 f.; Klein, <i>Praxiteles</i>, pp. 51 f.; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>,
-pp. 261–2; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 469–71; Bloch, <i>R. M.</i>, VII, 1892, pp. 81 F., and fig. on p. 83 and Pl. III
-(head, two views). The right underarm and hand and the left underarm and part of the hand,
-the vase, and the basis, are all modern restorations.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1058"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1058"><span class="label">1058</span></a> <i>Die antiken Gemmen</i>, Pl. XLIV, no. 17, and text, II, p. 212; <i>Mp.</i>, p. 261, fig. 108; <i>Mw.</i>, p.
-470, fig. 78; Hartwig, in <i>Berl. Phil. Wochenschr.</i>, XVII, Jan. 2, 1897, p. 31, corrects the mistake
-of Furtwaengler and Amelung that the athlete on the gem is cleansing the thigh and
-not the strigil itself.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1059"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1059"><span class="label">1059</span></a> Arndt dates it about 400 B.&nbsp;C.; Furtwaengler ascribes it and the Dresden torso of the
-<i>Oil-pourer</i>, already discussed, to an Attic master of the end of the fifth or beginning of the
-fourth century B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1060"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1060"><span class="label">1060</span></a> Listed by Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 262, n. 1; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 470, n. 5. Especially the reduced mediocre
-copy in the Braccio Nuovo of the Vatican: Helbig, <i>Guide</i>, no. 45; Clarac, 861, 2183; <i>R. M.</i>,
-VII, 1892, pp. 92 f., and fig.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1061"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1061"><span class="label">1061</span></a> Bulle, no. 60 (who dates it in the middle of the fourth century B.&nbsp;C., and considers it a copy
-of an original statue); Hauser, <i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, V, 1902, pp. 214 f. and fig. 68; Springer-Michaelis,
-p. 297, fig. 530; <i>cf.</i> <i>A. J. A.</i>, VII, 1902, pp. 352–3, figs. 1 and 2. It is 1.925 meters
-high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1062"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1062"><span class="label">1062</span></a> Babelon et Blanchet, <i>Cat. des bronzes antiques de la Biblioth. Nat.</i>, 1895, no. 934, p. 411; it is
-0.075 meter high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1063"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1063"><span class="label">1063</span></a> Discussed by P. Hartwig, <i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, IV, 1901, pp. 151–9, figs. 176 and 177 (four
-views of statuette), and Pls. V-VI (two views of the head). Without its base it is 0.679
-meter high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1064"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1064"><span class="label">1064</span></a> It is in the Hamilton Coll.; see <i>B. M. Cat. Engraved Gems</i>, 1888, no. 335; <i>cf. ibid.</i>, no. 432,
-a cut scarab from the Blacas Coll., representing a nude athlete seated on a rock, holding a
-lekythos and strigil suspended from the right hand.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1065"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1065"><span class="label">1065</span></a> Bulle, no. 265; B. B., 601 (text by L. Curtius); H. Pomtow, <i>Beitr. z. Topogr. v. Delphi</i>,
-Pl. XII; Homolle, <i>Société des Antiquaires de France</i>, Centennaire 1804–1904, Pl. XII. The
-figures are life-size (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1066"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1066"><span class="label">1066</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 59: <i>Hic primus nervos et venas expressit</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1067"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1067"><span class="label">1067</span></a> In the Louvre: Longpérier, <i>Notice des bronzes antiques du Louvre</i>, I, 1868 (reprinted 1879),
-no. 214; de Ridder, <i>Les bronzes antiques du Louvre</i>, I, 1913, Pl. 19, no. 183, and pp. 34 f.; Furtw.,
-<i>Mp.</i>, Pl. XIII, and p. 280, fig. 119; text, pp. 279 f.; <i>Mw.</i>, Pl. XXVIII, 3 (middle), and text,
-pp. 492 f.; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 588, 3. It is 0.21 meter high. For the same style and conception,
-<i>cf.</i> a statuette from Cyprus in the Cesnola Collection, Metropolitan Museum, New York:
-Richter, <i>Gk., Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes</i>, p. 57, fig. 87 (two views). Here the left leg is the
-rest leg.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1068"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1068"><span class="label">1068</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 164; base reproduced in <i>Mp.</i>, p. 279, fig. 118; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 491, fig. 85.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1069"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1069"><span class="label">1069</span></a> See list, Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 281 f.; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 493; a completer one by Lippold, <i>Jb.</i>, XXIII,
-1908, pp. 203–8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1070"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1070"><span class="label">1070</span></a> Amelung, <i>Vat.</i>, II, pp. 414 f., no. 251, and Pl. 46; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 281, fig. 120; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 494,
-fig. 86; Clarac, 856, 2168. As the head and torso are of different marbles, we really have parts
-of two copies of the same original. In reconstructing the statue, another copy in the Galleria
-delle Statue is better: Amelung, <i>Vat.</i>, II, pp. 583 f., no. 392 and Pl. 56; it has a head of Septimius
-Severus upon it; the position of its feet is almost exactly that of the statue of Xenokles mentioned.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1071"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1071"><span class="label">1071</span></a> Publ. by Miss A. Walton, <i>A. J. A.</i>, XXII, 1918, pp. 44 f., Pls. I, II, and figs. 1–5 in
-the text; Matz-Duhn, <i>Ant. Bildw. in Rom.</i>, no. 1000; von Duhn doubts whether the head
-belongs to the trunk. The statue was acquired by Wellesley College in 1905 from a
-Roman dealer.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1072"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1072"><span class="label">1072</span></a> Copies of the head-type are listed by Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 282; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 494–5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1073"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1073"><span class="label">1073</span></a> Invent., 5610; <i>Bronzi d’Ercolano</i>, I, Pls. 53–54, p. 187; Comparetti e de Petra, <i>Villa Ercolanese
-dei Pisoni</i>, 7, 4; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 284, figs. 121 a, b; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 496–7, figs. 87–8; B. B., 339
-(left).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1074"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1074"><span class="label">1074</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, p. 283; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 495.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1075"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1075"><span class="label">1075</span></a> Amelung, <i>Vat.</i>, II, p. 416.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1076"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1076"><span class="label">1076</span></a> In the Museo Archeologico: Amelung, <i>Fuehrer</i>, no. 268 (and bibliography); B. B., 274–77;
-Bulle, 52–53 and 204–5 (head); von Mach, 123 (front and back views); Collignon, I, pp. 479 f.
-and figs. 247 (statue), 248 (head); Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 588, 2; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 285, fig. 122
-(head); <i>Mw.</i>, p. 499, fig. 89; Robinson, <i>Cat. Boston Museum of Fine Arts</i>, Suppl., no. 113;
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 272, fig. 488. It is 1.48 meters high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1077"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1077"><span class="label">1077</span></a> Ueber die Bronzestatue des sog. Idolino (<i>49stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, 1889), p. 10. He
-classed it stylistically with the <i>Oil-pourer</i> of Munich and the <i>Standing Diskobolos</i> of the Vatican,
-which Brunn had called Myronic. He later, however, renounced his Myronic theory
-and merely called it Attic, because of its resemblance to figures on the Parthenon frieze: <i>Beilage
-zu den amtlichen Berichten aus den k. Kunstsamml.</i>, XVIII, no. 5, Juli, 1897, p. 73 (quoted by
-Richardson, p. 161, n. 8).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1078"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1078"><span class="label">1078</span></a> <i>Festschr. f. Benndorf</i>, p. 175: here he assigns it not to Myron himself, but to his son.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1079"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1079"><span class="label">1079</span></a> II, p. 30; he also admits its Polykleitan features.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1080"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1080"><span class="label">1080</span></a> <i>Polyklet u. s. Sch.</i>, pp. 70 f., 1902; he assigns it to an artist of the master’s circle.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1081"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1081"><span class="label">1081</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, 286; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 500.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1082"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1082"><span class="label">1082</span></a> <i>Cronaca</i>, pp. 29–30, fig. 2 (= <i>Supplemento di Bolletino d’Arte</i>, Roma, XII, Fasic. V-VIII)
-1918 (Lucia Mariani). <i>Cf.</i> review in <i>A. J. A.</i>, XXIII, 1919, p. 319 and fig. 2; and also Mariani,
-<i>Rend. della Reale Accad. dei Lincei</i>, XXVI, 1918, pp. 125–138, and fig. in text.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1083"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1083"><span class="label">1083</span></a> Matz-Duhn, <i>Ant. Bildw.</i>, no. 1111; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 287; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 502.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1084"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1084"><span class="label">1084</span></a> See material collected by Stephani, <i>Comptes rendus de la commiss. impér. archéol.</i>, St. Petersburg,
-1873; <i>cf.</i> Fritze, <i>de Libatione veterum Graecorum</i>, Berl. Diss., 1893.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1085"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1085"><span class="label">1085</span></a> II, pp. 416 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1086"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1086"><span class="label">1086</span></a> No. 2723; Svoronos, Tafelbd., II, Pl. CXXI (CI is a poor copy of it); Staïs, <i>Marbres et
-Bronzes</i>, pp. 240–242 (0.45 meter high; 0.57 meter broad). Staïs also regards it as an <i>ex voto</i> to
-Herakles.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1087"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1087"><span class="label">1087</span></a> It is broken away, but its outline is clear.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1088"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1088"><span class="label">1088</span></a> Kabbadias, 248; Staïs, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 86; Arndt-Bruckmann, <i>Einzelaufnahmen</i>, 627 and 628
-(head alone); noticed in <i>A. A.</i>, 1889, p. 147, and <i>A. M.</i>, XIII, 1888, p. 231 (Wolters); <i>ibid.</i>,
-XXXI, 1906, pp. 352 f. (von Salis); <i>Jb.</i>, VIII, 1893, pp. 224 f., fig. 3 (restored), and Pl. IV
-(Mayer). It may be one of the statues seen by Pausanias in the temenos: I, 18.6. It is
-1.50 meters high without the plinth (Mayer).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1089"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1089"><span class="label">1089</span></a> Furtwaengler, <i>Mw.</i>, p. 378, n. 3 (<i>cf.</i> <i>Mp.</i>, p. 196, n. 1), p. 685, n. 2 and p. 737; he ascribes
-it to Kalamis or his school.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1090"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1090"><span class="label">1090</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 81; statue also mentioned, <i>ibid.</i>, XXII, 44.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1091"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1091"><span class="label">1091</span></a> In the National Museum, no. 12; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, pp. 362, 363 and fig. (0.09 meter
-high); three photographs, <i>A. M.</i>, XXXI, Pl. XXII; a poor photograph in Carapanos, <i>Dodone
-et ses ruines</i>, 1878, Pl. XIV, 3, and p. 186.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1092"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1092"><span class="label">1092</span></a> In the statuette it is bent, but its original horizontal position is indicated by the position
-of the hand.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1093"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1093"><span class="label">1093</span></a> Two copies: Hettner, <i>Die Bildw. d. koenigl. Antikensamml.</i>,<sup>4</sup> 1881, nos. 70, 88; F. W., 1217;
-Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, pp., 310–11, figs. 131–2; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 534–5, figs. 97–8; Springer-Michaelis, p. 314,
-fig. 562; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 139, 5–6; M. W., II, 39, 459; Clarac, IV, 712, 1695.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1094"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1094"><span class="label">1094</span></a> Listed, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 310, n. 2; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 533, n. 3; one, formerly in the Museo Boncompagni-Ludovisi,
-now in the Museo delle Terme, in Rome: Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 139, 7; B. B., 376;
-Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II, 1308; Collignon, II, p. 265, fig. 131; von Mach, 197. The original must
-have been of bronze.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1095"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1095"><span class="label">1095</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 69. For discussion, see F. W., note on p. 421 (to no. 1217).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1096"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1096"><span class="label">1096</span></a> In the Museo Chiaramonti, no. 297; Amelung, <i>Vat.</i>, I, p. 509 and II, Pl. 53; Clarac, 479, 916.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1097"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1097"><span class="label">1097</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> <i>Beschr. d. Skulpt. zu Berlin</i>, no. 44; a poor torso of the type is in the Museo Chiaramonti
-of the Vatican: Amelung, <i>Vat.</i>, no. 295 and Pl. 52; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 173, 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1098"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1098"><span class="label">1098</span></a> Michaelis, p. 609, no. 24; <i>Specimens</i>, I, Pl. 30; <i>Mp.</i>, p. 163, fig. 65 (front), p. 162, fig. 64
-(profile), from an old cast from the Mengs Collection in Dresden; <i>Mw.</i>, Pl. XVI; other replicas,
-<i>Mp.</i>, p. 161, n. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1099"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1099"><span class="label">1099</span></a> <i>Cat. Class. Coll.</i>, pp. 214–17, and fig. 130 on p. 215.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1100"><span class="label">1100</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 76: <i>Ctesilaus doryphoron et Amazonem volneratam (fecit)</i>. Bergk long ago
-proposed to alter this name to Kresilas (<i>Zeitschr. fuer Alterthumswissensch.</i>, 1845, p. 962),
-and was followed by Brunn (I, p. 261)—an emendation accepted by most recent investigators.
-The argument derived from the <i>Amazon</i> of Kresilas, mentioned by Pliny, XXXIV, 53, and
-apparently repeated in the present passage, is strong. Jex-Blake, however, finds the name
-Ktesilaos a good Greek formation, though uncommon: see his note on p. 62.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1101"><span class="label">1101</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 161 f.; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 332 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1102"><span class="label">1102</span></a> It is plainly visible in the example from Petworth House, and in the poor one lately in the
-possession of the Roman dealer Abbati: B. B., 84 (from cast); <i>Bull. del. Inst.</i>, 1867, p. 33 (Helbig);
-<i>Mon. d. I.</i>, IX, 1869–73, Pl. XXXVI; <i>Annali</i>, XLIII, 1871, pp. 279 f. (Conze); it is also
-visible in the New York copy.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1103"><span class="label">1103</span></a> As on an Attic fifth-century B.&nbsp;C. grave-relief from the Peiræus: Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>,
-p. 157 (who gives the height as 0.45 meter and the breadth as 0.32 meter); von Sybel, <i>Kat. d.
-Skulpt. zu Athen.</i>, 1881, no. 171; <i>Annali</i>, XXXIV, 1862, p. 212; Conze, <i>Die Attischen Grabreliefs</i>,
-no. 929 and Pl. CLXXX; F. W., 1017; for similar reliefs, see <i>Annali</i>, 1862, Pl. M.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1104"><span class="label">1104</span></a> Michaelis wrongly dated the original in the fourth century B.&nbsp;C.; Brunn first recognized
-its fifth-century character: <i>Annali</i>, XLVII, 1875, p. 31 (<i>apud</i> Leop. Julius).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1105"><span class="label">1105</span></a> <i>Ant. Denkm.</i>, I, <small>1</small>, 1886, Pl. IV; B. B., no. 248; Bulle, 167; Collignon, II, p. 492, fig. 256;
-Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II, 1350; <i>Guide</i>, 1051; Hekler, <i>Greek and Roman Portraits</i>, 1912, pp. 85–86;
-Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 536, fig. 146; Amelung, <i>Museums and Ruins of Rome</i>, I, fig. 156; <i>Not. Scav.</i>,
-1885, p. 223; <i>Gaz. B.-A.</i>, XXXIII, Pér. 2, I, 1886, fig. on p. 427; Springer-Michaelis, p. 401,
-fig. 743; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 550, 10; Reinach classes it as an athlete or Herakles. It is
-1.28 meters high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1106"><span class="label">1106</span></a> Discussed <i>infra</i>, Ch. IV, pp. 254–5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1107"><span class="label">1107</span></a> For this reason Helbig wrongly assigned it to about 400 B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1108"><span class="label">1108</span></a> <i>Ueber die griech. Portraetkunst</i>, 1894, pp. 12 f. (and fig.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1109"><span class="label">1109</span></a> XXVII, 9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1110"><span class="label">1110</span></a> <i>Philologus</i>, LVII (N. F., XI), pp. 1 f. and 649 f. Kleitomachos won in Ols. 141, 142 (&#8239;=&#8239;216,
-212 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 15.3; Hyde, 146; Foerster, 472, 476. <i>Cf.</i> Suidas, <i>s. v.</i> Κλειτόμαχος. His
-statue was set up by his father, and his victory sung by Alkaios of Messenia: <i>A. G.</i>, IX, 588.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1111"><span class="label">1111</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Petersen, <i>R. M.</i>, XIII, 1898, pp. 93–5; this theory of Wunderer is also rejected by
-Hitz.-Bluemn., II, <small>2</small>, p. 609.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1112"><span class="label">1112</span></a> Erected about 477 B.&nbsp;C.; Bulle, 84 (<i>Aristogeiton</i>) and 85 (<i>Harmodios</i>); etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1113"><span class="label">1113</span></a> Discussed <i>infra</i>, Ch. IV, pp. 220–1 and n. 5 on p. 220.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1114"><span class="label">1114</span></a> See Stephanos, <i>Lex.</i>, <i>s. vv.</i> ταινία, ταινίδιον, ταινόω. This victor fillet is mentioned by
-Lucian in reference to the <i>Diadoumenos</i> of Polykleitos: <i>Philops.</i>, 18.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1115"><span class="label">1115</span></a> Xen., <i>Symp.</i>, V, 9; Plato, <i>Symp.</i>, 212 E; it appears often on statues of Dionysos: <i>e. g.</i>, on
-one in Furtwaengler’s <i>Samml. Sabouroff</i>, Pl. XXIII; Dionysos is called Χρυσομίτρης in Soph.,
-<i>Oed. Tyr.</i>, 209. The fillet was used as a breast-band for women’s dresses: Pollux, VII, 65; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1116"><span class="label">1116</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, I, 1880, p. 177. In older days the athletic fillet was called μίτρα (Lat. <i>mitella</i>):
-Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, IX, 84; <i>Isthm.</i>, V, 62 (of wool); Boeckh, <i>Explic. ad Pind.</i>, p. 193. In the Iliad μίτρα
-was the kilt or apron worn around the waist under the cuirass (a ζωστήρ being worn outside):
-IV, 137; IV, 187; V, 857; etc. It was used also later as a wrestler’s girdle: <i>A. G.</i>, XV, 44;
-and for women’s headbands: Alkm., I; <i>cf.</i> Eurip., <i>Bacchae</i>, 833. Athletes on vase-paintings
-representing palæstra scenes often wear the fillet: <i>e. g.</i>, the wrestlers and other athletes on the
-Philadelphia r.-f. kylix pictured in Fig. 50, have red bands in their hair. Later the μίτρα
-was specially used of women; if of men, it was a sign of effeminacy: Aristoph., <i>Thesmophoriazusae</i>,
-163. The home of the μίτρα appears to have been Asia, as it was commonly worn by
-Asiatics: see Hdt., I, 195; VII, 62 (head-dress); Virgil, <i>Aen.</i>, IV, 216. We learn from Alkman
-that it came from Lydia to Greece: fragm. 23, verses 67 f. On it, see Bekker, <i>Charikles</i>,
-II, pp. 393 f., and Pauly-Wissowa, VII, <small>2</small>, p. 2033 (Bremer).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1117"><span class="label">1117</span></a> See F. W., on 322. It appears on the “Apollo” type of early sculpture, <i>e. g.</i>, on the “Apollo”
-of Orchomenos (Fig. 7).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1118"><span class="label">1118</span></a> <i>Stud. z. Parthenon</i>, 1902, pp. 1 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1119"><span class="label">1119</span></a> VI, 2.2; Lichas won the chariot victory in Ol. 90 (&#8239;=&#8239;420 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 14; Foerster, 270.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1120"><span class="label">1120</span></a> P., V, 11.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1121"><span class="label">1121</span></a> Bulle, no. 207; Furtw.-Wolters, <i>Besch.</i>,<sup>2</sup> 457; B. B., 8; here it was inlaid with silver.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1122"><span class="label">1122</span></a> This may, however, be merely the remains of a wreath of gold: see Rayet, II, text to no. 67
-(J. Martha).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1123"><span class="label">1123</span></a> Bulle, no. 202; Lechat, p. 482, fig. 44. It is 0.23 meter high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1124"><span class="label">1124</span></a> <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. LIV; F. W., 322; Wolters thinks this is scarcely a victor fillet.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1125"><span class="label">1125</span></a> This head, in the possession of Lord Leconfield, is a replica of the same original as the one in
-the Metropolitan Museum (Pl. 15); Michaelis, p. 609, no. 24. See discussion <i>supra</i>, pp. 144–5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1126"><span class="label">1126</span></a> Noted by Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 161.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1127"><span class="label">1127</span></a> P., VI, 1.7; he won in Ol. (?) 89 (&#8239;=&#8239;424 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 9; Foerster, 796.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1128"><span class="label">1128</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, XIX, 1894, pp. 137–9 (J. Ziehen); fig. in text. It is now in the Museum of the Peiræus
-Gymnasion.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1129"><span class="label">1129</span></a> On such representations in art, see Stephani, <i>Comptes rendus de la commission impériale
-archéologique</i>, St. Petersburg, 1874, pp. 214–16.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1130"><span class="label">1130</span></a> Παῖς ἀναδούμενος: VI, 4.5; <i>S. Q.</i>, 757.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1131"><span class="label">1131</span></a> <i>Hermes</i>, XXIII, 1888, pp. 444 f.; P., V, 11.3. Robert is followed by Kalkmann, <i>Pausanias
-der Perieget</i>, 1886, pp. 90 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1132"><span class="label">1132</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Frazer, IV, p. 11. Figures of athletes appear beneath the throne on vases: Overbeck,
-<i>Griech. Kunstmythol.</i>, Pl. I, 9 and 16; Gerhard, I, Pl. VII. Flasch has tried to show that the
-throne figure did not represent Pantarkes: Baum., II, p. 1099, 2; <i>cf.</i> Gurlitt, <i>Ueber Pausanias</i>,
-1890, p. 380.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1133"><span class="label">1133</span></a> VI, 10.6. Pantarkes won the boys’ wrestling match in Ol. 86 (&#8239;=&#8239;436 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 98; Foerster,
-254.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1134"><span class="label">1134</span></a> Amongst others it has been assumed by Loeschke, Der Tod des Pheidias (in <i>Histor. Untersuch.
-zum Schaefer-Jubilaeum</i>, Bonn, 1882), p. 36; Schoell, <i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1888, I, p. 37 (Der
-Prozess des Pheidias). Foerster, p. 19, n. 1, is against the identification. The παῖς ἀναδούμενος is
-omitted in my victor lists (<i>de olympionicarum Statuis</i>).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1135"><span class="label">1135</span></a> The παῖς ἀναδούμενος is mentioned between victors nos. 38 and 39, <i>i. e.</i>, in the Zone of the
-<i>Eretrian Bull</i>, while Pantarkes (98) is mentioned among the statues in the Zone of the <i>Chariots</i>: see
-<i>infra</i>, Ch. VIII, pp. 343 and 345, and Plans A and B.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1136"><span class="label">1136</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Gurlitt, <i>Ueber Pausanias</i>, pp. 378 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1137"><span class="label">1137</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Doerpfeld, <i>Baudenkmaeler v. Ol.</i>, p. 21 and n. 1; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 39–40; Frazer, <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1138"><span class="label">1138</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, no. 501; <i>Marbles and Bronzes</i>, Pl. VI; B. B., 271; Bulle, 49; von Mach, 117;
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 259, fig. 461; F. W., 509; <i>Annali</i>, L, 1878, Pl. A and pp. 20 f. (two views)
-(Michaelis); Clarac, V, 858 C, 2189 A; M. W., I, Pl. 31, fig. 136; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 524, 2. The
-palm-trunk shows that the Roman artist intended to represent a victor in his copy. It is
-4 ft. 10.25 in. high (Smith); 1.48 meters (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1139"><span class="label">1139</span></a> Brunn, following older writers such as Winckelmann, had pronounced it Polykleitan: <i>Annali</i>,
-LI, 1879, pp. 218 f.; <i>cf.</i> Murray, I, pp. 313 f. and Pl. IX. Kekulé called it Myronian: <i>49stes
-Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, 1889, p. 12; Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, p. 128, finds it unrelated to Polykleitos
-and defends its Attic origin. Everything about it—except the mode of tying the fillet—differs
-from the copies of Polykleitos’ statue, and especially the pose. Against Brunn’s view, see
-Michaelis, <i>Annali</i>, LV, 1883, pp. 154 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1140"><span class="label">1140</span></a> So Bulle, Arndt (text to B. B., 271), Furtwaengler (<i>Mp.</i>, pp. 244–5; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 444–5), Zimmerman
-(in Knackfuss-Zimmermann, <i>Kunstgesch. des Altertums und des Mittelalters</i>, I, p. 152), and
-many others.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1141"><span class="label">1141</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> especially the resemblance of the statue to the youth on the West frieze: Michaelis, <i>Der
-Parthenon</i>, Pl. V, no. 9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1142"><span class="label">1142</span></a> Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 55, praises it equally with the <i>Doryphoros</i>, and says that 100 talents
-were paid for it; in another passage he says that a like sum was paid by King Attalos for a
-picture of Dionysos by the Theban painter Aristeides: <i>ibid.</i>, VII, 126; <i>cf.</i> XXXV, 24 and 100.
-A painting by Timomachos of Byzantium brought 80 talents: <i>ibid.</i>, XXXV, 136.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1143"><span class="label">1143</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 56; here he quotes Varro, who was drawing probably from Xenokrates of
-Sikyon: see Jex-Blake, pp. xvi f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1144"><span class="label">1144</span></a> Listed by Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 239 f.; the torsos, by Petersen, <i>B. com. Rom.</i>, 1890, pp. 185 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1145"><span class="label">1145</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, no. 500; <i>Marbles and Bronzes</i>, Pl. IV; B. B., 272; von Mach, 114; F. W., 508;
-<i>Mon. d. I.</i>, X, 1874–78, Pl. XLIX (3 views); Rayet, I, Pl. 30; Collignon I, p. 479, fig. 253; Murray,
-I, Pl. X; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 547, 5. Michaelis, by a comparison with the <i>Doryphoros</i>, first showed
-that it was a copy of the <i>Diadoumenos</i>: <i>Annali</i>, L, 1878, pp. 10 f. It is 6 ft. 1 in. tall (Smith).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1146"><span class="label">1146</span></a> Kabbadias, no. 1826; Bulle, 50; Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl. 35; von Mach, 115; <i>Mon. Piot</i>, III,
-1896, pp. 137 f. (Couve), and Pls. XIV and XV; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, pp. 84–85 and fig.;
-<i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XIX, 1895, pp. 460 f. (account of the Delian excavations by L. Couve) and Pl. VIII (the
-statue in its surroundings at the excavations); Springer-Michaelis, p. 277, fig. 498; Reinach,
-<i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 547, 9. It is 1.86 meters high without the base (Couve).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1147"><span class="label">1147</span></a> Discussed <i>supra</i>, on pp. 92–3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1148"><span class="label">1148</span></a> <i>Mon. Piot</i>, IV, Pls. VIII-IX; von Mach, no. 116 a; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 241, fig. 98; <i>Mw.</i>,
-p. 439, fig. 68 (who called it the most beautiful of all the copies); Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 475, 6. The
-right arm is wrongly restored.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1149"><span class="label">1149</span></a> Listed by Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 240–2; <i>cf.</i> Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, pp. 125 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1150"><span class="label">1150</span></a> Hettner, <i>Die Bildw. d. Antikensamml. zu Dresden</i>, pp. 80 and 86; <i>Annali</i>, XLIII, 1871,
-Pl. V, pp. 281 f. (Conze); Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, Pls. X and XI; <i>Mw.</i>, Pl. XXV; Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl.
-36 (two views); F. W., 511.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1151"><span class="label">1151</span></a> B. B., no. 340; Conze, <i>Beitraege zur Geschichte d. griech. Pl.</i><sup>2</sup>, 1869, pp. 3 f., Pl. 2 (two views);
-F. W., 510.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1152"><span class="label">1152</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, III, no. 2729 (Addenda); <i>Mon. Piot</i>, III, p. 145 (Couve); <i>ibid.</i>, IV, p. 73 (Paris);
-Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl. 37.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1153"><span class="label">1153</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, VI, 1885, pp. 243 f. (Murray), and Pl. LXI.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1154"><span class="label">1154</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXXIX, 1919, pp. 69 f., and Pl. 1 (two views), and p. 232 (with illustration of
-the palmette head-band).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1155"><span class="label">1155</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, p. 246, fig. 99 (with original head); <i>Mw.</i>, p. 447, fig. 69.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1156"><span class="label">1156</span></a> Michaelis, p. 438, no. 3; Clarac, V, 851, 2180 A (headless); it is 1.49 meters high (Michaelis).
-He believes that it originally was an oil-pourer.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1157"><span class="label">1157</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, p. 246; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 448. It is 12 centimeters high (Furtwaengler).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1158"><span class="label">1158</span></a> κοτίνου στέφανος, P., VIII, 48.2; <i>cf.</i> <i>A. G.</i>, IX, 357; Aristoph., <i>Plut.</i>, 586; Theophr., <i>Hist. Plant.</i>,
-IV, 13.2. The custom of using the olive crown is probably very ancient, despite Phlegon’s statement
-that it was introduced in Ol. 7 (&#8239;=&#8239;752 B.&nbsp;C.): frag. 1 (= <i>F. H. G.</i>, III, p. 604). Pindar says
-that it was introduced from the land of the Hyperboreans by Herakles: <i>Ol.</i>, III, 14 f; Bacchylides
-calls it Aetolian: VII, 50 (γλαυκὸν Αἰτωλίδος ἄνδημ’ ἐλαίας). It probably goes back to some
-form of popular magic.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1159"><span class="label">1159</span></a> B. B., no. 324; here small leaves are still remaining over the forehead.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1160"><span class="label">1160</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, II, 2 and 2 a. Here the leaves have disappeared. See pp. 254–5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1161"><span class="label">1161</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, V, 1881, Pl. III, text, pp. 65 f. (Pottier). Here is listed a number of funerary reliefs
-representing athletes, which list could easily be enlarged.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1162"><span class="label">1162</span></a> Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II, 1241; <i>Guide</i>, 977. On the motive, see <i>Archaeol. Studien H. Brunn dargebr.</i>,
-1893, pp. 62 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1163"><span class="label">1163</span></a> The λημνίσκος (Lat. <i>lemniscus</i>) was merely the woolen fillet by which chaplets were fastened
-on; Hesychios says it is a Syracusan word; in any case it is used only by Roman writers and Greek
-writers of the Roman age; <i>A. G.</i>, XII, 123; Plut., <i>Sulla</i>, 27; Polyb., XVIII, 46 (where στέφανοι
-and λημνίσκοι are differentiated, though they are usually interchangeable); <i>C. I. G.</i>, III, 5361;
-<i>C. I. A.</i>, III, 74. Pliny says that it was of Etruscan origin, <i>H. N.</i>, XXI, 4, and that it was at
-first made of wool or linden-bark and later of gold; <i>cf.</i> XVI, 25. It was used at Rome at feasts, as
-a sign of special honor to guests: Plaut., <i>Pseudolus</i>, (line 1265); Livy, XXXIII, 33.2; Suet., <i>Nero</i>,
-25. For the Roman use of the <i>lemniscus</i> for athletic victors and poets, <i>cf.</i> Cicero, <i>Or. pro Sext.
-Roscio Amerino</i>, 35, 100; Ausonius, <i>Epist.</i>, XX, 6; etc. On the <i>lemniscus</i>, see Dar.-Sagl., III, <small>2</small>,
-pp. 1099–1100.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1164"><span class="label">1164</span></a> <i>R. M.</i>, VI, 1891, p. 304, no. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1165"><span class="label">1165</span></a> <i>Mon. Piot</i>, XVII, 1909, Pls. II, III and pp. 29 f. (Merlin and Poinssot).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1166"><span class="label">1166</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, III, no. 1754; B. B., 46; <i>Marbles and Bronzes</i>, Pl. XXII; Collignon, I, fig. 255,
-on p. 500; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 252, fig. 105; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 457, fig. 75 (back view); Springer-Michaelis,
-p. 275, fig. 495; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 546, 9. It is 4 ft. 11 in. high (Smith), <i>i. e.</i>, 1.48 meters.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1167"><span class="label">1167</span></a> Helbig, <i>Cat. Coll. Barracco</i>, no. 99, Pls. 38 and 38 a; <i>id.</i>, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, 1083; sketches of the Westmacott
-and Barracco copies in Kekulé, <i>49stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, 1889, Pl. IV.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1168"><span class="label">1168</span></a> No. 254; <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1890, pp. 207 f. (Philios) and Pls. X and XI. Bulle, 51, gives the Westmacott
-and Barracco examples side by side; in <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXXI, 1911, Pl. II, we have the Westmacott,
-Barracco, and Eleusis copies together. Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 250 f., <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 453 f.,
-Helbig, <i>Cat. Coll. Barracco</i>, p. 36, and Petersen, <i>R. M.</i>, VIII, 1893, pp. 101 f., have added many
-more torsos and heads as copies or variants of the original.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1169"><span class="label">1169</span></a> See Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, 1083. Its soft expression and forms led Furtwaengler to derive it from
-the Praxitelean circle, from the period when Praxiteles was influenced by Polykleitos, and to believe
-that it represented a divinity, perhaps Triptolemos: <i>Mp.</i>, p. 255 and n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1170"><span class="label">1170</span></a> <i>Burlington Fine Arts Club, Catalogue Anc. Gk. Art</i>, 1904, no. 45, Pl. XXXIII; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>,
-p. 251, fig. 103; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 454, fig. 73. It was formerly in the van Branteghem collection.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1171"><span class="label">1171</span></a> For the Dresden head, see <i>A. A.</i>, 1900, p. 107, figs. 1 a and 1 b.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1172"><span class="label">1172</span></a> Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 252, fig. 104; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 455, fig. 74.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1173"><span class="label">1173</span></a> First published by F. H. Marshall, <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIX, 1909, pp. 151–2 and figs. 1 a, b; more fully
-by E. A. Gardner, <i>ibid.</i>, XXXI, 1911, pp. 21 f. and Pl. I and fig. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1174"><span class="label">1174</span></a> Nelson head: <i>J. H. S.</i>, XVIII, 1898, pp. 141 f., and Pl. XI; B. B., 544; Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl.
-XXXIX; Capitoline <i>Amazon</i>: <i>Mp.</i>, p. 132, fig. 53 (restored); <i>Mw.</i>, p. 292, fig. 39. A head of the
-Capitoline type has been wrongly placed on the Pheidian Mattei torso in the Vatican: <i>Mp.</i>, p. 133,
-fig. 54 (head); <i>Mw.</i>, Pl. XI; B. B., 350; von Mach, 121; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 483, 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1175"><span class="label">1175</span></a> B. B., 128 (original and cast).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1176"><span class="label">1176</span></a> As, <i>e. g.</i>, in the bronze head of a victor in Naples, already discussed (Fig. 25); B. B., 339.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1177"><span class="label">1177</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Furtwaengler and Collignon; the latter, I, pp. 499–500.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1178"><span class="label">1178</span></a> <i>Hypnos</i>, pp. 30 f.; accepted by Wolters (<i>apud</i> Lepsius, <i>Griech. Marmorstudien</i>, p. 83, no. 164),
-Treu (<i>A. A.</i>, 1889, p. 57), Collignon, Petersen, <i>l. c.</i>, Kekulé (<i>Idolino</i>, p. 13), Furtwaengler (<i>Mp.</i>,
-pp. 252–3, <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 458–9 and 747), and others; see Philios, <i>op. cit.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1179"><span class="label">1179</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, by Philios (<i>op. cit.</i>), Amelung (<i>Bert. Phil. Wochenschr.</i>, XXII, 1902, p. 273). This
-scraping motive is seen in the bronze statuette in the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 934.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1180"><span class="label">1180</span></a> This is inconsistent with the position of the hand in the Barracco copy, which is too far from
-the head. This was an older view of Helbig, <i>Rendiconti della Reale Accad. dei Lincei</i>, 1892,
-pp. 790 f.; refuted by Furtwaengler, Petersen, Helbig himself later (in the <i>Fuehrer</i>), and others.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1181"><span class="label">1181</span></a> Quoted by E. A. Gardner, <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXXI, pp. 25–6, as the theory of E. N. Gardiner.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1182"><span class="label">1182</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 55; for this theory, see Mahler, <i>Polyklet u. s. Sch.</i>, p. 50.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1183"><span class="label">1183</span></a> Michaelis, <i>Der Parthenon</i>, 1870, Block 131 (from the North frieze).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1184"><span class="label">1184</span></a> F. W., 1665; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 256, fig. 106; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 463, fig. 76; M. W., Pl. 70, 879; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1185"><span class="label">1185</span></a> For list, see Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 254, n. 2. For a restoration of the original statue, see <i>ibid.</i>, p. 250,
-fig. 102; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 453, fig. 72.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1186"><span class="label">1186</span></a> VI, 4.11; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 149; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 50.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1187"><span class="label">1187</span></a> Those of the Elean pentathlete Pythokles: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 162–3; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 91; and the Epidaurian
-boxer Aristion: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 165 (renewed); <i>I. G. B.</i>, 92. The feet of the Aristion were both flat
-upon the ground.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1188"><span class="label">1188</span></a> That of the boy wrestler Xenokles of Mainalos: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 164; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 90.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1189"><span class="label">1189</span></a> In one of the Olympia <i>Zanes</i>: <i>I. G. B.</i>, 95.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1190"><span class="label">1190</span></a> On the Kyniskos basis there are no traces, as on that of Pythokles, to show that the original
-had been removed from the Altis and replaced by a copy long before Pausanias visited Olympia.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1191"><span class="label">1191</span></a> <i>O. S.</i>, p. 186, on the basis of the <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; followed by Hyde, 45. Foerster’s date, Ol. (?) 86
-(&#8239;=&#8239;436 B.&nbsp;C.), follows the earlier dating of Polykleitos by Robert, <i>Arch. Maerchen</i>, 1886, p. 107, <i>i. e.</i>,
-before the discovery of the Oxyrhynchus Papyrus; see Foerster, 255. Robert later dated the birth
-of the sculptor about Ol. 75.4 (&#8239;=&#8239;477 B.&nbsp;C.). Thus, even if the <i>Kyniskos</i> were his earliest statue,
-it must have been erected some time after the victory. Furtwaengler dates the original of the
-<i>Westmacott Athlete</i> about 440 B.&nbsp;C.: <i>Mp.</i>, p. 252.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1192"><span class="label">1192</span></a> Bulle, Furtwaengler, E. A. Gardner, and others find the assumption of identity not completely
-convincing. Thus Furtwaengler looks upon the identification as “no far-fetched theory,” but
-says: “Unfortunately, however, absolute certainty can scarcely be attained” (<i>Mp.</i>, pp. 249–50).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1193"><span class="label">1193</span></a> VIII, 48.2; <i>cf.</i> Vitruv., <i>de Arch.</i>, IX, 1 (p. 212).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1194"><span class="label">1194</span></a> Homer mentions the palm: <i>e. g.</i>, Od., VI, 163; the various kinds of palm are given by Theophr.,
-<i>Hist. Plant.</i>, II, 6.6 and 8.4. Its fronds (σπάθαι, <i>cf.</i> Hdt., VII, 69) were formed into victory
-crowns: Plut., <i>Quaest. conviv.</i>, VIII, 4, p. 723.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1195"><span class="label">1195</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXV, 75.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1196"><span class="label">1196</span></a> <i>Arch. Stud. H. Brunn dargehracht</i>, 1893, pp. 62 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1197"><span class="label">1197</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, p. 256 and n. 1; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 462 and n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1198"><span class="label">1198</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Waldstein, <i>J. H. S.</i>, I, 1880, p. 187, n. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1199"><span class="label">1199</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, V, 1881, PI. III. See <i>supra</i>, p. 155.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1200"><span class="label">1200</span></a> So Waldstein, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 186.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1201"><span class="label">1201</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a Panathenaic vase: <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, X, 1874–78, Pl. 48, e. g.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1202"><span class="label">1202</span></a> Mentioned by Helbig, <i>Guide</i>, 977; discussed by Arndt in <i>La Glyptothèque Ny-Carlsberg</i>,
-text to Pls. XXI-IV. Arndt believes that the right arm with the palm in the hand is modern, like
-the head and left arm; they are of a different marble from the torso. The torso is a replica of a
-statue in the Villa Albani, Rome: <i>op. cit.</i>, fig. 13; <i>cf.</i> Furtwaengler, <i>Mw.</i>, p. 738 (= god type).
-On representing athletes in the act of placing wreaths on their heads with the right hand and
-holding palm-branches in the left, see Milchhoefer, and others, in the work already cited, <i>Arch.
-Stud. H. Brunn dargebracht</i>, pp. 62 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1203"><span class="label">1203</span></a> VI, 10.4. The scholiast on Pindar, <i>Pyth.</i>, IX, 1, Boeckh, p. 401, says that the hoplites ran
-with bronze shields.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1204"><span class="label">1204</span></a> See <i>supra</i>, pp. 105, n. 3, and 116.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1205"><span class="label">1205</span></a> P., VI, 13.7. He won in Ol. 81 (&#8239;=&#8239;456 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 117; Foerster, 184.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1206"><span class="label">1206</span></a> Schol. on Pindar, <i>Pyth.</i>, IX, Inscript. a. Boeckh, p. 401.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1207"><span class="label">1207</span></a> Head A: <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., pp. 29 f.; Tafelbd., Pl. VI, 1–4; <i>Ausgrab. v. Ol.</i>, V, 1881, pp. 12 f.,
-Pls. XVIII (front), XIX (side); F. W., 316; Overbeck, I, pp. 198–9 and <i>cf.</i> p. 178. Head B:
-<i>Bildw.</i>, pp. 31 f., and Pl. VI, 9–10; <i>Ausgrab.</i>, p. 13; Overbeck, p. 178; F. W., 315.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1208"><span class="label">1208</span></a> <i>Bildw.</i>, Pl. VI, 5–6; fig. 30, on p. 30 in Textbd.; <i>Ausgrab.</i>, V, Pl. XIX, 4 and p. 12; F. W., 317.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1209"><span class="label">1209</span></a> <i>Bildw.</i>, Textbd., fig. 31, on p. 30.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1210"><span class="label">1210</span></a> <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., fig. 32, on p. 31.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1211"><span class="label">1211</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 31 f., and Pl. VI, 7–8; <i>Ausgrab. v. Ol.</i>, V, Pl. XIX, 5 and p. 12; F. W., 319. Both the
-foot and arm are of Parian marble, like the head.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1212"><span class="label">1212</span></a> Hyde, pp. 42–4; <i>cf</i>. Foerster, 151, 155; he also won the stade-race at Delphi: Pindar, <i>Pyth.</i>, X,
-12–16. Robert accepts my ascription: Pauly-Wissowa, VI, p. 1493. Liddell and Scott, <i>Lexicon</i>,
-<i>s. v.</i> Φρικίας (= “Bristle”), believe this to be the name not of the victor but of his horse, so called
-because of his long outstanding mane; <i>cf</i>. Herrmann, <i>Opuscula</i>, VII, 166 n. This is also the
-interpretation of Sandys, <i>Odes of Pindar</i>, Loeb Library, 1915, p. 291, n. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1213"><span class="label">1213</span></a> P., VI, 10.4–5; R. Foerster, <i>Das Portraet in d. gr. Plastik</i>, 1882, p. 22, n. 5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1214"><span class="label">1214</span></a> Treu, A. Z., XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 48 f.; <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, p. 34 and n. 2. He explained the shield
-device of the ram and Phrixos by the fact that Eperastos traced his descent from that hero.
-<i>Cf.</i> Overbeck, I, p. 198.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1215"><span class="label">1215</span></a> VI, 17.5; Hyde, 183 and p. 62; Foerster, 765 (undated).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1216"><span class="label">1216</span></a> <i>Preus. Jb.</i>, LI, p. 382; <i>cf.</i> <i>Sammlung Sabouroff</i>, Einleitung zu den Skulpturen, p. 5, n. 4; followed
-by Flasch, Baum., II, p. 1104 U f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1217"><span class="label">1217</span></a> V, 27.7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1218"><span class="label">1218</span></a> Textbd., pp. 31–2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1219"><span class="label">1219</span></a> Hyde, <i>l. c.</i> For the date, see Afr; Foerster, 144–6; he was the first Olympic τριαστής, <i>i. e.</i>, he
-gained victories in three events on the same day (stade-, double stade- and hoplite-races).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1220"><span class="label">1220</span></a> Matz-Duhn, <i>Ant. Bildw.</i>, no. 1097; here it is called a diskobolos; Clarac, 830, 2085; Furtwaengler,
-<i>Mp.</i>, p. 204; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 392.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1221"><span class="label">1221</span></a> Hauser, <i>Jb.</i>, II, 1887, p. 101, n. 24, points out its resemblance to the Tuebingen bronze, but
-because of the tree-trunk does not regard it as a representation of a hoplitodrome. Furtwaengler,
-<i>l. c.</i>, regards the helmet as belonging to the head, while others believe it alien thereto.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1222"><span class="label">1222</span></a> No. 795; <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVI, 1878, Pl. XI and pp. 58–71; Gardiner, p. 105, fig. 17; <i>cf.</i> another in
-Copenhagen: Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLXXXI.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1223"><span class="label">1223</span></a> P., VI, 3.10; he won the pentathlon some time between Ols. 94 and 103 (&#8239;=&#8239;404 and 368 B.&nbsp;C.):
-Hyde, 31; Foerster, 347.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1224"><span class="label">1224</span></a> P., V, 26.3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1225"><span class="label">1225</span></a> V, 27.12.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1226"><span class="label">1226</span></a> <i>A. Z.</i>, XLI, 1883, Pl. XIII, 2 and pp. 227–8 (Milchhoefer).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1227"><span class="label">1227</span></a> <i>Inventar</i>, no. 6306; mentioned by L. Gurlitt in <i>A. M.</i>, VI, 1881, p. 158.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1228"><span class="label">1228</span></a> Duetschke, II, no. 22; a very similar statue, no. 25, has no <i>halteres</i>; both are poor Roman copies.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1229"><span class="label">1229</span></a> <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, p. 217; Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1230"><span class="label">1230</span></a> So schol. on Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, VII, Argum., Boeckh, p. 158. He won in Ol. 83 (&#8239;=&#8239;448 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy.
-Pap.</i>; P., VI, 7.1 f.; Hyde, 60; Foerster, 252.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1231"><span class="label">1231</span></a> Matz-Duhn, <i>Ant. Bildw. in Rom.</i>, no. 1096; <i>J. H. S.</i>, II, 1881, p. 342, fig. 3. Thongs appear on
-both forearms of the Polykleitan statue, copies of which are in Kassel (Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 246, fig. 99;
-<i>Mw.</i>, p. 447, fig. 69), and on a headless one in Lansdowne House (Michaelis, p. 438, no. 3; Clarac,
-851, 2180 A); similarly on the Lysippan boxer by Koblanos found at Sorrento, and now in Naples
-(Fig. 57; Kalkmann, Die Proport, des Gesichts in d. gr. Kunst = <i>53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>,
-1893, Pl. III); on the bronze statue of a boxer from Herculaneum in Naples; and on the delle
-Terme <i>Seated Boxer</i> (Pl. 16); etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1232"><span class="label">1232</span></a> So interpreted, and rightly, by Waldstein (<i>J. H. S.</i>, I, 1880, p. 186), and others; Juethner, pp.
-68–9, thinks that the object here represented is a victor fillet, being too short for thongs.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1233"><span class="label">1233</span></a> P. 26 and n. 2; against him, Reisch, p. 43; Hitz-Bluemn., II, <small>2</small>, p. 577; etc. Oil-flasks of
-various kinds—<i>lekythoi</i>, <i>aryballoi</i>, <i>alabastra</i>, <i>olpai</i>—are mentioned repeatedly by Greek writers;
-<i>e. g.</i>, λήκυθος, by Homer, Od., VI, 79; Aristoph., <i>Plutus</i>, 810; ἀρύβαλλος, Aristoph., <i>Equites</i>, 1094;
-Pollux, VII, 166 and X, 63; ἀλάβαστρον, Theokr., XV. 114; ὄλπη (of leather), Theokr., II, 156; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1234"><span class="label">1234</span></a> VI, 14.6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1235"><span class="label">1235</span></a> VI, 9.1. Theognetos won in the boys’ wrestling match in Ol. 76 (&#8239;=&#8239;746 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>;
-Hyde, 83; Foerster, 193 and 193 N.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1236"><span class="label">1236</span></a> We have already in the present chapter mentioned this “Apollo” in connection with the
-statuette from Piombino (Fig. 19); Studniczka, <i>R. M.</i>, II, 1887, pp. 99–100, believed that it
-represented a victor. See <i>supra</i>, p. 119.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1237"><span class="label">1237</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on the bronze statuette from Naxos, now in Berlin: see <i>supra</i>, p. 119 and n. 5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1238"><span class="label">1238</span></a> Boy wrestlers especially wore caps in the palæstræ, but not at the games; we see them on the
-wrestler group in the palæstra scene on the r.-f. kylix in Munich (no. 795) already mentioned.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1239"><span class="label">1239</span></a> Stuart Jones, <i>Cat.</i>, pp. 65–6, no. 8; Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, 769; <i>Guide</i>, 418; B. B., 527 (and fig.
-6 in text, by Arndt); Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 204, <i>Mw.</i>, p. 392. Helbig finds it Myronian, while Furtwaengler
-considers it Attic, but non-Myronic; for a copy in Stockholm, see B. B., figs. 7, 8, 9, in
-the text to no. 527.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1240"><span class="label">1240</span></a> I, 17.2. Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 204, n. 6, shows that the Athens head bears no resemblance to the
-Capitoline. Furthermore, heads on coins of Juba differ from both and show no trace of the
-complicated head-dress. A marble head from Shershel (= Cæsarea) seems to be an authentic
-portrait of Juba II: see <i>Annali</i>, XXIX, 1857, Pl. E, no. 2, and p. 194; and Waille, <i>de Caesareae
-Monumentis</i>, 1891, title page (vignette) and p. 92 (quoted by Helbig, <i>Guide</i>, <i>l. c.</i>).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1241"><span class="label">1241</span></a> See B. B., text to no. 527, figs. 1, 2, 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1242"><span class="label">1242</span></a> Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, 972; <i>Guide</i>, 595; <i>B. Com. Rom.</i>, XII, 1884, Pl. XXIII, pp. 245–253. The
-meaning is explained by a similar archaistic Parian marble relief in Wilton House, Wiltshire,
-England, where the youth stands before a statue of Zeus, washing his hands preparatory to making
-a thank-offering to the god who gave him victory: see Michaelis, p. 680, no. 48 and wood-cut
-on p. 681; Arndt, <i>La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg</i>, text, fig. 33; F. W., 239; its inscription is not genuine.
-The same archaistic traits are seen on a votive relief to Zeus Xenios in the Museo delle Terme:
-Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II, 1405; Arndt, <i>op. cit.</i>, fig. 34; this is to be dated in the first century B.&nbsp;C., or
-A.&nbsp;D., because of its inscription: <i>I. G. Sic. et Ital.</i>, no. 990.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1243"><span class="label">1243</span></a> See Fabretti, <i>de Columna Trajani</i>, p. 267; Gardiner, p. 433, fig. 149; Schreiber, <i>Bilderatlas</i>,
-Pl. XXIV, no. 8. <i>Cf.</i> Krause, I, pp. 517 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1244"><span class="label">1244</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Reisch, pp. 42–3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1245"><span class="label">1245</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Philostr., <i>Heroicus</i>, XII b (p. 315); τὰ δὲ ὦτα κατεαγὼς ἦν οὐχ ὑπὸ πάλης.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1246"><span class="label">1246</span></a> Thus Furtwaengler calls the Ince-Blundell head that of a boxer statue: <i>Mp.</i>, p. 173, and fig.
-71 on p. 172; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 348, and fig. 44 on p. 347.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1247"><span class="label">1247</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> discussion by Gardiner, pp. 425–6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1248"><span class="label">1248</span></a> <i>Gorgias</i>, 515 E; <i>Protag.</i>, 342 B. In the latter passage he says: καὶ οἱ μὲν ὦτά τε κατάγνυνται
-μιμούμενοι αὐτούς, καὶ ἱμάντας περιειλίττονται καὶ φιλογυμναστοῦσι καὶ βραχείας ἀναβολὰς
-φοροῦσιν, κ. τ. λ. The boxer’s swollen ears are mentioned by Theokritos, XXII, 45. The
-word ὠτοκάταξις seems to have meant a boxer whose ears were battered by the gloves: Aristoph.,
-<i>Fragm.</i>, 72; Pollux, II, 83 (whence Dindorf corrects the form ὠτοκαταξίας in Poll., IV, 144). For
-references, see Krause, I, pp. 516–17; and <i>cf.</i> <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, p. 13.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1249"><span class="label">1249</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a fragment of a red-figured kylix in Berlin: <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, p. 8, fig. 2; Hartwig, <i>Die
-griech. Meisterschalen</i>, Textbd., p. 90, fig. 12; Gardiner, p. 438, fig. 153. Here one of the contestants
-in the pankration is bleeding at the nose.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1250"><span class="label">1250</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXIII, 1899, pp. 455; <i>cf.</i>, p. 457, where he speaks of <i>le detail réaliste de l’oreille
-tuméfiée par les coups</i>. For the statue of Agias mentioned, see <i>infra</i>, Ch. VI, pp. 286 f., and Pl.
-28 and fig. 68. <i>Cf.</i> on this subject also Neugebauer, Studien ueber Skopas (in <i>Beitraege zur
-Kunstgesch.</i>, XXXIX, 1913, p. 35, n. 172).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1251"><span class="label">1251</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., IV, Pl. II, 2, 2 a; F. W., 323; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1252"><span class="label">1252</span></a> See <i>infra</i>, Ch. VI., pp. 293 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1253"><span class="label">1253</span></a> <i>Fouilles de Delphes</i>, IV, Pls. LXIII-LXIV.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1254"><span class="label">1254</span></a> <i>Ant. Denkm.</i>, I, <small>1</small>, 1886, Pl. IV.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1255"><span class="label">1255</span></a> Duetschke, III, no. 72.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1256"><span class="label">1256</span></a> <i>Gaz. arch.</i>, VIII, Pl. I, and p. 85 (Rayet); F. W., 461.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1257"><span class="label">1257</span></a> B. B., no. 8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1258"><span class="label">1258</span></a> Bulle, no. 105 (right); and fig. 46 on p. 205.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1259"><span class="label">1259</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, XVI, 1891, Pls. IV, V (two views).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1260"><span class="label">1260</span></a> F. W., 505; Collignon, I, p. 495, fig. 252. As the swollen ears do not occur on other copies,
-they are here doubtless a modification by a late artist.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1261"><span class="label">1261</span></a> <i>La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg</i>, Pl. XXXVI (= copy of fifth century B.&nbsp;C.); XCIV (Herakles or
-athlete, from the Tyszkiewicz coll., Skopasian in character; = Reinach, <i>Têtes</i>, Pls. CL, CLI);
-XCV (similar to preceding, though later in style: <i>Têtes</i>, Pls. CLVI, CLVII); CXX (copy of head
-of athlete of the fourth century B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1262"><span class="label">1262</span></a> <i>Cat. Class. Coll.</i>, pp. 228 f.; fig. 141 on p. 231. Miss Richter points out its affinity to the <i>Hermes</i>
-and assigns it to the immediate influence of Praxiteles. This fragment of a statue appears
-to have been trimmed into its present shape in modern times. Miss Richter’s statement (p. 230)
-that swollen ears are a characteristic which applies in representations of heroes to Herakles alone
-is contradicted by what we shall say below about heads of Diomedes.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1263"><span class="label">1263</span></a> Rayet, II, Pls. 64, 65 (head); B. B., 75; von Mach, 286; F. W., 1425; M. W., I, Pl. 48, 216;
-Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 154, 1–4. Rayet calls the statue that of a hoplitodromos.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1264"><span class="label">1264</span></a> Brunn, <i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1892, pp. 651 f.; Furtw.-Wolters, <i>Beschr. d. Glypt.</i><sup>2</sup>, no. 304; B. B.,
-128 (left = original; right = cast); Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 147, fig. 60 (from a cast with modern restorations
-omitted), and p. 150, fig. 61 (head, two views); text, pp. 146 ff.; <i>Mw.</i>, Pls. XII, XIII;
-text, pp. 311 f.; Clarac, 871, 2219 and 633, 1438 A.; Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl. XVII (cast). Its
-Kresilæan origin has been shown by Brunn (<i>l. c.</i>, pp. 660 and 673), Flasch (<i>Vortraege an der 41sten
-Philologenversamml.</i>, 1891, p. 9, quoted by Furtwaengler), Loeschke and Studniczka (quoted by
-Furtwaengler) and Furtwaengler. It also shows Myronic traces. It stands 1.86 meters (without
-the base).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1265"><span class="label">1265</span></a> Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 151, fig. 62; <i>Mw.</i>, Pl. XIV and p. 313. This and a head in private possession
-in England, B. B., 543 (three views), are the best and truest copies of the lost original.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1266"><span class="label">1266</span></a> Froehner, <i>Notice</i>, 128; Bouillon, <i>Musée des antiques</i> (statues), Pls. II and III; Clarac, 314, 1438.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1267"><span class="label">1267</span></a> Duetschke, II, no. 163; Amelung, <i>Fuehrer</i>, 210; B. B., 361; F. W., 458. It will be discussed further
-on in Ch. IV, pp. 180 f. The Berlin replica is given in <i>Mp.</i>, p. 167, fig. 67; <i>cf.</i> text, p. 165, n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1268"><span class="label">1268</span></a> Roscher, <i>Lex.</i>, I, <small>2</small>, p. 2163, fig.; Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 155, n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1269"><span class="label">1269</span></a> <i>R. M.</i>, IV, 1889, P. 197, no. 12 (B. Graef).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1270"><span class="label">1270</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, III, 1731, and Pl. V, fig. 2; <i>Marbles and Bronzes</i>, Pl. XXI; <i>Museum Marbles</i>,
-II, Pl. XLVI; <i>Specimens</i>, I, Pl. LX; Collignon, II, p. 240, fig. 120; Wolters, <i>Jb.</i>, I, 1886, Pl. V,
-fig. 2 and p. 54. Two other copies of the same original are the one in the Capitoline Museum,
-Rome, and one found in 1876 on the Quirinal and now in the Palazzo dei Conservatori there. B.
-Graef, <i>R. M.</i>, IV, 1889, p. 189 f, and Pls. VIII (Capitoline bust) and IX (Quirinal bust), attributes
-the type to Skopas; he is followed by Collignon, II, p. 240, n. 1; <i>cf.</i> S. Reinach, <i>Gaz. d. B-A.</i>, 3d
-Per., III, 1890, pp. 338 and 340. Wolters tried to show that it was Praxitelian. But the similarity
-between these heads and that of the <i>Lansdowne Herakles</i> (Pl. 30 and fig. 71), which we ascribe
-to Lysippos in Ch. VI, pp. 298, 311, is easily apparent.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1271"><span class="label">1271</span></a> Amelung, <i>Vat.</i>, I, p. 738, no. 636 and II, Pl. 79; Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, no. 108; <i>Guide</i>, 113;
-B. B., 609; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 341, fig. 146; p. 342, fig. 147 (head, two views); <i>Mw.</i>, p. 575, fig.
-109 and p. 577, fig. 110.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1272"><span class="label">1272</span></a> Furtw.-Wolters, <i>Beschr., d. Glypt.</i>,<sup>2</sup> no. 245 (the so-called Lenbach head); Arndt-Bruckmann,
-<i>Griech. und roem. Portraets</i>, Pls. 335–6. See Furtw.-Wolters, for replicas in the Louvre, etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1273"><span class="label">1273</span></a> B. B., 338; Helbig, <i>Guide</i>, 69 (= boxer).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1274"><span class="label">1274</span></a> Comparetti e de Petra, <i>La Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni</i>, 1883, Pl. XXI, 3; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 234 f.
-and fig. 95; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 428 f. and fig. 65. Both Furtwaengler (<i>l. c.</i>) and B. Graef (<i>R. M.</i>, IV,
-1889, pp. 215 and 202) have shown the Polykleitan origin of the type. The former believes that
-it may have been copied from a statue of Herakles by the master, which is mentioned by Pliny (<i>H.
-N.</i>, XXXIV, 56) as at Rome. For other replicas of the type, see Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 234, n. 1; <i>Mw.</i>,
-p. 429, n. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1275"><span class="label">1275</span></a> <i>A. A.</i>, 1889, pp. 57–8 (Treu, who referred it to Polykleitos); Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 92 and fig.
-40; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 124 and Pl. VI (he called it Pheidian).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1276"><span class="label">1276</span></a> <i>Museo Torlonia</i>, Pl. 26, no. 104.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1277"><span class="label">1277</span></a> Furtw.-Wolters, <i>Beschr. d. Glypt.</i>,<sup>2</sup> no. 272; Arndt-Amelung, nos. 832 and 833 (text by Flasch).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1278"><span class="label">1278</span></a> <i>Chabrias</i>, 3: <i>Ex quo factum est ut postea athletae ceterique artifices his statibus in statuis ponendis
-uterentur, in quibus victoriam essent adepti</i>; <i>cf.</i> Diod., XV, 33, 4 (who speaks of “statues”).
-This statue was erected in Athens after his campaign to aid Thebes against Agesilaos in 378
-B.&nbsp;C.: Xen., <i>Hell.</i>, V, 4.38 f. (though here Chabrias is not mentioned by name); Diod., XV,
-32–33; Demosth., <i>Contra Lept.</i>, 75–76 (p. 479); <i>cf.</i> Aristotle, <i>Rhet.</i>, III, 10.7. Chabrias seems
-to have been the first to order his troops to assume a kneeling posture when receiving the
-charge of the enemy. These tactics when used against Agesilaos were so favorably regarded
-by the Athenians that his statues were represented in the attitude of kneeling.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1279"><span class="label">1279</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Reisch, p. 43.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1280"><span class="label">1280</span></a> See Joubin, p. 46. It probably took place under the restored democracy of Kleisthenes. The
-assassination of Hipparchos took place in 514 B.&nbsp;C. Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 17, says that the
-group was set up in the year in which the kings were expelled from Rome (&#8239;=&#8239;509 B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1281"><span class="label">1281</span></a> P., I, 8.5; <i>cf.</i> <i>Marmor Parium</i>, l. 70 (= <i>C. I. G.</i>, II, 2374; <i>F. H. G.</i>, I, pp. 533 f., etc.), and
-Lucian, <i>Philopseudes</i>, 18.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1282"><span class="label">1282</span></a> Arrian, <i>Anab.</i>, III, 16.18 (he says it was of bronze); Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 70; restored by
-Seleukos: Val. Max., II, 10, Extr. 1; by Antiochos: P., I, 8.5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1283"><span class="label">1283</span></a> B. B., nos. 326 (<i>Aristogeiton</i>), 327 (<i>Harmodios</i>), and 328 (head of <i>Harmodios</i>, two views);
-Bulle, 84, 85; von Mach, 58 (both statues) and 59 (<i>Aristogeiton</i>); Collignon, I, pp. 367 f. and
-figs. 189 (group) and 190 (head of <i>Harmodios</i>); relief from Athens showing the group, <i>ibid.</i>,
-p. 369, fig. 88; Overbeck, I, p. 155, fig. 27; Baum., I. p. 340, fig. 357; Lechat, pp. 444–5, figs. 36, 37
-(restored by Michaelis); <i>R. M.</i>, XXI, 1906, Pl. XI; F. W., 121–4; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 530, 3 (<i>Harmodios</i>),
-and 5 (<i>Aristogeiton</i>); <i>cf.</i> II, <small>2</small>, 541, 5 (group); Clarac V, 869, 2202 and 870, 2203 A;
-head of <i>Harmodios</i>, <i>Annali</i>, XLVI, 1874, Pl. G. The height is about 2 meters (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1284"><span class="label">1284</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, XV, 1890, pp. 1 f.; followed by Overbeck, I, pp. 152 f.; Frazer, II, p. 98. The difference
-is not only noticeable in the head structure and treatment of the hair, but in the whole character
-of the work. While Antenor’s work is stiff and lifeless, the Naples group is full of vigor. For the
-statue of Antenor (in the Akropolis Museum), see <i>Ant. Denkm.</i>, I, <small>5</small>, 1890, Pl. 53, and pp. 42 f.
-(Wolters); Overbeck, I, Pl. 25, opp. p. 152; <i>Les Musées d’Athènes</i>, I, Pl. VI; <i>Jb.</i>, II, 1887, pp.
-135 f. (Studniczka), and Pl. X, 1 (head); von Mach, 28; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, Pl. II.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1285"><span class="label">1285</span></a> However, some archæologists still favor Antenor for this group: <i>e. g.</i>, Wachsmuth, <i>Die Stadt
-Athen</i>, I, pp. 170 f.; II, 393–8; Collignon; Lechat, <i>op. cit.</i>, and <i>cf.</i> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XVI, 1892, pp. 485–9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1286"><span class="label">1286</span></a> <i>Rhet. praecept.</i>, 9: ἀπεσφιγμένα καὶ νευρώδη καὶ σκληρά, καὶ ἀκριβῶς ἀποτεταμένα ταῖς γραμμαῖς.
-See Brunn, pp. 101–5; <i>cf.</i> Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 49.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1287"><span class="label">1287</span></a> The best restoration is that of Meier in bronzed plaster in the Ducal Museum in Brunswick:
-Bulle, p. 172, figs. 38, a, b, c; here Aristogeiton has received a bearded head. For another restoration,
-in the Museum of Strasbourg, see Springer-Michaelis, p. 216, fig. 402, a, b.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1288"><span class="label">1288</span></a> <i>Bulletin of Museum of Fine Arts</i>, III, 27; <i>R. M.</i>, XIX, 1904, p. 163, Pl. VI (Hauser).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1289"><span class="label">1289</span></a> A vase by Douris shows a warrior similar to <i>Aristogeiton</i>, but his onset is fiercer: Hartwig,
-<i>Die griech. Meisterschalen</i>, 1893, Pl. XXI, and Textbd., pp. 206 f. For other representations in
-art of the <i>Tyrannicides</i>, see Frazer, II, pp. 94 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1290"><span class="label">1290</span></a> <i>Darstellung des Menschen in der aelt. griech. Kunst</i>, 1899, p. xi; <i>cf.</i> Richardson, p. 120, n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1291"><span class="label">1291</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Dickins, p. 265 (quoting the view of Furtwaengler).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1292"><span class="label">1292</span></a> Furtwaengler, <i>Sammlung Somzée</i>, 1897, Pl. III. He ascribes it to Mikon and identifies it with
-the statue of the pancratiast Kallias at Olympia whose base has been found: <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i> 146;
-Hyde, 50; see <i>infra</i>, in the section on <i>Pancratiasts</i>, p. 251. For the <i>Pelops</i>, see <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>,
-Tafelbd., Pl. IX, <small>2</small>, and XI, 1 (head).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1293"><span class="label">1293</span></a> I, 23.9. The inscribed base has been found: <i>C. I. A.</i>, I, 376; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 39.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1294"><span class="label">1294</span></a> P., VI, 10.1–3; Hyde, 93; Foerster, 137.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1295"><span class="label">1295</span></a> Ols. 72 to 76 (&#8239;=&#8239;492 to 476 B.&nbsp;C.); Hyde, p. 42.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1296"><span class="label">1296</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Bulle, p. 493, on no. 225.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1297"><span class="label">1297</span></a> On the origin and early development of motion figures in Greek art, see Bulle, pp. 157 f., and
-the works cited on p. 674 (notes to p. 158); especially, J. Langbehn, <i>Fluegelgestalten der aeltesten
-griech. Kunst</i>, Diss. inaug., 1881; F. Studniczka, <i>Die Siegesgoettin, Gesch. einer antiken Idealgestalt</i>,
-1898; E. Curtius, <i>Die knieenden Figuren d. alt. griech. Kunst</i> (<i>29stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>,
-1869); Eadweard Muybridge, <i>Human Figure in Motion</i>, 1907; <i>cf.</i> also J. Lange, <i>op. cit.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1298"><span class="label">1298</span></a> In the Museo Archeologico, Florence: Bulle, no. 10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1299"><span class="label">1299</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> the realistic scenes of wrestling, boxing, and running, in relief on the archaic Attic tripod
-vase from Tanagra now in Berlin, dating from the second half of the sixth century B.&nbsp;C.: <i>A. Z.</i>,
-XXXIX, 1881, pp. 30 f. (Loeschke) and Pls. 3 and 4. <i>Cf.</i> also scenes from the pentathlon on
-a Panathenaic amphora of the sixth century B.&nbsp;C. in Leyden: <i>ibid.</i>, Pl. 9; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1300"><span class="label">1300</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, III, 1879, pp. 393 f. and Pls. VI-VII (Homolle), and V, 1881, pp. 272 f. (Homolle, on
-the artist and his father Mikkiades); von Mach, no. 32 (restored in the text opp. p. 26, fig. 1);
-Richardson, p. 51, fig. 15; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, pp. 300–1, figs. 122–3 and Treu’s restoration, p. 303,
-fig. 125; restored in Springer-Michaelis, p. 187, fig. 358; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 389, 5. Though
-first called an <i>Artemis</i> by Homolle (because of its resemblance to the so-called Oriental winged
-<i>Artemis</i> on a bronze relief from Olympia, von Mach, text, opp. p. 36, fig. 5), it has generally
-been called a <i>Nike</i> since its first ascription by Furtwaengler (<i>A. Z.</i>, XL, 1882, pp. 324 f.), and
-brought into connection with a base in two parts found near the statue on Delos in 1880 and
-1881, inscribed with the names of Archermos and his father Mikkiades. If the connection with
-the base were certain, the statue should be referred to the beginning of the sixth century B.&nbsp;C.;
-B. Sauer (<i>A. M.</i>, XVI, 1891, pp. 182 f.), and others, have disputed the connection.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1301"><span class="label">1301</span></a> Now in the National Museum, Athens: Kabbadias, no. 1; von Mach, 20; Springer-Michaelis,
-p. 174, fig. 340; Richardson, p. 43, fig. 11; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 645, 1. Its inscription should date
-it about 600 B.&nbsp;C. It is over 6 feet in height (including the base: von Mach).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1302"><span class="label">1302</span></a> Bulle, pp. 157–8, fig. 33; de Ridder, no. 808. It is 0.123 meter high (Bulle). <i>Cf.</i> similar bronzes
-<i>ibid.</i>, nos. 799–814, and also a flying harpy on a sixth-century B.&nbsp;C. Ionic vase in the University
-Museum in Wuerzburg: Bulle, pp. 159–160, fig. 34; Furtw.-Reichhold, <i>Griech. Vasenmalerei</i>, I,
-pp. 209 f. and Pl. 41; <i>cf.</i> also the very similar pose on the small bronze statuette in the British
-Museum of a winged <i>Nike</i> represented in violent motion: von Mach, 33; the marble torso of
-another in Athens: <i>id.</i>, text, opp. p. 26, fig. 2; and the bronze winged <i>Gorgon</i> from Olympia
-(0.12 meter high): <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Pl. VIII, no. 78, text, p. 25 (and for the type, <i>cf.</i> Roscher, <i>Lex.</i>,
-art. Gorgonen in der Kunst, I, <small>2</small>, p. 1710, ll. 67 f.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1303"><span class="label">1303</span></a> <i>Nike of Archermos</i>, 1891.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1304"><span class="label">1304</span></a> Salzmann, <i>Nécropole de Camiros</i>, Pl. LIII; Bulle, pp. 161–2, fig. 35; <i>cf.</i> Brunn, <i>Griech. Kunstgeschichte</i>,
-I, p. 142. Its diameter is 0.385 meter (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1305"><span class="label">1305</span></a> See R. Kekulé and H. Winnefeld, <i>Bronzen aus Dodona in den koenigl. Museen zu Berlin</i>, Pl. II
-and pp. 13 f.; <i>A. Z.</i>, XL, 1882, Pl. I and pp. 23–27 (Engelmann); Rayet, I, Pl. 17 (S. Reinach);
-Bulle, 83 (right). As the figure is only 0.143 meter tall, it seems to have decorated the rim of a
-bronze bowl. It may be later than the Tuebingen bronze (Fig. 42) and is certainly of a different
-school. The presence of a breastplate proves that it is meant for a warrior and not for a hoplitodrome.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1306"><span class="label">1306</span></a> For a full discussion of this sculptor, see Lechat, <i>Pythagoras de Rhegion</i>, 1905; <i>cf.</i> <i>S. Q.</i>,
-§§ 489–507.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1307"><span class="label">1307</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 59.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1308"><span class="label">1308</span></a> VI, 4.3; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 38; Foerster, 202, 203.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1309"><span class="label">1309</span></a> VI, 6.1; Hyde, 48; Foerster, 200.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1310"><span class="label">1310</span></a> VI, 6.4 f.; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1311"><span class="label">1311</span></a> VI, 7.10; Hyde, 69; Foerster, 183, 189.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1312"><span class="label">1312</span></a> VI, 13.1; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 59; Hyde, 110; Foerster, 176–7; 181–2; 187–8;
-<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 145.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1313"><span class="label">1313</span></a> VI, 13.7; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 117; Foerster, 184.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1314"><span class="label">1314</span></a> VI, 18.1; Hyde, 185; Foerster, 193a.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1315"><span class="label">1315</span></a> Reisch, p. 43, n. 4, wrongly assumed this to be one of the oldest statues of Pythagoras, since
-the same sculptor made the statue of the son Kratisthenes; but the son’s victory was probably
-only two Olympiads later than that of the father, as we have seen.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1316"><span class="label">1316</span></a> VIII, 47; <i>S. Q.</i>, 507. Diogenes repeats the tradition that there were two sculptors of the
-name, one from Rhegion, the other from Samos; also Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 59–60.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1317"><span class="label">1317</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, II, 1881, pp. 332 f.; <i>cf.</i> his <i>Essays on the Art of Pheidias</i>, 1885, p. 323. The recovered
-base of Euthymos’ statue has no footmarks: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 144. Waldstein is followed in his
-ascription of the statues to Euthymos by Urlichs, <i>Arch. Analekt.</i>, 1885, p. 9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1318"><span class="label">1318</span></a> B. B., no. 542 (two views); Furtw. <i>Mp.</i>, p. 171, fig. 70; <i>A. M.</i>, XVI, 1891, pp. 313 f. and Pls. IV,
-and V (two views), (P. Hermann).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1319"><span class="label">1319</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 171–2; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 345–6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1320"><span class="label">1320</span></a> <i>Mon. d. I</i>., X, 1874–78, Pl. II (head); <i>Annali</i>, XLVI, 1874, Pl. L. Arndt, <i>La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg</i>,
-p. 62, doubts if the head belongs to the torso.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1321"><span class="label">1321</span></a> Duetschke, II, no. 77 (= one of two statues); <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, VIII, 1864–68, Pl. XLVI, 6–8, and
-<i>Annali</i>, XXXIX, 1867, pp. 304 f. (Benndorf); Arndt-Amelung, nos. 96–98; <i>cf.</i> <i>A. Z.</i>, XXVII,
-1869, pp. 106 f. and Pl. 24, 2 (Benndorf, <i>Tyrannicides</i> on a Panathenaic amphora in the British
-Museum, etc.), and XXXII, 1875, pp. 163 f. (Duetschke, group of two statues); Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>
-II, 2, 541, 6. Both Duetschke (<i>A. Z.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>) and Furtwaengler (<i>Berl. Philol. Wochenschr.</i>, VIII,
-1888, p. 1448) have shown that it represents an athlete.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1322"><span class="label">1322</span></a> Michaelis, p. 446, no. 36; Clarac, V, 856, 2180. Furtwaengler believes the statue later in
-style than the Louvre boxer.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1323"><span class="label">1323</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, P. Hermann, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 332–3; Arndt, text to B. B., no. 542.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1324"><span class="label">1324</span></a> B. B., no. 361; Amelung, <i>Fuehrer</i>, 210; Duetschke, II, 163; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 165 f. and fig. 66
-(two views); <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 339 f. and Pl. XVII (from a cast); F. W., 458. For three replicas of the
-Riccardi type, see Arndt, text to B. B., 542. Furtwaengler believed this head a prototype of
-the <i>Diomedes</i> of Kresilas known to us from copies in Munich (Pl. XXI); <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 311 f. and
-Pls. XII, XIII; <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 146 f. and figs. 60 (body), and 61 (head, two views); B. B., 128; Brunn, <i>Sitzb.
-Muen. Akad.</i>, 1892, pp. 651 f.; in Paris: Froehner, <i>Notice</i>, no. 128; Clarac, 314, 1438; and
-elsewhere. See <i>supra</i> p. 169.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1325"><span class="label">1325</span></a> Michaelis, p. 367, no. 152; <i>Mp.</i>, p. 172, fig. 71; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 347, fig. 44; A. Z., XXXI, 1874, Pl. III;
-F. W., 459. Kekulé was the first to class it as Myronian: <i>Ueber d. Kopf des Praxitel. Hermes</i>,
-p. 12, 1 (quoted by F. W., <i>l. c.</i>). Graef curiously found it Pheidian: <i>Aus d. Anomia</i>, p. 69, 63.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1326"><span class="label">1326</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 58; <i>cf.</i> <i>Mp.</i>, p. 173.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1327"><span class="label">1327</span></a> <i>La Glypt.</i> <i>Ny-Carlsberg</i>, Pl. XXXVI and p. 60; the other, unpublished, is mentioned <i>ibid.</i> He
-also adds the cast of a lost original statue of a boxer in the Royal Academy of Fine Arts in Copenhagen,
-whose head belongs stylistically to the same series: <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 60–61, and figs. 30 (head),
-31–32 (body). If the head and body belong together it is the only statuary type of the group.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1328"><span class="label">1328</span></a> Kieseritzky, <i>Kat. d. Ermitage</i>, 1901, p. 27, no. 68; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 177, fig. 74; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 353 fig. 46
-(two views).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1329"><span class="label">1329</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, p. 176, fig. 73; <i>Mw.</i>, Pl. XX (two views).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1330"><span class="label">1330</span></a> Text to B. B., no. 542; <i>La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg</i>, text to Pl. XXXVI, p. <small>60</small>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1331"><span class="label">1331</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, 1603, Pl. V, fig. 1; B. B., 224; F. W., 460.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1332"><span class="label">1332</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, XXXVI, 1911, pp. 193 f., and Pl. VII (Athleten Kopf in Athen).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1333"><span class="label">1333</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 59.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1334"><span class="label">1334</span></a> Brunn, pp. 133–4, connected <i>Libyn</i> and <i>puerum</i>, and believed that only one statue was meant by
-Pliny’s sentence, identical with Pausanias’ statue of Mnaseas. Stuart Jones, <i>Select Passages from
-Anc. Writers Illustrative of the History of Gk. Sculpt.</i>, 1895, p. 57, makes two alterations in Pliny’s
-text, inserting <i>et</i> between <i>Libyn</i> and <i>puerum</i>, and replacing <i>tabellam</i> of the MSS. with <i>flagellum</i>.
