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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e18a6e2 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #61025 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/61025) diff --git a/old/61025-0.txt b/old/61025-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 566bd61..0000000 --- a/old/61025-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3489 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's On the track of Ulysses, by William James Stillman - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: On the track of Ulysses - Together with an excursion in quest of the so-called Venus - of Melos: two studies in archaeology, made during a cruise - among the Greek islands - -Author: William James Stillman - -Release Date: December 26, 2019 [EBook #61025] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ON THE TRACK OF ULYSSES *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer, Stephen Hutcheson, and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net -(This file was produced from images generously made -available by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - [Illustration: (uncaptioned)] - - - - - ON THE TRACK OF - ULYSSES - - - TOGETHER WITH - - AN EXCURSION IN QUEST OF THE SO-CALLED VENUS OF MELOS - - -_TWO STUDIES IN ARCHÆOLOGY, MADE DURING A CRUISE AMONG THE GREEK ISLANDS_ - - BY - W. J. STILLMAN - - [Illustration: (uncaptioned)] - - BOSTON AND NEW YORK - HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY - _The Riverside Press, Cambridge_ - 1888 - - - Copyright, 1887, - By W. J. STILLMAN. - - _All rights reserved._ - - - _The Riverside Press, Cambridge_: - Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Co. - - - To - WENDELL PHILLIPS GARRISON. - -_In times when the feverish ambition of our people so generally climbs -to distinction by ways offensive to the true intellectual and moral -life, and when we find the old standards of human dignity so often -forgotten; it renews one’s faith in the future of humanity to meet a man -whom neither the “Olympian dust” nor that of California has been able to -deflect from that line of perfect rectitude of life which, if existence -is to be anything but an indecent scramble, we must recognize as -entitling the man who holds it, to the highest respect of his -fellow-men. When besides this claim to our respect he has been able to -maintain undimmed the lustre of a name such as you bear, the distinction -is still brighter. If therefore my insignificant tribute were only as -the dust which, catching the sunshine, males it visible, let me offer -this dedication in recognition of the true standard of nobility as I -know it in your father’s son._ - - W. J. STILLMAN. - - - - - PREFACE. - - -The series of papers herewith committed to the more or less permanent -condition of book form were originally (less some development of their -arguments) printed in the _Century_ magazine, being the results of an -exploring visit to Greek lands taken as a commission for that -periodical. I have sought in them to solve, in a popular form, certain -problems in archæology which seemed to me to have that romantic interest -which is necessary to general human interest; and while necessarily, in -such a study, dealing much with conjecture, I have not ventured to -assume anything which I am not satisfied is true. The problem of the -so-called Venus of Melos is one of those which archæology has fretted -over for two generations, and I cannot pretend to have offered a -solution which will command assent from the severely scientific -archæologist; but I have an interior conviction, stronger than any -authority of ancient tradition to my own mind, that that solution is the -true one. I do not wish it to be judged as a demonstration, but as an -induction in which a kind of artistic instinct, not communicable or -equally valuable to all people, has had the greatest part; and, for the -rest, I am satisfied to let it be taken by the rule of “highest -probability,” by which we solve to our satisfaction, more or less -complete, problems of the gravest importance—a rule, indeed, which is -for many such the only standard of truth. In archæology, as in some -other inexact sciences, opinion has with most people greater weight than -it always merits, but it should have weight in proportion to the -knowledge its originator may have of his subject. As to this I have done -all that any man can to penetrate to the material which exists for -forming an opinion, and I rest in the sincere conviction, sustained -through a study of many years, that the so-called Venus of Melos is -really the Niké Apteros of the restored temple dedicated to that -goddess. - -I must acknowledge the courtesy of the proprietors of the _Century_ -magazine in according me the use of the admirable illustrations -accompanying my text, which were put on the blocks by Harry Fenn from my -own sketches or photographs. - - W. J. STILLMAN. - -New York, _September, 1887_. - - - - - CONTENTS. - - - PAGE - -ON THE TRACK OF ULYSSES 1 - -THE ODYSSEY, ITS EPOCH AND GEOGRAPHY 50 - -THE SO-CALLED VENUS OF MELOS 75 - - - - - LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. - - - PAGE - The Route of Ulysses 1 - Ithaca and adjoining Islands 3 - West Coast of Scheria 8 - Greek Boats and Rostrum of Roman Galley 13 - Corfu, from the King’s Garden 14 - Port of Phorcys and Neriton, from the Mouth of Ulysses’ Cave 28 - Raven’s Cliff and the Fountain of Arethusa 34 - The Site of Ithaca—Port Polis 36 - Inscription found at Polis 39 - The School of Homer 43 - View of Samé from the West,—with parts of Pelasgic and Hellenic Walls - 58 - Crané from the Sea Shore 60 - Distant View of Palé from the Citadel of Crané 63 - Zante 64 - Citadel of Cerigo 67 - Landing-Place of the Cyprian Aphrodite or Astarte 73 - The so-called Venus of Melos 82 - Street in Castro 84 - The Site of Old Melos, from the Port 85 - Medicean Venus 88 - Venus Urania 88 - Capitoline Venus 88 - Venus of the Vatican 89 - Venus Anadyomene 89 - Venus Victrix of the Louvre 89 - Venus of Capua 90 - Restoration of the Statue as proposed by Mr. Tarral 90 - Fragments found at Melos attributed to the Statue 91 - Victory of Brescia (Front) 92 - Victory of Brescia (Side) 92 - Victory raising an Offering (Temple of Niké Apteros, the Acropolis, - Athens) 93 - Victory untying her Sandal (Temple of Niké Apteros, the Acropolis, - Athens) 96 - Victories leading a Bull to Sacrifice (Temple of Niké Apteros, the - Acropolis, Athens) 97 - The so-called Venus of Melos (Front) 99 - The “Venus” Restored (Front. Traced from a Photograph of a living - Model) 99 - The “Venus” Restored (Side. Traced from a Photograph of a living - Model) 100 - The so-called Venus of Melos (Side) 100 - Victory of Consani 104 - Temple of Niké Apteros 105 - Greek Coin 106 - - - - - ON THE TRACK OF ULYSSES. - - - CHAPTER I. - - [Illustration: THE ROUTE OF ULYSSES.] - -What remains for exploration to find on the surface of our little earth? -The north and south poles, some outlying bits of Central Africa, some -still smaller remnants of Central Asia,—all defended so completely by -the elements, barbarism, disease, starvation, by nature and inhumanity, -that the traveler of modest means and moderate constitution is as -effectually debarred from their discovery as if they were the moon. - -What then? I said to myself, searching for adventure. Let us begin the -tread-mill round again and rediscover. I took up the earliest book of -travel which remains to us, and set to burnish up again the golden -thread of the journey of the most illustrious of travelers, as told in -the Odyssey, the book of the wanderings of Odysseus, whom we -unaccountably call Ulysses, which we may consider not only the first -history of travel, but the first geography, as it is doubtless a -compendium of the knowledge of the earth’s surface at the day when it -was composed, as the Iliad was the census of the known mankind of that -epoch. Spread on this small loom, the fabric of the story, of the most -subtle design,—art of the oldest and noblest,—is made up with warp of -the will of the great gods, crossed by the woof of the futile struggles -of the lesser, the demi-gods, the heroes, and tells the miserable labors -of the most illustrious of wanderers, the type for all time of craft, -duplicity, and daring, as well as of faith and patient endurance. - - [Illustration: ITHACA AND ADJOINING ISLANDS.] - -But as Homer’s humanity mixes by fine degrees with his divinity, so his -_terra cognita_ melts away into fairy-land, and we must look for a trace -written on water before landing on identifiable shores. The story opens -finding Ulysses the prisoner of Love and Calypso, in Ogygia, a fairy -island of which the Greek of Homeric days had heard, perhaps, from some -storm-driven mariner, or which may be a bit of brain-land. The details -of the story make it very difficult even to conjecture where Ogygia was, -if it was.[1] How Ulysses leaves the island alone on a raft is told by -the poet in the fifth canto; how he got there the hero recounts in the -narration to Alcinoüs in Phæacia. Leaving Troy, he stops at Ismarus, a -town on the coast of Thrace, which he surprises and sacks; but, repulsed -by the inhabitants of the lands near by, rallying to the defense, and -visited by the wrath of the gods for his impiety, he is punished by a -three days’ gale, and reaches Cape Malea, where, unable to stem the -north wind which still persecutes him, he runs past Cerigo down to the -African coast, which he reaches in nine days. Here we enter into -semi-fable.[2] The Lotophagi seduce his men with their magic fruit which -brings oblivion, and he is obliged to fly again. This time he goes -north, and comes to an island which lies before the port of the Cyclops, -a terrible race: giants with one eye, and cannibals, over whose land the -smoke hangs like whirlwinds—evidently Sicily. This little island, where -the Greeks debark, is not to be identified, but is probably one of those -to the west of Sicily, called later the Ægades. Thence, after the famous -adventure of the Cyclops’ cave, one of the poet’s most marvelous -inventions (since every detail shows that there was no positive -knowledge of the land or its people—only a fantastic tradition), they -fly and arrive at the floating island of Æolus, still a creation of -mythology, and thence to the shores of the Læstrygonians, another -fabulous, man-eating race, in whose land the days are separated only by -a brief pretense of night; escaping thence with his single ship and -crew, Ulysses arrives at Æa, the island of Circe, from earliest -classical times identified with Cape Circeo, between Naples and Cività -Vecchia. Circe sends the hero to the land of the Cimmerians,[3] where -time touches eternity, and the shades of the dead come to visit the -unterrified living; and here Tiresias, the dead soothsayer, tells the -future wanderings of the Ithacan chief. Again, returning to Æa, he is -redirected toward home through the strait where Scylla and Charybdis -menace his existence. This we recognize by later tradition as the -Straits of Messina, but the fabulous so dominates the slight element of -geography in it, that it is clear that Homer never passed that way, and -gained his knowledge only from far remote report; while his second -passage—after the sacrilege committed in the Island of the Sun—through -the straits, is puzzling, and the recital makes it clear that till -Phæacia was reached the poet was not in _terra cognita_. - -The indications are hardly reconcilable with the map. Leaving Circe to -go home, he passes the straits, and stopping at the Island of the Sun, -his comrades commit a sacrilege which leads to their destruction and his -being driven back to Ogygia through the straits, a solitary survivor. -But on his departure for Phæacia direct, he does not pass again through -the straits, evidently returning to the south of Sicily. - -Released by Calypso, he goes on a raft with the sailing direction to -keep the Great Bear, “which is also called the Wain,” on his left,—that -is, he sails eastward, and for seventeen days splits the waves, and sees -on the eighteenth the wooded mountain of the island of the Phæacians, -the Scheria of the ancients. The continuity of tradition and the -consistency of the narrative leave me no doubt that this was our Corfu, -the uttermost of the lands positively known to the geography of that -day. The actuality of Scheria has been disputed by certain German -critics, who will have it that all the local allusions of the Odyssey -are imaginary. But in the Æneid, when Æneas is going to Butrintum, which -is now Butrinto, opposite Corfu on the Albanian coast, he says that no -land was in sight except Scheria. This makes it certain that in Virgil’s -time there was no question on the point. - -Already in sight of Scheria, Ulysses is overtaken again by the wrath of -Poseidon, who unchains on him all his tempests; and, his raft wrecked in -open sea, himself swept away from it into the mountainous waves, he -regrets not having found a glorious death before Troy, seeing an -inevitable and unhonored end before him, with no funeral rites to give -his soul peace. Leucothea, the white goddess, throws into the black warp -a silver thread, and brings the story into new light and color. She -gives him an amulet which, by its magic, carries him through the last of -his grave perils, and preserves him when, with a great and wrathful -burst of wind, Poseidon disperses the timbers of his raft and leaves him -floating in the yeasty sea. He seizes on one of the timbers and -hopefully strikes out for the land. Athene comes once more to his aid. -She chains all the winds except Boreas, which, wafting him for two days -and nights to the southeast, gives place to a perfect calm. Ulysses, -raised on the summit of a huge wave, looks out and sees the land. But it -is a terrible, rock-bound coast. “He hears the roar of the waves that -break on the rocks, because the shock of the great waves against the -bare cliffs sounds fearfully, and the sea, far and wide, is covered with -foam. But there is no peaceable roadstead, no port, safe refuge of -ships; everywhere high, mountainous rocks and cliffs.” He appeals to the -gods for pity, and just then, “while he turns these thoughts in his -spirit and heart, an immense wave throws him on the bare shore. Then his -flesh would have been torn and his bones broken if Athene had not -inspired him. With both hands he clutches the rock and embraces it with -groans until the wave had withdrawn. He in this way escapes death, but -the return of the wave falls on him, strikes him, and withdraws him into -the open sea. He, emerging from the depths, more prudently coasts along, -swimming until he can find an opening in the rocks where he may enter, -and finally perceives the mouth of a river. He offers a prayer to the -river god, and is heard and peacefully received by the peaceable wave, -which lands him on the sandy shore.” The whole of the finale of the -fifth book is grand and imaginative, especially in the description of -the stormy sea and the condition of Ulysses as he sinks on the -hospitable sands exhausted, half dead from his long struggle and his two -days’ and nights’ swim, sustained only by one of the logs of his -raft;[4] but what to my present purpose is of most significance is the -striking description of the west coast of Corfu and the unmistakable -evidence of the mythologist giving way to the traveler. Here we strike -the veritable track of Ulysses, and here begin our researches. To reach -this point all the commerce of the Levant aids us—steamers from Trieste, -Brindisi, Naples, Patras, Malta, etc. - -Here I found fit to my purpose a little yacht of twelve tons, -cutter-rigged and Malta-built, the _Kestrel_, with whose master and -owner I made my bargain, namely: he was to obey all my reasonable orders -for any voyage within the two archipelagos, find his ship and crew of -two sailors in all they needed for service and safety, do my cooking, -and insure himself, for the sum of fifteen pounds sterling a month for -three months; and while he was putting in stores, fitting new cables to -his anchors, and burnishing up a bit, we began to inspect Scheria. - - [Illustration: WEST COAST OF SCHERIA.] - -The popular tradition of to-day fixes the landing of Ulysses near the -actual city of Corfu, and an island is pointed out as the ship turned to -a rock; while the spot where he landed, and the scene of that most -charming of all the episodes of his wanderings, the meeting with -Nausicáa, is put at the “one-gun battery,” just south of the harbor of -Corfu. Nothing could comport less with the description of the Odyssey. -The Channel of Corfu, dividing the island from Epirus, is a land-locked -basin in which no such storm could arise as Ulysses encountered, and -along which no such rocks exist as are described in the poem. The -seventeen days’ drift from the westward before the tempest, and the next -two days after it, wafted by Boreas, show that he was in the open -Adriatic, and coasting along the rock-bound western coast of Scheria to -find an inlet where he might enter. The illustration shows the character -of this coast in entire concordance with the Odyssey; and there is near -the spot from which my view of the west coast of Scheria is taken, a -convent (which is visited by all the tourists who, having some days in -Corfu, care for the most picturesque part of the island), and which by -its name, Palæcastrizza, shows that it stands near the site of some -ancient city or fortress, as the term “Palæcastron” is never applied by -local tradition to any construction not belonging to the classical or -archaic epochs. Even Byzantine ruins never receive the epithet “palæos.” -No trace is now to be found of any prior structure near the convent, -which, while it probably has some relation to an antique site, certainly -is not on that of the city of Alcinoüs, which must have been farther -south where the shore breaks down to a plain. There used to be in the -island an old antiquity-hunter who brought from time to time to sell -clandestinely in the city, objects of gold and terra-cotta, vases, etc., -dug up at a site which only he seems to have known, and of which he -would never disclose the location. On inquiring for him on this my last -visit to Corfu for these researches, he was not to be heard of. All that -we had learned from him was that the ruins of which he knew and where he -excavated in secret were somewhere on the western coast, which -corresponds to my hypothesis that the capital of Alcinoüs was there. - -There is something so unpractical in the Greek laws on the subject of -excavation and exportation of antique objects, that it is to be hoped -that the shrewd common sense of the people will ere long see their -impolicy. Excavation without permission from the Government, even on -one’s own land, is forbidden, which is not unreasonable considering all -things; but even when permission is accorded or when objects are found -by chance, the Government practically confiscates the find when the -finders are feeble, and levies a tax of half the value when they are -not. Everything, therefore, is done in secret, and exportation by -contraband is the only possible manner of profiting by one’s good -fortune. The peasant who finds an antique site carefully conceals it; -and the objects he finds, instead of enabling the archæologist to -classify the antiquities by reference to their provenance, are sold to -some one who removes them from the country, and so all clue is lost to -their true archæological position. As I shall have to show in the course -of these articles, grave loss to the science of archæology sometimes -occurs in this way. In this particular instance the loss to me is the -being unable to identify, with any probability, the place where or near -to which Ulysses landed, and where the classic meeting with Nausicáa -took place. When we get to Ithaca we shall find that the author of the -Odyssey knew well every foot of land he describes; and the scene of -Ulysses’ disaster, already translated, accords so well with the actual -topography that it is difficult to suppose that a mere inspiration -dictated it, and that the author was not well acquainted with the island -of Scheria, whose capital was Phæacia. - -The claim of the city of Corfu to be the site of the ancient Phæacia -rests on nothing but the fact that it is the only city in the island; -but the ever-tranquil bay on which it lies, and the fact that Ulysses, -instead of searching for a place where he could land, would rather have -had to search for a place where he could not, shows conclusively that no -part of the eastern coast is entitled to the honor. The “one-gun -battery,” where local tradition places his landing, is perhaps the least -likely point, as no running stream is to be found near there. The lake, -which is now suggested as the tranquil water in which Ulysses came to -land, must then have been much larger than at present, and now in nowise -resembles a river: it is the half-filled arm of the sea into which a -wide basin of marshy land has been for centuries draining, but into -which no watercourse leads, and the view seen from above the “one-gun” -needs scarcely a commentary to show its entire incompatibility with the -Odyssey. - -The capital of Alcinoüs was, we are told by Homer, founded by his father -Nausithoüs. His people were formerly inhabitants of Hyperia, “near the -Cyclops,” and were by these latter so ravaged and overborne that they -emigrated to Phæacia. The generally accepted location of the Cyclops in -Sicily suggests that Hyperia was probably there or in Italy; and that -the Phæacians may have been related to the Siculi; since the Pelasgi, -who invaded Italy from the north, and, uniting with the Umbri, spread -over the whole of southern Italy, expelling the aborigines, are -continually confounded by the earliest traditions with the Cyclops. As, -from all we know, the Tyrrhene Pelasgi were the earliest metal-workers -in that part of Europe,[5] and as the Cyclops, the children of -Hephaistos, the great metal-worker, are a mythological idealization of a -race of smiths who had a habit of covering the eyes, for protection from -sparks, with a screen in which a single hole was cut to see through, -which was transmogrified into a single eye in the middle of the -forehead, there is nothing unlikely in the inference that the Pelasgi -and Cyclops were identical, and that the Phæacians were refugees from -the conquest of southern Italy by that formidable people. That they were -not Greeks we know by their absence from the catalogue of the “Iliad,” -where all the Hellenic tribes were recorded in their places in the -league. - -The Corfiotes of to-day boast of descent from the Phœnicians, and -certainly they are not to be measured by the same standard as the Greek -race in general. Their reputation for dishonesty has given rise to a -Greek proverb, which relegates a person of more than usual craftiness -and bad faith to the “Corfiotes.” “He behaves like a Corfiote” is the -greatest reproach the continental Greek can bring against a man who is -too clever in business matters. In character as well as history the -Corfiote has little in common with Greece. As he had no place inside the -line drawn around the Hellenic world at the great critical, even if -mythical, epoch assigned to the siege of Troy, so in his latest history -he has always maintained a position more or less apart. Diodorus Siculus -makes the Homeric name of the city, Phæacia, to have been derived from -Phæacus, son of Poseidon, and places his reign contemporary with the -Argonauts, as Phæacus protected Jason against the king of Iolcus when, -returning from Colchis with Medea, he took refuge at Scheria. Mythology -begins with it in the combat of Zeus and Poseidon in their struggle for -supremacy in the government of the universe, and finishes with Ulysses’ -visit. History commences with the arrival of a colony of Corinthians -under Chersicrates, who built a city which he called Chrysopolis. This -was probably Corfu, for, as the immigration of Nausithoüs, coming from -Italian shores, first established itself on the coast looking toward -their old home, so the Corinthians, coming by the islands and the -Epirote shores, would find their first landing in the spacious and -tranquil bay formed by the crescent-shaped island, which, at its -extremes, approaches the mainland. The Hellene of Corinth brought all -the seeds of the virtues and vices of his national temperament to the -fertile soil of Corcyra, as it is henceforward called by the Hellenic -chronicles, colonization and war with their neighbors filling all their -early history. They founded, according to their tradition, Apollonia and -other cities on the mainland; but, as among the ruins of those cities -there are Pelasgic remains, it is not to be supposed that they were the -first colonists, but that they merely colonized, as the Romans did in -the later times, with a dominant population, cities in decline or too -weak to maintain their independence. This is, in ancient Greek history, -oftener the meaning of the word _colonize_ than the founding of a new -city. To get a clear idea of the condition of this part of the world at -the beginning of historical, or even heroic record, we must take into -consideration that an epoch of civilization, perhaps of empire, had long -preceded the awakening of the Hellenic national life; an epoch which -ought, perhaps, to be measured by centuries, if we could measure it at -all, and whose record is preserved in the stupendous ruins we call -Pelasgic, a name applied by the Greeks to a people who preceded them, -derived possibly from the Greek name of the stork, indicating a -migrating or wandering people,—wandering, probably, because their empire -had been broken up by some newer and stronger race, but which the -various remaining traditions accord in asserting to have once held great -rule in Italy, where they were known also as Tyrrhenians, in the -Peloponnesus, and in Crete. We shall see presently some indications of -the correctness of the assumption that they preceded by an infinite -period the great assemblage of Greeks, which the expedition to Troy -perhaps marks, perhaps symbolizes; but at present I have only to do with -the history and mythology of Corfu, which is in no way that we can -discover connected with the Pelasgi. - - [Illustration: GREEK BOATS AND ROSTRUM OF ROMAN GALLEY.] - -The first wars of Corcyra were, as was to be expected of an enterprising -people, with the mother country; but as in those days piracy was the -chief business of every maritime people, _war_ was perhaps only a normal -condition. The Persian invasion brought Corcyra into the Hellenic -league, but, with the duplicity of which the race furnished so many -instances in ancient times, the Corcyriote fleet only sailed, and took -good care not to be in time for the battle, fearing the vengeance of the -Persians. Their prudence brought on them, after the defeat of Xerxes at -Salamis, a combined attack of the Peloponnesian States. As the union of -these was always a challenge to Athens, she sided with the Corcyriotes, -and the resulting war plunged Corcyra into intestine and social strife, -in which the most horrible cruelties were perpetrated by the islanders; -and the animosities and renewals of revolt and war, which the divisions -of the classes of the population gave opportunity for, reduced the -island to anarchy and helplessness. Their subsequent history is one of -repeated subjugation and revolt. After losing even the relative -independence of alliance with Athens, they were conquered by Agathocles -of Syracuse, Pyrrhus, and finally by Rome. - - [Illustration: CORFU, FROM THE KING’S GARDEN.] - -From this time Corcyra was the base of the Roman military movements -against the Levantine enemies of the republic. The commanding position -of the island has, from that day to this, made it an object of the -covetousness of all the maritime powers of the Mediterranean by turns. -In the civil wars of Rome, the island espoused the part of Pompey, later -of Brutus and Cassius, and then, always unfortunate, of Antony. After -the battle of Actium, fought almost within sight of its shores, Corcyra -was besieged, taken, and rigorously punished by Augustus, and then -relegated to an obscurity out of which only the great Ottoman invasion -of Europe brought it. It was involved more or less in the Saracenic, -Bulgarian, Norman, and Neapolitan wars and invasions, and finally threw -itself into the arms of Venice to save itself from conquest by Genoa. -From this time (1386) the history of Corcyra, become Corfu, until the -overthrow of the republic by Napoleon, is identified with that of -Venice, and all the remains or structures in the island date from the -Venetian occupation. - -In 1537 the troops of the Sultan, under the orders of the renegade -Barbarossa, made a descent on the island and laid siege to the city, -which, taken by surprise, was ill-provisioned and with a small garrison. -The Turkish fleet blockaded the port, and the troops beleaguered the -city by land. The garrison was under the terrible alternative of being -starved into surrender speedily or dismissing all the useless mouths. -The latter was, on the whole, safer, for the surrender would have been -disastrous even to the non-combatants, who were to Turkish barbarity no -less obnoxious than the soldiers. The old men, women, and children were -sent out of the city, perhaps the most horrible necessity which ever -befell brave men. A successful defense of the city justified, in a -military point of view, the terrible sacrifice; and, after a long and -obstinate siege, Barbarossa, his army nearly destroyed by battle and -pestilence, withdrew, defeated. The island was almost depopulated, -ravaged, and so utterly impoverished that Venice was obliged to send the -people seed-corn and beasts to till their fields. Nearly the whole of -the nobility of the island had been killed in the defense. - -To be in readiness for a similar emergency, the Senate augmented the -already strong fortifications. The New Fort, as it is still called, was -constructed, and, with a paternal regard for the well-being of the -islanders, which Venice did not always show for her Greek insular -possessions, institutions were founded and regulations made which -contributed greatly to the prosperity of the island. - -In 1716 a new and determined attack was made by the Turks, under the -leadership of Achmet III. Their fleet drove off that of Venice, and an -army of thirty thousand men was debarked and laid siege to the city, -whose defense was directed by Count Schulembourg. The outlying heights -were taken quickly, and the garrison, shut in the inner line of -fortifications, received the desperate assault of the Turks on the main -works with more desperate resistance. After twenty days of incessant -attack, the Turks carried the outworks, penetrated to the Place d’Armes, -which is under the walls of the New Fort, and attempted to scale the -walls themselves. - -“The assault lasted more than six hours with an incredible fury. The -women brought assistance to the defenders, and the priests, crucifix in -hand, ran along the ramparts or threw themselves into the fight. Finally -a vigorous sortie terminated this bloody day. Attacked on every side, -the assaulting force beat a retreat and lost all the outposts it had -taken. A tempest, which had burst on them in the night, completed the -work of defeat, and, seized by panic, they embarked precipitately, -leaving baggage and artillery behind them. In forty-two days they had -lost fifteen thousand men.” (_Isles de la Grèce._) - -The victory was commemorated by a statue to Schulembourg, which no -subsequent conquest has disturbed, and which stands on the parade-ground -among monuments of greater or less good taste (generally the latter), to -mark the history of the island in modern days. - -From that day to this, with the exception of an occasional _émeute_, -nothing has come to disturb the peace of Corfu, and the once so splendid -courage of the inhabitants has gone out like a fire without a draught. -There is probably no province of the Hellenic kingdom so devoid of -martial spirit or the virtues that grow out of it. It is now a most -delightful winter resort, a Fortunate Isle left out of the current of -political events and given over to invalids and sportsmen, who find on -the opposite Albanian coast the best shooting on the Mediterranean. The -old citadel, with its double peak, serves as a light-house to the lines -of steamers which furrow the Adriatic, cross, and make Corfu their -_entrepôt_ between Trieste, Venice, Brindisi, Alexandria, -Constantinople, and Smyrna. - -The English occupation endowed the island with good roads, most of which -are maintained in fair condition still; and a winter’s sojourn here -lacks nothing which could be expected in the compass of ten by thirty -miles, with two posts per week from Europe. The fruits are those of the -northern Mediterranean in great perfection, the oranges being only -second to those of Crete; the waters are still well supplied with fish, -though the people do all they can to exterminate them by the use of -dynamite in fishing; and the Bella Venezia is a hotel which, though -still strange to the resources of our American caravansaries, is more -appropriate to the ways of the East and of idle people than are ours. -The kindly, honest old host, appropriately known as Dionysos, lacks but -little of giving to the stranger the hospitality of Alcinoüs. And life -is so cheap that one who has worn out the world and realized an income -of a thousand dollars a year may find a Macarian peace in an upper room -of the Bella Venezia, with windows looking out on the beautiful -mountains of Epirus, snow-clad all winter, and the bright blue of the -intervening sea, with the coming, going, and merely passing ships of all -nations; and, when the sun is low, have a comfortable carriage to thread -the labyrinths of the immense olive groves which form almost the only -shade in the island. Here one meets men of all races—Turkish reliefs on -their way from Stamboul to Durazzo, or Scutari of Albania; white-skirted -palikars from Epirus; Eastern Jews, with their characteristic long -robes; Persians, Montenegrins, Peloponnesians, etc., who, changing -steamers here, or glad to breathe a land air during the stay in port of -their steamers, stroll up and down the parade, with the easy-going -townsmen and tourists of all nations, seeing the island in comfort or -rushing over it in the custody of Cook or Gaze, to carry away a confused -remembrance of Corfu and Syra, hardly recalling which was which. - -Ulysses was dismissed from Scheria loaded with presents. The modern -voyager is not so fortunate. The souvenirs of Corfu which he will carry -with him, whether antique or modern, will rarely recompense him for the -outlay. The bric-à-brac shops abound in false antiques, arms from -Epirus, Greek laces, and Eastern embroideries, which no wise buyer -meddles with, dear beyond measure as they are. Be content with the -moderate _pension_ of the Bella Venezia, and tempt not Mercury in his -favored island; he was the god of thieves as well as merchants, and was -never better worshiped in his capacity of joint protector than in the -bric-à-brac shops of Corfu. - -Ulysses went to Ithaca in one night, in what must have been, for the -time, the quickest passage on record, and a great credit to the rowers -of King Alcinoüs. Nothing like it is to be expected to-day, though it is -not impossible still, and the steamer which does the service makes a -long, roundabout voyage. Our yacht, though small, was too big for -rowing, and we had no special motive, as Ulysses had, to get quickly to -Ithaca. As our route lay by Santa Maura, which has to do with the story -of the Odyssey, if not with the wanderings from Troy, we turned aside -from his course to visit it. Nericus, as it was