-The boy holding the whip, then, is Mnaseas’ son Kratisthenes, the chariot victor mentioned by
-P., VI, 18.1. Stuart Jones follows Furtwaengler (<i>Jahrbuecher fuer Class. Philol.</i>, 1876, p. 509) in
-having Pliny translate παῖδα of his Greek authority by <i>puerum</i> instead of <i>filium</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1335"><span class="label">1335</span></a> P. 44.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1336"><span class="label">1336</span></a> Cat. no. 51; Benndorf, <i>Griech. und Sicilische Vasenbilder</i>, I, pp. 13 f. and Pl. IX.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1337"><span class="label">1337</span></a> In his <i>Chrestomathia Pliniana</i>, 1857, p. 320.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1338"><span class="label">1338</span></a> <i>Rheinisches Museum</i>, XLIV, 1889, pp. 264 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1339"><span class="label">1339</span></a> Antigonos of Karystos, <i>apud</i> Zen., V, 82 (passage given by Jex-Blake, p. xxxix and n. 2).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1340"><span class="label">1340</span></a> Ancient writers differed as to the authorship of the statue. Thus P. (I, 33.3), Mela (<i>de Situ
-orbis</i>, II, 3.6), Tzetzes (S. Q., 838–9), and Zenobios (<i>l. c.</i>), say that it was Pheidias, while Pliny
-(<i>H. N.</i>, XXXVI, 17) and Strabo (IX, I. 17, C. 396) say Agorakritos. A fragment of the colossal
-head of the statue came to the British Museum in 1820: <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, p. 460; also fragments
-of the figure on the base, described by P., I, 33.7, were found in 1890 and are now in the National
-Museum in Athens: Kabbadias, 203–14; Frazer, II, p. 457, fig. 40.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1341"><span class="label">1341</span></a> See his Ueber einige Werke des Kuenstlers Pythagoras, in <i>Verhandl. d. 40sten Versamml.
-deutscher Philologen u. Schulmaenner in Goerlitz</i>, Leipsic, 1890 (pp. 329–336), p. 334.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1342"><span class="label">1342</span></a> <i>Archaeolog. Analekten</i>, 1885, p. 9. Lucian, <i>Anachar.</i>, 9, says that apples formed a part of the
-Delphic prize; Dromeus is also known to us as a Pythian victor. In <i>Chrest. Plin.</i>, p. 320, L. von
-Urlichs had identified the <i>nudus</i> as Meilanion or Hippomenes with the apples with which he had
-beaten Atalanta; see <i>S. Q.</i>, § 499, note a.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1343"><span class="label">1343</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 59: <i>Syracusis autem claudicantem, cuius ulceris dolorem sentire etiam spectantes
-videntur</i>. Gronovius, following Lessing, <i>Laokoön</i>, Ch. 2, identified it with a wounded
-Philoktetes: see Bluemner, <i>Comm. zu Lessing’s Laokoön</i>, pp. 508 f.; the words <i>cuius ... videntur</i>
-seem to have been derived from <i>A. Pl.</i>, IV, 112, 1.4 (which refers to a bronze statue of Philoktetes):
-<i>cf.</i> Brunn, p. 134 and Jex-Blake, <i>ad loc.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1344"><span class="label">1344</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Benndorf, <i>Anz. d. Wiener Akad.</i>, 1887, p. 92; von Sybel, <i>Weltgesch. d. Kunst</i>, p. 139.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1345"><span class="label">1345</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 146; Kallias won Ol. 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1346"><span class="label">1346</span></a> In the Plinian passage Leontiskos figures rather as an artist, probably through Pliny’s misunderstanding
-of some Greek sentence in his authority; see L. von Urlichs, <i>Rheinisches Museum</i>,
-XLIV, 1889, p. 261.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1347"><span class="label">1347</span></a> P. 44.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1348"><span class="label">1348</span></a> L. von Sybel, <i>Athena und Marsyas, Bronzemuenze des Berliner Museums</i>, 1879.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1349"><span class="label">1349</span></a> This characteristic is expressed by the word αὐτάρκεια; <i>cf.</i> Plato, <i>Phil.</i>, 67 A; Aristotle, <i>Eth.
-Nicom.</i>, 1, 7.5–6 (&#8239;=&#8239;1097 b); etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1350"><span class="label">1350</span></a> Marble copy of the <i>Marsyas</i> was found in 1823 on the Esquiline and is now in the Lateran
-Museum, Rome: Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II, 1179; Rayet, I, Pl. 33; B. B., 208; Bulle, 95; von Mach, 65a;
-Baum., II, p. 1002, fig. 1210; Collignon, I, pp. 467 f. and fig. 234; F. W., 454; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>,
-15, 6. It is 1.95 meters high (Bulle). It is wrongly restored and only the head can be considered
-approximately faithful to the original. <i>Cf.</i> another copy of the head of Parian marble in the Museo
-Barracco, Rome: Helbig, I, 1104; Reinach, <i>Têtes</i>, pp. 53 f. and Pls. LXVI-LXVII; F. W., 455.
-A fourth-century B.&nbsp;C. bronze statuette from Patras, now in the British Museum, appears also
-to give the motive of the original group in Athens mentioned by Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 57, and
-P., I, 24. 1: <i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, 269; <i>Gaz. Arch.</i>, 1879, Pls. XXXIV-V and pp. 241 f.; <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVII,
-1879, Pl. VIII (two views), pp. 91 f.; Rayet, I, Pl. 34; von Mach, 656; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 51,
-nos. 5 and 7. It is 0.75 meter high. For other representations, see G. Hirschfeld, Athena und
-Marsyas, <i>32stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, 1872, Pls. I and II. For a copy of the head of Athena
-in Dresden, see B. B., 591 (three views).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1351"><span class="label">1351</span></a> Walter Pater, in his <i>Greek Studies</i> (in the essay on The Age of Athletic Prizemen), ed. 1895,
-pp. 309 f., calls the <i>Diskobolos</i> a work of <i>genre</i>. However, the <i>Diskobolos</i> can hardly be called a
-decorative statue, <i>i. e.</i>, “a work merely imitative of the detail of actual life.” On p. 313 he
-rightly classes the <i>Doryphoros</i> as an “academic” work.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1352"><span class="label">1352</span></a> It was formerly in the Palazzo Massimi alla Colonna, and hence is often called the Massimi
-<i>Diskobolos</i>: B. B., no. 567, <i>cf.</i> 256 (head from cast); von Mach, 63; Collignon, I, Pl. XI, opp.
-p. 472; H. B. Walters, <i>The Art of the Greeks</i>, 1906, Pl. XXX; Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl. XIII (head from
-cast); Overbeck, I, fig. 74, opp. p. 274; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 527, 1; for description, see M. D., 1098.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1353"><span class="label">1353</span></a> Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 168 f., <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 341 f., lists three other copies of the head: one in Basel
-(<i>cf.</i> Kalkmann, Proport. des. Gesichts., <i>53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, 1893, pp. 73–74); one at
-Catajo (<i>Mp.</i>, fig. 68; <i>Mw.</i>, fig. 43; Arndt-Amelung, nos. 54–55); and one in Berlin (<i>Mp.</i>, fig. 69).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1354"><span class="label">1354</span></a> H. N., XXXIV, 58: <i>(Myron) videtur ... capillum quoque et pubem non emendatius fecisse
-quam rudis antiquitas instituisset.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1355"><span class="label">1355</span></a> B. B., nos. 631, 632 (restored from bronzed cast; text by Rizzo); Bulle, 98; Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II,
-1363; <i>Boll. d’Arte</i>, I, 1907, pp. 1 f. and Pls. I-III; <i>cf.</i> <i>Zeitschr. fuer bild. Kunst</i>, 1907, pp. 185 f.
-It is pieced together from fourteen fragments; the fragment of the right lower leg was found in
-1910. Height to right shoulder, 1.53 meters (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1356"><span class="label">1356</span></a> Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, 326; <i>Guide</i>, 333; von Mach, 62; Collignon, I, p. 473, n. 1; F. W., 451;
-Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 545, 5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1357"><span class="label">1357</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, no. 250; von Mach. 61; <i>Specimens</i>, I, Pl. XXIX; <i>Museum Marbles</i>, XI,
-Pl. XLIV; <i>Marbles and Bronzes of the British Museum</i>, Pl. XLVII; F. W., 452; Reinach,
-<i>Rép.</i>, I, 525, 5; Clarac, V, 860, 2194 B. It is 5 feet 5 inches tall (Smith).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1358"><span class="label">1358</span></a> H. Stuart Jones, <i>Museo Capitolino Cat.</i>, 1912, no. 50, p. 123, and Pl. 21; Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I,
-788; <i>Guide</i>, 446; Clarac, V, 858 A, 2212. It is 1.48 meters high from lower edge of base to the
-right hand (Jones).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1359"><span class="label">1359</span></a> B. B., no. 566; von Mach, 64; Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, PI. XI; Gardiner, p. 96, fig. 13 (from a copy of
-the Munich cast in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1360"><span class="label">1360</span></a> Pl. no. 97; <i>cf.</i> Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl. XII, and Furtw.-Urlichs, <i>Denkmaeler</i>, Pl. XXXIII.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1361"><span class="label">1361</span></a> <i>Philopseudes</i>, 18; <i>S. Q.</i>, §544; translation of H. Stuart Jones, <i>Select Passages from Ancient
-Writers Illustrative of the History of Greek Sculpture</i>, p. 69.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1362"><span class="label">1362</span></a> For the late Roman one in the Munich Antiquarium, see B. B., text to Pl. 567, fig. 1; F. W.,
-453; for the one in Arolsen, see F. W., 1786.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1363"><span class="label">1363</span></a> <i>B. M. Gems</i>, no. 742, Pl. G; also given in <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, p. 91, fig. 5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1364"><span class="label">1364</span></a> <i>Inst. orat.</i>, II, 13.10: <i>Quid tam distortum et elaboratum quam est ille discobolos Myronis? si
-quis tamen, ut parum rectum, improbet opus, nonne ab intellectu artis abfuerit, in qua vel
-praecipue laudabilis est ipsa illa novitas ac difficultas?</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1365"><span class="label">1365</span></a> Translation by G. F. Hill, in his <i>One Hundred Masterpieces of Sculpture from the Sixth Century
-B.&nbsp;C. to the Time of Michelangelo</i>, 1909, p. 10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1366"><span class="label">1366</span></a> Enumerated above in Ch. III (Attic Sculptors), p. 129, n. 7. The Spartan Lykinos had
-two statues: P., VI, 2.1. As he won in both the hoplite-race and chariot-race, Foerster, 211 a,
-assumed that the two statues represented victor and charioteer, and that they stood upon the
-quadriga, which Pausanias does not mention. I follow Robert, <i>O. S.</i>, p. 172, however, in assuming
-that the two statues represented the victor in the two events.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1367"><span class="label">1367</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 57.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1368"><span class="label">1368</span></a> VI, 8.5; Hyde, 79 (Arkadian) and 79a (Philippos), and commentary on pp. 39 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1369"><span class="label">1369</span></a> The interpretation of Murray, <i>Class. Rev.</i>, I, 1887, pp. 3–4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1370"><span class="label">1370</span></a> The emendation of Loeschke, <i>Dorpaterprogr.</i>, 1880, p. 9; accepted by Reisch, p. 44, n. 3, Richardson,
-p. 151, and others.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1371"><span class="label">1371</span></a> <i>Der Dornauszieher und der Knabe mit der Gans</i>, 1876, p. 89, n. 30.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1372"><span class="label">1372</span></a> Quoted by Jex-Blake, Add. to p. 46, 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1373"><span class="label">1373</span></a> <i>Select Passages from Anc. Writers Illustrative of the History of Gk. Sculpt.</i>, p. 66.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1374"><span class="label">1374</span></a> Mayer, in <i>A. M.</i>, XVI, 1891, pp. 246 f., showed that on vase-paintings of Myron’s time and
-on coins of Elaia, Aeolis, a woman is often represented as standing in the chest, while two men,
-Perseus and the carpenter, stand beside it.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1375"><span class="label">1375</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, the statue of the boy boxer Athenaios of Ephesos was represented in motion, <i>i. e.</i>, in the
-act of sparring, as we see from the footprints on the recovered base: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 168; he won
-some time between Ols. (?) 93 and 103 (&#8239;=&#8239;384 and 368 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 4.1; Hyde, 36; Foerster, 419.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1376"><span class="label">1376</span></a> See Grenfell and Hunt, <i>Oxyrhynchus Papyrus</i>, II, 1899, pp. 222 f.; Robert, <i>O. S.</i>, Beilage,
-opp. p. 192; Diels, <i>Hermes</i>, XXXVI, 1901, pp. 72 f.; Koerte, <i>ibid.</i>, XXXIX, 1904, pp. 224 f.;
-Weniger, <i>Klio</i> (<i>Beitraege zur alten Gesch.</i>), IV, pp. 125 f.; V, pp. 1 f. and 184 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1377"><span class="label">1377</span></a> Late inscriptions mention “Pythian” and “Isthmian boys”: see F. M. Mie, <i>Quaestiones agonisticae
-ad Olympia pertinentes</i>, Diss. inaug., 1888, p. 48; Dittenberger, <i>Sylloge</i>,<sup>2</sup> II, nos. 677–8; the
-ἀγένειοι and ἄνδρες at Nemea are mentioned by Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, VIII, 54. The boys in these contests
-were probably aged 12–16, the ἀγένειοι, 16–20 (<i>cf.</i> Roberts-Gardner, <i>Greek Epigraphy</i>, II,
-p. 166), and the men over 20 years old.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1378"><span class="label">1378</span></a> For Olympia, see P., VI, 2.10; 6.1; 14.1–2; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1379"><span class="label">1379</span></a> <i>C. I. G.</i>, I, 1590.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1380"><span class="label">1380</span></a> Dittenberger, <i>op. cit.</i>, II, no. 524: ἐφήβων νεωτέρων, μέσων, πρεσβυτέρων.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1381"><span class="label">1381</span></a> <i>I. G.</i>, II, 444. For the <i>Panathenaia</i>, see Suidas, <i>s. v.</i> Παναθήναια; Mommsen, <i>Heortologie</i>,
-1864, p. 141; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1382"><span class="label">1382</span></a> P., V, 16.2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1383"><span class="label">1383</span></a> <i>De Leg.</i>, VIII, 833 C, D.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1384"><span class="label">1384</span></a> <i>C. I. G.</i>, inscriptions relating to ephebes, <i>e. g.</i>, I, 232; 1590; Dittenberger, <i>de Ephebis atticis</i>,
-1863, p. 24; Dumont, <i>Essai sur l’Ephébie attique</i>, 1876, pp. 215–16. This classification is followed
-by E. Pottier, <i>B.&nbsp;C.&nbsp;H.</i>, V, 1881, p. 69.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1385"><span class="label">1385</span></a> Bussemaker, in Dar.-Sagl., I, Pt. <small>1</small>, <i>s. v.</i> <i>athleta</i>, p. 517 (also quoted by Pottier), proposed the
-division into παῖδες, 12–16 years old, ἀγένειοι, 16–20, and ἄνδρες, from 20 on. Pollux, VIII, 105,
-and Harpokration, <i>s. v.</i> ἐπιδιετές, give the ephebe age as 18–20; Xen., <i>Cyr.</i>, 1, 2.8, puts the age
-at 16 or 17 for the Persians.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1386"><span class="label">1386</span></a> See <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 56. On the whole subject, see Krause, pp. 262 f., especially p. 263, n. 3;
-Gardiner, pp. 271–2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1387"><span class="label">1387</span></a> VI, 1.3 to VI, 18.7. We also know of 61 other victors with 63 monuments from inscribed
-base fragments recovered at Olympia; these will be treated <i>infra</i> in Ch. VIII, pp. 353 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1388"><span class="label">1388</span></a> See Ch. VIII, <i>infra</i>, p. 339 and notes 3–4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1389"><span class="label">1389</span></a> On <i>Ol.</i>, IX, 150, Boeckh, p. 228; <i>cf.</i> <i>Etym. magn.</i>, <i>s. v.</i> στάδιον, p. 743, 25.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1390"><span class="label">1390</span></a> Thus Apollo beat Hermes in running at Olympia, P., V, 7.10; the Idæan Herakles instituted a
-race among his brothers, P., V, 7.7; and Endymion set his sons to run, and so instituted the boys’
-running race there, P., V, 1.4. The running race appears in the Boread legend, Ph.,3; pseudo-Dio
-Chrysost., XXXVII, p. 296 (Dindorf); it was represented on the Kypselos chest: P., V, 17.10, and
-appears on many archaic vases. On the age of the event, see Grasberger, <i>Erziehung und Unterricht</i>,
-I, 1864, p. 310 and III, 1881, p. 199. The Cretans and the Lacedæmonians sacrificed to
-Apollo δρομαῖος: Plut., <i>Quaest. conviv.</i>, VIII, 4.4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1391"><span class="label">1391</span></a> See Ph., 3, for the four running races; <i>cf.</i>, Plato, <i>de Leg.</i>, 833 A, B.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1392"><span class="label">1392</span></a> Iliad, XXIII, 740 f.; Od., VIII, 120 f. (in l. 121 it is called δρόμος). In some historic games,
-the stade-race remained the only event; <i>e. g.</i>, at the <i>Hermaia</i> on Salamis: <i>C. I. G.</i>, I, 108. For
-the stade-race, see P., I, 44.1; III, 14.3; IV, 4.5, etc. On its origin, see Ph., 5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1393"><span class="label">1393</span></a> Schol. on Aristoph., <i>Aves</i>, 292 (ed. J. W. White, 1914); P., V, 8.6. On its origin, see Ph., 6 and
-<i>cf.</i> Krause, pp. 345 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1394"><span class="label">1394</span></a> Ch. 4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1395"><span class="label">1395</span></a> Suidas, <i>s. v.</i> δόλιχος; schol. on Aristophanes, <i>Aves</i>, 292 (= seven stadia); Boeckh, <i>C. I. G.</i>, I,
-no. 1515, p. 703 (= ordinarily seven stadia); schol. on Soph., <i>Electra</i>, 691. See Krause, I, p. 348,
-n. 13; Grasberger, <i>op. cit.</i>, I, pp. 312 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1396"><span class="label">1396</span></a> Poll., III, 151; schol. on Aristoph., <i>Acharn.</i>, 214; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1397"><span class="label">1397</span></a> P., <i>passim</i>; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1398"><span class="label">1398</span></a> Ph., 7. For two theories of its origin, see <i>ibid.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1399"><span class="label">1399</span></a> P., X, 7.5; Krause, <i>Die Pythien, Nemeen, und Isthmien</i>, pp. 136 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1400"><span class="label">1400</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Plato, <i>de Leg.</i>, I, p. 625 E. Thus the Cretans Ergoteles and Sotades won the distance
-race twice each; Ergoteles in Ols. 77 and 79 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 and 464 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 4.11; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde,
-46; Foerster, 206, 213; Sotades in Ols. 99, 100 (&#8239;=&#8239;384, 380 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 18.6; Hyde, 186; Foerster,
-317, 323. The Cretan Philonides, courier of Alexander the Great, had an honor statue at Olympia:
-P., VI, 16.5; Hyde, 154a. At the games at Trapezous over sixty Cretans entered: Xen.,
-<i>Anab.</i>, IV, 8, 27; <i>cf.</i> Krause, pp. 352 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1401"><span class="label">1401</span></a> <i>De Leg.</i>, VIII, 833 C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1402"><span class="label">1402</span></a> V, 16.3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1403"><span class="label">1403</span></a> V, 8.6; <i>cf.</i> IV, 4.5; VIII, 26.4. His statement about the antiquity of the event is corroborated
-by Plutarch, <i>Quaest. conviv.</i>, V, 2.12, Ph. (= only event until Ol. 14), and Eusebios, <i>Chronika</i>, I,
-p. 193 (ed. Schoene). Gardiner, p. 52, believes that if the Olympic games developed from a
-single event, it was probably not from the stade-race, but from either the fight in armor or the
-chariot-race.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1404"><span class="label">1404</span></a> P., V, 8.6, etc.; Foerster, 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1405"><span class="label">1405</span></a> Discussed by Gardiner, pp. 52 and 272–3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1406"><span class="label">1406</span></a> III, 8 (= Dorieus of Rhodes, who won his second victory in Ol. 88 (&#8239;=&#8239;428 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 7.1;
-Hyde, 61; Foerster, 260); V, 49 (= Androsthenes of Mainalos, who won his first victory in Ol. 90,
-= 420 B.&nbsp;C.: P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 51; Foerster, 267).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1407"><span class="label">1407</span></a> Dittenberger, <i>Sylloge</i><sup>2</sup>, I, no. 256 (= Agesidamos of Messenia, who won in Ol. 140, = 220 B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1408"><span class="label">1408</span></a> V, 8.6; confirmed by Ph., 12, and Eusebios, <i>Chron.</i>, I, p. 193 (ed. Schoene).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1409"><span class="label">1409</span></a> <i>L. c.</i>; corroborated by Ph., 12.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1410"><span class="label">1410</span></a> P., V, 8.9; Eusebios agrees with Pausanias, but Philostratos says Ol. 46 (&#8239;=&#8239;596 B.&nbsp;C.), <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1411"><span class="label">1411</span></a> P., V, 8.10; <i>cf.</i> III, 14.3. It was introduced at Delphi in 498 B.&nbsp;C.: see Gardiner, p. 70.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1412"><span class="label">1412</span></a> On running races, see Krause, I, pp. 337 f.; Gardiner, Ch. XIII, pp. 270 f.; Dar.-Sagl., I, Pt. <small>2</small>,
-pp. 1643 f.; Grasberger, <i>Erziehung und Unterricht</i>, I, pp. 312 f.; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1413"><span class="label">1413</span></a> Fig. <small>37</small> left = <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, I, 1829–33, Pl. XXII, 6b; <i>cf. ibid.</i>, <small>4</small>b, and X, 1874–78, Pl. XLVIII, f,
-and Panathenaic amphora in Dar.-Sagl., I, Pt. <small>2</small>, p. 1643, fig. 2229. Fig. 36A = Gerhard, IV, Pl.
-CCLIX, 1. Also <i>cf.</i> a sixth-century B.&nbsp;C. amphora in Munich, no. 498: <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, X, Pl.
-XLVIII, m; Gardiner, p. 281, fig. 52; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 129, fig. 92 (right); a fourth-century
-Panathenaic amphora: Gardiner, p. 283, fig. 53, from Stephani, <i>Comptes rendus de la comm. impér.
-archéol.</i>, St. Petersburg, 1876, Atlas, Pl. I.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1414"><span class="label">1414</span></a> Ph., 32: οἷον πτερούμενοι ὑπο τῶν χειρῶν.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1415"><span class="label">1415</span></a> The first = <i>B. M. Vases</i>, B 609; Gardiner, p. 280, fig. 51; <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, X, 1874–78, Pl. XLVIII,
-e, 4; G. F. Hill, <i>Illustrations of School Classics</i>, 1903, fig. 390; the second (Fig. 37, right) = <i>Mon.
-d. I.</i>, I, 1829–33, Pl. XXII, 7b; Gardiner, p. 279, fig. 50; Dar.-Sagl., p. 1644, fig. 2230. <i>Cf.</i>
-another in <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, X, Pl. XLVIII, f, 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1416"><span class="label">1416</span></a> National Museum, no. 761.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1417"><span class="label">1417</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Reisch, p. 46.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1418"><span class="label">1418</span></a> On this mode of representing runners, see Schmidt in <i>Muenchener archaeol. Studien zum Andenken
-A. Furtwaengler dargebracht</i>, 1909, pp. 249 f. (especially p. 257).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1419"><span class="label">1419</span></a> See Kalkmann, <i>Jb.</i>, X, 1895, pp. 56 f, and fig. 4, p. 56 (= Gerhard, IV, 256; Murray, <i>Designs from
-Greek Vases</i>, V, 18) two runners; the interior of the same vase also represents such a runner: p. 61,
-fig. 7. <i>Cf.</i> also p. 58, fig. 5 (= Murray, X, 37; <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, IV, 1844–48, Pl. XXXIII), representing
-Hermes on a r.-f. vase of the severe style; also p. 59, fig. 6; etc. Also <i>cf.</i> Juethner, p. 41, fig. 36a (a
-later r.-f. kylix in Munich, no. 803 A), showing a pentathlete running with an <i>akontion</i>. The following
-b.-f. vases, which show representations of such archaic runners, are taken from Perrot-Chipiez,
-X, 1914: the proto-Attic amphora of Nettos, p. 71, fig. 63 (= <i>Ant. Denkm.</i>, I, Text,
-p. 46); cup from Aegina, p. 77, fig. 68 (= <i>A. Z.</i>, XL, 1882, Pl. IX); Corinthian amphora, p. 103,
-fig. 74 (= Pottier, <i>Vases antiques</i>, Pl. LIX, E 855); the Gorgon on the François Vase, p. 165, fig.
-108 (from Furtw.-Reichhold, <i>Griech. Vasenmalerei</i>, Pls. I-III); on neck of an amphora by Pamphaios
-in the Louvre, p. 388, fig. 233 (= Pottier, <i>op. cit.</i>, Pl. LXXXVIII).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1420"><span class="label">1420</span></a> Discussed (wrongly, I think, as Etruscan) by G. H. Chase: <i>A. J. A.</i>, XII, 1908, pp. 287 f.,
-Pls. VIII-XVIII (especially XII-XVIII); Pl. XV = Richardson, p. 69, fig. 27.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1421"><span class="label">1421</span></a> Richter, <i>Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes</i>, no. 46, fig. on p. 30; <i>Museum Bull.</i>, 1911
-(April), pp. 92 f., and fig. 5 (Richter); it is 4–5/8 inches tall.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1422"><span class="label">1422</span></a> No. 1959. It will be discussed in our treatment of hoplitodromes <i>infra</i>, p. 209 and n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1423"><span class="label">1423</span></a> Richter, no. 16, fig. on p. 10; <i>Mus. Bull.</i>, 1909 (May), p. 78 (Robinson); it is 2–7/8 inches tall.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1424"><span class="label">1424</span></a> Richter, no. 62, fig. on p. 43; Mus. Bull., 1913 (Dec.), pp. 268 f. and fig. 7 (Richter); it is 3–1/16
-inches tall.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1425"><span class="label">1425</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, pp. 65 and 74.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1426"><span class="label">1426</span></a> <i>Aegina, das Heiligtum der Aphaia</i>, Pl. XCVI, nos. 32 and 3; in the Glyptothek these are nos.
-78 and 82; see von Mach, Pl. 78 (middle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1427"><span class="label">1427</span></a> The Lapith G and the boy P: Treu, <i>Jb.</i>, III, 1888, pp. 117 f., Pl. V (= Q and F in the new
-arrangement on Pl. VI); Kalkmann, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 75.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1428"><span class="label">1428</span></a> Bulle, 180; it is 0.79 meter high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1429"><span class="label">1429</span></a> <i>Ant. Denkm.</i>, I, Pt. <small>5</small>, 1890, Pl. LVI (text, pp. 45–46, by Winter); B. B., no. 249; Bulle, 92
-(two views) and 93; von Mach, 226; Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II, no. 1353; <i>Guide</i>, 1063; Collignon, II, p.
-361, fig. 184; Gardiner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl. LXXIII; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 419, 7. It is 1 meter high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1430"><span class="label">1430</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Kalkmann, <i>Jb.</i>, X, 1895, pp. 46 f., Pl. I and fig. I in text; he defends this view, <i>ibid.</i>,
-XI, 1896, pp. 197 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1431"><span class="label">1431</span></a> To the fifth by Kalkmann, Bulle, Furtwaengler (<i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1907, Pt. II, pp. 219–220,
-= Hadrianic copy), and others; to the fourth by Winter, Collignon, and von Mach; Collignon, II,
-pp. 359 f., connects it stylistically with the so-called <i>Ilioneus</i> of the Glyptothek, represented in a
-similar pose (= Furtw.-Wolters, <i>Beschr.</i>,<sup>2</sup> 270; B. B., 432; F. W., 1263), and with the <i>Hypnos</i> in
-the Prado, Madrid (= Huebner, <i>Die ant. Bildw. in Madrid</i>, no. 39; Furtw., <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 648 f.; Collignon,
-II, p. 357, fig. 181; F. W., 1287; for small replicas in bronze, see Winnefeld, <i>Hypnos</i>,
-p. 8, n. 2), and assigns all three to the fourth century B.&nbsp;C. and to Skopaic art. Amelung
-assigns the Subiaco youth to Hellenistic times: <i>Mus. and Ruins of Rome</i>, I, fig. 60.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1432"><span class="label">1432</span></a> For a list of ten such interpretations, see de Ridder, <i>Rev. arch.</i>, XXXI, Sér. 3, 1897, p. 265,
-n. 5; and B. Sauer, Der Knabe von Subiaco, <i>Festgabe H. Bluemner ueberreicht</i>, 1914, pp. 143 f.,
-and note <small>1</small> on p. 143.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1433"><span class="label">1433</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, by Bulle; Brizio, <i>Ausonia</i>, I, 1906, p. 21; <i>cf.</i> Winter, <i>l. c.</i>; etc. If a Niobid, he was probably
-wounded in the neck (<i>cf.</i> the one in Milan) and formed part of a group.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1434"><span class="label">1434</span></a> By Lucas, <i>Neue Jahrbuecher f. kl. Altertum</i>, V, 1902, pp. 427 f; <i>cf.</i> <i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, IX,
-1906, pp. 273 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1435"><span class="label">1435</span></a> Formerly by G. Koerte, <i>Jb.</i>, XI, 1896, pp. 11 f.; <i>cf.</i> the Pompeian wall-painting, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 15,
-fig. 2; he has since given up this view: see Sauer, <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1436"><span class="label">1436</span></a> De Ridder, <i>op. cit.</i>, the hands seem to have been placed wrong for this interpretation, though
-Helbig and Amelung find it possible.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1437"><span class="label">1437</span></a> Petersen, <i>Jb.</i>, XI, 1896, pp. 202 f.; such a motive was unknown to antiquity and is based on
-the wrong assumption that a marble hand holding a rope-like object, which was found in the same
-excavations, belongs to the statue: see Helbig, <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1438"><span class="label">1438</span></a> Sauer, in the publication mentioned, believes the riddle best solved by assuming that the
-figure formerly was part of a gable group; see the reconstruction (by Luebke), p. 145, fig. 4. He
-dates it in the second half of the fifth century B.&nbsp;C., contemporary with the <i>Idolino</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1439"><span class="label">1439</span></a> The fleetness of Ladas was often extolled, especially by late Greek and Roman writers: P,
-III, 21.1; Plut., <i>Praecip. ger. reip.</i>, 10; Catullus, LV, 25; Juvenal, XIII, 97; Martial, II,
-LXXXVI, 8, and XC, 5; Seneca, <i>Ep.</i>, LXXXV, 4; Solinus, 7; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1440"><span class="label">1440</span></a> <i>A. Pl.</i>, IV, no. 53; here line 3 was added by Jacobs, and line 4 by Benndorf, from two parodies of
-the epigram in <i>A. G.</i>, XI, 86 and 119; in the first parody ἄλλος stands for Λάδας and Περικλῆς for
-κάμνων. See Benndorf, <i>de anthologiae Graecae Epigrammatis quae ad artes spectant</i>, Diss. inaug.,
-1862, pp. 13 f., and Kalkmann, <i>Jb.</i>, X, 1895, pp. 76–77 and notes. Studniczka (see next note)
-reads line 4: Λάδας, οἱ δ’ ἄλλοι δάκτυλον οὐ προέβαν.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1441"><span class="label">1441</span></a> <i>A. Pl.</i>, IV, 54. Benndorf corrects the Mss. reading of the last half of l. 2 as νεῦρα ταθεὶς ὄνυχι;
-others read the whole line: θυνὸν [= δρόμον] ἐπ’ ἀκροτάτῳ σκάμματι θεὶς ὄνυχα. On the two epigrams,
-see Studniczka, Myron’s Ladas, <i>Ber. saechs. Gesellsch. d. Wiss., Philolog.-histor. Cl.</i>, 52, 1900,
-pp. 329 f. (especially pp. 333 f.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1442"><span class="label">1442</span></a> Reading φυσῶν ... θυμόν for φεύγων ... Θῦμον, “flying from wind-footed Thymos,”
-of Jacobs. On possible readings, see Studniczka, <i>l. c.</i>, pp. 337 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1443"><span class="label">1443</span></a> <i>Sculpt.</i>, p. 69.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1444"><span class="label">1444</span></a> See Kalkmann, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 77–8; Reisch, p. 44; <i>cf.</i> Gercke, <i>Jb.</i>, VIII, 1893, p. 115, on the
-meaning of the words πνεῦμα and ἆσθμα.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1445"><span class="label">1445</span></a> <i>Polyklet u. s. Sch.</i>, p. 17; von Mach, no. 289; B. B., 354.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1446"><span class="label">1446</span></a> No. 249, 249 a; he fixes his victory in Ol. (?) 85 (&#8239;=&#8239;440 B.&nbsp;C.), because of the late dating of
-Myron by Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 49 (<i>floruit</i> Ol. 90 = 420 B.&nbsp;C.: <i>cf.</i> Brunn, I, 142 f.); Furtwaengler
-dated his activity within the first half of the fifth century B.&nbsp;C.: <i>Mp.</i>, p. 182; Robert provisionally
-dates the victory of Ladas in Ol. (?) 76 (&#8239;=&#8239;476 B.&nbsp;C.), though he finds that Ols. 80 and 81 (&#8239;=&#8239;460 and
-456 B.&nbsp;C.) are possible: see <i>O. S.</i>, p. 184; here he dates the sculptor (?) 476–444 B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1447"><span class="label">1447</span></a> <i>Cf. infra</i>, Ch. VIII, p. 365, n. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1448"><span class="label">1448</span></a> Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, nos. 913, 914; <i>Guide</i>, 573, 574; <i>B. Com. Rom.</i>, IV, 1876, Pls. IX-X, pp. 68 f.;
-B. B., 353 (right and left); Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 540, 4, and for the torso, see II, <small>2</small>, 541, 3 (= <i>B.
-Com. Rom.</i>, Pl. XI).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1449"><span class="label">1449</span></a> Helbig, 914.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1450"><span class="label">1450</span></a> Helbig, 913.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1451"><span class="label">1451</span></a> So Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 128, n. 1, <i>Mw.</i>, p. 285, n. 3, and Helbig (3d ed.); on the other hand,
-Reisch (p. 46), B. B., and formerly Helbig (in the first edition of his <i>Guide</i>), have regarded them as
-wrestlers.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1452"><span class="label">1452</span></a> The statuette and relief are pictured in <i>Mon. ant.</i>, XI, 1901, Pl. XXVI, 2, and pp. 402 f. The
-statuette also in Arndt-Amelung, <i>Einzelaufnahmen</i>, no. 552, and Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 540, 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1453"><span class="label">1453</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 126 f., and fig. 51; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 284 f., fig. 38; here the restored parts have been removed
-and his own restoration is given in an outline drawing. See also B. B., no. 129; Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I,
-322; Clarac, 837, 2099.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1454"><span class="label">1454</span></a> Mentioned by P., I, 28.2 and I, 25.1; the inscribed base has been found (see Lolling,
-Ἀρχαιολογικὸν Δελτίον, 1889, p. 35, n. 2). The <i>Perikles</i> is exemplified by two inscribed copies: a
-terminal bust in London: <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, no. 549 and fig. 23 on p. 289; <i>Ancient Marbles in the
-British Museum</i>, 1815, Pl. XXXII; <i>A. Z.</i>, XXVI, 1868, Pl. II, fig. 1 and pp. 1 f. (Conze); Furtw.,
-<i>Mp.</i>, pp. 117 f., Pl. VII and fig. 46 (profile); <i>Mw.</i>, Pl. IX and pp. 270 f.; F. W., 481; a terminal
-bust in the Vatican: Visconti, <i>Iconogr. gr.</i>, 1824–26, I, Pl. XV and p. 178; B. B., no. 156; Helbig,
-<i>Fuehrer</i>, I, 276; Arndt-Bruckmann, <i>Griech. u. roem. Portraets</i>, 413, 414: Bernouilli, <i>Griech.
-Ikonogr.</i>, I, Pl. XI, p. 108; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1455"><span class="label">1455</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 74; in this passage Pliny also mentions an <i>Olympius Pericles</i>. The Naples
-statue has been wrongly restored as a gladiator; it is pictured, minus the restorations, in <i>Mp.</i>, p. 125,
-fig. 50; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 282, fig. 37; <i>cf.</i> Clarac, 870, 2210 and 872, 2210. Furtwaengler connects this statue
-with the bronze one of a certain Diitrephes pierced with arrows, which Pausanias saw on the
-Akropolis, I, 23.3; a basis found there, inscribed with the name Kresilas, supported a votive
-offering of Hermolykos, the son of Diitrephes, to Athena: <i>I. G. B.</i>, 46; <i>C. I. A.</i>, I, 402 (Kirchhoff,
-who opposes the connection); <i>cf.</i> p. 373. The base shows that a figure stood upon it in the pose of
-another figure, which appears on a white-faced Attic lekythos in the Cab. des Médailles in Paris
-(<i>Mp.</i>, p. 124, fig. 48), which Furtwaengler believes a free rendering of the Kresilæan statue.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1456"><span class="label">1456</span></a> In Ols. 83, 84, 85 (&#8239;=&#8239;448–440 B.&nbsp;C.): Afr.; Foerster, 239, 245, 248. Krison is mentioned by
-Plato, <i>Protag.</i>, 335 E, and <i>de Leg.</i>, VIII, 840 A; Aristophanes of Byzantion (<i>apud</i> Zonaras, I, p. 451,
-and <i>apud</i> Hesych., <i>s. v.</i> Γρίσων); Plut., <i>de adul. et amici Discr.</i>, 16; and <i>de Tranqu. anim.</i>, 12; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1457"><span class="label">1457</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 157. He won Ol. (?) 80 (&#8239;=&#8239;460 B.&nbsp;C.): P. VI, 8.1; Hyde, 71; Foerster, 280.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1458"><span class="label">1458</span></a> B. B., no. 321; Bulle, 164, and fig. 93 on pp. 361–2 (cast on round base in Erlangen); von Mach
-72; Collignon, I, p. 417, fig. 215; Rayet, I, Pl. 35; Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, 956; <i>Guide</i>, 617; Zielinski,
-<i>Rhein. Mus.</i>, XXXIX, 1884, pp. 116 f. (who refers the original possibly to Strongylion); F. W., 215.
-For replicas, see <i>Gaz. Arch.</i>, 1881, p. 130; Rayet, text to Pl. 35; and Furtwaengler, <i>Der Dornauszieher
-und der Knabe mit der Gans</i>, 1876, pp. 7 f; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, 1, 344, 6. It was called a runner
-first by Visconti, <i>Opere varie</i>, 1827–31, IV, Pl. XXIII, pp. 163 f., who has been followed by
-Collignon, Zielinski, Rayet, Reisch (p. 46), Richardson (p. 144), and others. It is 0.80 meter
-high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1459"><span class="label">1459</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Overbeck, II, pp. 182–185, and notes 10–24 on p. 186. On p. 183, fig. 186, he gives illustrations
-of the three principal copies—the marble one in the British Museum (a), the bronze statuette
-in Baron Rothschild’s collection in Paris (b), and the Capitoline bronze in Rome (c). He
-brings it into relation with the sculptor Boëthos, who is known to have made seated <i>genre</i> figures
-of boys, <i>e. g.</i>, one in the Heraion at Olympia, P., V., 17. 4 (= S. Q., 1596).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1460"><span class="label">1460</span></a> Von Mach, no. 86; <i>cf.</i> Kekulé, <i>A. Z.</i>, XLI, 1883, p. 244, and F. W., 215.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1461"><span class="label">1461</span></a> See <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, III, pp. 109–110.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1462"><span class="label">1462</span></a> See K. Woelke, Dornauszieher-Maedchen, <i>Jb.</i>, XXIX, 1914, pp. 17–25, figs. 1, 2, etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1463"><span class="label">1463</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, bronze statuettes, formerly in the Dreyfus collection in Paris, dating from the second half
-of the fifteenth century: Bulle, p. 364, fig. 94; <i>Mon. Piot</i>, XVI, 1909, Pl. XII, 3 (nos. 2, 3 = Italian
-bronzes of the same subject in the Louvre and in the collection of Charles Haviland; see text, by
-G. Migeon, pp. 95 f.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1464"><span class="label">1464</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, III, no. 1755 and Pl. VIII; <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, X, 1874–78, Pl. XXX; <i>Annali</i>, XLVIII,
-1876, Pl. N (and pp. 124 f); <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXV, 1877, p. 127, and XXXVII, 1879, p. 19, Pls. II,
-III; Rayet, Pl. 36; von Mach, 284; Bulle, p. 365, fig. 95; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 144, 2. It is
-0.63 meter high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1465"><span class="label">1465</span></a> <i>Gaz. arch.</i>, 1881, Pls. IX-XI; Collignon, I, p. 420, fig. 216; Rayet, text to no. 36; Reinach,
-<i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 143, 7. It is 9.5 inches tall.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1466"><span class="label">1466</span></a> See Lange, <i>Das Motif des aufgestuetzten Fusses</i>, 1879, pp. 9 f.; Reisch, p. 46, n. 5; B. B., no. 67
-(Paris copy); von Mach, 238a (Munich copy), 238b (Louvre copy). See <i>supra</i>, pp. 86–87.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1467"><span class="label">1467</span></a> See E. N. Gardiner, <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIII, 1903, p. 281; on the race, see Gardiner, pp. 285–91, and
-<i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, pp. 280 f.; Krause, I, pp. 353–359; Dar.-Sagl., I, Pt. <small>2</small>, p. 1644; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1468"><span class="label">1468</span></a> At Olympia, P., III, 14.3; Plut., <i>Quaest. conviv.</i>, II, 5; Artemidoros, <i>Oneirokritika</i>, I, 63; Heliod.,
-<i>Aethiop.</i>, IV., <i>init.</i>; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; at Delphi, Krause, <i>Die Pythien, Nemeen, und Isthmien</i>, 1841, p. 26,
-no. 4; at the <i>Panathenaia</i>, Mommsen, <i>Feste d. Stadt Athen</i>, 1898, p. 70. On its origin, see Ph., 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1469"><span class="label">1469</span></a> P., II, 11.8; X, 34.5. In the first passage Pausanias speaks of a victor who won the <i>diaulos</i>
-twice—once γυμνός, the second time σὺν τῇ ἀσπίδι. De Ridder, <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXI, 1897, pp. 211 f.,
-discusses Hauser’s futile argument (<i>Jb.</i>, II, 1887, pp. 95 f.) that the hoplite-runner covered the
-stadion four times, the first and fourth with helmet and shield, the second and third without the
-shield, and conclusively shows that the race was a <i>diaulos</i>. For Athens, see Aristoph., <i>Aves</i>,
-291 f., and scholion. The race was four stades long at Nemea: <i>cf.</i> Ph., 7, and Juethner’s note
-(p. 196).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1470"><span class="label">1470</span></a> Ph., 8; <i>cf.</i> also 24.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1471"><span class="label">1471</span></a> VI, 10.4. In V, 12.8 he says that 25 shields for this race were officially kept in the nave of the
-temple of Zeus.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1472"><span class="label">1472</span></a> We see shield, helmet, and greaves on the vase pictured in Dar.-Sagl., I, <small>2</small>, p. 1644, fig. 2231;
-Baum., III, p. 2110, fig. 2360; on the b.-f. vases in Gerhard, IV, Pls. CCLVII, CCLVIII, and
-CCLXIII; on the b.-f. vases pictured in Schreiber, <i>Bilderatlas</i>, Pl. XXII, figs. 3 (sixth century
-B.&nbsp;C., = Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLVIII) and 5 (= amphora in the British Museum: <i>B. M. Vases</i>, II,
-B 608); we see no greaves on the r.-f. kylix in Berlin (Fig. 41); <i>cf.</i> Krause, pp. 354 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1473"><span class="label">1473</span></a> <i>Jb.</i>, II, 1887, pp. 95 f.; X, 1895, pp. 199 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1474"><span class="label">1474</span></a> P., VI, 10.4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1475"><span class="label">1475</span></a> P., X, 34.5. Mnesiboulos won stade- and hoplite-races at Olympia in Ol. 235 (&#8239;=&#8239;161 A.&nbsp;D.):
-Afr.; Foerster, 712–713; <i>cf.</i> Hitz.-Bluemn., II, <small>2</small>, p. 582. He was also περιοδονίκης in both events.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1476"><span class="label">1476</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, by Ph., 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1477"><span class="label">1477</span></a> A bronze helmet found at Olympia, recently in the possession of the Bishop of Lincoln, is
-pictured in <i>J. H. S.</i>, II, 1881, Pl. XI, 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1478"><span class="label">1478</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on the vase in Dar.-Sagl., I, <small>2</small>, p. 1644, fig. 2231; on the Panathenaic vase in the British
-Museum, already mentioned, dating from the second half of the fourth century B.&nbsp;C.: <i>B. M. Vases</i>,
-II, B. 608; = Gardiner, p. 290, fig. 58; = <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, X, 1874–78, Pl. XLVIII, e, 3; = Baum, III,
-p. 2110, fig. 2361; here the runners are running with the feet flat on the ground.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1479"><span class="label">1479</span></a> In the Cabinet des Médailles of the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 523; Hartwig, <i>Die griech.
-Meisterschalen</i>, 1893, pp. 132–142, Pls. XV, 2 and XVI; Gardiner, p. 286, fig. 54, and <i>J. H. S.</i>,
-XXIII, p. 278, fig. 7; Hoppin, <i>Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases</i>, I, p. 427, no. 58.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1480"><span class="label">1480</span></a> No. 2307; Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLXI; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIII, p. 277, fig. 6; Gardiner, p. 288, fig. 56;
-Dar.-Sagl., II, <small>2</small>, p. 1644, fig. 2232; <i>Jb.</i>, II, 1887, p. 105; <i>cf.</i> similar runners on a r.-f. kylix in the
-British Museum, E 22: Murray, <i>Designs from Greek Vases</i>, no. 18; Hoppin, <i>Hbk.</i>, I, p. 372, no. 21.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1481"><span class="label">1481</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIII, 1903, p. 278, fig. 8; Gardiner, p. 287, fig. 55. It was formerly in Berlin.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1482"><span class="label">1482</span></a> E 818; <i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 285, fig. 12; Gardiner, p. 289, fig. 57; noted by Hartwig, <i>Die griech.
-Meisterschalen</i>, p. 373, no. 8; Hoppin, <i>Hbk.</i>, I, p. 134, no. 69.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1483"><span class="label">1483</span></a> For a reconstruction of the various phases of the armed-race from vase-paintings, see <i>J. H. S.</i>,
-<i>l. c.</i>, p. 279, fig. 9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1484"><span class="label">1484</span></a> See Gardiner, p. 291 and <i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, pp. 284 f. Perhaps this is the explanation of a kylix
-in Berlin (no. 4039), reproduced by Furtwaengler in <i>Samml. Sabouroff</i>, I, Pl. LIII.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1485"><span class="label">1485</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a r.-f. kylix in Munich (no. 1240); <i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 284, fig. 11; Gardiner, p. 292, fig. 59.
-This painting represents a palæstra scene, as is shown by the sponges on the wall.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1486"><span class="label">1486</span></a> 291.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1487"><span class="label">1487</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXV, 71.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1488"><span class="label">1488</span></a> I, 23.9. In 1838 the inscribed base of this statue was found, the inscription being: Ἐπι[χ]αρῖνος
-[ἀνέ]θηκεν ὁ ... Κριτίος καὶ Νης[ι]ώτης ἐπο[ιησ]άτην: <i>C. I. A.</i>, I, 376; Loewy, <i>I. G. B.</i>, 39.
-This shows that Pausanias got his information about the pose from the statue itself and not from
-the inscription. It also gives us the right spelling of the artist’s name.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1489"><span class="label">1489</span></a> First published, long after it had passed from the possession of Herr Tux to the University Collection,
-by Gruneisen in Schorn’s <i>Kunstblatt</i>, 1835, pp. 21 f., and separately the same year. See
-also Hauser in <i>Jb.</i>, II, 1887, pp. 95–107; L. Schwabe, <i>Jb.</i>, I, 1886, pp. 163 f., Pl. IX (= three
-views); de Ridder, <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXI, 1897, pp. 211 f. (reviewed in <i>A. J. A.</i>, II, 1898, pp. 268 f.);
-Collignon, I, p. 305, fig. 152; Bulle, no. 89 (two views); Springer-Michaelis, p. 217, fig. 403a;
-Brunn, <i>Griech. Kunstgesch.</i>, 1893, II, p. 249 f.; F. W., 90; Rouse, p. 174, n. 1; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>,
-543, 5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1490"><span class="label">1490</span></a> Bulle, no. 86.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1491"><span class="label">1491</span></a> <i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, V, 1902, pp. 165–70 and Pl. IV (three views). It was probably made in
-Campania. It is 0.07 meter high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1492"><span class="label">1492</span></a> M. D., 1097; Clarac, 830, 2085.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1493"><span class="label">1493</span></a> Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 204, and n. 4; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 392, and n. 4. He believes that the helmet is not alien
-to the statue as some think, but points out that the head, which is much restored and is akin to
-the <i>Perseus</i>, is wrongly attached to the body. Hauser, <i>Jb.</i>, II, 1887, p. 101, n. 24, because of the
-tree-trunk, does not believe that the statue represents a hoplite-runner; but Furtwaengler shows
-that the tree-trunk offers no objection to restoring a shield to the statue.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1494"><span class="label">1494</span></a> Rayet, II, Pls. 64, 65 (head); B. B., no. 75; Bulle, 88; von Mach, 286; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 154
-1–4; M. W., I, Pl. 48, 216; F. W., 1425; H. B. Walters, <i>The Art of the Greeks</i>, Pl. XLIX; Gardner,
-<i>Hbk.</i>, p. 513, fig. 136; J. Six, <i>De Beteekenis van het Leelijke in de Grieksche Kunst</i>, p. 29; his theory has
-been contested by Kalkman, <i>Jb.</i>, X, 1895, p. 64 and n. 50. The statue is 1.55 meters high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1495"><span class="label">1495</span></a> Bulle, and also Klein (III, pp. 265 f.), believe that Agasias was no mere copyist, while Amelung
-(Becker-Thieme, <i>Lex. d. bild. Kuenstler</i>, I, 113) classes him as one. The inscription on the
-base of the statue dates it about 100 B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1496"><span class="label">1496</span></a> No. 1959; <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1904, pp. 43–56 (Philios) and Pl. I; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, pp. 648–51 and
-fig. 333; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, Pl. on p. 20; Svoronos, I, pp. 89–96, and Tafelbd., I, Pl. XXVI
-(upper left corner); Bulle, 263; E. Schmidt, <i>Muenchner archaeol. Stud. zum Andenken A. Furtwaengler</i>,
-p. 254 and fig. 351; Lechat, p. 206, fig. 25. Its dimensions are 1.01 meters high and 0.72
-meter broad. See p. 194.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1497"><span class="label">1497</span></a> Bulle dates it loosely after the middle of the sixth century B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1498"><span class="label">1498</span></a> He shows that a similar type appears on Athenian dekadrachmai, which were struck soon after
-the date of the battle of Marathon, in any case before 480 B.&nbsp;C.; <i>cf.</i> Babelon, <i>Journ. Int.
-d’arch. Num.</i>, 1905.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1499"><span class="label">1499</span></a> <i>A. Pl.</i>, I, 3, v. 2, and <i>P. l. G.</i>, III, no. 153, p. 500. <i>Cf.</i> also the epigram quoted by Eustathius,
-in the scholion on the Iliad, XXIII, 621, p. 1320, and one by Lucilius, <i>A. G.</i>, XI, no. 84.
-The five events are repeatedly mentioned by Greek writers: Ph., 3, 11, etc.; Artemidoros,
-<i>Oneir.</i>, I, 55; many scholiasts, <i>e. g.</i>, on Pindar, <i>Isthm.</i>, 1, 35, Boeckh, p. 519, and Soph., <i>Electra</i>, 691.
-On the event, see P. Gardner, <i>J. H. S.</i>, I, pp. 210 f.; Gardiner, Ch. XVII, pp. 359 f.; <i>id.</i>, <i>J. H. S.</i>,
-XXIII, 1903, pp. 54 f. (The Method of Deciding the Pentathlon); E. Myers, <i>J. H. S.</i>, II, 1881,
-pp. 217 f.; F. Fedde, <i>Der Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen</i>, 1888, and <i>Ueber den Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen</i>,
-1889; Heinrich, <i>Ueber das Pentathlon d. Griechen</i>, 1892; Pinder, <i>Ueber den Fuenfkampf d.
-Hellenen</i>, 1867; Krause, I, pp. 476–497, and 921 f.; Bluemner, in Baum., I, pp. 512 f; Legrand, in
-Dar.-Sagl., IV, <small>1</small>, pp. 804 f., <i>s. v.</i> <i>Quinquertium</i>. On the order of events and method of deciding
-the victory, see Gardiner, pp. 362 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1500"><span class="label">1500</span></a> <i>Isthm.</i>, I, 26–27.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1501"><span class="label">1501</span></a> Od., VIII, 103. In line 129 he mentions the diskos. Boxing was never a part of the later
-pentathlon.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1502"><span class="label">1502</span></a> P., V, 8. 7; Philostratos, 12; in Ch. 3 he says that it was introduced by Jason.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1503"><span class="label">1503</span></a> P., V, 9. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1504"><span class="label">1504</span></a> Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLIX. See <i>supra</i>, p. 192.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1505"><span class="label">1505</span></a> It represents jumping, javelin-throwing, and diskos-throwing; it is a Panathenaic vase of the
-sixth century B.&nbsp;C. in the British Museum: B 134; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, 1907, Pl. XVIII; Gardiner,
-p. 360, fig. 107; <i>cf.</i> these three events pictured on another amphora of similar date in Leyden:
-<i>A. Z.</i>, XXXIX, 1881, Pl. IX; Gardiner, p. 361, fig. 108. A gymnasium scene (<i>i. e.</i>, figures of a
-jumper, diskobolos, and apparently an akontistes) appears on a r.-f. vase-painting by Douris:
-see Pottier, <i>Douris et les Peintres de Vases grecs</i>, 1904 (engl. ed. 1909), fig. 6; Perrot-Chipiez, X,
-p. 549, fig. 315.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1506"><span class="label">1506</span></a> In addition to those cited we may add the vase in the British Museum, B 142 (= diskos-throwing
-and javelin-throwing); one in Munich, no. 656 (= javelin-throwing and jumping); two others
-in the British Museum, B 136 and 602 (= diskos-throwing); another there, B 605 (= javelin-throwing);
-etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1507"><span class="label">1507</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 162, 163; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 91; upper surface outlined in Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 263, fig. 110;
-<i>Mw.</i>, p. 472, fig. 80. For the discussion of Pythokles, see <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 262 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1508"><span class="label">1508</span></a> Furtwaengler believed in the first century B.&nbsp;C.; Dittenberger and Purgold, in the first
-century A.&nbsp;D.: <i>cf.</i> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, p. 284.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1509"><span class="label">1509</span></a> Gatti, <i>B. Com. Rom.</i>, XIX, 1891, pp. 280 f., Pl. X, 1; <i>cf.</i> Petersen, <i>R. M.</i>, VI, 1891, pp. 304 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1510"><span class="label">1510</span></a> Statuette in the Braccio Nuovo of the Vatican: Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, 32; <i>Guide</i>, 43; Amelung, <i>Vat.</i>,
-I, no. 101 on p. 116, and Pls. XVI, XVII; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 264, fig. 111; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 474, fig. 81; Reinach,
-<i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 549, 2; Clarac, 861, 2184; a black marble statue found at Porto d’ Anzio in 1758, now
-in the Glyptothek: Furtwaengler-Wolters, <i>Beschr. d. Glypt.</i>,<sup>2</sup> no. 458; Clarac, 858, 2175; it is 1.54
-meters high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1511"><span class="label">1511</span></a> <i>Wiener Studien</i>, XXIV, 1902, pp. 398 f.; he is, therefore, against the Pythokles ascription; see
-also Studniczka in <i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, 1906, p. 131.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1512"><span class="label">1512</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> also Hitz.-Bluemn., II, <small>2</small>, pp. 570 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1513"><span class="label">1513</span></a> Hettner, <i>Die Bildw. d. kgl. Antikensamml. zu Dresden</i>, no. 90 (= a doryphoros); Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, Pl.
-XII (whence our plate) and fig. 112 (head from cast, two views), on p. 267; discussion, pp. 265 f;
-<i>Mw.</i>, Pls. XXVI, XXVII (the head from a cast and the restored left forearm omitted) and text,
-pp. 475 f.; Clarac, 948, 2437. Furtwaengler mentions three other copies of the statue and three
-of the head.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1514"><span class="label">1514</span></a> On a fourth-century B.&nbsp;C. Panathenaic prize vase we see an athlete in a similar pose holding a
-diskos in his left hand: <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, X, 1874–78, Pl. XLVIII, g, 10 (quoted by Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>,
-p. 266, n. 6).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1515"><span class="label">1515</span></a> Formerly in the Coll. Pourtalès, and then in the Coll. Gréau: W. Froehner, <i>Cat. des bronzes
-antiques de la Collection Gréau</i>, 1885, Pl. XXXII, p. 204, no. 964; de Ridder, <i>Les Bronzes antiques
-du Louvre</i>, I, 1913, Pl. 19, no. 184, and p. 34; Mahler, <i>Polyklet und seine Schule</i>, pp. 57 f. and
-fig. 13; Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 278, <i>Mw.</i>, p. 490; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 546, 3. It is 0.218 meter
-high. Froehner had interpreted the statuette as that of an oil-pourer, though the position of the
-hands is against it.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1516"><span class="label">1516</span></a> P., VI, 14.13; Hyde, 139 and pp. 54–55; Foerster, 451, 456; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 176.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1517"><span class="label">1517</span></a> Od., VIII, 103 and 128. On jumping, see Krause, I, pp. 383 f.; Gardiner, Ch. XIV, pp. 295 f.; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1518"><span class="label">1518</span></a> IV, 465 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1519"><span class="label">1519</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Stesichoros, <i>apud</i> Athenaeum, IV, 72 (pp. 172 f.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1520"><span class="label">1520</span></a> <i>De Incessu animalium</i>, Ch. 3 (p. 705 a).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1521"><span class="label">1521</span></a> As, <i>e. g.</i>, on the statues at Olympia of the Elean pentathlete Anauchidas (P., V, 27.12) and
-Hysmon (P., VI, 3.10). See <i>supra</i>, p. 164.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1522"><span class="label">1522</span></a> Juethner, <i>Antike Turngeraete</i>, pp. 3–13; Gardiner, Ch. XIV, pp. 295 f. and <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIV,
-1904, pp. 179 f., (especially pp. 181 f.). The following section is taken chiefly from these two
-sources. <i>Cf.</i> also <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, pp. 180–1; Pinder, <i>A. A.</i>, 1864, pp. 230 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1523"><span class="label">1523</span></a> National Museum, no. 9075; <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1883, fig. on p. 190; Juethner, fig. 1; Gardiner, p. 298,
-fig. 60. The inscription = <i>C. I. A.</i>, IV, 422<sup>4</sup>. This weight is 4.5 inches long with concave sides
-and weighs 4 lbs. 2 oz.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1524"><span class="label">1524</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, one of lead, in the British Museum: <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIV, 1904, p. 182; Gardiner, p. 299,
-fig. 61 c. It weighs 2 lbs. 5 oz.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1525"><span class="label">1525</span></a> V, 26.3; the group dates from the second half of the fifth century B.&nbsp;C.: see <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, nos.
-267–9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1526"><span class="label">1526</span></a> <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1883, fig. on p. 104; Juethner, fig. 8; Gardiner, p. 300, fig. 62; Schreiber, <i>Bilderatlas</i>,
-Pl. XXII, fig. 10. It is 10 inches long. (The illustrations show one weight seen from three sides.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1527"><span class="label">1527</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, p. 180, fig. 1101; Juethner, fig. 9; Gardiner, p. 299, fig. 61a (from cast in the British
-Museum). It is probably of diorite and is 11.5 inches long, and weighs over 10 pounds.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1528"><span class="label">1528</span></a> Ch. 55; <i>cf.</i> Lucian, <i>Anach.</i>, 27 (καὶ μολυβδίνας χειροπληθεῖς ἐν ταῖν χεροῖν ἔχοντες, <i>i. e.</i>, cylindrical);
-<i>Etym. magn.</i>, p. 71, 20.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1529"><span class="label">1529</span></a> Such is the limestone <i>halter</i> from Kameiros, Rhodes, in the British Museum; <i>B. M. Guide to
-Gk. and Rom. Life</i>, 1908, fig. 41; Gardiner, p. 299, fig. 61 b. It is 7.5 inches long.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1530"><span class="label">1530</span></a> Juethner, fig. 11.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1531"><span class="label">1531</span></a> Duetschke, II, 22.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1532"><span class="label">1532</span></a> <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, VI, VII, 1857–63, Pl. LXXXII; <i>Annali</i>, XXXV, 1863, pp. 397 f.; Gardiner,
-p. 177, fig. 22.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1533"><span class="label">1533</span></a> See Caelius Aurelianus, <i>de Morb. acut. et chron.</i>, V, 2.38 (= of the early ? fifth century A.&nbsp;D.).
-The imperial physicians recommended them: see Galen and Antyllos, <i>apud</i> Oribasium, <i>Coll.
-Medicin.</i>, ed. Bussemaker et Daremberg, 1851, VI, 14 and 34, respectively; see Krause, I, pp. 395
-f., and Juethner, p. 16.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1534"><span class="label">1534</span></a> Ch. 55.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1535"><span class="label">1535</span></a> <i>De Incessu anim.</i>, Ch. 3 (p. 705a).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1536"><span class="label">1536</span></a> Made by E. O. Gourdin, in Cambridge, U. S. A., July 23, 1921.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1537"><span class="label">1537</span></a> See <i>J. H. S.</i>, II, 1881, p. 218, n. 1; the jump took place at Chester in 1854; here is also
-recorded a standing jump of 13 ft. 7 in. with 23-lb. weights, at Manchester in 1875.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1538"><span class="label">1538</span></a> Mentioned by Pinder, <i>Ueber d. Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen</i> (quoted by Juethner, p. 16).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1539"><span class="label">1539</span></a> So Fedde, p. 22. A record of 49 ft. 3 in. (hop, skip, and jump) was made at Harwich in 1861:
-<i>J. H. S.</i>, II, p. 281, n. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1540"><span class="label">1540</span></a> <i>A. Pl.</i>, 297; <i>cf.</i> schol. on Aristophanes, <i>Acharn.</i>, 213, and other evidence gathered by Gardiner,
-in <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIV, 1904, pp. 70 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1541"><span class="label">1541</span></a> Rutgers, p. 11.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1542"><span class="label">1542</span></a> On the controversy about these jumps, see Gardiner, Fedde, <i>ll. cc.</i>, and <i>A. A.</i>, 1900, pp. 104–6
-(Kueppers, Diels, and Stengel). On Greek jumping, see also Krause, I, pp. 383 f.; Pinder, pp.
-108 f.; Fedde, pp. 14 f.; Grasberger, <i>Erziehung und Unterricht</i>, I, pp. 303 f.; Girard, <i>L’éducation
-athénienne</i>, 1889, pp. 200 f.; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1543"><span class="label">1543</span></a> See Gardiner’s summary in <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIV, 1904, p. 189.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1544"><span class="label">1544</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a r.-f. pelike in the British Museum: <i>B. M. Vases</i>, E 427; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIV, 1904,
-p. 185, fig. 6; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1545"><span class="label">1545</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a r.-f. krater in Copenhagen (?): <i>Annali</i>, XVIII, 1846, Pl. M; Gardiner, p. 303, fig. 64;
-<i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 185, fig. 7 (left-hand figure).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1546"><span class="label">1546</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a r.-f. kylix in Bologna: <i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 186, fig. 8; Gardiner, p. 304, fig. 65; Juethner,
-fig. 16; on interior of an early r.-f. vase, signed by Chelis, in the Louvre, G 15: Pottier, <i>Vases antiques</i>,
-Pl. 89; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 366, fig. 211.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1547"><span class="label">1547</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a r.-f. kylix from Orvieto, formerly in the Bourguignon Coll. in Naples, but now in
-Boston: <i>A. Z.</i>, XLII, 1884, p. 243 (Meier), Pl. XVI, 2b; Reinach, <i>Rép. vases peints</i>, I, p. 454,
-1, 5, 6; <i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 183, fig. 3; Gardiner, p. 305, fig. 66 (interior showing diskobolos, <i>ibid.</i>,
-p. 326, fig. 80 = <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, 1907, p. 20, fig. 9); Juethner, p. 15, fig. 14; Girard, <i>L’éduc.
-athén.</i>, pp. 201, 207, figs. 22 and 27; Hoppin, <i>Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases</i>, p. 423, no. 44; Dar.-Sagl.,
-III, <small>1</small>, p. 5, fig. 3691, IV, <small>2</small>, p. 1055, fig. 6083.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1548"><span class="label">1548</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a b.-f. imitation Corinthian amphora in the British Museum: <i>B. M. Vases</i>, B 48;
-middle figure is given in <i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 183, fig. 4; Gardiner, p. 306, fig. 67; Juethner, fig. 15
-(three figures).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1549"><span class="label">1549</span></a> Inghirami, <i>Mus. Chius.</i>, Pl. CXXV (quoted by Gardiner).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1550"><span class="label">1550</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a Panathenaic amphora in Leyden: <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, 1907 p. 260; on a later r.-f.
-kylix of Euphronios: Klein, <i>Euphronios</i><sup>2</sup>, 1887, p. 306; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIV, 1904, p. 188, fig. 9;
-Gardiner, p. 307, fig. 68.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1551"><span class="label">1551</span></a> <i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, 248, p. 26, fig. 10 (right); <i>Gaz. arch.</i>, 1875, Pl. XXXV, p. 131; Schreiber, <i>Bilderatlas</i>,
-Pl. XXII, no. 15; Murray, <i>Hbk. Gk. Archæology</i>, 1892, p. 123, fig. 53. The diskos is 8.25 inches
-in diameter and is to be dated about 500 B.&nbsp;C. On the other side is represented a jumper, with
-measuring cord in his hands, measuring his leap. A similar figure appears on a metrological
-relief at Oxford: <i>J. H. S.</i>, IV, 1883, Pl. XXXV, p. 335.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1552"><span class="label">1552</span></a> Richter, <i>Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes</i>, no. 81, fig. on p. 54 (three views); <i>Burlington
-Fine Arts Club, Cat. Anc. Gk. Art</i>, 1904, p. 46, no. 37; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, IV, 345, 9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1553"><span class="label">1553</span></a> Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 543, 7 (quoted by Miss Richter).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1554"><span class="label">1554</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, the jumper with <i>halteres</i> on the British Museum pelike already mentioned, E 427; see
-p. 216, n. 10; a still closer resemblance is found in a jumper without <i>halteres</i> on a r.-f. pelike
-discussed in <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIII, 1903, p. 272; Gardiner, p. 309, fig. 69.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1555"><span class="label">1555</span></a> Krause, I, pp. 439 f. <i>E. g.</i>, Apollo unintentionally slays Hyakinthos while contending with
-him in diskos-throwing: Euripides, <i>Helena</i>, 1469 f.; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1556"><span class="label">1556</span></a> Iliad, XXIII, 826 f. Later imitators of Homer use the word also: <i>e. g.</i>, Apoll. Rhod., III, 1366.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1557"><span class="label">1557</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 717; <i>I. G. A.</i>, 370; Juethner, pp. 22–23. A larger block of volcanic rock weighing
-480 kilograms has been found at Santorin with an inscription dating from about 500 B.&nbsp;C. stating
-that one Eumastas lifted it from the ground: <i>I. G.</i>, XIII, no. 449. See <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, 1907,
-p. 2. Such a scene is depicted on the interior of a r.-f. kylix in the Louvre, G 96; <i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>,
-fig. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1558"><span class="label">1558</span></a> Od., IV, 626 and VIII, 186 f. The diskos-throw was well known as a measure: <i>e. g.</i>, Il., XXIII,
-431. Scholiasts tried to show the difference between the <i>solos</i> and the diskos: see Juethner, pp. 19 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1559"><span class="label">1559</span></a> <i>Ol.</i>, X, 72; <i>Isthm.</i>, I, 25.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1560"><span class="label">1560</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a b.-f. amphora in the British Museum: <i>B. M. Vases</i>, B 271; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, Pl. I;
-Gardiner, p. 314, fig. 71; <i>cf.</i> the Panathenaic amphora, B 134 (= Fig. 44); <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII,
-Pl. XVIII.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1561"><span class="label">1561</span></a> <i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, no. 3207; Gardiner, p. 317, fig. 73; <i>Rev. arch.</i>, XVIII, 1891, Pl. XVIII, p. 45.
-It is 6.5 inches in diameter. The inscription is written retrograde.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1562"><span class="label">1562</span></a> See list of fifteen in <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, p. 6; Gardiner, p. 316; eight of these are from Olympia.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1563"><span class="label">1563</span></a> I, 35.5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1564"><span class="label">1564</span></a> Furtwaengler shows that there are numerous representations of Myron’s <i>Diskobolos</i> on gems:
-<i>Die antiken Gemmen</i>, <i>e. g.</i>, Pls. XLIV, nos. 26, 27, and LXVI, 8; <i>cf.</i> also a gem in the British
-Museum: <i>B. M. Gems</i>, 742 and Pl. 11.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1565"><span class="label">1565</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, 1907, pp. 1 f., Pls. I-III, summary on p. 36; <i>Greek Athl. Sports</i>, Ch. XV, pp.
-313 f. <i>Cf.</i> also E. Pernice, <i>Jb.</i>, XXIII, 1908, Zum Diskoswurf, pp. 94 f., who corrects and
-augments the evidence furnished by Gardiner’s article in the <i>J. H. S.</i> On the diskos and mode
-of casting, see also Juethner, pp. 18–36; Krause, I, pp. 442 f.; Grasberger, <i>Erziehung und Unterricht</i>,
-I, pp. 321 f.; <i>Gaz. arch.</i>, 1888, pp. 291 f. (J. Six); Dar.-Sagl., II, <small>1</small>, pp. 277 f.; Fedde, <i>Der
-Fuenfkampf der Hellenen</i>, pp. 37 f.; Girard, <i>L’éduc. athén.</i>, pp. 201 f.; Kietz, <i>Der Diskoswurf
-bei den Griechen</i>, 1892, pp. 15 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1566"><span class="label">1566</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a lekythos from Eretria: <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, p. 23, fig. 12.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1567"><span class="label">1567</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a b.-f. Attic lekythos in the British Museum: <i>B. M. Vases</i>, B 576; <i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, Pl. II;
-Gardiner, p. 328, fig. 82; on a r.-f. kylix: <i>J. H. S.</i>, p. 26, fig. 15; Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCXCIV, no. 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1568"><span class="label">1568</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on the reverse of a r.-f. kylix in the British Museum signed by Pheidippos: <i>B. M. Vases</i>,
-III, Pl. I, E 6; <i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 13, fig. 3; Gardiner, p. 323, fig. 76; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 368, fig.
-214; on a b.-f. kelebe in the British Museum: <i>B. M. Vases</i>, E 361; Gardiner, p. 324, fig. 77; on an
-Attic b.-f. panel-amphora in the University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia: <i>Museum
-Journal</i>, VI, No. 4 (Dec., 1915), fig. 90, p. 170; <i>A. J. A.</i>, XX, 1916, p. 440, fig. 4; (the obverse of
-this vase, representing a boxing scene, is given in our Fig. 56); on a b.-f. amphora pictured by Gerhard,
-IV, Pl. CCLX., and Pernice, <i>l. c.</i>, fig. on p. 98. The left foot is generally forward in this
-position: <i>e. g.</i>, on a r.-f. kylix in Munich, no. 795; <i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 26, fig. 14; the right is forward
-on two b.-f. vases: Gerhard, Pls. CCLIX, 2 (= our Pl. 36 B), and CCLX. On a r.-f.
-amphora in Naples (Pernice, fig. on p. 96), a youth is represented holding the diskos with the
-right hand on the shoulder, against which his face is silhouetted as in the famous archaic relief
-from the Dipylon gate discussed <i>supra</i>, Ch. III, p. 127.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1569"><span class="label">1569</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on the amphora pictured by Pernice, p. 99.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1570"><span class="label">1570</span></a> The left is forward on a r.-f. krater of Amasis from Corneto: <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, p. 16, fig. 5;
-Hartwig, <i>Die griech. Meisterschalen</i>, p. 416, fig. 56a; Gardiner, p. 324, fig. 78; the right is forward
-on a r.-f. pelike in the British Museum: <i>B. M. Vases</i>, E 395; <i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, Pl. III; Gardiner, p.
-325, fig. 79. The left is drawn back in a fifth-century B.&nbsp;C. bronze: <i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 18, fig. 7; <i>Burlington
-Fine Arts Club, Cat. Anc. Gk. Art</i>, 1904, Pl. L. Another example is found on a r.-f. kylix
-in Paris: <i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 27, fig. 17; Hartwig, <i>Die griech. Meisterschalen</i>, Pl. LXIII, 2; Gardiner,
-p. 331, fig. 85.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1571"><span class="label">1571</span></a> For variations, see early fifth-century B.&nbsp;C. coins of Kos in the British Museum: <i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>,
-p. 30, fig. 19; Gardiner, p. 332, fig. 86.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1572"><span class="label">1572</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a Panathenaic amphora in Naples: <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, 1907, p. 32, fig. 20; Juethner, fig.
-31; Gardiner, p. 333, fig. 87; on a b.-f. hydria in the British Museum: <i>B. M. Vases</i>, E 164; <i>J. H. S.</i>,
-<i>l. c.</i>, p. 32, fig. 21; Gardiner, p. 334, fig. 88.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1573"><span class="label">1573</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a r.-f. kylix in Boulogne: <i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 34, fig. 23; Gardiner, p. 335, fig. 89; Hoppin,
-<i>Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases</i>, I, p. 370, no. 11; <i>cf.</i> Beazley, <i>Attic r.-f. Vases in Amer. Mus.</i>, 1918, no. 19
-(= ascribed to Euergides).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1574"><span class="label">1574</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on the kylix just mentioned (the figure to the right).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1575"><span class="label">1575</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, the archaic Pourtalès bronze: Panofka, <i>Cabinet Pourtalès</i>, Pl. XIII, 3; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II,
-<small>2</small>, 545, 3; <i>cf.</i> also another in the Antiquarium in Berlin: <i>Inventar</i>, no. 8570; <i>A. A.</i>, 1904, p. 36,
-n. 7 and fig. on p. 35. The latter is 0.10 meter high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1576"><span class="label">1576</span></a> <i>Mus. Bull.</i>, III, Feb., 1908, pp. 31–36; Richter, <i>Greek, Roman, and Etruscan Bronzes</i>, no. 78,
-p. 49 (three views); <i>Cat. Class. Coll.</i>, pp. 89–90, figs. 52 and 53 (side views); Gardiner, p. 329,
-fig. 83. It is 9.25 inches tall.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1577"><span class="label">1577</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a r.-f. krater in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, no. 561; on another in Munich: <i>cf.</i>
-J. D. Beazley, <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXXI, 1911, Pl. VIII, 2; both quoted by Miss Richter, <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1578"><span class="label">1578</span></a> In the National Museum, no. 7412; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, p. 321 and fig. on p. 270. It
-was found in the sanctuary of the Kabeiroi in Bœotia and is 0.19 meter high. <i>Cf.</i> a similar
-position on a r.-f. amphora in Munich painted by Euthymides: no. 374; published by Hoppin,
-<i>Euthymides and his Fellows</i>, 1917, Pl. II; Furtwaengler-Reichhold, <i>Griech. Vasenmalerei</i>,
-Pl. LXXXI.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1579"><span class="label">1579</span></a> <i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, no. 675; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, p. 22, fig. 11; Murray<sup>2</sup>, 1, p. 274, fig. 59; Gardiner,
-p. 330, fig. 84; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 544, 10. It is 6.5 inches tall.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1580"><span class="label">1580</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> also two very rude bronzes in the British Museum representing diskoboloi: <i>B. M. Bronzes</i>,
-nos. 502 (diskos held up in right hand), 504 (diskos in right hand), the first 3.37 inches tall, the
-other 4.87 inches; the latter has a fillet in the hair and so represents a victor.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1581"><span class="label">1581</span></a> <i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, no. 559; <i>J. H. S.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 17, fig. 6. As the whole lebes is only 18.5 inches tall,
-this lid figure is very small.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1582"><span class="label">1582</span></a> <i>A. A.</i>, 1904, p. 36, fig. 8. <i>Inventar</i>, no. 8569. It is 0.115 meter high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1583"><span class="label">1583</span></a> Published by H. G. E. White in <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXXVI, 1916, pp. 16 f., Pls. I, II and 3 figs, in text.
-Pl. I is the more archaic: Museum no. 6615; <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1883, p. 86; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>,
-p. 267; de Ridder, pp. 281–2, no. 757, and fig. 265. Pl. II is the less archaic: Museum no. 6614;
-<i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1883, p. 46; <i>J. H. S.</i>, X, 1889, pp. 268–9 (E. A. Gardiner); Staïs, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 267;
-de Ridder, pp. 275–7, no. 750, and fig. 257.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1584"><span class="label">1584</span></a> Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, VII, 201, traces its origin to Aetolus, son of Mars. Phrastor won a victory in
-such a contest at Olympia: Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, X, 71. See Krause, pp. 465 f.; Juethner, pp. 36 f.; Gardiner,
-Ch. XVI, pp. 338 f.; <i>id.</i>, <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, 1907, pp. 258 f.; Dar-Sagl., I, <small>1</small>, pp. 226 f.; Pauly-Wissowa,
-I, pp. 1183 f. (Reisch); Girard, <i>L’éduc. athén.</i>, pp. 203 f.; Grasberger, <i>Erziehung und
-Unterricht</i>, I, pp. 327 f., and III, pp. 168 f.; etc. In the following account we are chiefly indebted
-to Juethner and Gardiner.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1585"><span class="label">1585</span></a> See Stassoff <i>apud</i> Stephani, <i>Comptes rendus de la comm. impér. archaéol.</i>, St. Petersburg, 1872,
-p. 302. <i>Cf.</i> Juethner, <i>Ph.</i>, p. 64.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1586"><span class="label">1586</span></a> Iliad, XXIII, 884 f.; <i>cf.</i> 637.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1587"><span class="label">1587</span></a> The athletic style appears on many vases, especially on r.-f. ones; see <i>infra</i>, pp. 223–4 and notes.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1588"><span class="label">1588</span></a> The javelin is held horizontally by the warrior on the interior of a b.-f. kylix in the British
-Museum: <i>B. M. Vases</i>, B 380; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, p. 252, fig. 2; Gardiner, p. 342, fig. 93. It was commonly
-held slopingly over the shoulder level with the head in representations of the athletic style;
-<i>e. g.</i>, the second athlete from the left in the sixth-century B.&nbsp;C. b.-f. Panathenaic amphora in the
-British Museum (Fig. 44): <i>B. M. Vases</i>, B 134; <i>cf.</i> also a similar figure on the sixth-century
-B.&nbsp;C. amphora in Leyden: <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXIX, 1881, Pl. IX; Gardiner, p. 361, fig. 108.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1589"><span class="label">1589</span></a> At Athens as early as the fifth century B.&nbsp;C. there were practical javelin contests from horseback
-with a target, and such contests kept up in Thessaly to the time of Hadrian: Gardiner,
-pp. 356–8. Throwing the javelin at a target from horseback is seen on a Panathenaic
-amphora in the British Museum: Gardiner, p. 357, fig. 106; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, Pl. XX. Pindar
-mentions javelin-throwing three times, and in each case the throw was for distance: <i>Nem.</i>, VII,
-70–1; <i>Isthm.</i>, II, 35; <i>Pyth.</i>, I, 44. Lucian, in a passage referring to the pentathlon at Olympia,
-says that athletes competed for distance: <i>Anacharsis</i>, 27. On this question, see Juethner, pp. 54 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1590"><span class="label">1590</span></a> Hesychios calls it ἀποτομάς, <i>s. v.</i>; see also Pollux, X, 64.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1591"><span class="label">1591</span></a> <i>A. Z.</i>, XLI, 1883, Pl. XIII, 2, and <i>cf.</i> p. 228 (Milchhoefer).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1592"><span class="label">1592</span></a> See Juethner, figs. 34, 35, 36 on pp. 40–41 (representing akontistai holding the javelin in one
-hand and the <i>amentum</i> in the other). Fastening the thong is commonly depicted on vases: <i>e. g.</i>,
-a youth seated on the ground attaching the <i>amentum</i> is pictured on a r.-f. hydria in the British
-Museum: <i>B. M. Vases</i>, E 164; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, p. 32, fig. 25; Gardiner, p. 334, fig. 88; <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>,
-XXIII, 1899, p. 164, fig. 3; on a r.-f. kylix in Wuerzburg (no. 432), a youth is seen winding the
-<i>amentum</i> around the akontion, drawing one end of the thong tight by means of his left foot:
-Juethner, p. 42, fig. 37; Gardiner, p. 340, fig. 91; Dar.-Sagl., III, <small>1</small>, p. 599, fig. 4116; Hoppin, <i>Hbk.