called in Homeric -nomenclature, probably formed part of the realm of the Ithacan kings, -Laertes mentioning his conquest of it; but it is not mentioned in the -catalogue, and we may conclude was not Greek. It is barely separated -from the mainland by a narrow channel, cut by the Corinthians through a -flat, which more anciently, however, must have been a shallow arm of the -sea. The action of the elements is filling it up again, so that time may -unite it to the Acarnanian shore, as in the Homeric days; for Laertes, -in recalling to Ulysses some of his old exploits (Odyssey, book 24), -says: “Ah, that it had pleased Zeus, Apollo, Athene, to have borne me to -your palace, such as I was when, at the head of the Cephalonians, I -took, _on the continent_, the proud city of Nericus!” In the catalogue -of the Iliad we find that “Ulysses commands the magnanimous -Cephalonians; the warriors of Ithaca; those of shady Neriton, of -Crocyles, of the barren Ægilipos; those of Samos [Samé of Cephalonia, -not the island Samos], of Zacynthus [Zante], and of the adjoining -continent. Twelve ships whose sides were painted red followed him.” But -Nericus occurs nowhere. - -Nothing illustrates so strikingly the change in the condition of -civilization as the relations between the ancient and modern chief -cities of the Greek islands. The substitute for the stately Nericus is a -low, flat, uninteresting town, built on the plain which lies north of -Nericus, and next the roadstead. To the east lie the rugged mountains of -Acarnania and the Gulf of Arta; north, in full view, is the modern -fortress of Prevesa; further, and to the east, Arta, the ancient -Ambracia; and the long strip of low coast which stretches away from -Prevesa northward is dotted with masses of ruin—those of the imperial -Nicopolis, monument of the victory of Actium, won in those blue waters. -The idle shepherds of those days, watching their sheep on these hills, -saw the crash of prows, the flight of Egypt, and the shame of Antony. -Perhaps, through this very channel, where the light-draft caïque now -glides, to gain the shelter of the islands going southward, ran the -fugitive ships of Cleopatra; for this was evidently the channel by which -the craft of those days avoided the stormy capes of Cephalonia and the -southern point of Nericus. Standing on the eastern brow of the hill on -which the old city stood, and on which its ruins still mark a noble -past, is the citadel. Along the plain, among the olives, the fragments -of tombs lie spread like flocks of sleeping sheep. The port was on the -bay now connected with the northern roadstead by the Corinthian Channel; -and two or three underground passages, in part cut in solid rock, one -being high enough for a man to walk in upright, and cut as cleanly and -evenly as the walls of a chamber, connect it with the citadel which -dominates the northern part of the island, where the fertile plains lie. -The ruins are of various ages, embracing Pelasgic, but mainly later, and -coming down to Roman times; and the great extent of the Pelasgic -_enceinte_, which almost everywhere underlies the Hellenic and Roman -work, shows the great early importance of the city. The citadel is bold -and commanding, and looks out on the northern and western seas on one -side, and the Corinthian Channel and the inland sea on the other, and -down to Ithaca, which, indeed, is visible from some points. - -The post-Homeric name of Nericus was Leucadia. Æneas is represented as -having debarked there, and Apollo had a temple on the heights which -terminate the island to the south. From the cliffs which overlook the -Adriatic on that side, Sappho is said to have leaped into the sea, -overcome by the sorrows of her unhappy love. “Sappho’s Leap” is the name -of the cliff to this day, and my Corfiote captain, as we glided by, told -me how the place was celebrated because the Duchess of the island had -jumped off into the sea from it, and that the people had put up a great -inscription in memory of it. He had never seen it, and didn’t know -exactly where the leap was made; but I think he was very excusable for -his ignorance, as the action of the sea, driven as it is sometimes by -the furious southwest wind into a very “hell of waters,” which consume -the rock in their fury, must long ago have brought down all that -classical times had seen of the rock, and changed the face of the cliff -entirely. As it now is, I could find hardly a point where a new Sappho -would have found a welcome so gentle as the embrace of the Adriatic; -masses of fallen rock and stony beach would have given a harsher but -more speedy end. - -Mythology says that when Adonis was killed, Aphrodite, seeking him -through all the earth, finally found him lying dead in the temple of the -Erythræan Apollo. The Sun-god, to cure her grief, counseled her to throw -herself from the cliffs of Leucadia into the sea, where she would find -oblivion. Here Zeus, who seems to have found obstacles in the way of his -legitimate marriage, and to have wooed Hera at first with less success -than attended his mortal loves, found by the same process a salutary -indifference to the charms of his divine sister and afterwards spouse, -to which temporary coolness on his part might, perhaps, be ascribed his -ultimate success with the fickle fair. - -And here, in practical historical times, criminals condemned to death -were thrown into the sea. The people (who even now preserve a certain -sympathy with the criminal class) used to tie numbers of birds to the -limbs of the condemned and cover them with feathers to break the force -of their fall, and then send boats to pick them up. If they survived, -they were pardoned. - -In modern times nothing has occurred to signalize Santa Maura, or -“Levkadi,” as it is indifferently called. It was taken and retaken by -Turks and Venetians, and finally passed with the rest of the Ionian -Islands to the heirs of Venice. Its people are a mild, hospitable race, -to whom the stranger is a guest almost in the antique sense. - -We loitered along with a feeble west wind, under the western shore, bold -and desolate, of Levkadi, its high peaks above us breaking into ravines, -and the ravines ending in cliffs, doubled “Sappho’s Leap,” and before us -lay Ithaca, the ten-years-sought-for island. To the north was still -visible a dim film which we knew to be Corfu; nearer, one less dim, -which we recognized by its outline to be Paxos, an island without -history and without interest, but which tradition asserts to have been -once united to Corfu and separated by an earthquake. The breeze -quickened at night-fall as we went round the point of the Leukadian -cliffs, and before us lay the inland sea, which, separating Santa Maura, -Ithaca, Cephalonia, and Zante from the mainland, is a sort of -smooth-water channel for ships coming out of the Gulf of Patras, or of -Corinth, as it is indifferently called, or running in there from Corfu -and the upper Adriatic. The bolder portions of Ithaca are almost utterly -denuded rock. One hollow, like a great theatre, opens northward between -two bold rocky peninsulas, and this is the vale from which the Odyssean -city drew its prosperity. Olive-trees and vineyards still cover its -slopes, and suggestions of white villages flashed out from the silvery -green sea of olive orchards as we flitted by, running under the eastern -shore to catch the breeze that blew down from the mountain as the sun -sank. We had all the wind our cutter could carry, and bowled along -through the smooth water in the lee of the island like a steamer. Far -ahead we saw, in the gathering night, a faint glimmer of light, which -seemed too faint for a light-house, and too steady for a house-light, -and which perplexed us exceedingly, as no light was indicated on the -chart; but, creeping along shore, we found that it was a tiny chapel -standing on a long and menacing peninsula of bare rock, in the window of -which burned a lamp,—in all probability the fulfillment of a vow made by -some devout Greek sailor who had escaped the teeth of this Scylla; or -the perpetuation of an antique custom, when the little chapel of St. -Nicholas, protector of sailors, was a temple of Neptune, whom the saint -replaces in function and respect of the seafarer. Nothing is more -interesting in this part of the world than the evidences of the unbroken -continuity of religious tradition, and the gradual change of paganism -into Christianity,—if, indeed, the change has taken place, which in -certain districts I am scarcely disposed to admit. The little chapels -which one finds planted by the seaside or solitary roadside in all the -Greek islands, and even on the mainland, will generally be found to have -some antique material in them, some evidence of the earlier shrine which -honored one of the Greek gods. The Olympians have their homologues if -not their homonyms. Zeus goes back to his awful antique dignity of the -All-father, the original sole deity of the Pelasgian, worshiped in a -temple not made by hands, under the speaking oak of Dodona, the one God, -maker of heaven and earth, the Dyaus or Sky-father of our Aryan -ancestors, and Zeus (Deus, Divus) of the western branch of the family; -but his creatures and children fall into the lower rank of saints: -Apollo becomes St. Elias (Helios); Athena, the Virgin Mary; Ares, St. -George; Poseidon, St. Nicholas, etc., etc. - -We left St. Nicholas and his night-light behind us, and, rounding a cape -into the Bay of Vathy, saw in the dim distance the light of the outer -light-house, and met the wind coming out of the bay. It was late, and -beating up the bay would be a long job; so we turned in and left the -navigation to the sailors. The next morning we woke, as Ulysses did, -under the shadow of Neriton, where the Phæacians had left him sleeping. - -“In one part of Ithaca is the port of Phorcys, the old man of the sea; -the bold promontories forming the circuit protect it from the great -waves and the sounding winds. The ships which have once entered it may -lie without cables. At its extremity is a bushy olive-tree whose shadow -hides a delicious grotto and shady retreat, sacred to the Nereids. In -this asylum, refreshed by an inexhaustible fountain, are placed the -vases and the jars of stone.... It has two entrances: one, looking -toward the north, is for the use of men; the other, to the east, is more -divine. Never man enters there: it is the path of the immortals. - -“The olive-tree and the grotto are known to the Phæacians. There they -go. The ship runs half-way up the beach, so strong is the stroke of the -rowers. Then these land, carrying Ulysses, still plunged in profound -sleep, and lay him on the sand, wrapped in brilliant blankets and woven -linen.” - -Waking, he is bewildered by the artifice of Athena, and does not -recognize his native island; but finally, when he appeals to the Goddess -to tell him the truth, if he be in Ithaca, she replies to him:— - -“Now I will show you the localities of Ithaca, that you may doubt no -more. There is the port of Phorcys, old man of the sea; there, at the -extremity of the port, the bushy olive-tree, and under its shade a -delicious grotto, dark resting-place, and sacred to the nymphs. This is -the vaulted grotto where often you sacrificed entire hecatombs to the -nymphs. There is Mount Neriton, shadowed by forests.” - -The identification of this little bay or “port” is the one contested -point of the topography, and, on account of its greater commodiousness, -Port Vathy (at the left as we enter the roadstead) is maintained by some -authorities to be the “port of Phorcys.” The geology of the two bays is -conclusive evidence in favor of that which the Greeks now call Port -Dexia (the right-hand port), as Port Vathy has not, and by its -geological formation never could have had, a beach such as Homer -describes, and which was indispensable to the ancient sailor, while that -of Dexia is superb—a soft, unbroken stretch of sand. Other objections we -shall meet further on. - - [Note.—The puzzling question of the forms of classical names in these - articles has been carefully considered, and the difficulty of adapting - consistent classical orthography to popular archæology seems too great - to be overcome in this place.] - - - CHAPTER II. - -The changes of the conditions of existence in what we call civilization -resemble, a good deal more than we generally imagine, the progress of a -horse in a tread-mill. Comparing the evidences of a higher prosperity -which history affords with what we now find in Ithaca, we have ample -ground to suppose that, while our part of the world has made certain -advances, this has rather retrograded. A scanty population, the greater -part of the island indeed uninhabited; ruins of great cities where now -there is not a shepherd’s hut; a wretched, sordid life in which not even -poetry, the offspring of sorrow, can find a foothold; utter -insignificance in the world of men,—this is what the island of Ulysses, -which fills so large a part of the Old World’s poetry, shows us to-day. - -We woke like Ulysses under the shadow of Neriton, but not like him under -the olive’s shade. Our yacht was anchored in a tranquil and land-locked -bay, Port Vathy (the deep), round the shores of which stretch and gleam, -white in the sun, the houses of the modern capital of Ithaca, a dull, -utterly uninteresting town, neither whose past nor present is worth a -note. - -Devastated by Turks and corsairs by turns, conquered by Christian and -Infidel, the tribute of death and pillage had at one time nearly left -the island a desert, and Venetian chronicles report the repeopling of it -by a Slavonic colony; but there is good evidence, as we shall see -presently, that there was never quite an end of the original stock. -Though one does see occasionally strongly Slavonic faces, the population -is now in language and manners purely Greek, with some of the worst -traits of the race strongly developed. By good chance I found an old -acquaintance in Mr. Caravia, a deputy for Ithaca to the Greek Assembly, -then in vacation, and I had a letter to Aristides Dendrinos, the -principal personage of the island; and through their united attentions -we were made as much at home in Ithaca as possible. But the Ithacans are -shrewd folk, sharp dealers who look at foreigners as the Hebrews did on -the Egyptians, as made to be spoiled; and we were unlucky enough to have -arrived in the Greek Lent, which, as they observe it, is equal to -starvation to outsiders. The excellent wine of Ithaca, one of the best -of Greek wines, is quite worthy its ancient reputation; but flesh was -unattainable, and fish so rare, owing to the people’s habit of killing -them with dynamite, that we could not get enough for a breakfast. The -fowls in Greek lands, living an outcast life, never fed, but expected to -grow, as the partridges do, on the bounties of nature, hardly offer a -compensation for the trouble of picking their bones. They combine all -the misfortunes of the wild and domesticated conditions, with none of -the advantages of either, and offer a scant resource to the caterer. We -made haste to see what was to be seen in Ithaca, and study our great -predecessor’s footprints, but we found the learning harder than the -living. The island Greek is quick-witted, and, like the Irishman, never -confesses himself at fault in anything you want to know, especially in -things connected with ancient history or archæology. He solves the -hardest and most obscure problem by a bold dash, and is even surer than -Schliemann in his breezy inductions. It is amusing and cheering to see a -man so cock-sure of what archæology has puzzled over so many years. On -inquiring for a guide to shorten my researches (for, though Homer is -guide-book enough for Ithaca, one may be a long time in tracing out the -Odyssean movements by the poem), every one was ready to show me -everything. Before leaving I found an intelligent guide, as such go, in -one Angelo Persego, whose name I record for the benefit of such of my -readers as may be tempted (out of the Greek Lent) to visit Ithaca. But -here let me drop a word of advice for all voyagers in Greek lands. Take -a guide for lodgings and living, but never place any confidence in his -identifications or local traditions. He may be right, but the chances -are nine to one he is not. He may even have been over the ground before, -but his assurance to that effect is no evidence. I found the men I -selected utterly ignorant, as usual, of almost all I wanted to learn; -but I found a little book by G. F. Bowen, one time Fellow of Brasenose -and President of the Ionian University, which, though dated in 1850, -gives a sufficient clue to the topography to enable one to dispense with -a guide, except to find the best roads. - -Vathy does not occur in the Odyssey under any name, nor is there any -trace of antique structures about it. In the illustration the narrow -entrance at the right is Vathy; the cove in the centre, with the island -off it, is the port of Phorcys, where Ulysses was landed, and which, for -the uses of ancient mariners, who beached their ships instead of -anchoring them, was a better port than Vathy. It corresponds in the -minutest detail to Homer’s account of it,—a smooth, sandy beach, -complete shelter from all winds, and only varying in any particulars in -its surroundings by a greater distance from the grotto where the -Phæacians hide the presents Ulysses brings with him; but of this more is -to be said. - -The Odyssey gives no intimation of any city near the landing-place. The -port of Ulysses’ own capital was much nearer Phæacia, and the ship might -have landed him at his own door. The reason of this excessive caution -was that during so long a time he had had no news from home, and his -Phæacian friends knew that he might find his city in the hands of an -enemy. - - [Illustration: PORT OF PHORCYS AND NERITON, FROM THE MOUTH OF ULYSSES’ - CAVE.] - -Awaking, then, from the sleep in which he had been so gently landed by -the crew of