-Attic r.-f. Vases</i>, I, p. 93, no. 7. On a r.-f. amphora from Vulci attributed to Euthymides, and now
-in the British Museum, we see an akontistes holding the spear pointed to the ground and drawing
-the <i>amentum</i> tight preparatory to the throw: <i>B. M. Vases</i>, E 256; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, Pl. XIX;
-Gardiner, p. 348, fig. 99; Hoppin, <i>Euthymides and his Fellows</i>, p. 49, Pls. IX, XI; <i>id.</i>, <i>Hbk.</i>, I,
-pp. 442–3, no. 19. For the various methods of attaching the <i>amentum</i>, see collection of drawings
-from vases in Gardiner, p. 341, fig. 92 = <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, p. 250, fig. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1593"><span class="label">1593</span></a> See <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, pp. 262 f.; Gardiner, pp. 350 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1594"><span class="label">1594</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a r.-f. kylix in Rome: <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, p. 266, fig. 14; Gardiner, p. 354, fig. 104;
-Juethner, p. 48, fig. 43.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1595"><span class="label">1595</span></a> Downwards in the r.-f. amphora in the British Museum, mentioned above, E 256.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1596"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1596"><span class="label">1596</span></a> No. 2667 (Jahn, no. 562 A); <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, 1907, p. 262, fig. 9; Gardiner, p. 349, fig. 100;
-Juethner, p. 47, fig. 41; Hoppin, <i>Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases</i>, p. 198, no. 8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1597"><span class="label">1597</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a r.-f. kylix in the Torlonia collection: <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, p. 264, fig. 11; Gardiner, p. 351,
-fig. 102; Juethner, p. 58, fig. 49.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1598"><span class="label">1598</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, badly done on the Munich kylix mentioned, no. 2667; also on a r.-f. kylix of Panaitios
-from Vulci in Munich, no. 2637 (Jahn, no. 795): <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVI, 1878, p. 66, Pl. XI (= Reinach,
-<i>Rép. vases peints</i>, I, p. 422, 2); <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVII, p. 264, fig. 12; Gardiner, p. 105, fig. 17; Schreiber,
-<i>Bilderatlas</i>, Pl. XXI, 3; Baum., I, p. 613, fig. 672; Hoppin, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 426, no. 54; Dar.-Sagl., II, <small>2</small>,
-p. 1452, fig. 3478; IV, <small>2</small>, p. 1056, fig. 6086; on a r.-f. amphora in Munich (Jahn, no. 408): <i>J. H. S.</i>,
-XXVII, p. 265, fig. 13; Gardiner, p. 353, fig. 103; Furtwaengler-Reichhold, <i>Griech. Vasenmalerei</i>,
-Pl. XLV.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1599"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1599"><span class="label">1599</span></a> P. 48.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1600"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1600"><span class="label">1600</span></a> See <i>23stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1601"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1601"><span class="label">1601</span></a> B. B., no. 273; Bulle, 47, and pp. 97–102 and fig. 18; von Mach, 113; Collignon, I, pp. 488 f.
-and Pl. XII; Rayet, I, Pl. 29; Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl. XXXIV; Springer-Michaelis, p. 276, fig.
-496; F. W., 503.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1602"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1602"><span class="label">1602</span></a> <i>Polyklet u. s. Schule</i>, 1902. For the Apollonios bust, see B. B., no. 336; F. W., 505. An almost
-identical bust—except for a wide fillet around the locks and shoulders—was found in the <i>tablinum</i>
-of the same villa (<i>Invent.</i>, no. 6164). Many of these heads doubtless come from busts or
-statues which decorated gymnasia and palæstræ.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1603"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1603"><span class="label">1603</span></a> Duetschke, III, no. 535 (0.81 meter high).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1604"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1604"><span class="label">1604</span></a> F. W., 507; <i>cf.</i> Rayet, I, text to Pl. 29.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1605"><span class="label">1605</span></a> No. 293; Amelung, <i>Museums and Ruins of Rome</i>, I, pp. 7 f.; <i>id.</i>, <i>Vat.</i>, I, no. 126 on p. 151 and
-Pl. 19; Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, 45; <i>Guide</i>, I, 58; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 545, 10. It is 2.11 meters high
-(Amelung). <i>Cf.</i> Loewy, <i>Lysipp und Seine Stellung in der gr. Plastik</i>, pp. 5–7 and 23–4; Hauser,
-<i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, XII, 1909, pp. 104–14. For other replicas, see Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 228 f.;
-<i>Mw.</i>, pp. 421 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1606"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1606"><span class="label">1606</span></a> Mahler, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 29.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1607"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1607"><span class="label">1607</span></a> As we see from the careful copy on a Berlin gem: Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, p. 31, fig. 3; <i>Guide</i>, I, p. 35,
-fig. 4; and on a funerary relief in Argos: <i>A. M.</i>, III, 1878, pp. 287 f. and Pl. XIII (Furtwaengler);
-B. B., 279A; Collignon, I, p. 491, fig. 250; F. W., 504; <i>cf.</i> <i>Annali</i>, LI, 1879, p. 219 (Brunn);
-Mitchell, <i>Hist. Anc. Sculpt.</i>, 1883, p. 386 and fig. 176.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1608"><span class="label">1608</span></a> The <i>uno crure insistere</i> of Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 56. Here Pliny quotes Varro to the effect
-that Polykleitos’ statues were almost exactly after the same type (<i>paene ad unum exemplum</i>).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1609"><span class="label">1609</span></a> See <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 212 f. and figs. 90 and 91 (head, two views); <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 403 f., and Pls. XXIV,
-XXV. For the statue, see also Furtw.-Wolters, <i>Beschr. d. Glypt.</i><sup>2</sup>, no. 295 (= god or athlete);
-Kekulé, <i>Jb.</i>, III, 1888, p. 37 and Pl. 1 (= Polykleitan and Zeus); B. B., 122.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1610"><span class="label">1610</span></a> <i>De instit. Orat.</i>, V, 12.21.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1611"><span class="label">1611</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 18.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1612"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1612"><span class="label">1612</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, III, 1878, p. 292, n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1613"><span class="label">1613</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 163 and 228; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 420.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1614"><span class="label">1614</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, that of Ktesilaos (= Kresilas; see below) in <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 76; of Polykleitos, <i>ibid.</i>, 55, and
-of Aristodemos, <i>ibid.</i>, 86.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1615"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1615"><span class="label">1615</span></a> This torso is of Pentelic marble, like many of the later victor statues at Olympia, and is fleshier
-than the Naples and Vatican copies: <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., p. 250 and fig. 284 (back view);
-Tafelbd., Pl. LXII, I; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 228, <i>Mw.</i>, p. 420. It is in the Museum at Olympia.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1616"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1616"><span class="label">1616</span></a> The Naples copy is 1.99 meters high; see Kalkmann, Die Proport. des Gesichts in d. gr. Kunst,
-<i>53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, 1893, p. 53; the Olympia torso is 1.10 meters high for the preserved
-part (Treu).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1617"><span class="label">1617</span></a> <i>Pro Imag.</i>, 11.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1618"><span class="label">1618</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, the statue of Polydamas, P., VI, 5.1; the base of the statue of Kallias, <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>,
-no. 146; of Eukles, <i>ibid.</i>, no. 159; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1619"><span class="label">1619</span></a> Collignon, I, p. 490; he believed that the original statue by Polykleitos stood in a Gymnasion
-at Argos.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1620"><span class="label">1620</span></a> <i>Cf. infra</i>, Ch. VIII, p. 342 and n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1621"><span class="label">1621</span></a> Richter, <i>Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes</i>, nos. 87 (pp. 56 f., and fig., showing front and back,
-on p. 57; <i>cf.</i> <i>Cat. Class. Coll.</i>, p. 114, fig. 72; it is from Cyprus), and 88 (fig. on p. 58; <i>Mus. Bull.</i>,
-Dec., 1913, p. 270, Richter). No. 87 is 6.25 inches tall; 88 is 5.56 inches.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1622"><span class="label">1622</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 279 f. Furtwaengler wrongly ascribed the statue of Xenokles to the elder Polykleitos.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1623"><span class="label">1623</span></a> See the fine drawings of these and other groups from tomb no. 17 (of Khety) in Champollion,
-<i>Monuments de l’Égypte et de la Nubie</i>, 1845, IV, Pls. CCCLXXII-CCCLXXVIII; Pl. CCCLXXIII,
-3 = Perrot-Chipiez, I, p. 793, fig. 521; CCCLXXIV, 4 = <i>ibid.</i>, p. 792, fig. 520. Another
-scene from the tomb of Nevothph is pictured in Champollion, Pl. CCCLXIV, I. See also
-<i>Arch. Survey of Egypt, Beni Hasan</i>, Pt. II, 1894, Pl. XV; <i>cf.</i> a poor reproduction of several scenes
-in Springer-Michaelis, p. 27, fig. 68.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1624"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1624"><span class="label">1624</span></a> <i>De Leg.</i>, VII, 796 A, B, C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1625"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1625"><span class="label">1625</span></a> Philostr., <i>Imag.</i>, II, 32 (p. 857), ascribes its origin to Hermes’ daughter Palaistra; Apollodoros, II,
-4.9, says that the same god’s son Autolykos was the teacher of Herakles. Pausanias, I, 39.3, says
-that the systematic instruction in the art began with Theseus. Eustathius, schol. on <i>Il.</i>, XXIII,
-p. 1327, says that Kerkyon discovered it. In a scholion on Pindar, <i>Nem.</i>, V, 49, Boeckh, p. 465,
-Pherekydes and Polemon are quoted as saying that Theseus’ charioteer Phorbas invented the art,
-and Istros is quoted as saying that Athena taught Theseus. At Olympia Herakles was a victor
-in wrestling: P., V, 8.4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1626"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1626"><span class="label">1626</span></a> Ajax (Telamon) and Odysseus contended in a wrestling bout which ended in a draw: Il., XXIII,
-710–734; in line 701, and in Od., VIII, 126, it is called παλαισμοσύνη ἀλεγεινή; it appears among the
-Phaiakians in Od., VIII, 103, 246. It was pictured along with boxing on the shield of Herakles
-by Hesiod: <i>Scut.</i>, 302 (= ἑλκηδόν).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1627"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1627"><span class="label">1627</span></a> P., V, 8.7; Ph., 12.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1628"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1628"><span class="label">1628</span></a> P., V, 8.9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1629"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1629"><span class="label">1629</span></a> On rules and representations of wrestling in literature and art, see especially E. N. Gardiner,
-<i>J. H. S.</i>, XXV, 1905, pp. 14–31; pp. 263–293, and Pls. XI and XII; <i>id.</i>, <i>Greek Athl. Sports</i>, Ch.
-XVIII, pp. 372–401; <i>cf.</i> Krause, I, pp. 400 f; Grasberger, <i>Erziehung u. Unterricht</i>, I, pp. 345 f. An
-excellent account of a wrestling match is found in the oldest Greek prose romance, the <i>Aethiopica</i>
-of Heliodoros, X, 31 f.; <i>cf.</i> also the fine account of a bout between Diomedes and Aias in Quintus
-Smyrnæus: IV, 215 f.; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1630"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1630"><span class="label">1630</span></a> Grenfell and Hunt, <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>, III, 466; discussed by Juethner, with part of the text and translation,
-in his edition of the <i>de Arte gymn.</i> of Philostratos, p. 26. On the method of selecting
-antagonists at Olympia, the number engaged, byes, etc., see Gardiner, pp. 374–5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1631"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1631"><span class="label">1631</span></a> For coins in the British Museum, see Gardiner, p. 373, fig. 109, a, b, c (from Aspendos,
-of the fifth and fourth centuries B.&nbsp;C.), d (from Herakleia in Lucania, of the fourth), e, f (from
-Syracuse, of about 400 B.&nbsp;C.), g (from Alexandria of the time of Antoninus Pius); see also <i>id.</i>,
-<i>J. H. S.</i>, XXV, p. 271, fig. 9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1632"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1632"><span class="label">1632</span></a> See especially, Gardiner, <i>ll. cc.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1633"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1633"><span class="label">1633</span></a> Described by Lucian, <i>Anach.</i>, 24.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1634"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1634"><span class="label">1634</span></a> Described by Quintus Smyrnæus, IV, 215 f. and Nonnos, XXXVII, 553 f.; discussed in <i>J. H. S.</i>,
-XXV, pp. 25 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1635"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1635"><span class="label">1635</span></a> No. 2159; <i>A. J. A.</i>, XI, 1896, p. 11, fig. 9; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXV, p. 270, fig. 8; Gardiner, p. 386, fig.
-116; Furtwaengler-Reichhold, <i>Die griech. Vasenmalerei</i>, III, pp. 73 f., and Pl. CXXXIII; Gerhard,
-<i>Trinkschalen und Gefaesse des k. Museums zu Berlin und anderer Sammlungen</i>, 1848–50,
-Pls. XIX, XX; Overbeck, <i>Griech. Kunstmythol.</i>, III, <i>Apollon</i>, p. 400, n. 1 and Pl. XXIV, 2; W.
-Klein, <i>Die griech. Vasen mit Meistersignaturen</i><sup>2</sup>, 1886, no. 4; Hoppin, <i>Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases</i>, I,
-p. 32, Pl. on p. 33.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1636"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1636"><span class="label">1636</span></a> No. 2444; <i>Trans. Univ. Penn. Mus.</i>, II, 1906–1907, Pl. XXXV, a, and pp. 140 f. (W. N.
-Bates); J. D. Beazley, <i>Attic r.-f. Vases in Amer. Museums</i>, 1918, p. 111 (Lysis, Laches, and
-Lykos group); Gardiner, p. 392, fig. 122.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1637"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1637"><span class="label">1637</span></a> <i>Invent.</i>, 5626–5627; B. B., 354; Comparetti e de Petra, <i>La Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni</i>, 1883,
-Pl. XV, 2 and 3; Bulle, 91; Gardiner, p. 378, fig. 110 (= one statue); von Mach, 289; Reinach,
-<i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 541 (= one statue); etc. They appear to be boys of about sixteen, and consequently
-may represent contestants in the πάλη παίδων. The statues are 1.18 meters high (Bulle). The
-advanced foot in no. 5626 is wrongly restored.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1638"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1638"><span class="label">1638</span></a> Kalkmann, <i>Jb.</i>, X, 1895, p. 64, n. 49 (dolichodromoi).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1639"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1639"><span class="label">1639</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Gardiner, p. 382.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1640"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1640"><span class="label">1640</span></a> <i>Jb.</i>, IV, 1889, pp. 116, n. 8; <i>cf.</i> Benndorf, <i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, IV, 1901, pp. 172–3 and n. 12.
-Mahler wrongly thought that the heads were different: <i>Polyklet u. s. Schule</i>, p. 18; he assigned
-one to the fifth century B.&nbsp;C., the other to the influence of Praxiteles. Benndorf believed the
-two figures to be copies of one statue, later used to make a group.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1641"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1641"><span class="label">1641</span></a> Bulle, no, 90; in the Landesmuseum of Darmstadt: see Adamy, <i>Archaeol. Samml. des grossherz.
-Hess. Museums</i>, 1897, p. 21, no. 19. The figures are only 0.075 meter high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1642"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1642"><span class="label">1642</span></a> Bulle, p. 179, fig. 40; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, IV, 318, 2; for other similar ones, <i>cf. ibid.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 539, 2
-(cover of a cista from Praeneste), 5 (in the Louvre), 6 (in Vienna = E. von Sacken, <i>Die ant. Bronz.
-d. k. k. Muenz-und Ant.-Cabinetes in Wien</i>, 1871, Pl. XLV, 7), and III, 155, 3 (in Forman Collection,
-London).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1643"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1643"><span class="label">1643</span></a> Richter, <i>Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes</i>, no. 124 and fig. on p. 79; it is 4.5 inches high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1644"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1644"><span class="label">1644</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Walters, <i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, no. 639; <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, X, 1877, Pl. XLV, 1 a.; Babelon et Blanchet,
-<i>Cat. des bronzes antiques de la Bibl. Nationale</i>, 1895, no. 935.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1645"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1645"><span class="label">1645</span></a> Παναθήναια, II, Plates.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1646"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1646"><span class="label">1646</span></a> Gardiner, p. 395, fig. 126; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXV, p. 286, fig. 23; Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 328, fig. 81.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1647"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1647"><span class="label">1647</span></a> Gardiner, p. 396, fig. 127; Clarac, 802, 2014.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1648"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1648"><span class="label">1648</span></a> J. Sieveking, <i>Die Bronzen der Samml. Loeb</i>, 1913, pp. 52–4 and Pl. XXI; it is 0.165 meter high.
-Others there listed include one in the British Museum: <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXV, 1905, Pl. XI, b (front
-and back), and text on p. 288; Gardiner p. 398, fig. 129; another from Vienne in Bonn; two in
-Paris, in the de Clercq and Warrocqué collections respectively; and a fifth, whose location is
-unknown. All are of rough Roman workmanship, either of the second or first centuries B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1649"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1649"><span class="label">1649</span></a> See Petersen in <i>R. M.</i>, XV, 1900, pp. 158 f.; Klein, III, pp. 309 f.; Sieveking, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 53, n. 1.
-The copies are in Florence (<i>Galleria di Firenze</i>, III, Pl. 123, 2; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 538, 5); in St.
-Petersburg (<i>Comptes rendus de la comm. impér. archéol.</i>, St. Petersburg, 1867, Pl. I, pp. 5 f., text
-by Stephani; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXV, 1905, p. 290, fig. 25; Gardiner, p. 399, fig. 130; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II,
-<small>2</small>, 538, 1 and 3); in Constantinople, from Antioch (<i>Jb.</i>, XIII, 1898, Pl. XI and pp. 177 f., Foerster;
-<i>Rev. arch.</i>, XXXV, 1899, Pl. XVIII, pp. 207 f., Joubin; <i>J. H. S.</i>, 1905, p. 291, fig. 26; Gardiner,
-p. 400, fig. 131); in the Louvre, from Egypt (no. 361; <i>Jb.</i>, XVI, 1901, fig. on p. 51; Reinach,
-<i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 234, 2); and in the British Museum (<i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, 853 and Pl. XXVII, middle one
-below). In the St. Petersburg copy the arms of the victor are changed around.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1650"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1650"><span class="label">1650</span></a> Duetschke, III, 547; Bulle, 184; von Mach, 288; F. W., 1426; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 523, 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1651"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1651"><span class="label">1651</span></a> Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II, 1382 (= Attic); <i>Jb.</i>, XXV, 1910, Pl. VII, and pp. 171 f. (Bieber = Euphranor);
-<i>cf.</i> <i>R. M.</i>, VI, 1891, p. 304, n. 2 (Petersen = Skopaic); Furtw., <i>Mw.</i>, p. 515, n. 4 (= Skopaic).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1652"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1652"><span class="label">1652</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 80.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1653"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1653"><span class="label">1653</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXV, 71; so Reisch, p. 45, n. 5. See <i>supra</i>, p. 206.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1654"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1654"><span class="label">1654</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXV, 130. It was probably votive in character.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1655"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1655"><span class="label">1655</span></a> Ol. 141 (&#8239;=&#8239;216 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 16.9; Hyde, 167; Foerster, 471; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 179.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1656"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1656"><span class="label">1656</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 164; drawing of the base also in Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 279, fig. 118; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 491, fig. 85.
-The inscription dates from the end of the fifth or beginning of the fourth century B.&nbsp;C., which
-shows that the statue was the work of the younger Polykleitos. Xenokles won sometime
-between Ols. (?) 94 and 100 (&#8239;=&#8239;404 and 380 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI,9.2; Hyde, 85 and p. 41; Foerster, 308.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1657"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1657"><span class="label">1657</span></a> Pp. 45–6; he won in Ol. 83 (&#8239;=&#8239;448 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; P., VI, 9.3; Hyde, 88; Foerster, 285.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1658"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1658"><span class="label">1658</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Lucretius, V, 1282: <i>arma antiqua manus ungues dentesque fuerunt</i>; Hor., <i>Sat.</i>, I, 3.101; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1659"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1659"><span class="label">1659</span></a> Between Epeios and Euryalos, Il., XXIII, 653 f.; Odysseus and Iros, Od., XVIII, 1 f.; <i>cf.</i>
-the match between Entellus and Dares in Virgil, <i>Aen.</i>, V, 362 f.; Polydeukes and Amykos in
-Theokr., XXII, 80 f.; and in Apollon. Rhod., <i>Argon.</i>, II, 67 f. For the Homeric and Virgilian
-matches, see <i>Fencing, Boxing, and Wrestling</i>, 1889 (Badminton Library), pp. 125 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1660"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1660"><span class="label">1660</span></a> Il., XXIII, 653; he uses the same epithet of wrestling, <i>ibid.</i>, 701, and Od., VIII, 126. Eustath.
-<i>ad</i> Il., XXIII, p. 1322, speaks of the πύκτης τλησίπονος.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1661"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1661"><span class="label">1661</span></a> πυκτοσύνη ἀλγινόεσσα: frag. 19, l. 4 (= <i>Philos. Fragm.</i>, ed. Didot, I, p. 104 = Athen., X, 6, p.
-414a). Apollon. Rhod. calls it ἀπηνέα πυγμαχίην, II, 76–7. The parts injured were
-especially the nose, ears, cheeks, chin, and teeth; <i>cf.</i> Krause, p. 516 and n. 18.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1662"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1662"><span class="label">1662</span></a> See Orsi, <i>Museo Ital. di antich. class.</i>, II, Pl. V, p. 808; <i>cf.</i> Juethner, pp. 65–6, and Frothingham,
-<i>A. J. A.</i>, IV, 1888, P. 444.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1663"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1663"><span class="label">1663</span></a> See Krause, pp. 497 f. Ph., 9, says that it was an invention of the Spartans and was first used
-among the Bebrykes.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1664"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1664"><span class="label">1664</span></a> P., V, 7.10; <i>cf.</i> Plut., <i>Quaest. conviv.</i>, VIII, 4.4 (which speaks of victories of Apollo in boxing).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1665"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1665"><span class="label">1665</span></a> P., V, 8.4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1666"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1666"><span class="label">1666</span></a> XXIII, 660.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1667"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1667"><span class="label">1667</span></a> Plut., <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1668"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1668"><span class="label">1668</span></a> The schol. on Pindar, <i>Nem.</i>, V, 89, Boeckh, p. 465, says that Theseus instituted the art of boxing.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1669"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1669"><span class="label">1669</span></a> P., V, 8. 7; Afr., <i>s. v.</i> Onomastos; Ph., 12; <i>Homeric Hymn to Apollo</i>, 149; <i>cf.</i> Foerster, 28. The
-date is also given by Ph., <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1670"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1670"><span class="label">1670</span></a> P., V. 8. 9; Ph., 13.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1671"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1671"><span class="label">1671</span></a> See K. T. Frost, <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, 1906, pp. 213f; Gardiner, Ch. XIX, pp. 402 f.; Krause, pp. 497 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1672"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1672"><span class="label">1672</span></a> See Krause, I, pp. 502 f.; Juethner, pp. 65 f.; Gardiner, pp. 403 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1673"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1673"><span class="label">1673</span></a> Mosso, <i>The Palaces of Crete</i>, 1907, p. 339, and fig. 160 on p. 341. Orsi, <i>l. c.</i>, believes the
-object over the fists in the bronze shield fragment from Mount Ida to be part of a glove, though
-Juethner rejects this view, interpreting it merely as an ornament.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1674"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1674"><span class="label">1674</span></a> Schol. on Plato, <i>de Leg.</i>, VIII, 796 A; Clem. Alexandr., Strom., I, 16.76.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1675"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1675"><span class="label">1675</span></a> ἱμάντας ἐϋτμήτους βοὸς ἀγραύλοιο: Il., XXIII, 684. In the Odyssey Iros and Odysseus fight with
-bare fists.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1676"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1676"><span class="label">1676</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, P., VI, 23.4 and VIII, 40. 3; Apoll. Rhod., <i>Argon.</i>, II, 52–53; <i>cf.</i> Plato, <i>de Leg.</i>, VIII, 830 B.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1677"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1677"><span class="label">1677</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a r.-f. kylix in the British Museum: <i>B. M. Vases</i>, E 63, and Pl. III; Juethner, p. 68,
-fig. 54; Gardiner, p. 403, fig. 132; it represents boxers with bundles of thongs in their hands
-standing before an official.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1678"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1678"><span class="label">1678</span></a> <i>B. M. Vases</i>, E 39; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, Pl. XII; Gardiner, p. 404, fig. 133; Juethner, p. 66, fig. 53;
-Hoppin, <i>Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases</i>, p. 237, Pl. On the interior of another a youth is seen, thongs in
-hand, standing before an altar: Murray, <i>Designs from Gk. Vases in the British Museum</i>, Pl. VI, 24.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1679"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1679"><span class="label">1679</span></a> Museum no. 2444; <i>Trans. Univ. Penn. Mus.</i>, II, 1906–1907, Pl. XXXV, b. and p. 142 (text by
-W. N. Bates).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1680"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1680"><span class="label">1680</span></a> IX, 116. A similar game is mentioned by Plato, <i>Theaet.</i>, XXVII (&#8239;=&#8239;181 A). On both games, see
-Krause, pp. 323 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1681"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1681"><span class="label">1681</span></a> Juethner, pp. 69 f., rightly explains such objects as boxing thongs.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1682"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1682"><span class="label">1682</span></a> Ch. 10; <i>cf.</i> P., VIII, 40.3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1683"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1683"><span class="label">1683</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on the kylix just mentioned, E 39; on a r.-f. amphora in Munich (Jahn, no. 411B): Hartwig,
-<i>Die griech. Meisterschalen</i>, p. 410. fig. 55; on the interior of a r.-f. kylix in Munich, no. 1156:
-Juethner, p. 70, fig. 56; and on the interior of the r.-f. kylix in the British Museum to be discussed,
-E 78 (= Fig. 55): Murray, <i>Designs from Gr. Vases in the B. M.</i>, Pl. XIV, 55; Juethner, p. 72,
-fig. 58; Gardiner, p. 406, fig. 134; on a r.-f. amphora in the Hofmuseum in Vienna by Epiktetos we
-see (figure at the left) a boxer who is just finishing tying the thongs on his left hand and wrist:
-Dar-Sagl., IV, <small>1</small>, p. 755, fig. 5854; Schneider, <i>Arch.-epigr. Mitt. aus Oesterr.</i>, V, 1881, pp. 139 f.,
-and Pl. IV; Hoppin, <i>Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases</i>, p. 334, no. 25, and Pl. on p. 335.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1684"><span class="label">1684</span></a> Tafelbd., Pl. V, no. 4; Textbd., p. 35.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1685"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1685"><span class="label">1685</span></a> P., VIII, 40.5; <i>cf.</i> II, 20. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1686"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1686"><span class="label">1686</span></a> VIII, 40.3. <i>Cf.</i> the statues of Damoxenos and Kreugas by Canova in the Gabinetto di Canova
-of the Vatican, to see in how exaggerated a way a modern sculptor has interpreted the boxing
-bout of these famous athletes: Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, <span class="smcap">I</span>, nos. 136, 137; <i>Guide</i>, 139, 140; Pistolesi, <i>Il
-Vaticano Descritto</i>, IV, 91.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1687"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1687"><span class="label">1687</span></a> <i>De Leg.</i>, VIII, 830 B; Plut., <i>de Profectibus in virtute</i>, IX (80 B); Pollux, III, 150; Bekker,
-<i>Anecd. gr.</i>, 1814–1821, I, P. 62, l. 25.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1688"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1688"><span class="label">1688</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on an amphora in the British Museum: <i>B. M. Vases</i>, B 607; <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, X, 1874–78,
-Pl. XLVIII, e 2; Gardiner, p. 407, fig. 135; Juethner, p. 83, fig. 67; on the Ficoroni Cista in the
-Museo Kircheriano, Rome: Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II, 1752; <i>Guide</i>, 437; Juethner, p. 82, fig. 66, a, c. On
-this cista, see F. Behn, Die ficoronische Cista, <i>Arch. Studie</i>, 1907; O. Jahn, <i>Die ficoronische Cista</i>,
-1852; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1689"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1689"><span class="label">1689</span></a> Late writers generally use the terms σφαῖραι and ἱμάντες ὀξεῖς interchangeably.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1690"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1690"><span class="label">1690</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, ἐπίσφαιρα in Plut., <i>Praecept. ger. resp.</i>, 32 (&#8239;=&#8239;825 e).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1691"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1691"><span class="label">1691</span></a> Juethner, p. 78, fig. 63; Gardiner, p. 409, fig. 137. For this and the delle Terme glove, see
-Huelsen, <i>R. M.</i>, IV, 1889, pp. 175 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1692"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1692"><span class="label">1692</span></a> Juethner, p. 79, fig. 54.; <i>Antichi di Ercolano</i>, Bronzi, II, pp. 411 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1693"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1693"><span class="label">1693</span></a> In the Museo Civico there; mentioned by Juethner, p. 78.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1694"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1694"><span class="label">1694</span></a> Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II, 1145; <i>Guide</i>, 625; Baum., I, p. 524, fig. 566; Juethner, p. 85, fig. 68.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1695"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1695"><span class="label">1695</span></a> The word μύρμηκες, <i>A. G.</i>, XI, 78, may be merely a comic name for the gloves—certain protuberances
-(“metal studs” or “nails” = Liddell and Scott, <i>s. v.</i> looking like warts (μυρμηκίαι); <i>cf.</i>
-Pollux, III, 150.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1696"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1696"><span class="label">1696</span></a> <i>Aen.</i>, V, 404–5; 468–71.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1697"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1697"><span class="label">1697</span></a> <i>B. M. Vases</i>, E 39; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, 1906, Pl. XII.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1698"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1698"><span class="label">1698</span></a> <i>B. M. Vases</i>, E 78; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, Pl. XIII; Gardiner, p. 436, fig. 151.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1699"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1699"><span class="label">1699</span></a> <i>Mus. Journ.</i>, VI, no. 4 (Dec., 1915), p. 169, fig. 89; text by Dr. S. B. Luce, who believes this
-class of vases to be a prototype of the “Nolan” vases; another “Nolan” amphora is given, <i>ibid.</i>,
-fig. 90 (also published in <i>A. J. A.</i>, XX, 1916, p. 440, fig. 4), which shows a diskobolos, who is
-holding a diskos in a way similar to that on a r.-f. kelebe in the British Museum (<i>B. M. Vases</i>,
-B 361; Gardiner, p. 324, fig. 77). On the division of Attic b.-f. amphoræ into “panel-amphoræ”
-and “red-bodied amphoræ,” see H. B. Walters, <i>Hist. Anc. Pottery, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman</i>,
-1905, I, pp. 160–62.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1700"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1700"><span class="label">1700</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 149.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1701"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1701"><span class="label">1701</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 155 (renewed); the date of the victory is given by P., VI, 7.8; Hyde, 65; Foerster,
-263.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1702"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1702"><span class="label">1702</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 147, 148. The statue stood equally on both feet, the left being slightly advanced.
-He won in Ol. 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1703"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1703"><span class="label">1703</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 165 (renewed); base drawn in outline in Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 288, fig. 123; <i>Mw.</i>,
-p. 503, fig. 90. He won in Ol. 82 (&#8239;=&#8239;452 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; P., VI, 13.6; Hyde, 115; Foerster, 376.
-Here the body weight rested upon the left foot, the right being flat on the ground and turned to
-one side, <i>i. e.</i>, in the old scheme of Hagelaïdas and his school.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1704"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1704"><span class="label">1704</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 159 (renewed); <i>I. G. B.</i>, 86. This statue was in the same attitude as that of
-Aristion and was slightly over life-size. He won some time between Ols. (?) 90 and 93 (&#8239;=&#8239;420
-and 408 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 6.2; Hyde, 52; Foerster, 297.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1705"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1705"><span class="label">1705</span></a> Michaelis, p. 446, no. 35; Clarac V, 946, 2436 A (wrongly = Antinous). See Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>,
-pp. 288 f. (and fig. 124); <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 503 f. (and fig. 91). Height 1.75 meters (Michaelis).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1706"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1706"><span class="label">1706</span></a> Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 246, fig. 99; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 447, fig. 69; a headless copy in Lansdowne House:
-Michaelis, p. 438, 3; Clarac, V, 851, 2180 A. Here the present head is of different marble from
-the torso and does not belong to it; the body forms recall those of the <i>Doryphoros</i>. It is 1.49
-meters high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1707"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1707"><span class="label">1707</span></a> <i>Not. Scav.</i>, 1888, pp. 289 f. (Barracco); <i>Atti dell’ Accad. di Napoli</i>, 1889, pp. 35 f. (Sogliano);
-<i>R. M.</i>, IV, 1889, pp. 179 f. (Huelsen); Kalkmann, Die Proport. d. Gesichts in d. gr. Kunst,
-<i>53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, 1893, Pl. III (profile and front views), and fig. on p. 68 (head);
-B. B., no. 614 (statue), 615 (head, two views); Juethner, p. 84; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1708"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1708"><span class="label">1708</span></a> Furtwaengler (<i>Statuenkopien im Altertum</i>) and Sogliano (<i>l. c.</i>) date the statue in the period of
-Augustus.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1709"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1709"><span class="label">1709</span></a> B. B., no. 613; Kalkmann, Die Prop. des Gesichts, Pls. I (statue) and II (head, two views).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1710"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1710"><span class="label">1710</span></a> B. B., nos. 132, 134–5; F. W., 462.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1711"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1711"><span class="label">1711</span></a> Pl., <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 50 and 79. For this view, see text to B. B., no. 614. Furtwaengler had
-suggested Lykios as the sculptor of the <i>Oil-pourer</i>: <i>Mp.</i>, p. 259.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1712"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1712"><span class="label">1712</span></a> Though winning in Ol. 65 (&#8239;=&#8239;520 B.&nbsp;C.), his statue was set up later by his son: P., VI, 10.1–3;
-Hyde, 93 and p. 42; Foerster, 137. The word σκιαμαχεῖν (lit. “to fight in the shade,” and hence
-to practice in the gymnasium) is used synonymously with χειρονομεῖν in the sense “to spar:” Plato,
-<i>de Leg.</i>, VIII, 830 C; P., VI, 10.3; Pollux, III, 150; etc. <i>Cf.</i> Paul’s phrase in <i>I Corinthians</i>, 9, 26.
-A derived meaning is “to fight with a shadow”: <i>e. g.</i>, Plato, <i>Apol.</i>, 18 D; etc. Dio Chrysostom, <i>Or.</i>,
-XXXII (367 M), speaks of χειρονομοῦντες as gymnasium practisers. See Krause, pp. 510 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1713"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1713"><span class="label">1713</span></a> The κώρυκος was such a bag used by athletes: <i>cf.</i> the proverb, πρὸς κώρυκον γυμνάζεσθαι, “to labor
-in vain”: Diog., 7, 54. The Ficoroni cista has been mentioned <i>supra</i>, p. 237, n. 4. The description
-and use of the bag are given by Ph., 57.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1714"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1714"><span class="label">1714</span></a> Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, 704; <i>Guide</i>, II, 207.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1715"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1715"><span class="label">1715</span></a> Amelung, <i>Vat.</i>, I, 372 B, pp. 554–5 and Pl. LVIII; Clarac, 883, 2256. It is 0.535 meter high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1716"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1716"><span class="label">1716</span></a> <i>Beschr.</i>, no. 469; Overbeck, <i>Griech. Kunstmyth.</i>, III, <i>Apollon</i>, pp. 218 f. and fig. 14 (restored),
-interpreted the torso as that of an Apollo; but the Phrygian coin there pictured (Muenztafel, IV,
-31), of the time of Lucius Verus, may merely show that the motive later was transferred to the god.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1717"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1717"><span class="label">1717</span></a> <i>Bronzen v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., pp. 21–2; Tafelbd., Pl. VIII, no. 57. It is only 0.112 meter high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1718"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1718"><span class="label">1718</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, <i>Bronzen v. Ol.</i>, Pl. VIII, nos. 51–54 (statuettes); Pl. VI, nos. 59 and 63 (arm and right
-lower leg respectively); <i>cf.</i> Reisch, p. 39.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1719"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1719"><span class="label">1719</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, I, 1880, p. 199. See B. B., no. 51; F. W., 89; etc. Theagenes won in Ols. 75, 76
-(&#8239;=&#8239;480, 476 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; P., VI, 11.2 f.; Hyde, 104; Foerster, 191, 196.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1720"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1720"><span class="label">1720</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 168. He won some time between Ols. (?) 99 and 103 (&#8239;=&#8239;384 and 368 B.&nbsp;C.): P.,
-VI, 4.1; Hyde, 36; Foerster, 419.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1721"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1721"><span class="label">1721</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 158; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 98; he won some time between Ols. (?) 95 and 100 (&#8239;=&#8239;400 and 380
-B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 6.3; Hyde, 54; Foerster, 319.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1722"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1722"><span class="label">1722</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 186; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 176. He won two victories in boxing some time between Ols. (?) 144
-and 147 (&#8239;=&#8239;204 and 192, B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 15.6; Hyde, 147; Foerster, 510, 512 (who dates the artist
-toward the middle of the second century B.&nbsp;C.; but I have followed the earlier dating of Hiller von
-Gaertringen, <i>Woch. f. kl. Philol.</i>, X, 1893, p. 856, which date has been accepted by Dittenberger).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1723"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1723"><span class="label">1723</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 174.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1724"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1724"><span class="label">1724</span></a> VI., 8.5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1725"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1725"><span class="label">1725</span></a> See Hyde, <i>de olymp. Stat.</i>, pp. 39–41. There
-Ol. 80 or 84 (&#8239;=&#8239;460 or 444 B.&nbsp;C.) has been suggested
-for the original victory.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1726"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1726"><span class="label">1726</span></a> Philippos won some time between Ols. (?) 119 and 125 (&#8239;=&#8239;304 and 280 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 79 a.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1727"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1727"><span class="label">1727</span></a> Hitz.-Bluemn., II, <small>2</small>, p. 575, in discussing my solution of the difficulty, call it “<i>sinnreich, aber
-doch ungemein kompliziert</i>,” and the assumption that a victor would use an older statue of a fellow
-countryman to celebrate his own victory “<i>sehr bedenklich</i>.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1728"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1728"><span class="label">1728</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Dittenberger, <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, p. 296.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1729"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1729"><span class="label">1729</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 41. See also <i>supra</i>, p. 188.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1730"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1730"><span class="label">1730</span></a> <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, X, 1874–78, Pl. II (head, two views); <i>Annali</i>, XLVI, 1874, Pl. L and pp. 51 f.
-(Brizio); Photo. Giraudon, no. 1207.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1731"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1731"><span class="label">1731</span></a> Furtwaengler sees in this statue a work by Pythagoras: <i>Mp.</i>, p. 171 f.; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 345 f.; Brizio,
-<i>l. c.</i>, ascribes it to Hagelaïdas.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1732"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1732"><span class="label">1732</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, pp. 180–1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1733"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1733"><span class="label">1733</span></a> On the pankration, see Gardiner, Ch. XX, pp. 435 f.; <i>id.</i>, <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, 1906, pp. 4 f. and
-Pls. III-V; Krause, I, pp. 534 f.; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1734"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1734"><span class="label">1734</span></a> For the etymology, see Plato, <i>Euthydem.</i>, 271 C, D; definition, Pollux III, 150; Plut., <i>Quaest.
-conviv.</i>, II, 4 (containing also fanciful etymologies of πάλη); <i>cf.</i> Philostr., <i>Imag.</i>, II, 6 (containing
-a full account of the contest in the description of the death of Arrhachion); <i>cf.</i> schol. on
-Plato, <i>de Rep.</i>, I, 338 C, D.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1735"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1735"><span class="label">1735</span></a> <i>Vita Demonactis</i>, 49 (against biting).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1736"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1736"><span class="label">1736</span></a> <i>L. c.</i> (against biting and gouging).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1737"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1737"><span class="label">1737</span></a> <i>Aves</i>, 442–3; <i>Pax</i>, 898–9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1738"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1738"><span class="label">1738</span></a> E 78; another example is seen on a r.-f. kylix in Baltimore: Gardiner, p. 437, fig. 152; <i>J. H. S.</i>,
-XXVI, p. 9, fig. 3; Hartwig, <i>Die griech. Meisterschalen</i>, Pl. LXIV; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 629, fig. 350.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1739"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1739"><span class="label">1739</span></a> <i>Nem.</i>, II, III, V; <i>Isthm.</i>, IV, V, VI, VII, VIII.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1740"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1740"><span class="label">1740</span></a> Frag. 19, l. 5 (<i>ap.</i> Athenæum, X, 6 = 414 a).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1741"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1741"><span class="label">1741</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Mahaffy, in his <i>Old Greek Life</i>, 1886, p. 56; see Gardiner, pp. 435–7, in refutation of
-such an exaggerated view.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1742"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1742"><span class="label">1742</span></a> <i>De Leg.</i>, VIII, 832 E; 834 A.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1743"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1743"><span class="label">1743</span></a> Older writers, <i>e. g.</i>, Faber, <i>Agonisticon</i> (published in 1592), I, 9, p. 1828, thought that the glove
-was used, an opinion long ago refuted by Krause, I, p. 539, n. 2. Waldstein, <i>J. H. S.</i>, I, 1880,
-p. 185, wrongly says that the pancratiast sometimes wore gloves. Pausanias does not mention
-them, nor do we see them on any of the vase-paintings.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1744"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1744"><span class="label">1744</span></a> VI, 6.5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1745"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1745"><span class="label">1745</span></a> VI, 15.5. <i>Cf.</i> also V, 17.10, where, in describing the boxing match between Admetos and
-Mopsos represented on the chest of Kypselos, he says οἱ δὲ ἀποτετολμηκότες πυκτεύειν—a hint of
-the dangerous character of boxing.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1746"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1746"><span class="label">1746</span></a> <i>Oneir.</i>, 1, 62. This, at best, seems to be an exaggeration.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1747"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1747"><span class="label">1747</span></a> Philostr., <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1748"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1748"><span class="label">1748</span></a> VIII, 40.3–5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1749"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1749"><span class="label">1749</span></a> To Theseus: schol. on Pindar, <i>Nem.</i>, V, 89, Boeckh, p. 465; <i>cf.</i> schol. on <i>Nem.</i>, III, 27, Boeckh,
-p. 442; to Herakles: P., V, 8.4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1750"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1750"><span class="label">1750</span></a> P., V, 8.8; Ph., 12; and Afr.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1751"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1751"><span class="label">1751</span></a> P., V, 8.11; Ph., 13.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1752"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1752"><span class="label">1752</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, at Nemea; Pindar composed <i>Nem.</i>, V, in honor of the boy Pytheas of Aegina, who
-won in (?) 485 B.&nbsp;C.; it was introduced at Delphi in the 61st Pythiad: P., X, 7.8; at the Isthmus
-in mythical times: P., V, 2.4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1753"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1753"><span class="label">1753</span></a> Collected by Gardiner, <i>op. cit.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1754"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1754"><span class="label">1754</span></a> Described by Lucian, <i>Anachar.</i>, I.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1755"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1755"><span class="label">1755</span></a> This throw is depicted on the walls of the tombs of Beni-Hasan on the Nile and is practised
-to-day by the Japanese; it is described by Dio Cassius, LXXI, 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1756"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1756"><span class="label">1756</span></a> Κλιμακισμός: described by Soph., <i>Trachiniae</i>, 520 f., and the schol.; see also Ovid, <i>Met.</i>, IX, 51.
-<i>Cf.</i> <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, 1906, pp. 15–16.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1757"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1757"><span class="label">1757</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on four Græco-Roman gems in the British Museum pictured in <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, p. 10,
-fig. 4; Gardiner, p. 447, fig. 162.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1758"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1758"><span class="label">1758</span></a> <i>B. M. Vases</i>, B 604; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, Pl. III; Gardiner, p. 442, fig. 157.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1759"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1759"><span class="label">1759</span></a> E 78.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1760"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1760"><span class="label">1760</span></a> Mentioned by Plato, <i>Alcibiades</i>, I, 107 E; Ph., 50; Pollux, III, 150; Suidas, <i>s. v.</i> ἀκροχειρίζεσθαι
-and <i>s. v.</i> Σώστρατος; Lucian, <i>Lexiphanes</i>, 5; <i>de Saltatione</i>, 10; Reisch, <i>ap.</i> Pauly-Wissowa, I, p. 1197;
-Hitz.-Bluemn., II, <small>2</small>, p. 548; Grasberger, <i>Erziehung und Unterricht</i>, I, pp. 349–50; Krause, I, pp.
-421 f., 510 f.; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, pp. 13–15, where Gardiner discusses the word in ancient writers
-and concludes that it had nothing to do with wrestling, but only with boxing (both the separate
-event and part of the pankration), and meant “to spar lightly with an opponent for practice.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1761"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1761"><span class="label">1761</span></a> He won three victories in Ols. (?) 104, (?) 105, and 106 (&#8239;=&#8239;364–356 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 4.1; Hyde, 37;
-Foerster, 349, 353, 359. This explanation of Pausanias has been accepted by Krause and most
-modern authorities, but is found untenable by Gardiner, who bases his interpretation, not on Pausanias,
-but on the accurate definition of Suidas.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1762"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1762"><span class="label">1762</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, VI, 1882, pp. 446 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1763"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1763"><span class="label">1763</span></a> He won in Ols. 81 and 82 (&#8239;=&#8239;456 and 452 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; P., VI, 4.3; Hyde, 38; Foerster,
-202, 203; <i>cf.</i> Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 59. He was probably merely represented in the preliminary
-tactics of getting a grip.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1764"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1764"><span class="label">1764</span></a> See Reisch, p. 46; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 120.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1765"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1765"><span class="label">1765</span></a> <i>Anz. d. Wiener Akad.</i>, 1887, pp. 86 f. (Benndorf); Reisch, <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1766"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1766"><span class="label">1766</span></a> A. de Ridder, <i>Les bronzes antiques du Louvre</i>, I, 1913, Pl. 63, no. 1067, and p. 131 (= pancratiast);
-<i>Rev. arch.</i>, 1869, II, p. 292; Bulle, no. 96 (right); Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 543, 4. It is 0.275
-meter high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1767"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1767"><span class="label">1767</span></a> See <i>supra</i>, p. 167.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1768"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1768"><span class="label">1768</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 55. Hauser, <i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, XII, 1909, pp. 116 f. His reasoning is accepted
-by Bulle.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1769"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1769"><span class="label">1769</span></a> <i>Ges. Stud. zur Kunstgesch.</i>, Festschr. fuer A. Springer, 1885, pp. 260.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1770"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1770"><span class="label">1770</span></a> See <i>S. Q.</i>, 1463–67.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1771"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1771"><span class="label">1771</span></a> <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. LV, 4–5; Textbd., pp. 212 f., and fig. 239; F. W., no. 336; <i>cf.</i> Immerwahr,
-<i>Kulte und Mythen Arkadiens</i>, I, 1891, p. 288.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1772"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1772"><span class="label">1772</span></a> <i>Archiv fuer lateinische Lexikographie u. Grammatik</i>, IX, 1894, 1, pp. 109 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1773"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1773"><span class="label">1773</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, p. 249, n. 2; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 451–2; he adduced two passages from Ovid’s <i>Met.</i>, XIV, 402 (<i>saevisque
-parant incessere telis</i>), and XIII, 566–7 (<i>telorum lapidumque incessere iactu coepit</i>).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1774"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1774"><span class="label">1774</span></a> This explanation has been followed by Treu, <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>; Sittl, <i>Parerga zur alten Kunstgesch.</i>,
-p. 24; Klein, II, pp. 362 f.; Jex-Blake, p. 235; and others.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1775"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1775"><span class="label">1775</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 146; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 41. He won in Ol. 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; P., VI, 6.1; Hyde,
-50; Foerster, 208.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1776"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1776"><span class="label">1776</span></a> <i>Collection Somzée</i>, 1897, Pls. 3–5; see Hyde, to no. 50, on p. 8. Its quiet and reserved pose
-recalls that of the <i>Pelops</i> of the East gable of the temple of Zeus at Olympia (<i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>,
-Tafelbd., Pl. IX, 2; Textbd., pp. 46 f.). Because of its archaic grace, though it shows no trace
-of archaic stiffness, it might even be referred to the school of Kritios and Nesiotes.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1777"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1777"><span class="label">1777</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 153; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 29. He won the pankration in Ols. 87, 88, 89 (&#8239;=&#8239;432–424 B.&nbsp;C.);
-P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 61; Foerster, 258, 260, 262.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1778"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1778"><span class="label">1778</span></a> VI, 2.1; to be discussed <i>infra</i>, Ch. VI, pp. 293 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1779"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1779"><span class="label">1779</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXI, 1897, pp. 592 f. Agias was not only a victor at Delphi three times, at Nemea
-five times, and at the Isthmus five times, but was also an Olympic victor in the pankration,
-Ol. (?) 80 (&#8239;=&#8239;460 B.&nbsp;C.): see inscription, <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 593, and for the date of the Olympic
-victory, K. K. Smith, in <i>Class. Philol.</i>, V, 1910, pp. 169 f.; <i>cf.</i> <i>A. J. A.</i>, XIII, 1909, pp. 447 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1780"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1780"><span class="label">1780</span></a> Duetschke, III, no. 547; Amelung, <i>Fuehrer</i>, 66; B. B., 431; Bulle, 184; von Mach, 288; F. W.,
-1426; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 523, I; Clarac, V, 858 A, 2176; M. W., I, XXXVI, 149; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI,
-1906, p. 19; Gardiner, p. 449, fig. 163. The group is 0.98 meter high and 0.71 meter broad
-(Duetschke).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1781"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1781"><span class="label">1781</span></a> Bulle dates it at the beginning of the third century B.&nbsp;C.; both he and Amelung believe it to
-be the work of a follower of Lysippos; see also B. Graef, <i>Jb.</i>, IX, 1894, pp. 119 f., who believes that
-the original heads of the group are preserved, the one still on the under pancratiast, the other on
-the statue of a Niobid in the Uffizi (Duetschke, III, no. 253), the head now on the upper pancratiast
-being a modern copy of it. See Amelung’s reply in <i>A. A.</i>, 1894, pp. 192 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1782"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1782"><span class="label">1782</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, von Mach, Pls. 265 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1783"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1783"><span class="label">1783</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXVI, 24; see note <i>ad loc.</i> by Jex-Blake.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1784"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1784"><span class="label">1784</span></a> <i>Aeth.</i>, X, 31, 32; quoted in full by Krause, II, pp. 912 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1785"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1785"><span class="label">1785</span></a> Duetschke, Wolters, von Mach, and Lucas (the latter in <i>Jb.</i>, XIX, 1904, pp. 127 f. and figs.)
-thought that the wrestling groups on the Roman mosaic of the Imperial period found in Tusculum
-in 1862 were influenced by the Florence group: <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, VI, VII, 1857–63, Pl. LXXXII;
-<i>Annali</i>, XXXV, 1863, pp. 397 f.; Schreiber, <i>Bilderatlas</i>, Pl. XXIII, 10; Gardiner, p. 177, fig. 22.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1786"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1786"><span class="label">1786</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXV, 1905, p. 30.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1787"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1787"><span class="label">1787</span></a> He won in Ol. 142 (&#8239;=&#8239;212 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 15.10; <i>cf.</i> V., 21.10; Hyde, 150; Foerster, 474, 475.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1788"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1788"><span class="label">1788</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, by Gardiner, p. 146.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1789"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1789"><span class="label">1789</span></a> Bulle, no. 72; B. B., 285; von Mach, 236; Collignon, II, p. 427, fig. 222; Overbeck, II, p. 448,
-fig. 221; F. W., 1265; M. W., 1, Pl. XXXVIII, 152; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 465, 1, 2, 3; Clarac, V, 789,
-1978; Gardiner, p. 147, fig. 21; etc. It is 3.17 meters high (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1790"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1790"><span class="label">1790</span></a> An excellent one is in the Uffizi: Amelung, <i>Fuehrer</i>, 40; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 474, 1; a colossal
-replica was found in the sea off Antikythera: <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1902, Suppl., Pl. B, 7; one in the Pitti
-Gallery will be mentioned immediately.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1791"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1791"><span class="label">1791</span></a> <i>I. G. B.</i>, 345.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1792"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1792"><span class="label">1792</span></a> Duetschke, II, no. 36; Amelung, <i>Fuehrer</i>, p. 134; B. B., 284; M. W., XXXVIII, 151; Reinach,
-<i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 210, 5. For the inscription, see <i>I. G. B.</i>, 506; it has been needlessly attacked as a forgery—an
-ancient one by Winckelmann, <i>Mon. Inediti</i>, pp. LXXVI f., and a modern one by Maffei,
-<i>Ars critica</i>, III, <small>1</small>, p. 76 (both quoted by Duetschke), and more recently by Stephani, <i>Der ausruhende
-Herakles</i>, pp. 164 f. The inscription is at least as old as the sixteenth century, as it is
-mentioned by Flaminius Vacca (see Duetschke).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1793"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1793"><span class="label">1793</span></a> <i>Numism. Chron.</i>, Sér. 3, III, 1883, Pl. I, 5, p. 9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1794"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1794"><span class="label">1794</span></a> Mentioned by Strabo, VI, 3.1 (= C. 278), and described by the late writer Niketas, <i>Chron. de
-signis Constant.</i>, 5 (who wrongly calls Lysippos Lysimachos).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1795"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1795"><span class="label">1795</span></a> <i>Gesch. d. bild. Kuenste</i>, II<sup>2</sup>, PP. 245 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1796"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1796"><span class="label">1796</span></a> P. 234.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1797"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1797"><span class="label">1797</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. II, 2a and 2; Textbd., pp. 10–11; F. W., 323.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1798"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1798"><span class="label">1798</span></a> <i>De olymp. Stat.</i>, p. 56.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1799"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1799"><span class="label">1799</span></a> On the “<i>finsterer Blick</i>” of this class of victor monuments, see Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. 173; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 348;
-and <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Text, pp. 10–11.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1800"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1800"><span class="label">1800</span></a> Thus Furtwaengler assigns it to the statue of the Akarnanian pancratiast (Philandridas)
-mentioned by Pausanias, VI, 2.1; see <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, p. 11. I have assigned an earlier marble
-head to Philandridas, <i>infra</i>, pp. 293 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1801"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1801"><span class="label">1801</span></a> So Overbeck, II, p. 168; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 534; F. W., <i>l. c.</i>; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1802"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1802"><span class="label">1802</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. III, 3, 3a; Textbd., pp. 11–12; F. W., no. 324.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1803"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1803"><span class="label">1803</span></a> <i>De olymp. Stat.</i>, p. 56.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1804"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1804"><span class="label">1804</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> P., VI, 20, 13: ἐπίδειξις ἐπιστήμης τε ἡνιόχων καὶ ἵππων ὠκύτητος; Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, III, 36 f.:
-θαητὸν ἀγῶνα ... ἀνδρῶν τ’ ἀρετᾶς πέρι καὶ ῥιμφαρμάτου διφρηλασίας.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1805"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1805"><span class="label">1805</span></a> On the hippodrome and its events at Olympia and elsewhere, see A. Martin, in Dar.-Sagl., III,
-<small>1</small>, 1900, pp. 193 f. (art. <i>Hippodromos</i>); on the chariot, Saglio, <i>ibid.</i>, I, <small>2</small>, pp. 1633 f. (art.
-<i>Currus</i>); K. Schneider, in Pauly-Wissowa, VIII, pp. 1735 f.; Julius, in Baum., I, pp. 692 f.; Pollack,
-<i>Hippodromica</i>, Diss. inaug., 1890; Gardiner, Ch. XXI, pp. 451 f.; Krause, I, pp. 557 f.; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1806"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1806"><span class="label">1806</span></a> See Isokrates, XVI (<i>de Bigis</i>), 33 (p. 353 c); Xenophon, <i>de Re equestr.</i>, II, <small>1</small>; Aristotle, <i>Politics</i>,
-VI, 3.2 (&#8239;=&#8239;1289 b 35), VIII, 7.1 (&#8239;=&#8239;1321 a 11); Plut., <i>de Adul. et Amic.</i>, Chs. 7 and 16 (latter quoting
-Karneades). On the expense of horse-breeding (ἱπποτροφία), see also Xen., <i>Ages.</i>, I, 23; <i>id.</i>,
-<i>Oecon.</i>, II, 6; Plut., <i>Ages.</i>, XX, 1; Pindar, <i>Isthm.</i>, II, 38; IV, 29; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1807"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1807"><span class="label">1807</span></a> The first, second, and fourth, according to Thukyd., VI, 16; the first, second and third, according
-to Eurip., <i>fragm.</i> 3 (= <i>P. l. G.</i>, II, p. 266), and Isokr., <i>de Bigis</i>, 34 (p. 353 d). See Foerster, 275.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1808"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1808"><span class="label">1808</span></a> See <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>, II, p. 222.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1809"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1809"><span class="label">1809</span></a> Besides 24 victories of both in various running races. The older part of the inscription (with
-a chariot-group in relief) was discovered by Leake: see <i>Travels in the Morea</i>, 1830, II, p. 521, and
-Pl. 71 (at the end of III); better reproduction by Dressler and Milchhoefer, <i>A. M.</i>, II, 1877,
-pp. 318 f.; <i>I. G. A.</i>, 79; Tod, <i>Sparta Museum Cat.</i>, no. 440. The newer portion is discussed in <i>B.
-S. A.</i>, XIII, 1906–07, pp. 174 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1810"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1810"><span class="label">1810</span></a> See Hill, <i>Coins of Sicily</i>, pp. 43 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1811"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1811"><span class="label">1811</span></a> VIII, 38.5; see <i>Exped. scientif. en Morée</i>, 1831–1838, II, p. 37, and Pls. XXXIII, XXXIV.
-It was 240 by 105 meters in extent, though the actual course was probably only a stade long.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1812"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1812"><span class="label">1812</span></a> See list in Pauly-Wissowa, VIII, pp. 1743–4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1813"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1813"><span class="label">1813</span></a> Described by P., V, 15.5 f., and VI, 20.10 f. For its position, see Doerpfeld, <i>Ergebn. v. Ol.</i>, I,
-p. 78; Curtius u. Adler, <i>Olympia und Umgegend</i>, 1882, p. 30; Boetticher, <i>Olympia: Das Fest u.
-seine Staette</i><sup>2</sup>, 1886, p. 119; G. Herrmann, <i>de Hippodromo olympiaco</i>, 1839 (= <i>Opusc.</i>, VII, pp. 388).
-Five attempts at reconstruction are given by Hitz.-Bluemn., II, <small>2</small>, pp. 643 f., and Pl. VI: those of
-Visconti (1796); A. Hirt (<i>Gesch. d. Baukunst bei d. Alten</i>, 1827, III, pp. 148 f., and Pl. XX, 8;
-reproduced in Baum., I, p. 693, fig. 750; Smith, <i>Dict. Antiq.</i><sup>3</sup>, 1890, I, p. 963; Frazer, IV, p. 83,
-fig. 6); Lehndorff (<i>Hippodromos</i>, 1876); Pollack (<i>op cit.</i>, p. 52); Wernicke (<i>Jb.</i>, IX, 1894, p. 199).
-To these should be added those of A. Martin (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 198, fig. 3844); Weniger (<i>Klio</i>, IX, 1909,
-p. 303, the <i>aphesis</i> transcribed by Gardiner, p. 453, fig. 164). See also Guhl u. Koner, <i>Das Leben
-d. Gr. u. Roem.</i><sup>6</sup>, 1893, pp. 233 f. and Fig. 271 (= restoration of Pollack), and <i>cf.</i> Krause, I,
-p. 150, n. 9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1814"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1814"><span class="label">1814</span></a> See Blass, in <i>Hermes</i>, XXIII, 1888, p. 222 (n. 1); R. Schoene, <i>A. A.</i>, 1897, pp. 77–8; <i>id.</i>, <i>Jb.</i>,
-XII, 1897, pp. 150 f. (Neue Angaben ueber den Hippodrom zu Olympia); Gaspar, in article on
-<i>Olympia</i> in Dar.-Sagl., IV, <small>1</small>, p. 177 and n. 5; Frazer, V, p. 617; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1815"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1815"><span class="label">1815</span></a> VI, 20.8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1816"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1816"><span class="label">1816</span></a> Il., XXIII, 262–650. The four-horse chariot-race fills more than one and one-half times as
-many verses as the seven other contests combined (vv. 651–897). Homer’s description was often
-imitated by later poets, especially by Sophokles, <i>Electra</i>, 698–763 (race at Delphi); Nonnos,
-<i>Dionys.</i>, XXXVII, 103–484; Quintus Smyrnæus, IV, 500–595; Statius, <i>Theb.</i>, VI, 274–527; etc.
-Hesiod describes a race as wrought on Herakles’ shield: <i>Scut.</i>, 305 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1817"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1817"><span class="label">1817</span></a> P., V, 10.6–7; VI, 21.6–7; VIII, 14.10–11; etc.; Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, I, 67 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1818"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1818"><span class="label">1818</span></a> Diod., IV, 73.3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1819"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1819"><span class="label">1819</span></a> VIII, 4.5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1820"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1820"><span class="label">1820</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Nestor won at the games of Amarynkeus, Iliad, XXIII, 630 f. On such myths, see
-Krause, I, pp. 558 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1821"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1821"><span class="label">1821</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, the race between Pelops and Oinomaos was represented on the chest of Kypselos, P., V,
-17.7, and in the sculptures on the East gable of the temple of Zeus at Olympia, P., V, 10.6–7.
-It appears also on many early vases: <i>e. g.</i>, on the François vase in Florence and the Amphiaraos
-vase in Berlin. For the latter, see <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, X, 1874–78, Pls. IV-V; <i>Annali</i>, XLVI, 1874, pp. 82 f.
-(Robert); Gardiner, p. 29, fig. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1822"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1822"><span class="label">1822</span></a> V, 8.7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1823"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1823"><span class="label">1823</span></a> See Plato, <i>de Rep.</i>, III, 19 (= 412 B); Isokr., <i>de Bigis</i>, 33 (p. 353 c); Dio Cassius, LII, 30;
-Hdt., I, 167; Andok., 4, 26 (<i>Contra Alcib.</i>); Soph., <i>Electra</i>, 698; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1824"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1824"><span class="label">1824</span></a> VI, 2.2; he won in the hoplite-race and chariot-race in Ols. (?) 83, 84 (&#8239;=&#8239;448, 444 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde,
-12; Foerster, 211 A.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1825"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1825"><span class="label">1825</span></a> Foerster thinks that the story arose from the small size of one of the horses in the monument
-of Lykidas.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1826"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1826"><span class="label">1826</span></a> These and the following figures are given in the Constantinople MS. The length of the four-horse
-chariot-race there given agrees with passages in Pindar (<i>Ol.</i>, II, 50; III, 33; VI, 75; <i>cf.</i>
-<i>Pyth.</i>, V, 33, for Delphi) and the scholiasts (on <i>Ol.</i>, III, 59, Boeckh, p. 102, and <i>Pyth.</i>, V, 39,
-Boeckh, p. 380). See also Pollack, <i>Hippodromica</i>, pp. 103 f., and Gardiner, p. 457.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1827"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1827"><span class="label">1827</span></a> P., V, 8.10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1828"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1828"><span class="label">1828</span></a> Length stated by the MS. and by a scholiast on Pindar, <i>Pyth.</i>, V, 39, Boeckh, p. 380.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1829"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1829"><span class="label">1829</span></a> Those of Troilos of Elis, who won in Ol. 103 (&#8239;=&#8239;368 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 6; Foerster, 345;
-<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 166; and of Akestorides of Alexandria in the Troad, who won between Ols. 142 and
-144 (&#8239;=&#8239;212 and 204 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 13.7; Hyde, 119 and pp. 49–50; Foerster, 501; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 184.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1830"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1830"><span class="label">1830</span></a> For the date, see P., V, 8.10; Xen., <i>Hell.</i>, I, 2.1; for the event, Krause, I, pp. 567 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1831"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1831"><span class="label">1831</span></a> Troilos, already mentioned, who won in Ol. 102 (&#8239;=&#8239;372 B.&nbsp;C.) and had a statue by Lysippos:
-P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1832"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1832"><span class="label">1832</span></a> Euryleonis: P., III, 17.6; Foerster, 344.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1833"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1833"><span class="label">1833</span></a> The συνωρίς was introduced at Delphi in 398 B.&nbsp;C., while the ἅρμα τέλειον was introduced there
-in 582 B.&nbsp;C.: see Dar.-Sagl., III, <small>1</small>, p. 202, for these and other dates of equestrian events at
-the Pythian games.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1834"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1834"><span class="label">1834</span></a> <i>B. M. Vases</i>, B 130.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1835"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1835"><span class="label">1835</span></a> The date is given in the Armenian version of Afr.; <i>cf.</i> also P., V, 8.11.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1836"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1836"><span class="label">1836</span></a> P., V, 8.8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1837"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1837"><span class="label">1837</span></a> P., V, 8.11.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1838"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1838"><span class="label">1838</span></a> XV, 679–84; Hesiod, <i>Scut.</i>, 285 f. On myths relating to it, see Krause, I, p. 582, n. 1. We
-read of <i>equi desultorii</i> at the games inaugurated by Cæsar in Rome: Sueton., <i>Julius</i>, 39. See
-<i>supra</i>, p. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1839"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1839"><span class="label">1839</span></a> VI, 13.9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1840"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1840"><span class="label">1840</span></a> P., V, 9.1. Polemon, frag. 21 (= <i>F. H. G.</i>, III, p. 122), <i>apud</i> schol. on Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, V, Argum.
-(Boeckh, p. 117), says that the κάλπη ceased in Ol. 84 (&#8239;=&#8239;444 B.&nbsp;C.), if we accept Boeckh’s correction
-πδʹ for οδʹ. A scholiast on Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, V, lines 6 and 19 (Boeckh, pp. 119 and 122) says Ol. 85
-(&#8239;=&#8239;440 B.&nbsp;C.); another on <i>Ol.</i>, VI, Argum. (Boeckh, p. 129), says Ol. 85 or Ol. 86. But Ol. 85 may
-be reconciled with Pausanias’ and Polemon’s date by assuming that the proclamation of abolition
-fell in Ol. 84, but that the event was first omitted in Ol. 85; see Bentley, <i>Diss. upon the
-Epistles of Phalaris</i>, p. 200 (ed. W. Wagner).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1841"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1841"><span class="label">1841</span></a> VI, 9.2; Hyde, 84.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1842"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1842"><span class="label">1842</span></a> V, 9.1; he won Ol. 70 (&#8239;=&#8239;500 B.&nbsp;C.); Foerster, 157.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1843"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1843"><span class="label">1843</span></a> Anaxilas of Rhegion, whose victory fell sometime between Ols. (?) 70 and 76 (&#8239;=&#8239;500 and 476
-B.&nbsp;C.), and was celebrated by Simonides, frag. 7 (= <i>P. l. G.</i>, III, p. 390); Agesias of Syracuse,
-whose victory fell Ol. (?) 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 B.&nbsp;C.), and was celebrated by Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, VI; and Psaumis of
-Kamarina, whose victory, falling Ol. (?) 81 (&#8239;=&#8239;456 B.&nbsp;C.), was sung by the pseudo-Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, V
-(= <i>P. l. G.</i>, I, pp. 109 f.); he also won in the chariot-race in Ol. (?) 82 (&#8239;=&#8239;452 B.&nbsp;C.), a victory
-sung by Pindar in <i>Ol.</i>, IV. See Foerster, nos. 173, 210, 234, and 238.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1844"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1844"><span class="label">1844</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 220, 221; Foerster, 601.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1845"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1845"><span class="label">1845</span></a> The corrupt text of Africanus is here corrected by Gelzer, <i>S. Jul. Afr. und die byzant. Chronographie</i>,
-1880, I, pp. 168 f. Gardiner, p. 165, n. 3, wrongly gives the victory of Germanicus as
-Ol. 194, thus confusing it with that of Tiberius.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1846"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1846"><span class="label">1846</span></a> Foerster, 642–647.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1847"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1847"><span class="label">1847</span></a> Ol. 208 (&#8239;=&#8239;53 A.&nbsp;D.); Foerster, 634.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1848"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1848"><span class="label">1848</span></a> Most of the gems representing such contests, however, refer to the Roman circus.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1849"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1849"><span class="label">1849</span></a> For illustrations of the two, see Dar.-Sagl., I, <small>2</small>, pp. 1636 f., figs. 2203 f., and <i>cf.</i> Gardiner,
-pp. 458 f.; an excellent illustration of a four-horse chariot and driver is seen on an Attic-Corinthian
-goblet (dinos) in the Louvre: Perrot-Chipiez, X, Pl. II, opp. p. 116; also several at rest and
-racing on the <i>François Vase</i>: Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 141, fig. 93, p. 154, fig. 101 (= Furtw.-Reichhold,
-<i>Griech. Vasenmalerei</i>, 1904–1912, Pls. III, 10, and XI-XII.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1850"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1850"><span class="label">1850</span></a> Von Mach, no. 5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1851"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1851"><span class="label">1851</span></a> See, <i>e. g.</i>, P. Gardner, <i>Sculptured Tombs of Hellas</i>, 1896, figs. 18–20.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1852"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1852"><span class="label">1852</span></a> C. Smith, <i>B. S. A.</i>, III, 1896–7, pp. 183 f., dates these prize amphoræ from the middle of the
-sixth to the close of the fourth centuries B.&nbsp;C., as the last of the series is dated 313 B.&nbsp;C. In this
-article he publishes a mosaic found on Delos (Pl. XVI, a) and dating from the early second century
-B.&nbsp;C., which reproduces a Panathenaic amphora with an illustration of a chariot-race—the
-latest date at which either a prize-amphora (or picture of one) can be proved to have been used.
-He believes (p. 187) that it is the representation of an amphora won long before by the ancestor
-of the owner of the mosaic, carefully preserved in his family.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1853"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1853"><span class="label">1853</span></a> <i>B. M. Guide to Greek and Roman Life</i>, 1908, p. 200.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1854"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1854"><span class="label">1854</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a Panathenaic amphora in the British Museum, dating from the sixth century B.&nbsp;C.:
-<i>B. M. Vases</i>, B 132; Gardiner, p. 458, fig. 166; <i>cf.</i> also a silver tetradrachm from Rhegion in the
-British Museum, from the early fifth century B.&nbsp;C.: Gardiner, p. 460, fig. 168.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1855"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1855"><span class="label">1855</span></a> Philip won κέλητι in Ol. 106 (&#8239;=&#8239;356 B.&nbsp;C.): Plut., <i>Alex.</i>, 3 and 4; <i>cf.</i> Justin, XII, 16, 6; ἅρματι
-twice at unknown dates: Foerster, 360, 364, 370. As we have no record of a victory by him
-συνωρὶδι, the two-horse chariot appearing on his coins (<i>e. g.</i>, a gold stater in the British Museum,
-Gardiner, p. 459, fig. 167, right) may refer to unrecorded victories, or else may be interpreted
-(with Gardiner) as a pun on his name.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1856"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1856"><span class="label">1856</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a silver tetradrachm of Rhegion in the British Museum: Gardiner, p. 460, fig. 168.
-This and other coins commemorate the victory in this event of the Rhegion prince Anaxilas,
-already mentioned: Aristotle, frag. 228a, <i>ap.</i> Pollux, V, 73 (= <i>F. H. G.</i>, II, p. 173); Foerster, 173.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1857"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1857"><span class="label">1857</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, a decadrachm of Akragas (dating from the end of the fifth century B.&nbsp;C.) and another of
-Syracuse (from the beginning of the fourth century B.&nbsp;C.) in the British Museum; reproduced by
-Gardiner, p. 465, fig. 172.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1858"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1858"><span class="label">1858</span></a> <i>B. S. A.</i>, XIII, 1906–7, Pl. V; Gardner, p. 456, fig. 165.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1859"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1859"><span class="label">1859</span></a> Gerhard, IV, Pls. CCXLIX and CCL; Dar.-Sagl., <i>l. c.</i>, fig. 2219. It was formerly in Lucien
-Bonaparte’s collection.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1860"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1860"><span class="label">1860</span></a> <i>A. V.</i>, Pls. CCLI-CCLIV.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1861"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1861"><span class="label">1861</span></a> B. B., 586–7 and figs. 1–14 (text by Furtwaengler); Richter, <i>Greek, Etruscan, and Roman
-Bronzes in the Metropolitan Museum</i>, 1915, pp. 17 f., no. 40, and figs.; P. Ducati, <i>Jh. oest. arch.