the Phæacian ship, he finds himself in a strange land, as he -supposed, and in complete solitude, and arms himself with his habitual -cunning, distrusting everything. When Athena comes to him in the form of -a shepherd, he asks where he is; and being told that he is at last in -the long-sought Ithaca, he is transported with joy, but conceals his -emotion and addresses the goddess with these hasty words, disguising the -truth and telling his story falsely, always turning in his mind many -artifices: “I, too, have heard, in the far-off, immense island of Crete, -of the island of Ithaca. It is, then, in that country that I have -arrived with my treasures. I have left an equal part to my children -because I fly from my native land, where I killed the dear son of -Idomeneus,” etc., etc., going on with a long history to account for his -presence in Ithaca, a place unknown to him, which fable he only drops -when Athena throws off her disguise; but he still is unconvinced that he -is in Ithaca. She calls his attention to Neriton in front of him, and -having convinced him, helps him hide his treasures in the grotto, when -they sit down under the olive-tree over its entrance, and she tells him -how matters stand at home, and contrives plans for getting rid of the -pretendants, who would, no doubt, put an end to him if he fell into -their hands. This seems to be his conviction, for he exclaims: “Great -gods! if you had not enlightened me I should have perished in my palace, -like Agamemnon. Come, let us plan a means by which I may revenge myself -on them all.” This hint of the fate of Agamemnon, whose end he had -learned, is the clue to his cautious deportment. They plan as follows: -He will be disguised by Athena, so that not even his wife shall know -him, and will then go to Eunæus, who keeps his swine by the Raven’s -Cliff, near Arethusa’s fountain, and wait with him studying up the -position, while she goes off to Lacedæmon to bring back Telemachus, whom -she had sent there nominally to get news of his father, but really, as -she informs Ulysses, to give him an opportunity, hitherto wanting, to -see the world and acquire renown. Here they separate, and Ulysses takes -the secret path. - -The position of the grotto makes the only difficulty in tracing all his -movements; for it is not, as one would expect from the text, at the head -of the port, strictly speaking, but at the head of the little ravine -which ends in the port, a good quarter of an hour’s walk from the shore, -even making allowance for all the recession of the water-line, which has -evidently been considerable. The grotto itself corresponds exactly with -the description, and can be entered by mortals only in the usual way, by -the small opening which looks toward the port. “It has two entrances: -one, turned toward the breath of Boreas, is for human use; the other, -toward that of Notos, is more divine. Never man enters by that; it is -the way of the immortals.” The human entrance is a low, almost invisible -opening, or at least, easily passed without notice, at a short distance. -Even now, when all vegetation has disappeared from around it, and the -olive-trees come only half-way up the hill, it would easily be hidden by -a large stone, as Minerva hides it. The entrance, low and precipitous, -widens rapidly within, and we descend by what might once have been -artificially prepared steps to a vault-like cave, sixteen to twenty feet -in diameter, with a curious recess at the farther end, and at the top of -the vault another opening, like the top window of the Pantheon of Rome, -or any of the circular temples whose form was derived from the vaulted -tomb or treasury of Pelasgic architecture. At first sight I thought this -opening might have been artificial, but on close examination I saw that -the formation of the rock led to it naturally, and that, hardly large -enough to admit a human body readily, it could only, if enlarged, be -entered by a person’s being let down with a cord. This is the -“immortals’ entrance.” Under this opening lies a huge heap of stones, -the accumulation of centuries, for the lower portions are cemented -together by the stalagmitic deposit from the rock above; and the walls -of the grotto, despite the breaking off of every attackable stalactite, -are also formed of carbonate of lime so deposited. The difference -between the actual distance from the water’s edge to the grotto and that -which is indicated by the narrative of the Odyssey is not more than a -fair poetic license would permit; or the memory of the narrator, having -known the localities, might well in a few years of absence leave out -this short distance. - -The Odyssean topography is greatly confused to the modern traveler by -the fact that the Homeric city undoubtedly stood at the northern end of -the island, and far remote from the modern city as well as from the -landing-place of Ulysses and the pig-pens of Eumæus. The view from the -grotto gives us, at the left, a bay of which Vathy and Phorcys are -tributaries. This cuts the island nearly in two, a narrow ridge of rock -only connecting its two great masses. On the north is the site of the -Homeric city, as I shall presently show; but on the south are the -Raven’s Cliff and the fountain of Arethusa, together with an ancient -ruin known by the people as the “Castle of Ulysses.” These ruins are of -the earliest form of Pelasgic, commonly named Cyclopean, though there is -no justification for any distinction between the “Pelasgic” and the -“Cyclopean,” or any proper distinction of styles, as they run into each -other, from the form shown at “Ulysses’ Castle” to the most elaborate -and carefully fitted polygonal which we shall find at Samé on the -opposite shore of Cephalonia. The walls of Ulysses’ Castle are of great -extent, and portions still remaining near the summit are well preserved, -some fragments being nearly twenty feet high. It must have been the work -of a powerful tribe and a great stronghold. Seen from the sea, it shows -on a sharp conical rock precipitously trending down to the shore. The -Odyssey in no manner makes allusion to this, either as city or as ruin. -Ulysses passes very near it going south, leaving it on the right, -apparently ignoring its existence. This makes it tolerably clear that it -had been so long in ruin that it was in no way to be connected with the -Odyssean dynasty or colonization even, or that it was constructed after -the Homeric epoch. The latter hypothesis is untenable, because we find -in many parts, especially in the Argolid, ruins clearly contemporary -with this, which are in the Hellenic traditions regarded as the work of -a vanished and semi-divine race of giants, the Cyclopes or the “divine -Pelasgi;” while, of the Homeric epoch, as distinguished from the -Pelasgic, which preceded it, and the Hellenic, which followed it, we -have no recognizable remains, and the cities known to have existed, such -as the Ithaca of Ulysses, have left no ruin durable enough to show in -our time. This indicates a state of civilization in which the great -necessity of strong walls as a defense had passed, or that, by the use -of cement, walls were made so light in structure that they were -efficient for the day, but perished utterly in the intervening time, -which again is an untenable hypothesis, because we find cement used -nowhere in Greece in work known to be earlier than the third century B. -C. I leave the question of the identity of the Odyssean epoch with that -of the composition of the poem at present untouched. I am dealing only -with the poem which philologists suppose to have been composed about 850 -B. C. That the author knew Ithaca perfectly, I think we shall see, and -that consequently the ruins of the Pelasgic epoch, when not continuously -inhabited (as were Nericus and Samé, the former of which Laertes -conquered, and the latter of which sent the largest deputation of -“kings” as suitors for Penelope, the foundations of both being -Pelasgic), were already so lost in the twilight of prehistory as to be -without any meaning to the author of the Odyssey. The city whose ruins -are now called the Castle of Ulysses was as unknown to the epoch of -Homer as to ours. No one in the whole action of the Odyssey goes in or -out of its gates, or turns aside from his path to speak of or visit it. -“Kings” were as common as rascals in those days, but that two important -cities should exist contemporaneously in the small island of Ithaca, and -that the people of Ulysses should live in one, pasture their hogs on the -territory of the other, and ignore its existence, is impossible. This -does not prevent Schliemann from identifying the house walls, which -remain to a small height, with the pig-pens of Eumæus, or a huge stump -near the citadel, with the tree from which Ulysses had made his bed -(_Ithaca, Peloponnesus and Troy_). - -That this part of the island was nearly or quite unpopulated is made -more than probable by the facts that no mention is made of any city or -people here; that the only features mentioned are the wildness, and -forests abandoned to feeding of pigs; and that Ulysses selects this part -for his concealment. The path Ulysses probably followed from the port of -Phorcys to the Raven’s Cliff is by far too hard for dilettante -following; it is not only impassable to beasts of burden, but, I should -say, difficult for a pedestrian. There is a road carriageable for a few -miles from Vathy along the ridge southward, and then a fair bridle-path -to the cliff, which, had we known it, would have led us somewhere near -the location of Eumæus’s sties; but the guide my friends had recommended -me, on his personal assurance, did not know the road, and we went -wandering across fields and over hills, abandoning our quadrupeds at the -moment when they would have been our best guides; and, finally, the -fellow had to go to a ploughman scratching the earth with a crooked -stick behind a yoke of year-old heifers, and inquire his way. I -exhausted my modern Greek in exasperated vituperation of his pretentious -ignorance, and took the lead, as I generally have had to do on similar -occasions. - -There was a pretty little valley on our way, the only arable or fruitful -land in this part of the island; all else was bare and bleak. A few -tough-lived shrubs, broom and gorse, arbutus, and some others I did not -know, wring a scanty subsistence from the clefts between the rocks, and -in a mass of almost unmitigated limestone was cloven a ravine. The -roughness of Ithaca was proverbial even in Homeric days, since Athena, -while disguised as a shepherd, replies to Ulysses, “If it [Ithaca] is -rocky, if it breeds not horses in its moderate space, it is not quite -barren,” etc. One might well select this scene as one of tranquil -beauty, with the faint glimpses of the dreamy inner sea above its valley -distance, and the golden grain-fields as I saw them, interspersed with -vineyards and olive-orchards. - - [Illustration: RAVEN’S CLIFF AND THE FOUNTAIN OF ARETHUSA.] - -The glen of the Raven’s Cliff becomes a wild gorge below the fountain of -Arethusa, and descends abruptly to the sea. Above, a stripe of bare, -pale-gray rock down the cliff shows that in winter it is the location of -a cataract, though, when I visited the locality, dry as summer dust. The -fountain of Arethusa is situated about half-way from the cliff to the -sea, and bears the evidences of an immense antiquity. Remains of an -architectural surrounding are still to be seen, which, with some -foundations of walls of the Roman period, evidently of a temple to the -nymph or local goddess, and “Ulysses’ Castle,” are the only traces of -ruin discoverable in this lobe of the island. The recess of the fountain -has once been much larger, but the slow process of depositing the -calcareous incrustation which forms its walls has gone on so long that -only a small deep basin remains, from which the people draw the water -with a cord and bucket. Its niche is cushioned with moss and maidenhair -ferns, and the soft porous rock is always moist with the filtering -through of the water. A wooden trough is placed for the watering of the -sheep and goats which take the place of the hogs of Eumæus, for this is -the only perennial source of water in the region. - -An old woman, wrinkled and bowed, looking like one of the Fates, sat -near the fountain, combing the wool she had washed at it; and on the -opposite side the nymph of the fountain, in the shape of a young matron -of some neighboring hamlet, was washing her clothes. The wash was -boiling when we came up, over a fire of brambles and weeds; but the -utensil which took the place of the bronze caldron of the antique -house-mother was an American petroleum-can, with a wire bale fitted in -rudely, and the stamp of the New York Refining Company was still visible -on the tin. We talk of the omnipresence of gold, of the omnipotence of -cotton; but in my wanderings on the earth I have found places where the -people did not know the value of a piece of gold, and wore nothing but -the homespun and woven wool of their flocks and flax of their fields, -while I have never found one that did not know petroleum; and I have -learned that the petroleum-can is a more universal concomitant of -civilization than English cutlery or American drillings. - -The pens of Ulysses’ pig-herd were at the top of the cliff, where a -plain of small extent and soil of scanty depth still maintains an -olive-grove, sole representative of the forest of oaks whose acorns -fattened the swine for the revels of the suitors of Penelope. - -Here Ulysses finds Eumæus, and here, in his anxiety to convince him of -the truth of his prediction of the return of the wanderer, he says: “If -he return not as I declare, let your servants seize me and throw me over -the high rock, that vagabonds may learn in future to abstain from -useless falsehoods.” - - [Illustration: FROM AN OLD GREEK VASE. - THE SITE OF ITHACA—PORT POLIS.] - -To return to the city of Ithaca, Ulysses must retrace his steps past the -port of Phorcys, and follow the ridge of rock which connects the -divisions of the island past the mass of Neriton. His landing-place was -on the east side of the island, the port of the ancient city Ithaca on -the west; and there are now on the road between, several villages, the -representatives, perhaps, of the ancient towns from which Ulysses drew -his quota of men for the Trojan campaign, “Crocyles and the rocky -Ægilipos.” It was in one of these villages that Schliemann, visiting the -island for the first time, in his Homeric enthusiasm, as the villagers, -in their habitual curiosity to see the stranger, came out to gaze and -question, taking the assemblage as a demonstration in his honor, and -determined to show them how well he estimated the dignity of an heir of -the Odyssean glory, mounted on a table and translated from Homer the -passages which record Laertes’ emotions on the return of his long-lost -son. “They wept with emotion,” says the naïf Doctor; and he rewarded -them by some hundred lines more. Remembering this incident, I inquired -about the matter, and found that it had excited much merriment in the -cultivated circles of Vathy, and, as I expected, the other side in the -rencontre preserved a very different recollection of the Doctor’s -achievement, and that the tears were of merriment rather than of pathos. -No one in the assemblage could understand a word of the Greek in the -Doctor’s pronunciation of it. - -In the nomenclature of the two principal higher villages of the northern -section, I found a curious survival of archaic language, which, so far -as I could learn, is as incomprehensible as Homer, in the original, to -the inhabitants. The villages are Anoï and Exoï, which are clearly from -the archaic and (except in the Cretan mountains) obsolete words _ano_ -and _exo_, used as _haw_ and _gee_ are by us in driving oxen, and of -course meaning originally right and left, and these indicate site -survivals of early towns or villages. But of Ithaca the _city_, the home -of Ulysses, not a trace remains except the name _Polis_ (city, _the_ -city par excellence), which is applied to a locality where not even an -ancient wall shows a claim to the appellation. The fragments of -substructure shown on the hill above and near the village of Stavros are -undoubtedly mediæval, and belong to the piratical city which was -established here, and which was destroyed in the latter part of the -sixteenth century. I searched in vain for anything to indicate the date -of the ancient city, but here, doubtless, was the home of Ulysses. Its -little port is of the nature demanded by ancient mariners,—a smooth -beach in a cove, with the island of Cephalonia opposite and near enough -to shut off any great violence of sea or wind. Homer relates that the -suitors, when Telemachus had gone to Pylos to get news of his father, -sent out a ship with some of their number to intercept and kill him on -his return, and that this ship lay in watch at an island off the port -where the return of Telemachus’s ship could be seen from afar and -prevented. Opposite Port Polis is a rock, probably the remnant of that -island; for, as the material of it is a conglomerate easily subdued by -the elements and decomposing rapidly, it must have been once a -considerable island, and it is now the only remnant of rock or island -which occupies any such relative position. - -In searching around the neighborhood for traces of antiquity I was -accosted by a peasant, who told me that there had been found a stone -with some letters on it, and I made haste to hunt it out. They (for -there were two fragments) were at the bottom of a heap of stone which -had been exhumed from under a land-fall, and which were evidently part -of a very ancient building. I hired the men who gathered round to remove -the heap, and photographed the stones, which had been originally one. -The inscription is in the early style of Greek epigraphy, boustrophedon, -_i. e._, going alternately from left to right and right to left, as oxen -go when ploughing. It is the oldest known inscription in the Ithacan -alphabet. - -I placed a copy of the photograph in the hands of Professor Comparetti -of Florence, amongst others, and received from him the following, read -at a meeting of the Academy of the Lincei:— - - [Illustration: INSCRIPTION FOUND AT POLIS.] - -“Since I have hitherto spoken of inscriptions very old or archaic, as we -say, it will be permitted me to close this communication by presenting -to the Academy a curious inscription of this kind recently discovered in -Ithaca and communicated to me by a diligent and cultivated visitor to -the Greek lands, the American, Mr. Stillman, who made in Ithaca a -photograph of the inscription, and, having unsuccessfully asked an -interpretation of several scholars, applied to me. He has permitted me -to make communication to this Academy, putting at my disposition also -the negative of his photograph, from which are printed the copies I -present. The inscription is tolerably roughly cut in a friable stone, -broken in two, worn by time and water. The photograph, which is never -the best means of representing monuments of this kind even in -experienced hands, presents some confusion and obscurity in parts; but -this is the only difficulty in the epigraph.... I saw at once that this -was an inscription of which there was already some notice in a book -published by the Phœnix of discoverers of antiquities, Schliemann, in -1868, ‘Ithaca, Peloponnesos, and Troy.’ Rich as he is in fancy, -Schliemann is ready to believe any story, and at once convinced himself -that he had discovered the inscription of a very old sarcophagus, and -found an honest workman who helped him to complete the idea, showing him -the bones found in it by him. And in his book, together with this and -other news, he communicated the inscription such as he read it. Of the -two fragments, however, he only saw that at the right, and this he read -very badly, seeing letters where none are, and imagining incredible -forms of letters. Kirchhoff in his ‘Studien zur Geschichte des -Griechischen Alphabets’ sought to apply this monument to his purposes, -but could make nothing of it, and it would have been impossible to get -anything from it. Now, thanks to the intelligent care of Mr. Stillman, -we have before us the monument as it is; he knew nothing of Schliemann; -when he saw the inscription, he saw that it was incomplete, and seeking -amongst the stones, found the other piece, and, divining justly its -relation, united them and took the photograph which now permits us to -utilize what we may call his discovery. - -“The epigraph is certainly very old, besides being boustrophedon. This -is shown particularly by the forms of the _sigma_ and _iota_. It was cut -roughly and by hands little used to such work, without any care for -symmetry in the disposition of the letters or of the lines, nor for the -uniformity of the letters. Some letters are lost in the fracture, others -by the wearing of the stone, and the entire inscription is mutilated in -the lower part. - -“The reading, with the filling up, is as follows:— - - τᾶς [Ἀ]θάνας - τᾶς (Ρ)[έ](ας) - χα[ὶ τ](ᾶ)ς Ἡρ - ας τα (ἔ) [ν]τεα - τῶ[ἱ]ερῶ οἱ - ἱε[ρ]εε[ς] (Κες- - π - -“Translation: ‘Of Athena—of Rhea—and of Hera—the sacred utensils of the -temple—the priests, Kes—placed.’ - -“Probably the names of the three priests followed, the first commencing -with the letters Kes,—perhaps Kesiphron,—and there ought to follow τάδ’ -ἒνεθεν or τάδε χάτεθεν, or similar expression. The inscription, then, -has nothing to do with a sarcophagus, or with the dead. It treats, on -the contrary, of a hidden treasure, that is to say, of the sacred -utensils of a temple in which were worshiped the three divinities, -Athena, Rhea, and Hera, each one having her peculiar priest. It is well -known that there is nothing new in this case of three divinities -worshiped in the same temple. We know that Athena was especially -reverenced in Ithaca, and are not surprised to find her first in the -list. Then to explain this inscription, it may be supposed that in some -perilous time of war, revolution, or other danger, these priests decided -to put in security the treasures of the temple and hid them in a safe -and secret place, leaving there this inscription, so that in any case -the nature and origin of the objects might be known. Probably they cut -the inscription themselves that no one else might be in the secret, and -this would explain the signs of haste and inexperience in the cutting, -while on the other hand the language, like the orthography, is correct.” - -The attribution to a sarcophagus by Schliemann is difficult to explain -as a mistake. If it had been, as he says, on a sarcophagus that he found -the right half of the inscription, he must have found the whole; but the -fact is that there was in the whole pile of stones no fragment of -anything like a sarcophagus, an object unknown in Greece till centuries -later. The inscription had evidently been a mural tablet and was about -eighteen inches deep and of a shape and size which made it impossible to -take it for a fragment of a sarcophagus; and underneath the mass of -debris from which it was extracted the workmen found a pit, which was -excavated, they told me, without finding anything; nor, they said, was -any object of antiquity found with the stones, while Schliemann engraves -a lance head and a coin of about 300 B. C. which he says were found in -the sarcophagus. This proves nothing, for when anything is found the -absurd rigor of the Greek laws makes the concealment of it the first -object of the finder. If this pit, when discovered, had still contained -the sacred objects, what a find if archæology could have profited by it! -But as the Greek law in case of concealment would have punished the -excavator by confiscation, or in the best case by taking the half of the -objects found, the first precaution taken by the finder would have been -to remove, if possible, to a foreign shore, and if not, to melt down, if -of precious metal, the objects found. Until Greek legislation on -archæological research is more intelligent, it will be gravely -handicapped. The greater part of the value of an object is often to know -where it came from, and this we never know of objects found in Greece by -chance or private excavation. There was some years ago a report, which -had certainly considerable confirmation, of the discovery of a great -treasure in this very part of Ithaca; possibly it may have been this. If -we could have found the vessels of the temple, they would have given us -the art of the descendants of the Dorians in Ithaca at least six hundred -years B. C.; for this inscription is Doric, and dates from about that -time. - -In any case, we may be confident that our inscription marks the site as -having been in the vicinity of a city of, or little later than, the -Homeric epoch, as, supposing the Odyssey to have been composed in 850 B. -C., only about two hundred and fifty years could have intervened between -its composition and the placing of this inscription; and we know of no -ethnic revolution which would have destroyed the Homeric city between -the Dorian invasion and the wars of Corinth. - - [Illustration: THE SCHOOL OF HOMER.] - -But if there are no traces of the Homeric city, and none of earlier -construction in the immediate neighborhood of the site, there is in the -interior of the island, and in the northern lobe, which we see was -probably the special domain of the Ithaca of Ulysses, a most interesting -antiquity which is now known as the “school of Homer.” It is in all -probability a sacred place of the Pelasgic epoch, as on the rock above -it is a chapel whose substructions are clearly Pelasgic and most -probably the remains of a Pelasgic temple, which alone would account for -its preservation, and is probably also the reason of its conversion into -a Christian church. It is on a scale in keeping with all the remains we -have of the heroic epoch, about twelve by twenty feet, and though much -repaired in the modern adaptation, still shows its ancient dimensions -and style of building in the lower courses, too solid to have been -rearranged, though some of the upper stones have evidently been replaced -in later times. It stands on the brow of a low bluff, below the village -of Exoï and not far from the “field of Laertes,” which tradition points -out at a little hamlet below. Traces of other walls extend to the brink -of the precipice that overhangs the “school,” and round by the side is -an antique flight of steps, mostly preserved and cut in the solid rock, -that served as passage between the temple and the “school,” which may -have been the place of sacrifice or possibly an area for the holding of -the council. It is mainly cut in the rock at the foot of the precipice -on which the temple was built, with a double flight of steps, also cut -in the rock, descending to the ground below. It is not above fifteen -feet across at its widest, and the decomposition of the solid rock by -time and weather leaves only the general shape and character, with some -of the steps above and below it, still tolerably perfect. It was a -lovely place, and if the shade now thrown by the olive-trees which -surround it was anciently given by plane-trees, it would have been still -more striking. You look off on the sea and the distant island of Levkadi -with the mountains of Acarnania, and through the interstices of the -olive-trees you catch glimpses of the cultivated valley beneath, where, -if anywhere in this end of the island, old Laertes must have had his -field, as here only is tillage possible. North is the sea, south the -huge wall of Neriton, east the rugged mountain that looks out on the -inner sea, and west that on which Exoï is raised to the clouds and from -which one looks down on the Cephalonian channel at its foot. Like the -plain or valley between the Raven’s Cliff and Vathy for the southern -lobe, this is the only valley for the northern. The “school” is poised -thus midway between the valley and the mountain peak; and whether, as -the islanders pretend, it was the place where Homer read his poems, the -council place of the ancient heroes and kings, or the hieron of Pelasgic -priests whence the smoke of sacrifice went up to the great Zeus, the -choice of locality was one which suited alike its uses. The young wheat -was springing into head in all the interspaces of the close-standing -olive-trees, and the rocks above were overhung and draped with wild sage -and gemmed with wild flowers. The boy who guided us assured us that -there was a secret passage to the top of the rock, filled up now; and a -peasant passing by stopped to see what we might be saying or doing, and -finding that our interest was fixed on _palaia pragmata_, offered to -guide us to an ancient rock-cut well in the valley below. We found the -door which opens to the passage, which led down a stone-cut staircase to -the well, far in the ground; but as the well belonged to the priest, who -had the key in his pocket, and was, no one knew where, we had to be -content with the door, which was modern enough, though fitting an -opening cut in the rock very evidently ancient. - -In this vicinity must, by the force of nature, have been the residence -of all the agricultural part of the population of the ancient Ithaca. -Says the poem:— - -“Ulysses and his companions withdrew from the city and soon arrived at -the magnificent garden of Laertes, which the hero had formerly purchased -with his wealth after the many ills he had suffered. There stands his -dwelling, surrounded on all sides by a portico where the slaves who -cultivate his estate sleep and eat. In the porter’s lodge is an old -Sicilian,[6] who in this solitary place, far from the city, takes care -of the noble old man.... At these words he gives his arms to the -herdsmen who enter into the house of their master, while Ulysses, to -find Laertes, enters into the garden. The hero goes down into the great -vineyard and finds neither Dolias nor his sons, nor the other slaves. -Dolias has led them far away to gather thorns to make hedges round the -inclosure. Ulysses finds his father digging round the root of a tree in -the garden. Laertes is dressed in a dirty patched tunic; around his legs -he has bound, to preserve them, greaves of sewn leather; gloves protect -his hands, and his head is covered by a cap of goat-skin, which -completes his mournful appearance.... - -“‘Ah,’ replied Laertes, ‘if you are Ulysses, if you are my son returned -to this island, describe to me a sure sign that I cannot mistake.’ - -“‘See first,’ replies Ulysses, ‘this wound, which long ago on Parnassus -a wild boar gave me with his tusk, when I went to Autolycus to bring the -presents which he here had promised me. Then listen, I will describe to -you the trees of your beautiful garden which you gave me, and I asked of -you in my childhood as I ran behind you. We passed through your -inclosure; you told me the name of every tree, and you gave me thirteen -pear-trees, ten apple-trees, forty fig-trees, and then you promised to -give me fifty rows of vines in full bearing.’” - -The legends of the modern population of Ithaca must not be confounded -with real local tradition, transmitted from ancient times. They are -unquestionably the reflection of literary statement, the reiterated -conclusions of students more or less well informed as to the true -archæological bases of opinion. The attribution of the particular spot -we visited as the garden of Laertes is doubtless due to reading of the -Odyssey, and, like the location of the “Castle of Ulysses” on Aëtos, -arose from a popular rendering of the story as handed down by literature -and converted into legend, which is located wherever the crude -antiquarianism of the people judges best. An instance of the real -tradition which has a distinct value in archæological research is that -of the preservation of the name Polis for the abandoned site where -unquestionably the Homeric city stood; and this simple indication is -sufficient to prove that Ithaca was never entirely depopulated and -repeopled by Slavs, because in this case the continuity of tradition -would have been lost, and there is no ruin to restore it in modern -times, even if it were capable of surviving the interruption. If it had -simply been handed down by a Slavonic colony, it would have been “Arad” -instead of “Polis,” while, if the depopulation had once been complete, -names which are not now understood by the present inhabitants could not -have originated with them. If the name had sprung from the presence of -ruins, the site on Aëtos would have received it instead of its present -legendary appellation, so that in no way can we explain the survival of -the name Polis for the site, or the names Anoï and Exoï, except by -supposing them to have clung to the places from Homeric times through a -continuous population of Hellenic stock, however thinned. Another -curious incident illustrates the tenacity of this kind of survival. As -we were passing through one of the villages, I heard one child calling -to others to run to see the barbarians, οἱ βάρβαροι (_várvari_), just as -the Greek children of ancient times would have called us,—_i. e._, -foreigners, people who spoke a strange language, a babble, -unintelligible sounds like those of children. I heard it twice and could -not be mistaken, though a Greek friend to whom I related it would have -it that they said βαυάροι (Bavarians), since in continental Greece, -Bavarian (German) has been a term of contempt from the days of King -Otho. But I am certain of the word; and besides, the children of Ithaca -never had anything to do with the Bavarians, as they were under the -Ionian Government till after the fall of Otho and the departure of the -Bavarians. - -On the whole, I think that there is the strongest ground of probability -for these conclusions: that, whatever may be the relation of the real -Ulysses to Ithaca, the hero as conceived and represented in the Odyssey, -the Ulysses of the Homeric poems, _if he was an actuality_, lived at the -site known as Polis; and that this site, and all the others mentioned in -the poem, were known by the author of it from personal inspection. The -inscription found at Polis is in Doric Greek, which gives us a right to -conclude that the city continued to be inhabited by the mixed -population, result of the Dorian immigration; while the entire oversight -of the Pelasgic site on Aëtos indicates the total interruption of race -connection and the immense interval which must have come between its -construction and the transfer of the seat of power to Polis, as, if -still habitable when the new race took possession, it would, like -Nericus, Samé, and Crané, which we shall examine in Cephalonia, have -been made the basis of the newer city. That it was then utterly -abandoned, we conclude, not only from the neglect of it by Ulysses in -the passages we have noticed, but from the fact that while Samé, on the -other island, sends suitors, and Ithaca itself (the city) adds its -quota, no allusion is made to any from any other place in the island. In -short, the total silence through the whole poem in regard to any place -which can be by possibility connected with Aëtos, justifies my -concluding that it was as much an abandoned ruin in the time of Homer as -now. - -The episode of the voyage of Telemachus to Pylos and Sparta, which -brings into the Odyssey the western shore of the Peloponnesus, is, with -the exception of some unimportant allusions, the only interjection of -continental Greece into the poem. - -We went over to look for some trace of the sage Nestor, but as usual -found that while the people had enough of the after-growth of legend out -of the Odyssey, they knew absolutely nothing of the antique site. I had -no guide then to lead me to the Pylos where the ship of Telemachus found -“the Pyleans scattered along the shore offering a sacrifice to Neptune, -black bulls without a spot.” - -The bay of