-Inst.</i>, XII, 1909, pp. 74 f.; J. Offord, <i>R. Arch.</i>, Sér. IV, III, 1904, pp. 305–7 and Pls. VII-IX,
-etc. Closely allied in style to its decorative designs are fragments of another chariot found at
-Perugia and now distributed among the Perugia, Munich, and British Museums: Petersen, <i>A. M.</i>,
-X, 1894, pp. 253 f.; B. B., 588–589. <i>Cf.</i> also fragments of similar technique from Capua:
-Froehner, <i>Cat. de la Collection Dutuit</i>, 1897–1901, II, p. 199, no. 250, and Pls. 190–195.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1862"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1862"><span class="label">1862</span></a> <i>A. J. A.</i>, XII, 1908, pp. 312 f., with plates and figures.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1863"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1863"><span class="label">1863</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXVI, 31.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1864"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1864"><span class="label">1864</span></a> Vitruv., <i>de Arch.</i>, VII (Praef.), §§ 12–13.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1865"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1865"><span class="label">1865</span></a> See <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, II, nos. 1000–1005 and Pl. XVI; for discussion of the group, <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXX,
-1910, pp. 133–162 (J. B. K. Preedy).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1866"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1866"><span class="label">1866</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, XXXIV, 71 (<i>Calamis et alias quadrigas bigasque fecit se impari, equis sine aemulo expressis</i>);
-XXXV, 99 (<i>Aristides ... pinxit et currentes quadrigas</i>); XXXIV, 78 (Euphranor);
-64 (<i>Lysippus ... fecit et quadrigas multorum generum</i>); 66 (Euthykrates); 80 (Pyromachos);
-88 (Menogenes); 86 (Aristodemos).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1867"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1867"><span class="label">1867</span></a> P., VI, 12.1; to be mentioned <i>infra</i>, p. 279.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1868"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1868"><span class="label">1868</span></a> P., VI, 9.4–5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1869"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1869"><span class="label">1869</span></a> P., V, 27.2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1870"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1870"><span class="label">1870</span></a> P., VI, 14.12.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1871"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1871"><span class="label">1871</span></a> P., VI, 10.8 and 19.6, and <i>cf.</i> 10.8; Hdt., VI, 36; Hyde, 99a and p. 44; Foerster, 105. Pausanias
-here confuses this elder Miltiades with the son of Kimon, as does also the pseudo-Andok., IV, 33.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1872"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1872"><span class="label">1872</span></a> P., VI, 10.8; <i>cf.</i> Hdt., VI, 103; Hyde, 99b and p. 44; Foerster, 77–79.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1873"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1873"><span class="label">1873</span></a> Some time between Ols. (?) 68 and 70 (&#8239;=&#8239;508 and 500 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 16.6; Hyde, 160 and
-pp. 58–9; Foerster, 797 (undated).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1874"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1874"><span class="label">1874</span></a> Kalliteles won some time between Ols. (?) 66 and 68 (&#8239;=&#8239;516 and 508 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 632;
-Hyde, 161; Foerster, 774 (undated).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1875"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1875"><span class="label">1875</span></a> Pindar, <i>Pyth.</i>, V, 34 f.; date given by schol. on <i>Pyth.</i>, IV, Argum., Boeckh, p. 342. Pindar’s
-<i>Pyth.</i>, IV and V celebrate this victory. The same scholiast also records a chariot-victory of
-Arkesilas at Olympia in Ol. 80 (&#8239;=&#8239;460 B.&nbsp;C.); Foerster, 229.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1876"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1876"><span class="label">1876</span></a> P., V, 12.5; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 634; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 100. Kyniska won two chariot-victories in Ols. (?) 96,
-97 (&#8239;=&#8239;396, 392 B.&nbsp;C.), and for them also had an equestrian group set up in the Altis, the work
-of the Megarian artist Apellas, which we shall discuss later: P., VI, 1.6 f.; Hyde, 7; Foerster,
-326, 333; see <i>infra</i>, p. 267.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1877"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1877"><span class="label">1877</span></a> P., VI, 12.7; Hyde, 108; Foerster, 801 (undated).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1878"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1878"><span class="label">1878</span></a> He won some time between Ols. (?) 128 and 137 (&#8239;=&#8239;268 and 232 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 1.9; Hyde,
-169; Foerster, 446; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 178.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1879"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1879"><span class="label">1879</span></a> P., VI, 17.5; <i>cf.</i> 10.6–8. In the latter passage (§8) Pausanias says that Kleosthenes, who won
-in Ol. 66, was the first to dedicate his statue together with a chariot and horses and the statue of a
-charioteer. Foerster, 38, following Westermann, believes that Archidamas is the name which has
-fallen out of Phlegon, fragm. 4 (= <i>F. H. G.</i>, III, p. 605), that of a victor from Dyspontion in Elis,
-and therefore wrongly gives the date of the victory as Ol. 27 (&#8239;=&#8239;672 B.&nbsp;C.); for a refutation of
-this view and an indeterminate date, see Hyde, 182 and p. 62.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1880"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1880"><span class="label">1880</span></a> He won Ol. (?) 79 (&#8239;=&#8239;464 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 1.7; Hyde, 8; Foerster, 233.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1881"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1881"><span class="label">1881</span></a> He won in two events, the hoplite-race and charioteering, in Ols. (?) 83, 84 (&#8239;=&#8239;448, 444 B.&nbsp;C.):
-P., VI, 2.1–2; Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211A. Perhaps one of his two statues by Myron represented
-his charioteer (so Foerster), though more probably the two statues represented the victor for his
-two victories.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1882"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1882"><span class="label">1882</span></a> He won some time between Ols. (?) 98 and 101 (&#8239;=&#8239;388 and 376 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 2.8; Hyde, 17;
-Foerster, 310; his statue stood beside that of his son Aigyptos on horseback; the latter won κέλητι
-about the date of his father’s victory: P., VI, 2.8; Hyde 18; Foerster, 301. The two monuments
-were by the Sikyonian Daidalos.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1883"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1883"><span class="label">1883</span></a> He won συνωρίδι καὶ τεθρίππῳ in Ols. 102, 103 (&#8239;=&#8239;372, 368 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 6; Foerster,
-338, 345.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1884"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1884"><span class="label">1884</span></a> He won some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130 (&#8239;=&#8239;320 and 260 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 13.11; Hyde,
-122; Foerster, 513: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 177.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1885"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1885"><span class="label">1885</span></a> Polykles won in Ol. (?) 89 (&#8239;=&#8239;424 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 1.7; Hyde, 9; Foerster, 796 (undated). For
-this athletic <i>genre</i> group, see Hitz.-Bluemn., II, <small>2</small>, p. 534. On children’s hoops (τρόχοι) see
-L. Becq de Fouquières, <i>Les Jeux des Anciens</i><sup>2</sup>, 1873, Ch. VIII, pp. 159 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1886"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1886"><span class="label">1886</span></a> 1, 96 (quoting Ephoros, fragm. 106 = <i>F. H. G.</i>, 1, pp. 262–3). Periandros won a chariot victory
-at Olympia at the end of the seventh or beginning of the sixth century B.&nbsp;C.: Foerster, 80, who
-assumes that it was a statue of Zeus, and not of Periandros.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1887"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1887"><span class="label">1887</span></a> Gelo won in Ol. 73 (&#8239;=&#8239;488 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 9.4; Hyde, 90; Foerster, 180; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 143. This
-inscription on the recovered base and another from the base of the monument of Pantarkes, who
-won apparently in the chariot-race at the end of the sixth century B.&nbsp;C. (<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 142; Foerster,
-149), are the two oldest inscriptions known of chariot victors at Olympia.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1888"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1888"><span class="label">1888</span></a> He won Ol. 66 (&#8239;=&#8239;516 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 10.6–7; Hyde, 99; Foerster, 143.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1889"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1889"><span class="label">1889</span></a> P., VI, 10.7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1890"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1890"><span class="label">1890</span></a> We have mentioned the inscribed relief <i>supra</i>, pp. 257 and 258, and n. 1
-on p. 258.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1891"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1891"><span class="label">1891</span></a> Line 15.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1892"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1892"><span class="label">1892</span></a> Pindar, <i>Pyth.</i>, V, 26. For the above examples, see also Gardiner, p. 463.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1893"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1893"><span class="label">1893</span></a> P., VI, 2.8; he was represented on horseback.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1894"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1894"><span class="label">1894</span></a> P., III, 8.1; <i>cf.</i> VI, 1.6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1895"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1895"><span class="label">1895</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 160; Loewy, <i>I. G. B.</i>, 99; see <i>A. G.</i>, XIII, 16.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1896"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1896"><span class="label">1896</span></a> <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVII, 1879, p. 151.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1897"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1897"><span class="label">1897</span></a> Noted in <i>A. J. A.</i>, XV, 1911, p. 60.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1898"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1898"><span class="label">1898</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 86: <i>et adornantes se feminas</i>. For the five larger bronze figures, see Inv., 5604–5,
-5619–21; for the smaller sixth figure, usually known as the <i>Praying Child</i>, see Inv., 5603. All six
-are pictured in E. R. Barker’s <i>Buried Herculaneum</i>, 1908, Figs. 18–19.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1899"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1899"><span class="label">1899</span></a> P., VI, 12.1; <i>cf.</i> VIII, 42.9–10; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; Hyde, 105; Foerster, 199, 209, and 215. Pindar
-celebrates the victory of 476 B.&nbsp;C. in his first <i>Olympian ode</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1900"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1900"><span class="label">1900</span></a> P., V, 27.2. See <i>supra</i>, pp. 28, 62, and 163.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1901"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1901"><span class="label">1901</span></a> P., VI, 14.12.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1902"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1902"><span class="label">1902</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 71. On the basis of this and other references, Reisch built up a theory that
-there was also a fourth-century B.&nbsp;C. Kalamis, the contemporary of the younger Praxiteles:
-<i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, IX, 1906, pp. 199 f. He was followed by Amelung (<i>R. M.</i>, XXI, 1906,
-pp. 285 and 287) and Studniczka (<i>Abh. d. k. saechs. Gesellsch. d. Wiss., philolog.-histor. Klasse</i>,
-XXV, no. IV, 1907, pp. 5 f.). Furtwaengler has shown the weakness of such an argument and
-has rightly referred the monument mentioned by Pliny to the great Kalamis and his younger
-contemporary, the elder Praxiteles: <i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1907, pp. 160 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1903"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1903"><span class="label">1903</span></a> P., VI, 18.1. Kratisthenes won Ol. (?) 83 (&#8239;=&#8239;448 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 185; Foerster, 193 A.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1904"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1904"><span class="label">1904</span></a> P., VI, 12.6; Hyde, 105d. The same Timon is mentioned again: P., VI, 2.8; Hyde, 17. This
-monument may have been set up for a second victory or even for the victory mentioned by Pausanias,
-VI, 2.8; however, I have classed it as an honor dedication, assuming two monuments:
-Hyde, p. 45.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1905"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1905"><span class="label">1905</span></a> Lampos won some time after Ol. (?) 105 (&#8239;=&#8239;360 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 4.10; Hyde, 44; Foerster, 420.
-Philippi, the native city of Lampos, was founded in Ol. 105 by Philip, father of Alexander, on the
-site of an older town, Krenides.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1906"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1906"><span class="label">1906</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 89; it was by the statuary Piston.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1907"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1907"><span class="label">1907</span></a> Reisch, p. 49, believes that she represented a <i>Nike apteros</i>; Rouse, p. 164, also believes that
-such figures were Victories.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1908"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1908"><span class="label">1908</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXV, 108.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1909"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1909"><span class="label">1909</span></a> <i>Ant. Denkm.</i>, I, <small>4</small>, 1889, Pl. XLIV.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1910"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1910"><span class="label">1910</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, 814; <i>Museum Marbles</i>, IX, Pl. XXXVIII, fig. 2. A. H. Smith (<i>op. cit.</i>, no. 814;
-<i>cf.</i> <i>Guide to Græco-Roman Sculpt.</i>, I, no. 176) also mentions another similar votive tablet in the
-British Museum. It is mounted on a pilaster and represents the visit of Dionysos to Ikarios.
-Such tablets seem to have been commonly dedicated by agonistic victors.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1911"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1911"><span class="label">1911</span></a> Schoene, <i>Griech. Reliefs</i>, 1872, Pl. XVIII, fig. 80; F. W., 1142; von Sybel, <i>Kat. d. Skulpt. zu
-Athen</i>, 1881, no. 7014. Here only the arms and wings of Nike are left.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1912"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1912"><span class="label">1912</span></a> E. Huebner, <i>Die antiken Bildw. in Madrid</i>, 1862, 241, 559; <i>Annali</i>, XXXIV, 1862, Pl. G., and
-p. 103; Reisch, p. 51.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1913"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1913"><span class="label">1913</span></a> <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1893, pp. 128 f. (Kabbadias) and Pl. IX; Rouse, p. 177.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1914"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1914"><span class="label">1914</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Reisch, pp. 49–50; Rouse, p. 176.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1915"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1915"><span class="label">1915</span></a> Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II, 1752; <i>Guide</i>, I, 437.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1916"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1916"><span class="label">1916</span></a> P., V, 17.8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1917"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1917"><span class="label">1917</span></a> Frazer, III, p. 609, fig. 77; etc. See <i>supra</i>, p. 13 and n. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1918"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1918"><span class="label">1918</span></a> We have already discussed the style and date of this relief in Ch. III, pp. 128–9. For the relief,
-see Dickins, no. 1342 and illustration on p. 275; von Sybel, <i>Kat. d. Skulpt. zu Athen</i>, no. 5039;
-Baum., I, p. 342, fig. 359; Studniczka, <i>Jb.</i>, XI, 1896, p. 265, fig. 7; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 664,
-fig. 342; B. B., 21; von Mach, 56; Collignon, I, pp. 378 f. and fig. 194; Overbeck, I, p. 203 and
-fig. 47; Le Bas, <i>Voyage archeol.</i> (Reinach’s ed.), pp. 50–51 and Pl. I; F. W., 97; cast in British
-Museum, <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, no. 155. A small piece of the adjacent slab to the right (found on the
-eastern slope of the Akropolis in 1859–1860), fitting the main block exactly, shows two horses’
-tails and one hind leg and proves that the chariot was represented at rest.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1919"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1919"><span class="label">1919</span></a> This fragment contains a head whose pointed beard and petasos have been thought to indicate
-the god: Dickins, no. 1343; Collignon, I, p. 378, fig. 195; von Mach, fig. 11, opp. p. 58; Conze,
-<i>Nuove Memorie dell’ Instituto</i>, II, pp. 408 f. and Pl. XIII A; F. W., 96.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1920"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1920"><span class="label">1920</span></a> So O. Hauser, <i>Jb.</i>, VII, 1892, pp. 54 f.; he is followed by Robinson, <i>Cat. of Museum of Fine
-Arts, Boston</i>, no. 33. J. Braun, <i>Gesch. d. Kunst</i>, 1858, II, pp. 188 and 549 (quoted by F. W.),
-Conze, <i>op. cit.</i>, Michaelis, <i>Der Parthenon</i>, 1870, p. 123, Helbig, <i>Das homerische Epos</i><sup>2</sup>, 1887,
-p. 179 and n. 11, Springer-Michaelis, pp. 207–8 (and fig. 389), Dickins, and many others, also
-interpret the figure as male.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1921"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1921"><span class="label">1921</span></a> This coiffure, however, appears on several female heads: <i>e. g.</i>, on the Harpy monument, F. W.,
-127 f. Knapp (<i>Nike in d. Vasenmalerei</i>, p. 10), Brunn (<i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1870, II, pp. 213 f.),
-W. Mueller (<i>Quaestiones vestiariae</i>, 1890, p. 44), Collignon, Overbeck, Friedrichs-Wolters, Reisch
-(p. 49), and many others call the figure of the charioteer female.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1922"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1922"><span class="label">1922</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, the headless draped statue, resembling the <i>Korai</i>, in the Akropolis Museum: B. B., 551.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1923"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1923"><span class="label">1923</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, XXX, 1905, pp. 305 f. (especially 321) and Pls. XI, XII (the rebuilding of the temple
-referred to the time of Peisistratos). He also (p. 320) favors the well-known view of Doerpfeld
-(<i>A. M.</i>, XII, 1887, pp. 25–61, 190–211; XV, 1890, pp. 420–439) that the Hekatompedon or Old
-Temple of Athena, rebuilt by the Athenians shortly after the Persian wars, existed not only
-down to 406 B.&nbsp;C., when Xenophon says that it was burnt (<i>Hell.</i>, I, 6), but down at least
-to the time of Pausanias. This view is held by J. Harrison, <i>Mythology and Monuments of
-Ancient Athens</i>, 1890, pp. 505 f., Dickins, <i>l. c.</i>, and many archæologists. It has been rejected
-by many others, <i>e. g.</i>, Petersen (<i>A. M.</i>, XII, pp. 62–72), Wernicke (<i>ibid.</i>, pp. 184–189), and <i>in
-extenso</i> Frazer (<i>J. H. S.</i>, XIII, 1892–1893, pp. 153–187; reprinted in his edition of Pausanias,
-II, pp. 553–82). Murray, I, p. 143 and fig. 35, referred the relief to one of the metopes of the
-Old Temple of Athena.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1924"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1924"><span class="label">1924</span></a> <i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1906, II, pp. 147 f.; <i>cf.</i> also <i>ibid.</i>, 1905, pp. 433 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1925"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1925"><span class="label">1925</span></a> Springer-Michaelis (<i>l. c.</i>) think that it may represent a chariot victor; similarly Purgold (<i>Arch.
-Eph.</i>, 1885, p. 251). Boetticher (<i>Die Akropolis</i>, 1888, pp. 85–6) believes that it represents a
-Panathenaic victor.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1926"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1926"><span class="label">1926</span></a> In the British Museum: <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, II, 951 and Pl. XIII; Sir Charles Fellows, <i>An Account of
-Discoveries in Lycia</i>, 1841, p. 166. The Chimæra may be introduced as a heraldic device of the
-owner of the tomb (Smith). Bellerophon appears on Pegasos on a relief from a rock tomb of
-Pinara: <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, 760. We should also compare with these the reliefs found by Fellows
-at Xanthos and now in the British Museum. They show a two-horse chariot with a seated
-charioteer (F. W., 131; Murray, I, Pl. IV), a two-horse chariot with a charioteer and a seated
-man (F. W., 133; Murray, Pl. III), and a young rider (F. W., 134). See Fellows, pp. 172, 176;
-Murray, I, pp. 124 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1927"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1927"><span class="label">1927</span></a> Michaelis, <i>Der Parthenon</i>, 1870, slabs XI-XXIII; <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, no. 325. The charioteers on
-slabs XII and XIV have long, close-fitting tunics.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1928"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1928"><span class="label">1928</span></a> Michaelis, <i>op. cit.</i>, slabs XXIV-XXXIV; <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, no. 327.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1929"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1929"><span class="label">1929</span></a> Theophrastos, <i>ap.</i> Harpokr., <i>s. v.</i> ἀποβάτης), says that it was peculiar to Athens and Bœotia, but
-there is evidence of its existence elsewhere, <i>e. g.</i>, at Aphrodisias in Karia (<i>C. I. G.</i>, II, no. 2758, G.
-col. IV, line 3, p. 507, and C. col. IV, l. 3), Naples (<i>ibid.</i>, no. 5807, l. 4), Rome (<i>C. I. L.</i>, VI, <small>2</small>, 10047,
-b, line 8 = <i>pedibus ad quadrigam</i>), etc. On the race at the <i>Panathenaia</i>, see Michaelis, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp.
-324 f.; Mommsen, <i>Heortologie</i>, 1864, pp. 153 f., and <i>Die Feste d. Stadt Athen im Altertum</i>, 1898, pp.
-89 f.; and for the race in general, Pauly-Wissowa, I, pp. 2814 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1930"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1930"><span class="label">1930</span></a> For a description of the race, see Bekker, <i>Anecd. gr.</i>, I, pp. 425–6 and <i>Dionys. Halikarn.</i>, VII, 73,
-2–3; the former account says that the <i>apobates</i> mounted the chariot in full course by setting his foot
-on the wheel and dismounted again; the latter only that he dismounted in the last lap; the two are
-apparently describing different moments of the same race.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1931"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1931"><span class="label">1931</span></a> National Museum, no. 1391; Svoronos, II, pp. 340–1, Tafelbd., Pl. LVI (right); noted in
-<i>A. M.</i>, XII, 1887, p. 146, no. 1; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, p. 237 and fig.; <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1910,
-pp. 251 f.; Reisch, p. 51. Staïs gives the measurements as 0.60 meter high and 0.36 meter broad.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1932"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1932"><span class="label">1932</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, III, 1878, pp. 410–14, no. 193 (Koerte); <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, IV, 1844–48, Pl. 5; <i>Annali</i>, Pl. XVI,
-1844, pp. 166 f. (F. J. Welcker), and Pl. E.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1933"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1933"><span class="label">1933</span></a> A third relief from Oropos, showing the same subject, is in Berlin (no. 725): see Furtwaengler,
-<i>Samml. Sabouroff</i>, I, Pl. XXVI (and text, on the subject of the race).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1934"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1934"><span class="label">1934</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, VII, 1883, Pl. XVII and pp. 458 f. (Collignon); Gardiner, p. 238, fig. 34; F. W., 1836.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1935"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1935"><span class="label">1935</span></a> Its antiquity has been questioned by Kekulé, who is quoted by F. W.; see on no. 1838.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1936"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1936"><span class="label">1936</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, II, 1037, Pl. XVIII; von Mach, 231; <i>Ant. Denkm.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 1893–4, Pl. XVIII, 0;
-Collignon, II, p. 327, fig. 165; Newton, <i>Travels and Discoveries in the Levant</i>, 1865, II, p. 133,
-Pl. XVI; Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 430, fig. 111. It is 2 feet 1.5 inches high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1937"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1937"><span class="label">1937</span></a> For the sarcophagus, see the work of Hamdy Bey and Th. Reinach, <i>Une nécropole royale à
-Sidon</i>, 1892; Text, pp. 272 f., and Pls. XXIII-XXVIII, XXX-XXXI, XXXIV-XXXVII;
-also Studniczka, <i>Jb.</i>, IX, 1894, pp. 211 f. (who assigned it to Lysippos’ pupil, Eutychides);
-Judeich, <i>ibid.</i>, X, 1895, pp. 165 f. and figs. 1–6; <i>J. H. S.</i>, XIX, 1899, pp. 273 f.; Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>,
-pp. 466 f. and fig. 124 (= Hamdy-Bey et Reinach, Pl. XXIX); von Mach, 379–83; Richardson,
-p. 242, fig. 116; Springer-Michaelis, p. 348, fig. 627; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1938"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1938"><span class="label">1938</span></a> We see it, <i>e. g.</i>, on the cuirass of the statue of <i>Augustus</i> in the Vatican: von Mach, no. 418.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1939"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1939"><span class="label">1939</span></a> Von Mach, no. 232; Robinson, <i>Report of the Trustees of the Museum of Fine Arts</i>, 1897, pp. 18–19;
-Klein, <i>Praxitelische Studien</i> (= Suppl. to his <i>Praxiteles</i>), 1899, p. 1; in n. 1 Klein says that the
-statue was found in the Tiber.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1940"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1940"><span class="label">1940</span></a> <i>Griech. Kunstmythol.</i>, III, <i>Apollon</i>, pp. 149 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1941"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1941"><span class="label">1941</span></a> Noted by Klein, <i>op. cit.</i>, figs. 5 and 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1942"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1942"><span class="label">1942</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on the vase in the British Museum, discussed in <i>Guide to Greek and Roman Life</i>, 1908,
-p. 200. Here the driver stands clothed in the regular chiton like that on the <i>Charioteer</i> from Delphi.
-(Fig. 66.) We see similarly clothed charioteers on various r.-f. vases: <i>e. g.</i>, on those pictured by
-Gerhard, IV, Pls. CCLI-CCLIII; on those enumerated by Hauser, <i>Jb.</i>, VII, 1892, p. 60 (including
-some r.-f. ones, <i>e. g.</i>, the fifth-century B.&nbsp;C. one from Corneto by Euxithoos and Oltos = Baum.,
-III, Pl. XCIII, 2 and p. 2141). Hauser also adds the draped charioteer in the <i>Helios</i> group from
-the Great Pergamene Altar relief (pictured in Baum., II, Pl. XXXIX, and pp. 1255–6). The
-general statement of W. Mueller (<i>Quaestiones vestiariae</i>, Goettingen, 1880, p. 44), <i>nam aurigae
-semper fere longa tunica sola vestiti sunt</i>, is, of course, correct.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1943"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1943"><span class="label">1943</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, the statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori to be mentioned <i>infra</i>, p. 276; also other examples
-in Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 536, 6 (in Rome: <i>B. Com. Rom.</i>, I, 1888, Pl. XV) and 7 (in Athens: <i>Jb.</i>, I,
-1886, p. 173; Staïs, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 221). We see nude charioteers entering two four-horse chariots on a r.-f.
-lebes, formerly in the collection of Lucien Bonaparte, now in Munich: Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLIV
-(below).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1944"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1944"><span class="label">1944</span></a> Von Mach, no. 274; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 488, 7: <i>A. Z.</i>, XVIII, 1860, pp. 1 f. (Friedrichs) and
-Pls. CXXXIII, CXXXIV; <i>Bonner Jb.</i>, XXVI, Pl. IV. It is 4 ft. 7 in. tall and represents a boy
-of about 14.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1945"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1945"><span class="label">1945</span></a> Friedrichs, though at first, because of the crown on the hair, interpreting it as a <i>Bonus Eventus</i>
-(<i>A. Z.</i>, XVIII, 1860, pp. 1 f.), later (<i>Beschr. d. Skulpt.</i>, no. 4, pp. 5–6) called it a charioteer.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1946"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1946"><span class="label">1946</span></a> <i>B. Com. Rom.</i>, XVI, 1888, Pls. XV, XVI, 1, 2 (pp. 335 f.); Joubin, pp. 134 f., and fig. 40;
-Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, 973 (restored on p. 557, fig. 29); <i>Guide</i>, 597 (restored on p. 442, fig. 28); Furtw.,
-<i>Mp.</i>, pp. 81–82; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 115–116; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 536, 6. Mentioned <i>supra</i>, p. 275, n. 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1947"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1947"><span class="label">1947</span></a> Hamdy Bey and Th. Reinach, <i>Une nécropole royale à Sidon</i>, Pl. XXII, 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1948"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1948"><span class="label">1948</span></a> Including the <i>Hestia Giustiniani</i> in the Museo Torlonia, Rome: B. B., 491; von Mach, 75;
-the so-called <i>Aspasia</i> head, with copies in Paris (Photo Giraudon, no. 1219) and Berlin (<i>A. Z.</i>,
-XXXV, 1877, Pl. VIII, two views), and the <i>Apollo-on-the-Omphalos</i> in Athens (Pl. 7B); he assigns
-the later related <i>Athena</i> in the Villa Albani to Praxias, the pupil of Kalamis and contemporary
-of Pheidias: F. W., 524; <i>Mp.</i>, p. 78, figs. 29 and 30 (head); <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 112–113, figs. 19 and 20
-(head). However, as Richardson points out, pp. 137 and 207, the <i>Hestia</i> bears a strong resemblance
-to the East gable figures at Olympia, especially to those of <i>Sterope</i> and <i>Hippodameia</i>,
-and to several female statues in Copenhagen: Arndt, <i>La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg</i>, Pls. VII (= Joubin,
-p. 161, fig. 53), XXXVIII, and fig. 3 on p. 13.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1949"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1949"><span class="label">1949</span></a> <i>C. R. Acad. Inscr.</i>, 1896, pp. 178, 186, 362, 388, and Pls. I, II; <i>A. A.</i>, 1896, pp. 173 f. (with
-fig.); Homolle, in <i>Mon. Piot</i>, IV, 1897, Pls. XV, XVI, pp. 169 f.; <i>id.</i>, <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXI, 1897, pp. 579,
-581–3; <i>Fouilles de Delphes</i>, IV, 1904, Pls. XLIX, L (4 views); Bulle, 199 and fig. 134 on p. 460;
-von Mach, 60; H. B. Walters, <i>Art of the Anc. Greeks</i>, 1906, Pl. XXVIII; Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, pp.
-49 f. and Pls. VIII, IX; G. F. Hill, <i>One Hundred Masterpieces of Sculpture</i>, 1909, pp. 7–8 and
-Pl. V; Springer-Michaelis, p. 225, fig. 482; Robinson, <i>Cat. Mus. Fine Arts in Boston</i>, Suppl., pp.
-1 f., no. 85; cast in British Museum, <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, III, 2688; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 536, 1. It is
-5 feet 10.75 inches high (A. H. Smith) or 1.80 meters (Bulle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1950"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1950"><span class="label">1950</span></a> See Svoronos, p. 131, n. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1951"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1951"><span class="label">1951</span></a> O. M. Washburn, <i>Berl. Philol. Wochenschr.</i>,
-XXV, 1905, cols. 1358 f.; <i>A. J. A.</i>, X, 1906,
-pp. 151–3; XII, 1908, pp. 198–208.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1952"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1952"><span class="label">1952</span></a> P., X, 15.6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1953"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1953"><span class="label">1953</span></a> <i>L. c.</i>, and <i>Berl. Philol. Wochenschr.</i>, 1905,
-col. 1549.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1954"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1954"><span class="label">1954</span></a> Lechat, <i>Rev. Arch.</i>, XI, 1908, pp. 126 f., Furtw., <i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1907, II, pp. 157 f.,
-Studniczka, <i>Jb.</i>, XXII, 1907, pp. 133 f., and others, support Washburn’s view.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1955"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1955"><span class="label">1955</span></a> P., X, 9.7–8; <i>cf.</i> VI, 3.5, where Amphion is called the pupil of Ptolichos, the pupil of Kritios.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1956"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1956"><span class="label">1956</span></a> So von Duhn, <i>A. M.</i>, XXXI, 1906, pp. 421 f.; a conclusion also reached independently by
-E. A. Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, p. 51.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1957"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1957"><span class="label">1957</span></a> So von Duhn, Gardner, and Mahler; the latter in <i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, III, 1900, pp. 142 f.
-Furtwaengler, <i>l. c.</i>, found von Duhn’s view that the <i>Charioteer</i> is an original work of Pythagoras
-untenable. He also combated his interpretation of πολύζαλος as a proper name, preferring
-the suggestion of Washburn that it might be an adjective. However, in a former article (<i>Sitzb.
-Muen. Akad.</i>, 1897, pp. 129 f.) he had emphasized the similarity between the statue and a bronze
-statuette in London (<i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, 515 and Pl. XVI; <i>Sitzb.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>, Pl. V, two views) which he
-believed was almost certainly a product of Magna Græcia. He found the style of the <i>Charioteer</i>
-Ionic-Attic without Peloponnesian affiliations, and referred it to Amphion or to some unknown
-artist of the circle of Kritios and Nesiotes. For a similar view, see Homolle, <i>Mon. Piot</i>, IV,
-1897, p. 207. Pottier (<i>ap.</i> Homolle, <i>l. c.</i>) assigned it to Kalamis. <i>Cf.</i> also Lechat, <i>Pythagoras de
-Rhegion</i>, 1905, p. 100.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1958"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1958"><span class="label">1958</span></a> A.&nbsp;D. Keramopoullos, <i>A. M.</i>, XXXIV, 1909, pp. 33 f. Homolle, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 176 f., and
-O. Schroeder, <i>A. A.</i>, 1902, pp. 12 f., had also referred it to Gelo’s dedication.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1959"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1959"><span class="label">1959</span></a> P. 152.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1960"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1960"><span class="label">1960</span></a> See G. F. Hill, <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1961"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1961"><span class="label">1961</span></a> Besides the Olympic victories already recorded, Hiero also won the chariot-race at Delphi in
-Pythiad 29 (&#8239;=&#8239;470 B.&nbsp;C.), and the horse-race there twice in Pythiads 26 and 27 (&#8239;=&#8239;482 and 478
-B.&nbsp;C.); he also won a chariot-race probably at the Theban <i>Iolaia</i> in (?) 475 B.&nbsp;C.; Pindar celebrates
-the four victories in <i>Pyth.</i>, I-III; Bergk, <i>P. l. G.</i>,<sup>5</sup> I, pp. 175 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1962"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1962"><span class="label">1962</span></a> P., VI, 14.4; he won either before Ol. 67 (&#8239;=&#8239;512 B.&nbsp;C.) or in Ols. 69 or 70 (&#8239;=&#8239;504 or 500 B.&nbsp;C.):
-Hyde, 126 and p. 52; Foerster, 778 (undated).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1963"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1963"><span class="label">1963</span></a> He won κέλητι in Ols. 66 or 67 (&#8239;=&#8239;516 or 512 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 13.9; Hyde, 120; Foerster, 129,
-149a (two victories).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1964"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1964"><span class="label">1964</span></a> They won in Ol. 68 (&#8239;=&#8239;508 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 13.10; Hyde, 121; Foerster, 152.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1965"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1965"><span class="label">1965</span></a> So Hyde, pp. 50–1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1966"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1966"><span class="label">1966</span></a> So Hitz.-Bluemn., II, <small>2</small>, p. 598.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1967"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1967"><span class="label">1967</span></a> P., VI, 12.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1968"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1968"><span class="label">1968</span></a> P., VI, 2.8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1969"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1969"><span class="label">1969</span></a> Xenombrotos won in Ol. (?) 83 (&#8239;=&#8239;448 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 133 (following Robert, <i>O. S.</i>, pp. 180–181);
-Foerster, 327; Xenodikos in Ol. (?) 84 (&#8239;=&#8239;444 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 134; Foerster, 332.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1970"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1970"><span class="label">1970</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 154; <i>I. G. A.</i>, 552a; Robert, <i>O. S.</i>, pp. 179–81. However, Kirchhoff referred this base
-to the statue of a runner: <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXIX, 1881, p. 84; and Dittenberger to the victor D[amasi]ppos,
-who won in some running race at an unknown date: Foerster, 812. Robert read the mutilated
-inscription ἐλάσιππος (“horse-driving”) instead of the proper name Δαμάσιππος.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1971"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1971"><span class="label">1971</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 75 and 78 (<i>celetizontes pueri</i>).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1972"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1972"><span class="label">1972</span></a> Pliny, XXXIV, 71.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1973"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1973"><span class="label">1973</span></a> <i>B. M. Vases</i>, B 133; Gardiner, p. 461, fig. 169; see also a Panathenaic amphora pictured in
-Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 129, fig. 92 (left).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1974"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1974"><span class="label">1974</span></a> Gardiner, p. 459, fig. 167 (left). He won κέλητι in Ol. 106 (&#8239;=&#8239;356 B.&nbsp;C.): Plut., <i>Alex.</i>, 3; Foerster,
-360. <i>Cf.</i> a similar jockey on horseback on a coin of Tarentum: Head, <i>Guide to the Principal
-Gold and Silver Coins ... in the British Museum</i>, Pl. XXIV, 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1975"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1975"><span class="label">1975</span></a> <i>B. M. Vases</i>, B 144; Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCXLVII (lower half); Gardiner, p. 243, fig. 37.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1976"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1976"><span class="label">1976</span></a> See <i>supra</i>, p. 13 and n. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1977"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1977"><span class="label">1977</span></a> Mentioned in <i>J. H. S.</i>, XIV, 1894, p. 66 (H. Stuart Jones).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1978"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1978"><span class="label">1978</span></a> III, i, p. 200, fig. 3846 (from Dubois-Maisonneuve, <i>Introd. à l’Étude des vases</i>, Pl. XLIII);
-others are there mentioned, <i>e. g.</i>, <i>Mon. d. I.</i>, I, 1829–33, Pl. XXII, 3b and II, 1834–38,
-Pl. XXXII (bottom).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1979"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1979"><span class="label">1979</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, V, 1881, pp. 436 f., with figure (Collignon). This and the following three reliefs are
-mentioned by Rouse, p. 176.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1980"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1980"><span class="label">1980</span></a> F. W., 1206, formerly interpreted as Alexander and Boukephalos.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1981"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1981"><span class="label">1981</span></a> Von Sybel, <i>Kat. d. Skulpt. zu Athen</i>, 1881, no. 307.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1982"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1982"><span class="label">1982</span></a> Von Duhn, in <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXV, 1877, pp. 167, no. 89 (<i>cf.</i> no. 88).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1983"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1983"><span class="label">1983</span></a> On the North frieze, Michaelis, <i>Der Parthenon</i>, 1870, Tafelbd., slabs XXIV-XLII; <i>B. M.
-Sculpt.</i>, I, 325, pp. 175 f.; West frieze, Michaelis, slabs II, IV, VI-VII, IX-XI; <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>,
-326, pp. 179–80; South frieze, Michaelis, slabs I, III, X-XVI, XXII-XXIII; <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, 327,
-pp. 181–85.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1984"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1984"><span class="label">1984</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, IV, 2, 373, line 99; <i>cf.</i> Studniczka, <i>Arch. Eph.</i>, 1887, p. 146.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1985"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1985"><span class="label">1985</span></a> <i>Vit. X Orat.</i>, 42 (p. 839b); he says that it stood in the ball-court of the maidens known as <i>arrephoroi</i>.
-Pausanias, I, 18.8, also mentions a statuette of Isokrates on a column near the Olympieion.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1986"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1986"><span class="label">1986</span></a> Carapanos, <i>Dodone et ses ruines</i>, 1877, p. 183 and Pl. XIII, 1; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 527, 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1987"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1987"><span class="label">1987</span></a> Arndt-Amelung, <i>Einzelaufnahmen</i>, no. 242.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1988"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1988"><span class="label">1988</span></a> Dickins, nos. 700, found in 1887 (height 1.12 meters, length of fragment 0.76 meter) and 697
-(height 1.13 meters); Winter, Archaische Reiterbilder von der Akropolis, <i>Jb.</i>, VIII, 1893, pp. 135–156,
-figs. 13a and b, 14a and b; Collignon, I, pp. 358–9, figs. 180 and 181; Schrader, <i>Arch. Marmor-Skulpt.
-im Akropolis-Museum zu Athen</i>, 1909, p. 81, figs. 72–3 (assuming a Chian sculptor for
-no. 700); B. B., 459; no. 700 = Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 639, fig. 327; 697 = <i>ibid.</i>, p. 637, fig. 326.
-Winter, in the article cited, gives fourteen cuts of such archaic horse monuments.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1989"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1989"><span class="label">1989</span></a> See preliminary account by Th. Reinach in <i>C. R. Acad. Inscr.</i>, 1919, (Jan.-Feb.), pp. 56–59
-and fig. on p. 58. It is 49 centimeters high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1990"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1990"><span class="label">1990</span></a> J. Sieveking, <i>Die Bronz. d. Samml. Loeb</i>, 1913, p. 70, Pl. 29; it is 0.12 meter high. An exact copy
-is in the Cabinet des Médailles in Paris; Babelon et Blanchet, <i>Cat. des bronzes ant. de la
-Bibliothèque Nationale</i>, 1893, no. 893. For further examples of horsemen in bronze and marble,
-see Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, pp. 527–533.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1991"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1991"><span class="label">1991</span></a> The race is described by P., V, 9.2; <i>cf.</i> Plutarch, <i>Quaest. conviv.</i>, V, 2 (675 C.) For possible
-examples in sculpture, see Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, pp. 532–3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1992"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1992"><span class="label">1992</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on a silver stater of the early third century B.&nbsp;C. from Tarentum in the British Museum:
-Gardiner, p. 462, fig. 170 (right).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1993"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1993"><span class="label">1993</span></a> <i>Les</i> ἱππεῖς <i>athéniens</i>, 1902 (<i>Extrait des Mémoires de l’Acad. des Inscr. et Belles-Lettres</i>, Vol.
-XXXVII). <i>Cf.</i> Gardiner, pp. 71–2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1994"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1994"><span class="label">1994</span></a> <i>Heralds</i> (κήρυκες), trumpeters (σαλπισταί), flutists (αὐληταί), cithara-players (κιθαρισταί),
-and those who sang with them (κιθαρῳδοί), are mentioned as victors in many inscriptions: <i>e. g.</i>,
-at Oropos, <i>C. I. G. G. S.</i>, I, nos. 419–20; at Tanagra, <i>ibid.</i>, 540; at Plataiai, <i>ibid.</i>, 1667; at
-Thespiai, <i>ibid.</i>, 1760 and 1773; on Mt. Helikon, <i>ibid.</i>, 1776; at Akraiphia, <i>ibid.</i>, 2727; at Koroneia,
-<i>ibid.</i>, 2871; etc. <i>Cf.</i> Frazer, III, p. 628. Also on Samos: see inscription discussed in
-<i>J. H. S.</i>, VII, 1886, p. 150.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1995"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1995"><span class="label">1995</span></a> Afr.; Foerster, nos. 302 (Timaios) and 303 (Krates); they are not mentioned by Pausanias
-in his account of the introduction of various contests at Olympia, V, 8.6 f. Lucian mentions the
-contests of heralds at Olympia: <i>de morte Peregrini</i>, 32.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1996"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1996"><span class="label">1996</span></a> V, 22.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1997"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1997"><span class="label">1997</span></a> Nestor (<i>F. H. G.</i>, II, p. 485<sup>*</sup>, quoted by Athenæus, X, 7, p. 415a) says that he was <i>periodonikes</i>
-ten times, while Pollux (IV, 89) says seven times. For the dates of the victories, which fell
-some time between Ols. (?) 113 and 122 (&#8239;=&#8239;328 and 292 B.&nbsp;C.), see Foerster, nos. 395, 399, 402,
-404, 406, 411, 415, 422, 425, and 428.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1998"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1998"><span class="label">1998</span></a> Athen., X, 7 (p. 414e).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1999"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1999"><span class="label">1999</span></a> Amarantos of Alexandria, <i>apud</i> Athen., <i>l. c.</i>, says that he was 3.5 ells in height; Pollux, <i>l. c.</i>, four
-ells. Athenæus relates examples of his voracity.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2000"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2000"><span class="label">2000</span></a> For the inscribed basis of his statue at Olympia, see <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 232; <i>cf.</i> Foerster, 815–19
-(undated). The inscription appears to belong to the first century A.&nbsp;D.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2001"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2001"><span class="label">2001</span></a> <i>B. S. A.</i>, XIII, 1906–7, pp. 146–7 (Dickins) and fig. 3; <i>cf.</i> <i>A. J. A.</i>, XIII, 1909, p. 83 and fig. 6.
-It is 0.131 meter high.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2002"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2002"><span class="label">2002</span></a> <i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, 223 (quoted by Dickins, <i>l. c.</i>).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2003"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2003"><span class="label">2003</span></a> See P., X, 9.2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2004"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2004"><span class="label">2004</span></a> Fragm. 65 (= <i>F. H. G.</i>, I, 207, quoted by Strabo, VI, 1.9, C. 260). For the story about his
-victory, see Timaios, Strabo, <i>l. c.</i>, Clemens Alexandr., <i>Protrept.</i>, I, p. 2, and poetically in <i>A. G.</i>,
-VI, 54 (Paulus Silentiarius), and IX, 584.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2005"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2005"><span class="label">2005</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Reisch, p. 52.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2006"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2006"><span class="label">2006</span></a> IX, 30. 2 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2007"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2007"><span class="label">2007</span></a> In another passage, X, 7. 2, Pausanias says that Thamyris won a prize for singing at the
-Pythian games; he also mentions a painting of him by Polygnotos: X, 30. 8. On Thamyris, <i>cf.</i>
-also P., IV, 33. 3 and 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2008"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2008"><span class="label">2008</span></a> For the story of the poet Arion and the dolphin, see P. III, 25. 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2009"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2009"><span class="label">2009</span></a> In X, 7. 4, Pausanias says that Sakadas won in flute-playing at Delphi three times, the first in
-the third year of Ol. 48 (&#8239;=&#8239;585 B.&nbsp;C.). In another passage, II, 22.8, he says that Sakadas was
-the first to play the “Pythian tune” on the flute. For a description of this tune, see Pollux, IV,
-84, and Strabo, IX, 3.10 (C. 421).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2010"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2010"><span class="label">2010</span></a> XIV, 24 (p. 629a).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2011"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2011"><span class="label">2011</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, I, 357.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2012"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2012"><span class="label">2012</span></a> Froehner, <i>Notice</i>, no. 16; Clarac, 122, 342; M. W., I, Pl. 13, 46; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2013"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2013"><span class="label">2013</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, XII, 1887, pp. 378 f. (Wolters) and Pl. XII.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2014"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2014"><span class="label">2014</span></a> V, 7.10; <i>cf.</i> Plutarch, <i>de Musica</i>, 26. Athenæus, IV, 39 (p. 154a), quotes from the first
-book of the catalogue of Olympic victors by Eratosthenes to the effect that the Etruscans used
-to box to the music of the flute.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2015"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2015"><span class="label">2015</span></a> P., V, 17. 10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2016"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2016"><span class="label">2016</span></a> Ph., 55.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2017"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2017"><span class="label">2017</span></a> Plut., <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2018"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2018"><span class="label">2018</span></a> See Pinder, <i>Ueber den Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen</i>, 1867, pp. 97 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2019"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2019"><span class="label">2019</span></a> He won sometime between Ols. (?) 58 and 62 (&#8239;=&#8239;548 and 532 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 14.9–10; Hyde,
-128b and p. 52. He also won six victories at Delphi and fluted at the pentathlon: <i>cf.</i> P., <i>l. c.</i>
-and Ph., 55.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2020"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2020"><span class="label">2020</span></a> So Hitz.-Bluemn., II, <small>2</small>, p. 604. An example, on the other hand, of a very small man erecting a
-large statue is that of the poet Lucius Accius, whose statue was set up in the temple of the Camenae
-in Rome: Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 19; <i>cf.</i> Bernouilli, <i>Roem. Ikonogr.</i>, I, p. 289.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2021"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2021"><span class="label">2021</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, to Aristotle of Stagira: P., VI, 4.8; Hyde, 41b; to Gorgias of Leontini: P., VI, 17.7;
-Hyde, 184a; <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 293; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2022"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2022"><span class="label">2022</span></a> The first part of the present chapter appeared under the caption, Lysippus as a Worker in
-Marble, in <i>A. J. A.</i>, 2d Series, XI, 1907, pp. 396–416, and figs. 1–6; the second part, entitled,
-The Head of a Youthful Heracles from Sparta, appeared <i>ibid.</i>, XVIII, 1914, pp. 462–478, and
-fig. 1. Both parts have been rewritten. The author is indebted to the former editor-in-chief,
-Dr. James M. Paton, for permission to use the original papers in writing the present chapter.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2023"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2023"><span class="label">2023</span></a> First noted by Homolle, <i>Gaz. B.-A.</i>, XII, 1894, III Sér., pp. 452 f.; <i>id.</i>, <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXI, 1897,
-pp. 592 f.; <i>id.</i>, <i>ibid.</i>, XXIII, 1899, pp. 421 f.; <i>id.</i>, <i>Rev. Arch.</i>, 1900, p. 383; P. Gardner, <i>J. H. S.</i>,
-XXV, 1905, pp. 234 f. (The Apoxyomenos of Lysippos). For a good summary and a new identification
-of the figures of the group (without discussing the style), see Miss E. M. Gardner and
-K. K. Smith, <i>A. J. A.</i>, XIII, 1909, pp. 447 f. (Pl. XIV and 21 text-cuts).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2024"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2024"><span class="label">2024</span></a> The group was composed of nine statues: three of athletes, those of the brothers Agias, a pancratiast,
-Telemachos, a wrestler, and Agelaos, a boy runner; four statesmen, and the son of the
-dedicator, and one unknown: <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXI, pp. 592 f.; <i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1913, III, no. 4,
-pp. 45–46.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2025"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2025"><span class="label">2025</span></a> <i>Gaz. B.-A.</i>, XII, 1894, p. 452: “<i>un des meilleures exemples de la manière de Lysippe</i>.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2026"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2026"><span class="label">2026</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXI, 1897, p. 598.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2027"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2027"><span class="label">2027</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXIII, 1899, pp. 470–1: “<i>L’auteur de la statue d’Agias ... ne peut être
-cherché que dans l’école de Lysippe ou dans sa dépendance immédiate....</i>” On p. 472 he says
-that in the <i>Agias</i> we have a statue “<i>qui approche aussi près que possible d’un original de Lysippe</i>.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2028"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2028"><span class="label">2028</span></a> <i>Ein delphisches Weihgeschenck</i>, 1900; for the inscription referring to the statue of Agias, see
-<i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXI, 1897, pp. 592–593. Preuner’s ingenious theory was based on a combination of the
-inscriptions on the bases of the group.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2029"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2029"><span class="label">2029</span></a> <i>Fouilles de Delphes</i>, IV, 1904, Pls. LXIII (full length), LXIV (head); statue of Sisyphos I,
-Pl. LXV; Sisyphos II, LXVIII (= <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXIII, Pl. IX); Agelaos (= <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXIII, Pl. IX).
-For the <i>Agias</i>, see also <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXIII, 1899, Pls. X (head, two views) and XI (statue); von Mach,
-234; Springer-Michaelis, p. 336, fig. 596; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 549, 11 (before the discovery of the
-lower legs). The name is to be spelled either Agias or Hagias; the former has now become usual.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2030"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2030"><span class="label">2030</span></a> Baron Otto Magnus von Stackelberg (1760–1836) visited Pharsalos in September 1811.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2031"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2031"><span class="label">2031</span></a> In the Braccio Nuovo: Amelung, <i>Vat.</i>, I, p. 86, no. 67 and Pl. XI; Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, I, no. 23;
-<i>Guide</i>, I, no. 31; B. B., 281 (head = 487); Bulle, 62 (head = 213); and reconstruction in a bronzed
-cast on a high pedestal in the Museum of the University of Erlangen, <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 117–18, fig. 22, a,
-b, c (<i>cf.</i> <i>Muenchner Jb. f. bild. Kunst.</i>, 1906, p. 36); von Mach, 235; Baum., II, p. 843, fig. 925;
-<i>Mon. d. I.</i>, V, 1849–53, Pl. XIII; Rayet, II, Pl. 47 (text by Collignon); Overbeck, II, p. 157,
-fig. 182; Collignon, II, p. 415, fig. 218; Furtw.-Urlichs, <i>Denkm.</i>, Pl. XXXIV and pp. 107–10;
-Springer-Michaelis, p. 337, fig. 603; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 546, 2; Clarac, V, 848B, 2168A; F. W.,
-1264; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2032"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2032"><span class="label">2032</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> F. W., p. 449, paragraph 2 of the notes. E. Braun (<i>Annali</i>, L, 1850, pp. 223 f.) first identified
-the statue with Lysippos’ <i>Apoxyomenos</i>; <i>cf.</i> also Brunn (<i>Bulletino d. Inst.</i>, 1851, p. 91).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2033"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2033"><span class="label">2033</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Becker, <i>Gallus</i>,<sup>3</sup> III, p. 108; and especially J. Kueppers, Der Apoxyomenos des Lysippos, in
-<i>Progr. des Bonner Gymnas.</i>, 1869.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2034"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2034"><span class="label">2034</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 62.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2035"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2035"><span class="label">2035</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, XXXIV, 65.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2036"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2036"><span class="label">2036</span></a> Especially its surface modeling was supposed to confirm Pliny’s criticism of the master:
-<i>op. cit.</i>, XXXIV, 65.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2037"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2037"><span class="label">2037</span></a> <i>One Hundred Masterpieces of Sculpture</i>, 1909, p. 39.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2038"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2038"><span class="label">2038</span></a> Unless we except the Athenian torso to be mentioned <i>infra</i>, p. 290, n. 4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2039"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2039"><span class="label">2039</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Tarbell, <i>Congress of Arts and Sciences</i>, St. Louis, 1904, III, p. 614.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2040"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2040"><span class="label">2040</span></a> <i>De Alex. Magn. fort. aut virt.</i>, <i>Orat.</i> II, 2 (p. 335, b, c); <i>S. Q.</i>, no. 1479.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2041"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2041"><span class="label">2041</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIII, p. 130, n. 28; it is also quoted by Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, pp. 220–1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2042"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2042"><span class="label">2042</span></a> See Ada Maviglia, <i>L’attività artistica di Lisippo ricostruita su nuova base</i>, 1914. For the Uffizi
-statue, see <i>supra</i>, pp. 136–137.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2043"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2043"><span class="label">2043</span></a> In his discussion of the Athenian torso, which he believed was another copy of the original
-of the Vatican statue: <i>A. M.</i>, II, 1877, pp. 57–8, Pl. IV; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 819, 1. This torso
-had the left leg free, while the Vatican one had the right one free; it is also dry and hard in its
-technique.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2044"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2044"><span class="label">2044</span></a> That of Emil Braun, in <i>Annali</i>, L, 1850, p. 249.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2045"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2045"><span class="label">2045</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Loewy, <i>R. M.</i>, XVI, 1901, p. 392. Furtwaengler, <i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1904, II, p. 379,
-n. 1, says that the <i>Agias</i> “<i>dem Lysipp gaenzlich ferne steht</i>,” and assigns it to an Athenian artist.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2046"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2046"><span class="label">2046</span></a> Especially the Gardner brothers: P. Gardner, <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIII, 1903, pp. 130–131 (where he
-identifies the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> with the <i>Perixyomenos</i> of Daïppos, the son or pupil of Lysippos, a
-work mentioned by Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 87); <i>ibid.</i>, XXV, 1905, pp. 234 f., especially p. 236 (on
-pp. 255 f. he dates the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> just after 300 B.&nbsp;C., though ultimately deriving it from the
-school of Lysippos); <i>id.</i>, <i>Class. Rev.</i>, 1913, p. 56; E. A. Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, p. 222; <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 443. T. L.
-Shear, <i>A. J. A.</i>, XX, 1916, p. 292, makes the <i>Agias</i> the centre of his treatment of Lysippos. Still
-others who think that the two statues can not be by the same sculptor are cited by Wolters,
-<i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1913, III, no. 4, p. 44, n. 3. See also F. Paulson, <i>Delphi</i>, 1920, pp. 288–289.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2047"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2047"><span class="label">2047</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Collignon, <i>Lysippe</i>, p. 31; Amelung, <i>R. M.</i>, XX, 1905, pp. 144 f.; <i>id.</i>, <i>Vat.</i>, I, p. 87
-(where he says that the <i>Agias</i> offers the closest analogies in style to the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>); Michaelis,
-<i>Die archaeol. Entdeckungen des 19ten Jahrh.</i>, 1906, p. 276; <i>A Century of Archæological Discoveries</i>
-(transl. of preceding, by Bettina Kahnweiler, 1908), p. 323; <i>id.</i>, Springer-Michaelis, p. 335; for
-others, <i>cf.</i> Wolters, <i>l. c.</i>, n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2048"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2048"><span class="label">2048</span></a> Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 61 (= S. Q. no. 1444), quotes Douris as saying that Lysippos was the
-pupil of no artist. He tells how the painter Eupompos advised the sculptor as a boy <i>naturam
-ipsam imitandam, esse non artificem</i>. Such a judgment, of course, can not be literally true, as
-every artist is to a large extent a child of his age and circumstances. <i>Cf.</i> Jex-Blake, pp. xlviii f.,
-for the anecdotal character of Pliny’s statement. That the statement comes, perhaps, from
-Eupompos is the view of Kalkmann, <i>Quellen der Kunstgeschichte des Plinius</i>, 1898, p. 165.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2049"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2049"><span class="label">2049</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXI, 1897, p. 598; <i>id.</i>, XXIII, 1899, p. 471; <i>cf.</i> T. L. Shear, <i>A. J. A.</i>, <i>l. c.</i> On the relation
-of Skopas to Lysippos, see P. Gardner, <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIII, 1903, pp. 126 f., and E. A. Gardner,
-<i>Sculpt.</i>, p. 198. The influence of Skopas is especially observable in Lysippos’ treatment of forehead
-and eyes and in the consequent intensity of expression.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2050"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2050"><span class="label">2050</span></a> <i>Jb.</i>, XXV, 1910, pp. 172–3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2051"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2051"><span class="label">2051</span></a> See Wolters, <i>l. c.</i>, pp. 45 f. Most scholars have followed the contention of Preuner that the
-statue at Pharsalos was the older: <i>e. g.</i>, Kern, <i>I. G.</i>, IX, <small>2</small>, 249.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2052"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2052"><span class="label">2052</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Hill, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 39.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2053"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2053"><span class="label">2053</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, p. 364 and n. 2; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 597 and n. 3; for the Berlin athlete, see <i>Beschr. d. ant. Skulpt.</i>,
-no. 471; for a copy of the Berlin head in the Museo delle Terme, Rome, see Helbig, <i>Fuehrer</i>, II,
-1380 <i>bis</i>; <i>Jb.</i>, XXVI, 1911, p. 278, n. 1; and <i>cf.</i> <i>R. M.</i>, XX, 1905, pp. 147 f., figs. 5–7; for the Dresden
-statues, see Hettner, <i>Bildw. d. kgl. Antiken-samml.</i>, nos. 245–6; one of these has a beardless head,
-which is analogous to a more beautiful head in Copenhagen: <i>La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg</i>, no. 1072. Of
-this head, which is earlier than that of the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>, Furtwaengler says that it is “one of the
-finest and most purely Lysippan works in existence.” In <i>Mp.</i>, p. 338, he mentions a bronze
-statuette of Hermes from Athens now in Berlin (Invent. 6305) “in the swinging posture of the
-<i>Apoxyomenos</i>,” and says that it is of the purest Lysippan style.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2054"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2054"><span class="label">2054</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, 1906, pp. 239–40 and Pl. XVI; Duetschke, IV, 151.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2055"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2055"><span class="label">2055</span></a> <i>La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg</i>, no. 240; Mahler ascribes this work to Lysippos: <i>Polykl. u. s. Sch.</i>, 1902,
-p. 153, n. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2056"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2056"><span class="label">2056</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, 1747, p. 102; <i>Mp.</i>, p. 298 and fig. 126; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 515 and 517 and fig. 93; <i>cf.</i>
-Mrs. Strong, in <i>Strena Helbigiana</i>, 1900, p. 297. It is 6 ft. 8 in. high without the plinth (Smith).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2057"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2057"><span class="label">2057</span></a> A better copy is the torso in the Louvre, <i>Photo Giraudon</i>, no. 1289; a head is in the Lateran,
-no. 891.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2058"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2058"><span class="label">2058</span></a> <i>De olymp. Stat.</i>, Halle, 1902, and enlarged, 1903, pp. 27 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2059"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2059"><span class="label">2059</span></a> <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. LIV, 3–4, and Textbd., p. 209, fig. 237; <i>Ausgr. v. Ol.</i>, V, 1881, Pl. XX.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2060"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2060"><span class="label">2060</span></a> VI, 2.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2061"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2061"><span class="label">2061</span></a> The head is still exhibited at Olympia in the same room as the <i>Hermes</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2062"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2062"><span class="label">2062</span></a> <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVIII, 1880, p. 114; <i>cf.</i>, <i>Ausgr. v. Ol.</i>, V, pp. 13–14.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2063"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2063"><span class="label">2063</span></a> <i>Olympia</i><sup>2</sup>, 1886, pp. 343 f. and Pl. XVI (right).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2064"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2064"><span class="label">2064</span></a> <i>Restauration d’Olympie</i>, 1889, p. 137.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2065"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2065"><span class="label">2065</span></a> In Roscher, <i>Lex.</i>, I, <small>2</small>, <i>s. v.</i> Herakles, p. 2166.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2066"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2066"><span class="label">2066</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Graef, <i>R. M.</i>, IV, 1889, pp. 189–226, especially p. 217; von Sybel, in <i>Luetzow’s Zeitschr.
-fuer bild. Kunst</i>, N. F., II, pp. 253 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2067"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2067"><span class="label">2067</span></a> <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, pp. 209 and n. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2068"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2068"><span class="label">2068</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXIII, 1899, pp. 456–7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2069"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2069"><span class="label">2069</span></a> <i>Polyklet u. seine Schule</i>, p. 149.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2070"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2070"><span class="label">2070</span></a> Preuner (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 12) dates the dedication 339–331 B.&nbsp;C.; Homolle (B.&nbsp;C. H., XVIII, 1899,
-p. 440) more closely, 338–334 B.&nbsp;C. Preuner dates Agias’ victory about 450 B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2071"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2071"><span class="label">2071</span></a> Treu, <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, p. 208, gives these measurements: height with neck, 0.270 meter; height
-of head alone, 0.215 meter; breadth of face, 0.127 meter; height of face, 0.155 meter.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2072"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2072"><span class="label">2072</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 65.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2073"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2073"><span class="label">2073</span></a> The hair, however, of the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> is an exception, for, even if worked out with some care,
-it is devoid of expression.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2074"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2074"><span class="label">2074</span></a> The use of the drill is seen in the Praxitelian <i>Hermes</i>, but is not seen in the Tegea heads, nor is
-it common in the first half of the fourth century B.&nbsp;C.: <i>cf.</i> Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 309.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2075"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2075"><span class="label">2075</span></a> So Treu, <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, p. 208 (though formerly in <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVIII, 1880, p. 114, he called
-it a pancratiast with Herakles features); Reisch, p. 43, n. 1; Flasch, in Baum., p. 1104 00; Furtwaengler,
-in Roscher’s <i>Lex.</i>, <i>s. v.</i> Herakles, I, <small>2</small>, p. 2166; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2076"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2076"><span class="label">2076</span></a> See pp. 75 and 94.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2077"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2077"><span class="label">2077</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Treu, <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, pp. 208 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2078"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2078"><span class="label">2078</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, pp. 167 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2079"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2079"><span class="label">2079</span></a> Michaelis, pp. 451 f., no. 61; <i>Specimens</i>, I, Pl. XL; Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 297, fig. 125, <i>Mw.</i>,
-p. 516, fig. 92; Graef, <i>R. M.</i>, IV, 1889, pp. 189 f., and Pls. VIII-IX; Springer-Michaelis, p. 336,
-fig. 600; Clarac, V, 788, 1973; etc. It was found in 1790 in the ruins of Hadrian’s villa at Tivoli.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2080"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2080"><span class="label">2080</span></a> VI, 1.4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2081"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2081"><span class="label">2081</span></a> VI, 2.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2082"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2082"><span class="label">2082</span></a> VI, 5.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2083"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2083"><span class="label">2083</span></a> VI, 4.6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2084"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2084"><span class="label">2084</span></a> VI, 17.3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2085"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2085"><span class="label">2085</span></a> East of the temple of Zeus; see <i>infra</i>, Ch. VIII, p. 342, n. 4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2086"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2086"><span class="label">2086</span></a> See list in Hyde, pp. 3 f. Here nos. 91 and 136 refer to the same victor.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2087"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2087"><span class="label">2087</span></a> VI, 1.3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2088"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2088"><span class="label">2088</span></a> <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, p. 209. See Plans A and B.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2089"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2089"><span class="label">2089</span></a> P., VI, 1.4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2090"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2090"><span class="label">2090</span></a> P., VI, 1.6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2091"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2091"><span class="label">2091</span></a> P., VI, 3.2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2092"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2092"><span class="label">2092</span></a> See <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, nos. 166 (Troilos), 160 (Kyniska), 172 (Sophios). See Plans A and B.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2093"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2093"><span class="label">2093</span></a> This fact, together with its place of finding not far from the Great Gymnasion, led Treu to
-believe that the statue once adorned the interior of the exercise-place of the athletes: <i>Bildw. v.
-Ol.</i>, p. 209.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2094"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2094"><span class="label">2094</span></a> The Praxitelian <i>Hermes</i> similarly shows an unfinished treatment of the back hair; in fact the
-entire back of the statue is carelessly done (<i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, p. 203, fig. 233), though chisel-rasps show
-a subsequent attempt to better it. This condition led Treu at first (<i>Ausgrab. v. Ol.</i>, V, p. 10; followed
-by Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 308, n. 7; <i>Mw.</i>, p. 531, n. 3) to believe that the statue was made
-at Olympia with regard to its position in the Heraion. Later (<i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, pp. 204–5) Treu
-believed that this merely indicated that the statue was intended to stand against a wall; and
-since the present base is not the original one (see Bulle, <i>apud</i> Purgold, <i>Ergebnisse v. Ol.</i>, II, pp.
-157 f.), that the statue was not originally meant for the temple, but was moved thither, perhaps
-in Nero’s day; <i>cf.</i> also Wernicke, <i>Jb.</i>, IX, 1894, pp. 108 f. For the <i>Hermes</i>, mentioned by P.,
-V, 17.3, and found in the cella of the Heraion on May 8, 1877, see <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pls.
-XLIX-LIII; Textbd., pp. 194 f. and figs. 225–234.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2095"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2095"><span class="label">2095</span></a> However, Lysippos made the statue of Polydamas of Skotoussa, who won the pankration in
-Ol. 93 (&#8239;=&#8239;408 B.&nbsp;C.), many years after the victory: see P., VI, 5.1; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279;
-H. L. von Urlichs, <i>Ueber Griech. Kunstschriftsteller</i>, Diss. inaug., 1887, p. 26.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2096"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2096"><span class="label">2096</span></a> P. 27.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2097"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2097"><span class="label">2097</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 166; <i>cf.</i> P., VI, 1. 4 (both victories wrongly in Ol. 102); Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338
-and 345.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2098"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2098"><span class="label">2098</span></a> Date given by P., VI, 4.2. See Hyde, 37; Foerster, 349, 353, 359.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2099"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2099"><span class="label">2099</span></a> For the earlier dating of Lysippos, see Winter, <i>Jb.</i>, VII, 1892, p. 169 (who begins the artist’s
-activity with the seventies), Treu, <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, p. 211, and Milchhoefer, <i>Arch. Stud. fuer
-H. Brunn</i>, p. 66, n. 2; see also Hyde, pp. 26–7, (who gives the sculptor’s artistic activity as Ols.
-103–115 = 368–320 B.&nbsp;C.); E. A. Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, pp. 216–217, who dates his activity 366–316
-B.&nbsp;C.; P. Gardner, <i>infra</i>, next note.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2100"><span class="label">2100</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXV, 1905, pp. 243–249; on p. 245 he says: “There is some evidence for work by
-Lysippos at a later date than B.&nbsp;C. 320. And if he were born, as seems probable, about B.&nbsp;C.
-390, he may well have accepted commissions, to be executed mainly by his pupils, for several
-years after 320.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2101"><span class="label">2101</span></a> P., VI, 4, 6–7; Hyde, 41; Foerster, 384 and 392, who, on the basis of <i>I. G. B.</i>, p. 75, to no. 93b,
-dates the victories Ols. (?) 112 and 113 (&#8239;=&#8239;332 and 328 B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2102"><span class="label">2102</span></a> <i>L. c.</i>, p. 246.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2103"><span class="label">2103</span></a> P., VI, 17, 3; Hyde, 175; Foerster, 390 and 397 (= Ols. ? 113 and 114, = 328 and 324 B.&nbsp;C. on
-the basis of <i>I. G. B.</i>, p. 75).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2104"><span class="label">2104</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Furtwaengler, who gives 350–300 B.&nbsp;C. as the period of his artistic activity: <i>Mw.</i>, p. 523,
-n. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2105"><span class="label">2105</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXI, 1897, p. 598 (and copied in XXIII, 1899, p. 422). The <i>Agias</i> is but slightly
-later than the <i>Hermes</i>, if we accept Furtwaengler’s dating for the latter, about 343 B.&nbsp;C.: <i>Mp.</i>,
-pp. 307–308; <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 529–531. Brunn had regarded the <i>Hermes</i> as a youthful work of Praxiteles:
-<i>Deutsche Rundschau</i>, VIII, 1882, pp. 188 f. Purgold, <i>Aufsaetze E. Curtius gewidmet</i>,
-pp. 233 f., and S. Reinach, <i>Gaz. Arch.</i>, 1887, p. 282, n. 9, had assigned it to the year 363 B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2106"><span class="label">2106</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 37.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2107"><span class="label">2107</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 61 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2108"><span class="label">2108</span></a> The two are contrasted in XXXV, 156: <i>[Varro] laudat et Pasitelen qui plasticen matrem caela
-turae et statuariae scalpturaeque (= sculpturae) dixit</i>, etc. <i>Cf. infra</i>, Ch. VII, p. 324, n. 4. They are
-also contrasted in XXXVI, 15. <i>Sculptura</i> is the modern title of Bk. XXXVI.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2109"><span class="label">2109</span></a> II, p. 150. See also Bulle, p. 137. Amongst recent writers who oppose this view are Koepp,
-<i>Ueber d. Bildnisse Alex. d. Gr.</i>, p. 29, and Preuner, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 46–7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2110"><span class="label">2110</span></a> Thus the Sikyonian Kanachos worked in marble, bronze, gold and ivory, and cedar-wood:
-Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 50 and 75; XXXVI, 41; P., II, 10.5; IX, 10.2; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2111"><span class="label">2111</span></a> F. Spiro, <i>Woch. f. kl. Philologie</i>, XXI, 1904, col. 792 (in his review of my <i>de olymp. Stat. a
-Paus. commem.</i>).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2112"><span class="label">2112</span></a> See <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. LV, 1–3; Textbd., pp. 209 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2113"><span class="label">2113</span></a> This is substantially Preuner’s view: <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 39–40 and 46–47; the later view of P. Wolters
-that the Delphi group was older than the statue at Pharsalos has already been mentioned
-<i>supra</i>, p. 292; see <i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1913, III, no. 4, pp. 44–45.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2114"><span class="label">2114</span></a> In <i>A. J. A.</i>, XI, 1907, pp. 414–16, I argued that the statue of Agias was an original and not a
-copy; in the present work this view is somewhat modified.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2115"><span class="label">2115</span></a> So Homolle, <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXIII, 1899, pp. 445 and 459; S. Reinach, <i>C. R. Acad. Inscr.</i>, 1900, pp.
-8 f.; H. Lechat, <i>Rev. des Études anciennes</i>, II, 1900, pp. 195 f.; Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 441; P. Gardner,
-<i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIII, p. 127; <i>cf.</i> Preuner, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 38; etc. Homolle, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 471, says that if the
-<i>Agias</i> is a copy, “<i>c’est celui d’une copie authentique immédiate, contemporaine du modèle</i>.” The
-view that the Delphi group was not original is well expressed by P. Wolters, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 50, who says
-that “<i>niemand die delphischen Statuen fuer Originale des Lysippos erklaeren wird</i>.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2116"><span class="label">2116</span></a> <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 441, n. 2; only two small marble props, reaching to the calves, support the ankles.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2117"><span class="label">2117</span></a> This treatment gives the impression of texture and profusion; see Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 309.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2118"><span class="label">2118</span></a> Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 69–71 (list of bronze works).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2119"><span class="label">2119</span></a> Mechanically exact copies were unknown in the fourth century B.&nbsp;C. Furtwaengler has shown
-that such copies began to be made in the second century B.&nbsp;C., or possibly at the end of the third,
-and became common only in the first: <i>Ueber Statuencopien im Altertum</i>, 1896.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2120"><span class="label">2120</span></a> It is mentioned by Pausanias, IX, 35.3, and the Surname “<i>Oulios</i>” by Strabo, XIV, 1.6 (C.
-635); it is described by Plutarch, <i>de Musica</i>, 14 (&#8239;=&#8239;1136 A), and Macrobius, <i>Sat.</i>, I, 1713.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2121"><span class="label">2121</span></a> Schol. on Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, XIV, 16, Boeckh, p. 293.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2122"><span class="label">2122</span></a> Bekker, <i>Anecd. gr.</i>, p. 299, 8–9; <i>cf.</i> Athen., X, 24 (p. 424 f.). It appears on Athenian coins
-also: see Frazer, V, p. 174, figs. 8–9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2123"><span class="label">2123</span></a> P., VIII, 46.3; Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 75. <i>Cf.</i> Brunn, I, pp. 74 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2124"><span class="label">2124</span></a> P., IX, 10.2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2125"><span class="label">2125</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> The transference to the minor arts—reliefs, coins, gems and vase-paintings—was,
-of course, especially common at all times. See also F. Hauser, <i>Die neu-attischen Reliefs</i>, 1889,
-and Flasch, <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVI, 1878, p. 119.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2126"><span class="label">2126</span></a> P., VI, 8.5 and VII, 27.5. He won the pankration in Ol. 94 (&#8239;=&#8239;404 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, 81; Foerster,
-286.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2127"><span class="label">2127</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXI, 1897, pp. 616–20 (Homolle).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2128"><span class="label">2128</span></a> See Amelung, <i>R. M.</i>, IX, 1894, pp. 162 f. and Pl. VII. <i>Cf.</i>, Treu, <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, pp. 190–191,
-and fig. 222 B, on pp. 188–189.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2129"><span class="label">2129</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIX, 1909, pp. 151–2, fig. 1 a and b (F. H. Marshall).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2130"><span class="label">2130</span></a> XIII, 1909, pp. 151–7, with Pl. IV and figs. 1–3 (A head of Heracles in the style of Scopas.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2131"><span class="label">2131</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 156 and 157.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2132"><span class="label">2132</span></a> <i>Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin</i>, VIII, no. 46 (Aug., 1910), p. 26.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2133"><span class="label">2133</span></a> II, 10.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2134"><span class="label">2134</span></a> F. Imhoof-Blumer and P. Gardner, p. 30 (reprinted from articles which appeared in the
-<i>J. H. S.</i>, VI-VIII, 1885–1887).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2135"><span class="label">2135</span></a> Discussed by Graef, <i>R. M.</i>, IV, 1889, pp. 189–226. For the coin, see <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 212–14.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2136"><span class="label">2136</span></a> For the two heads of heroes, see Kabbadias, pp. 154 f., nos. 179, 180; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>,
-p. 33; B. B., no. 44; Collignon, II, pp. 239, figs. 118 and 119; <i>Ant. Denkm.</i>, I, <small>3</small>, 1888, Pl. XXXV,
-2–3, 4–5 (from casts); Milchhoefer, <i>A. M.</i>, IV, 1879, pp. 133–4, nos. 24–25; G. Treu, <i>A. Z.</i>,
-XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 98 f.; Luetzow, <i>Zeitschr. f. bild. Kunst</i>, XVII, 1882, pp. 322 f.; Baum., III,
-pp. 1667 f. and figs. 1733 and 1734; von Sybel, <i>Weltgesch. d. Kunst</i>, pp. 255 f.; Springer-Michaelis,
-p. 306, figs. 544, a, b; Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 412, fig. 105; von Mach, 469.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2137"><span class="label">2137</span></a> VIII, 45.6–7; see Mendel, <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXV, 1901, pp. 257 f., and Pls. IV, V (= head of Atalanta?),
-VI (= torso of Atalanta?), VII, VIII (= heads of Herakles); Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 416, fig. 106, has
-reconstructed the <i>Atalanta</i> from Pls. IV and VI just mentioned.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2138"><span class="label">2138</span></a> <i>L. c.</i>, p. 259. The head has been restored by a German sculptor, and the chin appears to have
-been made too retreating: see <i>Encyl. Brit.</i>, 11th ed., vol. XII, <i>s. v.</i> “Greek Art,” Pl. III, fig. 63.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2139"><span class="label">2139</span></a> From his Atalanta of Tegea, in <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, 1906, pp. 172–3, quoted in part by Dr.
-Bates, <i>l. c.</i>, pp. 155–6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2140"><span class="label">2140</span></a> It was chiefly the preponderance of the lower part of the face over the upper, in consequence
-of the large chin and strongly marked cheek-bones, that led Treu to predicate Peloponnesian rather
-than Attic influence in the Tegea heads: <i>A. M.</i>, VI, 1881, p. 408. He found them Polykleitan
-in character, as did also Graef, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 210, Furtwaengler, <i>Mp.</i>, p. 523, and Collignon, II, p.
-238. L. R. Farnell, however, long ago combated the theory of Peloponnesian influence, and
-found analogies in fifth-century Attic works of the time of Pheidias, as well as in works from the
-beginning of the fourth century B.&nbsp;C.: see <i>J. H. S.</i>, VII, 1886, pp. 114 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2141"><span class="label">2141</span></a> <i>Descriptiones stat.</i>, B (in <i>Philostrati opera</i>, ed. Kayser, p. 891). He also says (<i>ibid.</i>) that Skopas
-ὥσπερ ἔκ τινος ἐπιπνοίας κινηθεὶς εἰς τὴν τοῦ ἀγάλματος δημιουργίαν τὴν θεοφορίαν ἐφῆκε. The words
-with which Diodoros (Fragm. 1, Bk. XXVI) characterized Praxiteles, as ὁ καταμίξας ἄκρως τοῖς
-λιθίνοις ἔργοις τὰ τῆς ψυχῆς πάθη, apply much better to Skopas, for Praxiteles’ “emotions of the
-soul” are mood and temperament rather than emotion and passion.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2142"><span class="label">2142</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXV, 1901, Pls. IV-V.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2143"><span class="label">2143</span></a> The same overhanging masses of flesh, which we see in the male heads, are, however, visible in
-several other female heads attributed to Skopas: <i>e. g.</i>, in the colossal one called <i>Artemisia</i> from
-the Eastern pediment of the Mausoleion: Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl. LIX; in the head of an <i>Aphrodite</i>
-found in the sea off Laurion: <i>J. H. S.</i>, XV, 1895, pp. 194f. and fig. (Aphrodite ?); in the
-head of a goddess found south of the Akropolis (and in the copy of it in Berlin): Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>,
-p. 457, fig. 119; and in the Dresden statuette of a <i>Mænad</i>: Treu, <i>Mélanges Perrot</i>, Pl. V; Gardner,
-<i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl. LII; etc.; they are also plainly visible in the <i>Demeter of Knidos</i>: Gardner,
-<i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl. LIII; etc. These heads are discussed by Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, pp. 190f., and are ascribed
-by him to Skopas.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2144"><span class="label">2144</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXVI, 1906, p. 174. Gardner (<i>ibid.</i>) does not explain this contrast in expression
-between the <i>Atalanta</i> and the surrounding heroes on the analogy of the contrast in the calmness of
-<i>Apollo</i> among the struggling <i>Lapiths</i> from the Olympia pediment, since the action in the torso of
-<i>Atalanta</i> shows that she was no mere spectator. He finds the explanation rather in the sex and youth
-of the heroine; for this reason he thinks that the sculptor did not represent her as sharing equally
-with the others the passion of the combat. He finds a truer analogy in the contrast between calm
-and passion in the <i>Lapiths</i> and <i>Centaurs</i> of the Parthenon metopes, where the human and bestial
-are thus distinguished; just so the heroine-goddess is here distinguished from her human companions.
-He also supposes that Skopas was not ready thus early in his career (just after 395 B.&nbsp;C.,
-when the temple of Athena Alea was destroyed by fire) to apply his new extreme of expression to
-female heads. However, it must not be overlooked that these male heads—because of their
-marked individuality—presuppose a more mature genius, and so can just as well be assigned to
-the period of the Arkadian revival of 370 B.&nbsp;C. It has recently been seriously disputed whether
-the <i>Atalanta</i> should be assigned at all to the Eastern pediment, where the French excavators placed
-it; thus Cultrera has looked upon it as an akroterion figure, while Thiersch and Neugebauer
-have identified it with a single figure representing <i>Nike</i>. See Cultrera, <i>Atti dell’ Accad. dei
-Lincei</i>, 1910, pp. 22f.; H. Thiersch, Zum Problem des Tegeatempels, <i>Jb.</i>, XXVIII, 1913, p.
-270; Neugebauer, <i>Studien ueber Skopas</i>, Leipsic, 1913; the latter has argued that the head and
-torso do not belong together, while Dugas has maintained the older view, that the turn and
-position of the neck fit the torso: <i>Rev. de l’art anc. et mod.</i>, 1911, pp. 9f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2145"><span class="label">2145</span></a> The effect in the Tegea heads is heightened by the abrupt transition from the brow to the
-socket—the outer end of the upper lid being almost hidden.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2146"><span class="label">2146</span></a> Kabbadias, I, p. 416, no. 869; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, pp. 168 f. and fig.; Conze, <i>Griech.
-Grabreliefs</i>, IX, 1897, no. 1055 and Pl. CCXI; B. B., 469; Bulle, 267; von Mach, 369; P. Gardner,
-<i>Sculptured Tombs of Hellas</i>, 1896, Pl. XIV and p. 152; Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl. LXV and p. 208;
-Graef, <i>R. M.</i>, IV, 1889, pp. 199 f.; von Sybel, <i>Weltgesch. d. Kunst</i>, fig. 204; <i>id.</i>, <i>Zeitschr. f. bild.
-Kunst</i>, N. F., II, p. 293; <i>cf.</i> Wolters, <i>A. M.</i>, XVIII, 1893, p. 6. It is 1.68 meters in height and
-1.07 in breadth (Staïs). The likeness of the head of the athlete in this relief to that of the <i>Agias</i>
-is striking.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2147"><span class="label">2147</span></a> It was formerly in the Sala di Meleagro, but was later removed to the Sala degli animali; Helbig,
-<i>Fuehrer</i>, I, 128, and Nachtrag; <i>Guide</i>, I, p. 78, no. 133; Amelung, <i>Vat.</i>, II, p. 33, no. 10, and
-Pls. II and XII; B. B., 386; von Mach, 216; <i>id.</i>, <i>Greek Sculpture, Its Spirit and Principles</i>, 1903,
-pp. 279 f.; Bulle, p. 484, fig. 145; <i>Ant. Denkm.</i>, I, <small>4</small>, 1889, Pl. XL, 1a, 1b (head); Graef, <i>R. M.</i>,
-IV, pp. 218 f.; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, 1, 479, 2; Clarac, 805, 2021. It is 2.10 meters high (Amelung).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2148"><span class="label">2148</span></a> <i>De olymp. Stat.</i>, p. 28.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2149"><span class="label">2149</span></a> <i>Mp.</i>, 296 f.; <i>cf.</i> Homolle, <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXIII, 1899, p. 450, n. 2. Furtwaengler thought that the
-head was Attic and believed that it was the direct successor of the Munich <i>Oil-pourer</i> (Pl. 11),
-the <i>Standing Diskobolos</i> of the Vatican (Pl. 6), the Florence <i>Apoxyomenos</i> (Pl. 12), and analogous
-to the Ilissos relief (Fig. 74), two bronze heads from Herculaneum (a = F. W., 1302, and Comparetti
-e de Petra, <i>La Villa Ercol.</i>, Pl. VII, 3; b = <i>ibid.</i>, Pl. X, 2), and other works; Graef, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 199,
-and Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, pp. 198–9, regard it as Skopasian; Kalkmann, Die Proport. d. Gesichts
-in d. gr. Kunst, <i>53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, p. 60, n. 3, believes that it shows Polykleitan
-influence.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2150"><span class="label">2150</span></a> <i>Ancient Marbles in Great Britain</i>, p. 451.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2151"><span class="label">2151</span></a> P. Gardner, <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIII, 1903, p. 128 (<i>cf.</i> XXV, 1895, p. 240), has called it “definitely a
-Lysippic work”; similarly Cultrera, Una Statua di Ercole, <i>Mem. della R. Accad. dei Lincei</i>, p. 188;
-recently, T. L. Shear, <i>A. J. A.</i>, XX, 1916, pp. 297–298.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2152"><span class="label">2152</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, pp. 219 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2153"><span class="label">2153</span></a> Von Mach, 214; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, I, 484, 1; another in Copenhagen: Furtw.-Urlichs, <i>Denkm.</i>,
-Pl. XXXII (opp. p. 98); a head is also in the Ny-Carlsberg collection there: <i>La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg</i>,
-no. 362 and Pl. 100.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2154"><span class="label">2154</span></a> <i>Ant. Denkm.</i>, I, <small>4</small>, 1889, Pl. XL, 2a, 2b, p. 29 (Petersen); Collignon, II, p. 250, fig. 127; Bulle,
-212 and fig. 144, on p. 481; Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, Pl. XV. For the <i>Apollo</i> torso, see M. D., I, no. 215.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2155"><span class="label">2155</span></a> Mentioned in <i>Not. Scav.</i>, 1895, p. 196, and figs. 1–2, and in <i>R. M.</i>, X, p. 92 (Petersen); briefly
-described by R. Norton, <i>Harvard Graduates’ Magazine</i>, VIII, 1900 (June), pp. 485 f.; von Mach,
-215; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>2</small>, 555, 6. <i>Cf.</i> <i>A. J. A.</i>, IV, 1900, p. 275 and V, 1901, pp. 29 f. (latter =
-abstract of paper by von Mach). The Cambridge copy was found about 300 feet from the spot
-where the Berlin copy was discovered.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2156"><span class="label">2156</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 66; in the text, <i>et Alexandrum Thespiis venatorem</i>, it is best to understand
-<i>venatorem</i> as an appositive, therefore indicating a statue of Alexander as hunter. As the boar
-(in the bronze original no support was necessary) is a Roman accessory like the chlamys, it is best
-to call the work under discussion not <i>Meleager</i>, but merely hunter and dog (so Furtw.-Urlichs,
-<i>Denkm.</i>, <i>l. c.</i>). It was probably dedicated by a successful hunter to Artemis, or else it was a grave-monument,
-as such figures are common on sarcophagi: see Robert, <i>Ant. Sarcoph. Reliefs</i>, IV, Pls.