Navarino is a vast marine lake, known to us mainly by its -being the locality of the decisive combat between the fleets of the -great European powers and the Turkish and Egyptian, which decided the -destiny of modern Greece. We ran in from the open Adriatic, whose waters -were uncomfortably agitated by the south-west wind, glad of the safe and -convenient anchorage. But a sleepier place than the modern substitute -for the “sandy Pylos” I have never found in Greece. Nobody could give me -a word of direction, and all our searching round the extended sheet of -water for the antique site, only perhaps to be recognized by some -half-hidden remnant of Pelasgian walls, was fruitless; we neither saw -nor heard of any ruin. We paid a visit to the splendidly picturesque old -Venetian fortress commanding the entrance of the bay, which perhaps has -used up the stones of Nestor’s Pylos, and which has looked down on one -of the most murderous combats of modern naval history. It is garrisoned -by a little guard of Greek soldiers, and its keep is the prison of the -district. The gate is a good sample of the fortifications by which the -Venetian Republic held her Eastern possessions. - - - - - THE ODYSSEY, ITS EPOCH AND GEOGRAPHY. - - -The mythical world which had for its centre Ithaca, and for its chief -people Penelope and Ulysses, was out of all proportion larger than the -Europe of to-day; for it comprised the whole known world, from the -shadows of Cimmeria to the clouds that gave birth to the Nile. Its -geography, however, has a value to archæology and prehistory which has -not been fully recognized. The date and place of origin of the Odyssey -will never be determined with any high degree of certainty, but in -dealing with epochs that comprise unmeasured centuries we need not fear -a variation of two or three. And the collation of traditions from the -same mythical world will help us to this approximation to the probable -date of Homer’s life, if not that of Ulysses. - -Gladstone, in the “Juventus Mundi,” has made use of an argument which, -even if not sound as to the Trojan war, I believe to be good for the -Odyssey. The earliest authentic records in Greek history reveal Greece -as under the control of two races, the Ionians and the Dorians, elements -whose antagonisms have been the chief cause of the disasters and ruin of -Greece. - -But neither Dorians nor Ionians were the dominant race when the Odyssey -was written, as neither Ionians nor Dorians appear in the record. The -Greeks of the Trojan war are always called Achaioi, and the Dorians were -evidently, as a dominant race, unknown to the author of the Homeric -poems. Now, as they came into Greece about 1000 B. C., and as our -researches show the island of Ithaca, with which Homer was well -acquainted, to have become Dorian with the rest of Greece, the substance -of the Odyssey must have been earlier than we have supposed, and could -hardly have been as late as 850 B. C., unless the Dorian so-called -invasion was an immigration spreading very slowly from the main line of -its movement, and its stock still a recognizably new people. Nor does -any possible modification of the Homeric poems in the recitals, -continued over centuries, affect this argument in the least, as, being -common property of all the bards and all the tribes, they were liable to -be modified in the various versions according to the localities and -local knowledge of the singers; and, one “rhapsody” being preserved by -one tribe and another by another, of this hardly homogeneous people, the -traces of the modifications received in their migrations could not be by -the philology of the date of their collation so effaced as to leave no -marks of their incomplete restoration. - -It is impossible that any idea of archæological consistency had led to -the exclusion of the Dorians from the Odyssey. If the Dorians had been -ruling in Greece when it was composed, it seems to the last degree -improbable that they could have been so completely ignored, if it were -but for the deference to be paid the rulers of half the Greek world; and -whether we look at the invariable practice of all early poets to adapt -their work to their own times and surroundings, or to the entire -consistency of the work in this respect,—too complete to be due to the -study of utterly unscientific or illiterate later times,—I think it is -to be admitted as probable that the Odyssey was composed before the -great ethnical revolution in Greece was complete. - -The purely local evidence supports this hypothesis to a certain extent, -and in this topography and geography I propose to wander as far as it is -possible to do so with advantage to our knowledge of the Odyssean world. -Corfu was inhabited by a race alien to the Greek, and which recognized -its descent from the Siculi displaced by the Pelasgi from Sicily. -Opposite Ithaca lies the more important island of Cephalonia, to which -Ithaca is now completely subordinate, but which then was less important -apparently than Ithaca, in all probability only because it was only -partly Hellenic. Now, the earliest classical name of this Island, -_Kephallenia_, was derived from Cephalus, a mythical hero who appears to -have been contemporary with Minos. But this name is never applied to it -in the Odyssey. Of the island nothing is said, but of the chief city, -Samos (a colony from which gave its name to the Asiatic island now known -under that appellation), Homer has much to say. It lies clearly in sight -from Ithaca, from which it is separated only by a narrow strait, and is -one of the prominent objects in the view from Ithaca. It was originally -one of that line of prehistoric cities whose only record is in the -stones of their walls, and from these we learn that it was a very -ancient coast settlement, which, unlike the city on Aëtos, survived -through successive civilizations until history got hold of it. In -Ulysses’ day it must have been a rich place, for it furnished -twenty-four pretendants to the hand of Penelope. “There are first -fifty-two young men, the chosen of Dulichios—six servants accompany -them; twenty-four have come from Samos; twenty from Zakynthos [Zante]; -and from Ithaca were twelve, the bravest.” But the author of the Odyssey -seems to have had no personal knowledge of the topography of Cephalonia, -and mentions no other locality in the island. Tradition tells us that -the island was peopled by Telebœans, a people driven from the continent -by Achilles,—before the siege of Troy, therefore, but subsequent to -Cephalus; but this is one of the confusions of mythology, as Cephalus -found the Telebœans in the island. The usual condensation of history -into myth leaves very little clear in these early traditions. Races -become personified in individuals, and the work of centuries is -attributed to a life-time and an individual. Whether Cephalus was in -reality a race or a man it is impossible to do more than conjecture, but -though the poems mention the _Kephallenes_, the entire ignoring of its -topography and traditions, even of the visit of the Argonauts to it, -makes it difficult to believe that it was chiefly inhabited by a race -kindred to that of Ithaca when Homer knew it, because Homer was too much -disposed to make use of the antique traditions when apposite, to have -left unnoticed that of Jason at Palé. - -Cephalus having, according to the legend, killed his wife Procris, -mistaking her for a wild animal as she, excited to jealousy by his -devotion to the chase, which she attributed to another love, hid herself -in the thickets to watch him, was banished from Athens, and, wandering -in exile, came to Thebes, just then under excitement owing to the -Telebœans of Cephalonia having killed the brothers of Alcmena, wife of -the Theban Amphytrion, and he was requested to take charge of the -expedition to avenge the murder. He succeeded in conquering the island -and gave it his name. His descendants reigned there two generations, -after which, the latest rulers of his blood being recalled to Attica by -the oracle, a federative republic succeeded, formed by the four -principal cities, or perhaps by the four which had survived the changes -of race, for there are more than four antique sites. Those which history -has preserved as having submitted to the Romans in the year of Rome 563 -were Samé, Nesia, Crané, and Palé. - -The city of Samé alone presents, in the annals of historical times, any -interest, and this is sad and glorious. Livy says that at the end of the -Ætolian war the Romans sent to Cephalonia to know whether they would -submit or try the fortune of war, as they seem to have joined in the war -with the Ætolians, though he gives no record of the part they took. He -gives the account, brief and tragic, of the fate of the city, which I -will neither dilute nor abbreviate:— - -“An unhoped-for peace had now shone on Cephalonia when one state, the -Saméans, suddenly revolted, from some motive not yet ascertained. They -said that as their city was commodiously situated they were afraid the -Romans would compel them to remove from it. But whether they conceived -this in their own minds and under the impulse of a groundless fear -disturbed the general quiet, or whether such a project had been -mentioned in conversation among the Romans and reported to them, nothing -is ascertained except that, having given hostages, they suddenly shut -their gates, and would not relinquish their design even for the prayers -of their friends whom the consul sent to the walls to try how far they -might be influenced by compassion for their parents and countrymen. When -no pacific answer was given, the city began to be besieged. - -“The consul had all the apparatus, engines, and machines which had been -brought from Ambracia, and the soldiers executed with great diligence -the works necessary to be made. The rams were therefore brought forward -in two places, and began to batter the walls. - -“The townsmen omitted nothing by which the works or the motions of the -besiegers could be obstructed. But they resisted in two ways in -particular, one of which was to raise constantly opposite the part of -the wall attacked a new wall of equal strength on the inside; and the -other was to make sudden sallies at one time against the enemy’s works, -at another against his advanced guard, and in those attacks they -generally got the better. The only plan that was invented to confine -them within the walls, though ineffectual, deserves to be recorded. One -hundred slingers were brought from Ægium, Patræ, and Dymæ -[Peloponnesus]. These men, according to the customary practice of that -nation, were exercised from their childhood in throwing with a sling, -into the open sea, the round pebbles with which, mixed with sand, the -shores were generally strewn; therefore they cast weapons of that sort -to a greater distance, with surer aim and more powerful effect, than -even the Balearian slingers. Besides, their sling does not consist -merely of a single strap like the Balearic and that of other nations, -but the thong of the sling is threefold and made firm by several seams, -that the missile may not, by the yielding of the strap in the act of -throwing, be let fly at random; but, after sticking fast while whirled -about, it may be discharged as if sent from the string of a bow. Being -accustomed to drive their missiles through circular marks of small -circumference placed at a great distance, they not only hit the enemy’s -heads, but any part of their faces that they aimed at. These slings -checked the Saméans from sallying either so frequently or so boldly; -insomuch that they would sometimes from the walls beseech the Achæans to -retire for a while and be quiet spectators of their fight with the Roman -guards. Samé supported a siege of four months. When some of their small -number were daily killed or wounded, and the survivors were, through -continual fatigues, greatly reduced both in strength and spirits, the -Romans, one night, scaling the wall of the citadel which they call -Cyatides (for the city, sloping toward the sea, verges toward the west), -made their way into the forum. The Saméans, on discovering that a part -of the city was taken, fled with their wives and children into the -greater citadel; but, submitting next day, they were all sold as slaves, -their city being plundered.” (Bohn’s translation.) - -It is only by conjecture we can distinguish between the two hills, both -being covered with ruins; and the walls are so broken in their circuit, -and so complex as well as various in their epoch of construction, that -no plan of the siege could be made, but the above indicates the -westernmost as first captured. - -The city must have been very wealthy, if we may judge from that -generally excellent indication, the tombs, which line the roads and the -sea-shore beyond the city (looking from the point where the general view -is taken), and by the enumeration of the booty taken by the Romans, -which is given as follows: Two hundred golden crowns of ten Roman pounds -each, eighty-three thousand pounds of silver, two hundred and -forty-three pounds of gold, one hundred and eighteen pieces of Athenian -money, two thousand four hundred and twenty-two of Macedonian, two -hundred and eighty-three statues of bronze, two hundred and thirty of -marble, besides the money distributed to the army. - -I know of no place where the ruins of all epochs are so well indicated -as at Samé. The large fragment of wall of the best Hellenic time which -runs down the slope of the eastern hill is one of the finest, if not -_the_ finest, I have ever seen. Its stones are perfectly hewn, and some -of them are twelve to fourteen feet long, and the highest portion still -standing is not less than twenty feet high. At other points are various -examples of the Pelasgic, similar to that of “Ulysses’ Castle,” but of -better work. There are magnificent subterranean passages, one of which -leads to the citadel on the easternmost hill, the more remote in the -distant view, but the higher and probably the site of the greater -citadel, being marked by the most imposing ruins and remains of works, -and without doubt the locality of the original settlement. On the lower -hill stand some interesting remains—a tower and remains of city wall of -mixed Hellenic and Pelasgic, the tower being of the very latest -Hellenic, showing the beginning of “rustication.” It was built upon in -the middle ages, and the whole mass of buildings transformed into a -fortress and afterward into a convent. Samé must very early have been a -large and important city, as the whole of the space, including the two -hills and the land between them, shows traces of Pelasgic construction, -and one fragment on the brow of the hill near the tower is one of the -most perfect examples of the best Pelasgic work one can find away from -Mykenæ and Argos. The stones in the illustration range about five feet -in length, and are faced with exquisite exactness. A wild fig-tree has -taken root in the interstices of the stones, and the roots have pushed -the masses of rock apart, but in several places it is difficult to see -the junction when the light is flat against them. Of Roman work there is -little; but some thermæ walls on the plains by the sea and some tombs -show a considerable Roman occupation. Livy says that Marcus Tullius, the -conqueror of Samé, went over to the Peloponnesus “after having placed a -garrison in Samé.” This negatives the notion that the walls were razed -to the foundations, as is asserted by La Croix; and it is also rendered -improbable by the existing ruins, though it is not impossible that so -much of the wall was destroyed as made the defense of it temporarily -impracticable. There are, however, some slight traces of rubble-wall on -the old ruins, which show a Roman (or possibly middle-age, though I -incline to the former) construction, which negative any supposition that -the _enceinte_ was rendered useless for defense; for no one would repair -a wall which was not tolerably complete in its circuit. The remains of -the Roman time, however, are insignificant compared with those of the -Pelasgic, either as to preservation or quality. - - [Illustration: VIEW OF SAMÉ FROM THE WEST,—WITH PARTS OF PELASGIC AND - HELLENIC WALLS.] - -At present Samé is an insignificant village, consisting of twenty or -thirty small houses stretched along the beach, with a tiny port formed -by a breakwater constructed from the stones of the city wall, the -fairest and best cut that could be found. The people are a thievish -clan, who set on any chance comer, like mosquitoes on a solitary and -bewildered fisherman in a swampy land. They have coins and antiquities -to sell, for which, as everywhere else in Greece, they demand the most -absurd prices; and they beset one with offers of service as guides, -etc., etc., etc., till they weary all human patience. This may be said -of the Ionians in general, but less of the people of Cerigo, perhaps, -than the others. We found, however, a grateful exception. We had -wandered along the beach to the furthermost houses of the line, and on -passing a very respectable-looking house, the owner, sitting in the -coolness of the twilight at his gates, seeing two strangers, rose to -salute us and invited us to enter; an invitation so amiable and earnest -that we accepted, and were ushered into the guest-chamber, clean and -furnished with divans in eastern fashion, where we were entertained with -the usual sweetmeats and coffee, while the daughter of the house went -into the garden and collected for each of us a bouquet of roses, the -most fragrant I ever remember to have seen. Our host narrated many -incidents of the English rule in Cephalonia, and when we rose to go -urged us to take up our quarters in his house; and finally, as we stood -before the gates, as a last favor, offered me two beautiful Greek stelæ, -memorials of the ancient dead, possibly of the period of the heroic -defense of Samé. He had found them in digging his house cellar, and they -were the