-XLVII, 154, and XLIX, 155, pp. 188 f.; and also on Attic grave-reliefs: <i>e. g.</i>, on the Ilissos relief
-mentioned above (Fig. 74).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2157"><span class="label">2157</span></a> Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, pp. 304–5; Furtw.-Urlichs, Amelung, Helbig, von Mach, Arndt, E. Sellers-Strong
-(see introduction to Furtw., <i>Mp.</i>, p. <span class="smcap">XIII</span>), etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2158"><span class="label">2158</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, XXIII, 1903, pp. 128–129.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2159"><span class="label">2159</span></a> <i>Sculpt.</i>, p. 219.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2160"><span class="label">2160</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> P. Gardner, <i>Types of Greek Coins</i>, 1883, Pl. XII, 16.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2161"><span class="label">2161</span></a> Pl. LXIX in <i>Six Greek Sculptors</i>. E. A. Gardner (p. 226) is doubtless right in believing that
-this form of brow was a personal peculiarity of Alexander, as it recurs so often in his portraits.
-It is seen in the head of Alexander on the sarcophagus from Sidon (either by a pupil of Lysippos or
-by some sculptor under his influence), the reliefs from which portray the same subject as the bronze
-group by Lysippos in Delphi mentioned by Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 64, dedicated by Krateros on
-the occasion narrated by Plutarch, <i>Vita Alex. Magni</i>, 40, who states that the group was executed
-conjointly with Leochares: see Hamdy Bey et Th. Reinach, <i>Une nécropole royale à Sidon</i>, 1892, Pl.
-XXXIII, no. 6 (reproduced by Gardner, <i>Sculpt.</i>, Pl. LXXI). So far as I know, it occurs in Lysippan
-work to a prominent degree only in likenesses of Alexander. We know that Lysippos created
-the Alexander-type of head, as he alone could reproduce his manly and leonine air (<i>cf.</i> Plut., <i>de
-Alex. M. fortuna aut virtute</i>, <i>oratio</i> II, 2, = p. 335). It is, to a less extent, present in the Azara head in
-the Louvre, which, owing to its likeness to the head of the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>, used to be taken as the
-nearest copy of the original by Lysippos.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2162"><span class="label">2162</span></a> It should be observed that the axis of the right eye in the head from Sparta droops slightly,
-which causes the eyeball to turn in. This seems to me to be merely the result of imperfect
-skill in modeling. It has a tendency to give to the face a look of greater intensity.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2163"><span class="label">2163</span></a> See <i>supra</i>, pp. 295–6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2164"><span class="label">2164</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i> XXIII, 1899, p. 455. Furtwaengler, <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, pp. 10 f., has shown that it was a
-favorite device to represent boxers and pancratiasts with a sombre look (“<i>der finstere Blick</i>”).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2165"><span class="label">2165</span></a> 1102:κοὐδεὶς τροπαῖ’ ἔστησε τῶν ἐμῶν χερῶν.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2166"><span class="label">2166</span></a> In the passage already cited from <i>de Alex. Magn. fort. aut virtute</i>, Orat. II, 2, (= p. 385c); ...
-καὶ τῶν ὀμμάτων τὴν διάχυσιν καὶ ὑγρότητα, κ. τ. λ.; <i>cf.</i> also his <i>Vita Alex. Magni</i>, IV (= p. 666),
-... τὴν ὑγρότητα τῶν ὀμμάτων.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2167"><span class="label">2167</span></a> The hair of the head from Sparta, like that of the <i>Agias</i> and the <i>Philandridas</i>, has not the expression
-displayed in some Lysippan heads (notably in portraits of Alexander), nor the detail which we
-should expect from Pliny’s statement that Lysippos excelled in his treatment of hair (<i>H. N.</i>,
-XXXIV, 65; see next note). But the <i>Agias</i> and the <i>Philandridas</i> represent pancratiasts, and
-here we should not expect such expression. In the <i>Agias</i>, the hair, even if lacking in detail, is
-treated carefully and with variety.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2168"><span class="label">2168</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 65: <i>propriae huius videntur esse argutiae operum custoditae in minimis
-quoque rebus</i>. Here the word <i>argutiae</i> means “subtlety,” rather than “animation,” as given in
-Harper’s Latin Dictionary.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2169"><span class="label">2169</span></a> I need hardly add that such an idealizing tendency should be carefully distinguished from the
-deification of mortals which came into prominence after the time of Alexander, but existed in
-Greece from the early fifth century B.&nbsp;C., at least. The case of heroizing the Thasian Theagenes,
-who won at Olympia in boxing and the pankration in Ols. 75 and 76 (&#8239;=&#8239;480 and 475 B.&nbsp;C.), has
-been discussed with similar ones in Ch. I, p. 35. But the fact that a victor wanted his statue to be
-more or less assimilated to the ideal type of the hero, whom he regarded as his athletic prototype
-and ideal, does not mean that he had any idea of looking upon himself as a god.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2170"><span class="label">2170</span></a> This would explain the simple, even sketchy, treatment of the closely cropped hair, just as in
-the <i>Agias</i> and the <i>Philandridas</i>. The similarly parted lips of the Sparta head are certainly
-more appropriate to an athlete represented as weary with his toil than to a youthful Herakles.
-The slightly fierce expression of the face, augmented by the already noted imperfection in the
-modeling of the right eyeball, recalls the γοργόν look characteristic of boxers and pancratiasts;
-<i>cf. supra</i>, p. 317, n. 2. On the threatening eyes of contestants in general, see Xenophon, <i>Mem.</i>,
-III, 10, 6–8, and <i>supra</i>, p. 59.
-</p>
-<p>
-The head appears to me to be that of a boy of about sixteen years; its style is too early for a
-victor in the boys’ pankration, as this event was not introduced at Olympia until the 145th
-Olympiad (&#8239;=&#8239;200 B.&nbsp;C.): see Paus., V, 8.11 and Ph., 13. The wrestling match for boys was introduced
-in 01. 37 (&#8239;=&#8239;632 B.&nbsp;C.): see Paus., V, 8.9, and Afr. Boys were first allowed to box in Ol.
-41 (&#8239;=&#8239;616 B.&nbsp;C.): see Paus., <i>ibid.</i> (though Philostratos, 13, gives two traditions, Ols. 41 and 60).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2171"><span class="label">2171</span></a> We have record of only one statue of a victor set up in Sparta, that of the wrestler
-Hetoimokles, who won at the beginning of the sixth century B.&nbsp;C.: see Paus., III, 13.9, and <i>cf.
-infra</i>, Ch. VIII, p. 362, no. 4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2172"><span class="label">2172</span></a> In the present chapter I have partly rewritten two articles which have appeared in the <i>A. J.
-A.</i>; the first, entitled, Were Olympic Victor Statues Exclusively of Bronze?, in vol. XIX, 2d Ser.,
-1915, pp. 57–62; the second, The Oldest Dated Victor Statue, in vol. XVIII, 2d Ser., 1914, pp.
-156–164 and Fig. I. I am indebted to Dr. J. M. Paton, former editor-in-chief, for permission
-to use them in the present work.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2173"><span class="label">2173</span></a> On p. 16 he says: <i>id unum dubitari non potest quin Olympionicarum statuae posteriorum temporum
-omnes ad unam aeneae fuerint</i>; on p. 17 he again says: <i>fieri non potest quin existimemus
-illas statuas omnes ex aere factas fuisse</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2174"><span class="label">2174</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, p. 235.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2175"><span class="label">2175</span></a> II, <small>2</small>, p. 530 (note on P., VI, 1.1).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2176"><span class="label">2176</span></a> F. W., under no. 213, p. 101.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2177"><span class="label">2177</span></a> <i>Denkm.</i><sup>3</sup>, p. 101; Engl. ed., p. 117.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2178"><span class="label">2178</span></a> VI, 1.1–18.7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2179"><span class="label">2179</span></a> Pauly-Wissowa, VII, pp. 2189 f.; and <i>cf.</i> Brunn, I, p. 72. See <i>supra</i>, Ch. III, School of Argos,
-pp. 109–110.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2180"><span class="label">2180</span></a> Brunn, I, p. 34; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2181"><span class="label">2181</span></a> The inscription gives a fragmentary enumeration of various victories: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 234, p. 346;
-see <i>infra</i>, Ch. VIII, p. 360 and n. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2182"><span class="label">2182</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 235, pp. 346–347; see <i>infra</i>, Ch. VIII, p. 360 and n. 4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2183"><span class="label">2183</span></a> Ch. IV, pp. 254–5; <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, pp. 10–11; Tafelbd., Pl. II, 2, 2a; F. W., 322; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2184"><span class="label">2184</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, pp. 11–12; Tafelbd., Pl. III, 3, 3a; F. W., 324. See <i>supra</i>, p. 255.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2185"><span class="label">2185</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, p. 12; Tafelbd., Pl. IV, 5, 5a. Furtwaengler assigned it to a statue “<i>freien
-Stiles</i>.” <i>Cf.</i> F. W., 325.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2186"><span class="label">2186</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, p. 22; Tafelbd., Pl. VI, no. 63. Even the veins are here indicated.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2187"><span class="label">2187</span></a> <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, pp. 12–13; Tafelbd., Pl. IV, nos. 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, etc., and see text on p. 16. In
-this connection we have omitted bronze fragments in modern museums known to have once
-stood in the Altis, <i>e. g.</i>, the head from Beneventum (Fig. 3) in the Louvre: B. B., 324; von
-Mach, 481. These have been already discussed in Ch. II, pp. 62 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2188"><span class="label">2188</span></a> E. Curtius, <i>Peloponnesos</i>, 1851–2, I, p. 85; II, pp. 16 and 96, n. 14; F. Dahn, Die Germanen in
-Griechenland, in <i>A. Z.</i>, XL, 1882, pp. 128 f. Of course, long before the barbarians entered Greece
-many of the best of these statues had been removed to Italy by Roman generals and emperors,
-especially Nero, and others were destroyed in various ways.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2189"><span class="label">2189</span></a> He won in Ol. 59 (&#8239;=&#8239;544 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 18.7; Hyde, 187; Foerster, 113.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2190"><span class="label">2190</span></a> He won in Ol. 61 (&#8239;=&#8239;536 B.&nbsp;C.): P., <i>l. c.</i>; Hyde, 188; Foerster, 120.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2191"><span class="label">2191</span></a> That of Rhexibios was of fig-wood and that of Praxidamas of cypress, and consequently less
-decayed than the other. We know that cypress-wood was largely used for the early ξόανα because
-of its hardness and durability: <i>e. g.</i>, the gilded statue in Ephesos, mentioned by Xenophon, <i>Anab.</i>,
-V, 3.12. Theophrastos speaks of the durability of this wood: <i>de Plant. hist.</i>, V, 4.2 (χρονιώτατα
-δοκεῖ τὰ κυπαρίττινα εἶναι). <i>Cf.</i> Hehn, <i>Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere</i><sup>6</sup>, 1894, pp. 276 f.; H.
-Bluemner, <i>Technologie und Terminologie d. Gewerbe und Kuenste bei Griechen und Roemern</i>, 1879,
-II, pp. 257 f.; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, <small>2</small>, p. 625.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2192"><span class="label">2192</span></a> VII, 27.5. Scherer also, p. 18, n. 4, adduces a passage from the work of the second-century
-A.&nbsp;D. rhetorician Aristeides, κατὰ τῶν ἐξορχ., II, p. 544 (ed. Dindorf), which he thinks points to
-the exclusive use of metal for victor statues: τοὺς ἐπὶ στεφανιτῶν ἀγώνων σκεψώμεθα, οἷον τὸν Δωριέα
-... καὶ πάντας, ὦν εἰκόνες χαλκαί; he also refers to a passage in Dio Chrysost., <i>Orat.</i>, XXVIII,
-A, p. 531 R (289 M).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2193"><span class="label">2193</span></a> F. W., no. 213, p. 101; Scherer, p. 18, n. 3; Vischer, <i>Aesthetik</i>, III, §607, p. 377; and <i>cf.</i> S.
-Reinach, <i>R. Ét. Gr.</i>, XX, p. 413.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2194"><span class="label">2194</span></a> See Koehler, <i>Gesam. Schriften</i> (ed. Stephani), VI, p. 345.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2195"><span class="label">2195</span></a> VI, 1.2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2196"><span class="label">2196</span></a> See Hyde, <i>op. cit.</i>, Catalogue, pp. 3–24. There 188 victors are listed, Philon of Corcyra
-appearing twice, nos. 91 and 136.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2197"><span class="label">2197</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 16.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2198"><span class="label">2198</span></a> P., VI, 1.1, says that not all victors set up statues. This has been discussed in Ch. I, p. 27.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2199"><span class="label">2199</span></a> Pliny differentiates carefully between <i>ars sculptura</i> (<i>i. e.</i>, sculpture in stone) and <i>ars statuaria</i>
-(<i>i. e.</i>, in bronze): thus Bk. XXXIV of the <i>H. N.</i> is concerned with the latter, Bk. XXXVI with
-the former. In XXXVI, 15, he says that <i>sculptura</i> is the older, and that both bronze statuary and
-painting began with Pheidias in Ol. 83 (&#8239;=&#8239;448–445 B.&nbsp;C.), a statement which is inconsistent with
-XXXIV, 83, where he speaks of Theodoros (of the middle or second half of the sixth century
-B.&nbsp;C.) as casting a likeness of himself in bronze. But it is well known that Pliny in his long work
-quotes from a variety of sources, without any attempt to reconcile them.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2200"><span class="label">2200</span></a> Gurlitt, <i>Ueber Pausanias</i>, p. 414, says, less correctly, one-sixth. Forty inscribed bases may be
-referred to victor statues mentioned by Pausanias, while 63 others have been referred to victor
-statues not mentioned by him: see <i>infra</i>, Ch. VIII, pp. 340 f., 353 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2201"><span class="label">2201</span></a> Taken from Treu’s account in <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, pp. 29–34 and 216–218.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2202"><span class="label">2202</span></a> Chapter III, <i>supra</i>, pp. 162–3; <i>a</i> = <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. VI, 1–4 (with fragments, <i>ibid.</i>,
-5–6, 7–8, and figs. 30–32 in the text); <i>b</i> = <i>ibid.</i>, Pl. VI, 9–10.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2203"><span class="label">2203</span></a> Textbd., p. 216, fig. 241; Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 2. Furtwaengler, despite the size and material of
-this torso, ascribed it to the statue of a boy victor: <i>50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, 1890, pp.
-147–148; similarly Treu, <i>l. c.</i>; both refer it to the fifth century B.&nbsp;C. and to a Peloponnesian
-sculptor.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2204"><span class="label">2204</span></a> Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 3; F. W., 330.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2205"><span class="label">2205</span></a> Tafelbd., Pl. LVI. 4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2206"><span class="label">2206</span></a> P. 216, n. 4 and fig. 242; <i>a</i> = buttocks; <i>b</i> = right upper leg; <i>c</i> = bent upper leg with knee; <i>d</i> =
-upper arm bent at elbow.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2207"><span class="label">2207</span></a> V, 17.3; here he enumerates images of ivory and gold, the marble <i>Hermes</i> of Praxiteles, an
-<i>Aphrodite</i> in bronze. Similarly, in II, 17.6, he mentions dedications, of different materials, in the
-Heraion of Argos; in I, 26.3, he mentions a bronze statue of Olympiodoros at Delphi dedicated
-by the Phokians, but says nothing of the material of two statues at Athens, where most of the
-offerings were marble; in I, 28.1, he speaks of a bronze statue of Kylon on the Akropolis; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2208"><span class="label">2208</span></a> P., VIII, 40.1; to be discussed in the second part of the present chapter, pp. 326 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2209"><span class="label">2209</span></a> <i>R. Ét. Anc.</i>, X, 1908, pp. 161 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2210"><span class="label">2210</span></a> <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pls. XLVI-XLVIII; Textbd., pp. 182 f. and Figs. 210 f.; and <i>Ergebnisse</i>,
-II (<i>Baudenkmaeler</i>), Pl. XCIII (basis) and pp. 153–5; <i>cf.</i> P., V, 26.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2211"><span class="label">2211</span></a> P., V, 17.3 (already mentioned on p. 325, n. 3).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2212"><span class="label">2212</span></a> See Treu, <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, p. 216. To-day marble is far commoner than bronze for artistic work;
-the reverse was true in antiquity. Many varieties of bronze—a combination of copper and tin in
-varying proportions—were named from places where it was manufactured: <i>e. g.</i>, Corinthian,
-Delian (the favorite with Myron), Aeginetan (the favorite with Polykleitos), etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2213"><span class="label">2213</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Furtwaengler, <i>Bronz. v. Ol.</i>, pp. 21–2; <i>50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, p. 147; Reisch, p.
-39. Good examples are the Tuebingen bronze hoplitodrome discussed in Ch. IV, pp. 206 f.
-(Fig. 42) and the παῖς κέλης from Dodona (Carapanos, <i>Dodone et ses Ruines</i>, Pl. XIII. 1). For
-diskoboloi, see E. von Sacken, <i>Die ant. Bronzen des k. k. Muenz- und Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien</i>,
-1871, Pls, XXXV, 1, XXXVII, 4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2214"><span class="label">2214</span></a> VIII, 40.1: Φιγαλεῦσι δὲ ἀνδριάς ἐστιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς Ἀρ&lt;ρα&gt; χίωνος τοῦ παγκρατιαστοῦ, τά
-τε ἄλλα ἀρχαῖος καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα ἐπὶ τῷ σχήματι· οὐ διεστᾶσι μὲν πολὺ οἱ πόδες, καθεῖνται δὲ παρὰ
-πλευρὰν αἱ χεῖρες ἄχρι τῶν γλουτῶν. πεποίηται μὲν δὴ ἡ εἰκὼν λίθου, λέγουσι δὲ καὶ ἐπίγραμμα ἐπ’
-αὐτὴν γραφῆναι. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἠφάνιστο ὑπὸ τοῦ χρόνου, κ.τ.λ.
-</p>
-<p>
-On the various spellings of the name, Arrhachion, Arrhachon, Arrhichion, etc., see critical
-note in Rutgers, p. 19, and Foerster, no. 103.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2215"><span class="label">2215</span></a> Both Africanus (see Rutgers, <i>l. c.</i>), and Pausanias (<i>l. c.</i>) date the third victory. Pausanias
-and Philostratos, 21, place the other two victories in the Ols. just preceding. <i>Cf.</i> Rutgers,
-p. 20, n. 1, and Foerster, nos. 98, 101, 103. The story how Arrhachion expired at the moment
-of victory, throttled by his adversary, whose toe he succeeded in putting out of joint, is told by
-Africanus, Pausanias (VIII, 40.2), and Philostratos (<i>Imag.</i>, II, 6 = p. 411); Pausanias also mentions
-that the body was crowned.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2216"><span class="label">2216</span></a> Frazer, IV, pp. 391–2; III, pp. 40–1. The statue has otherwise not been published. In all
-probability it is the same one listed by Waldemar Deonna, in his <i>Les Apollons archaïques</i>, Geneva,
-1909, p. 187, no. 79. This was seen at Phigalia in 1891 by M. Chamonard and notices of it are
-to be found in the following works: <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XV, 1891, pp. 440 and 448; <i>Chroniques d’Orient</i>,
-II, p. 36; <i>R. Ét. gr.</i>, 1892, p. 127; Mueller, <i>Nacktheit und Entbloessung in d. altoriental. und
-aelteren griech. Kunst</i>, Diss. inaug., 1906, p. 100; Rouse, p. 307.
-</p>
-<p>
-Pausanias’ description of Arrhachion’s statue is discussed by the following: Scherer, pp. 16 and
-23; Iwan v. Mueller, <i>Handbuch</i>, VI, p. 530: Dumont, <i>Mélanges d’ Arch.</i>, p. 53; Lange, <i>Darstellung
-des Menschen in der aelteren griech. Kunst</i>, 1899; Brunn, <i>Griech. Kunstgesch.</i>, II, p. 73; Overbeck,
-<i>Griech. Kunstmythol.</i>, III, <i>Apollon</i>, p. 12, no. 9; Klein, p. 146; Reisch, p. 40; Collignon, I,
-p. 117, n. 1, and <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, V, 1881, p. 321; <i>cf.</i> Deonna, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 13, n. 4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2217"><span class="label">2217</span></a> See Lange, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. XI f., who states the formula, which we have already given <i>supra</i>, Ch.
-IV, p. 175, <i>cf.</i> Loewy, <i>Die Naturwiedergabe in der aelteren griech. Kunst</i>, 1900, pp. 25, 27; <i>id.</i>,
-<i>Lysipp und seine Stellung in der griech. Kunst</i>, pp. 17–18. On the pose, <i>cf.</i> S. Reinach, <i>Manuel
-de Philologie classique</i> (ed. 2), 1907, II, p. 91 n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2218"><span class="label">2218</span></a> Deonna, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 85, says that the size of the αἰδοῖα is an indication of archaism, as the earlier
-artists exaggerated them in order to show the sex better. Figs. 7 (example from the Kerameikos)
-and 72 (example from Delphi), on pp. 132 and 179 respectively of his work, resemble our statue
-in this feature.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2219"><span class="label">2219</span></a> I, pp. 21 f.; <i>cf.</i> <i>Rhein. Mus.</i>, N. F., X, 1856, pp. 153 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2220"><span class="label">2220</span></a> See bibliography in Collignon, I, pp. 117–18; <i>cf.</i> G. Kieseritzky, <i>Jb.</i>, VII, 1892, pp. 182 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2221"><span class="label">2221</span></a> <i>A. Z.</i>, XL, 1882, pp. 55 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2222"><span class="label">2222</span></a> <i>Mw.</i>, p. 712.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2223"><span class="label">2223</span></a> I, pp. 117–19; more fully in <i>Gaz. Arch.</i>, 1886, pp. 235 f.; <i>cf.</i> also his later treatment in <i>Mon.
-Piot</i>, XX, 1913, pp. 5 f.; he assumes less influence in the corresponding archaic draped female
-type. <i>Cf.</i> also, for a similar view, F. W., p. 11 (to no. 14); von Sybel, <i>Weltgesch. d. Kunst</i>, p. 114;
-Kieseritzky, <i>l. c.</i>; Loewy, <i>Jh. oest. arch. Inst.</i>, XII, 1909, pp. 243 f.; <i>cf.</i> <i>id.</i>, <i>ibid.</i>, XIV, 1911,
-pp. 1 f,; <i>id.</i>, <i>Griech. Plastik</i>, 1911, p. 5. While Loewy believes Egyptian influence reached Greece
-via Crete, Poulson believes that it came via Phœnicia: see the latter’s <i>Der Orient u. d. fruehgriech.
-Kunst</i>, 1912, and <i>cf.</i> his article in <i>Berl. Philol. Wochenschr.</i>, XXXIV, 1914, cols. 61 f.;
-Richardson, p. 39; E. Kroker, <i>Jb.</i>, I, 1886, pp. 114 f.; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2224"><span class="label">2224</span></a> <i>Gaz. B.-A.</i>, XXI, 1899, pp. 177 f.; 313 f.; for a similar view, see also Overbeck, I, pp. 37 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2225"><span class="label">2225</span></a> <i>Les Apollons archaïques</i>, pp. 21 f.; <i>id.</i>, <i>L’Archéologie, sa valeur, ses methodes</i>, II, pp. 193 f.;
-<i>id.</i>, L’influence égyptienne sur l’attitude du type statuaire debout dans l’archaïsme grec, in <i>Festgabe
-H. Bluemner ueberreicht</i>, 1914, pp. 102–142.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2226"><span class="label">2226</span></a> <i>Greek Sculpture, Its Spirit and Principles</i>, 1903, p. 84. On p. 324, however, he admits Oriental
-influence on the Greek minor arts, especially that of Assyria on early vases.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2227"><span class="label">2227</span></a> So Pottier, <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XVIII, 1894, pp. 408 f.; <i>cf.</i> Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, pp. 47 f.; <i>Sculpt.</i>, pp. 17 f.; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2228"><span class="label">2228</span></a> Schliemann, <i>Orchomenos</i>, Pl. I (restored); Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 543, fig. 220 (fragment),
-(restored on p. 544, fig. 221, from Schliemann); Springer-Michaelis, p. 115, fig. 246; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2229"><span class="label">2229</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, I, 42.5; II, 19.3; VII, 5.5; <i>cf.</i> IV, 32.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2230"><span class="label">2230</span></a> I, 98.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2231"><span class="label">2231</span></a> Bulle dates the Old Kingdom from the 30th to the 25th centuries B.&nbsp;C. But early Egyptian
-dates are too unsettled to be discussed here. For a tabular view of the chronology of the Egyptian
-dynasties as given by different scholars—Sethe, Meyer, Petrie, Breasted, Maspero, etc.,
-see <i>Encycl. Brit.</i>, eleventh ed., vol. IX, p. 79 (in the article on Egypt, Chronology and History,
-by R. S. Poole and F. Ll. Griffith). Breasted, <i>A History of Egypt</i><sup>2</sup>, 1916, chart on p. 21, dates
-dynasties I-VI, 3400–2475 B.&nbsp;C.; XI-XVII, 2160–1580 B.&nbsp;C.; XVIII-(part of) XX, 1580–1150
-B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2232"><span class="label">2232</span></a> Both are given by Bulle, Pl. 5; <i>cf.</i> <i>id.</i>, Pl. 37 (“Apollos” of Tenea and Volomandra); Ra-nefer,
-in Maspero, <i>Art in Egypt</i>, 1912, p. 82, fig. 148; Perrot-Chipiez, I, 1882, p. 655, fig. 436; Tepemankh,
-in Maspero, p. 84, fig. 155, and in Perrot-Chipiez, p. 678, fig. 461. The statue of Ra-nefer
-is 1.73 meters tall, that of Tepemankh 1.66 meters.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2233"><span class="label">2233</span></a> Ka-aper in Bulle, Pls. 6 and 7 (two views of the head); von Bissing, <i>Denkm. aegypt. Skulpt.</i>,
-I, 1914, Pl. XI; Perrot-Chipiez, I, p. 11, fig. 7; Maspero, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 83, figs. 151, 152; <i>id.</i>, <i>Manual
-of Egyptian Archæology</i>, 1895, p. 218, fig. 188, and p. 221, fig. 191. The “wife,” in Bulle, Pl. 9
-(two views); Maspero, p. 83, fig. 154; <i>id.</i>, <i>Manual</i>, p. 222, fig. 192.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2234"><span class="label">2234</span></a> Breasted, <i>A History of Egypt</i><sup>2</sup>, <i>l. c.</i>, dates dynasties XI-XII, 2160–1788 B.&nbsp;C.; the Hyksos,
-dynasties XIII-XVII, 1788–1580 B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2235"><span class="label">2235</span></a> Bulle. Pls. 11 (two views) and 12 (head); von Bissing, <i>op. cit.</i>, I, Pl. XL, A (left); Maspero, <i>Art
-in Egypt</i>, p. 110, figs. 203–204.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2236"><span class="label">2236</span></a> We should add to the New Empire the Deltaic dynasties, from the twenty-first on. Breasted,
-<i>l. c.</i>, assigns to the New Empire dynasties XVIII-XIX and part of XX, 1580–1150 B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2237"><span class="label">2237</span></a> Bulle, Pl. 17 (left); Maspero, <i>Hist. anc. des peuples de l’Orient classique</i>, II, p. 531; <i>id.</i>, <i>Art in
-Egypt</i>, p. 201, fig. 390 (= the Lady Naï); <i>Mon. Piot</i>, II, 1895, Pls. II-IV.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2238"><span class="label">2238</span></a> Bulle, Pl. 17 (right); von Bissing, II, Pl. LXIV; Maspero, <i>Hist.</i>, III, pp. 503–504 and Pl. II;
-<i>id.</i>, <i>Art in Egypt</i>, p. 238, fig. 455; Perrot-Chipiez, I, p. 714, fig. 481 (profile). Though the face is
-lifeless, the bust and lower trunk are delicately modeled.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2239"><span class="label">2239</span></a> We see the Egyptian treatment of the hair especially marked in the upper part of a stone
-“Apollo” discovered at Eleutherna in Crete, which is now in the Candia Museum: <i>Rendiconti
-della R. Accad. dei Lincei</i>, 1891, p. 599 (Loewy); <i>Rev. Arch.</i>, 1893, Pls. III-IV (Joubin); Gardner,
-<i>Hbk.</i>, p. 147, fig. 21; Perrot-Chipiez, p. 431, fig. 208; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2240"><span class="label">2240</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, in the statue of Ra-nefer.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2241"><span class="label">2241</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, in the statue of the <i>Sheik-el-Beled</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2242"><span class="label">2242</span></a> High-placed ears are common to many archaic Greek works other than the “Apollos.” They
-persist even in some of the figures on the Parthenon frieze.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2243"><span class="label">2243</span></a> On these common characteristics, see Richardson, p. 39; <i>cf.</i> H. N. Fowler, <i>History of Sculpture</i>,
-1916, pp. 59–60; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2244"><span class="label">2244</span></a> Pottier, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 414, assumes a religious reason for the left foot being advanced in both
-types. For another, natural explanation, see Homolle, <i>de antiquiss. Dianae Simul.</i>, p. 95,
-quoted by Collignon, I, p. 118, n. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2245"><span class="label">2245</span></a> The Greeks first copied the type in statuettes: <i>e. g.</i>, alabaster figurines from Naukratis: W.
-Flinders Petrie, <i>Naukratis</i><sup>2</sup>, 1888, I, Pls. 1, 3, 4; G. Kieseritzky, <i>Jb.</i>, VII, 1892, Pl. VI (with head,
-three views); <i>ibid.</i> p. 189 (figure in Boston). Pottier, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 409, cites two alabaster examples
-from Egypt (probably from Naukratis) which are nude, and on Pl. XVII, he reproduces four terra-cotta
-draped figurines in the Louvre, of Phœnician manufacture, similar to Egyptian works.
-The nudity of the “Apollos” marks the distinction between Greek and barbarian art.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2246"><span class="label">2246</span></a> Brunn, in his <i>Kunst bei Homer</i>, 1868, quoted by Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p. 47, showed by a very true
-analogy the way in which the Greek artist became an imitator. The Greeks borrowed their alphabet
-from Phœnicia, but wrote Greek and not Phœnician with it; just so the Greek artist borrowed
-the alphabet of art from Egypt, but with it wrote his own language of art.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2247"><span class="label">2247</span></a> <i>Gesch. des Materialismus</i>,<sup>3</sup> I, p. 127 (quoted by F. W., on p. 12).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2248"><span class="label">2248</span></a> This is the view of K. Kouroniotis, who carefully examined them. I quote his words incorporated
-in Dr. Svoronos’ letter to me of Dec. 29, 1911: τὰ γράμματα ἐπὶ τοῦ κορμοῦ, νομίζω
-ὅτι δὲ ἔχουσι καμμίαν σημασίαν, ἴσως δὲ μάλιστα εἶνε τὰ χαράγματα νέου τινός.
-</p>
-<p>
-The inscriptions on the great majority of victor monuments found at Olympia were engraved
-upon the horizontal upper face of the base in front of the feet—at least down to the fourth century
-B.&nbsp;C.: see <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, p. 235. Dittenberger and Purgold have referred two inscribed convex
-bronze fragments found in the Altis to the flanks of victor statues set up in imperial times: <i>ibid.</i>,
-nos. 234–5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2249"><span class="label">2249</span></a> Only one other victor from Phigalia is known, Narykidas, who won πάλῃ some time in
-the first half of the fourth century B.&nbsp;C., as the mutilated epigram and artist’s name found upon
-fragments of the pedestal of his statue at Olympia attest, a date out of the question for our statue:
-see <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 161: <i>cf.</i> P., VI, 6, 1; Foerster, no. 324.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2250"><span class="label">2250</span></a> P., VI, 15.8; Hyde, 148; Foerster, 61, 62.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2251"><span class="label">2251</span></a> P., I, 28.1; <i>cf.</i> for the date, Foerster, no. 55. See <i>infra</i>, p. 362.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2252"><span class="label">2252</span></a> P., III, 13.9; Foerster, nos. 86–90. See <i>infra</i>, p. 362.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2253"><span class="label">2253</span></a> P., VI, 3.8; Hyde, 29; Foerster, 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2254"><span class="label">2254</span></a> P., VI, 13.2; it was accordingly set up about Ols. 77–8 (&#8239;=&#8239;472–468 B.&nbsp;C.): see Hyde, no. 111,
-and <i>cf.</i> p. 48; Foerster, 39, 41–46. See <i>infra</i>, p. 362.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2255"><span class="label">2255</span></a> The god was so described in the Homeric Hymn to the Delian Apollo, v. 134, and that to
-the Pythian Apollo, v. 272. On the grounds of long hair and nudity G. Koerte identified the example
-from Orchomenos: see his article, Die Antiken Skulpturen aus Boeotien, <i>A. M.</i>, III, 1878,
-pp. 305 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2256"><span class="label">2256</span></a> So Vitet, <i>Gaz. B.-A.</i>, XII, 1862, p. 29.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2257"><span class="label">2257</span></a> See list in Deonna, <i>Les Apollons archaïques</i>, p. 13, n. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2258"><span class="label">2258</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, on an amphora from Vienne: see <i>Annali</i>, XXI, 1849, Pl. D., and pp. 159 f.; on another
-from Nola, now in the British Museum: <i>B. M. Vases</i>, III, p. 230, E 336; <i>cf.</i> also <i>ibid.</i>, E 313; on
-a wall-painting from Pompeii: <i>A. Z.</i>, XL, 1882, p. 58; on a marble bas-relief in the Palazzo
-Corsini in Florence: Duetschke, II, p. 114, no. 283. These examples represent the god only.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2259"><span class="label">2259</span></a> I, 98. <i>Cf.</i> Brunn, <i>Griech. Kunstgesch.</i>, II, p. 76, and <i>Griech. Kuenstler</i>, I, pp. 36–37, no. 11;
-Mueller, <i>Nacktheit und Entbloessung in d. altorient. und aelteren griech. Kunst</i>, Diss. inaug.,
-1906, pp. 112 and 122; Roscher, <i>Lex.</i>, I, <i>s. v.</i> Apollon, p. 450; Overbeck, I, pp. 38 and 78.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2260"><span class="label">2260</span></a> P., VIII, 53. 7–8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2261"><span class="label">2261</span></a> P., II, 32. 5; <i>cf.</i> IX, 35. 3; described by Plut., <i>de Musica</i>, 14 (p. 1136); <i>cf.</i> <i>Annali</i>, XXXVI,
-1864, p. 254; etc. Discussed <i>infra</i>, p. 335 and n. 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2262"><span class="label">2262</span></a> See list in <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, pp. 81 f. (from which we have taken some of the following examples).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2263"><span class="label">2263</span></a> Petrie, <i>Naukratis</i>, I, Pl. 1, fig. 4.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2264"><span class="label">2264</span></a> <i>A. Z.</i>, XL, 1882, p. 323.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2265"><span class="label">2265</span></a> Deonna, <i>op. cit.</i>, nos. 1, 2; <i>cf.</i> <i>Gaz. Arch.</i>, 1886, p. 235.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2266"><span class="label">2266</span></a> See Deonna, nos. 28 f.; <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, X, 1886, pp. 66 f.; B. B., 12; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2267"><span class="label">2267</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, no. 210.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2268"><span class="label">2268</span></a> <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, nos. 202 (torso = Petrie, <i>Naukratis</i>, I, Pl. I, fig. 9) and 204 (torso = <i>Naukratis</i>, I,
-Pl. I, fig. 3).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2269"><span class="label">2269</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 203 (= <i>Naukratis</i>, II, Pl. XIV, fig. 13).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2270"><span class="label">2270</span></a> See <i>A. M.</i>, IV, 1879, p. 304.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2271"><span class="label">2271</span></a> <i>See</i> Rapporto d’un viaggio nella Grecia nel 1860, in <i>Annali</i>, XXXIII, 1861, p. 80.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2272"><span class="label">2272</span></a> <i>J. H. S.</i>, I, 1880, pp. 168 f., already quoted. For the monument of Dermys and Kitylos, see
-<i>Gaz. Arch.</i>, 1878, Pl. 29; <i>A. M.</i>, III, 1878, Pl. XIV; F. W., 44.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2273"><span class="label">2273</span></a> On the subject of hair on “Apollo” statues, see Overbeck, <i>Griech. Kunstmythol.</i>, III, <i>Apollon</i>,
-p. 14 (<i>cf.</i> note f); and <i>cf.</i> Milchhoefer, <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXIX, 1881, p. 54, who discards this feature as a
-criterion.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2274"><span class="label">2274</span></a> For examples, see Deonna, <i>Les Apollons archaïques</i>, p. 12, n. 4 and n. 5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2275"><span class="label">2275</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> the colossal bearded statue of Dionysos found in the quarries on Naxos (Komiaki), described
-by Deonna, p. 221. In a preceding note (p. 334, n. 4) we have already listed examples of the type
-of Apollo appearing on vases, etc.; see <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, I, p. 82.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2276"><span class="label">2276</span></a> The date of these sculptors is fixed by that of their pupil, the Aeginetan Kallon, who lived at
-the beginning of the fifth century B.&nbsp;C.; <i>cf.</i> Akropolis inscription, <i>I. G. B.</i>, no. 27. This statue is
-mentioned by P., IX, 35. 3, as holding the <i>Graces</i> in one hand. Plutarch, who cites Antikles and
-Istros as his authorities, gives a better description of it in <i>de Musica</i>, 14; he says that it held the
-bow in the right hand and the <i>Graces</i> playing on musical instruments in the left. A scholion on
-Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, XIV, 16, Boeckh, p. 293, mentions such an image of Apollo in Delphi, manifestly a
-copy of the Delian one. Both the scholiast and Macrobius, <i>Saturnalia</i>, 1, 17. 13, place the bow
-in the left hand and the <i>Graces</i> in the right, an arrangement confirmed by Athenian coins which
-are copied from the replica of the statue in Athens (Bekker, <i>Anecdota gr.</i>, I, p. 299, ll. 8–9).
-Frazer, V, p. 174, figs. 8–9, reproduces two of these coins.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2277"><span class="label">2277</span></a> This image, known as the <i>Philesian Apollo</i>, already discussed on pp. 118f., is described by Pliny,
-<i>H. H.</i>, XXXIV, 75. It was made between 494 and 479 B.&nbsp;C.: see Frazer, IV, pp. 429–30. It is copied
-on Milesian coins, which represent the god nude, holding a stag in the right hand and a bow in the
-left: see Overbeck, <i>Griech. Mythol.</i>, III, <i>Apollon</i>, Muenztafel I, 22 f. P., IX, 10.2, mentions a
-cedar replica of the statue in Thebes. In the British Museum is a bronze, the so-called
-Payne Knight statuette, a copy of the one on the coins; it is reproduced by Frazer, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 430,
-fig. 45 (= <i>B. M. Bronzes</i>, no. 209); Frazer mentions as other copies a statuette in Berlin,
-described in <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVII, 1879, pp. 84–91, and one from the Ptoian sanctuary, described in
-<i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, X, 1886, pp. 190–6, and Pl. IX. On Milesian reliefs, see one published by Kekulé von
-Stradonitz, Ueber d. Apoll. des Kanachos, <i>Sitzb. Berl. Akad. d. Wiss.</i>, 1904, I, fig. on p. 787, and
-p. 797, and another by Th. Wiegand, Siebenter vorlaeufiger Bericht ueber Ausgrabungen in
-Milet und Didyma (<i>Abh. Berl. Akad. d. Wiss., Philosoph.-histor. Cl.</i>, 1911), p. 21.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2278"><span class="label">2278</span></a> Mentioned by P., X, 24. 5, and Philochoros, in <i>F. H. G.</i>, I, fragm. 22 on p. 387. Imperial Delphic
-coins from the time of Hadrian on represent the god nude with outstretched arms; such
-coin-types may be copies of this statue; <i>cf.</i> Frazer, V, p. 352.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2279"><span class="label">2279</span></a> See <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XII, 1888, p. 468.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2280"><span class="label">2280</span></a> In the Ottoman Museum, Invent. no. 374; Reinach, <i>Rép.</i>, II, <small>1</small>, 78, 2. It is described by
-Mendel, in <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXVI, 1902, pp. 467 f.; <i>cf.</i> Deonna, <i>Les Apollons archaïques</i>, p. 226, no. 127.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2281"><span class="label">2281</span></a> See Deonna, pp. 191 f., no. 81 and figs. 84–90; <i>cf.</i> Annali, XXXVI, 1864, p. 253 (Michaelis).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2282"><span class="label">2282</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 185 f., no. 77 and fig. 82.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2283"><span class="label">2283</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, the two colossal statues from Cape Sounion discovered by Staïs in 1906 in front of the
-ruins of the temple of Poseidon, and now in Athens, possibly meant for the Dioskouroi: see
-Deonna, pp. 135–8, nos. 7–8 and figs. 14–17; for one, see <i>A. M.</i>, XXXI, 1906, pp. 363–4; Deonna,
-no. 7, pp. 135 and 347; Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, no. 2720, pp. 6–7 and fig.; Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>, p.
-197, fig. 40; it is 3.05 meters high (Staïs); two from Delphi, called either Kleobis and Biton, or
-the Dioskouroi by Homolle, <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXIV, 1900, pp. 445 = B) and 446 (= A), and 450 f.;
-Homolle here has the letters changed; his B = <i>Fouilles de Delphes</i>, IV, 1 (= our A, = Pl. 8B); see
-Deonna, pp. 176–8, nos. 65–6, figs. 66–9; see list of statues from sanctuaries of Apollo and other
-gods, <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 18–19.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2284"><span class="label">2284</span></a> See Milchhoefer, <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXIX, 1881, pp. 54–55.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2285"><span class="label">2285</span></a> See Loeschke, <i>A. M.</i>, IV, 1879, p. 304; <i>cf.</i> Furtwaengler, <i>A. Z.</i>, XL, 1882, p. 57; Hiller von
-Gaertringen, <i>Thera</i>, III, 1904, p. 285; Ross, <i>Reisen auf d. griech. Inseln des Aegaeischen Meeres</i>,
-I, 1840, p. 8.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2286"><span class="label">2286</span></a> See Deonna, <i>Les Apollons archaïques</i>, pp. 238–9, no. 141; <i>B. M. Sculpt.</i>, 207 (= torso).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2287"><span class="label">2287</span></a> Deonna, p. 247, no. 155. This is one of the most recent of the series and belongs to the end
-of the sixth or beginning of the fifth century B.&nbsp;C.: Orsi, <i>Monumenti antichi</i>, I, pp. 789 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2288"><span class="label">2288</span></a> Bulle, 37 (left).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2289"><span class="label">2289</span></a> <i>Vit. Apoll. Tyan.</i>, IV, 28; see <i>supra</i>, pp. 106–7. Scherer, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 23 ff., thought that this
-statue conformed with the type of the <i>Apollo</i> of Kanachos already mentioned. Reisch, p. 40,
-rightly believes that it had “<i>noch geschlossene Beine, aber geloeste Arme</i>,” <i>i. e.</i>, like the <i>Apollo</i> of
-Tektaios and Angelion already discussed.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2290"><span class="label">2290</span></a> Arndt, <i>La Glyptothèque Ny-Carlsberg</i>, pp. 1–2 and Pls. I-II; Deonna, pp. 143–4, no. 21. It has
-been ascribed to different artists of the last quarter of the sixth century B.&nbsp;C.: Lechat, <i>Au
-Musée de l’Acropole</i>, pp. 359–60; Klein, I, p. 246 f.; we have already discussed it on pp. 127–8.
-E. A. Gardner, <i>J. H. S.</i>, VIII, 1887, p. 190, refers some of the statues found at the Ptoian sanctuary
-to athletes, but Holleaux believes that these statues represent Apollo: <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, X, 1886,
-p. 68; <i>cf.</i> also Staïs, <i>Marbres et Bronzes</i>, p. 8. W. Vischer, <i>Kleine Schriften</i>, II, 1878, p. 307,
-admits that some of the “Apollos” can be athletes, as Conze and Michaelis had done: <i>Annali</i>,
-XXXIII, 861, p. 80.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2291"><span class="label">2291</span></a> See Deonna, p. 253.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2292"><span class="label">2292</span></a> Thus Scherer, p. 22, n. 3, and Reisch, p. 40, leave the question unsettled; Gardner, <i>Hbk.</i>,
-p. 98, n. 1, thinks that the material for a decision as to a given statue, whether of this god or
-that, or of a worshiper or athlete, hardly exists; Collignon, <i>Mythol. figurée de la Grèce</i>, p. 84,
-recognizes that these statues stood for both gods and athletes; Hitz.-Bluemn., III, <small>1</small>, p. 262,
-think that the type passes equally well for gods and sepulchral statues; Overbeck, I, pp. 114–115, and
-F. W., p. 11, believe that it represents a general scheme for athletes, sepulchral statues, and Apollos.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2293"><span class="label">2293</span></a> The first part of this chapter appeared, under the title The Positions of Victor Statues at Olympia,
-in <i>A. J. A.</i>, XVI, 2d Ser., 1912, pp. 203–229, with Plan; the second part, entitled, Greek Literary
-Notices of Olympic Victor Monuments outside Olympia, appeared in <i>Trans. Amer. Philol. Assn.</i>,
-XLII, 1912, pp. 53–67. I am indebted to Dr. J. M. Paton, former editor-in-chief of the <i>A. J. A.</i>,
-for permission to use the former, and to Prof. Clarence Bill, the present secretary of the American
-Philological Association, for permission to use the latter. Only slight changes have been made
-in the original articles for the present work. The summary of the last section, Statistics of
-Olympic Victor Statuaries, is revised from my note published in <i>Proceedings of the American
-Philological Association</i>, XLIV, 1913, pp. xxx-xxxi. I am also indebted to Professor Bill for
-permission to use it in the present work.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2294"><span class="label">2294</span></a>ἵππων ἀγωνιστῶν ... καὶ ἀνδρῶν ἀθλητῶν τε καὶ ἰδιωτῶν ὁμοίως (VI, 1.1).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2295"><span class="label">2295</span></a> VI, Chs. 1–16. 169 in my <i>de olympionicarum Statuis</i>: Philon of Kerkyra, who had two
-statues, is there named twice, under nos. 91 and 136.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2296"><span class="label">2296</span></a> VI, Chs. 17–18.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2297"><span class="label">2297</span></a> See <i>Ergebn. v. Ol.</i>, Karten u. Plaene, 1899, III, IV (Doerpfeld); <i>cf.</i> also H. Luckenbach, <i>Olympia
-und Delphi</i>, 1904, p. 11, fig. 5 (= <i>A. J. A.</i>, XVI, 1912, p. 204, fig. 1).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2298"><span class="label">2298</span></a> <i>A. Z.</i>, XL, 1882, pp. 119 f. (and Sketch-plan).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2299"><span class="label">2299</span></a> Pp. 45 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2300"><span class="label">2300</span></a> In Baum., II, pp. 1094 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2301"><span class="label">2301</span></a> <i>Olympia, Ergebnisse</i>, Textbd., I (<i>Topographie und Geschichte</i>), pp. 87 f.; <i>cf.</i> <i>A. M.</i>, XIII, 1888,
-pp. 335 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2302"><span class="label">2302</span></a> <i>De olymp. Stat.</i>, Ch. III, pp. 63 f. The outline therein forms the basis of the present treatment.
-The numbers of the victors from the catalogue of that work, showing the order of presentation
-by Pausanias, are here retained in parentheses: <i>e. g.</i>, Telemachos (122). A letter after the number
-indicates either that an adjacent “honor” statue, <i>e. g.</i>, Philonides (154a), stood next to a victor
-statue, <i>e. g.</i>, Menalkeas (154), or that no statue is mentioned.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2303"><span class="label">2303</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Kalkmann, <i>Pausanias der Perieget</i>, 1886, p. 88.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2304"><span class="label">2304</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, nos. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6 were Eleans; 7–9 and 11–14 were Spartans; 17–18 and 23–26 were
-Eleans; 45 and 48–49, 51, 54, 57 were Arkadians; 6–9 and 11–14 were victors in chariot-races;
-30, 34, 37, 40 were pancratiasts; 25–28 had statues by Sikyonian artists; 39–40 had statues by
-Athenian artists; 59–63 formed a family group; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2305"><span class="label">2305</span></a> <i>Ueber Pausanias</i>, 1890, p. 393.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2306"><span class="label">2306</span></a> The lack of continuity in describing the altars led R. Heberdey, <i>Eranos Vindobonensis</i>, 1893,
-pp. 39 f., (Die Olympische Altarperiegese des Pausanias), to conclude wrongly that Pausanias
-took over bodily from an earlier work his enumeration of the altars, only here and there interposing
-a remark of his own, as <i>e. g.</i>, V, 15. 2, where he parenthetically describes the Leonidaion.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2307"><span class="label">2307</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, the statue of the Akarnanian boxer (10) stood among those of Spartan victors (7–14);
-Eukles (52), a grandson of Diagoras, had his statue away from his family group (59–63); the two
-statues of Timon (17 and 105 d) stood in different parts of the Altis.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2308"><span class="label">2308</span></a> VI, 1.3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2309"><span class="label">2309</span></a> So Furtwaengler, <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVII, 1879, p. 146; Treu, <i>ibid.</i>, p. 207; Flasch, Hirschfeld, and
-Scherer, in the works already cited.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2310"><span class="label">2310</span></a> So Doerpfeld, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 88; Michaelis, <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXIV, 1876, p. 164; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, <small>2</small>, p. 531; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2311"><span class="label">2311</span></a> Hyde, p. 64. I here append three such passages: in V, 24.3, in speaking of the statue of the
-<i>Zeus</i> of the Lacedæmonians, he says that it τοῦ ναοῦ δέ ἐστιν ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ μεγάλου Ζεὺς πρὸς ἀνατολὰς
-ἡλίου, <i>i. e.</i>, at the southeast corner of the temple near where the pedestal was found (<i>cf.</i> <i>Inschr.
-v. Ol.</i>, 252, and <i>Olympia, Ergebn.</i>, Textbd., I, p. 86); in V, 26.2, in speaking of the offerings of Mikythos,
-he says that they stood παρὰ δὲ τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ μεγάλου τὴν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ πλεύραν, <i>i. e.</i>, on the
-northern side of the temple of Zeus, where most authorities find their foundations (<i>cf.</i> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>,
-267–269, and Flasch, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 1093); in VIII, 38.2, he says that Mount Lykaion is ἐν ἀριστερᾷ
-δὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τῆς Δεσποίνης, <i>i. e.</i>, to the north of that temple. <i>Cf.</i> also V, 21.2. Professor Bluemner,
-reviewing my monograph <i>de olymp. Stat.</i>, in the <i>Berl. Philol. Wochenschr.</i>, XXIV, 1904,
-col. 1382, objects to my interpretation of ἐν δεξιᾷ, and admits not one but three possibilities: (<i>a</i>)
-of the temple <i>pro persona</i>, <i>i. e.</i>, its south side; (<i>b</i>) of a spectator facing the chief, <i>i. e.</i>, east front,
-the northern half of the space before it; (<i>c</i>) of a spectator with his back to this front, <i>i. e.</i>, the
-southern half of this space. But if Pausanias had meant either of the two latter, he would have
-said πρὸ τοῦ ναοῦ, as in VIII, 37.2, κατὰ τὸν ναόν, <i>cf.</i> V, 15.3, or ἀντικρὺ τοῦ ναοῦ, <i>cf.</i> V, 27.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2312"><span class="label">2312</span></a> For locations of bases, see <i>Insch. v. Ol.</i>, nos. 166 (Troilos), 160 (Kyniska), 172 (Sophios). Because
-of the finds in the Prytaneion both Hirschfeld and Scherer started this ἔφοδος west of the
-Heraion.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2313"><span class="label">2313</span></a> From the unfinished condition of the back of the Lysippan marble head from the statue
-of Philandridas (10), as well as its excellent surface preservation (Frontispiece and Fig. 69),
-we have already argued that some of these early statues may have stood along the southern
-steps of the temple against the columns of the peristyle: <i>supra</i>, p. 300.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2314"><span class="label">2314</span></a> See <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 248; <i>cf.</i> P., V, 27.9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2315"><span class="label">2315</span></a> See <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, nos. 161 (Narykdas); 146 (Kallias); 159 (Eukles); 144 (Euthymos); 156
-(Charmides); 155 (Hellanikos). Other bases of statues which must have stood in this vicinity
-have also been found, far from their original positions: <i>i. e.</i>, those of Athenaios (36), 56 meters west
-of the Leonidaion; of Polydamas (47), fragments 26 meters southeast of the Echo Hall; of Diagoras
-(59), five fragments near the Metroon; of Damagetos (62), in the Leonidaion; of Dorieus (61), near
-the <i>Victory</i> of Paionios; of Kyniskos (45), inside the Byzantine church; of Damoxenidas (54), near
-the Heraion. See <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, nos. 168 (Athenaios), 151 (Diagoras), 152 (Damagetos), 153 (Dorieus),
-149 (Kyniskos), 158 (Damoxenidas); for the sculptured base of Polydamas (47), see <i>Bildw.
-v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., PI. LV, 1–3; Textbd., pp. 209 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2316"><span class="label">2316</span></a> Argum., Boeckh, pp. 157–8. Pausanias names them in the order: Diagoras, Akousilaos,
-Dorieus, Damagetos, Peisirhodos. The scholiast names them in the order: Diagoras, Damagetos,
-Dorieus, Akousilaos, Eukles, Peisirhodos.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2317"><span class="label">2317</span></a> See for Aristotle, <i>F. H. G.</i>, II, p. 183, fragm. 264. Apollas Ponticus is little known: <i>cf.</i> <i>F. H. G.</i>,
-IV, p. 307, fragm. 7; he probably copied from Aristotle’s work.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2318"><span class="label">2318</span></a> This is Dittenberger’s explanation, <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, nos. 151 and 159; and also that of Robert,
-<i>O. S.</i>, p. 195, Scherer, p. 49, and Gurlitt, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 411; Purgold, however, <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, p. 262,
-has tried to reconcile the two accounts on the theory of no change.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2319"><span class="label">2319</span></a> However, Kalkmann, <i>Pausanias der Perieget</i>, p. 90, thinks that the two groups of Diagoras
-and Alkainetos stood apart.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2320"><span class="label">2320</span></a> The base of the statue of Pythokles was found between the Heraion and the Pelopion: see
-<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 162–163.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2321"><span class="label">2321</span></a> Gurlitt, <i>Ueber Pausanias</i>, p. 412, assumed the possibility of the existence of two different
-statues of Lysandros, one 35 a, and the other somewhere after Charmides (58) in the family group
-of Diagoras; Kalkmann, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 105 and note 4, explains the discrepancy between the scholiast
-and Pausanias on the theory that the latter borrowed from older lists; Purgold, <i>Aufsaetze E.
-Curtius gewidmet</i>, pp. 238 f., assumed but one statue of Lysandros.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2322"><span class="label">2322</span></a> Scherer, p. 51 (<i>cf.</i> Plan opposite p. 56), and Flasch, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 1095, note 1, proposed a route south from
-the Heraion to the west of the so-called Great Altar site, while Hirschfeld, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 119, made
-it run to the east of it. Doerpfeld, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 88, starting east of the Heraion, made the route run
-first to the west along the south side of the temple, and thence around the western side of the
-Pelopion, and so across to the <i>Eretrian Bull</i>; Michaelis, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 164, with the same starting-point,
-had it bear first to the east parallel with the Treasury Terrace, and thence south. See Plans A
-and B.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2323"><span class="label">2323</span></a> See <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 259, and <i>Ol., Ergebn.</i>, Textbd., II, pp. 153–155, etc.; <i>cf.</i> P., V, 26.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2324"><span class="label">2324</span></a> See <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, nos. 157 (So[si]krates; for the restoration of the name, see Hyde, p. 37); 167
-(Kritodamos); 164 (Xenokles). The plate from the pedestal of the statue of the unknown Arkadian
-victor (79) was found far away from this point, in the Palaistra. We have shown (<i>supra</i>, pp.
-244–5,) that the statue of Philippos (79a), mentioned by Pausanias as the work of Myron (<i>cf.</i> VI,
-8.5), was probably only that of this older unknown Arkadian, later used for Philippos, who won
-some time between Ols. (?) 119 and 125 (&#8239;=&#8239;304 and 280 B.&nbsp;C.); see <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 174; <i>cf.</i> Hyde,
-<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 39–41.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2325"><span class="label">2325</span></a> On the name, see Hyde, p. 42.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2326"><span class="label">2326</span></a> See <i>Ol., Ergebn.</i>, Textbd., I, p. 86, and <i>cf.</i> II, p. 78. A slit in the lower step of the base of the
-<i>Zeus</i> may have contained the tablet mentioned by P., V, 23.4. Three of the four inscribed
-blocks of Gelo’s chariot base were found in the Palaistra: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, under no. 143.
-</p>
-<p>
-For Doerpfeld’s identification of the Council-house (Bouleuterion) with the tripartite building
-south of the temple of Zeus just outside the South Altis wall, see <i>Ausgrab. zu Ol.</i>, IV, 1878–1879,
-pp. 40–46, and <i>Olympia, Ergebn.</i>, Textbd., II, pp. 76–79. Others, on the basis of a passage in Xenophon’s
-<i>Hell.</i>, VII, 4.31, wrongly place it near the Prytaneion in the northwestern part of the
-Altis. <i>Cf.</i> Frazer, III, pp. 636 f., and Doerpfeld, <i>l. c.</i>, pp. 78 f. See Plans A and B.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2327"><span class="label">2327</span></a> See <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 177. It stands on the south edge of the South Terrace wall between its
-gateway and the later East Byzantine wall of the Altis.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2328"><span class="label">2328</span></a> Hyde, pp. 49 f., where I assume that the passage VI, 13.8 is a digression, and that the name
-of a victor has dropped out at the end of 13.7. There I have inserted, from a recovered inscription,
-the name of Akestorides of Alexandria Troas, placing his statue next to that of Agemachos
-(118) of similar date, the only other Asiatic in this part of the Altis. Foerster, 501, dates
-Akestorides wrongly in the second century B.&nbsp;C. (on the basis of Furtwaengler, <i>A. M.</i>, V, 1880,
-p. 30, n. 2, end), although the inscription from the base is referred by Dittenberger to the end of
-the third; Agemachos won in Ol. 147 (&#8239;=&#8239;192 B.&nbsp;C.); I have therefore dated Akestorides tentatively
-between Ol. (?) 142 and Ol. (?) 144 (&#8239;=&#8239;212 and 204 B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2329"><span class="label">2329</span></a> See <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 147, 148 (Tellon, inscription renewed in the first century B.&nbsp;C.); 165 (Aristion);
-184 (Akestorides).
-</p>
-<p>
-Roehl (<i>I. G. A.</i>, no. 355 and Add., p. 182) referred an inscription on two marble fragments found
-in 1879 (<i>cf.</i> <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVII, 1879, p. 161, no. 312), one found near the Heraion, the other east of
-the temple of Zeus, to the victor Agiadas (103); Dittenberger (<i>cf.</i> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 150) and others
-have rightly rejected this ascription. Similarly the inscribed base of the statue of Areus (105 b),
-son of Akrotatos, King of Sparta, found in the Heraion (see <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 308), belongs
-rather to the second statue of Areus (148 a) dedicated by Ptolemy Philadelphus; <i>cf.</i> Hyde, pp.
-44–45. I have also referred the second inscription of the artist Pythagoras (<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no.
-145) found in the Leonidaion, to the statue of Astylos (110), because of its similarity to that
-on the base of the statue of Euthymos (56) likewise by Pythagoras: <i>ibid.</i>, pp. 47–48.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2330"><span class="label">2330</span></a> See <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, nos. 169 (Aristophon), 154 (Xenombrotos and Xenodikos), following Robert’s
-ascription, <i>O. S.</i>, 1900, pp. 179 f.; a second epigram referring to Xenombrotos alone (<i>Inschr.
-v. Olymp.</i>, no. 170) must belong to a second monument not mentioned by Pausanias; <i>cf.</i> Hyde,
-p. 53.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2331"><span class="label">2331</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, Furtwaengler, <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVII, 1879, p. 140 (quoted by Dittenberger); Frazer, IV, p. 43.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2332"><span class="label">2332</span></a> See <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, nos. 176 (Aischines; see Foerster, no. 451), 173 (Archippos), 186 (Epitherses),
-304 (Antigonos); [a fragment of the base of the statue of Demetrios (147 e) was also found,
-the exact location not being recorded, no. 305]; 276 (Philonides; a second mutilated copy of this
-inscription was found nearby built into a late wall north of the Byzantine church; see no. 277);
-Pausanias (VI, 15.10) mentions two statues of Kapros. For the bronze foot (Fig. 62) of one of
-them, see <i>supra</i>, p. 255 and n. 3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2333"><span class="label">2333</span></a> VI, 18.7. He gives this honor to Praxidamas and Rhexibios (187–188), who won in Ols. 59
-and 61 (&#8239;=&#8239;544 and 536 B.&nbsp;C.) respectively. We have already pointed out that the statue of Oibotas
-(29), who won in Ol. 6 (&#8239;=&#8239;756 B.&nbsp;C.), was set up in Ol. 80 (&#8239;=&#8239;460 B.&nbsp;C.) by the Achæans (VI, 3.8).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2334"><span class="label">2334</span></a> See <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, nos. 294 (Leonidas; <i>cf.</i> <i>A. M.</i>, XIII, 1888, p. 322, note 1, Treu); 183 (Seleadas;
-this is my own ascription; see Hyde, p. 58; Dittenberger wrongly restored the name as Σέλευκος);
-632 (Polypeithes and Kalliteles); 171 (Deinosthenes); 178 (Glaukon; his monument was a little
-bronze chariot, not a statue, thus imitating earlier sixth-century victor dedications, like that
-of Kyniska (7); no. 296 is another inscription from a statue of Glaukon dedicated by Ptolemy
-Euergetes.)
-</p>
-<p>
-The pedestal of the statue of Paianios (167) was found behind the south side of the Echo Colonnade
-and therefore far removed (<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 179); Pausanias again mentions Paianios in VI,
-15.10. Another pedestal (no. 632), found south of the west end of the Byzantine church, has
-been referred by Purgold to the statue of Lysippos (162): <i>cf.</i> <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXIX, 1881, pp. 85 f.,
-no. 387. Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 615, and others have rejected the ascription.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2335"><span class="label">2335</span></a> Διέστηκε δὲ ἀγυιὰν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐσόδου τῆς πομπικῆς, τοὺς γὰρ δὴ ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων καλουμένους
-στενωποὺς ἀγυιὰς ὀνομάζουσιν οἱ Ἠλεῖοι.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2336"><span class="label">2336</span></a> See <i>A. M.</i>, XIII, 1888, pp. 327–336 and Pl. VII (Die Altis Mauer in Olympia). On the
-west of the Altis are the ruins of two parallel walls, the inner Greek, the outer Roman; the original
-South wall of the Altis ran along the line of the South Terrace wall, the later Roman wall
-(dating from Nero’s time) to the south of it. Thus in Pausanias’ day, the ἔσοδος πομπική was
-opposite the Leonidaion. In two other passages, however, it appears to be at the southeast corner
-of the Altis (V, 15.7; VI, 20.7). R. Heberdey (in <i>Eranos Vindobonensis</i>, 1893, pp. 34–47)
-explains this discrepancy by saying that Pausanias, in mentioning the southwestern entrance,
-is writing from his own observation after the Roman extension, and in the other passages is
-copying from other writers who wrote before that extension. Doerpfeld’s explanation, however,
-is better: in the Roman extension a gate was built at the southwest corner of the new West wall
-superseding the older southeast entrance. Processions still passed along the same way, but were
-now <i>inside</i> the Altis, the great gateway of Nero at the southeast corner being given up after his
-death. <i>Cf.</i> Frazer, III, pp. 570–572; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, pp. 375–6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2337"><span class="label">2337</span></a> P., VI, 17.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2338"><span class="label">2338</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, XIII, 1888, pp. 317–326 (Die Bauinschrift des Leonidaions zu Olympia); and <i>cf.</i>
-<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 651, and <i>Olympia, Ergebn.</i>, Textbd., II, <i>Die Baudenkmaeler</i>, pp. 83–93, and
-Tafelbd., Pls. LXII-LXVI (R. Borrmann).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2339"><span class="label">2339</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, K. Lange, <i>Haus und Halle</i>, 1885, pp. 331 f; Hirschfeld, <i>A. Z.</i>, XL, 1882, p. 121; Flasch,
-in Baum., II, pp. 1095 and 1104 K. Others placed it elsewhere: <i>e. g.</i>, Curtius-Adler, <i>Olympia und
-Umgegend</i>, 1882, pp. 23 f.; Scherer, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 55 f. (and Plan), identified it with the “<i>South-east
-Building</i>,” where he had this second ἔφοδος begin.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2340"><span class="label">2340</span></a> V, 13.9. For full account of the altar, see V, 13.8–11.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2341"><span class="label">2341</span></a> Thus Curtius, Altaere v. Ol., <i>Abhandl. d. k. Preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin</i>, 1882, p. 4
-(= <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, 1894, II, pp. 42 f.); Adler, <i>A. A</i>., 1894, p. 85; <i>ibid.</i>, 1895, pp. 108 f.
-(<i>cf.</i> his reconstruction in <i>Olympia, Ergebn.</i>, Tafelbd., II, Pl. CXXXII and Textbd., II, pp. 210 f.);
-Curtius-Adler, <i>Olympia u. Umgegend</i>, p. 35; Flasch, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 1067 (<i>cf.</i> <i>Funde v. Ol.</i>, pp. 238–239);
-Boetticher, <i>Olympia</i><sup>2</sup>, 1886, pp. 190 f. (and Plan); Furtwaengler, <i>Bronzen v. Olympia</i>, p. 4;
-Hirschfeld, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 119 (= Plan); Scherer, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 56 (with Plan); Trendelenburg, <i>Der grosse
-Altar des Zeus in Olympia</i>, 1902, pp. 17 f.; Doerpfeld, <i>Olympia, Ergebn.</i>, Textbd., II (<i>Baudenkmaeler</i>)
-p. 162, (<i>cf.</i> I, p. 82, where he admits the possibility that it may have stood further
-northwest, nearer the Heraion); Frazer, III, p. 556; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2342"><span class="label">2342</span></a> See <i>A. M.</i>, XXXIII, 1908, pp. 185–192 (Olympia in praehistorischer Zeit); <i>cf.</i> <i>Year’s Work
-in Classical Studies</i>, III, 1908, p. 12.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2343"><span class="label">2343</span></a> For Puchstein’s location and form of the altar of Zeus, see <i>A. A.</i>, 1893, p. 22; <i>ibid.</i>, 1895, p. 107;
-<i>Jb.</i>, XI, 1896, pp. 53 f. (with “oblong” reconstruction by Koldewey, pp. 76–77); for Wernicke’s
-view, see <i>Jb.</i>, IX, 1894, pp. 93 f. This view was already refuted by Adler, <i>A. A.</i>, 1895, p. 108, and
-Doerpfeld, <i>Ergebn. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., II, pp. 162 f. Doerpfeld later referred these remains also to
-prehistoric houses (<i>cf.</i> preceding note)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2344"><span class="label">2344</span></a> V, 13.8. The exact site of the Pelopion is given in V, 13.1 (see Plans A and B). Wernicke,
-(<i>l. c.</i>, pp. 94 f.) placed the older altar of Zeus (who was at first worshiped in common with Hera)
-between the Heraion and Pelopion (as Puchstein also did). He believed that later, however, after
-the building of the temple of Zeus and the Pelopion, the altar was moved east of both and stood
-somewhere northwest of the elliptical depression, where Pausanias saw it. He explained the lack
-of remains on the theory that the Christians would completely destroy this, the chief pagan altar.
-But it is difficult to see why the few Christian settlers in this out of the way place should have
-shown any such anger. Doerpfeld (<i>Ergebn. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., II, <i>Baudenkmaeler</i>, p. 163) suggested that
-it may have stood south of the <i>Exedra</i> of Herodes Attikos, where its site must certainly be sought.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2345"><span class="label">2345</span></a> Hitz.-Bluemn., II, i, p. 359, rightly say that the words of Pausanias point to a place in the
-Altis where there are neither foundations nor ashes. Since it is incredible that the Christians
-should have destroyed it so completely, they assume that Pausanias made a mistake in his directions.
-Their conclusion that the elliptical depression best fits the conditions is untenable now.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2346"><span class="label">2346</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 164.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2347"><span class="label">2347</span></a> See <i>A. M.</i>, XIII, 1888, pp. 335–336, and <i>Ergebn.</i>, Textbd., I, p. 88. In the latter he says: “<i>Zu
-unserer Verwunderung sehen wir, dass der zweite Teil die ununterbrochene Fortsetzung des ersten
-Teiles ist, also in Wirklichkeit nur eine Ephodos, nur ein einziger Rundgang.</i>”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2348"><span class="label">2348</span></a> This pillar stood between the Great Altar and the temple of Zeus: P., V, 20. 6.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2349"><span class="label">2349</span></a> Ἀνδριάντας δὲ ἀναμεμιγμένους οὐκ ἐπιφα &lt;νέ&gt; σιν ἄγαν ἀναθήμασιν, κ. τ. λ.,
-(VI, 17.7); again in VI, 18.2 he says that he discovered the statue of Anaximenes “by searching” (ἀνευρών).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2350"><span class="label">2350</span></a> Similarly, on arriving at the statue of Telemachos, he moved first to the east and then returned
-(passing the chariot of Kleosthenes) before proceeding west, without mentioning it: see <i>supra</i>,
-p. 345.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2351"><span class="label">2351</span></a> On analogy with V, 15.1. See Hyde, p. 68.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2352"><span class="label">2352</span></a> The Terrace wall can still be traced before the western front of the temple and also to the northeast
-of it; <i>cf.</i> Treu, <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVI, 1878, p. 36: “<i>So umgab denn vermutlich einst den ganzen
-Tempel eine statuenbekroente Terrasse.</i>” Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 619, suppose such a road to
-the west and north of the temple, but would interpret it as being ἐν ἀριστερᾷ.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2353"><span class="label">2353</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Hyde, p. 70. Hitz.-Bluemn. (see preceding note) rejected this textual change of mine as unnecessary,
-and followed Hirschfeld and Doerpfeld in having Pausanias return along the south side
-of the temple of Zeus. I proposed this change by analogy with the text of V, 24.1, V, 21.2, and
-other passages.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2354"><span class="label">2354</span></a> The bronze tablet of Demokrates (170), found south of the southwest corner of the temple of
-Zeus, did not belong to his victor statue, but to a base which stood probably inside the temple:
-<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i> no. 39. Also the archaic marble helmeted head and arm with the remains of a shield
-attached (see <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, Tafelbd., Pl. VI, 1–4, and 5–6), the head being found west of the temple
-and the arm before the gate of the Pelopion, wrongly ascribed by Treu (<i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVIII, 1880,
-pp. 48 f., and <i>Bildw. v. Ol.</i>, III, pp. 33–34) and Overbeck (I, pp. 198 f., and p. 178) to Eperastos
-(183), I have referred to an older hoplite, Phrikias of Pelinna (Foerster, nos. 151, 155): see Hyde,
-p. 43, and <i>supra</i>, Ch. III, pp. 162–3 and Fig. 30a, b.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2355"><span class="label">2355</span></a> See <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 293.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2356"><span class="label">2356</span></a> See <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, nos. 267–269. The supposed foundation was found thirty feet north of the
-temple; <i>cf.</i> Frazer, III, pp. 646 f.; etc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2357"><span class="label">2357</span></a> V, 20.6 f. A large foundation, between the pedestal of Dropion, King of the Paionians,
-<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 303, (see Plans A and B), and the pedestal of the <i>Eretrian Bull</i>, may have formed
-part of the house of Oinomaos (<i>cf.</i> Curtius-Adler, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 40; Flasch, <i>l. c.</i>, p. 1074). Wernicke,
-(<i>Jb.</i>, IX, 1894, p. 95), however, refers it to the oval depression called the Great Altar site. Doerpfeld
-(<i>Ergebn. v. Ol.</i>, Textbd., I, p. 82) is opposed to this view and places it further north, near
-the Metroon.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2358"><span class="label">2358</span></a> This is Kalkmann’s theory (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 89), who calls this section (VI, 18.7) the “<i>letzter Trumpf</i>,”
-an addition having no connection with the second ἔφοδος. He compares it with V, 24.9, where
-Pausanias, after ending the <i>periegesis</i> of the altars, adds one more, that of “Zeus Horkios,” which
-stood in the Council House, though he had already passed this point twice without mentioning the
-fact. Kalkmann also compares it with V, 27.12 (the transition to the account of the victor
-statues). Gurlitt (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 392) explains this last section, <i>i. e.</i>, V, 27.12, as due to a later
-revision of Pausanias’ work.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2359"><span class="label">2359</span></a> VI, 19.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2360"><span class="label">2360</span></a> See the Catalogue in my <i>de olymp. Stat.</i>, (pp. 3 f.) for dates; and <i>cf. ibid.</i>, Ch. IV, pp. 72 f., for
-results. The summaries are made only on the basis of the 153 monuments which can be exactly
-or approximately dated.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2361"><span class="label">2361</span></a> Eutelidas (148), Praxidamas (18), Rhexibios (188), Polypeithes and Kalliteles (160–161).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2362"><span class="label">2362</span></a> On the date of the temple of Zeus (?468–456 B.&nbsp;C.), <i>cf.</i> Doerpfeld, <i>Ol., Ergebn.</i>, Textbd., II,
-pp. 19. f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2363"><span class="label">2363</span></a> Enation (176) is simply called an Arkadian by P., VI, 17.3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2364"><span class="label">2364</span></a> VI, 1.2, and <i>cf.</i> his words in VI, 17.1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2365"><span class="label">2365</span></a> The last dated victor statue at Olympia, known from inscriptions, is that of Valerios
-Eklektos of Sinope, four times victor as herald, winning in Ols. 256, 258, 259, 260 (&#8239;=&#8239;245, 253–261
-A.&nbsp;D.): Foerster, 741–744. Philoumenos of Philadelphia in Lydia, victor in wrestling (?) in
-Ol. (?) 288 (&#8239;=&#8239;373 A.&nbsp;D.), Foerster, 750, had a statue, as we learn from the conclusion of an
-epigram preserved by Panodoros in Cramer’s <i>Anecd. gr. Parisiensia</i>, 1839–41, II, p. 155, 17 f.; <i>cf.</i>
-<i>Inscr. Graecae metricae</i>, ed. Preger, 1891, no. 133. It may have been in Olympia.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2366"><span class="label">2366</span></a> On his use of older lists of victors and especially of the Elean register, see P. Hirt, <i>de
-Fontibus Pausaniae in Eliacis</i> (Greifswald, 1878), pp. 12 f.; Mie, <i>Quaestiones agonisticae</i>
-(Rostock, 1888), pp. 17 f.; Kalkmann, <i>Pausanias der Perieget</i>, pp. 72 f. and 103 f.; Gurlitt, <i>Ueber
-Pausanias</i>, p. 426, note 43; Robert, <i>Hermes</i>, XXIII, 1888, pp. 444 f.; Hirschfeld, <i>A. Z.</i>, XL, 1882,
-pp. 105 and 111; J. Juethner, <i>Philostratos ueber Gymnastik</i>, pp. 60–74 (Elean register), and 109 f.;
-Gardiner, p. 50. Pausanias frequently mentions such sources himself, especially the Elean
-register: <i>e. g.</i>, III, 21.1; V, 2.19; VI, 2.3. Hirschfeld (<i>l. c.</i>, pp. 105 and 113) and others have
-unreasonably doubted whether Pausanias ever visited Olympia at all.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2367"><span class="label">2367</span></a> Hyde, 146; Foerster, 472, 476; P., VI, 15.3 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2368"><span class="label">2368</span></a> Hyde, 150; Foerster, 474, 475; P., VI, 15.10 (two statues).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2369"><span class="label">2369</span></a> Hyde, 119 and pp. 49–50; Foerster, 501; P., VI, 13.7, and <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 184.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2370"><span class="label">2370</span></a> Hyde, 42; Foerster, 800; P., VI, 4.9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2371"><span class="label">2371</span></a> Hyde, 40; Foerster, 494; P., VI, 4.5.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2372"><span class="label">2372</span></a> Hyde, 152; Foerster, 391; P., VI, 16.2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2373"><span class="label">2373</span></a> Hyde, 162; Foerster, 515; P., VI, 6.7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2374"><span class="label">2374</span></a> Hyde, 125a; Foerster, 651; P., VI, 14.2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2375"><span class="label">2375</span></a> Hyde, 111b; Foerster, 648–650; P., VI, 13.3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2376"><span class="label">2376</span></a> Hyde, 111a; Foerster, 654–6, 659, 660, 662–664; P., VI, 13.3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2377"><span class="label">2377</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 16. See <i>supra</i>, pp. 27 and 54.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2378"><span class="label">2378</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, p. 235. P., VI, 1.1, distinctly states that not all victors had statues, adding
-that some of the most distinguished had none.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2379"><span class="label">2379</span></a> Thus the epigram on the base of a monument of Xenombrotos (133; <i>cf.</i> P., VI, 14.12) states
-that it was a portrait of the victor: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 170. We have, however, aside from this
-inscription, no record that he was a victor more than once. See <i>supra</i>, pp. 54–5. On the basis
-of three or more victories, several victors should have had portrait statues: <i>e. g.</i>, Foerster, 60, 86,
-144, 351, 358, 495, 603, 741, 815.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2380"><span class="label">2380</span></a> Discussed <i>supra</i>, Ch. II, p. 58.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2381"><span class="label">2381</span></a> For dates, places of finding, and contests, references are constantly made by number to Dittenberger,
-<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>; the number of each victor is given also from Foerster’s lists, which, though
-incomplete, are the best that have yet appeared. Where the exact dates are known they are
-cited from Foerster; otherwise, the probable dating of the inscription as given by Dittenberger is
-followed. See Plans A and B.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2382"><span class="label">2382</span></a> See <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 142 (Pantares, son of Menekrates of Gela); Foerster, 149, = Ol. (?) 67 (&#8239;=&#8239;572
-B.&nbsp;C.); Gelo won in Ol. 73 (&#8239;=&#8239;488 B.&nbsp;C.): Foerster, 180.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2383"><span class="label">2383</span></a> Phrikias won twice, in Ols. 68 and 69 (&#8239;=&#8239;508 and 504 B.&nbsp;C.): Foerster, 151 and 155. Phanas
-was three times victor on the same day (τριαστής), in the στάδιον, δίαυλος and as ὁπλίτης, in Ol.
-67 (&#8239;=&#8239;512 B.&nbsp;C.): Foerster, 144–146. For the ascriptions, see <i>supra</i>, pp. 162–3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2384"><span class="label">2384</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 150. Roehl (<i>I. G. A.</i>, 355 and Add., p. 182) wrongly ascribed it to Agiadas (103),
-boy boxer of Elis, whose statue was by the Aeginetan Serambos (P., VI, 10.9). His victory should
-fall between Ols. 72 and 74 inclusive (&#8239;=&#8239;492 and 484 B.&nbsp;C.): Hyde, p. 44. Foerster, 519, following
-Roehl and Gurlitt (<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 369 and 419), who placed Serambos in the second century B.&nbsp;C.,
-referred the victory of Agiadas to Ol. (?) 161 (&#8239;=&#8239;136 B.&nbsp;C.). Robert, <i>O. S.</i>, p. 181, identifies the
-inscription with Epitimiadas mentioned in the <i>Oxy. Pap.</i> as victor in παγκράτιον in Ol. 78 (&#8239;=&#8239;468
-B.&nbsp;C.). Dittenberger and Loewy (latter in <i>I. G. B.</i>, 416) refer the inscription to the first half or
-middle of the fifth century B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2385"><span class="label">2385</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 170; <i>cf.</i> Hyde, p. 53.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2386"><span class="label">2386</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 175; Foerster, 375. Foerster’s proposed dating of this victor, Ol. 110 (&#8239;=&#8239;340
-B.&nbsp;C.), is wrong.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2387"><span class="label">2387</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 180.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2388"><span class="label">2388</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 181.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2389"><span class="label">2389</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 182.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2390"><span class="label">2390</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 185.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2391"><span class="label">2391</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 187.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2392"><span class="label">2392</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 188.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2393"><span class="label">2393</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 189.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2394"><span class="label">2394</span></a> This Greek building dates from the first half of the fifth century B.&nbsp;C. <i>Cf.</i> F. Adler, <i>Ol.,
-Ergebn.</i>, Textbd., II (<i>Die Baudenkmaeler</i>), pp. 93–105 (especially 98 f.), and Flasch, in Baum.,
-pp. 1070–1 and 1104 M f., both of whom identify it with the workshop of Pheidias (P., V, 15.1);
-Curtius, Die Altaere v. Ol., <i>Abhandl. d. k. Preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin</i>, 1882, p. 20
-(= <i>Gesamm. Abhandl.</i>, 1894, II, pp. 57 f.), refers it to the Theekoleon, generally identified with
-the easternmost of the two buildings further north. See Plans A and B.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2395"><span class="label">2395</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 190.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2396"><span class="label">2396</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 192.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2397"><span class="label">2397</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 193.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2398"><span class="label">2398</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 194; Foerster, 484.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2399"><span class="label">2399</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 195.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2400"><span class="label">2400</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 196.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2401"><span class="label">2401</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 197; Foerster, 808 (undated).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2402"><span class="label">2402</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 191; Foerster, 807 (undated).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2403"><span class="label">2403</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, nos. 198–204; see Foerster, 542–547; one of the group, Telemachos, son of Leon, had
-another statue at Olympia: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 406.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2404"><span class="label">2404</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 205; Foerster, 822 (undated).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2405"><span class="label">2405</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 206; Foerster, 828 (undated).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2406"><span class="label">2406</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 207.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2407"><span class="label">2407</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 208.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2408"><span class="label">2408</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 209; Foerster, 482.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2409"><span class="label">2409</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 210.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2410"><span class="label">2410</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 211.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2411"><span class="label">2411</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 212.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2412"><span class="label">2412</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 213; Foerster, 614, 619.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2413"><span class="label">2413</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, nos. 214, 215.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2414"><span class="label">2414</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, nos. 216, 217; Foerster, 550.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2415"><span class="label">2415</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 218; Foerster, 535 (= Ol. ? 171 = 96 B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2416"><span class="label">2416</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 219; Foerster, 593; he won in Ol. 190 (&#8239;=&#8239;20 B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2417"><span class="label">2417</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 220; Foerster, 601, who dates the victory in Ol. (?) 194 (&#8239;=&#8239;4 B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2418"><span class="label">2418</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 221; Foerster, 612. He won τεθρίππῳ in Ol. 199 (&#8239;=&#8239;17 A.&nbsp;D.); his statue was
-set up by M. Antonios Peisanos.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2419"><span class="label">2419</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 222; Foerster, 585, 587. He won two victories (perhaps after 17 A.&nbsp;D.) in an unknown
-contest; Foerster dates them Ols. (?) 184 and 185 (&#8239;=&#8239;44 and 40 B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2420"><span class="label">2420</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 223; Foerster, 568; his statue was erected by his mother, Klaudia Kleodike.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2421"><span class="label">2421</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 224; Foerster, 823 (undated); his statue was set up by his native state.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2422"><span class="label">2422</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 225; Foerster,632. The base contained two epigrams by T. Klaudios Thessalos, of
-Kos: E. Cougny, <i>Epigramm. Anth. Pal.</i>, III, 1890 (<i>Appendix nova</i>), p. 26, no. 169.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2423"><span class="label">2423</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 226; Foerster, 634. His statue was erected by L. Betilenos Phloros, of Elis.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2424"><span class="label">2424</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 227; Foerster, 666; he won Ol. 217 (&#8239;=&#8239;89 A.&nbsp;D.). His brother Diodoros set up the
-statue. The victor was an ἔφεδρος; see A. E. J. Holwerda, <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 171 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2425"><span class="label">2425</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 228; Foerster, 671.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2426"><span class="label">2426</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, nos. 229, 230 (newer inscription); <i>I. G. B.</i>, 125; Foerster, 624–625. He was a περιοδονίκης
-and won in Ols. (?) 205 and 207 (&#8239;=&#8239;41 and 49 A.&nbsp;D.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2427"><span class="label">2427</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, no. 231; Foerster, 595 and 597. Foerster dates his two Olympic victories in
-Ols. (?) 191 and 192 (&#8239;=&#8239;16 and 12 B.&nbsp;C.). Hermas was περιοδονίκης twice, and also gained victories
-besides at the Nemean and other games.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2428"><span class="label">2428</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 232; Foerster, 815–819 (undated). He was twice περιοδονίκης and won besides at
-the Isthmus, Nemea, and at other games—eighty victories in all.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2429"><span class="label">2429</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 234 and p. 346; he won in either πάλη or παγκράτιον.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2430"><span class="label">2430</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 235 and pp. 346–347. These bronze fragments have been noted in our list of surviving
-fragments of victor statues, Ch. VII, p. 322.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2431"><span class="label">2431</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 233 (name restored from no. 440, line 4). On her father, see Foerster, under no. 634.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2432"><span class="label">2432</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 236; Foerster, 686. Both Gurlitt, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 421, and Foerster think that this monument
-is mentioned by P., V, 20.8 (that of a Roman senator). Dittenberger is against this view, and the
-place of finding also is against it. On the victor’s full name and that of his father, see Foerster, <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2433"><span class="label">2433</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 237; Foerster, 692. He won at Olympia in Ol. 229 (&#8239;=&#8239;137 A.&nbsp;D.), and the inscription
-names many other victories elsewhere.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2434"><span class="label">2434</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 238; Foerster, 679 and 681, who dates the victories in Ols. (?) 224 and 225 (&#8239;=&#8239;117
-and 121 A.&nbsp;D.), while Dittenberger dates them in the next century. He was twice περιοδονίκης:
-see Foerster, <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2435"><span class="label">2435</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 239; Foerster, 746 (date = end of second or third centuries B.&nbsp;C.). For the epigram,
-see also Cougny, Epigramm. Anth. Pal., III (<i>Appendix nova</i>), p. 46, n. 284.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2436"><span class="label">2436</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, nos. 242–243; Foerster, 741–744. He was a τρισπερίοδος, <i>i. e.</i>, three times περιοδονίκης.
-For his other victories outside Olympia, see Foerster, <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2437"><span class="label">2437</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, nos. 240–241; Foerster, 739. Asklepiades won the πένταθλον in Ol. 255 (&#8239;=&#8239;241 A.&nbsp;D.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2438"><span class="label">2438</span></a> Philinos, son of Hegepolis of Kos (173), won 24 victories, 5 at Olympia, 4 at Delphi, 4 at Nemea,
-11 at the Isthmus, mostly in the στάδιον, he was, therefore, four times περιοδονίκης. He won in
-Ols. 129 and 130 (&#8239;=&#8239;264 and 260 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>cf.</i> P., VI, 17.2 and Foerster, 441 and 442; Leonidas of
-Rhodes (111c) was τριαστής in the four different Ols. 154–157 (&#8239;=&#8239;164–152 B.&nbsp;C.), winning 12
-races: <i>cf.</i> P., VI, 13.4, and Foerster, 495–497, 498–500, 502–504, 507–509.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2439"><span class="label">2439</span></a> Omitting the votive bronze diskos of the victor P. Asklepiades of Corinth mentioned above.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2440"><span class="label">2440</span></a> Foerster, pp. 26–30, records the names of 634 Olympic victors who are known to us from all
-available sources.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2441"><span class="label">2441</span></a> Sepulchral monuments are either entirely excluded or mentioned only incidentally. The tombs
-of nine Olympic victors are known from various sources.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2442"><span class="label">2442</span></a> The dating of victories in the present section will necessitate certain repetitions of dates already
-given elsewhere in this work. While heretofore dates have been referred usually to the compilations
-of Foerster and Hyde, the original authorities for them will be cited in this section.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2443"><span class="label">2443</span></a> Chionis, (= Charmis in Afr.), according to P., III, 14.3, won seven victories at Olympia: four in
-the στάδιον, in Ols. 28 to 31 (&#8239;=&#8239;668 to 656 B.&nbsp;C.); 1–4 = Afr.; 1 = P., IV, 23.4; 2 = IV, 23.10;
-3 = VIII, 39.3; three in the δίαυλος, probably in Ols. (?) 29–31: see Rutgers, p. 11, n. 4, and
-pp. 10–11; Hyde, 111 and p. 48; Foerster, 39, 41–46.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2444"><span class="label">2444</span></a> Kylon won the δίαυλος in Ol. 35 (&#8239;=&#8239;640 B.&nbsp;C.): Afr.; <i>cf.</i> Rutgers p. 13; Foerster, 55.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2445"><span class="label">2445</span></a> Hdt., V, 71; Thukyd., I, 126; Plut., <i>Solon</i>, 12.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2446"><span class="label">2446</span></a> <i>A. M.</i>, V, 1880, p. 27 and n. 1. Kuhnert, <i>Jahrb. f. classische Philol.</i>, Supplbd., XIV, 1885, pp.
-278 f., and n. 2, agrees with Furtwaengler, and thinks that it was set up long after the death of
-Kylon, and that it is possible that the name of the conspirator became mixed with that of an
-Athenian victor of the same name, but of later date.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2447"><span class="label">2447</span></a> <i>A. Z.</i>, XXIV, 1866, pp. 183 f.; he is followed by Frazer, II, p. 348.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2448"><span class="label">2448</span></a> Thukyd., I, 134.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2449"><span class="label">2449</span></a> Loeschke, <i>A. M.</i>, IV, 1879, p. 295, n. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2450"><span class="label">2450</span></a> See also Hitz.-Bluemn., I, <small>1</small>, pp. 299–300.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2451"><span class="label">2451</span></a> His six victories in πάλη are mentioned by P., III, 13.9; he won πάλη παίδων in Ol. 37 (&#8239;=&#8239;632
-B.&nbsp;C.): P., V, 8.9; Afr.; πάλη ἀνδρῶν in Ols. 39–43 (&#8239;=&#8239;624–608 B.&nbsp;C.): Afr.; Foerster, 60, 64, 66,
-68, 71, 73. He is mentioned by Ph., I.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2452"><span class="label">2452</span></a> See Wide, <i>Lakonische Kulte</i>, 1893, pp. 38 f.; Hitz.-Bluemn., I, <small>2</small>, pp. 792–3.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2453"><span class="label">2453</span></a> Pausanias, III, 13.9, mentions his five victories in πάλη. He must have won after his father’s
-victories, and so at the beginning of the sixth century B.&nbsp;C. Rutgers, pp. 109 f., conjectures
-that the first victory was πάλη παίδων; Foerster, 86–90.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2454"><span class="label">2454</span></a> Arrhachion (on various spellings of the name, <i>cf.</i> Rutgers, p. 19) won thrice in the παγκράτιον
-in Ols. 52–54 (&#8239;=&#8239;572–564 B.&nbsp;C.). The third victory is recorded by Afr. and P., VIII, 40.1; the
-first two by P., <i>l. c.</i> <i>Cf.</i> also Ph., 21. Foerster, 98, 101, 103. See <i>supra</i>, pp. 326 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2455"><span class="label">2455</span></a> He had the nickname <i>Koalemos</i>: Plut., <i>Cimon</i>, 4. He won two victories τεθρίππῳ in Ols. 62
-and 64 (&#8239;=&#8239;532 and 524 B.&nbsp;C.); his horses, under the name of Peisistratos, won in the same event
-in Ol. 63 (&#8239;=&#8239;528 B.&nbsp;C.): Hdt., VI, 103; they were buried in front of the city beyond the so-called
-“Hollow Way,” opposite the tomb of Kimon; Hdt., <i>l. c.</i>; Plutarch, <i>Cato Major</i>, 5. <i>Cf.</i> Aelian, <i>de
-Animal</i>., XII, 40, where he says that the mares of Miltiades—meaning Kimon—were buried in
-the Kerameikos. See Foerster, 124, 128 and 132.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2456"><span class="label">2456</span></a> <i>Var. Hist.</i>, IX, 32.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2457"><span class="label">2457</span></a> Hdt., VI, 103.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2458"><span class="label">2458</span></a> IV, 33.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2459"><span class="label">2459</span></a> On <i>Nubes</i>, 64.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2460"><span class="label">2460</span></a> Foerster, 85.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2461"><span class="label">2461</span></a> He won in an unknown contest. He accompanied Dorieus, the younger brother of Kleomenes I
-of Sparta, on his futile expedition to Sicily, and died there: Hdt., V, 47. Kleomenes began to reign
-in 519 B.&nbsp;C., and the Sicilian expedition occurred about 510 B.&nbsp;C.; Foerster, 138, therefore dates
-the victory of Philippos about Ol. 65 (&#8239;=&#8239;520 B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2462"><span class="label">2462</span></a> Hdt., V, 47; Eustath., on Iliad, Bk. III (p. 383, 43).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2463"><span class="label">2463</span></a> Astylos (on variations of the name, see Rutgers, pp. 32 f.) won victories in στάδιον and δίαυλος
-in three successive Ols.: P., VI, 13.1: στάδιον in Ols. 73–75 (&#8239;=&#8239;488–480 B.&nbsp;C.): 1 = Afr., and Dionys.
-Hal., VIII, 1; 2 = Afr., and Dionys., VIII, 77; 3 = Afr., Dionys., IX, 1, and Diod. Sic., XI, 1. So the
-victories in δίαυλος, 1, 2, 3, must have been in the same Ols. The <i>Oxy. Pap.</i> also names Astylos a
-victor twice as ὁπλίτης, in Ols. 75 and 76 (&#8239;=&#8239;480 and 476 B.&nbsp;C.). So Grenfell and Hunt thought that
-P. had mixed the victories in δίαυλος and as ὁπλίτης; Robert, <i>O. S.</i>, pp. 163 f., however, supports P.,
-and thinks that Astylos won eight victories, the victories in δίαυλος and στάδιον all preceding Ol. 76,
-as other names appear here in the <i>Oxy. Pap.</i> Astylos, therefore, won three victories in Ol. 75, one
-in Ol. 76, and the other four in Ols. 73–74. <i>Cf.</i> Rutgers, pp. 32, 34–35; Foerster, 176–177, 181–182,
-187–188; Hyde, 110.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2464"><span class="label">2464</span></a> Rutgers, p. 34, n. 1 (<i>cf.</i> Robert, <i>O. S.</i>, p. 164) has shown that the tyrant named Hiero by Pausanias
-should be Gelo; <i>cf.</i> Hertzberg, <i>Gesch. v. Hellas u. Rom</i>, I, 1879, p. 181; Foerster, 181–2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2465"><span class="label">2465</span></a> I, pp. 409–410; Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 59, calls the statue of Astylos that of a <i>stadiodromos</i>.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2466"><span class="label">2466</span></a> Euthymos won πύξ three times in Ols. 74, 76, and 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;484, 476, and 472 B.&nbsp;C.): 1 = P., VI, 6.5;
-2 and 3 = P., VI, 6.6 and <i>Oxy. Pap.</i> <i>Cf.</i> Rutgers, pp. 34, 38, 41; Foerster, 185, 195, 207;
-Robert, <i>O. S.</i>, pp. 167, 184 f.; Hyde, 56.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2467"><span class="label">2467</span></a> Inscribed base found: see <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 144; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 23; <i>I. G. A.</i>, 1882, 388.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2468"><span class="label">2468</span></a> See Kallimachos, <i>apud</i> Plin., <i>H. N.</i>, VII, 152.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2469"><span class="label">2469</span></a> Strabo, VI, 1.5 (= C. 255); Aelian, <i>Var. Hist.</i>, VIII, 18; Suidas, <i>s. v.</i> Εὔθυμος; P., VI, 6. 7–11.
-<i>Cf.</i> also E. Curtius on the Olympia base, <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVI, 1878, p. 83, no. 127. On the legend of
-the statue, see Eusebios, <i>Praep. evang.</i>, V, 34.7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2470"><span class="label">2470</span></a> Theagenes won πύξ in Ol. 75 (&#8239;=&#8239;480 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 6.5; <i>Oxy.Pap.</i>; and παγκράτιον in Ol. 76
-(&#8239;=&#8239;476 B.&nbsp;C.): P., VI, 11.4; <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; he was twice περιοδονίκης and won many victories elsewhere,
-carrying off 1400 crowns, according to P., VI, 11.5, and 1200, according to Plut., <i>Praec.
-reipub. ger.</i>, 15, p. 811 D. <i>Cf.</i> Rutgers, pp. 36, 38; Foerster, 191, 196; Hyde, 104. Dio Chrys.,
-<i>Orat.</i>, XXXI, p. 339 M, wrongly mentions three Olympic victories.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2471"><span class="label">2471</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 340 M.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2472"><span class="label">2472</span></a> <i>Praep. evang.</i>, V, 34.7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2473"><span class="label">2473</span></a> <i>Deor. Conc.</i>, 12; <i>cf.</i> P., VI, 11.9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2474"><span class="label">2474</span></a> <i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1900, p. 332, n. 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2475"><span class="label">2475</span></a> Ladas won δόλιχος in Ol. (?) 76 (&#8239;=&#8239;476 B.&nbsp;C.): Robert, <i>O. S.</i>, p. 165, because of an older
-dating for Myron, 480–444 B.&nbsp;C., necessitated by the <i>Oxy. Pap.</i> (see also <i>ibid.</i>, p. 184). Foerster,
-249, has given Ol. (?) 85 (&#8239;=&#8239;440 B.&nbsp;C.) as the date of the victory, on the basis of the earlier
-dating of Myron, 460–420 B.&nbsp;C.; <i>cf., e. g.</i>, Brunn, 1, p. 142; Bergk, <i>P. l. G.</i>, III, p. 473, no 125 and
-note, and Rutgers p. 107.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2476"><span class="label">2476</span></a> <i>A. Pl.</i>, nos. 53, 54; see <i>supra</i>, Ch. IV, pp. 196–197.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2477"><span class="label">2477</span></a> Foerster assumed that the statue by Myron stood in Olympia. Against this view, see Furtwaengler
-(<i>Mw.</i>, p. 379, n. 5), Kalkmann (<i>Jb.</i>, X, 1895, p. 56, and XI, 1896, p. 197), Studniczka
-(article cited in note on Theagenes preceding), Brunn (<i>Sitzb. Muen. Akad.</i>, 1880, pp. 474 f.).
-Benndorf (<i>de anthol. Gr. Epigram.</i>, 1862, 15, n. 1) thought it more probable that the statue stood
-formerly at Olympia, but in the time of Pausanias was in Rome. Thus it is best to assume two
-statues, the one in Argos not by Myron. Brunn (p. 475) showed that Ladas was a Spartan because
-of P., III, 21. I and VIII, 12.5; Benndorf (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 13) thought that he was an Argive. Kuhnert
-(<i>Jahrbuecher f. cl. Philol.</i>, Supplbd., XIV, p. 269 n. 13) argued that the Argive statue was set up
-by the Argive state, an improbable assumption if Ladas were a Spartan. A different Ladas is
-the stade runner from Aigion, mentioned by P., III, 21.1, and X, 23.14.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2478"><span class="label">2478</span></a> Kallias won παγκράτιον in Ol. 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 B.&nbsp;C.): P. V, 9.3. He was περιοδονίκης: <i>C. I. A.</i>, I, 419.
-<i>Cf.</i> Foerster, 208; Hyde, 50. Three other Athenian victors at Olympia named Kallias are
-known: Kallias, son of Pheinippos, won κέλητι in Ol. 54 (&#8239;=&#8239;564 B.&nbsp;C.): Foerster, 104; Rutgers, p.
-21; Kallias, son of Hipponikos, grandson of preceding, won τεθρίππῳ thrice in Ol. (?) 74, and Ols.
-83, 84 (&#8239;=&#8239;484, 448, 444 B.&nbsp;C.): Foerster, 186 a, 242, 247; Rutgers, p. 142; Kallias, mentioned
-by Polyb., XXVIII, 16, won παγκράτιον in the second century B.&nbsp;C.: <i>cf.</i> Foerster, under no. 208.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2479"><span class="label">2479</span></a> Inscribed base found: <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 146; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 41.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2480"><span class="label">2480</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, I, 419. The painter Mikon, mentioned by Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXV, 59, is also named
-by him as a sculptor of athlete statues: <i>op. cit.</i>, XXXIV, 88; he is also known from an inscription
-found on the Akropolis at Athens: <i>C. I. A.</i>, I, 418; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 42.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2481"><span class="label">2481</span></a> Diagoras won πύξ in Ol. 79 (&#8239;=&#8239;464 B.&nbsp;C.): schol. on Pindar, <i>Ol.</i>, VII, Argum., Boeckh, p. 157,
-and <i>Oxy. Pap.</i> He was περιοδονίκης, and his other victories are mentioned by Pindar and the scholiast
-on the ode cited. On Diagoras, see H. van Gelder, <i>Geschichte der alten Rhodier</i>, 1900, p. 435;
-on Kallikles, see Robert, <i>O. S.</i>, pp. 194 f. <i>Cf.</i> Rutgers, p. 43; Foerster, 220; Hyde, 59.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2482"><span class="label">2482</span></a> Boeckh, p. 157 and <i>cf.</i> p. 159; <i>F. H. G.</i>, IV, p. 410 (= Gorgon, fragm. 3).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2483"><span class="label">2483</span></a> Agias was περιοδονίκης. The date of his victory in the παγκράτιον at Olympia can not be determined
-exactly. Although the dedication of Daochos occurred in the latter half of the fourth
-century B.&nbsp;C., the time of Lysippos (Preuner = between 339 and 331 B.&nbsp;C.: see <i>Ein delphisches Weihgeschenk</i>,
-1900, p. 12; Homolle dates it more closely between 338 and 334 B.&nbsp;C.; <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XXIII,
-1899, 440), the victory of Agias fell over a century earlier. Homolle proposed 428 B.&nbsp;C. as the
-<i>floruit</i> of Agias, but gave no date for his victory at Olympia; Preuner (p. 17) sets the victory
-before the middle of the fifth century B.&nbsp;C.; K. K. Smith (<i>Class. Phil.</i>, 1910, pp. 169–174)
-has proposed Ol. 80 (&#8239;=&#8239;460 B.&nbsp;C.), the only lacuna for παγκράτιον in the <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; however,
-Robert (<i>O. S.</i>, p. 183) has placed Timodemos of Acharnai in that place. Foerster, 214, dates
-Timodemos Ol. (?) 78 (&#8239;=&#8239;468 B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2484"><span class="label">2484</span></a> <i>Pharsalos</i>, p. 28. See <i>supra</i>, pp. 286–287.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2485"><span class="label">2485</span></a> Cheimon won πάλη in Ol. 83 (&#8239;=&#8239;448 B.&nbsp;C.): <i>Oxy. Pap.</i>; <i>cf.</i> Robert, <i>O. S.</i>, pp. 171 and 191;
-Hyde, no. 88. Foerster, 285, had proposed Ol. (?) 94 (&#8239;=&#8239;404 B.&nbsp;C.), on the basis of the older
-dating of Naukydes = 423–390 B.&nbsp;C. (see Robert, <i>Arch. Maerchen</i>, 1886, p. 107). Kalkmann,
-<i>Pausanias der Perieget</i>, 1886, p. 192, n. 1, thought that the statue at Olympia and the one at
-Rome were identical; Gurlitt, <i>Ueber Pausanias</i>, 1890, pp. 374 and 423, n. 38 a, has shown that
-the assumption is unfounded.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2486"><span class="label">2486</span></a> The temple of Peace was built by Vespasian (between A.&nbsp;D. 70 and 75) east of the <i>Forum
-Augusti</i>. Pliny (<i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 84, and XXXV, 102) mentions works of art in it; Josephus
-(<i>de Bell. Judaico</i>, VII, 5.7) also describes it.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2487"><span class="label">2487</span></a> Leon, according to Eustathius, on Iliad, II, 851 (= p. 361, 10), won τεθρίππῳ in Ol. 85 (&#8239;=&#8239;440
-B.&nbsp;C.). This date is followed by Schubart, Pausanias und seine Anklaeger, <i>Jb. f. cl. Philol.</i>,
-XXX, 1884, p. 99, and Preger, <i>Inscript. Gr. metricae ex scriptoribus praeter anthologiam collectae</i>,
-(Lipsiae, 1891), on no. 128. He won in Ol. 89 (&#8239;=&#8239;424 B.&nbsp;C.), according to Polemon (fragm. 22), the
-date followed by Foerster, 264 and 264 N. Foerster places Arkesilaos of Sparta (&#8239;=&#8239;250) as
-victor τεθρίππῳ in Ol. (?) 85; Hyde (13) places Arkesilaos either in Ol. 86 or Ol. 87, leaving
-Ol. 85 free for Leon. Polemon (fragm. 22) calls Leon the “father of Antikleidas”; Preger, <i>op.
-cit.</i>, p. 49, proposes the “son of Antikleidas,” thus having Leon win with his father’s chariot.
-Bergk, <i>P. l. G.</i>, III, p. 40, note, changed the name to Antalkidas.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2488"><span class="label">2488</span></a> Fragm., 22 (= schol. on Euripides, <i>Hippolytus</i>, 230); see <i>F. H. G.</i>, III, p. 122; <i>cf.</i> <i>P. l. G.</i>, <i>l. c.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2489"><span class="label">2489</span></a> Eubotas (on the name, <i>cf.</i> Hitz.-Bluemn., II, <small>2</small>, pp. 573–574) won στάδιον in Ol. 93 (&#8239;=&#8239;408
-B.&nbsp;C.): Afr.; Xen., <i>Hell.</i>, I, 2.10; Diodoros, XIII, 68.1; and τεθρίππῳ in Ol. 104 (&#8239;=&#8239;304 B.&nbsp;C.):
-P., VI, 8.3 and <i>cf.</i> VI, 4.2; Foerster, 277, 350; Hyde, 75. Pausanias (VI, 8.3) says that his
-Olympia statue was made before his victory. Ol. 104 was a non-Olympiad; see on no. 28 <i>infra</i>
-(Xenodamos), p. 369 and notes.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2490"><span class="label">2490</span></a> Aelian, <i>Var. Hist.</i>, X, 2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2491"><span class="label">2491</span></a> Promachos won παγκράτιον in Ol. 94 (&#8239;=&#8239;404 B.&nbsp;C.): see Rutgers, p. 56, n. 4, who gives this date
-on the basis of P., VII, 27.6, and Ph., 22. <i>Cf.</i> Foerster, 286; Hyde, 81.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2492"><span class="label">2492</span></a> He won in an unknown contest, either in the fifth or the fourth century B.&nbsp;C.: Preger, <i>op.
-cit.</i>, no. 144, on the basis of the epigram. <i>Cf.</i> Foerster, 293a; Foerster, in another place,
-under no. 159, wrongly refers this same epigram (which he there ascribes to Simonides) to another
-unknown victor of Argos who won in some gymnic contest, some time between Ols. 65 and 76
-(&#8239;=&#8239;527 and 476 B.&nbsp;C.), the dates of Simonides’ sojourn in Greece (<i>cf.</i> K. Sittl, <i>Gesch. d. griech. Litt.</i>,
-1884–1887, III, pp. 59 f.). It can, however, refer to but one victor.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2493"><span class="label">2493</span></a> I, 7, p. 1365a and I, 9, p. 1367b.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2494"><span class="label">2494</span></a> <i>Ap.</i> Eustath., on Od., XIV, 350 (= p. 1761, 25).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2495"><span class="label">2495</span></a> See G. Kaibel, Quaestiones Simonideae, <i>Rhein. Mus.</i>, XXVIII, 1873, pp. 452–3. <i>Cf.</i>
-<i>P. l. G.</i>, III, p. 503; fragm. 163 (Simonides).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2496"><span class="label">2496</span></a> Kyniska won τεθρίππῳ twice in Ols. (?) 96 and 97 (&#8239;=&#8239;396 and 392 B.&nbsp;C.): see Hyde, 7, on the
-basis of Robert, <i>O. S.</i>, p. 195; Foerster, 326 and 333, proposed Ols. (?) 100 and 101 (&#8239;=&#8239;380 and
-376 B.&nbsp;C.) on the basis of the inscription found at Olympia (<i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 160; <i>I. G. B.</i>, no. 99 and
-p. <span class="smcap">XXI</span>). <i>Cf.</i> Rutgers, pp. 143–144.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2497"><span class="label">2497</span></a> She won συνωρίδι some time near the middle of the fourth century B.&nbsp;C.; Foerster, 344, dates
-the victory Ol. (?) 103 (&#8239;=&#8239;368 B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2498"><span class="label">2498</span></a> Curtius, <i>Peloponnesos</i>, II, 1852, p. 313, n. 29; for King Pausanias, see Thukyd., I, 134.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2499"><span class="label">2499</span></a> Archias won as κῆρυξ in three successive Olympiads: Pollux, IV, 92; the epigram says (ὃς
-τρὶς ἐκάρυξεν). Foerster, 351, 356, 361; he proposes (see under no. 351) Ols. (?) 104–106 (&#8239;=&#8239;364–356
-B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2500"><span class="label">2500</span></a> <i>A. Pl.</i>, 372; also in Pollux, IV, 92.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2501"><span class="label">2501</span></a> [Phil]okrates won συνωρίδι about the middle of the fourth century B.&nbsp;C. (see Koehler on the
-inscription cited in the following note). Foerster, 365, proposes Ol. (?) 107 (&#8239;=&#8239;352 B.&nbsp;C.)</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2502"><span class="label">2502</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, II, <small>3</small>, 1303; see L. Ross, <i>Die Demen von Attika</i>, 1846, pp. 80 and 111.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2503"><span class="label">2503</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, II, <small>3</small>, 1319; Le Bas, <i>Voyage archéologique</i>, I, <i>Attique</i>, no. 595. The inscription appears
-to belong to the fourth century B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2504"><span class="label">2504</span></a> Phorystas won as κῆρυξ some time toward the end of the fourth century B.&nbsp;C., <i>i. e.</i>, in the time
-of the artist Kaphisias: see Loewy, on the inscription cited in the following note. Foerster,
-405, proposes Ol. (?) 117 (&#8239;=&#8239;312 B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2505"><span class="label">2505</span></a> <i>C. I. G.</i>, I, 1582; Kaibel, <i>Epigr. Gr. ex lapid. conlecta</i>, 1878, no. 938; Loewy, <i>I. G. B.</i>, 119; Collitz
-and Bechtel, <i>Samml. d. gr. Dialekt-Inschr.</i>, 1883–90, no. 945.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2506"><span class="label">2506</span></a> <i>I. G. B.</i>, 120. See Foerster, under no. 405.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2507"><span class="label">2507</span></a> Aristophon won παγκράτιον some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130 (&#8239;=&#8239;320 and 260 B.&nbsp;C.),
-as we infer from the date of the inscription from the base of his statue at Olympia: see <i>Inschr. v.
-Ol.</i>, no. 169. <i>Cf.</i> Hyde, 123 and p. 51. Foerster, 758 (following Rutgers, p. 122) had left the
-victory undated.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2508"><span class="label">2508</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, II, <small>3</small>, 1475. See Ross, <i>Die Demen von Attika</i>, no. 70; Le Bas, <i>Attique</i>, no. 115.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2509"><span class="label">2509</span></a> Strabo, XII, 4.2 (= C. 624).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2510"><span class="label">2510</span></a> Attalos won ἅρματι πώλων some time during the reign of his older brother Philetairos, founder
-of the Attalid dynasty, <i>i. e.</i>, between Ols. 124 and 129 (&#8239;=&#8239;284 and 264 B.&nbsp;C.): see Foerster, 436.
-An epigram of the philosopher Arkesilaos of Pitane (mentioned by Foerster), celebrating the
-chariot-race of this Attalos, is preserved by Diog. Laert., IV, 6.30; <i>cf.</i> Fraenkel on the inscription,
-no. 10 (see next note).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2511"><span class="label">2511</span></a> <i>Inschr v. Pergamon</i> (ed. Fraenkel), 1890, I, nos. 10–12; <i>cf.</i> <i>I. G. B.</i>, no. 157.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2512"><span class="label">2512</span></a> He won παγκράτιον ἀνδρῶν in Ol. 211 (&#8239;=&#8239;67 A.&nbsp;D.): P., X, 36.9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2513"><span class="label">2513</span></a> <i>A. Z.</i>, XL, 1882, p. 110.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2514"><span class="label">2514</span></a> P., VI, 22.2.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2515"><span class="label">2515</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2516"><span class="label">2516</span></a> P., VI, 22.3; 4.2; <i>cf.</i> 8.3 (where Eubotas won τεθρίππῳ, no. 17 <i>supra</i>).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2517"><span class="label">2517</span></a> V, pp. 454–455; <i>cf.</i> Hitz.-Bluemn., III, <small>2</small>, p. 829.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2518"><span class="label">2518</span></a> <i>Vit. Apoll. Tyan.</i>, V, 7.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2519"><span class="label">2519</span></a> Suetonius, <i>Nero</i>, 24; Dio Cassius, LXIII, 14. Foerster, 642–647.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2520"><span class="label">2520</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> also Schubart, Pausanias u. seine Anklaeger, <i>Jb. f. cl. Philologie</i>, XXIX, 1883, pp. 472 f.;
-Brunn, <i>ibid.</i>, XXX, 1884, p. 24; and Foerster, 641 and under no. 638.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2521"><span class="label">2521</span></a> T. Phlabios Artemidoros won παγκράτιον twice. He was also περιοδονίκης. The <i>Magna Capitolia</i>,
-in which he was also victor, were instituted by Domitian in 86 A.&nbsp;D.; Foerster, 657, 661,
-proposes Ols. (?) 215 and 216 (&#8239;=&#8239;81 and 85 A.&nbsp;D.) for the two victories.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2522"><span class="label">2522</span></a> <i>C. I. G.</i>, III, 5806; Kaibel, <i>Inscript. Gr. Sicil. et Ital.</i>, 1890, no. 746.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2523"><span class="label">2523</span></a> T. Phlabios Metrobios won δόλιχος, first of his countrymen, in Ol. 217 (&#8239;=&#8239;89 A.&nbsp;D.): <i>cf.</i>
-Boeckh on the inscription (see next note) and Rutgers, p. 91, n. 2; Foerster, 665. He was also
-περιοδονίκης and won δόλιχος at the <i>Capitolia</i> in Rome, as “first of all men.”</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2524"><span class="label">2524</span></a> <i>C. I. G.</i>, II, 2682.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2525"><span class="label">2525</span></a> Sarapion won πὺξ παίδων in Ol. 217 (&#8239;=&#8239;89 A.&nbsp;D.): P., VI, 23.6. <i>Cf.</i> Foerster, 667; Rutgers,
-p. 91, n. 3, who doubts whether Sarapion was an Olympic victor, though Pausanias says that
-he was.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2526"><span class="label">2526</span></a> <i>I. e.</i>, Sarapion, from Alexandria, who won στάδιον in Ol. 204 (&#8239;=&#8239;37 A.&nbsp;D.): Afr.; Foerster, 620;
-Rutgers, p. 86; another Sarapion, from Alexandria, who, Pausanias (V. 21.18) says, came to
-Olympia in Ol. 201 (&#8239;=&#8239;25 A.&nbsp;D.) to enter the παγκράτιον, but ran away the day before the contest
-and was fined for cowardice; Sarapion of Magnesia ad Sipylum, victor in an unknown contest
-and at an unknown date, known from an inscription from Tralles: <i>C. I. G.</i>, II, 2933; Foerster, 824;
-Rutgers, p. 156.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2527"><span class="label">2527</span></a> M. Aurelios Demetrios won παγκράτιον some time before his son’s victory in the same contest
-in Ol. 240 (&#8239;=&#8239;181 A.&nbsp;D.), as we learn from the inscription mentioned in the next note; <i>cf.</i>
-Rutgers, p. 96; Foerster, 719. Foerster, 682, therefore proposes Ol. (?) 225 (&#8239;=&#8239;121 A.&nbsp;D.) for
-the father’s victory; <i>cf.</i> Rutgers, p. 122. Both father and son were περιοδονῖκαι. The father
-was called ὁ παράδοξος.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2528"><span class="label">2528</span></a> <i>C. I. G.</i>, III, 5912, 5913, and 5914; Kaibel, <i>Inscript. Gr. Sicil. et Ital.</i>, 1102–1104.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2529"><span class="label">2529</span></a> This victor won πάλη ἀνδρῶν, first of his countrymen, in Ol. 229 (&#8239;=&#8239;137 A.&nbsp;D.); date from
-the inscription (see next note); Foerster, 691.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2530"><span class="label">2530</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XI, 1887, pp. 80 f. (P. Foucart).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2531"><span class="label">2531</span></a> Kranaos won στάδιον in Ol. 231 (&#8239;=&#8239;145 A.&nbsp;D.): Afr.; and πένταθλον twice, δίαυλος once, and as
-ὁπλίτης once, according to Pausanias (II, 11.8), but in unknown Olympiads: Foerster, 697,
-702–703, 707–708. He dates the four last victories in Ols. (?) 232 and 233 (&#8239;=&#8239;149 and 153 A.&nbsp;D.).
-</p>
-<p>
-Most writers have identified the Granianos of Pausanias with Kranaos of Africanus, as both are
-from Sikyon; <i>cf.</i> Rutgers, p. 94 and n. 1. Kalkmann, <i>Pausanias der Perieget</i>, p. 74, note 6, however,
-is doubtful of the identification.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2532"><span class="label">2532</span></a> T. Ailios Aurelios Apollonios won as κῆρυξ during the reign of Antoninus Pius (&#8239;=&#8239;138–161
-A.&nbsp;D.): <i>cf.</i> Dittenberger on the inscription (see next note). Foerster, 700, proposes Ol. (?)
-231 (&#8239;=&#8239;145 A.&nbsp;D.). He was περιοδονίκης.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2533"><span class="label">2533</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, III, 120 (Dittenberger).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2534"><span class="label">2534</span></a> Mnasiboulos won στάδιον in Ol. 235 (&#8239;=&#8239;161 A.&nbsp;D.): Afr., and P., X, 34.5; and as ὁπλίτης in
-Ol. 235: P., <i>ibid.</i> He was περιοδονίκης in both events: Foerster, nos. 712–713. His son of the same
-name had a statue in the temple of Athena Kranaia at Elateia, whose marble inscribed plate has
-been recovered: see <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, XI, 1887, p. 342, no. 13 (P. Paris).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2535"><span class="label">2535</span></a> Aurelios Toalios won (?) παγκράτιον twice in the time of Alexander Severus (&#8239;=&#8239;222–235 A.&nbsp;D.):
-see Holleaux and Paris on the inscription (see next note). Foerster, 735–736, proposes Ols. (?)
-251 and 252 (&#8239;=&#8239;225 and 229 A.&nbsp;D.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2536"><span class="label">2536</span></a> <i>B.&nbsp;C. H.</i>, X, 1886, pp. 233 f., no. 13.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2537"><span class="label">2537</span></a> Aurelios Metrodorus won παγκράτιον about the time of Alexander Severus (see Boeckh, on the
-inscription mentioned in the next note). Foerster, 737, proposes Ol. (?) 253 (&#8239;=&#8239;233 A.&nbsp;D.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2538"><span class="label">2538</span></a> <i>C. I. G.</i>, III, 3676.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2539"><span class="label">2539</span></a> Valerios Eklektos won as κῆρυξ four times in Ols. 256, 258, 259, and 260 (&#8239;=&#8239;245, 253, 257, and
-261 A.&nbsp;D.): see inscription mentioned in the next note; Foerster, 741–744. He was περιοδονίκης
-thrice (= τρισπερίοδος), and won 80 crowns in various games.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2540"><span class="label">2540</span></a> <i>Inschr. v. Ol.</i>, 242–243; <i>A. Z.</i>, XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 164 f., no. 369.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2541"><span class="label">2541</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, III, 129 (Dittenberger).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2542"><span class="label">2542</span></a> Klaudios Rhouphos won (?) πάλη or (?) πύξ or (?) παγκράτιον near the beginning of the fourth
-century A.&nbsp;D. (see Kaibel and the inscription mentioned in the next note); Foerster, 748–749,
-and Rutgers, p. 154. He was twice περιοδονίκης.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2543"><span class="label">2543</span></a> <i>C. I. G.</i>, III, 5910; Kaibel, <i>Inscript. Gr. Sicil. et Ital.</i>, no. 1107, p. 299.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2544"><span class="label">2544</span></a> Philoumenos won (?) πάλη, according to Rutgers, p. 98, n. 3, either in Ol. 288 (&#8239;=&#8239;373 A.&nbsp;D.) or
-<i>certe non multo prius</i> (on the basis of the passage in Panodoros cited in the following note). He
-is also mentioned in a Roman inscription given by Rutgers, <i>ibid.</i> Foerster, 750.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2545"><span class="label">2545</span></a> <i>Ap.</i> Cramer, <i>Anecd. gr. Parisiensia</i>, 1839–41, II, p. 155, 17 (quoted by Foerster); Preger,
-<i>Inscr. Gr. metricae</i>, no. 133.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2546"><span class="label">2546</span></a> Ainetos was victor in πένταθλον. <i>Cf.</i> Rutgers, p. 112; Foerster, 754, who wrongly gives the
-contest as πύξ.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2547"><span class="label">2547</span></a> Nikokles, according to Pausanias, <i>l. c.</i>, won five prizes in running δρόμος in two Olympiads.
-Foerster, under nos. 788–792, explains these words by arranging victories in δίαυλος, δόλιχος, and
-as ὁπλίτης in one Olympiad, and two of these contests in the next; none of them could have been
-in στάδιον, since his name does not appear in Africanus. <i>Cf.</i> Rutgers, pp. 105–106, 107, and 126.
-Le Bas long ago (<i>R. arch.</i>, II, 1845, p. 220) connected a restored inscription with this victor.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2548"><span class="label">2548</span></a> Aigistratos won πάλη παίδων: Foerster, 806.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2549"><span class="label">2549</span></a> <i>C. I. G.</i>, II, 2527.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2550"><span class="label">2550</span></a> He won in an unknown contest and was three times περιοδονίκης, gaining 35 crowns at various
-games. <i>Cf.</i> Foerster, 825–827.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2551"><span class="label">2551</span></a> <i>C. I. G.</i>, I, 1715.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2552"><span class="label">2552</span></a> Ross, <i>Arch. Aufsaetze</i>, 1855–1861, I, pp. 163 f; <i>C. I. A.</i>, I, 376; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 39; E. S. Roberts, <i>An
-Introduction to Greek Epigraphy</i>, I, 1887, 68a.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2553"><span class="label">2553</span></a> <i>Rhein. Mus.</i>, XVI, 1861, p. 224.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2554"><span class="label">2554</span></a> <i>Hermes</i>, XII, 1877, p. 345 and n. 29.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2555"><span class="label">2555</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, by R. Schoell, <i>Hermes</i>, XIII, 1878, p. 437; <i>cf.</i> Gurlitt, <i>Ueber Pausanias</i>, pp. 158 f., Loewy
-on the inscription, and Hitz.-Bluemn., I, <small>1</small>, p. 261.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2556"><span class="label">2556</span></a> IX, 105.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2557"><span class="label">2557</span></a> <i>C. I. A.</i>, I, 402; <i>I. G. B.</i>, 46; Ross, <i>Arch. Aufsaetze</i>, I, pp 168 f. This is possibly to be connected
-with the statue of the <i>Volneratus deficiens</i> mentioned by Pliny, <i>H. N.</i>, XXXIV, 74. See <i>supra</i>,
-p. 199. However, the lettering is not later than 444 B.&nbsp;C., while Diitrephes is known to have
-been living as late as 411: Thukyd., VIII, 64.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2558"><span class="label">2558</span></a> Th. Bergk, <i>Zeitschr. f. d. Altertumswissensch.</i>, III, 1845, pp. 961 f.; Wilamowitz, <i>Hermes</i>, XII,
-1877, p. 346; Furtwaengler, <i>A. M.</i>, V, 1880, p. 28 and n. 2; <i>cf.</i>, however, Gurlitt, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 159 f.;
-Robert, Die Marathonschlacht in der Poikile und Weiteres ueber Polygnot, <i>18stes Hallisches
-Winckelmannsprogr.</i>, 1895, p. 22; Hitz.-Bluemn., I, <span class="smcap">i</span>, pp. 255 f. and 262 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2559"><span class="label">2559</span></a> II, p. 289; <i>cf. ibid.</i>, pp. 275 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2560"><span class="label">2560</span></a> <i>Jb.</i>, VII, 1892, pp. 185 f. <i>Cf.</i> the remarks of Gercke, <i>ibid.</i>, VIII, 1893, pp. 113 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2561"><span class="label">2561</span></a> III, 75; IV, 119 and 129.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2562"><span class="label">2562</span></a> <i>Mw.</i>, pp. 278 f.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2563"><span class="label">2563</span></a> <i>Vit. X Orat.</i>, IV (Isokrates), 42, (p. 839 c.) It was in the ball-court of the Arrephoroi. The
-same author, IV, 41, (839b), also mentions a bronze statue (with inscription) of Isokrates set
-up by the orator’s adopted son Aphareus. See <i>supra</i>, pp. 24 and 281. I assume that these two
-passages refer to one and the same monument.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2564"><span class="label">2564</span></a> Three victors, Ladas (no. 11), Agias (no. 14), and Sarapion (no. 30), had two statues each.
-Theagenes (no. 10) had several, according to Pausanias, who, however, mentions only one
-definitely. We have omitted from our total the statue set up by T. Phlabios Artemidoros (28a)
-to his father.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2565"><span class="label">2565</span></a> We have here included the tablet of Chionis at Sparta (no. 1), a victor of the seventh century
-B.&nbsp;C., whose monument, however, was erected in the fifth century B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2566"><span class="label">2566</span></a> Including the two Lysippan statues of Agias, a victor of the fifth century, B.&nbsp;C.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2567"><span class="label">2567</span></a> Of the 192 monuments referred to 187 victors mentioned by Pausanias in his victor <i>periegesis</i>
-at Olympia, only 153, belonging to 148 victors, can be exactly or approximately dated. Of these,
-33 monuments (referred to 32 victors) belong to the epoch prior to the approximate date of the
-founding of the temple of Zeus, <i>i. e.</i>, prior to Ol. 77 (&#8239;=&#8239;472 B.&nbsp;C.); 51 monuments (referred to 50
-victors) from this date on, to the approximate date of the battle of Aigospotamoi (B.&nbsp;C. 404),
-<i>i. e.</i>, down to Ol. 93 (&#8239;=&#8239;408 B.&nbsp;C.); 36 monuments (referred to 34 victors) from then on, to about
-the time of the birth of Alexander the Great, <i>i. e.</i>, to Ol. 106 (&#8239;=&#8239;356 B.&nbsp;C.); and 33 monuments
-(referred to 32 victors) from that date, to the close of the description of the athlete <i>periegesis</i>, i<i>. e.</i>,
-from Ols. 107 to 149 (&#8239;=&#8239;352 to 184 B.&nbsp;C.). See Hyde, <i>op. cit.</i>, Ch. IV, pp. 72 sq., and <i>supra</i>,
-pp. 352–3. (In my victor lists, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 3–24, I have enumerated 188 victors; however, Philon
-of Kerkyra is listed twice, nos. 91 and 136, for two different statues.) Of these 153 monuments,
-nearly one-half (<i>i. e.</i>, 74) belong properly to the fifth century (Ols. 70 to 94 = 500 to 404 B.&nbsp;C.).</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2568"><span class="label">2568</span></a> Pausanias mentions 192 (referred to 187 victors, as above); we have found in the present
-chapter that 63 others (referred to 61 victors) are known from inscribed base fragments found at
-Olympia; and that 47 (referred to 44 victors) are known from literary sources as having stood
-elsewhere. If we deduct 10 victors who had monuments both at Olympia and elsewhere, we
-have a grand total of 282 victors, in whose honor these 302 monuments of various kinds were
-erected.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2569"><span class="label">2569</span></a> See Hyde, pp. v-vi, for an alphabetic list of sculptors mentioned by Pausanias, or known from
-the recovered bases of statues at Olympia. See <i>supra</i>, p. 339, n. 1, end.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2570"><span class="label">2570</span></a> Lysippos made two statues <i>honoris causa</i> for Pythes, son of Andromachos, of Abdera: P., VI,
-14.12; Hyde, 134a. Mikon made two statues for King Hiero of Syracuse, one represented on foot
-and the other on horseback, which I have classed as “honor” statues: P., VI, 12.2; Hyde, 105a.
-All the “honor” statues at Olympia named by Pausanias are listed in the work cited, on p. v.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2571"><span class="label">2571</span></a> <i>H. N.</i>, Bk. XXXIV, <i>passim</i>. One other sculptor, Kratinos, named by Pausanias, is noted by
-Pliny as a painter only: <i>ibid.</i>, XXXV, 140 and 147.</p></div>
-
-<h2>INDEX.</h2>
-
-<ul class="IX"><li>
-Aberdeen head, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li><li>
-
-Academy, festival in honor of Athenian soldiers at the, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Achæans, games among, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;<ul><li>
-in Homer, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li><li>
-origin of sports among, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Achaia, erects victor statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;<ul><li>
-Pausanias’ account of, 323.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Achilleae</i>, definition of, 92, note <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;<ul><li>
-statues, 87, 226.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Achilles, casts <i>solos</i> at games of Patroklos, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;<ul><li>
-fights with Telephos, on Tegea pediment, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</li><li>
-shield of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li><li>
-yields prize to Agamemnon, 8.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Acrobats, among Athenians, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;<ul><li>
-in Crete, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li><li>
-in Homer, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li><li>
-in modern Italy, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li><li>
-in Thessaly, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li><li>
-at Tiryns, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li><li>
-on Vapheio cups, 5.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Actors, statues of victorious, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Adlocutio</i>, gesture of, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li><li>
-
-Admetos, boxing match with Mopsos, on chest of Kypselos, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li><li>
-
-Adonis(?), statue of, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Adorantes se feminae</i>, statues by Apellas, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li><li>
-
-Adoration and prayer, as athletic motives, <a href="#Page_130">130f</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aegean civilization, <a href="#Page_1">1f</a>.;<ul><li>
-unathletic character of, 7.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Aegina, games on, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;<ul><li>
-date of gable statues from temple of Aphaia, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li><li>
-gable statues from temple of Aphaia, <a href="#Page_123">123f</a>.;</li><li>
-influence of sculptors on “Apollo” statues, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li><li>
-kneeling Herakles, from East gable, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li>
-movement in gable statues, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li><li>
-observation of nature in, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li><li>
-runners, from West gable, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li>
-sculptors from, <a href="#Page_122">122f</a>.;</li><li>
-sculptors in favor at Olympia, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</li><li>
-temple of Aphaia on, <a href="#Page_123">123f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Aeginetans, at battle of Salamis, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aelian, on bronze horses of Kimon, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aesthetic judgments of classical writers, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li><li>
-
-Africanus, list of stade victors in, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;<ul><li>
-on omission of 211th Olympiad, 369.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Agamemnon, prize of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;<ul><li>
-the <i>Agamemnon</i> of Aischylos, 75.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Agasias, sculptor, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li><li>
-
-Agathinos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li><li>
-
-Age, classification of Greek athletes by, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;<ul><li>
-in Plato’s <i>Republic</i>, 189.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Ageladas; see Hagelaïdas, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li><li>
-
-Agenor, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li><li>
-
-Agesarchos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li><li>
-
-Agiadas, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li><li>
-
-Agias, statue at Delphi, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;<ul><li>
-statue at Pharsalos, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;</li><li>
-careless finish of Delphian statue, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li><li>
-compared with <i>Apoxyomenos</i> of Vatican, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li><li>
-compared with <i>Farnese Herakles</i>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li><li>
-epigram on base of statue, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</li><li>
-as example of assimilation, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li><li>
-fillet on, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li><li>
-as statue “double,” <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li><li>
-as statue of a pancratiast, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li><li>
-supplants <i>Apoxyomenos</i> as norm of Lysippos, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291f</a>.;</li><li>
-swollen ear of, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li><li>
-why considered copy, <a href="#Page_303">303f</a>., 316.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Agids, tomb in Sparta, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>.</li><li>
-
-Agilochos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Agon</i> (<i>Contest</i>), figure in group of Mikythos, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li><li>
-
-Agorakritos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li><li>
-
-Agrippa, M., removes the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> to Rome, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aiakos, games in honor of, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aigion, boy from, chosen as priest for his beauty, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aigistratos, Olympic victor statue at Lindos, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aigospotamoi, battle of, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;<ul><li>
-memorial at Delphi, 278.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Aigyptos, equestrian monument at Olympia, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ainetos, statue at Amyklai, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aischines, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aischylos, on ἀγώνιοι θεοί, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;<ul><li>
-<i>Agamemnon</i> of, 75.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Aischylos, victor relief, in honor of the Dioskouroi, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ajax, acrobatic feat of, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;<ul><li>
-combat with Diomedes, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li><li>
-on r.-f. Etruscan stamnos, 132.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Akarnania, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>.</li><li>
-
-Akastos, games of, depicted on chest of Kypselos and on throne of Apollo at Amyklai, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li><li>
-
-Akestorides, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li><li>
-
-Akontistai; see Javelin-throwers.
-
-Akousilaos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li><li>
-
-Akragas, bronze statue dedicated at Olympia by people of, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;<ul><li>
-decadrachm of, 48.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Akropolis at Athens, Aeginetan bronze head from, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;<ul><li>
-Argive bronze head from, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li><li>
-athlete statue from, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li><li>
-chariot-race relief from, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li><li>
-ephebe head, yellow-haired, from, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li><li>
-excavations of, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li><li>
-Hermes relief from, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;</li><li>
-Korai from, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li><li>
-<i>la petite boudeuse</i> from, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li><li>
-pre-Persian sculptures from, <a href="#Page_126">126f.</a>;</li><li>
-Old Temple of Athena on, 128, 271.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Akroteria</i>, winged figures as, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aktion, “Apollos” from, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li><li>
-
-Alabastron, on statue of Milo at Olympia, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li><li>
-
-Alexander the Great, bust of, from Alexandria, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;<ul><li>
-coin of, showing Herakles, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li><li>
-funeral games in honor of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li><li>
-head of, in Copenhagen, from sarcophagus, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li><li>
-institutes funeral games for Hephaistion, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li><li>
-portraits of, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li><li>
-portraits of, by Lysippos, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</li><li>
-pensiveness in portraits of, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</li><li>
-statue of, by Lysippos, 73.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Alexander Sarcophagus</i>, so-called, in Constantinople, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li><li>
-
-Alexinikos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li><li>
-
-Alkainetos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li><li>
-
-Alkamenes, and <i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i> type, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;<ul><li>
-<i>Enkrinomenos</i> of, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li><li>
-and Olympia gable statues, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li><li>
-and <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>, 76.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Alkandridas, P. Ailios, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li><li>
-
-Alketos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li><li>
-
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_378">378</a></span>
-
-Alki, temple of Apollo at, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li><li>
-
-Alkibiades, victor at Olympia, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;<ul><li>
-so-called <i>Alkibiades</i> of the Vatican, 199.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Alkibios, base of statue of, from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li><li>
-
-Alkinoos, King of Scheria, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li><li>
-
-Alkmena, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li><li>
-
-Alpheios, river at Olympia, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li><li>
-
-Altars, at Olympia: of Aphrodite, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;<ul><li>
-near Stadion, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</li><li>
-of Nymphs, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;</li><li>
-of Seasons, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;</li><li>
-scattered positions of, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;</li><li>
-of Zeus; see Great Altar of Zeus.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Altis at Olympia, East Byzantine wall of, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>;<ul><li>
-erection of statues in, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li><li>
-excavation of, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li><li>
-honor statues in, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</li><li>
-location of earliest statues in, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</li><li>
-North Byzantine wall of, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;</li><li>
-<i>periegesis</i> of Pausanias in, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li><li>
-positions of victor statues in, 339f.;</li><li>
-processional entrance of, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</li><li>
-processional way of, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</li><li>
-Roman enlargement of, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</li><li>
-routes (ἔφοδοι) of Pausanias in, <a href="#Page_339">339f</a>.;</li><li>
-South Terrace wall of, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</li><li>
-South wall of, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>;</li><li>
-Southwest gate of, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;</li><li>
-statues “within,” <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</li><li>
-topography of, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</li><li>
-West Byzantine wall of, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li><li>
-West wall of, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Alypos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li><li>
-
-Amaltheia, ivory horn of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li><li>
-
-Amastris, coin of, showing figure of Hermes, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li><li>
-
-Amazon, of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;<ul><li>
-torso of Atalanta from Tegea pediment, draped as, 306.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Ambrakia, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li><li>
-
-Amelung, W., on supposed absence of libation-pouring in athletic art, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;<ul><li>
-on head in Turin, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li><li>
-on statuette in Vatican, 212, 244.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Amenartas; see Amenerdis.
-
-Amenerdis, Egyptian queen, statue of, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li><li>
-
-Amenemhat III, co-regent of Horfuabra, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li><li>
-
-Amentum; see Thong.
-
-Amertas, statue of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li><li>
-
-Amphiaraos vase, in Berlin, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;<ul><li>
-Amphiaraos, on chest of Kypselos, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li><li>
-reliefs in honor of, 273.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Amphiareion, at Oropos, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li><li>
-
-Amphidamas, games of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li><li>
-
-Amphiktyonic League, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li><li>
-
-Amphion, sculptor, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li><li>
-
-Amphipolis, games at, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Amyklai, temple of Apollo at, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li><li>
-
-Amykos, boxing match of, with Polydeukes, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;<ul><li>
-invention of boxing-gloves ascribed to, 236.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Amyntas, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li><li>
-
-Analogy, in Greek art, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li><li>
-
-Anatomy, knowledge of, in Greek sculpture, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;<ul><li>
-in Aeginetan gable statues, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li><li>
-in Ligourió bronze, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li><li>
-studied in Alexandria, 289.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Anauchidas, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li><li>
-
-Anaxandros, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li><li>
-
-Anaxilas, as dedicator of Delphi <i>Charioteer</i>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ancestors, worship of, in Greece, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ancient writings of the Eleans, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li><li>
-
-Andokides, vase-painter, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li><li>
-
-Andreas, sculptor, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li><li>
-
-Angelion, sculptor, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.<ul><li>
-See also Tektaios.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Aniconic statues, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li><li>
-
-Anochos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li><li>
-
-Anointing, as athletic motive, <a href="#Page_133">133f</a>.
-
-Antaios, bout with Herakles, on proto-Attic amphora, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li><li>
-
-Antenor, sculptor, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li><li>
-
-Anthologies, Greek, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li><li>
-
-Anthropometry in Greek sculpture, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li><li>
-
-Antidotos, painter, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li><li>
-
-Antigenes, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li><li>
-
-Antignotos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li><li>
-
-Antigonos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li><li>
-
-Antikythera, bronze statue of youth from sea near, <a href="#Page_80">80f</a>.;<ul><li>
-statuette from sea near, 78, 79.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Antioch, date of founding of, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li><li>
-
-Antipatros, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;<ul><li>
-father of, bribed by Syracuse, 33.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Antoninus Pius, coins of, showing pine, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li><li>
-
-Apellas, sculptor, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aphaia, temple of, on Aegina, <a href="#Page_123">123f</a>.
-
-Aphrodeisios, Tiberios Klaudios, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;<ul><li>
-victor in horse-race, 262.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Aphrodite, altar at Olympia, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;<ul><li>
-statue in Heraion at Olympia, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</li><li>
-temple at Naukratis, 334.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Apobates</i>, chariot-race, <a href="#Page_272">272f</a>.;<ul><li>
-armor worn in, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li><li>
-known at Athens and in Bœotia, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li><li>
-preserves tradition of Homeric warfare, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li><li>
-on reliefs, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li><li>
-<i>apobates</i>, horse-race, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_282">282f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Apollas, lost work of, on Olympic victors, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li><li>
-
-Apollo, as athlete, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;<ul><li>
-beaten in running, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li><li>
-beats Ares in boxing, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</li><li>
-beats Hermes in running, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</li><li>
-as charioteer, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;</li><li>
-combat with Herakles, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li><li>
-cult statue of, represented on vases, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</li><li>
-as god of boxing at Delphi, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-as god of boxing in Homer, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-as god of contests, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li><li>
-as god of youth, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li><li>
-hymn to, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-on coins of Athens, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li><li>
-on relief in Capitoline, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li><li>
-on relief with Artemis and Leto, in Louvre, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li><li>
-tripods in worship of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li><li>
-Statues: <i>Apollo Alexikakos</i>, by Kalamis, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li><li>
-from temple of Apollo at Alki, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li><li>
-from Delos, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</li><li>
-colossal, from Delos, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li><li>
-from Mausoleion, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li><li>
-colossal, from Olympia, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li><li>
-<i>Philesian Apollo</i>, by elder Kanachos, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li><li>
-from Porto d’Anzio, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li><li>
-Praxitelian, in Medici Gardens, Rome, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li><li>
-from West gable, Olympia, 114–116.</li><li>
-Statuettes: bronze from Naxos, in Berlin, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li><li>
-Payne Knight bronze, British Museum, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li><li>
-bronze, from Piombino, Louvre, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li><li>
-Sciarra bronze, Rome, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li><li>
-Temples: of Apollo Lykios, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</li><li>
-at Bassai, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</li><li>
-at Naukratis, 334.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-“Apollo,” type of, in sculpture, <a href="#Page_100">100f</a>.;<ul><li>
-Aeginetan influence on, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li><li>
-<i>Choiseul-Gouffier</i>, <a href="#Page_89">89f</a>., <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li><li>
-funerary in character, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</li><li>
-“grinning” and “stolid” groups, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</li><li>
-name “Apollo,” <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</li><li>
-name rightly applied to
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_379">379</a></span>
-statues found in sanctuaries of Apollo, 334–336;</li><li>
-nudity of, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li><li>
-represents early victor statues, <a href="#Page_334">334f</a>.;</li><li>
-<i>on-the-Omphalos</i>, <a href="#Page_89">89f</a>., <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li><li>
-Statues of: from Aktion, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;<ul><li>
-from Cyprus, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</li><li>
-from Delphi, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li><li>
-colossal, from Megara, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li><li>
-from Melos, <a href="#Page_100">100f</a>.;</li><li>
-from Mount Ptoion, 100–103, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;</li><li>
-from Naukratis, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;</li><li>
-from Naxos, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;</li><li>
-from Orchomenos, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;</li><li>
-from Pompeii, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li><li>
-from Tenea, <a href="#Page_100">100f</a>., <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li><li>
-from Thera, <a href="#Page_100">100f</a>., <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</li><li>
-from Volomandra, 100, 104, 337.</li></ul></li></ul></li><li>
-
-Apollonia, head from, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li><li>
-
-Apollonios, sculptor, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;<ul><li>
-quoted by Philostratos, 107.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Apollonios, T. Ailios Aurelios, Olympic victor, statue at Athens, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>.</li><li>
-
-Apollonios, victor at Olympia, fined by the umpires, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Apoxyomenos</i>, the, after Lysippos, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;<ul><li>
-statue in Vatican, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288f</a>.;</li><li>
-pose of, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li><li>
-regarded formerly as center of stylistic treatment of Lysippos, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</li><li>
-so regarded by some scholars now, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</li><li>
-present doubts of, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</li><li>
-display of anatomical knowledge in, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li><li>
-compared with the <i>Agias</i>, <a href="#Page_289">289f</a>.;</li><li>
-as work of Lysippos’ school, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li><li>
-of third century B.&nbsp;C., <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li><li>
-<i>Apoxyomenos</i> of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li><li>
-statue in Uffizi as, 136, 137, 168.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Apples, prizes at Delphi, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aratos, statesman, honor statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aratos, victor, painting of, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li><li>
-
-Archaism, break with, in the statue of the ephebe from the Akropolis, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li><li>
-
-Archedamos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li><li>
-
-Archemoros, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li><li>
-
-Archery, in Homer, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li><li>
-
-Archiadas, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li><li>
-
-Archias, victor statue at Delphi, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li><li>
-
-Archidamas, chariot victor, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li><li>
-
-Archidamas III, King of Sparta, statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li><li>
-
-Archippos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ares, beaten by Apollo in boxing, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;<ul><li>
-<i>Doryphoros</i> of Polykleitos converted into Ares, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li><li>
-head of, in Munich, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li><li>
-helmeted head of, in Louvre, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li><li>
-Ludovisi statue of, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li><li>
-swollen ears on heads of, 170.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Argeiadas, sculptor, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li><li>
-
-Argive “Apollos” from Delphi, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;<ul><li>
-Argive and Sikyonian canons, 68.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Argos, canon of early sculptors of, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;<ul><li>
-characteristics of sculptors of, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li><li>
-Nemean games held at, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li><li>
-prizes at, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li><li>
-public chariot of, victorious at Olympia, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li><li>
-public horse of, victorious at Olympia, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li><li>
-school of sculptors from, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109f</a>., <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li><li>
-schools of Argos and Sikyon, <a href="#Page_109">109f</a>.;</li><li>
-square shoulders of canon of sculptors from, 112.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Arion, victor statue on Helikon, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aristarchos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aristeides, the Elder, painter, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aristeus, statue, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aristion, statue at Olympia, 46, 88, 117, 159 and note <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aristion, stele of, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.<ul><li>
-See Aristokles.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Aristodamos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aristodemos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aristogeiton, statue of, <a href="#Page_173">173f</a>.<ul><li>
-See also Harmodios and <i>Tyrannicides</i>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Aristokles, Cretan sculptor of Sikyon, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aristokles, sculptor of Aristion stele, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ariston, of Rhegion, kitharoidos, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ariston, P. Kornelios, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aristonikos of Egypt, beaten at Olympia, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aristonikos of Karystos, ball-player, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aristophanes, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;<ul><li>
-scholia on, 110, 363.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Aristophanes, of Byzantion, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aristophon, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;<ul><li>
-at Athens, 368.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Aristotimos, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aristotle, honor statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;<ul><li>
-lost work of, on Olympic victors, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;</li><li>
-on inscribed base of statue of unknown Olympic victor, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;</li><li>
-on jumping, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li>
-on jumping-weights, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li><li>
-in praise of “mimetic” arts, 58.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Arkadia, funeral games in, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;<ul><li>
-Pausanias’ description of, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</li><li>
-statue of unnamed boxer from, at Olympia, 245.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Arkas, father of Azan, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li><li>
-
-Arkesilaos, of Sparta, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li><li>
-
-Arkesilas IV, of Kyrene, chariot victor at Olympia <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;<ul><li>
-chariot model at Delphi, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li><li>
-as dedicator of the Delphi <i>Charioteer</i>, 277.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Arm, right, of boy victor, from Olympia, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;<ul><li>
-bronze right arm from statue of Olympic victor, 322.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Armed contest, in early Greek art, 8–9.</li><li>
-
-Armor, race in; see Hoplite-race.
-
-Arndt, P., on so-called <i>Jason</i>, of Louvre, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;<ul><li>
-on the Perinthos and allied heads, 180.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Arolsen, statuette of diskobolos in, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li><li>
-
-Arrhachion, crowned after death, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;<ul><li>
-statue at Phigalia, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326f</a>., <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;</li><li>
-inscription on, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</li><li>
-one of oldest victor statues, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</li><li>
-three victories of <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</li><li>
-throttled by adversary, 247.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Ars statuaria</i>, defined by Pliny, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li><li>
-
-Artemas, P. Ailios, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li><li>
-
-Artemidoros, Olympic victor, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li><li>
-
-Artemidoros, T. Phlabios, statue in Naples, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li><li>
-
-Artemis, on Sparta relief, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li><li>
-
-Artemisia, chariot-group of, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</li><li>
-
-Artists, statues of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li><li>
-
-Arvanitopoullos, A. S., on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aryballos, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;<ul><li>
-on vase-paintings, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li><li>
-wrongly as wrestler attribute, 165.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, head of <i>Diadoumenos</i> in, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li><li>
-
-Asiatics, wear loin-cloth, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li><li>
-
-Asios, fragment of, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li><li>
-
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_380">380</a></span>
-
-Asklepiades, M. Aurelios, dedicates statue in Rome to father, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>.</li><li>
-
-Asklepiades, P., dedicates bronze diskos at Olympia, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li><li>
-
-Asklepieion, the, at Athens, statues in, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li><li>
-
-Asklepios, temple at Sikyon, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>.</li><li>
-
-Assimilation of statues of men to god and hero types, <a href="#Page_71">71f</a>.;<ul><li>
-of Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_71">71f</a>.;</li><li>
-to types of Apollo, <a href="#Page_88">88f</a>.;</li><li>
-of the Dioskouroi, <a href="#Page_96">96f</a>.;</li><li>
-of Herakles, <a href="#Page_93">93f</a>., <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;</li><li>
-of Hermes, <a href="#Page_75">75f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Assurbanipal, reliefs from palace of, at Nineveh, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li><li>
-
-Assyro-Babylonian art, reliefs of, represented in motion, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;<ul><li>
-influence on early Greek art, 329.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Astragalos, base in form of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li><li>
-
-Astylos, bribed by Hiero of Syracuse, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;<ul><li>
-statue at Kroton, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;</li><li>
-at Olympia, 179, 363.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Asymmetry, example of, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li><li>
-
-Atalanta, soul of, chooses body of athlete, in Plato’s myth of Er, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;<ul><li>
-statue of, from Tegea, 306, 310, 316.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Athena, Alea, temple at Tegea, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;<ul><li>
-Chalkioikos, hieron of, in Sparta, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</li><li>
-helmeted heads of, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li><li>
-<i>Lemnia</i>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li><li>
-Old Temple of, on Akropolis, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;</li><li>
-on relief from Tarentum, 96.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Athenæus, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Athenaia</i>; see <i>Panathenaia</i>.
-
-Athenaios, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li><li>
-
-Athens, athletes at, divided into two classes according to age, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;<ul><li>
-coins of, showing Apollo, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li><li>
-statues of victors in, 26–27;</li><li>
-Gymnasion of Ptolemy at, 166.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Athletes: barefoot and bareheaded, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;<ul><li>
-head of, in Capitoline called Juba II, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li><li>
-head of, in Metropolitan Museum, showing swollen ears, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li><li>
-statue of, in Copenhagen resembling the <i>Agias</i>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</li><li>
-statue found at Ephesos, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li><li>
-two statues in lunging attitude, in Dresden, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li><li>
-statue from Palazzo Farnese, now in London, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</li><li>
-statue of late style in Lansdowne House, London, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li><li>
-statues of, adorn palæstræ and gymnasia, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li><li>
-statues of, assimilated to types of Apollo, <a href="#Page_88">88f</a>.;</li><li>
-of the Dioskouroi, 96–97;</li><li>
-of Herakles, <a href="#Page_93">93f</a>.;</li><li>
-of Hermes, <a href="#Page_75">75f</a>.;</li><li>
-bronze statuette in Louvre, 213, 214; etc.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Athletics, origin and early history of Greek, <a href="#Page_1">1f</a>.;<ul><li>
-in Crete, <a href="#Page_1">1f</a>.;</li><li>
-at Delphi, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-in Homer, <a href="#Page_7">7f</a>.;</li><li>
-athletics and Greek religion, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li><li>
-influence on sculpture, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li><li>
-athletic funeral scene on a Cypriote silver vase from Etruria, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li><li>
-Argive-Sikyonian school of athletic sculptors, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Attalos, base of victor statue of Attalos, father of Attalos I, at Pergamon, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;<ul><li>
-Portico of, in Athens, 368.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Attic sculptors, <a href="#Page_126">126f</a>.;<ul><li>
-characteristics of, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li><li>
-examples of pre-Persian sculptures, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-influence on Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li><li>
-old Attic canon of proportions, 68.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Attributes of victor statues, <a href="#Page_147">147f</a>.;<ul><li>
-primary, <a href="#Page_148">148f</a>.;</li><li>
-secondary <a href="#Page_161">161f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Augustus, coins of, showing celery, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<ul><li>
-enlarges privileges of athletes in Rome, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li><li>
-statue from Primaporta, 82.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Aura, victorious mare of Pheidolas, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li><li>
-
-Aurelius, M. Antoninus, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li><li>
-
-Authors; see Poets, Prose-writers.
-
-Autolykos, statue in Athens, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li><li>
-
-Autun, statuette of pancratiast from, in Louvre, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Aves</i>, the, of Aristophanes, quoted, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li><li>
-
-Azan, games of, in Arkadia, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>.</li><li>
-
-Bacchiadas, flutist, statue on Helikon, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li><li>
-
-Bacchylides, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ball-playing (σφαιρίζειν), in antiquity, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;<ul><li>
-game known as φανίνδα, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li><li>
-Spartan origin of, 84.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Barbarians, invade Greece in Middle Ages, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;<ul><li>
-destroy victor statues at Olympia, 43.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Barberini Palace, Rome, statue in, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;<ul><li>
-estate of the Barberini, 50.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Barracco Collection, Rome, athlete statue in, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li><li>
-
-Bases; see Victor statue bases.
-
-Bassai, temple of Apollo Epikourios at, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li><li>
-
-Bates, W. N., on interpretation of head of boy statue from Sparta, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li><li>
-
-Bathykles, sculptor, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li><li>
-
-Battos of Kyrene, group of, dedicated at Delphi, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li><li>
-
-Baukis, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li><li>
-
-Beauty, contest of, among women, in Arkadia, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;<ul><li>
-in Elis, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li>
-on Lesbos, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li>
-at Panathenaic games, Athens, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li>
-on Tenedos, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li>
-games in honor of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li>
-Greek worship of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li>
-youth chosen for, at Tanagra, 57.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Bellerophon, on Chimæra tomb, Xanthos, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Belvedere Hermes</i>, statue in Vatican, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li><li>
-
-Beneventum, head from, in Louvre, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li><li>
-
-Beni-Hasan, Egypt, wall-paintings at, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li><li>
-
-Benndorf, on Boboli athlete in Florence, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;<ul><li>
-on epigram relative to Ladas, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li><li>
-on Pliny’s <i>nudus talo incessens</i> of Polykleitos, 250.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Bieber, Fräulein, on various artistic tendencies in the Daochos group, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Bigae</i> and <i>quadrigae</i>, mentioned by Pliny, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</li><li>
-
-Biting, prohibited in pankration, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li><li>
-
-Biton (?), statue of, from Delphi, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li><li>
-
-Bloch, on the Uffizi <i>Apoxyomenos</i>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li><li>
-
-Boboli athlete in Florence, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;<ul><li>
-<i>Hermes</i>, 85.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Boeckh, on division of athletes according to age at Athens, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li><li>
-
-Boëdromion, month of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li><li>
-
-Bœotian games in Thebes, statues erected for, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li><li>
-
-Boetticher, on Praxitelian origin of head from Olympia, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li><li>
-
-Bologna, r.-f. krater in, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Bonus Eventus</i> (?), statue found in Rhine, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li><li>
-
-Boreas, winged, on relief in Metropolitan Museum, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Borghese Warrior</i> (<i>Gladiator</i>), statue by Agasias, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li><li>
-
-Borsdorf, bronze bowl from, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li><li>
-
-Bosanquet, R. C., on bronze statuette found in sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Boudeuse, la petite</i>, statue from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li><li>
-
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_381">381</a></span>
-
-Bouleuterion; see Council-house.</li><li>
-
-Bouprasion, Nestor contends at, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li><li>
-
-Bow, attribute of <i>Philesian Apollo</i>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Boxer Vase</i>, from Hagia Triada, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li><li>
-
-Boxers, bases of statues of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;<ul><li>
-bearded, on University of Pennsylvania Panathenaic amphora, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li><li>
-between groups of warriors and dancers on an eighth century B.&nbsp;C. vase, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li><li>
-boxer known as “man with crushed ear,” <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Boxer Vase</i>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li><li>
-bronze head of boxer or pancratiast, from Olympia, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li><li>
-on bronze shield from Mount Ida, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-caps of, <a href="#Page_165">165f</a>.;</li><li>
-head in Munich, with swollen ears, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li><li>
-positions of, on vases, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li><li>
-<i>pyctae</i> (?), by Myron, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li><li>
-on pyxis, from Knossos, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li><li>
-on r.-f. kylix in the British Museum, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li><li>
-on r.-f. kylix of Douris, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li><li>
-<i>Seated Boxer</i>, of Museo delle Terme, <a href="#Page_145">145f</a>.;</li><li>
-statues of, represented in motion, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li><li>
-statue of, with <i>Diadoumenos</i> motive, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li><li>
-statue in Kassel, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li><li>
-statue in Lansdowne House, London, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li><li>
-statue in Palazzo Albani, Rome, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li><li>
-statue from Sorrento, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li><li>
-statuette of, from Olympia, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li><li>
-swollen ear of, 240, 241.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Boxing, <a href="#Page_234">234f</a>.;<ul><li>
-antiquity of, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-in Crete, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-in Homer, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li><li>
-invented by Theseus, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-more dangerous than pankration, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-most popular sport at Olympia, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-one of oldest sports, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li><li>
-when introduced at Olympia, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-boys’ contest, when introduced at Olympia, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-painful character of, <a href="#Page_234">234f</a>.;</li><li>
-two periods of, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-at Sparta, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li><li>
-on vases, 239.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Boxing-gloves, <a href="#Page_235">235f</a>.;<ul><li>
-on <i>Boxer Vase</i>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-in Crete, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-in Homer, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-described by Pausanias and Philostratos, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li><li>
-forms of, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li><li>
-heavy (σφαῖραι or ἱμάντες ὀξεῖς), <a href="#Page_235">235f</a>.;</li><li>
-soft (ἱμάντες λεπτοί or μειλίχαι)&nbsp; <a href="#Page_235">235f</a>.;</li><li>
-method of putting on, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li><li>
-not used in pankration, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-soft, on bronze arm found in sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li><li>
-on fist from Verona, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li><li>
-on forearms of <i>Seated Boxer</i> of the Museo delle Terme, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li><li>
-on statue from Herculaneum, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li><li>
-on statue from Sorrento, 238.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Boy Binding on a Fillet</i> (ἀναδούμενος), by Pheidias, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Boy Crowning Himself</i>, copies of statue of, identified with statue of Kyniskos at Olympia, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;<ul><li>
-on funerary relief, 155.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Boy victors, statues of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;<ul><li>
-fragments of, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li><li>
-less than life-size, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li><li>
-boy victor (?) from Sparta, head from statue of, <a href="#Page_305">305f</a>.;</li><li>
-as case of assimilation, <a href="#Page_319">319f</a>.;</li><li>
-as an eclectic work, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li><li>
-chiefly Lysippan, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</li><li>
-compared with head of Philandridas, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</li><li>
-surface modeling of, 318.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Branchidai, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li><li>
-
-Brasidas, games in honor of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Bribery, of Olympic victors, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;<ul><li>
-at Epidauros, the Isthmus, etc., 34.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Brimias, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li><li>
-
-Bronze, used for victor statues, <a href="#Page_321">321f</a>.;<ul><li>
-more expensive than marble, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</li><li>
-bronze and stone monuments together, 323.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Brunn, on Aeginetan art, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;<ul><li>
-on archaic Attic art, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li><li>
-on Daidalian ξόανα, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Oil-pourer</i> in Munich, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li><li>
-on Olympia pediment groups, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li><li>
-on symmetry and rhythm, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li><li>
-on Tux bronze, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li><li>
-on the Vaison and Farnese types of the <i>Diadoumenos</i>, 154.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Brutus</i>, the, of Cicero, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li><li>
-
-Brygos, r.-f. kylix in style of, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li><li>
-
-Bull, in Crete, <a href="#Page_1">1f</a>.;<ul><li>
-zone of the, at Olympia, 355.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Bulle, on boxer head from Olympia, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;<ul><li>
-on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li><li>
-on the Polykleitan <i>Diadoumenos</i>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Doryphoros</i>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li><li>
-on dying hoplite relief, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li><li>
-on Egyptian influence on early Greek sculpture, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</li><li>
-on ephebe statue from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Farnese Herakles</i>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li><li>
-on hair technique of Greek sculptors, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Idolino</i>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Oil-pourer</i>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li><li>
-on Tux bronze, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li><li>
-on statues of two wrestlers, from Herculaneum, 231.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Bull-grappling, in Crete, <a href="#Page_2">2f</a>.;<ul><li>
-in Tiryns, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li><li>
-on Vapheio cups, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>;</li><li>
-in Thessaly, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li><li>
-in Viterbo, 5.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Bull-ring, ivory model of, from Knossos, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li><li>
-
-Burgon vase, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>.</li><li>
-
-Bybon, inscribed <i>solos</i> of, from Olympia, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li><li>
-
-Bykelos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li><li>
-
-Byzantine church, the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356f</a>.