ornaments of his court-yard; but learning that we were in -search of antiquities, he offered them freely as his contribution. I -shall not soon forget him or his fragrant roses and the dark-eyed Saméan -girl who offered them to us. - -Of Crané scarcely a trace remains, even of the Pelasgic walls. It stood -originally on the Lake of Argostoli (to which place we drove from Samé -across the island), but at a point now far from the water’s edge. The -lake is a singular geological phenomenon, formed by a number of springs -bursting out from under the hills on which Crané lay, with a force -sufficing to drive mills and form a strong current over the whole extent -of the lake, which is a mile or more in diameter, though the surface of -land to be drained by these subterranean outpours is, one would say, -utterly inadequate to the quantity of water delivered. - -I took a guide at Argostoli, a man of the usual type of Greek guide, who -assured me that he knew the ancient city, and had often guided strangers -there. On arriving at the head of the lake I found him taking useless -détours to bring me to the mills, which were driven by the springs; and -on asking him what he went there for, he replied that he supposed I -wanted to see the mills—since that was what other people had come for. I -gave him an energetic sample of modern Greek, and ordered him to show me -the way to the ancient city—Palaiokastron. “Palaiokastron!” he -ejaculated with surprise and bewilderment in his eyes, and turned to ask -some shepherd boys or other vagabonds, who were sauntering near by and -watching us, where the Palaiokastron was. They declined to give any -information, probably regarding him as a poacher on their preserves. I -had, therefore, to depend on my antiquarian instincts, and, taking the -lead, climbed over the heights above until, guided by the nature of the -ground, I found the traces of the old wall. - - [Illustration: CRANÉ FROM THE SEA SHORE.] - -The position of the city was entirely characteristic of the sites of the -Pelasgic epoch: a bold, double peak, almost inaccessible on the -sea-side, and on the two flanks still very precipitous, but connected -with higher land on the side opposite the water. On the side from which -the view is taken none of the ancient walls remain. The movement of -earthquakes, the gradual fall of the rock at the precipitous edge, or -the leveling labor of man has carried away all the blocks that made this -side of the _enceinte_; but many of the stones may be recognized at the -foot of the slope, some worked into modern walls, and some in the débris -of the hill. On the opposite side the traces are more distinct, and the -wall may be traced a long way, and the site of the citadel determined, -with a gate and the angles of some of the towers. From near the citadel -a view is obtained which shows a long line of the débris with a distant -view of the town of Argostoli and the lake, and far beyond the lines -that form the western shore of the superb harbor of Argostoli, almost -without a rival in the Adriatic. The mass of wall is hardly to be -distinguished from mere decomposed rock; so much have time and frost, -the great demolishers, split and crumbled the flinty, massive limestone, -the preferred material of the Pelasgi. On the further shore shown in the -view may be seen, when the air is clear, the houses which form a modern -village on the site of the ancient Palé. Here were Jason and his fellow -adventurers entertained on their search after the golden fleece,—an -expedition which perhaps we may translate from myth into probability, as -an expedition to obtain an improved breed of sheep, a finer-wooled -stock, from one of the northern and inland countries. - -At Argostoli I inquired about the ruins of Palé, but was told that they -are mainly built over, and what is visible is only of the Roman period. -I attempted, however, on our return to Samé, to run around in the -_Kestrel_, as the voyage across the bay from Argostoli is neither -pleasant nor sure in the small boats that make the service. We got up -anchor as the land breeze began to blow at midnight, and I went to bed, -having given orders to anchor in a little bay about half-way to the -southern extremity of the island near which some ruins are indicated on -the map. Awaking in the morning and finding a most suspicious -tranquillity prevailing, I took a look at the outside surroundings, and -found the yacht quietly moored on the same spot she had occupied the day -before. A furious sirocco had sprung up and met us half-way to our -destined anchorage, and after beating for an hour in vain, our little -boat nearly buried in the seas, we were compelled to retreat and run -back to our former place of refuge. There is no getting ahead in such -small craft against the sharp, violent seas of the Mediterranean. - -Three days the sirocco blew, and we tried in vain to pass the time -fishing. The Ionians have adopted dynamite so universally to catch their -fish that they are as scarce as honest people on shore. One does find -them sometimes, and we caught a shark about four feet long and a half -dozen red mullet where, before dynamite was discovered, we could have -caught in the same time a hundred-weight. - -The third night we got under way again, and, with a heavy swell still -on, ran down to our harbor, reaching it as a flaming, splendid -thunder-storm was coming up, the finale of our southern blow. We moored -with cables out in three directions, and when the storm had all gone by -I went ashore to hunt my ruins. A vagabond Cephalonian offered his -services to carry my camera and guide me; but his crafty and evasive -face, coupled with the assurance with which he clung to me, so irritated -me that to rid myself of him I plunged into the pathless thicket. -Traveling by compass, and searching long and closely, I found at last -the remains of an early Pelasgic wall on a magnificent site, with a -breezy outlook to sea north and west and overlooking a fertile valley -inland, not especially pictorial, for it was too regular and too -thoroughly cultivated, but through it ran a bright crystal brook -overhung by huge pollard sycamores and fringed with oleanders just -bursting into blossom and making the valley look like a rose-garden. -Beyond the hill on which the city stood is a wild ravine through which -runs the brook, which in Greek would naturally be dignified by the name -of a river. Only a narrow neck, as usual, gave access to the site. It is -impossible to ascertain with any kind of assurance what the name of the -city was. It could not have been Nesia, the only one of the four -principal ones we have not visited, for no ruins are visible approaching -so late an epoch as the Roman, and it was probably Heraclea. Its -position was magnificent for defense and on account of the fertility of -the country behind it, but the site was probably abandoned very early -for one further inland, where I was assured there were ruins of an -ancient city. But my time had been so invaded by the loss of three days -through the storm, and I was already so behind my programme, that I was -not able to give the time necessary to the search and examination, or, -indeed, to follow my plan of visiting Palé. - - [Illustration: DISTANT VIEW OF PALÉ FROM THE CITADEL OF CRANÉ.] - -We climbed down to the brook, and I enjoyed the pastime of wading in the -gurgling water as if I were a boy—it was so long since I had had that -pleasure! We followed it into a close and gloomy gorge, where the crag -of the ancient site overhung us like a huge, rough wall, almost a sheer -precipice, and down at the foot ran the brook, which we followed to the -sea. The sun was setting as we reached the yacht, and before we waked -from sleep next morning we were bounding toward Zante. - -In Zante (Zakynthos) there is, so far as I could find, no ancient ruin -whatever. The character of the rock explains this; for, except at the -extreme southern end of the island, there is no stone which would resist -even the weather-wear since the Roman epoch. The island seems to be a -bed of sand raised from the sea and slightly hardened, so that, though -the citadel hill is imposing enough as a mass, the material of it is -being continually dissolved, and looks at a distance more like a bank of -clay than like rock. - - [Illustration: ZANTE.] - -Zante is rhymingly called the “fior di Levante” (flower of the Levant), -but it is difficult to see wherein it surpasses Corfu in any flowery -attribute. I guess that, as in many other cases, the rhyme went for more -than the fact, poetical or otherwise. It is fertile, and the land -extends in an immense unpicturesque plain covered with olive-orchards -and vineyards for miles from the port. Its history is unimportant and -its mythology not interesting. It was said to have been colonized by -Zakynthos, son of Dardanus of Troy, about 1500 years before Christ; but, -as I have before said, all Greek dates and traditions of migration -earlier than 1000 B. C. are purely conjectural. Zante suffered with the -other islands from the endless and furious feuds of the Greek states; -ravaged by turns by Athenian and Lacedæmonian, it came down to the -Romans an unruly subject province, conquered and reconquered, and -finally lay still in the tranquillity of slavery until Geneseric, king -of the Vandals, began an epoch of devastation, which only concluded with -the purchase, by the Venetians from the Sultan, of its soil depopulated -by the sword and slavery. - -He who goes about in the Mediterranean has great chance of seeing bad -weather, for it is the reverse of a pacific sea, and in a scrap of a -boat like the _Kestrel_ the phenomena are sometimes interesting. Our -course from Zante to Cerigo (ancient Cythera) leads by Cape Mátapan, -opposite Cape Maleá, the two southern points of Greece, which enjoy a -reputation of the kind that the American proverb gives to Hatteras and -Lookout. The _Kestrel_ was again baffled, and, after beating for hours -to get past the point, we had to put up the helm and run back to -Navarino, the nearest shelter, before a gathering southerly blow. We lay -in our old anchorage another day, and as the wind fell at night we beat -out again and ran through the little archipelago of barren and desolate -islands which lie off this part of the Morea. The weather still looked -ugly, and thunder-clouds were gathering on the hills of Lacedæmon, and -we could see the storm creeping down toward the sea, but the wind was -fair, and we hoped to make Kapsali, in Cerigo, before the squall came -down. Already the heights of Cerigo loomed before us, and we had begun -to look for the landmarks, when the wind struck us. All hands made what -haste was possible to get in sail and get up a small storm jib to lie to -under, and not too quickly, for no common canvas would have stood that -blast when it struck us. The sun was setting, and soon we were out of -sight of all land in the driving spray and rain. The lightning was such -as only they who sail in semi-tropical seas can have known, blinding and -incessant; it seemed to have gathered around the mountains of Cerigo as -a centre, for it went and came and still hung there as the rain swept -down the coast and up again. As the wind fell off with the down-pouring -of the torrents we got off again and pointed our bowsprit for Kapsali; -and as the waters above and those below seemed to have formed an -alliance against us, we went below and shut the hatch. Fortunately the -wind was off shore and we had little sea, and managed to creep along -nearly as much as we had drifted to the leeward; so that when the storm -broke and the rain held up we were able to see the rocks off the coast, -and finally to grope our way into the little port of Kapsali, which is -secure against everything but a southerly blow. The wind, always -contrary, fell off as we drew near the light-house, and we had to get in -with our sweeps in the small hours of the morning, wet, cold, hungry, -and jaded from the excitement of the night; for, though it is simple and -safe in the telling, a large Greek brig foundered only two miles from us -in the squall, and we had experienced the worst weather we had yet felt, -and since the storm began no one had been able to eat or even get a cup -of coffee. - -At Kapsali one begins to see the antique sailor ways and the evidence of -the intense conservatism of the eastern world. The ships are drawn up on -the beach at night as of old, and this necessitates a construction of -the hull which cannot be far removed from that of the antique. Indeed, I -have seen fishing-boats which might have served for the models of the -galley on the Roman coins. The rigging, again, is of the simplest, and -fitted for these seas, where the sudden squalls and the “meltem,” or -gusts which come down from the mountains with no warning but a little -cloud appearing on the summit, sometimes leave brief space for the -taking in of sail. On the whole, wherever we look we see ample evidence -that in the whole Levant, where the original population exists in a -considerable proportion, the ways of life and thought are the same as -those of Homer’s day. Nature has changed more than man. Where the -Venetians came they brought new habits of military life and -construction, and demolished all the old ruins to make fortresses; but -on the domestic life and on the character of the Greek they had little -or no influence. - -Whether Kapsali, a mere village, the port of Cerigo, had any ancient -existence, we do not know. Cerigo lies on the high rock above it, and is -a Venetian fortress; and, as is generally the case with Venetian -fortresses, has used up all ancient masonry, if any existed, in its -construction. - - [Illustration: CITADEL OF CERIGO.] - -The road from Kapsali to the town of Cerigo is of Venetian construction, -kept in repair by those fitting successors of Venice, the English, who -certainly left the Ionian Islands in a state of prosperity higher than -that of to-day. Good roads were almost everywhere provided, and good -ways of other kinds, now lost entirely, if I might believe the -complaints of the people. The position of Cerigo is very strong for the -days of Venetian rule, and it overhangs the port and country round on -every side, except one, like a Pelasgic site, but I could find no stone -of that date. It is not likely that there was any very ancient city -there, as no tombs or evidences of a necropolis have been found. The -formidable character of the position in the times of the Venetians is -shown by the view from the road above the ravine which severs the -mountain from the lesser hill over the port—a ravine whose existence is -quite unsuspected from the port. - -The city itself is without interest except as the first really Eastern -city one will see coming from the West, and as an example of Venetian -fortress-building. The view from the citadel is fine and breezy, the -islands of Ovo, Cerigotto, and Crete being visible, and a great expanse -of that sea which, on sunny days, is in itself so beautiful from its -color. You look down on the houses, white as continual whitewashing will -make them, whose flat, terraced roofs serve in the hot and rainless -summer as sleeping-places for the whole family. How many nights I have -dragged my mattress from the bedroom out on this delightful substitute -and let the night breeze fan me to sleep! - -Of history the island has next to none. Mythology puts the landing of -Aphrodite here, as she came, foam-born and sea-borne, to found her -religion in the Greek worlds.