-
-Byzantine walls, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li><li>
-
-Caere (Cerveteri), Amphiaraos vase from, 13 and note <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;<ul><li>
-hydrias from, 52.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Candia, Museum at, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li><li>
-
-Canina, discovers the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> of the Vatican, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</li><li>
-
-Canon, of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li><li>
-
-Canons of proportions, <a href="#Page_65">65f</a>.
-
-Cap, of boxers and pancratiasts, <a href="#Page_165">165f</a>.;<ul><li>
-on athlete head called Juba II, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li><li>
-on relief in Rome, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li><li>
-on Munich kylix, 166–167;</li><li>
-on statuette from Autun, 167.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Capua, bronze statuette from, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li><li>
-
-Caracalla, baths of, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li><li>
-
-Caricature, Theban law against, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li><li>
-
-Casa Buonarroti, Florence, arm of <i>Diskobolos</i> from, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li><li>
-
-Caskey, L. D., on Sparta head of boy athlete, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li><li>
-
-Castel Porziano, copy of <i>Diskobolos</i> from, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li><li>
-
-Castellani copy of <i>Spinario</i>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li><li>
-
-Catania, coins of, showing <i>Nike</i>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li><li>
-
-Cauldron, as early prize, from Cumae, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li><li>
-
-Celery, fresh, used for wreaths at Nemea, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<ul><li>
-wild, used for wreaths at the Isthmus, 21.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Celetizontes pueri</i>, of Kanachos, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li><li>
-
-Cerveteri; see Caere.
-
-Cestus, described by Virgil, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;<ul><li>
-metal, invented by Romans, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li><li>
-not mentioned by late Greek writers, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li><li>
-not used in Greek contests, 235.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_382">382</a></span>
-
-Chabrias, general, statue of, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li><li>
-
-Chæroneia, battle of, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li><li>
-
-Chalkis, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Champion</i>, the, of East gable of temple on Aegina, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;<ul><li>
-of West gable, 126.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Chamyne; see Demeter.
-
-Chancery, hold in pankration, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li><li>
-
-Chaplet, as victor attribute, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li><li>
-
-Chariots, Athenian type on vases, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;<ul><li>
-on Cretan relief, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li><li>
-war-chariot in Crete and at Mycenæ, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li><li>
-on Mycenæan tombstones, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li><li>
-dedication of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li><li>
-descendant of Homeric war-chariot, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li><li>
-four-horse, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li><li>
-four-horse, on vases, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li><li>
-four-horse, on marble relief, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li><li>
-miniature models of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li><li>
-war-chariot from Monteleone, in Metropolitan Museum, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li><li>
-two-horse, on vases, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li><li>
-two types of Greek racing-chariot, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li><li>
-on eighth century B.&nbsp;C. vase, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li><li>
-zone of, at Olympia, 345, 346, 352.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Charioteers, statues of, <a href="#Page_274">274f</a>.;<ul><li>
-close-fitting chiton of, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li><li>
-long chiton of, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;</li><li>
-nude, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li><li>
-statue of, in Boston, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li><li>
-statue of, at Delphi, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276f</a>.;</li><li>
-inscription on, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li><li>
-part of a group, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li><li>
-copies of, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li><li>
-deficiencies of, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li><li>
-Gelo as dedicator of, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li><li>
-as Aeginetan, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li><li>
-as Attic work, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li><li>
-assigned to Pythagoras, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li><li>
-statue of, from Esquiline, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li><li>
-statue of (?) found in Rhine near Xanten, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li><li>
-relief of, mounting chariot, from Akropolis, 128, 269.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Chariot-groups, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_264">264f</a>;<ul><li>
-remains of, 269.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Chariot-race, antiquity at Olympia, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;<ul><li>
-common in Greece, <a href="#Page_257">257f</a>.;</li><li>
-most brilliant event at Olympia and elsewhere, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li><li>
-one of earliest events at Olympia, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</li><li>
-with two colts συνωρὶς πώλων, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li><li>
-harnessing of two horses, on b.-f. hydria, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li><li>
-groups, remains at Olympia, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li><li>
-with four colts πώλων ἅρμα, at Olympia, when introduced, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li><li>
-with four horses τέθριππον or ἵππων τελείων δρόμος, when introduced at Olympia, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li><li>
-four-horse τέθριππον, on Panathenaic vase from Sparta, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li><li>
-length of race with four colts at Olympia, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li><li>
-length of race with four full-grown horses at Olympia, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li><li>
-with mules ἀπήνη, when introduced at Olympia, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</li><li>
-at oldest funeral games, in Arkadia, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</li><li>
-oldest monument of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li><li>
-origin of in mythical times, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</li><li>
-originally with two horses, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li><li>
-when stopped at Olympia, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</li><li>
-sport of wealthy, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li><li>
-representations, common on vases, <a href="#Page_262">262f</a>.;</li><li>
-trotting-race with mares κάλπη, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li><li>
-See <i>Apobates</i>, chariot-race.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Chariot victors, dedicate chariot-groups at Olympia, <a href="#Page_264">264f</a>.;<ul><li>
-dedicate models of chariots at Olympia, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li><li>
-dedicate statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li><li>
-act as own charioteers, 266–267.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Charmides, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li><li>
-
-Charops, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li><li>
-
-Chase, G. H., on bronze tripods in Loeb collection, 194, note <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;<ul><li>
-on Monteleone chariot, 264.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Cheilon, ephor of Sparta, died of joy at Olympia, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li><li>
-
-Cheilon, date of second victory of, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;<ul><li>
-fights at Lamia, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li><li>
-statue at Olympia, 32, 121, 298.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Cheimon, statue at Argos, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;<ul><li>
-at Olympia, 117, 234, 344, 366.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Cheirisophos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li><li>
-
-Chewsurs, of the Caucasus, funeral games among, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Chimæra tomb, so-called, at Xanthos, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li><li>
-
-Chinnery <i>Hermes</i>, head, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li><li>
-
-Chionis, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;<ul><li>
-tablet of, at Sparta, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</li><li>
-record jump of, at Olympia, 216.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Chios, early sculpture of, 177; games on, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li><li>
-
-Chisel, used in hair of the <i>Agias</i> and <i>Philandridas</i>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li><li>
-
-Chiton, conventional dress of charioteers, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li><li>
-
-Chiusi, wall-painting from, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li><li>
-
-Chlamys, on statues of Meleager, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i>, statue known as, <a href="#Page_89">89f</a>.;<ul><li>
-replica of head in British Museum, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li><li>
-replica of head, from Kyrene <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;</li><li>
-thongs on tree-trunk nearby, 165.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Chorus, of boys and girls, in honor of victors, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li><li>
-
-Christodoros, description of statue of Hermes by, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li><li>
-
-Chrysippos, quoted by Galen, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li><li>
-
-Chrysothemis, sculptor, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li><li>
-
-Cicero, as art critic, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li><li>
-
-Cincinnatus, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li><li>
-
-Circassians, funeral games among, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Circus, Roman, hair-fashion of athletes at, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;<ul><li>
-finally supersedes equestrian contests of Olympia, 261.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Cloak, prize at Pellene, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li><li>
-
-Club, on Cretan grave-relief, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;<ul><li>
-on statuette from Palermo, 199.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Cockerell, on dedication from Delphi, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li><li>
-
-Coins: of Antoninus Pius, showing pine, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<ul><li>
-of Alexander the Great, showing Herakles, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li><li>
-of Athens, showing Apollo, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li><li>
-of Augustus, showing celery, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li>
-of Catania, showing Nike, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li><li>
-of Commodus as Hercules, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li><li>
-of Delphi, showing Apollo, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li><li>
-of Euagoras I, King of Salamis in Cyprus, showing swollen ears, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li><li>
-of Geta, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li><li>
-of Lucius Verus, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li>
-of Markianopolis, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li><li>
-of Messana, showing mule-car, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li><li>
-of Messene, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li><li>
-of Miletos, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li><li>
-of Nero, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li>
-of Philip II, King of Macedon, showing victorious jockey with palm-branch, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li><li>
-of Philippopolis, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li><li>
-of Rhegion, showing mule-car, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li><li>
-of Selinos, showing celery wreath, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li>
-of Sicily, showing racing chariots, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li><li>
-of Syracuse, showing Nike with tablet, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li><li>
-of Tarentum, showing <i>apobates</i> horse-race, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li><li>
-showing poses of Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li><li>
-showing scenes of wrestling, 228.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Collignon, M., on statue of Astylos, at Kroton, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;<ul><li>
-on so-called <i>Borghese Warrior</i>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Doryphoros</i> of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li><li>
-on Egyptian
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_383">383</a></span>
-influence on early Greek sculpture, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</li><li>
-on identification of the statue of Kyniskos, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li><li>
-on the Olympia gable sculptures, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li><li>
-on Tux bronze, 207.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Color, on early Attic sculpture, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li><li>
-
-Commodus, statue in Mantua, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;<ul><li>
-coins of, showing him as Hercules, 74.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Concentration (αύτάρκεια), in Greek statues, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;<ul><li>
-in Myron’s statues, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li><li>
-in the <i>Diskobolos</i>, 137, 201.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Concord, temple of, Rome, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li><li>
-
-Constantinople, sack of, by Franks, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Contest</i> (<i>Agon</i>), figure of, in Mikythos group at Olympia, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li><li>
-
-Conversion of athlete statues into those of gods, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li><li>
-
-Conze, A., on “Apollo” type as representing victors, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;<ul><li>
-on <i>Choiseul-Gouffier</i> statue type, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li><li>
-on statue of Commodus at Mantua, 72.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Copenhagen, heads in Ny-Carlsberg collection at, with swollen ears, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li><li>
-
-Corfu, bronze from, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li><li>
-
-Corinth, clay tablets from, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;<ul><li>
-festival at Isthmus of, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li><li>
-meeting-place of East and West, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li><li>
-near Isthmian games, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-end of tyranny at, 17.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Corn-grinding slave woman, Egyptian statuette of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li><li>
-
-Council-house (Bouleuterion), at Olympia, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li><li>
-
-Cow, sacrificed to Hera at the <i>Heraia</i>, Olympia, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li><li>
-
-Cowardice, case of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li><li>
-
-Crete, acrobats of, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;<ul><li>
-center of Aegean civilization, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li><li>
-costumes of men and women acrobats, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li><li>
-Cretan youths dedicate offerings to Eros, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li>
-Cretan youths sacrifice to Apollo, the runner, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li><li>
-famed in the long race, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li><li>
-motion figures from, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li><li>
-origin of sports in, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li><li>
-physical development in, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li><li>
-sports in, <a href="#Page_1">1f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Crœsus, fall of empire of, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li><li>
-
-Cross-buttocks, throw in wrestling, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;<ul><li>
-shown in small bronze group in the Loeb Collection, 232, 233.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Crown of wild olive, as temporary reward for victor, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155f</a>.
-
-Cuirass (?), prize at Argos, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li><li>
-
-Cumae, inscribed cauldron from, as prize, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li><li>
-
-Cures, effected by victor statues, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li><li>
-
-Curtius, E., on the Σκήνωμα in Sparta, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>.</li><li>
-
-Cypriote silver vase in repoussé from Etruria, in Florence, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li><li>
-
-Daidalian ξόανα, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li><li>
-
-Daidalos, of Crete, mythical sculptor, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li><li>
-
-Daidalos, of Sikyon, sculptor, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;<ul><li>
-Daidalos and canon of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li><li>
-statues of <i>destringentes se</i> by, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li><li>
-leg position of statues of, 159.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Daïkles, victor, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li><li>
-
-Daïppos, sculptor, statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;<ul><li>
-<i>perixyomenoi</i> by, 136.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Daitondas, sculptor, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dalecampius, on Myron’s <i>pristae</i>, 188.
-
-Damagetos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li><li>
-
-Damaithidas, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li><li>
-
-Damaretos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dameas, sculptor, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li><li>
-
-Damokritos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li><li>
-
-Damonon, hippodrome victories of, in and near Lakonia, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;<ul><li>
-acts as own charioteer, 266.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Damoxenidas, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li><li>
-
-Damoxenos, slays Kreugas in pankration at Nemea, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li><li>
-
-Danaë and Perseus, in a chest, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dancers, bronze, from Herculaneum, identified with statue of Kyniska, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;<ul><li>
-ceremonial of, at Knossos, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li><li>
-on shield of Achilles, 5.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Daochos, dedicates statuary group at Pharsalos and Delphi, <a href="#Page_286">286f</a>.
-
-Dead, cult of, as origin of Greek games, <a href="#Page_9">9f</a>.
-
-Dedication, of athletic prizes, <a href="#Page_21">21f</a>.;<ul><li>
-formulæ at Olympia, 37.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Deida, M., statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li><li>
-
-Deinolochos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li><li>
-
-Deinosthenes, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Delian Apollo</i>, of Angelion and Tektaios, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;<ul><li>
-“doubles” of, in Athens and Delphi, 304.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Delos, Apollo from, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;<ul><li>
-colossal Apollo from, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li><li>
-copy of <i>Diadoumenos</i> from, <a href="#Page_92">92f</a>., <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li><li>
-Ionian festival on, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li><li>
-contests of Theseus in honor of Apollo on, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li><li>
-tripods in temple of Apollo on, 9.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Delphi, “Apollos” from, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;<ul><li>
-athletes divided into three classes according to age, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li><li>
-coins of, showing Apollo, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li><li>
-coins of, showing laurel wreath, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li>
-contests at, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-athletic, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-dramatic, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-equestrian, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-flute solo, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-lyre-playing, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-music, as chief contest at, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-painting, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-poetry, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-singing, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-decrees of, to athletes, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li><li>
-Delphians sacrifice to Apollo the boxer, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li><li>
-festival at, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li><li>
-inscribed bases of victor monuments from, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li><li>
-mentioned by Homer, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li><li>
-oracle at, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li><li>
-religious interest of Pausanias in, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li><li>
-statue of pancratiast at, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li><li>
-statuette of victor from, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li><li>
-temple of Apollo at, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li><li>
-tripods in temple of Apollo at, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li><li>
-victor monuments at, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li><li>
-victor grave-relief from, 138.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Demeter, the <i>Eleusinia</i> in honor of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;<ul><li>
-Chamyne, priestess of, admitted to Olympia, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li><li>
-of Knidos, statue of, 311.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Demetrios, M. Aurelios, Olympic victor statue in Rome, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>.</li><li>
-
-Demetrios of Phaleron, honor statues in Athens, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li><li>
-
-Demetrios, sculptor, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li><li>
-
-Demokrates, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li><li>
-
-Deonna, W., against Egyptian influence on early Greek sculpture, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dermys and Kitylos, grave-figures of, from Tanagra, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Destringentes se</i>, statues mentioned by Pliny, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li><li>
-
-Diadoumenoi, or fillet-binders, <a href="#Page_150">150f</a>.
-
-<i>Diadoumenos</i>, of Pheidias, <a href="#Page_150">150f</a>.;<ul><li>
-older than that of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li><li>
-motive of, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li><li>
-Farnese copy, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li><li>
-
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_384">384</a></span>
-
-of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_152">152f</a>.;</li><li>
-as example of rest statue, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li><li>
-as example of “ethical grace,” <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li><li>
-leg position of, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li><li>
-copy of, from Delos, <a href="#Page_92">92f</a>., <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li><li>
-other copies of, <a href="#Page_152">152f</a>.;</li><li>
-head-style of, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li><li>
-British Museum head of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li><li>
-Dresden head of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li><li>
-Kassel head of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li><li>
-statuette from Smyrna, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li><li>
-on throne of Zeus at Olympia, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li><li>
-pose of Vaison and Farnese copies, 155.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Diagoras, most famous Greek boxer, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;<ul><li>
-statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;</li><li>
-size of, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li><li>
-family group of, 342, 343, 352.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Diaulodromos, or double sprinter, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;<ul><li>
-on Athens inscribed vase, 194.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Dickins, G., on <i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i> statue type, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;<ul><li>
-on statuette of trumpeter from Sparta, 283.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Didymaion, near Miletos, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;<ul><li>
-statues at, 26.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Diitrephes, statue on Akropolis, 199 and note <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dikon, three statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;<ul><li>
-bribed by Syracuse, 33.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Dio Chrysostom, on art, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;<ul><li>
-on confusing athlete and hero statues, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li><li>
-on difference between victor and honor statues, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li><li>
-on Theagenes’ statue at Thasos, 364.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Diodoros, on Egyptian influence on early Greek sculpture, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;<ul><li>
-on proportion in Egyptian statuary, 67, note <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li><li>
-on family of the artist Rhoikos of Samos, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Pythian Apollo</i> by Telekles and Theodoros, 334.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Diogenes, five times victor in trumpeting, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;<ul><li>
-base of statue at Olympia, 360.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Diogenes Laertios, on gold statue vowed by Periandros, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;<ul><li>
-on Pythagoras, 67, 179.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Diomedes, as boxer, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;<ul><li>
-Delphic tripod ascribed to, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li>
-single combat of, with Ajax, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li><li>
-statue known as, in Munich, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li><li>
-statue known as, in Palazzo Valentini, Rome, 163, 207.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Dionysia</i>, games at the, in Kyrene, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;<ul><li>
-at Sparta, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li><li>
-statue of victor at, in Athens, 27.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Dionysios, sculptor, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dionysios, tyrant of Syracuse, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dionysos, bearded type of, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;<ul><li>
-short hair of, on Parthenon frieze, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li><li>
-statue of, in group, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li><li>
-statue of (?), found in Rhine near Xanten, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li><li>
-tripods in honor of, at Athens and Rhodes, 19.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Diophanes, statue at the Isthmus, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li><li>
-
-Diophon, pentathlete, epigram on, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dioskouroi, athlete statues assimilated to, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;<ul><li>
-diskos dedicated to, by Exoïdas, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li><li>
-on grave-relief in Verona, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li><li>
-relief of, from Tarentum, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li>
-on votive relief in London, 97.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Dipoinos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.<ul><li>
-See also Skyllis.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Dipylon geometric vase from Akropolis, in Copenhagen, showing funeral games, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li><li>
-
-Diskoboloi, statuettes of, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218f</a>;<ul><li>
-bronze statuette in London, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li><li>
-bronze statuette in Metropolitan Museum, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li><li>
-on cover of lebes in London, 221.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Diskobolos</i>, the, of Myron, <a href="#Page_184">184f</a>.;<ul><li>
-cast of, from various copies, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li><li>
-concentration of (αυτάρκεια) <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li>
-copies of <a href="#Page_184">184f</a>.;</li><li>
-copy of, in Capitoline, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li><li>
-from Castel Porziano, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li><li>
-in Lancellotti Palace, Rome, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li><li>
-Græco-Roman copy from Tivoli, in London, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li><li>
-in Vatican, from Tivoli, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li><li>
-on a gem, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li><li>
-as example of a diskos-thrower, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li><li>
-as example of rhythm, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li><li>
-Lucian’s description of, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li><li>
-moment chosen by Myron in, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li><li>
-pose of, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li><li>
-predecessors of, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li><li>
-Quintilian on, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li><li>
-relief of, from Dipylon, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li><li>
-represents trained athlete, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li><li>
-right arm of, from Casa Buonarroti, Florence, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li><li>
-short hair of, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li><li>
-small bronze in Berlin, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li><li>
-statuettes in Munich and Arolsen, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li><li>
-compared with <i>Tyrannicides</i>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li><li>
-See also <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Diskoi, bronze, from the Altis, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;<ul><li>
-dedication of bronze, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li><li>
-kept in Sikyonian treasury at Olympia, for use of pentathletes, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li><li>
-on r.-f. vase in Munich, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li><li>
-diskos, as attribute of pentathlete statues, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li><li>
-bronze, from Sicily, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li><li>
-inscribed, of Asklepiades, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li><li>
-inscribed, of Exoïdas, from Kephallenia (?), <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li><li>
-known to Homer, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li><li>
-lighter for boys than for men, 218.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Diskos-throwing (δισκοβολία), goes back to mythology, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;<ul><li>
-shown by statues, statuettes, reliefs, vase-paintings, etc., <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li><li>
-seven positions of, given by Gardiner, <a href="#Page_218">218f</a>.;</li><li>
-record throw of Phaÿllos in, discussed, 216.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Dittenberger, W., on division of athletes at Athens, according to age, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;<ul><li>
-on Pliny, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li><li>
-on votive character of inscriptions on victor statue-bases, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li><li>
-Dittenberger and Purgold, on exclusive use of bronze for Olympic victor statues, 321.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Diver (?), statuette of, from Perugia, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dodona, bronze statuette from, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;<ul><li>
-bronze statuette of ephebe on horseback from, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-bronze statuette of warrior from, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li><li>
-mentioned by Homer, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li><li>
-tripods in temple of Zeus at, 19.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Doerpfeld, W., on base of the Platæan <i>Zeus</i> at Olympia, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;<ul><li>
-on bases of victors found in South wall of Altis, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</li><li>
-on beginning of Pausanias’ first route in the Altis, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;</li><li>
-on excavations at site so-called of Great Altar of Zeus at Olympia, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</li><li>
-on positions of victor statues in the Altis, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;</li><li>
-on second route of Pausanias in the Altis, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;</li><li>
-on statues, ἐν τῇ Ἄλτει, 350.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Dolichodromos, endurance runner, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li><li>
-
-Domitian, stadion at Rome, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dorians, the, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dorieus, prisoner at Athens, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;<ul><li>
-victor statue at Olympia, 355.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Dorykleidas, victor dedication to Herakles and Hermes by, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li><li>
-
-Doryphoroi, mentioned by Pliny, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Doryphoros</i>, of Kresilas, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;<ul><li>
-of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224f</a>.;</li><li>
-as an <i>Achilles</i>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li><li>
-converted into
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_385">385</a></span>
-god-type, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li><li>
-converted into Hermes, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li><li>
-compared with <i>Diadoumenos</i>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li><li>
-copy at Olympia, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li><li>
-green basalt torso in Florence, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li><li>
-marble torso formerly in Pourtalès Collection, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li><li>
-from Pompeii, its measurements, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li><li>
-copy in Vatican, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li><li>
-etymology and use of word, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li><li>
-head from Herculaneum, by Apollonios, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li><li>
-as highest ideal of manly beauty, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li>
-as example of javelin-thrower, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li><li>
-leg position of, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li><li>
-as master of Lysippos, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li><li>
-as norm of proportions, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li><li>
-original as pentathlete victor statue, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li><li>
-pose of, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li><li>
-style of head of, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li><li>
-as victor statue, 226, 227.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Double foot-race (δίαυλος), <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;<ul><li>
-date of introduction at Olympia, 191.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-“Doubles” of statues, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li><li>
-
-Douris, on Lysippos, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li><li>
-
-Douris, vase-painter, r.-f. kylix by, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dramatic contests, at Delphi, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Dresden Boy</i>, the, statue in Dresden, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dromeus, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;<ul><li>
-identified with <i>mala ferens nudus</i>, of Pliny, 182.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Drunkenness</i>, statue of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li><li>
-
-Duerer, Albrecht, on proportions, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li><li>
-
-Duetschke, on the Mantuan <i>Commodus</i>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dumont, on division of athletes at Athens by age, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dying hoplite runner, relief of, in Athens, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dying Gaul statues, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li><li>
-
-Dyneiketos, victor, represented on r.-f. Panathenaic
-vase, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ear, swollen, as attribute of victor statues, <a href="#Page_167">167f</a>.;<ul><li>
-as professional characteristic of athlete and god statues, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li><li>
-on various heads, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li><li>
-on heads of gods and heroes, <a href="#Page_169">169f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Ear-lappets (ἀμφωτίδες, ἐπωτίδες), on marble head, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;<ul><li>
-worn by boys in the palæstra, 167.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Echembrotos, musician, dedicates a tripod to Herakles <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li><li>
-
-Echo Colonnade, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li><li>
-
-Egesta, Sicily, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;<ul><li>
-honors Philippos, victor, with a heroön, 57.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Egypt, division of, into Old and Middle Kingdoms, and New Empire, 330–331.</li><li>
-
-Egyptian art, proportions in, 67 and note <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;<ul><li>
-adopted by Greeks, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</li><li>
-becomes fixed, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>;</li><li>
-influence of, on early Greek art, <a href="#Page_328">328f</a>., <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;</li><li>
-Egyptian statues, characteristics of, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;</li><li>
-compared with Greek, 332.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Eklektos, Valerios, statue at Athens, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>;<ul><li>
-at Olympia, 359, 360, 371.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Elean register, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;<ul><li>
-school of sculpture, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li><li>
-umpires, 94.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Eleans, led by Oxylos from Aitolia, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Electra</i>, of Sophokles, quoted, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Eleusinia</i>, the, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;<ul><li>
-prizes at, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li><li>
-statue of victor in Athens, 27.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Eleusis, copy of statue of Kyniskos (?) from, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Eleutheria</i>, games at Platæa, 11, 203.
-
-Emerson, A., on statue of Kyniska, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li><li>
-
-Energy, as characteristic of Myron’s statues, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Enkrinomenos</i>, statue by Alkamenes, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li><li>
-
-Enymakratidas, hippodrome victories of, in Lakonia, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li><li>
-
-Epainetos, inscribed jumping-weight of, from Eleusis, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li><li>
-
-Epeios, boxing-match with Euryalos, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li><li>
-
-Epeirote singer, pummelled by order of Nero, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li><li>
-
-Eperastos, victor at Olympia, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ephebe, head of, with yellow hair, from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;<ul><li>
-statue from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li><li>
-statue from Hadrian’s villa, assimilated to Hermes, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li><li>
-victorious ephebes leading horses, on Athenian relief, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-ephebes (ἀγένειοι), 189.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Ephodoi</i> (ἔφοδοι), or routes of Pausanias, in the Altis, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341f</a>., <a href="#Page_348">348f</a>.
-
-Epicharinos, statue on Akropolis, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li><li>
-
-Epidauros, inscription from, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li><li>
-
-Epigonos, erects monument to Attalos, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li><li>
-
-Epigrams, on Olympic victor statue bases, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li><li>
-
-Epikradios, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Epitaphia</i>, festival at Athens, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li><li>
-
-Epitherses, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li><li>
-
-Eponymus victor, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li><li>
-
-Equestrian contests, at Delphi, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;<ul><li>
-at Olympia, replaced by amusements of Roman circus, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</li><li>
-revived at Olympia under Empire, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li><li>
-See also Chariot-race, Horse-race.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Er, myth of, in Plato’s <i>Republic</i>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li><li>
-
-Erasistratos, physician at Alexandria, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Eretrian Bull</i>, the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;<ul><li>
-zone of, at Olympia, 343.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Eriphyle, on archaic vase, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li><li>
-
-Eros, offerings to, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;<ul><li>
-bronze statue from Tunis, 156, 158.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Erotidia</i>, division of athletes at the Bœotian, according to age, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li><li>
-
-Etruria, funeral games of, borrowed by Romans, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;<ul><li>
-athletic scenes from tombs of, 11.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Etruscan Orator</i>, statue in Florence, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li><li>
-
-Euagoras I, King of Salamis, in Cyprus, coins of, showing swollen ears, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li><li>
-
-Euagoras of Sparta, chariot-group of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li><li>
-
-Eubotas, statue at Kyrene, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;<ul><li>
-at Olympia, 31, 352, 366.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Eudelos, of Rhodes, adversary of Straton, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li><li>
-
-Eukles, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li><li>
-
-Eumastas, inscribed stone of, from Thera, 218, note <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li><li>
-
-Eunomos, kitharoidos, statue in honor of Pythian victory, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li><li>
-
-Euphorbos, on painted terra-cotta plate, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li><li>
-
-Euphranor, sculptor, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;<ul><li>
-books of, on symmetry, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li><li>
-canon of, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li><li>
-head of athlete statue from circle of, 233.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Euphronios, r.-f. kylix by, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li><li>
-
-Eupolemos, statue at Olympia, 120, 342.c
-
-Eupolos, bribes three adversaries at Olympia and all four are fined, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_386">386</a></span>
-
-Eupompos, painter, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li><li>
-
-Euripides, protests against professionalism in athletics, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li><li>
-
-Euryalos, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li><li>
-
-Eurybates, pentathlete, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li><li>
-
-Euryleonis, victress, statue at Sparta, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>.</li><li>
-
-Eurytos, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li><li>
-
-Eusebios, on statue of Theagenes, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</li><li>
-
-Eutelidas, sculptor, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li><li>
-
-Eutelidas, victor statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li><li>
-
-Euthykrates, sculptor, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li><li>
-
-Euthymenes, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li><li>
-
-Euthymos, boxing match with Theagenes, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;<ul><li>
-son of river god Kaikinos, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</li><li>
-statue at Lokroi Epizephyrioi, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</li><li>
-statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;</li><li>
-inscribed base from, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li><li>
-statue at Olympia identified by Waldstein with <i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i> type, 179.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Eutychides, sculptor and painter, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li><li>
-
-Evans, A., on ivory statuettes from Knossos, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;<ul><li>
-on stucco reliefs from Knossos, 4.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Exainetos, victor, drawn into native city by fellow-citizens, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Exhortation to the Arts</i>, work by Galen cited, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li><li>
-
-Exoïdas, bronze diskos of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li><li>
-
-Eye, almond-shaped, in archaic art, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;<ul><li>
-in the <i>Agias</i>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</li><li>
-in Skopaic heads, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311f</a>.;</li><li>
-treatment of, by Lysippos, <a href="#Page_311">311f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Fabius Maximus, carries off colossal Herakles from Tarentum to Rome, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li><li>
-
-Fagan head, the, in British Museum, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Farnese Diadoumenos</i>, statue in British Museum, <a href="#Page_151">151f</a>., <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;<ul><li>
-compared with <i>Diadoumenos</i> from Vaison, 154.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Farnese Herakles</i>, statue in Naples, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;<ul><li>
-of Lysippan origin, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li><li>
-as realistic work, 289.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Farnese Hermes</i>, statue in British Museum, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li><li>
-
-Farnsworth Museum, Wellesley, Mass., statue of athlete in, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li><li>
-
-Fawn, as attribute of <i>Philesian Apollo</i>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li><li>
-
-Fellows, C., discovers Chimæra tomb at Xanthos, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li><li>
-
-Fevers, cured by victor statues, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ficoroni cista, in Rome, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li><li>
-
-Fierce expression (γοργόν), of Philandridas head from Olympia, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;<ul><li>
-threatening look of athletes mentioned by Sokrates, 59.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-File, use of, on Philandridas head, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li><li>
-
-Fillet, victor, <a href="#Page_168">168f</a>.;<ul><li>
-on victor statues, <a href="#Page_149">149f</a>.;</li><li>
-on statue from Piræus, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li><li>
-in hand of victor, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li><li>
-on heads, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li>
-as symposium attribute, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</li><li>
-rolled, on heads of Herakles, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li><li>
-See <i>Tainia</i>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Fillet-binders, or diadoumenoi, <a href="#Page_150">150f</a>.
-
-Fine, paid by Theagenes, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li><li>
-
-Finger, as common measure in proportions, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li><li>
-
-Flasch, A. F., on bronze head of a boxer from Olympia, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;<ul><li>
-on the Olympia gable sculptures, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li><li>
-on positions of victor statues in Altis, 340.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Flaxman, John, sculptor, on proportions, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li><li>
-
-Flute-playing, at Delphi, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;<ul><li>
-accompanies pentathlon, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li><li>
-on vases, 285.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Flutists, statues of victorious, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;<ul><li>
-honor statue of, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li><li>
-on chest of Kypselos, 285.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Flying mare, throw in pankration, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;<ul><li>
-throw in wrestling, 229.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Foal-race, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>.</li><li>
-
-Foerster, H., on location of statue of Ladas, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;<ul><li>
-on statue of Leon, 366.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Foerster, R., on head of hoplitodrome, from Olympia, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li><li>
-
-Foot, as common measure in proportions, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;<ul><li>
-bronze, from victor statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li><li>
-left, forward in Egyptian and early Greek statues, 332.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Footmarks, on bases of victor statues, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li><li>
-
-Foot-race, the, at games of Patroklos, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;<ul><li>
-at the <i>Heraia</i>, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li><li>
-See Stade-race.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Forearm, fragment of, with horn, in relief, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li><li>
-
-Fragments, bronze, of victor statues, from Olympia, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;<ul><li>
-marble, from Olympia, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;</li><li>
-bronze, of boy victor statues from Olympia, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li><li>
-marble, of boy victor statues from Olympia, 324, 325.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Frascati, statuette from, in Boston, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li><li>
-
-Frazer, J. G., on Arrhachion’s statue, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;<ul><li>
-on funeral games, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li><li>
-on omission of Olympiad 211 from Elean register, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</li><li>
-on statue of Diitrephes, Athens, 373.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-“Free” leg, motive in sculpture, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li><li>
-
-Friedrichs, K., on identifying <i>Doryphoros</i> from Pompeii, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</li><li>
-
-Friedrichs-Wolters, on Olympia gable sculptures, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li><li>
-
-Fritsch, G., on body proportions in Greek sculpture, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li><li>
-
-Froehner, W., on the <i>Jason</i> of the Louvre, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li><li>
-
-“Frontality,” law of, formulated, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li><li>
-
-Frost, K. T., on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;<ul><li>
-on differences between the <i>Agias</i> and <i>Apoxyomenos</i>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</li><li>
-on Ligourió bronze, 111.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Funeral games, on archaic vases, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;<ul><li>
-attested by early Greek art, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li><li>
-on Dipylon vase, in Copenhagen, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li><li>
-in honor of Azan, 9; in honor of eminent men, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li><li>
-in honor of Patroklos, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li><li>
-origin of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li><li>
-periodic, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li><li>
-on sarcophagus from Klazomenai, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li><li>
-funeral customs survive in later ritual, 11.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Funerary reliefs, Attic, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li><li>
-
-Furtwaengler, A., on Akropolis chariot relief, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;<ul><li>
-on the <i>Alkibiades</i> of Vatican, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> of Uffizi, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> of Vatican, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li><li>
-on Aristion’s statue, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li><li>
-on athlete head in Copenhagen, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li><li>
-on athlete statue in British Museum, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</li><li>
-on bronze head of a boxer in Glyptothek, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li><li>
-on bronze head of a boxer from Olympia, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li><li>
-on bronze foot from Olympia, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li><li>
-on bronze head from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li><li>
-on bronze statuette in Louvre, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i> type, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li><li>
-on statue of
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_387">387</a></span>
-Diitrephes, on Akropolis, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;</li><li>
-on so-called <i>Diomedes</i>, of Palazzo Valentini, Rome, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li><li>
-on doryphoroi of Pliny, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li><li>
-on term doryphoros, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li><li>
-on Dresden athlete statues, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Dresden Boy</i>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li><li>
-on Egyptian influence on “Apollo” type, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</li><li>
-on ephebe statue from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li><li>
-on erecting statues of victors at Olympia, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li><li>
-on Esquiline charioteer, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li><li>
-on Eupompos’ painting of Olympic victor, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li><li>
-on excavations at Aegina, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li><li>
-on Hagelaïdas, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Idolino</i>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li><li>
-on influence of athletics on Greek art, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li><li>
-on Kassel boxer, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li><li>
-on Kassel head of Polykleitos’ <i>Diadoumenos</i>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li><li>
-on kneeling figures from West gable at Olympia, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li>
-on Kresilæan athlete head, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li><li>
-on statue of Kylon, on Akropolis, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</li><li>
-on statue of Kyniska, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li><li>
-on Kyniska’s victor group at Olympia, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li><li>
-on Kyniskos’ statue, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Lansdowne Herakles</i>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li><li>
-on libation-pouring, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li><li>
-on Ligourió bronze, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li><li>
-on marble head in Turin, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li><li>
-on Monteleone chariot in Metropolitan Museum, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</li><li>
-on motive of Pheidias’ <i>Diadoumenos</i>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li><li>
-on Munich <i>Oil-pourer</i>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Munich King</i>, (?), <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li><li>
-on Myron’s <i>pristae</i>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>nudus talo incessens</i> of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</li><li>
-on Olympia gable sculptures, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li><li>
-on Petworth ephebe, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li><li>
-on Pheidias’ hair treatment in goddess heads, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li><li>
-on Philandridas head, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li><li>
-on Pythagoras, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li><li>
-on Pythokles’ statue, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li><li>
-on Rayet head, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li><li>
-on Riccardi bust in Florence, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li><li>
-on right arm of boy victor, from Olympia, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li><li>
-on rolled fillet, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li>
-on short and long hair of god heads, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li><li>
-on Somzée athlete, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</li><li>
-on sparring motive in Berlin torso, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li><li>
-on statue from Carinthia, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li><li>
-on statue “doubles,” <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li><li>
-on statue of youth in Berlin, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li><li>
-on tin-foil wheels, from Olympia, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li><li>
-on two heads of hoplitodromes from Olympia, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li><li>
-on use of marble in Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;</li><li>
-on “Vatican athlete at rest,” <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li><li>
-Furtwaengler and Urlichs, on use of bronze for Olympic victor statues, 321.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Galen, on ball-playing, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;<ul><li>
-on the <i>Doryphoros</i>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li><li>
-protests against professionalism in athletics, 36, 37.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Games, early Greek, <a href="#Page_1">1f</a>.;<ul><li>
-origin of, in cult of dead, <a href="#Page_9">9f</a>.;</li><li>
-origin of four national, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li><li>
-early history of, <a href="#Page_14">14f</a>.;</li><li>
-local, <a href="#Page_17">17f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Ganymedes, identified with statue of youth from Subiaco, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li><li>
-
-Gardiner, E. N., on <i>apobates</i> horse-race, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;<ul><li>
-on colossal <i>Farnese Herakles</i>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</li><li>
-on diskos-throwing, <a href="#Page_218">218f</a>.;</li><li>
-on earliest event at Olympia, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li><li>
-on Irish fairs, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li><li>
-on origin of four-horse chariot-race at Olympia, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</li><li>
-on positions in javelin-throwing, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li><li>
-on rules of pankration, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-on shapes of jumping-weights, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li>
-on Uffizi pancratiast group, 252.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Gardner, E. A., on the <i>Agias</i>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;<ul><li>
-on artist school at Olympia, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li><li>
-on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li><li>
-on contrast between the <i>Atalanta</i> and other Tegea heads, 310, note <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li><li>
-on epigram from statue of Ladas, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li><li>
-on eye treatment in the <i>Agias</i>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</li><li>
-on eye treatment in the <i>Atalanta</i> from Tegea, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;</li><li>
-on honors paid to victors, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li><li>
-on helmeted head from Tegea, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Gardner, P., on date of Lysippos <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;<ul><li>
-on Greek portraiture, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li><li>
-on head of <i>Diadoumenos</i> of Polykleitos, in Oxford, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Meleager</i> and <i>Lansdowne Herakles</i> as Lysippan, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</li><li>
-quotes K. T. Frost on the <i>Agias</i> and the <i>Apoxyomenos</i>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</li><li>
-on symmetry, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Gelados; see Hagelaïdas.
-
-Gelo, chariot-group at Olympia, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>;<ul><li>
-as dedicator of Delphi <i>Charioteer</i>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Gem, showing <i>Apoxyomenos</i> of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;<ul><li>
-showing <i>Diskobolos</i>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li><li>
-showing Perseus and Gorgon’s head, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li><li>
-showing poses of Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Genzano, bust of Herakles from, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li><li>
-
-Geraistos, Euboea, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li><li>
-
-Gerhard, E., on vases showing four-horse chariots, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Germanicus</i>, statue so-called, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li><li>
-
-Germanicus Caesar, victor in chariot race at Olympia, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li><li>
-
-Germans, excavations of Olympia by, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li><li>
-
-Gestures, “transitory” and “stationary,” <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li><li>
-
-Geta, coin of, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li><li>
-
-Girl runner, statue in Vatican, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;<ul><li>
-statuette from Dodona, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Gladiatorial shows, borrowed from Etruria by Romans, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Glaukias, sculptor, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li><li>
-
-Glaukon, chariot-group at Olympia, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li><li>
-
-Glaukos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li><li>
-
-Glykon, sculptor, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li><li>
-
-Gods, statues of, dedicated to other gods and goddesses, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;<ul><li>
-worship of, supersedes that of heroes, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Goldsmiths, in Crete, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li><li>
-
-Gorgias, honor statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li><li>
-
-Gorgon, on Pindar’s VIIth Olympic ode, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>.</li><li>
-
-Gorgos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li><li>
-
-Gouging, prohibited in pankration, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;<ul><li>
-shown on r.-f. kylix, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Graef, B., on Antenor’s female statue from Akropolis <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;<ul><li>
-on copies of original of <i>Lansdowne Herakles</i>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li><li>
-Skopaic group of, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Grain, as prize at the <i>Eleusinia</i>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li><li>
-
-Grained-hair technique, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li><li>
-
-Granianos; see Kranaos.</li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_388">388</a></span>
-
-Grave-relief, fragment from Dipylon, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li><li>
-
-Great Altar; see Zeus, Great Altar of.
-
-Greaves, early attribute of hoplitodromoi, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;<ul><li>
-later discarded, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Greece, dependent on outside peoples in early art, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;<ul><li>
-debt to Orient, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</li><li>
-Roman conquest of, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Greek anthologies, see Anthologies, Greek.
-
-Greek and Egyptian statues compared, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</li><li>
-
-“Grinning” group, of so-called “Apollo” statues, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li><li>
-
-Guillaume, E., on measurements of <i>Doryphoros</i>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li><li>
-
-Gurlitt, W., on Pausanias’ routes in Altis, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li><li>
-
-Gymnasia, absent in Homer, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;<ul><li>
-statues of athletes in, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li><li>
-statues of athletic gods in, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Gymnasiarch, Hermes as, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li><li>
-
-Gymnasion, Great, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li><li>
-
-Gymnasium, scene from, on r.-f. kylix, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li><li>
-
-Gythion, statue of Herakles, at, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li><li>
-
-Habich, G., on <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hadrian, revives Nemean games at Argos, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;<ul><li>
-villa of, at Tivoli, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Hagelaïdas. sculptor, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;<ul><li>
-canon of, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li><li>
-chariot-group of Kleosthenes, at Olympia, by, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</li><li>
-date of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li><li>
-teacher of Myron and Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li><li>
-teacher of Pheidias, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li><li>
-called Gelados by scholiast on Aristophanes’ <i>Ranae</i>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Hair-fashion, athletic, <a href="#Page_50">50f</a>.;<ul><li>
-Bulle on hair, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li><li>
-ephebes dedicate hair to a god, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li>
-grained style, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li><li>
-on Hellenistic heads, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li><li>
-Long, at Athens, after Persian Wars, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li>
-long, on athletes, before Persian Wars, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</li><li>
-braided, by boxers and pancratiasts, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li>
-discarded in wrestling, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li>
-in Homer, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li>
-on monuments, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li><li>
-on old Attic vases, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li><li>
-as sign of effeminacy, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li>
-at Sparta, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li>
-at Thermopylæ, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li>
-worn by knights, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li>
-long and short, on god statues, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li><li>
-pearl-string style of, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li><li>
-pictorial treatment of, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li><li>
-Short hair, on “Apollo” statues, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</li><li>
-short, on athletes, after Persian Wars, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</li><li>
-on children, at Sparta, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li>
-on early vases, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li><li>
-on monuments, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li><li>
-not characteristic of athletes, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li>
-as sign of mourning, at Athens, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li>
-of slaves, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li>
-sketchy treatment, on <i>Hermes</i> of Praxiteles, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</li><li>
-snail-volute style of, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li><li>
-See <i>Krobylos</i>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Halikarnassos, funeral games at, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;<ul><li>
-chariot-group from Mausoleion at, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Halimous, grave-relief from Attic deme of, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Halteres</i>; see Jumping-weights.
-
-Hamilton, Gavin, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li><li>
-
-Harmodios, statue of, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173f</a>.<ul><li>
-See also Aristogeiton and <i>Tyrannicides</i>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Hartwig. P., on bronze statuette from Capua, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hauser, F., on Autun statuette of pancratiast, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>–251;<ul><li>
-on armor worn in hoplite-race, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li><li>
-on bronze athlete statue from Ephesos, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li><li>
-on bronze wrestlers from Herculaneum, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li><li>
-on Delian <i>Diadoumenos</i>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li><li>
-on Tux bronze, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Head-dress, artificial, on charioteers, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li><li>
-
-“Healer,” epithet of the <i>Delian Apollo</i>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li><li>
-
-Heave, in wrestling, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;<ul><li>
-bronze wrestler-group in Paris, showing, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li><li>
-on metope of Theseion, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li><li>
-on r.-f. kylix, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Hegestratos, statue at Athens, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hegias, sculptor, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;<ul><li>
-compared with Kallon, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li><li>
-criticism of, by Lucian, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Hekatompedon, the, on Akropolis, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hektor, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li><li>
-
-Helbig, W., on Barracco athlete statue, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;<ul><li>
-on <i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Doryphoros</i> of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li><li>
-on funerary relief, from Dipylon, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li><li>
-on Greek knights, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li><li>
-on head of <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Spinario</i>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li>
-on Vatican statuette, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Helikon, Mount, statues of poets and musicians on, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;<ul><li>
-tripod on, dedicated by Hesiod, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Heliodoros, description of wrestling-match by, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hellanikos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hellanodikai, the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_27">27</a> and n. <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hellenistic Prince, statue of a, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;<ul><li>
-assimilated to type of Alexander, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Helmets, on <i>Boxer Vase</i> from Crete, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;<ul><li>
-as early attributes of hoplite runners, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li><li>
-of hoplite runners, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Hemerodromoi</i>, institution of, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hephaistion, funeral games in honor of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hera, temple of Lakinian, near Kroton, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;<ul><li>
-worship of, at Olympia, earlier than that of Zeus, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li><li>
-See <i>Heraion</i>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Heraia</i>, the, games at Argos, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;<ul><li>
-games at Olympia, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li><li>
-girls at, divided into three classes, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li><li>
-reliefs vowed by girl runners at, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li><li>
-running race for girls at, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Heraion, the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;<ul><li>
-monuments inside of, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Herakleia</i>, the, at Marathon, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;<ul><li>
-at Thebes and elsewhere, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Herakleides Ponticus, on the <i>krobylos</i> hair-fashion, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li><li>
-
-Herakleion, the, at Sparta, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li><li>
-
-Herakles, as boxer, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;<ul><li>
-of Crete, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li><li>
-destroys statue of self at Elis, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li><li>
-as father of athlete Theagenes, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</li><li>
-first to win pankration and wrestling on same day, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</li><li>
-as founder of Olympic games, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li><li>
-Herakles and Hermes, as protectors of contests, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li><li>
-as inventor of pankration, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li>
-at Marathon, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li><li>
-in Odyssey, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li><li>
-plants olive at Olympia, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li><li>
-son of Zeus and Alkmena, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li><li>
-in Sophokles’ <i>Trachiniae</i>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</li><li>
-tripods in honor of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li><li>
-as wrestler, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Herakles, heads of: beardless, in British Museum, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;<ul><li>
-of boy athlete from Sparta so interpreted, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</li><li>
-boyish, in British Museum, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;</li><li>
-bust from Genzano, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li><li>
-bust from Herculaneum, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li><li>
-colossal filleted, in Vatican, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li><li>
-from Tegea pediment, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>–311;</li><li>
-marble, in Munich, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li><li>
-Philandridas head so interpreted, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li><li>
-showing swollen ears, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li><li>
-with rolled fillets, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_389">389</a></span>
-Statues of: <i>Alexikakos</i>, by Hagelaïdas, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;<ul><li>
-colossal, by Lysippos, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li><li>
-colossal, by Onatas, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li><li>
-in group with Telephos, in Vatican, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li><li>
-in gymnasia and palæstræ, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li><li>
-kneeling, from East gable from Aegina, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li>
-as knee-runner, bronze in Metropolitan Museum, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li>
-Kyniskos, converted into type of, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li><li>
-in Lakonia, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;</li><li>
-in Palazzo Altemps, Rome, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li><li>
-by Skopas, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li><li>
-victor statues assimilated to, <a href="#Page_354">354f</a>.</li></ul></li>
-</ul></li><li>
-
-Heralds, contests of, when introduced at Olympia, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;<ul><li>
-statues of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Herculaneum, bronze head from, in Naples, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hercules, guild of athletes of, in Rome, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Hermaia</i>, the, games at Pheneus, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hermann, G., on Perinthos head, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hermas, base of statue of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hermes, altar of, ἐναγώνιος, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;<ul><li>
-beaten by Apollo in running at Olympia, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</li><li>
-founder of wrestling, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li><li>
-god of youth and sports, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li><li>
-gymnasion of, at Athens, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li><li>
-one of athletic gods, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li><li>
-“presider over contests,” <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li><li>
-head, in Boston, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li><li>
-bearded herma, by Alkamenes, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li><li>
-bearded type, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</li><li>
-compared with Philandridas head, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li><li>
-hair-treatment of, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</li><li>
-on relief fragment from Athens, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li><li>
-Statues: from Andros, <a href="#Page_71">71f</a>.;<ul><li>
-in gymnasia and palæstræ, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li><li>
-in Lansdowne House, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li><li>
-Logios or Agoraios, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li><li>
-Ludovisi, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li><li>
-by Onatas, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li><li>
-by Praxiteles, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li><li>
-victor statues assimilated to type of, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;</li><li>
-statuette of, in Boston, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li><li>
-bronze, in British Museum, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li></ul></li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Hermes-Diskobolos</i>, statue by Naukydes, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hermes Kriophoros, festival at Tanagra, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hermesianax, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hermione, stadion at, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hermitage, copy of head of boy athlete in, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hermogenes, victor at Olympia, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hermokrates, statue at Athens, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hermolykos, statue on Akropolis, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li><li>
-
-Herodoros, trumpeter at Olympia, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li><li>
-
-Herodotos, historian, on Hermolykos, pancratiast, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;<ul><li>
-style of, imitated by Pausanias, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Herodotos, of Klazomenai, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li><li>
-
-Herodotos, of Thebes, as his own charioteer, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li><li>
-
-Heroes, nine Greek, on curved base at Olympia, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li><li>
-
-Heroizing, custom of, in sculpture, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li><li>
-
-Herophilos, physician at Alexandria, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hertz, Miss, copy of head of <i>Nike</i> by Paionios in collection of, Rome, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hesiod, wins tripod at Chalkis, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;<ul><li>
-dedicates tripod to muses on Helikon, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li><li>
-victor statue of, on Helikon, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Hetoimokles, statue at Sparta, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hiero, chariot-group at Olympia, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;<ul><li>
-Pythian victory of, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li><li>
-tyrant of Syracuse, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Hierothesion, the, at Messene, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hill, G. F., on <i>Apoxyomenos</i> and Lysippos, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hipparchos, tyrant of Athens, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hippodameia, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hippodrome races, at Olympia, non-athletic, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;<ul><li>
-programme of, <a href="#Page_259">259f</a>.;</li><li>
-horses and colts distinguished in, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>.</li><li>
-See Chariot-race and Horse-race.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Hippodromes, common in Greece, <a href="#Page_257">257f</a>.;<ul><li>
-at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li><li>
-at Olympia, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Hippokleides, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hippos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hipposthenes, victor, temple dedicated to, at Sparta, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hirschfeld, G., on locations of victor statues in Altis, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;<ul><li>
-on omission of Olympiad <a href="#Page_211">211</a> from Elean register, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Hirt, A., on Pliny’s “iconic” (iconicus = εἰκονικός) statues, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;<ul><li>
-on Tux bronze, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Historia Naturalis</i>, of Pliny, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, and <i>passim</i>.
-
-Hitzig-Bluemner, on exclusive use of bronze in Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;<ul><li>
-on statue of Milo, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Holleaux, M., on “Apollo” torso from Mount Ptoion, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li><li>
-
-Home-coming of Olympic victors, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li><li>
-
-Homer, athletics in, <a href="#Page_7">7f</a>.;<ul><li>
-does not mention Olympia, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li><li>
-κελετίζειν in, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</li><li>
-makes men and gods shriek, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li>
-on painful character of boxing, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li><li>
-warrior in, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Homolle, Th., on appellation “Apollo,” <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;<ul><li>
-on artistic influences in the <i>Agias</i>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li><li>
-assigns the <i>Agias</i> to Lysippos, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li><li>
-on expression of face of the <i>Agias</i>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</li><li>
-on group of Daochos at Delphi, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</li><li>
-on resemblance between Philandridas head and that of the <i>Agias</i>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li><li>
-on small heads outside school of Lysippos, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li><li>
-on differentiating statues of Herakles and victors, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li><li>
-on swollen ears of athlete statues, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Honor statues, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339f</a>.
-
-Honors, extraordinary, paid to victors, <a href="#Page_32">32f</a>., <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hoplite-race (ὁπλίτης), <a href="#Page_190">190f</a>.;<ul><li>
-belongs to mixed athletics, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li><li>
-called ἀσπίς, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li>
-date of introduction at Olympia, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li><li>
-as diaulos at Olympia and Athens, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li><li>
-finish of, on a r.-f. kylix, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li>
-in full armor at the <i>Eleutheria</i>, at Platæa, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li><li>
-last in gymnic contests at Olympia and elsewhere, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li><li>
-most complete representation of, on a r.-f. kylix in Berlin, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li>
-preparations for, on a r.-f. kylix by Euphronios, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li>
-racers in, turning central post, on r.-f. kylix in Berlin, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li>
-round shields and Attic helmets used in, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li>
-semi-comic character of, on vases, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li><li>
-start of, on a r.-f. kylix in Berlin, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li>
-weapons used in, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Hoplitodromoi, attributes of, <a href="#Page_161">161</a> f.;<ul><li>
-so-called dying hoplite runner on grave-relief from Athens, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li><li>
-statues of, in motion, <a href="#Page_203">203f</a>.;</li><li>
-two heads from statues of, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162f</a>., <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;</li><li>
-paintings of, by Parrhasios, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li><li>
-Tux bronze of, <a href="#Page_206">206f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_390">390</a></span>
-
-Horarios, inscribed votive relief of, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li><li>
-
-Horfuabra, statue from Dahshur, Egypt, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li><li>
-
-Horse, crowned by Nike, on votive relief from Athens, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;<ul><li>
-imported into Crete from Libya, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li><li>
-models of miniature horses at Olympia, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Horse-race (ἵππος κέλης): common in Greece, <a href="#Page_257">257f</a>.;<ul><li>
-horses and colts distinguished in, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</li><li>
-length of course at Olympia, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</li><li>
-monuments, illustrating, <a href="#Page_280">280f</a>.;</li><li>
-sport of the rich, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li><li>
-when introduced at Olympia, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li><li>
-race known as the <i>apobates</i>, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_282">282f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Horse-racers: bronze statuette of, from Dodona, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;<ul><li>
-bronze statuette of, in Loeb collection, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li><li>
-bronze statuette of, from Volubilis, Morocco, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-dedications of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278f</a>.;</li><li>
-on funerary relief, from Sicily, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-on galloping horse, on terra-cotta relief from Thera, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-mounted, on Athens relief, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-nude, on vases, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-small figures of, from Olympia, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li><li>
-statue of, in Florence, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-two fragments of statues of, from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-victorious racer leading-horse, on Athenian relief, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Human sacrifice, as origin of funerary games, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hunter, honor statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hyblæans, the <i>Zeus</i> of the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hydriæ, from Caere (Cerveteri), <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;<ul><li>
-bronze, as prize at the <i>Panathenaia</i>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Hylas, identified with statue of youth from Subiaco, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hyperboreans, home of wild olive among, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li><li>
-
-Hysmon, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li><li>
-
-Iapygians, King of the, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li><li>
-
-Iconic and aniconic statues, <a href="#Page_54">54f</a>.
-
-Ida, Mount, grotto of Zeus in, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li><li>
-
-Idealism, in Greek art, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;<ul><li>
-idealism and realism, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Identification of athlete statues in Roman copies, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Idolino</i>, the, statue in Florence, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141f</a>.;<ul><li>
-as highest ideal of boyish beauty, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li>
-interpretation of, <a href="#Page_142">142f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Ikkos, slain by Kleomedes, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;<ul><li>
-as teacher of gymnastics, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Ildefonso group, in Madrid, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li><li>
-
-Iliad, games of Patroklos in, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ilissos, river in Attica, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;<ul><li>
-relief from, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Impressionism, in hair technique, by Greek artists, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;<ul><li>
-by Lysippos, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Ince Blundell head of athlete, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, note <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li><li>
-
-Indians, the, of North America, funeral games among, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li><li>
-
-Information, sources of, in reconstruction of Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li><li>
-
-Inscriptions, earliest, using pankration for dates, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;<ul><li>
-on pillars, in honor of victors, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li><li>
-on victor statue bases at Olympia, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Iolaos, hurls stone diskos, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ionia, passes Egyptian influence to Greek sculptors, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;<ul><li>
-school of sculpture from, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li><li>
-women of, witness games, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Ionians, short hair with, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ionism, in Greek art, <a href="#Page_115">115f</a>., <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;<ul><li>
-reaction against, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Iphitos, restores Olympic games, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Ismenian Apollo</i>, the, statue in Thebes, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ismenion, the, at Thebes, tripods in, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li><li>
-
-Isokrates, statue on Akropolis, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li><li>
-
-Isthmian festival, athletes divided into three classes according to age at, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;<ul><li>
-beast contests at, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-excavations on site of, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-famed in Roman days, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-funerary origin of, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li><li>
-history and administration of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li><li>
-inferior to Olympia, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-later in honor of a god, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li><li>
-in honor of Melikertes, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li><li>
-most frequented, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-statue of victor at, in Athens, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li><li>
-statues of victors at, on Isthmus, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Italian Archæological Mission, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li><li>
-
-Italy, funeral games, in ancient, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Jahn, O., on symmetry, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;<ul><li>
-on the <i>Wounded Amazon</i> of Capitoline, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Jason</i>, statue so-called, of Louvre, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li><li>
-
-Javelin (ἀκόντιον), <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;<ul><li>
-as athletic attribute, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li><li>
-Greek names for, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li><li>
-size of, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li><li>
-on vase-paintings, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Javelin-throwers (ἀκοντισταί), <a href="#Page_222">222f</a>.;<ul><li>
-two bronze statuettes of, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li><li>
-on Spartan relief, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Javelin-throwing, <a href="#Page_222">222f</a>.;<ul><li>
-athletic type of, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li><li>
-for distance, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li><li>
-from horseback, on vase-paintings, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li><li>
-at games of Patroklos, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li><li>
-origin of, mythical, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li><li>
-positions in, <a href="#Page_223">223f</a>.;</li><li>
-positions, given by E. N. Gardiner, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li><li>
-practical, in war and the chase, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li><li>
-in sculpture, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</li><li>
-two types of, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Jockey, nude, on vase-paintings, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;<ul><li>
-in short-sleeved chiton, on b.-f. Panathenaic vase, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Jones, H. Stuart, on Pliny’s <i>Perseus et pristae of Myron</i>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li><li>
-
-Joubin, A., on Delphi <i>Charioteer</i>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;<ul><li>
-on Olympia gable sculptures, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Juba II, King of Numidia, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li><li>
-
-Juethner, J., on Greek origin of javelin-throwing, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;<ul><li>
-on shapes of jumping-weights, <a href="#Page_214">214f</a>.;</li><li>
-on <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li><li>
-on statue of boxer from Sorrento, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Jumping, <a href="#Page_214">214f</a>.;<ul><li>
-adapted to painter and not to sculptor, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li><li>
-ancient records in, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li><li>
-modern records in, with and without weights, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li><li>
-modern record in, front spring-board, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li><li>
-most difficult feature of pentathlon, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li><li>
-most representative feature of pentathlon, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li>
-in Odyssey, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li>
-as part of pentathlon, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li>
-popularity of, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li><li>
-spring-board not used in Greece in, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li><li>
-various moments in, depicted on vases, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li><li>
-with weights, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Jumping-weights (ἁλτῆρες), <a href="#Page_214">214f</a>.;<ul><li>
-as attribute of pentathletes, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li><li>
-on bronze statue in Berlin, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li><li>
-dedications of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li><li>
-forms of, <a href="#Page_214">214f</a>.;</li><li>
-club-like form, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li><li>
-semispherical, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li><li>
-forms of, divided by Philostratos, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_391">391</a></span>
-shown on vases, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li><li>
-on mosaic in Lateran, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li><li>
-not in Homer, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li>
-on r.-f. kylix in Munich, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li><li>
-on relief from Sparta, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li><li>
-on Roman copies of Greek athlete statues, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li><li>
-on statue of Hysmon, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li><li>
-on statues in Dresden and Florence, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li><li>
-stone, from Corinth and Olympia, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li><li>
-on tree-trunk beside statue, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li><li>
-use of, according to Aristotle and Philostratos, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li><li>
-use of, in medical gymnastics, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li>
-use of, according to vase-paintings, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Justin, on chariot-groups at Delphi, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ka-aper, wood statue of, in Cairo, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;<ul><li>
-statue of “wife” of, so-called, in Cairo, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kabbadias, P., on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kabeirion, statuette from, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kalamis, sculptor, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;<ul><li>
-Kalamis and <i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i> type, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li><li>
-characterized, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li><li>
-chariot-groups by, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li><li>
-criticism of, by Cicero, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li><li>
-horse-groups by, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li><li>
-horses by, characterized by Pliny, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li><li>
-jockeys on horseback by, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li><li>
-Kalamis and nude charioteer from Esquiline, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li><li>
-Kalamis and Onatas, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</li><li>
-Kalamis and Praxiteles, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</li><li>
-as predecessor of Pheidias, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li><li>
-statues at Olympia by, set up by the Akragantines, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li><li>
-Kalamis as unrivalled sculptor of horses, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kalkmann, A., on <i>Herakles Alexikakos</i> of Hagelaïdas, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;<ul><li>
-on kneeling figures from West gable of temple on Aegina, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li>
-on proportions of face in Greek sculpture, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kallias, statue at Athens, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;<ul><li>
-statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kallikles, sculptor, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kallikrates, dates of victories of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;<ul><li>
-statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kallimachos, on statues of Euthymos being struck by lightning, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kallippos, bribes opponents and is fined, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kallistratos, characterizes Skopas, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kalliteles, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kallon, sculptor, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kallon, victor, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kalydonian boar hunt, represented in Tegea pediment group, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kanachos, the Elder, sculptor, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;<ul><li>
-<i>celetizontes pueri</i>, by, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li><li>
-compared with Kallon, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li><li>
-criticism of, by Cicero, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kanachos, the Younger, sculptor, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kantharos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kaphisias, sculptor, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kapros, boxing-match with Kleitomachos, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;<ul><li>
-bronze foot from statue of, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</li><li>
-first to win pankration and wrestling at Olympia on same day, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</li><li>
-Kapros and bronze boxer head from Olympia, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li><li>
-two statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Karrhotos, charioteer, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kasia Mnasithea, statue base at Olympia, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kassel, statue of Apollo in, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;<ul><li>
-statue of boxer in, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li><li>
-head of <i>Diadoumenos</i> of Polykleitos in, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kastor, victor in foot-race at Olympia, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;<ul><li>
-as horse-racer, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li>
-hurls stone diskos, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kebriones, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kekulé, on the <i>Idolino</i>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;<ul><li>
-on Olympia gable sculptures, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Spinario</i>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kephisodotos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kerameikos, Athens, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Keramopoullos, A.&nbsp;D., on the Delphi <i>Charioteer</i>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kerykeion, symbol of Hermes, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, etc.
-
-Kettle, prize at early games, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kicking, allowed in pankration, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kietz, on the <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kimon, son of Miltiades, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kimon, son of Stesagoras, bronze mares of, at Athens, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kirchhoff, A., on statue of Hermolykos on Akropolis, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kirghiz, the, of India, funeral games among, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kittos, boxing and wrestling scenes on Panathenaic amphora of, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kitylos and Dermys, grave-figures of, from Tanagra, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kladeos, the, river at Olympia, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li><li>
-
-Klazomenai, paintings from, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;<ul><li>
-reliefs from, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Klein, W., on the Boston <i>Charioteer</i> (?), <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;<ul><li>
-on the <i>Idolino</i>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Jason</i> of Louvre, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Oil-pourer</i> of Munich, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kleito; see Polykleitos.
-
-Kleitomachos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>;<ul><li>
-identified wrongly with the <i>Seated Boxer</i> of Museo delle Terme, Rome, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li><li>
-story of, from Polybios, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kleitor, son of Azan, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kleitor, relief from, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kleobis (?), statue of, from Delphi, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kleoitas, sculptor, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kleomedes, heroized at death, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kleomenes, sculptor, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kleon, sculptor, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;<ul><li>
-leg position of statues by, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kleonai, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kleosthenes, King of Pisa, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kleosthenes, of Epidamnos, chariot-group of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li><li>
-
-Knee-runners, on bronze tripod reliefs, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;<ul><li>
-on small bronze relief in Metropolitan Museum, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li>
-on marble relief of dying hoplite runner, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li>
-on small bronzes, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li>
-on vases, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li>
-statue of kneeling youth from Subiaco, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Knights, Helbig on Greek, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;<ul><li>
-Homeric method of, fighting from chariot, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li><li>
-on Parthenon frieze, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Knossos, bull-grappling at, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;<ul><li>
-ivory statuettes from, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li><li>
-paved inclosure at, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li><li>
-reliefs from, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li><li>
-seal from, showing huge horse, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li><li>
-theatral area at, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li><li>
-toreadors on wall-paintings from, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_392">392</a></span>
-
-Koblanos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kodias (Κῳδίας), jumping-weight of, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li><li>
-
-Koehler, U., on the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> of Vatican, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li><li>
-
-Koerte, on name “Apollo” for early statues, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Korai</i>, statues of, on Akropolis, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li><li>
-
-Koroibos, victor in first recorded Olympiad, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kostobokoi, barbarian invaders of Greece, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kouroniotis, K., letter of, quoted <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kranaos, or Granianos, statue near Sikyon, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>.</li><li>
-
-Krates, victor as herald at Olympia, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kratinos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;<ul><li>
-set up by trainer of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kratisthenes, chariot-group of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kresilas, sculptor, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;<ul><li>
-the <i>Alkibiades</i> of Vatican ascribed to, by Furtwaengler, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li><li>
-<i>Doryphoros</i> by, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li><li>
-portrait of Perikles by, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li><li>
-statue of the <i>Wounded Amazon</i> by, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kresilæan athlete head, five copies of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kreugas, crowned after death, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;<ul><li>
-killed in boxing match, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li>
-statue at Argos, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Krison, statue ascribed to, by Furtwaengler, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kritios, sculptor, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;<ul><li>
-criticism of, by Lucian, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li><li>
-Kritios and Tux bronze <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kritodamos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Krobylos</i>, old Attic hair-fashion, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li><li>
-
-Krokon, dedicates small bronze horse at Olympia, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kronos, altar of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;<ul><li>
-wrestling match of, with Zeus, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Krotonians, famed as pentathletes, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ktesibios, philosopher, on ball-playing, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kylon, conspiracy of, in Athens, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;<ul><li>
-statue on Akropolis, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kylon, of Elis, honor statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kyniska, bronze horses of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;<ul><li>
-chariot-group of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;</li><li>
-first woman to enter and win chariot-race at Olympia, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;</li><li>
-shrine in honor of, at Sparta, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kyniskos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;<ul><li>
-copies of (?), <a href="#Page_156">156f</a>., <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li><li>
-foot position on base of statue of, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li><li>
-date of victory, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kynosarges, Attic amphora from Gymnasion of, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kypselos, chest of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kypselos, King of Arkadia, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li><li>
-
-Kyrene, the <i>Dionysia</i> at, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;<ul><li>
-head from, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li><li>
-personified as charioteer in Delphi group, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li><li>
-statue found in baths of, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Kyrnos, battle of, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ladas, of Sparta, fleetness of, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;<ul><li>
-grave of, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;</li><li>
-stadion in honor of, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;</li><li>
-statue in Argos, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</li><li>
-statue of, by Myron, <a href="#Page_196">196f</a>., <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</li><li>
-compared with that of girl runner of Vatican, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li><li>
-epigrams on statue of, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li><li>
-pose of, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li><li>
-story of death of, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Lakonia, statues of Herakles in, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li><li>
-
-Laloux and Monceaux, on Philandridas head, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lamia, date of battle of, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;<ul><li>
-relief from, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Lampos, chariot-group at Olympia, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Lancellotti</i> (or <i>Massimi</i>) <i>Diskobolos</i>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a> and note 2.
-
-Lange, F. A., on Egyptian influence on early Greek culture, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lange, J., on law of “frontality,” <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;<ul><li>
-on Olympia gable sculptures, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Lansdowne Herakles</i>, statue, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;<ul><li>
-ascribed to Myron, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li><li>
-head of, compared with that of Philandridas, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li><li>
-regarded as Lysippan, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li><li>
-regarded as Skopaic, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Laokoön</i>, the, group, Pliny’s praise of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;<ul><li>
-as realistic work, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li><li>
-of Lessing, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Las, statue of Herakles near, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lasso, boy throwing, wrongly identified with statue of kneeling youth from Subiaco, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lateran, athlete mosaic in, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;<ul><li>
-boxers on relief in, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Laurel, as prize at Delphi, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li><li>
-
-Laurentum, now Castel Porziano, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li><li>
-
-Leaf, W., on chariot-race in the Iliad, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li><li>
-
-Leaping-weights; see Jumping-weights.
-
-Lechat, on bronze statue found in sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;<ul><li>
-on evolution of Greek sculpture, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</li><li>
-on the housing of stone statues, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Leg, right lower, fragment of victor statue, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;<ul><li>
-leg holds in pankration, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li>
-“free” and “rest” legs, as motives in sculpture, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Lekythion, athletic attribute, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lekythos, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Lemnian Athena</i>, the, statue in Dresden, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Lemniskos</i>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li><li>
-
-Leon, statue of, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.</li><li>
-
-Leonidaion, the, (<i>Suedwestbau</i>), at Olympia, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li><li>
-
-Leonidas, at Thermopylæ, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;<ul><li>
-funeral games in honor of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Leonidas, of Naxos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li><li>
-
-Leontiskos, painter, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li><li>
-
-Leontiskos, of Sicily, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lessing, characterization of <i>Diadoumenos</i> and <i>Doryphoros</i> by, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;<ul><li>
-on most fruitful moment to be chosen by artist, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li><li>
-See <i>Laokoön</i>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Libation-pourer, statue of, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li><li>
-
-Libation-pouring, <a href="#Page_138">138f</a>.
-
-Libya, figure in Delphi group, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;<ul><li>
-oracle of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Lichas, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;<ul><li>
-scourged by umpires, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Life, athlete, happy, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lifelike statues, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li><li>
-
-Life-size statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ligourió, bronze statuette from, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Limping Man</i>, the, statue at Syracuse, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lindos, temple of Athena at, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li><li>
-
-Loeb collection, Munich, bronze group of wrestlers in, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;<ul><li>
-bronze statuette in, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li><li>
-bronze statuette of boy-rider in, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li><li>
-three bronze tripods in, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Loeschke, G. L., on appellation “Apollo” for early statues, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;<ul><li>
-on statue of Kylon on Akropolis, <a href="#Page_362">362</a> and note 7.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Loewy, E., on Delian <i>Diadoumenos</i>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;<ul><li>
-on group of Kyniska, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li><li>
-on style of statue of Pythokles, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_393">393</a></span>
-
-Loin-cloth, of athletes, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;<ul><li>
-absence of, on Cretan frescoes, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li><li>
-worn by Asiatics, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li><li>
-in Homer, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li><li>
-on early vases, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li><li>
-dropped first by Orsippos of Megara, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li><li>
-Plato on, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li><li>
-used by boxers and wrestlers, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Lokroi, Ozolian, colonization of the, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lokros, ancestor of the Ozolian Lokroi, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li><li>
-
-Longpérier, H. A., on bronze statuette in Paris, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li><li>
-
-Long race (δόλιχος), at Olympia, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;<ul><li>
-boys admitted to, at Delphi, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li><li>
-men admitted to, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Lucian, on apples as prizes at Delphi, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;<ul><li>
-on art criticism, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li><li>
-criticism of Hegias, Kritios, and Nesiotes, by, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li><li>
-description of <i>Diskobolos</i> by, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li><li>
-ideal statue of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li><li>
-on life-size victor statues, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li><li>
-on prohibition against biting and gouging in pankration, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-on statue of Pelichos, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li><li>
-on statue of Theagenes on Thasos, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Lucius Verus, coins of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Luctator anhelans</i>, painting of, by Naukeros, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Lykaia</i>, the, statues at the games of, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lykaios, Mount, in Arkadia, hippodrome on, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lykidas, of Sparta, enters colts as full-grown horses at Olympia, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lykinos, of Elis, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lykinos, of Heraia, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lykinos, of Sparta, two statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lykios, sculptor, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lykomedes, bases of two statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lykourgos, of Sparta, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lykourgos, rhetorician, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lyre-playing, at Delphi, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lyres, in Parthenon, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lysandros, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lysippos, of Elis, victor statue of, by Andreas, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li><li>
-
-Lysippos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>;<ul><li>
-as art reformer, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li><li>
-borrows from other sculptors, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</li><li>
-canon of, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</li><li>
-characteristics of, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li><li>
-chariot-groups by, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li><li>
-circle of, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li><li>
-as court sculptor of Alexander, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</li><li>
-criticism of, by Pliny, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li>
-date of, <a href="#Page_300">300f</a>.;</li><li>
-dates of Lysippos, Skopas, and Praxiteles, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li><li>
-divergent style of, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li><li>
-follows <i>Doryphoros</i> and nature, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li><li>
-improvements in hair technique by, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</li><li>
-influence of, on realism, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li><li>
-influenced by Skopas, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li><li>
-inscription on base of statue in Pharsalos by, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;</li><li>
-<i>Lansdowne Herakles</i> ascribed to, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li><li>
-Lysippos and Skopas compared, <a href="#Page_311">311f</a>.;</li><li>
-Lysippos and type of weary Herakles, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li><li>
-makes 1500 statues, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li><li>
-Philandridas head at Olympia, by, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li><li>
-portraiture after time of, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li><li>
-poses of statues of, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li><li>
-regarded exclusively as bronze founder, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li><li>
-statue of Agias by, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;</li><li>
-statues of <i>destringentes se</i>, by, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li><li>
-statues of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</li><li>
-surpasses earlier artists in symmetry, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li><li>
-as worker in marble, <a href="#Page_302">302f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Lysistratos, sculptor, first to make plaster moulds from face, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.
-
-Macedon, coins of, showing racing chariots, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;<ul><li>
-kings of, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li><li>
-princes of, as horse-racers, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Mach, E. von, against oriental influence on Greek sculpture, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;<ul><li>
-on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Charioteer</i> (?) in Boston, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li><li>
-on original of <i>Farnese Herakles</i>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Madrid, copy of <i>Diadoumenos</i> in, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;<ul><li>
-Ildefonso group in, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Mæcenas, and victor privileges in Rome, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li><li>
-
-Magna Græcia, cities of, honor victors, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;<ul><li>
-fond of hippodrome contests, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Magnesia ad Sipylum, victor statue base from, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mahler, A., on copies of <i>Doryphoros</i>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;<ul><li>
-on identifying statue of Ladas, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Idolino</i>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li>
-on resemblance between head of the <i>Agias</i> and Philandridas, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Maiden, figure of, in chariot-groups, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li><li>
-
-Maltho, gymnasium in Elis, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>.</li><li>
-
-Manetho, Egyptian dynasties of, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mantua, statue of Apollo in, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li><li>
-
-Marathon, battle of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;<ul><li>
-<i>Herakleia</i>, the, at, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Marble, less expensive than bronze, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;<ul><li>
-some victor statues made of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Markianopolis, coin of, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li><li>
-
-Markios, Gnaios, base of statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Marsyas</i>, the, statue by Myron, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li><li>
-
-Masks, dedication of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Massimi Diskobolos</i>; see <i>Lancellotti Diskobolos</i>.
-
-Materials of Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_321">321f</a>.
-
-Matz and von Duhn, on so-called <i>Diomedes</i>, in Palazzo Valentini, Rome, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mau, A., on the <i>Praying Boy</i> of Berlin, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mausoleion, Halikarnassos, chariot frieze from, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;<ul><li>
-chariot-group from, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</li><li>
-small chariot frieze from, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Mausolos, games in honor of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Maviglia, Ada, on <i>Diadoumenos</i> of Delos, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;<ul><li>
-rejects the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> and the <i>Agias</i> as evidence of style of Lysippos, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Mayer, M., on athlete (?) statue from Olympieion, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;<ul><li>
-on Myron’s <i>pristae</i>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Medes, the, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mediterranean culture, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;<ul><li>
-gymnastic exercises in, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li><li>
-origin of Greek athletics in, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Megakles, victor at Olympia, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.</li><li>
-
-Megara, colossal torso of “Apollo” from, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li><li>
-
-Megara Hyblaia, Sicily, necropolis in, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;<ul><li>
-statue of Zeus of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Meleager, head of, on Praxitelian trunk in Medici Gardens, Rome, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;<ul><li>
-statue of, in Fogg Museum, Boston, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>;</li><li>
-statue of, in Vatican, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</li><li>
-statue of Kyniskos converted into, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Melikertes, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li><li>
-
-Melite, deme of, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li><li>
-
-Melos, “Apollo” from, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li><li>
-
-Memorials, miscellaneous, of victors, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li><li>
-
-Memphis, motion statuettes from, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;<ul><li>
-art of, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Mende, offering of people of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mendel, M., excavations of, at Tegea, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;<ul><li>
-on head of Herakles, from Tegea, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Menedemos, bases of two statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_394">394</a></span>
-
-Menelaos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mengs, Raphael, painter, cast from collection of, showing swollen ears, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;<ul><li>
-on proportions, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Messana, coins of, showing mule-car, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li><li>
-
-Messene, coins of, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;<ul><li>
-hierothesion at, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Messenians, of Naupaktos, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li><li>
-
-Metageitnion, month of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li><li>
-
-Metellus Macedonicus, base of statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</li><li>
-
-Metrobios, T. Phlabios (Flavius), base of statue at Iasos, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li><li>
-
-Metrodoros, Aurelios, base of statue at Kyzikos, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li><li>
-
-Michaelis, A., on <i>apobates</i> chariot-race on Parthenon frieze, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;<ul><li>
-on base of statue of Epicharinos, on Akropolis, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>;</li><li>
-on use of ἐν δεξιᾷ and ἐν ἀριστερᾷ by Pausanias, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Lansdowne Herakles</i>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li><li>
-on Petworth ephebe statue, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li><li>
-Michaelis, A., and Conze, A., on “Apollo” type as victor statues, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Middle Kingdom, Egypt, dates of, <a href="#Page_330">330</a> and note <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;<ul><li>
-sculptures of, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Mikon, of Athens, sculptor, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mikon, of Syracuse, sculptor, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mikythos, or Smikythos, group dedicated at Olympia by, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li><li>
-
-Milchhoefer, A., on painting by Eupompos, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li><li>
-
-Miletos, coins of, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li><li>
-
-Military runner (δρομοκῆρυξ), <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li><li>
-
-Milo, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106f</a>., <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li><li>
-
-Miltiades, games in honor of, on Thracian Chersonesos, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Miltiades, son of Kypselos, votive offering at Olympia, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li><li>
-
-Minoans, the, of Crete, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;<ul><li>
-influenced by Orient, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li><li>
-love of sports among, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li><li>
-See Crete.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Mnaseas, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mnesiboulos, statue in Elateia, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li><li>
-
-Monceaux; see Laloux and Monceaux.
-
-Mopsos, boxing match with Admetos, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mosaic, athlete, in Lateran, Rome, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mosso, A., on <i>Boxer Vase</i>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;<ul><li>
-on origin of Greek boxing-glove, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-on Vapheio cups, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Motion statues, antiquity of, in Greece, <a href="#Page_176">176f</a>.;<ul><li>
-in Assyro-Babylonian art, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li><li>
-in Cretan art, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li><li>
-in Egyptian art, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li><li>
-in Greece, not developed out of “Apollo” statue type, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li><li>
-on early vases, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li><li>
-victor statues in, <a href="#Page_173">173f</a>.;</li><li>
-victor statues in various contests, <a href="#Page_188">188f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Motives, general, of statues in motion, <a href="#Page_188">188f</a>.;<ul><li>
-at rest, <a href="#Page_130">130f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Mounot, Étienne, sculptor, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mueller, K. O., on common features of victor statues, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mule-car, on Rhegian and Messanian coins, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mule-race (ἀπήνη); see Chariot-race with mules.
-
-<i>Munich King</i>, statue so-called, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li><li>
-
-Muscles, in Cretan art, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li><li>
-
-Muses, group of, by Hagelaïdas, Arostokles and Kanachos, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li><li>
-
-Musical contests, dedications for, at Olympia and elsewhere, <a href="#Page_283">283f</a>.;<ul><li>
-at Delphi, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-honor dedications for, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</li><li>
-monuments for, victor or votive in character, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li><li>
-at Olympia, non-athletic, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, represented on imitation Panathenaic vases, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li><li>
-on reliefs, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li><li>
-victors in, at Delphi, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li><li>
-victor statues for musicians, on Helikon, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Mussius, L., gravestone of, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mycenæ, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;<ul><li>
-lack of athletic scenes at, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li><li>
-no Egyptian influence on art of, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Mykale, battle of, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li><li>
-
-Myrina, terra-cotta statuettes from, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li><li>
-
-Myron, sculptor, <a href="#Page_183">183f</a>., <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>;<ul><li>
-αὐτάρκεια of, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li><li>
-criticism of, by Cicero, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li><li>
-by Pliny, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li><li>
-dated by Pliny, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li>
-love of movement of, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li><li>
-Myron and <i>Hermes Ludovisi</i>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li><li>
-Myron and Pythagoras, difficulty of separating works of, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li><li>
-Myron and <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li><li>
-Olympic victor statues by, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187f</a>., <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</li><li>
-poses of victor statues by, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li><li>
-pupil of Hagelaïdas, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li><li>
-as realist, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li><li>
-statue of Ladas by, <a href="#Page_196">196f</a>.;</li><li>
-surpasses Polykleitos in rhythm and symmetry, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li><li>
-versatility of, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li><li>
-victor statues at Delphi by, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Myron, tyrant of Sikyon, dedicates bronze chapel at Olympia, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li><li>
-
-Mytilene, statue from, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li><li>
-
-Narkissos, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li><li>
-
-Narykidas, base of statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li><li>
-
-Natalis, L. Minikios (Minicius), equestrian monument at Olympia, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Natural History</i>, of Pliny; see <i>Historia Naturalis</i>.
-
-Naturalism, in Greek Art, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li><li>
-
-Naukratis, Egypt, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li><li>
-
-Naukydes, sculptor, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;<ul><li>
-leg position of statues by, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li><li>
-Naukydes and <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>, <a href="#Page_76">76f</a>.;</li><li>
-Naukydes and canon of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li><li>
-statue of Cheimon by, characterized by Pausanias, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Naupaktos, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li><li>
-
-Nausikaa, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li><li>
-
-Naxos, “Apollo” from, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;<ul><li>
-bronze statuette from, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li><li>
-statue of Nikandre from, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Nelson, Philip, head in collection of, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li><li>
-
-Nemea, athletes at, divided into three classes, by ages, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;<ul><li>
-athletic contests at, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-athletic interest of, secondary to that of Olympia, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-boy contests at, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-festival at, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li><li>
-founded by Adrastos, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li><li>
-held every two years, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li><li>
-in honor of Opheltes or Archermoros, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li><li>
-later in honor of a god, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li><li>
-origin of, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li><li>
-records of victors at, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li>
-relief from, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li><li>
-retired valley of, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-revived by Hadrian, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li><li>
-statues of victors at, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li><li>
-statues of victors at, in Athens, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li><li>
-summarily treated by Pausanias, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li><li>
-transferred to Argos, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li><li>
-under Argive influence, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li><li>
-the <i>Nemea</i> of Thebes, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_395">395</a></span>
-
-Nemead, first dated, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Nemesis</i>, statue by Agorakritos at Rhamnous, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li><li>
-
-Neolaïdas, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li><li>
-
-Nepos, on first date of representing athlete statues in motion, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li><li>
-
-Nero, coins of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<ul><li>
-uses force to win at the <i>Isthmia</i>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li><li>
-villa of, at Subiaco, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li>
-wins chariot-races at Olympia, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Nesiotes, sculptor, criticism of, by Lucian, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li><li>
-
-Nestor, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;<ul><li>
-contests at Bouprasion, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li><li>
-statue at Olympia, by Onatas, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Net, on Vapheio cup, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li><li>
-
-New Empire, Egypt, dates of, <a href="#Page_331">331</a> and note <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;<ul><li>
-sculptures of, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Nida-Haddernheim, terra-cotta statuette from, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li><li>
-
-Nikandre, statue of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li><li>
-
-Nikandros, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li><li>
-
-Nikanor, fragment of base of statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li><li>
-
-Nikarchos, base of statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Nike</i>, the, of Archermos, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;<ul><li>
-bronze figurine from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li><li>
-as charioteer, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</li><li>
-on Ficoroni cista, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li><li>
-on hand of statue of Olympian Zeus, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</li><li>
-on Nike balustrade from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li><li>
-on relief in Madrid, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li><li>
-on relief from Phaleron, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li><li>
-on sarcophagus from Klazomenai, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li><li>
-See also Paionios, the <i>Nike</i> of.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Nikeratos, date of archonship of, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li><li>
-
-Nikeus, casts stone diskos, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li><li>
-
-Nikodamos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li><li>
-
-Nikokles, victor monument at Akriai, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li><li>
-
-Nikomachos, painter, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;<ul><li>
-<i>Victoria quadrigam in sublime rapiens</i> by, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Nineveh, reliefs from, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li><li>
-
-Niobid, identified with statue of youth from Subiaco, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Nordostgraben</i>, the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Nordwestgraben</i>, the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li><li>
-
-North Greek-Thracian school of sculpture, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li><li>
-
-Noses, bloody, on vase-paintings, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Novus Annus</i> (?), nude statue found in Rhine identified as, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li><li>
-
-Nudity, characteristic of archaic statues, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;<ul><li>
-as essential difference between Greek and foreigner, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li><li>
-not observed by charioteers, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li><li>
-of victor statues, <a href="#Page_47">47f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Nudus talo incessens</i>, statue by Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;<ul><li>
-statuette from Autun showing the Polykleitan motive, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Numismatic commentary on Pausanias, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ny-Carlsberg Museum, Copenhagen, archaic head of youth in, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;<ul><li>
-two heads in, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>; etc.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Nymphs, altar at Olympia, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li><li>
-
-Odysseus, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li><li>
-
-Oibotas, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li><li>
-
-Oil, used in wrestling, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li><li>
-
-Oil-flask, on r.-f. kylix in Munich, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Oil-pourer</i>, bronze statuette of, from South Italy, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;<ul><li>
-statue so-called, in Munich, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133f</a>., <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li><li>
-as Attic work, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li><li>
-head in Boston, copy of original of, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li><li>
-pose of, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li><li>
-torso in Dresden as variant of, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Oil-pouring, on gems, reliefs and terra-cotta statuettes, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li><li>
-
-Oil-scraping, as athletic motive, <a href="#Page_135">135f</a>.
-
-Oinoanda, base of victor statue from, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li><li>
-
-Oinomaos, chariot-race with Pelops, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;<ul><li>
-column at Olympia, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Olaidas, honor statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li><li>
-
-Old Kingdom, Egypt, dates of, <a href="#Page_330">330</a> and note <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;<ul><li>
-sculptures of, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Olive, crown of, as prize at Olympia, <a href="#Page_155">155f</a>.;<ul><li>
-of “Fair Crown,” at Olympia, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;</li><li>
-wild, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Olympia, account of monuments at, by Pausanias, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;<ul><li>
-age of boy victors at, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li><li>
-antiquity of, from excavations and religious history, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li><li>
-athletes at, divided into two classes, by ages, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li><li>
-boxer head from, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li><li>
-celebrated every four years, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li><li>
-controlled by Eleans alone after Persian wars, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li><li>
-early controlled by Pisa, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li><li>
-early overshadowed by Delphi and Delos, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li><li>
-founded before Dorian invasion, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li><li>
-funeral origin of, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li><li>
-German excavations at, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li><li>
-history of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li><li>
-held in honor of a god, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li><li>
-held in honor of Pelops, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li><li>
-importance of, from seventh century B.&nbsp;C., <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li><li>
-later controlled by Pisa and Elis, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li><li>
-prehistoric buildings at, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</li><li>
-sacrifices at, to Pelops and Zeus, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li><li>
-as sanctuary prior to advent of Achæans, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li><li>
-style of head of athlete (Philandridas) from, <a href="#Page_293">293f</a>.;</li><li>
-style of gable statues from, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li><li>
-traditional history of, by Pausanias and Strabo, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li><li>
-two figures from West gable of temple of Zeus from, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li>
-victor statues in Altis at, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>; etc.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Olympia register, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li><li>
-
-Olympiad, first dated, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;<ul><li>
-traditional first, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li><li>
-the 8th, 34th, 104th, 211th, omitted from Elean register, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Olympieion, statue from ruins of, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li><li>
-
-Olympos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Omphalos</i>, from Athens, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li><li>
-
-Onatas, sculptor, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;<ul><li>
-group of Opis at Delphi by, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li><li>
-inscribed base from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-Onatas and East gable statues from temple on Aegina, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li><li>
-Onatas and Kalamis, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</li><li>
-works of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Onomastos, games of, at Cumae, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li><li>
-
-Onomastos, of Smyrna, institutes boxing rules at Olympia, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li><li>
-
-Opheltes, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li><li>
-
-Opis, group of, at Delphi, by Onatas, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Opportunity</i> (Καιρός), altar at Olympia, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;<ul><li>
-statue by Lysippos, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Orchomenos, “Apollo” from, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;<ul><li>
-ceiling of treasury of, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Orestes, as his own charioteer, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li><li>
-
-Oriental influence on early Greek art, <a href="#Page_328">328f</a>.
-
-Originals of victor statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_62">62f</a>., <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li><li>
-
-Orpheus and Telete, victor group on Helikon, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li><li>
-
-Orsippos, first athlete to drop the loin-cloth, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Osthalle</i>, the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_396">396</a></span>
-
-Overbeck, J., on <i>Farnese Herakles</i>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;<ul><li>
-on head of hoplitodromos from Olympia, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li><li>
-on heads of Apollo, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li><li>
-on Lysippos as exclusively a bronze founder, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li><li>
-on Olympia sculptures, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li><li>
-on Piombino statuette, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li><li>
-<i>Schriftquellen</i> of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Standing Diskobolos</i>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Oxylos, King of Dorian Eleans, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Oxyrhynchus Papyri</i>, the, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;<ul><li>
-order of contestants at Olympia in, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Paianios, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li><li>
-
-Paidotribes, or trainer of athletes, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li><li>
-
-Paint, used on sculptures, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</li><li>
-
-Painting, competition in, at Delphi, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li><li>
-
-Paintings, as victor monuments, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li><li>
-
-Paionios, sculptor, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;<ul><li>
-the <i>Nike</i> of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;</li><li>
-replica of, at Delphi, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li><li>
-replica of head of, in Rome, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Palæstra, absent in Homer, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;<ul><li>
-palæstra gymnast, statuette of, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li><li>
-origin of name, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li><li>
-statues of athletes in, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li><li>
-statues of athletic gods in, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Palaistra, the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, etc.;<ul><li>
-at Pompeii, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Palatine, the, at Rome, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;<ul><li>
-fragment of leg of statue from, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Palladion, carried off by Diomedes, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li><li>
-
-Palm, the, as common measure in proportions, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li><li>
-
-Palm-branch, on so-called <i>Apollo-on-the-Omphalos</i> and <i>Apollo Choiseul-Gouffier</i>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;<ul><li>
-in hand of victorious jockey on coin of Philip II, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li><li>
-on statue from Formiae, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li><li>
-on statue of girl runner in Vatican, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li><li>
-on stele from Dipylon, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li><li>
-on unfinished statue of athlete in Athens, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li><li>
-on vases, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li><li>
-as victor attribute, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Palm-wreath, common to many games, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pammachos, statue at Thebes, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pamphilos, grave-relief of, in Vienna, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pan, <i>Doryphoros</i> converted into, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Panathenaia</i>, the; see Panathenaic games.
-
-Panathenaic amphoræ, runners on, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;<ul><li>
-four-horse chariot on, from Sparta, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li><li>
-Dyneiketos, victor, on, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>; etc.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Panathenaic games, Great, Athens, acrobatic feats at, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;<ul><li>
-contest of beauty at, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li>
-dedication of victor in chariot-race at, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li><li>
-held every fourth year, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li><li>
-hydria as prize at, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li><li>
-jars of oil as prizes at, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li><li>
-money as prizes at, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li><li>
-origin of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li><li>
-paintings dedicated by victors at, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li><li>
-remodeled by Solon, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li><li>
-statue of boy victor at, in Athens, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.[s/b ;]</li><li>
-Little, annual Athenian festival, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pancratiasts, <a href="#Page_246">246f</a>.;<ul><li>
-bronze statuette of, from Autun, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</li><li>
-cap of, <a href="#Page_165">165f</a>.;</li><li>
-ear of, as no criterion of athlete statues, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li><li>
-group of, in Florence, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251f</a>.;</li><li>
-head of, from Olympia, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li><li>
-in sculpture, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pan-hellenic fame of victors at four national games, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Panionia</i>, the, festival at Mykale, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.
-
-Pankration(παγκράτιον), Artemidoros on, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;<ul><li>
-biting and gouging allowed at Sparta in, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-boys’ contest introduced at Olympia, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li>
-boys’ contests outside Olympia, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li>
-as combination of boxing and wrestling, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-contrasted with wrestling, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-as dangerous sport, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-eight Pindaric odes in honor of, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-etymology of word, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-“fairest” of contests, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-fight on ground, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li><li>
-grips and throws shown on vases, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li>
-introduced at Olympia, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li>
-invented by Theseus or Herakles, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li>
-not in Homer, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li>
-not so brutal as popularly believed, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-often ended with preliminary sparring, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</li><li>
-often resulted in death, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li>
-pankration and wrestling on same day, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li><li>
-popularity of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li>
-rules of, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Panodoros, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pantares, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pantarkes, favorite of Pheidias, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pantarkes, victor statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pantheion, the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pantias, sculptor, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li><li>
-
-Papyrus, containing wrestling instructions, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li><li>
-
-Paris, statue by Euphranor, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li><li>
-
-Parnon, Mount, statue of Herakles on, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li><li>
-
-Paros, torso of ephebe from Akropolis, work of sculptor from, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li><li>
-
-Parrhasios, painter, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li><li>
-
-Parsley, not used as prize wreath at Nemea, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li><li>
-
-Parthenon, frieze of the, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;<ul><li>
-Athenian knights on, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-chariot scenes on, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;</li><li>
-representing <i>apobates</i> race, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li><li>
-youth crowning self on, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li><li>
-metopes of, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pasiteles, sculptor, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;<ul><li>
-Pasiteles and <i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i> statue type, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li><li>
-Pasiteles and <i>Spinario</i>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Patrokles, sculptor, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li><li>
-
-Patroklos, contests at funeral games of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;<ul><li>
-funeral games of, in Iliad, <a href="#Page_7">7f</a>., <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li>
-tripods in honor of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pausanias, King of Sparta, flees from ephors, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;<ul><li>
-funeral games in honor of, at Sparta, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pausanias, the <i>Periegete</i>, on art, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;<ul><li>
-description of Greece by, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li><li>
-description of victor statues in Altis by, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</li><li>
-on girl runners at the <i>Heraia</i> at Olympia, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li><li>
-on honor and victor statues, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li><li>
-mentions only part of victor statues in Altis, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;</li><li>
-on origin of Olympic games, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li><li>
-<i>periegesis</i> of Altis by, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li><li>
-on reason for Pythian air being played at pankration, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</li><li>
-routes (ἔφοδοι) of, in Altis, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341f</a>., <a href="#Page_348">348f</a>.;</li><li>
-on similarity between Greek and Egyptian sculptures, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</li><li>
-on statue of Euthymos, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li><li>
-use of words ἐν ἀριστερᾷ and ἐν δεξιᾷ by, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</li><li>
-on victor statues of poets and musicians on Helikon, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li><li>
-on votive character of victor statues at Athens and Olympia, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>; etc.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Payne Knight bronze statuette, so-called, in British Museum, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li><li>
-
-Peace, temple of, in Rome, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.</li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_397">397</a></span>
-
-Pearl-string hair technique, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li><li>
-
-Peisanos, M. Antonios Kallippos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li><li>
-
-Peisirhodos, victor at Olympia, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li><li>
-
-Peisistratidai, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li><li>
-
-Peisistratos, tyrant, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;<ul><li>
-head of, so-called, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Peisthetairos, in <i>Aves</i> of Aristophanes, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pelias, funeral games of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;<ul><li>
-on chest of Kypselos, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li><li>
-tripods in honor of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pelichos, statue of, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pelopion, the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li><li>
-
-Peloponnesian sculptors, <a href="#Page_109">109f</a>., <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pelops, chariot-race with Oinomaos, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;<ul><li>
-contestants at Olympia sacrifice to, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li><li>
-Olympian games in honor of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li><li>
-Peloponnesian boys lashed at altar of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li><li>
-statue of, in East gable, temple of Zeus at Olympia, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li><li>
-worship of, at Olympia, preceded that of Zeus, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pensive expression, in portraits of Alexander, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Pentaëteris</i>, or four-year festival, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pentathletes, attributes of, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;<ul><li>
-statues in motion, <a href="#Page_210">210f</a>.;</li><li>
-statues at rest, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li><li>
-on vases, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pentathlon, the, accompanied by flute, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;<ul><li>
-all-round development from, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li><li>
-boys’, introduced at Olympia, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li><li>
-events in, on r.-f. vases, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li><li>
-five events of, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li><li>
-diskos throwing, <a href="#Page_218">218f</a>.;</li><li>
-javelin throwing, <a href="#Page_222">222f</a>.;</li><li>
-jumping, <a href="#Page_214">214f</a>.;</li><li>
-jumping most difficult part of, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li><li>
-jumping-weights used in, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li>
-men’s introduced at Olympia, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li><li>
-not in Homer, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li><li>
-Pythian air played at, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pergamon, dying Gaul statues from, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;<ul><li>
-frieze of Great Altar at, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</li><li>
-small frieze from, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Periandros, tyrant, gold statue vowed by, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;<ul><li>
-refounds Isthmian games, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Periboëtos</i>, statue of satyr known as the, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li><li>
-
-Perikles, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;<ul><li>
-portrait of, by Kresilas, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li><li>
-statue of slave of, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Perinthos, head from, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;<ul><li>
-prototype of Riccardi and Ince Blundell heads, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Peripatetics, criticism of Greek sculpture by the, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Perixyomenoi</i>, statues of, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li><li>
-
-Perrot and Chipiez, on so-called dying hoplite relief, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li><li>
-
-Perseus and head of Medusa, on engraved gem, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;<ul><li>
-Perseus and Danaë, in a chest, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Persian Wars, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;<ul><li>
-sack of Akropolis during, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Perugia, statuette of diver (?) from, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pesaro, the <i>Idolino</i> found at, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li><li>
-
-Petasos, as attribute of Hermes, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, note 1, etc.
-
-Peter cista, the, in Vatican, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li><li>
-
-Petersen E., on Kyniskos’ statue, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;<ul><li>
-on Pythokles’ statue base, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Petrograd, head of athlete in, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>; etc.
-
-Petworth House, Sussex, Kresilæan head of athlete in, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;<ul><li>
-statue of ephebe in, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Phaistos, theatral area at, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li><li>
-
-Phanas, head ascribed to, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;<ul><li>
-statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pharsalos, home of Daochos, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;<ul><li>
-statue base of the <i>Agias</i> at, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Phaÿllos, record diskos-throw of, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;<ul><li>
-record jump of, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li><li>
-statue at Delphi, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pheidias, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;<ul><li>
-goddess types of, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li><li>
-ideal tendency of, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li><li>
-relation of, to <i>Diadoumenos Farnese</i>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li><li>
-relation of, to <i>Hermes Ludovisi</i>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li><li>
-statue of boy crowning himself at Olympia by, <a href="#Page_150">150f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pheidippides, runner, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pheidolas, sons of, monument at Olympia, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pheidon, king of Argos, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pheneus, games at, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pherenike, mother of Peisirhodos, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li><li>
-
-Phigalia, victor statue of Arrhachion in market-place of, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</li><li>
-
-Philandridas, date of victory of, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;<ul><li>
-head from statue of, at Olympia, by Lysippos, identified, <a href="#Page_293">293f</a>.;</li><li>
-head called youthful Herakles by some, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li><li>
-compared with head of boy athlete from Sparta, <a href="#Page_316">316f</a>.;</li><li>
-crushed ear of, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li><li>
-location of, in Altis, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</li><li>
-under life-size, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Philesian Apollo</i>, of elder Kanachos, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>–120, <a href="#Page_336">336</a> and note <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;<ul><li>
-“double” of, in Thebes, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Philinos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li><li>
-
-Philios, D., on dying hoplite relief, so-called, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li><li>
-
-Philip II, king of Macedon, coin of, showing victorious jockey with palm-branch, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;<ul><li>
-coins of, showing Athenian type of chariot, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li><li>
-equestrian victor at Olympia, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Philippeion, the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li><li>
-
-Philippopolis, coin of, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li><li>
-
-Philippos, of Kroton, Olympic victor, heroön of, at Egesta, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.</li><li>
-
-Philippos, of Pellene, inscribed bronze plate from victor statue base at Olympia, <a href="#Page_244">244f</a>.
-
-Philistos, monument base at Olympia, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li><li>
-
-Phillen, or Philys, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li><li>
-
-Philon, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li><li>
-
-Philonides, courier of Alexander, honor statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li><li>
-
-Philonides, sculptor, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li><li>
-
-Philonikos, base of statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li><li>
-
-Philokrates, base of statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li><li>
-
-Philoktetes, in Sophokles’ drama, the <i>Philoctetes</i>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li><li>
-
-Philostratos, of Rhodes, adversary of Straton at Olympia, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li><li>
-
-Philostratos, on athletes wearing coarse mantle, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;<ul><li>
-on Eleans allowing strangling in pankration, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-on jumping-weights, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li><li>
-on method of putting on boxing thongs, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li><li>
-on omitted 211th Olympiad, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</li><li>
-on pankration as “fairest of contests,” <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-on prohibition against biting and gouging in pankration, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-on reason for nudity of Olympic athletes, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li><li>
-on Spartans allowing biting and gouging in pankration, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-on statue of Milo, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</li><li>
-on style of long race, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li>
-on reason for Pythian air being played at pentathlon, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Philotimos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li><li>
-
-Philoumenos, inscription from base of statue of, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_398">398</a></span>
-
-Philys; see Phillen.</li><li>
-
-Phlegon, on olive crown, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li><li>
-
-Phœnicians, the, transmit Assyrian and Egyptian designs to Greece, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li><li>
-
-Phokis, confederacy of, sets up statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li><li>
-
-Phormis, offering at Olympia, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</li><li>
-
-Phorystas, base of statue from Tanagra, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li><li>
-
-Phradmon, sculptor, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li><li>
-
-Phrikias, head ascribed to, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>;<ul><li>
-statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Phrixos, on shield relief, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li><li>
-
-Physical differences, in athletes, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li><li>
-
-Piankhi, King of Aethiopia and invader of Egypt, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pictorial hair technique, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pinakotheke, the, at Athens, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pinax, of victresses at the <i>Heraia</i>, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;<ul><li>
-votive on Attic vase, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li><li>
-πινάκιον, iconic, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pindar, on boxing and wrestling, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;<ul><li>
-on connection of Pelops with Olympia, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li><li>
-on early value of bronze, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li><li>
-on non-existence of the pentathlon in heroic days, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li><li>
-ode on flutist Sakadas, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li><li>
-scholia on, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li><li>
-seventh Olympic ode of, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;</li><li>
-sings praises of victors, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li><li>
-sixth Pythian ode of, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li><li>
-writes eight odes in praise of pankration, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pine, the, at the Isthmus, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<ul><li>
-wreath of, at the Isthmus, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li><li>
-at Nemea, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Piombino, bronze statuette from, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pison, sculptor, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li><li>
-
-Plane-tree Grove, Sparta, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>.</li><li>
-
-Plastic hair technique, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li><li>
-
-Platæa, the <i>Eleutheria</i> at, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Platæan <i>Zeus</i>, the, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li><li>
-
-Plato, on boys’ stade-race, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;<ul><li>
-divides athletes into three classes, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li><li>
-on Egyptian art, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li><li>
-on happy life of victors, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li><li>
-on length of stade-race for boys, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li><li>
-on length of stade-race for ephebes, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li><li>
-on loin-cloth, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li><li>
-mentions σφαῖραι, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li><li>
-on mythical origin of wrestling, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li><li>
-omits pankration in his ideal state, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li>
-protests against competition in athletics, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li><li>
-on swollen ear of athletes, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Plectra, in Parthenon, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pliny, on Alkamenes’ <i>Enkrinomenos</i>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;<ul><li>
-on the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> of Lysippos, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li><li>
-on art, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li>
-on custom of setting up statues of victors at Olympia, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;</li><li>
-on Euphranor’s canon, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li><li>
-on Eutychides, sculptor, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li><li>
-on Greek origin of equestrian monuments, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li><li>
-<i>Historia Naturalis</i> of, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li><li>
-on iconic statues, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li><li>
-on Kanachos’ statue of the <i>Philesian Apollo</i>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li><li>
-on Kanachos’ <i>celetizontes pueri</i>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li><li>
-on Kresilas’ portrait of Perikles, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li><li>
-on Lysippos’ proportions, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li><li>
-on Lysistratos making portraits from plaster moulds, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li><li>
-on monotony in the art of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li><li>
-on Myron, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li><li>
-on nudity of athletes, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>nudus talo incessens</i> of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</li><li>
-on representing victors by paintings, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li><li>
-on the sculptor Apellas, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Splanchnoptes</i> of Styphax, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li><li>
-on statue of pancratiast at Delphi by Pythagoras, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li><li>
-on statue represented in prayer, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li><li>
-on statue of victors by Myron at Delphi, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li><li>
-on symmetry, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>; etc.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Plutarch, on Apollo as boxer, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;<ul><li>
-on art, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li>
-on portraits of Alexander by Lysippos, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Plutus</i>, the, of Aristophanes, quoted, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li><li>
-
-Poetic competitions at Delphi, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li><li>
-
-Poets, statues on Helikon, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;<ul><li>
-statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Polemon, on statue of Leon, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;<ul><li>
-on statue of Epicharinos, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Polites, victor at Olympia, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Pollux</i>, describes game of σκαπέρδη, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pollux; see Polydeukes.
-
-Pollux, the statue in Louvre, so-called, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li><li>
-
-Polybios, on Kleitomachos, boxer of Thebes, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Polychalchos</i>, surname of Spartan victor Polykles, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li><li>
-
-Polydamas, relief from base of statue of, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;<ul><li>
-statue of, at Olympia, by Lysippos, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</li><li>
-statue of, cures fevers, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Polydeukes, boxing-match with Amykos on Ficoroni cista, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;<ul><li>
-as famed boxer, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-wins boxing match at Olympia, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Polykleitos, the Elder, sculptor, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;<ul><li>
-<i>Apoxyomenos</i> of, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li><li>
-called Kleito by Sokrates, in Xenophon’s <i>Memorabilia</i>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li><li>
-canon of, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</li><li>
-characteristics of, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li><li>
-date of, by Pliny, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li>
-<i>destringentesse</i> of, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</li><li>
-<i>Diadoumenos</i> of, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li><li>
-<i>Doryphoros</i> of, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224f</a>.;</li><li>
-as idealist, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li><li>
-influence of, on Lysippos, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</li><li>
-influenced by Attic art, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li><li>
-innovation of, in statue poses, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li><li>
-monotony of, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li><li>
-poses of victor statues of, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li><li>
-pupil of Hagelaïdas, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li><li>
-pupils of, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li><li>
-victor statues of, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Polykleitos, the Younger, sculptor, statues of victors at Olympia by, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li><li>
-
-Polykles, the Elder, sculptor, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li><li>
-
-Polykles, victor group at Olympia, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li><li>
-
-Polymedes, sculptor, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li><li>
-
-Polypeithes, chariot-group at Olympia, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li><li>
-
-Polyxenos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li><li>
-
-Polyzalos, brother of Gelo, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pomegranate, attribute of victor statues, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pompeii, <i>Doryphoros</i> of Polykleitos found at, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;<ul><li>
-Palaistra at, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Poros sculptures, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li><li>
-
-Porto d’Anzio, statue from, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li><li>
-
-Portraiture, Greek, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55f</a>.;<ul><li>
-privilege of erecting portrait statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;</li><li>
-privilege rarely given, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li>
-realistic, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Poseidon, altar at Isthmus, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;<ul><li>
-god of contests, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li><li>
-pine sacred to, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li>
-sanctuary at Isthmus, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li>
-statue from Melos, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li><li>
-surnamed ἵππιος, at Sparta, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_399">399</a></span>
-
-Poses, of victor statues, found on various sculptured and painted works, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;<ul><li>
-general, of victor statues at rest, <a href="#Page_130">130f</a>.;</li><li>
-general, of victor statues in motion, <a href="#Page_188">188f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Poulsen, F., on the <i>Agias</i>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, note <a href="#Page_2">2</a>.</li><li>
-
-Prado, copy of <i>Diadoumenos</i> of Polykleitos in the, Madrid, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li><li>
-
-Praisos, seal from, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li><li>
-
-Praxidamas, wood statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li><li>
-
-Praxiteles, sculptor, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;<ul><li>
-the <i>Agias</i> of Lysippos influenced by, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</li><li>
-art of, rooted in fifth century B.&nbsp;C., <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li><li>
-as bronze worker, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</li><li>
-delicate male types of, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li><li>
-hair technique of, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li><li>
-head-type of, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li><li>
-Praxiteles and boy athlete head from Sparta, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li><li>
-Praxiteles and Kalamis, chariot-group by, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</li><li>
-Praxiteles and Philandridas head from Olympia, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</li><li>
-Praxiteles and Skopas differentiated, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li><li>
-statue of a ψελιουμένη by, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Prayer, as motive in votive monuments, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;<ul><li>
-position of hands in Greek, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li><li>
-statue of youth represented in, from Carinthia, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li><li>
-statue of youth represented in, Berlin, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li><li>
-statuette of youth represented in, Metropolitan Museum, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Praying Boy</i>, the, statue so-called, in Berlin, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li><li>
-
-Preuner, E., on inscription from statue base in Pharsalos, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Pristae</i>, by Myron, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li><li>
-
-Prizes, on chest of Kypselos, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;<ul><li>
-at contests of beauty, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li>
-early athlete, <a href="#Page_18">18f</a>.;</li><li>
-at games of Azan, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li><li>
-at games of Patroklos, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Processional entrance, the, of the Altis, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li><li>
-
-Processional way, the, of the Altis, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</li><li>
-
-Professionalism in athletics, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;<ul><li>
-protests against, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Profile, first example of Greek, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li><li>
-
-Prokles, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li><li>
-
-Promachos, statues at Olympia and Pellene, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Proportio</i>, in Greek art, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li><li>
-
-Proportions, canons of, <a href="#Page_65">65f</a>.;<ul><li>
-in Egyptian art, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li><li>
-Fritsch on, of body, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li><li>
-Kalkmann on, of face, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Prose writers, statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li><li>
-
-Protogenes, athlete painted by, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li><li>
-
-Protolaos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li><li>
-
-Prytaneion, the, in Athens, victors eat at public expense at, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;<ul><li>
-the, in Olympia, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Psammetichos, tyrant of Corinth, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pseudo-Andokides, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pseudo-Plutarch, on statue of Isokrates at Athens, <a href="#Page_24">24</a> and note 11, <a href="#Page_27">27</a> and note <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ptoion, Mount, statues of “Apollo” from, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;<ul><li>
-tripods in temple of Apollo on, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Ptolemy, Gymnasion at Athens, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ptolichos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li><li>
-
-Puchstein, O., on location of Great Altar of Zeus at Olympia, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.
-
-Pummeling, allowed in pankration, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pyanepsion, month of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pyrilampes, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pythagoras, sculptor, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178f</a>., <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>;<ul><li>
-dated by Pliny, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li>
-first to aim at rhythm and symmetry, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li><li>
-first to express sinews and veins, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li><li>
-Pythagoras and <i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i> statue type, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li><li>
-Pythagoras and Delphi <i>Charioteer</i>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li><li>
-Pythagoras and Myron, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li><li>
-Pythagoras and Tux bronze, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li><li>
-statue of Delphic pancratiast by, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li><li>
-statue of <i>mala ferens nudus</i> by, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li><li>
-style of, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li><li>
-victor statues at Olympia, by, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178f</a>., <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pytheos, see Pythis.
-
-Pythes, honor statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Pythia</i>, the, festival at Delphi, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;<ul><li>
-as athletic meet, inferior to Nemea and Isthmia, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li>
-as festival, second to Olympia, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li><li>
-in honor of the Python, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li><li>
-statue of victor at, in Athens, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li><li>
-See Delphi.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pythian air, played at pentathlon, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Pythian Apollo</i>, the, statue of, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pythis, or Pytheos, architect, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</li><li>
-
-Python, the, at Delphi, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pythokles, replicas of statues of, <a href="#Page_212">212f</a>.;<ul><li>
-statue of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a> and note 3, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Pythokritos, flutist, honor statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pythokritos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li><li>
-
-Pyxis, from Knossos, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Quadrigae</i>, mentioned by Pliny, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.<ul><li>
-See Chariot-race.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Quatremère de Quincy, on <i>Borghese Warrior</i>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li><li>
-
-“Quiet grandeur” (<i>stille Grosse</i>) of Greek Art, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li><li>
-
-Quintilian, on art, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;<ul><li>
-on the <i>Doryphoros</i> of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Diskobolos</i> of Myron, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Quintus Smyrnæus, on jumping among the Trojans, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li><li>
-
-Quiver, on Torlonia copy of the <i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i> statue type, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li><li>
-
-Quoit; see Diskos.
-
-<i>Ram-offerer</i>, statue by Naukydes, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li><li>
-
-Rampin head, of Louvre, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;<ul><li>
-hair technique of, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Ra-nefer, limestone statue in Cairo, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li><li>
-
-Rayet, on <i>Borghese Warrior</i>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li><li>
-
-Rayet-Jacobsen head, so-called, in Copenhagen, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li><li>
-
-Realism in Greek art, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146f</a>.;<ul><li>
-in Greek portraiture, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Reconstruction of Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_43">43f</a>.
-
-Reinach, S., on bronze statue of youth from Antikythera, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;<ul><li>
-on stone statues being placed under cover, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Reinach, Th., on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li><li>
-
-Reisch, E., on javelin-throwers in sculpture, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;<ul><li>
-on Pliny’s <i>puer tenens tabellam</i> and <i>malaferens nudus</i>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_400">400</a></span>
-on statue of Euthymos at Olympia, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li><li>
-on votive character of Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Reliefs, of akontistai, from Sparta, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;<ul><li>
-Amphiaraos, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li><li>
-<i>apobates</i> chariot race, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li><li>
-Apollo, Artemis, and Leto, in Louvre, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li><li>
-Aristion, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li><li>
-Boreas, in Metropolitan Museum, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li>
-boxers, in Lateran, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li><li>
-boy crowning self, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li><li>
-boxer, on bronze shield, from Mount Ida, Crete, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-cap, in Rome, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li><li>
-charioteer, from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li><li>
-charioteer mounting chariot, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li><li>
-chariots, from Crete, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li><li>
-Dermys and Kitylos, from Tanagra, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</li><li>
-Dioskouroi, set up by Aischylos, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li><li>
-Dioskouroi, in London, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li><li>
-from Dipylon, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li><li>
-diskobolos, from Dipylon, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li><li>
-dying hoplite, from Athens, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li><li>
-four-horse chariot, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li><li>
-funerary, from Tanagra, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li><li>
-funerary, from Athens, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li><li>
-from Halimous, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</li><li>
-Hermes, fragment from Athens, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;</li><li>
-hoplite runners, from Tarentum, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li>
-horse crowned by Nike, from Athens, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li><li>
-horseman, from Athens, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-horse-racer, from Sicily, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-horse-racer from Thera, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-horse-racer leading horse, from Athens, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-jumping-weights, from Sparta, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li><li>
-from Klazomenai, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</li><li>
-from Kleitor, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li><li>
-from Knossos, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li><li>
-from Lamia, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li><li>
-from Loeb collection, Munich, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li>
-from Nemea, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li><li>
-palæstra victor, from Delphi, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li><li>
-in honor of Pamphilos and Alexandros, in Verona, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li><li>
-showing poses of victor statues, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li><li>
-as victor monuments, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li><li>
-war-chariots, from Mycenæ, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Religion and Greek athletics, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li><li>
-
-Remnants of victor statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li><li>
-
-Renaissance, the, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;<ul><li>
-bronze copies of <i>Spinario</i> from period of, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-“Repose” of Greek art, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li><li>
-
-“Rest” leg, motive in sculpture, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li><li>
-
-Resting after contest, athletic motive, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li><li>
-
-Rewards, money, of victors at Athens, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li><li>
-
-Rhamnous, the <i>Nemesis</i> of Agorakritos at, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li><li>
-
-Rhegion, Anaxilas, tyrant of, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;<ul><li>
-coins of, showing mule-car, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Rhetoric</i>, the, of Aristotle, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;<ul><li>
-inscribed base of Olympic victor mentioned in, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Rhexibios, wood statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;<ul><li>
-wrongly called oldest at Olympia by Pausanias, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Rhodes, scene of fighting combatants, in art of, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;<ul><li>
-tripods in honor of Dionysos at, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li><li>
-<i>Zan</i> at Olympia, set up by, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Rhoikos, bronze founder, date of, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;<ul><li>
-family of, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li><li>
-See also Telekles and Theodoros.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Rhouphos, Klaudios (Rufus, Claudius), statue in Rome, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li><li>
-
-Rhythm, definition of, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;<ul><li>
-in Greek Art, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Riccardi head, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li><li>
-
-Richardson, R. B., on bronze head from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;<ul><li>
-on <i>Farnese Herakles</i>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Richter, G., on statuette of diskobolos in Metropolitan Museum, <a href="#Page_220">220</a> and note 5.
-
-Ridder, A. de, on Tux bronze, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;<ul><li>
-on two statuettes of diskoboloi from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Robert, C., on <i>Diadoumenos</i> of Pheidias, <a href="#Page_150">150f</a>.;<ul><li>
-on date of victor Kyniskos, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Robinson, D. M., <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li><li>
-
-Robinson, E., on <i>Charioteer</i> (?), in Boston, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;<ul><li>
-on head of Hermes, in Boston, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>; etc.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Roehl, H., on inscription referred to statue of Milo, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li><li>
-
-Roman copies of victor statues, on, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;<ul><li>
-no copy proved to be of victor statue, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li><li>
-on Roman patrons of art, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Ross, L., on inscribed base from statue of Epicharinos, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li><li>
-
-Rothschild, E. de, bronze copy of <i>Spinario</i>, in Paris collection of, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li><li>
-
-Rouse, W. D., on votive character of victor statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li><li>
-
-Routes, of Pausanias in the Altis; see <i>Ephodoi</i>.
-
-Runners, difference in style of various, shown by vase-paintings, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;<ul><li>
-on Panathenaic amphoræ, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li>
-represented as running with bent knee, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li>
-statues of boy, <a href="#Page_200">200f</a>.;</li><li>
-statues of, from Velletri, in Rome, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li><li>
-statues of, without special attributes, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Running race (δρόμος), various kinds of, <a href="#Page_190">190f</a>.;<ul><li>
-in mythology, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li><li>
-number of victors in, named by Pausanias, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li><li>
-origin of, at Eleusis, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li><li>
-part of all Greek games and exercises, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li><li>
-See Double foot-race, Hoplite-race, Long race, Stade-race.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Sabouroff collection, head from, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sacred war, the, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sakadas, flutist, statue of, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li><li>
-
-Salamis, Aeginetans at battle of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;<ul><li>
-date of battle of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Salis, A. von, on statue from Olympieion, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li><li>
-
-Salutation, attitude of, to a divinity, in statuette in Metropolitan Museum, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Sandal-binder</i>, statue of, so-called, with copies, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sandal-binding, motive of, originates with Lysippos, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sandals, worn by charioteers, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li><li>
-
-Santa Marinella, statue from, in Fogg Art Museum, Cambridge, Mass., <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sarapion, flees adversary and is fined, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;<ul><li>
-two statues in Elis, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Satrap Sarcophagus</i>, so-called, in Constantinople, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Satyr</i>, of Praxiteles, called <i>Periboëtos</i>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;<ul><li>
-statue of, in Dresden, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Sawyers (?) (<i>pristae</i>), group by Myron, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li><li>
-
-Scarab, chalcedony, in British Museum, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li><li>
-
-Schaefer, A., on statue of Kylon on Akropolis, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>.</li><li>
-
-Scherer, Chr., on exclusive use of bronze in Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;<ul><li>
-on “iconic” statues of Pliny, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li><li>
-on Milo’s statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li><li>
-on positions of victor statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Scheria, games on, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li><li>
-
-Schnaase, on <i>Farnese Herakles</i>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_401">401</a></span>
-
-Schober, A., on Perinthos and allied heads, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li><li>
-
-Schoell, R., on votive character of victor monuments, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li><li>
-
-Scholiasts, statements of, on victor statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li><li>
-
-Schrader, H., on Attic relief from the Akropolis, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li><li>
-
-Schreiber, T., on <i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i> statue type, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li><li>
-
-Schwabe, L., on Tux bronze, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sciarra bronze, statuette so-called, in Rome, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li><li>
-
-Scraper; see Strigil.
-
-Sculptors, of Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;<ul><li>
-statistics of, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Sculptura</i>, definition of, from Pliny, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sculpture, Greek, after Persian Wars, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;<ul><li>
-ancient criticism of, <a href="#Page_58">58f</a>.;</li><li>
-evolution of, on traditional lines, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li><li>
-knowledge of, necessary in reconstructing Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Sea-monsters (?) (<i>pristes</i>), group by Myron, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li><li>
-
-Seasons, altar at Olympia, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Seated Boxer</i>, statue of the, in Museo delle Terme, Rome, <a href="#Page_145">145f</a>., <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;<ul><li>
-realism of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-See-saw (?) (<i>pristae</i>?), group by Myron, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li><li>
-
-Seleados, base of statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li><li>
-
-Seleukos I, date of founding Antioch by, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li><li>
-
-Selinos, coins of, showing celery wreath, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<ul><li>
-temple E at, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Sellers, Eugénie; see Strong, Mrs. Eugénie.
-
-Selling out, examples at Olympia, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li><li>
-
-Seraglio, Old, manuscript from the, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li><li>
-
-Serambos, sculptor, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li><li>
-
-Shadow-fighting; see Sparring.
-
-<i>Sheik-el-Beled</i>, the; see Ka-aper, statue of.
-
-Shield, as attribute of hoplitodromoi, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;<ul><li>
-as prize at Argive <i>Heraia</i>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li>
-25 bronze ones kept in temple of Zeus for Olympic hoplite runners, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Siamese, funeral games among, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sicily, cities of, honor victors, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;<ul><li>
-coins of, showing racing chariots, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li><li>
-Greeks of, fond of hippodrome contests, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>;</li><li>
-princes of, as victors at Olympia, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>;</li><li>
-school of sculpture of, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Sidon, <i>Alexander Sarcophagus</i> from, in Constantinople, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;<ul><li>
-<i>Satrap Sarcophagus</i> from, in Constantinople, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Sikyon, athletic school of sculptors from, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118f</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sikyonians, treasury of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li><li>
-
-Silanion, sculptor, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li><li>
-
-Silver bowl, as prize at games of Patroklos, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;<ul><li>
-silver cups, as prizes at Sikyonian Pythian games, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Simon, sculptor, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li><li>
-
-Simonides, of Keos, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li><li>
-
-Singing, competition in, at Delphi, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li><li>
-
-Single-combat, between Ajax and Diomedes, in Iliad, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li><li>
-
-Six, J., on <i>Borghese Warrior</i>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;<ul><li>
-on statue of Hermolykos on Akropolis, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Size of victor statues, <a href="#Page_45">45f</a>.
-
-<i>Skenoma</i> (Σκήνωμα), the, at Sparta, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>.</li><li>
-
-Skopas, sculptor, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;<ul><li>
-characteristics of, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li><li>
-head in style of, in Capitoline Museum, Rome, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li><li>
-head-type of, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li><li>
-influence on the <i>Agias</i>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</li><li>
-intense expression of, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</li><li>
-Kallistratos on, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li><li>
-knowledge of, recently augmented, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</li><li>
-as master of expression of passion, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li><li>
-Philandridas head wrongly ascribed to, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</li><li>
-Skopas and boy athlete head from Sparta, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</li><li>
-Skopas and Lysippos compared, <a href="#Page_311">311f</a>., <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</li><li>
-style of, from Tegea heads, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Skripou, convent of, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li><li>
-
-Skyllis, sculptor, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.<ul><li>
-See also Dipoinos.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Skyros, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li><li>
-
-Slings for diskoi, on r.-f. vase, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li><li>
-
-Smikythos; see Mikythos.
-
-Smile, in archaic sculpture, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li><li>
-
-Smith, A. H., on <i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i> statue type, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;<ul><li>
-on athlete statue from Palazzo Farnese, Rome, in British Museum, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Snail-volute, hair technique, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Snatcher</i>, the, from East gable, temple of Aegina, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sodamas, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sogliano, A., on boxer statue from Sorrento, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sokrates, philosopher, condemns “mimetic” arts, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;<ul><li>
-on physical development of runners and boxers, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li><li>
-visit of, to sculptor Kleito, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Sokrates, victor; see Sosikrates.
-
-Solon, assigns money prizes to Olympic and Isthmian victors, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Solos</i>, throwing of, in Iliad, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;<ul><li>
-as type of diskos, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Somzée Collection, athlete from the, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li><li>
-
-Songs, in honor of victors, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sophios, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sophokles, <i>Trachiniae</i> of, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sorrento, statue of boxer from, by Koblanos, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sosikrates (or Sokrates), victor statue of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sostratos, dates of Olympic victories of, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;<ul><li>
-inscribed base from statue, at Delphi, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</li><li>
-statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li><li>
-surnamed ἀκροχερσίτης, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Sotades, Olympic victor, bribed and exiled, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li><li>
-
-Southeast Building, the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sparring, preliminary, called ἀκροχερισμός in boxing and pankration, <a href="#Page_248">248</a> and note <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;<ul><li>
-depicted on Ficoroni cista in Rome, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li><li>
-depicted on Peter cista in Rome, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li><li>
-as motive of boxer statues, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li><li>
-as motive of statuette of boxer in Vatican, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li><li>
-as motive of marble torso in Berlin, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li><li>
-preliminary in pankration, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li><li>
-called σκιαμαχεῖν (to shadow-fight), in boxing, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a> and note 4.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Sparta, Akropolis, of, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;<ul><li>
-<i>Dionysia</i> at, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li><li>
-Δρόμος at, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li><li>
-funeral games at, in honor of Leonidas and Pausanias, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li><li>
-head of statue of boy from, <a href="#Page_305">305f</a>.;</li><li>
-Σκήνωμα at, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Spartans, allow biting and gouging in pankration, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;<ul><li>
-ball-playing among, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li><li>
-as boxers, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li><li>
-boxing of, in Plato, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li><li>
-excluded from Olympia on certain Olympiads, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li><li>
-girls contest with boys, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li><li>
-physical exercise among, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li><li>
-sacrifice to Apollo the Runner, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_402">402</a></span>
-youths dedicate offerings to Eros in contest of beauty, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Spear, casting of, at games of Patroklos, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sphairians (σφαιρεῖς), title of Spartan youths, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Spinario</i>, the, statue in Rome, <a href="#Page_201">201f</a>.;<ul><li>
-as example of asymmetry, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li><li>
-imitations of original of, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Splanchnoptes</i>, statue of, by Styphax, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li><li>
-
-Sponges, shown on r.-f. kylix, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li><li>
-
-Springboard, not used in Greek jumping, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li><li>
-
-Stackelberg, O. von, traveling journal of, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.</li><li>
-
-Stade-race (δρόμος, στάδιον), <a href="#Page_190">190f</a>.;<ul><li>
-first event at Olympia and at the <i>Panathenaia</i>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li><li>
-for boys, introduced at Olympia, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li><li>
-the oldest (?) event at Olympia, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li><li>
-victor in, eponymous at Olympia, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li><li>
-wrongly regarded as chief event at Olympia, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Stadia, absent in Homer, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li><li>
-
-Stadion, the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li><li>
-
-Staïs, V., on <i>Hermes of Andros</i>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;<ul><li>
-on two statuettes of diskoboloi from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Stamnos, r.-f., from Etruria, in Vienna, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li><li>
-
-Standard of physical development uniform in fifth century B.&nbsp;C., <a href="#Page_147">147f</a>.
-
-<i>Standing Diskobolos</i>, the statue in Vatican, <a href="#Page_76">76f</a>.;<ul><li>
-pose of, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li><li>
-replica of, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Standing Hermes</i>, the, statue in Vatican, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li><li>
-
-“<i>Stand-motif</i>,” Polykleitan, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li><li>
-
-“Starters of the race,” epithets of Kastor and Polydeukes at Sparta, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li><li>
-
-Stassoff, on supposed Oriental origin of javelin-throwing, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li><li>
-
-Statuettes, of ivory acrobats, from Knossos, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;<ul><li>
-akontistai, two bronze, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li><li>
-Apollo, from Naxos, in Berlin, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li><li>
-Apollo (Payne Knight), in British Museum, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li><li>
-Apollo, from Piombino, in Louvre, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li><li>
-Apollo, from Palazzo Sciarra, Rome, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li><li>
-apoxyomenos, in Loeb collection, Munich, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li><li>
-athlete, archaic, from Delphi, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li><li>
-athlete, from Ligourió, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li><li>
-athlete, in Louvre, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li>
-boxer, from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li><li>
-boxer, from Corfu, in British Museum, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li>
-boxer, from Olympia, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li><li>
-boxer, in Vatican Museum, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li><li>
-diadoumenos, terra cotta from Smyrna, in London, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li><li>
-diadoumenos, from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li><li>
-diskoboloi, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218f</a>.;</li><li>
-diskoboloi, two bronze, from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li><li>
-diskoboloi, group in Loeb collection, Munich <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li><li>
-diskobolos, in Berlin, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li><li>
-diskobolos, in British Museum, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li><li>
-diskobolos, from cover of lebes, in British Museum, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li><li>
-diskobolos, from the Kabeirion, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li><li>
-diskobolos, in Metropolitan Museum, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li><li>
-girl runner, from Dodona, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li><li>
-girl extracting thorn, terra cotta from Nida-Haddernheim, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li><li>
-Herakles or victor, in Berlin, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li>
-Herakles, or victors, in British Museum, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li>
-<i>Hermes Diskobolos</i>, from sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li><li>
-hoplitodrome, from Capua, in Vienna, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li><li>
-hoplitodrome, Tux bronze, in Tuebingen, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li><li>
-horse-racer, from Dodona, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-horse-racer, in Loeb collection, Munich, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li><li>
-horse-racer, from Volubilis, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li>
-horse-racers, from Olympia, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li><li>
-oil-pourer, from S. Italy, in British Museum, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</li><li>
-oil-pourers, terra cottas from Myrina, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</li><li>
-pancratiast, from Autun, in Louvre, <a href="#Page_249">249f</a>.;</li><li>
-praying boys, two bronze, in Metropolitan Museum, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li><li>
-sacrificer, from Dodona, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li><li>
-trumpeter, from Sparta, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</li><li>
-warrior, from Dodona, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li><li>
-wrestlers, group from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li><li>
-wrestlers, group in Loeb Collection, Munich, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li><li>
-statuettes in motion, from Egyptian art, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li><li>
-in Paris and Rome, showing motive of statue of Xenokles, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Stelæ, in honor of victors, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li><li>
-
-Stephanos, sculptor, statue by, <a href="#Page_111">111f</a>.
-
-“Stolid” group of so-called “Apollo” statues, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li><li>
-
-Stomach throw, in pankration, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li><li>
-
-Stomios, famous pentathlete, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;<ul><li>
-statue of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Stone, used in Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_323">323f</a>.
-
-Strabo, on origin of Olympic games, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Strangford Apollo</i>, the, statue in British Museum, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li><li>
-
-Strangling, allowed in pankration, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li><li>
-
-Straton, Olympic victor, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li><li>
-
-Strigil, or scraper (στλεγγίς), used by athletes as a common palæstra attribute, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</li><li>
-
-Stroganoff, statuette formerly in Collection, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li><li>
-
-Strong, Mrs. Eugénie (<i>née</i> Sellers), on Apollo head, in British Museum, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;<ul><li>
-on Beneventum head, in Louvre, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Studniczka, F., on the gable statues from Olympia, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;<ul><li>
-on the <i>Idolino</i>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li>
-on statues of Theagenes, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Styphax (or Styppax), sculptor, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li><li>
-
-Subiaco, statue of kneeling youth from, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;<ul><li>
-date and interpretation of, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Succession, contests of, as explanation of funerary games, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Suedwestbau</i>; see Leonidaion.
-
-Svoronos, J. N., on bronze arm found in sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;<ul><li>
-on bronze statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li><li>
-on bronze statuette found in sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li><li>
-on Delphi <i>Charioteer</i>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li><li>
-on dying hoplite relief, from Athens, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Idolino</i>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Swollen ear, as attribute of victor statues, <a href="#Page_167">167f</a>.;<ul><li>
-not a determining distinction between heads of athletes and Herakles, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;</li><li>
-on various heads of athletes, gods, and heroes, <a href="#Page_168">168f</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Symmachos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li><li>
-
-Symmetry, in Greek art, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;<ul><li>
-Pliny and Vitruvius on, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Symplegma</i>, group representing a, by Kephisodotos, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Symposium</i>, of Xenophon, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_403">403</a></span>
-
-Syracuse, coins of, representing Nike with tablet, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;<ul><li>
-funeral games at, in honor of Timoleon, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li><li>
-Hiero and Gelo, kings of, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Tainia</i>, or fillet, as victor attribute, <a href="#Page_148">148f</a>.
-
-Tanagra, ephebe chosen at, for his beauty, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;<ul><li>
-grave-stele from, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Tarentum (Taras), captured by Q. Fabius Maximus, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;<ul><li>
-coins of, showing <i>apobates</i> horse-racers, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Tarsos, athlete head from, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li><li>
-
-Tegea, excavations at temple of Athena at, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;<ul><li>
-heads from gable of temple at, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li><li>
-heads from, compared with small frieze from Mausoleion, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li><li>
-heads from, compared with boy athlete head from Sparta, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</li><li>
-torso of the <i>Amazon</i> from, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Teisikrates, chariot victor, at Delphi, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li><li>
-
-Teisikrates, pancratiast, inscribed base of statue of, from Delphi, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li><li>
-
-Teisikrates, Theban sculptor, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li><li>
-
-Tektaios, sculptor, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.<ul><li>
-See also Angelion.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Telekles, sculptor, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.<ul><li>
-See also Rhoikos and Theodoros.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Telemachos, base of statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>;<ul><li>
-statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;</li><li>
-zone of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Telephos, battle with Achilles, in Tegea pediment, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;<ul><li>
-in group, on small frieze from Pergamon, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li><li>
-in group, in Vatican, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Telesikrates, hoplite victor, statue at Delphi, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li><li>
-
-Tellon, base of statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;<ul><li>
-statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Temessa, Black Spirit of, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li><li>
-
-Tempe, vale of, as home of laurel, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li><li>
-
-Temple, spoken of as <i>pro persona</i>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li><li>
-
-Tenea, “Apollo” of, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;<ul><li>
-“Apollo” of, as runner, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li><li>
-necropolis of, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Tenerani, sculptor, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</li><li>
-
-Tepemankh, wood statue in Cairo, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li><li>
-
-Terrace wall, South, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li><li>
-
-Tetradrachm, silver, in honor of Olympic victory of Philip II, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li><li>
-
-Thaliarchos, base of statue of, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;<ul><li>
-oldest prose inscription making an Olympic victor statue votive, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Thamyris, victor statue on Helikon, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Thargelia</i>, the, statue of boy victor at, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li><li>
-
-Thasos, statue of Theagenes on, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;<ul><li>
-temple of Apollo at Alki on, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Theagenes, Olympic victor, boxing match with Euthymos, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;<ul><li>
-heroized after death, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</li><li>
-statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</li><li>
-story of statue on Thasos, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</li><li>
-too wearied by boxing to enter pankration, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li>
-wrestling match with Aethiopian, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Theekoleon, the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li><li>
-
-Theochrestos, chariot dedicated at Olympia, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li><li>
-
-Theodoros, bronze founder, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.<ul><li>
-See also Rhoikos and Telekles.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Theodosius, Roman emperor, abolishes Olympic games, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li><li>
-
-Theognetos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li><li>
-
-Theopompos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li><li>
-
-Theopropos, base of statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li><li>
-
-Theoros, painter, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li><li>
-
-Theotimos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li><li>
-
-Thera, “Apollo” of, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li><li>
-
-Thermæ, the, of M. Agrippa, Rome, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li><li>
-
-Thermopylæ, battle of, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li><li>
-
-Thersias, first victor in mule-race at Olympia, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li><li>
-
-Thersilochos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li><li>
-
-Thersonides, base of statue from Olympia, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Theseia</i>, the, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;<ul><li>
-boys at, divided into three classes, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Theseus, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;<ul><li>
-contest of, on Delos, in honor of Apollo, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li><li>
-as inventor of boxing, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-as inventor of pankration, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li>
-statues of, in gymnasia and palæstræ, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li><li>
-Theseus and Kerkyon, on metope of Theseion, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Thessalonika, funeral games at, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Thessaly, bull-grappling sport in, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li><li>
-
-Thong (ἀγκύλη, <i>amentum</i>), of javelin, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Thorn-puller</i>; see <i>Spinario</i>.
-
-Thorwaldsen, sculptor, restores Aegina gable statues, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li><li>
-
-Thracian Chersonesos, games on, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Thrasyboulos, drives father’s car at Delphi, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li><li>
-
-Thrasymachos (or Thrasymedes), base of statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li><li>
-
-Threatening look of victor statues, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li><li>
-
-Thukydides, on Diitrephes, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;<ul><li>
-on <i>krobylos</i> hair-fashion, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li><li>
-on loin-cloth of athletes, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li><li>
-on refuge of King Pausanias, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;</li><li>
-uses pancratiasts for dating, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Tiberius, Roman emperor, base of statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;<ul><li>
-chariot victor at Olympia, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</li><li>
-enamored of the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> of Lysippos, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Tilting, hold in pankration, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li><li>
-
-Timainetos, painter, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li><li>
-
-Timaios, first victor in trumpeting at Olympia, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li><li>
-
-Timaios, historian, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li><li>
-
-Timarchides, sculptor, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li><li>
-
-Timasitheos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li><li>
-
-Timokles, sculptor, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li><li>
-
-Timoleon, funeral games in honor of, at Syracuse, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Timon, chariot victor, statue in equestrian group, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li><li>
-
-Timon, pentathlete, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li><li>
-
-Timoptolis, honor statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li><li>
-
-Timosthenes, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li><li>
-
-Tiryns, fresco from, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;<ul><li>
-lack of athletic scenes at, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Titus, baths at Rome, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li><li>
-
-Toalios, Aurelios, base of victor statue at Oinoanda, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li><li>
-
-Torches, dedications of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li><li>
-
-Toreadors, paintings of, male and female, at Knossos, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li><li>
-
-Torlonia, Palazzo, Rome, copy of <i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i> statue type in, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;<ul><li>
-head of <i>Ares</i> in, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Trachiniae</i>, of Sophokles, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>.</li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_404">404</a></span>
-
-Trainers at Olympia, nude, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li><li>
-
-Treasuries, the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li><li>
-
-Treu, G., on colossal Apollo from Olympia, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;<ul><li>
-on copy of <i>Doryphoros</i> of Polykleitos, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li><li>
-on gable statues from temple of Zeus, Olympia, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li><li>
-on head of hoplite runner from Olympia, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li><li>
-identifies Leonidaion, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</li><li>
-on Philandridas head, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li><li>
-on use of marble in Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Triopia</i>, the, at Mykale, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li><li>
-
-Triphylia, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li><li>
-
-Tripods, as early prizes, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;<ul><li>
-found at Olympia and elsewhere, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li><li>
-in honor of various gods and heroes, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li><li>
-reliefs on bronze, in Loeb collection, Munich, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Tripping, in wrestling, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;<ul><li>
-shown by five bronze groups, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Triptolemos (?), statue of Kyniskos converted into, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li><li>
-
-Troilos, dates of victories at Olympia, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;<ul><li>
-statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li><li>
-tablet from base of statue of, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Trotting-race with mares (κάλπη), introduced at Olympia, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;<ul><li>
-why introduced, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Trumpeters, on Attic vases, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;<ul><li>
-bronze statuette of, from Sparta, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</li><li>
-contests of, introduced at Olympia, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</li><li>
-statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Tuebingen bronze; see Tux bronze.
-
-Tui, wood statue of, in Louvre, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li><li>
-
-Tumblers, among Athenians, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;<ul><li>
-among Trojans, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li><li>
-on shield of Achilles, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Turin, head of athlete in, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;<ul><li>
-marble head of Apollo in, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li><li>
-Roman grave-stone from, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Tux bronze, statuette of hoplitodromos (?), in University Museum, Tuebingen, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Tyche</i>, statue by Eutychides, at Antioch, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li><li>
-
-Types, various, of Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99f</a>., <a href="#Page_173">173f</a>.; etc.
-
-<i>Tyrannicides</i>, the, group by Kritios and Nesiotes, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173f</a>.;<ul><li>
-break with law of “frontality,” <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li><li>
-as first examples of honor statues, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li><li>
-group of, returned from Susa by Alexander, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li><li>
-reconstruction of, from reliefs, vase-paintings, etc., <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</li><li>
-represented on oinochoe in Boston, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li><li>
-sculptors of, <a href="#Page_173">173f</a>., <a href="#Page_372">372</a>;</li><li>
-<i>Tyrannicides</i> and <i>Diskobolos</i> compared, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Umpires, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.<ul><li>
-See also Hellanodikai.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Uncritical judgments of ancient writers on art, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li><li>
-
-Uniformity, standard of, in physical development in fifth century B.&nbsp;C., <a href="#Page_147">147f</a>.
-
-Urlichs, H. L. von, on <i>pristae</i> of Myron, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;<ul><li>
-on <i>puer tenens tabellam</i> of Pythagoras, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Urlichs, L. von, on <i>mala ferens nudus</i>, mentioned by Pliny, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;<ul><li>
-on <i>puer tenens tabellam</i> of Pythagoras, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Vaison <i>Diadoumenos</i> of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li><li>
-
-Valerian, Roman emperor, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li>
-
-Vapheio, cups from, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.
-
-Varro, opinions of, on art, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li><li>
-
-Vase-paintings, showing poses of Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li><li>
-
-“Vatican athlete standing at rest,” so-called, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li><li>
-
-Veins, shown in Cretan art, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Venator</i>, statue of, by Euthykrates, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li><li>
-
-Ventnor head in British Museum, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li><li>
-
-Verona, grave-relief in, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li><li>
-
-Victor fillets, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li><li>
-
-Victor statues, assimilated to types of gods and heroes, <a href="#Page_71">71f</a>.;<ul><li>
-bases of, from Altis, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353f</a>.;</li><li>
-carried off to Italy, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li><li>
-dedication of, an old Greek custom, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li><li>
-dedication at Olympia and elsewhere, <a href="#Page_24">24f</a>.;</li><li>
-distinguished from statues of gods and heroes, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li><li>
-general characteristics of, <a href="#Page_43">43f</a>.;</li><li>
-groups of, in Altis, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;</li><li>
-hair-fashion of, <a href="#Page_50">50f</a>.;</li><li>
-life-size, examples of, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li><li>
-materials of, <a href="#Page_321">321f</a>.;</li><li>
-in motion, <a href="#Page_173">173f</a>.;</li><li>
-nudity of, <a href="#Page_47">47f</a>.;</li><li>
-<i>periegesis</i> of, in the Altis, by Pausanias, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li><li>
-positions of, in Altis, <a href="#Page_339">339f</a>., <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;</li><li>
-remnants of, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62f</a>.;</li><li>
-at rest, <a href="#Page_99">99f</a>.;</li><li>
-set up at Olympia, long after victory, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li><li>
-set up at Olympia, soon after victory, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li><li>
-set up at Olympia by relatives of victor, by native city of victor, by fellow-citizens of victor, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li><li>
-set up by trainers, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li><li>
-set up outside Olympia, <a href="#Page_361">361f</a>.;</li><li>
-size of, <a href="#Page_45">45f</a>.;</li><li>
-statuaries of, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>;</li><li>
-two classes of, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li><li>
-zones of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Victor statuettes, set up at Olympia, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;<ul><li>
-on Akropolis, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Victoria quadrigam in sublime rapiens</i>, painting by Nikomachos, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li><li>
-
-Victors, special privileges of, at Rome, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;<ul><li>
-<i>Victor certamine gymnico palmam tenens</i>, painting of, by Eupompos, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li><li>
-victor, represented as crowned, on chest of Kypselos, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li><li>
-victor in wrestling and pankration on same day, called παράδοξος or παραδοξονίκης, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li><li>
-victors at four national games, called περιοδονῖκαι, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Victory</i>, of Paionios; see Paionios, <i>Nike</i> of;<ul><li>
-zone of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Vincent, Edgar, head of athlete in Collection of, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li><li>
-
-Vinci, Leonardo da, on body proportions, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li><li>
-
-Visconti, on so-called <i>Borghese Warrior</i>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;<ul><li>
-on Pliny’s “iconic” statues, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Viterbo, bull-grappling in province of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li><li>
-
-Vitruvius, on analogy, rhythm, and symmetry, in Greek art, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Volneratus deficiens</i>, the, statue by Kresilas, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li><li>
-
-Volomandra, “Apollo” from, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li><li>
-
-Volubilis, Morocco, French excavations at, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li><li>
-
-Votive offerings (ἀναθήματα), mentioned by Pausanias, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;<ul><li>
-victor monuments as, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Wace, A. J. B., on Parian marble male head in Turin, of athlete or Apollo, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;<ul><li>
-on Roman male head in Turin, resembling the <i>Apoxyomenos</i> of Lysippan school, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Waldstein (Walston), C., on appellation “Apollo” for early athlete statues, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;<ul><li>
-on bronze
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_405">405</a></span>
-statue of youth found in sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i> statue type, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li><li>
-on the <i>Strangford Apollo</i>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li><li>
-on victor fillet, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Walking motive in sculpture, not Polykleitan in origin, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li><li>
-
-Walston, C.; see Waldstein, C.
-
-Warrior, or hoplitodromos, bronze head from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li><li>
-
-Washburn, O. M., on Delphi <i>Charioteer</i>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li><li>
-
-Wernicke, K., on Great Altar of Zeus at Olympia, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Westgraben</i>, the, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Westmacott Athlete</i>, the, <a href="#Page_156">156f</a>., <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li><li>
-
-Wheels, four-spoked, one dedicated at Argos, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;<ul><li>
-tin-foil, dedicated at Olympia, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-White, H. G. E., on two statuettes of diskoboloi from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li><li>
-
-Wilamowitz, U. von (Wilamowitz-Moellendorf), on inscribed base of statue of Epicharinos on Akropolis, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li><li>
-
-Winckelmann, J., on character of Greek Art, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;<ul><li>
-on <i>Jason</i> of Louvre, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Wine-pourers, statues of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li><li>
-
-Winged figures, represented in motion before sixth century B.&nbsp;C., <a href="#Page_176">176f</a>.
-
-Winnefeld, H., on <i>Westmacott Athlete</i> statue type, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li><li>
-
-Winter, F., on <i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i> statue type, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;<ul><li>
-on the <i>Seated Boxer</i> of Museo delle Terme, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Woelfflin, E., on <i>nudus talo incessens</i> of Polykleitos, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li><li>
-
-Wolters, P., on bronze foot from Olympia, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;<ul><li>
-on <i>Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo</i> statue type, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li><li>
-on head of hoplitodrome, from Olympia, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li><li>
-on inscribed base of the <i>Agias</i>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li><li>
-on <i>Spinario</i>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li>
-on Tux bronze, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li><li>
-on use of bronze in Olympic victor statues, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Woman, statue of Muse type, from Andros, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;<ul><li>
-head in Louvre, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Women, admitted to chariot-race at Olympia, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;<ul><li>
-excluded from Olympia, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li><li>
-victress statues of, draped, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li><li>
-admitted to the <i>Heraia</i>, Olympia, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Worship of victors after death, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Wounded Amazon</i>, statue in Capitoline Museum, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li><li>
-
-<i>Wounded Man</i>, the, statue of; see <i>Volneratus deficiens</i>.
-
-Wreath of leaves, as prize at various games.
-
-Wrestlers, attributes of statues of, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;<ul><li>
-bronze group of, in Paris, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li><li>
-bronze statue in Naples, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li><li>
-five copies of bronze group of, showing tripping, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li><li>
-group of, on bronze bowl from Borsdorf, showing hand grip, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li><li>
-groups of, on cista handles, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li><li>
-groups of, on Etruscan cista in Metropolitan Museum, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li><li>
-group of, at Olympia (?), <a href="#Page_233">233f</a>.;</li><li>
-paintings of wrestlers by Naukeros, and by Antidotos, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li><li>
-part of group of, found in sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li><li>
-small bronze group of, in Loeb Collection, showing cross-buttocks, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li><li>
-statues of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li><li>
-statues of, without special attributes, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li><li>
-two bronze statues of, from Herculaneum showing front hold, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li><li>
-two groups of, on rim of bronze bowl, in Boston, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Wrestling (πάλη), <a href="#Page_228">228f</a>.;<ul><li>
-bout between Theseus and Kerkyon, on metope of Theseion, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li><li>
-cap used in, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li><li>
-depicted on proto-Attic amphora, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li><li>
-for boys, introduced at Olympia, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li><li>
-at games of Patroklos, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li><li>
-ground wrestling, on gems and vases, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li><li>
-holds in, on vases (arm, body, front, neck, side, wrist), <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li><li>
-introduced at Olympia, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li><li>
-oldest(?) of athletic sports, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li><li>
-one of most popular sports, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li><li>
-positions in, on various monuments, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li><li>
-on r.-f. kylix, in Philadelphia, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li><li>
-scenes in, on r.-f. vase, by Andokides, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li><li>
-throws in, on vases (buttocks, cross-buttocks, flying mare, heave, tripping), <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li><li>
-two kinds of, upright (ὀρθὴ πάλη), ground (κύλισις), <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li><li>
-victors in wrestling and pankration on same day, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li><li>
-on wall-paintings at Beni-Hasan, Egypt, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li><li>
-wrestling and boxing on Panathenaic amphora of Kittos, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li><li>
-wrestling and boxing in pankration, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li>
-wrestling and pankration contrasted, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Wunderer, C., on the <i>Seated Boxer</i> of Museo delle Terme, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li><li>
-
-Xanten, bronze statue of boy found in Rhine near, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li><li>
-
-Xanthos, Chimæra tomb at, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li><li>
-
-Xenodamos, statue at Antikythera, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li><li>
-
-Xenodikos, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li><li>
-
-Xenokles, base of statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;<ul><li>
-copies of statue of, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li><li>
-motive of statue of, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li><li>
-statue at Olympia, by Polykleitos the Younger, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Xenokrates, of Akragas, chariot victor at Delphi, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li><li>
-
-Xenokrates, sculptor, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li><li>
-
-Xenombrotos, base of statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;<ul><li>
-base of second statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>;</li><li>
-portrait statue of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li><li>
-statue at Olympia, by Philotimos, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li><li>
-two monuments of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Xenophanes, philosopher, on dangerous character of pankration, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;<ul><li>
-on painful character of boxing, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li>
-protest of, against reverencing victors, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Xenophon, historian, on athletics, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;<ul><li>
-<i>Symposium</i> of, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Xenophon, of Aigion, statue at Olympia, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li><li>
-
-Xerxes, carries off the <i>Tyrannicides</i> to Susa, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;<ul><li>
-sacks Akropolis, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Xoana (ξόανα), Daidalian, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li><li>
-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_406">406</a></span>
-
-Youth, bronze head of, from Akropolis, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;<ul><li>
-bronze head of, from Herculaneum, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li><li>
-bronze statue of, found in sea off Antikythera, <a href="#Page_80">80f</a>., <a href="#Page_82">82f</a>.;</li><li>
-Polykleitan statue of, crowning himself, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li><li>
-youth with tablet, on Munich vase, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-<i>Zanes</i>, statues of Zeus, so-called, near entrance to Stadion, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li><li>
-
-Zenobios, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li><li>
-
-Zeus, contestants at Olympia sacrifice to, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;<ul><li>
-diadoumenos on throne of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li><li>
-father of Herakles, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li><li>
-games in honor of, at Argos, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</li><li>
-Great Altar of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>;</li><li>
-Nemean games in honor of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li><li>
-as one of the gods presiding over contests, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li><li>
-sculptures from pediments of temple of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li><li>
-site of Great Altar of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_348">348f</a>.;</li><li>
-statues of Hyblæan, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</li><li>
-of Megarian, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</li><li>
-of Olympian, by Pheidias, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li><li>
-of Platæan, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</li><li>
-of Zeus Ithomatas, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li><li>
-of Zeus παῖς, at Aigion, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li><li>
-with short hair, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li><li>
-temple of, at Olympia, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;</li><li>
-throne of, at Olympia, described by Pausanias, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li>
-worship of, at Olympia, later than that of Hera, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li><li>
-wrestling match of, with Kronos, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li></ul></li><li>
-
-Zeuxis, painter, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li><li>
-
-Zones, of victor statues at Olympia, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;<ul><li>
-of the <i>Chariots</i>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</li><li>
-of the (<i>Eretrian</i>) <i>Bull</i>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</li><li>
-of <i>Telemachos</i>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</li><li>
-of the <i>Victory</i>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li></ul></li>
-</ul>
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-<pre>
-
-
-
-
-
-End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Olympic Victor Monuments and Greek
-Athletic Art, by Walter Woodburn Hyde
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