[7] The first who are traditionally -reported to have colonized the island are the Phœnicians; but it is -impossible to ignore the previous coming of the Pelasgi, who have left a -well-marked ruin of the earliest type. To see the traces of the antique -settlements, one had better go to Port San Nicolo if provided as we -were; but secure an intelligent guide previously from Cerigo, as the -country people, as in other islands, while pretending to know all about -the antiquities, really know absolutely nothing. They know the tombs -because they serve as sheep-folds, and they have sometimes a curious -knowledge of the relative antiquity of the ruins; but they have heard -modern myths, and apply them with the least possible regard to -archæological facts, and invariably assure you that they know -everything. - -So it happened that I was again, for want of choice, out on a search -with an ignorant guide. There had been some excavations commenced on the -site of what is now known as Palaiopolis (the old city), which evidently -was Phœnician, and was occupied down to Roman times. There were some -columns of Roman or Byzantine work unearthed, and from mere curiosity to -know _his_ notions, I asked a shepherd boy watching his sheep near by -what they were. “This,” he said, “was the palace of the king.” “Of what -king?” I asked. “Don’t you know?” he said, opening his eyes at me as if -this were the very _a b c_ of history. “Why, the palace of Menelaus.” -There is an old tradition that it was the place of residence of Menelaus -and Helen, and all the objects to be seen are attributed to them. The -Phœnician city is close to the sea; the Pelasgic site is several miles -back, and looms up on the highest mountains in the vicinity. In a -previous visit I had seen but had not explored it; but now I determined -to see the whole extent of it. My guide, who brought a donkey for my -occasional changes of mode of locomotion, pretended to lead me to the -ancient citadel; but when we reached the hill on which I knew it to be -better than he, he began to inquire about it of the women at work in the -fields; thereupon I, as usual, took the lead. Guided by the nature of -the ground, I found all that remained of the ancient citadel wall—a -fragment kept up by the chance of its being the limit of a field, and so -kept in repair, but in such a state of dilapidation that but for the -evidences of the continuity I would not have been sure that it was a -wall. I followed the main wall a mile or more along the edge of the -precipitous slope, and saw that it bore testimony to the importance of -the ancient city, for it was wide in its compass and massive, with -towers, gates, and flanking towers of the true Pelasgic style, but in -most places only two or three stones high. I got an imposing view of the -hill from below the lowest trace of wall, showing its position with -reference to the valley below, through which ran once a river of some -volume, if we may judge by the alluvial plains at its mouth, but which -at the time of my visit in midsummer, was dry as desert dust. A strip of -white pebbles shows where it still runs in winter-time. On the hills -close to the sea-side, and on both sides of the mouth of this ancient -river, used to lie the old Phœnician, Greek, and Roman city, whatever it -was originally called,—probably Cythera, like the island. As I have -said, it is now called Palaiopolis. The temple of Aphrodite, the people -pretend, was on the hill near the citadel where now is an insignificant -chapel, but with no evidence of antiquity except that there are in the -construction of the chapel some large stones which are evidently of -Hellenic cutting; but as the Greeks had the habit in all ages of keeping -up the temples of their gods, there is nothing to show that it was a -temple of Aphrodite rather than a Pelasgic god, which Aphrodite-Astarte -was not, and her temple must have been near the sea. - -The site of Palaiopolis is marked by a quantity of tombs, most, if not -all, of Hellenic date. There are now no temple remains there; but Spon, -who visited the spot two hundred years ago, says that he saw the statue -of Aphrodite, which was very ugly and of coarse brown stone, which -reminds us of the statues of Cyprus. The rock is a soft conglomerate -which the sea cuts away very rapidly, and apparently there has been a -subsidence of the soil, since they say that when the sea is tranquil -there may be seen beneath the water, some distance out from the actual -shore, the ruins of a city. This may have been the port of -Cythera—scarcely a fortified city, as the site must have been too low. -Right and left of the rivulet which now represents the ancient river are -bluffs of conglomerate, that on the left honeycombed by tombs, some of -which have fallen with the rock, but of which others are still visible, -opened to the elements but showing within the rock-cut graves. Many -valuable articles of gold work have been found in past times, but the -treasure seems to have been exhausted. These two bluffs are the lineal -representatives and successors by right of position of what Aphrodite -must have seen as she came ashore on the foam, otherwise they have no -interest. - -The two low hills which were included in the city of Cythera are covered -with fragments of building and traces of tombs, but, so far as I could -find, no wall. This is all that is left of Aphrodite, Helen, and -Menelaus in their land of fabled existence. The coming ashore of -Aphrodite undoubtedly indicates, like that of Europa at Gortyna in -Crete, the landing of a colony from Phœnicia, bearing the worship of -Astarte, who became later assimilated to Aphrodite. Of the presence here -of Helen and Menelaus there is no evidence in any trustworthy tradition. -The subjection of Cythera to Sparta is of historic date. My conclusion -as to the island is that in Homeric times it was Phœnician in its -relations as Melos was at one time, as well as Santorin and other -eastern islands, and that, like Corfu, it did not come into the Greek -system. - -Opposite Cerigo, and with its snowy peaks glistening under the noonday -sun, lies Crete. The strangest omission of the Odyssey would have been -that of the island of Minos from its reminiscences, if the author had -known of it; but, as we have seen in his interviews with Athene, Ulysses -did not fail to include it in his geography though he had apparently -never visited it, and like Egypt and Lotophagitis it was known by -report. Of Egypt we had heard mention through the visit of Helen and -Menelaus. Of the country where subsequently was established the Great -Greek-African colony, Cyrene, we have no hint, yet the inhabitants of -the Peloponnesus knew of Libya earlier than the Dorian invasion—as -early, in fact, as 1500 B. C., as we know by the Karnac inscriptions. -The story of Eumæus shows knowledge of the ways of that race of -merchants and pirates, the Phœnicians, but nothing of their country. - -The questions of the personality and date of Homer and of the reality of -the Trojan war are utterly diverse, and not, in fact, interdependent. As -to the latter we have thus far no direct evidence whatever, beyond -poetic traditions in which the supernatural is so strongly and -inextricably involved with the pretense or actuality of history that no -inferences can be drawn from any part of the narrative, though from its -_ensemble_ we are assured that in its ancient form it was accepted as -history by the entire Greek world as early as we know anything of that -world with historical certainty. But that is no criterion. Even at this -day myths grow and crystallize in the Oriental mind with a rapidity -which leaves the ancients without any advantage. The universal belief -from the first to the eighth century B. C. that the Iliad was history -need not weigh with us. Scientific investigators differ so widely that -we have no general inference to draw from their arguments. The most -recent excavations leave a grave doubt whether any of the ruins -excavated in the Troad can by any reasoning be admitted to be as old as -the Iliad, and the remains on Hissarlik hill which Schliemann _more suo_ -has identified with Homer’s Troy are clearly the remains of the city of -Crœsus, being of brick, which does not appear in the classic traditions -or structures until his time, and we know by authentic history that he -did build a city on this hill. Professor Jebb, one of the most acute of -the literary investigators of the question, is convinced that the -topography of the Iliad is eclectic, some of its indications suiting -only Hissarlik and others only Bunarbashi; Max Müller maintains that the -whole story is a solar myth; while Nicolaïdes, a patient and thorough -Greek student of the Iliad, believes that he can follow the whole -strategy of the poem on the plain of Troy. But the main questions -involved in the Odyssey are of a different character and determined by -different criteria. I offer my suggestions as to some of them with the -deference due my masters in archæology. - - [Illustration: LANDING-PLACE OF THE CYPRIAN APHRODITE OR ASTARTE.] - -The general knowledge shown in the Odyssey divides itself into kinds: -that which was part of the general geography of the day, and this -included the coasts shown on our route map; and that of which the poet -had personal cognizance, which is limited to Corfu, Ithaca, Nericus, and -possibly Pylos; and this exclusiveness suggests to us that Homer, a -stranger in the West, had come, as I did, simply to follow and study the -traces of Ulysses’ wanderings, and that he did so in obedience to a -clearly preserved tradition as to his great exemplar, which was almost -impossible without the still remembered personal presence. What he -describes is admirably told, even to the “sandy shore” of Pylos, in a -world whose sandy shores are rare; but Homer does not seem to have any -mental vision of the lands and islands of which Ulysses only speaks in -his story—the lands of the Cimmerians, of the Læstrygonians, the -Cyclops, the Lotophagi, the homes of Circe and Calypso, are only heard -of. Cythera, close by, is not named, and Crete and Egypt are only named. -This kind of fulfillment, as well as this kind of omission, gives a tone -of personality to the poem, as the composition of one person, and that -one familiar with the scene of its major events, and it strengthens my -belief in the hypothesis of the presence of Homer in Ithaca, and of the -early date of the Odyssey, and by a certain implication argues for a -logical relation between the hero and the Trojan war, implying the -actuality of both. - - - - - THE SO-CALLED VENUS OF MELOS. - - -In the year 1820, before the struggle between the Hellenic population of -the Turkish empire and the Porte had begun, and when all that attracted -the notice of the civilized world to modern Greece was the little -preserved to us of her art,—occasionally and fragmentarily found in the -ruins of her great communities,—a peasant of Melos whose name was -Theodore Kondros Botoni, working in his field to enlarge it by clearing -away the _débris_ of the walls and structures of ancient Melos (which -had been built on a steep hill-side, on a series of terraces, more or -less natural or artificial, so that the ruins of one terrace fell down -upon and encumbered that below it), saw, to his great bewilderment, the -heap of rubbish which he was digging away at the bottom suddenly crumble -down and display the upper part of an antique statue. The peasant -hastened to the French consul to inform him of the discovery, and the -latter negotiated the purchase of it for five hundred piastres and a -complete dress of the fashion of the country. This was the statue known -as the Venus of Melos. - -So far, there are no variations of the history, but one account says -that the first or upper part was found several days before the lower, -and the other, that they were found together; but the inexactitude of -the documentary contemporary evidence is clear from the examination of -the ground to-day, and from the contradictions contained in it. Dumont -d’Urville, the commander of the _Chevrette_, a French man-of-war which -visited Melos after the statue was found, alluding to the discovery of -the theatre, says: “All the ground is covered with drums of columns and -fragments of statues. One finds here and there great pieces of wall of a -very solid construction, and many important tombs have been opened -through the curiosity of strangers, and the cupidity of the -inhabitants.” But neither the wall nor the tombs, nor any drum of column -or fragment of statue (if any was found), could have had anything to do -with the theatre. The theatre is very late work, and was never nearly -finished, so could have possessed neither columns nor statues. This -shows that the idea the commandant carried away was confused and -untrustworthy as to details. He goes on to say: “Three weeks before our -arrival at Melos, a Greek peasant, digging in his field inclosed in this -circuit, struck some pieces of cut stone. As these stones, employed by -the inhabitants, have a certain value, this induced him to dig farther, -and he thus happened to uncover a species of niche, in which he found a -marble statue, _two Hermes_, and some other marble fragments. The statue -_was in two pieces, joined by two strong iron clamps_. The Greek, -fearing to lose the fruit of his labor, had carried the upper part to a -stable. The other was still in the niche.... It represented a naked -woman, _whose left hand raised an apple and the right held a -drapery_,[8] well composed and falling negligently from the hips to the -feet. For the rest, _they are both mutilated, and actually detached from -the body_.” - -I note by italics the points which are to be contrasted with other -evidence. - -M. Dauriac, captain of the frigate _La Bonté_, writes from Melos, date -11th of April, 1820: “There has been found, three days ago, by a peasant -who was digging in his field, a marble statue of _Venus receiving the -apple from Paris_. It is larger than life; _they have at this moment -only the bust as far as the waist_. _I have been to see it._” Mr. Brest -again writes, 12th of April: “A peasant has found in a field which -belonged to him three marble statues, representing, one Venus holding -the apple of discord in one hand, the other represents _the god Hermes, -and the third a young child_.” The correspondence shows that Mr. Brest -was entirely ignorant of everything connected with archæology or art. He -probably heard one of the officers say that one of the objects was a -Hermes, and he changes it into a statue of the god Hermes, but we see -that there was only one Hermes. November 26th, Brest again writes: “His -Excellency has left me orders to make researches in order to find the -arms and other _débris_ of the statue, but to do that it is necessary to -obtain a _bouyourouldon_ which will permit us to make excavations at our -own expense, _because in the same niche where it was found there is -reason to hope that we might find other objects_.” - -The contradictions are so palpable that it is clear that these documents -are only of value as secondary archæological evidence. No one seems to -have made an observation with exactitude. - -We have the whole statue found, in one, bound together by iron clamps; -in another, only half had yet been found; in one, the statue is found -holding the apple of discord in one hand; in another, receiving it from -Paris; and in another still, we are told that search has been ordered -for the arms, etc. - -In 1865 I visited Melos, and having made the acquaintance of Mr. Brest, -son and successor of the French consul who secured the statue for the -Louvre, he politely offered to guide me through the ruins of the ancient -city. Among other things, we visited the locality where the statue was -found, and he showed me the niche still standing as when the discovery -was made. - -It was a slightly built work, of the height, _as nearly as I can -remember_, of ten or at most twelve feet, and about five wide. It formed -a part of an old boundary-wall of the field on which it opened, and -above it the ground was level with the crown of the arch of the niche. -It had no suite or connection with any other structure, except the -boundary-wall in which it was, and there were no evidences of ruin or of -foundation of antique buildings about it. The opening had been closed -with rubbish, not with masonry, as was evident from the face of the side -walls, which were of smooth, if not carefully laid, masonry. If as I -believe not built for the concealment of the statue, it had been made -for some unimportant purpose; perhaps the protection from the weather of -the poor Hermes which is said to have been found with it. C. Doupault, -architect, has published a _brochure_ with what he supposed important -evidence on the question, in which, from data given him by old Brest -twenty-seven years after the discovery, he reconstructs the apse of a -seventh-century church, in which he places the statue. The whole study -has no value whatever, as the sketch does not correspond with the ruins -which I saw, and looking back to the correspondence quoted, it is clear -that Brest, knowing nothing of archæology or art, caught at certain -suggestions of the officers who saw the statue, and affirmed what they -surmised. As to the fragments found, to which constant reference is -made, there is not the slightest evidence that they were found in any -connection with the statue, as none of the early evidence indicates that -they were known when the statue was first taken under notice—on the -contrary, it is said explicitly by Brest that he had orders to make -researches to find the arms and other portions of the statue; indicating -clearly that the arms alluded to had not been found with the statue, and -that the connection between them and it was an after-thought, either of -the peasant, who wished to increase the value of the statue by -connecting with it fragments which he had found in other parts, or of -the archæologists, who, seeking to restore the statue to what they -judged to be its true action, connected the arm found, no one knows -where, except at Melos, with the statue. It is undeniable that when the -letters before quoted were written, there had been only conjecture as to -the arms. Dauriac, writing on the 11th of April, says that they have -only found the bust. Brest, November 26th, says that there is reason to -hope that they might find other objects _in the same niche_—proof that -it had not even then been cleared out. In fact, all we have of -documentary evidence goes for nothing beyond showing that the statue was -found at a certain place on a certain date; and if the two halves of the -statue did not fit exactly we could not be certain that they were found -at the same time and place. The hypothesis of the apple of discord is -based on a conjecture of some of the officers, and has no further -confirmation than that an arm and hand, with what may be an apple or a -cup, seem to have been found somewhere in the island about the same -time; but they evidently are not of the statue, nor even of the same -epoch. - -Over or somewhere near the niche an inscription was said to have been -found which records the dedication of an exedra by a gymnasiarch to -Hercules and Hermes. The date of this inscription, according to -conjecture based on the inscription itself, is about a century before -Christ, _i. e._, long after any possibility of such a work being -produced had gone by. - -These are all the positive data we have to work on. They suffice, -however, for about twenty monographs in French, German, and English; and -a late German work, by Dr. Goeler von Ravensburg, exhausts all the -possible and impossible conjectures to establish its character in -accordance with the original attribution of a Venus receiving the apple. - -In the year 1880, I made another visit to Melos, on commission from “The -Century” magazine, to photograph whatever might remain which had any -connection with the statue; but found the niche gone, and no trace of -foundations of any kind, or walls, city or other, very near the spot -which was again pointed out to me as that where the Venus was found. - -It would seem that in the energetic excavation that followed the last -great archæological revival, everything that was suspected to conceal -works of art had been dug away. - -I found an old man, a pilot well known in our navy, Kypriotis, who had -seen the statue when it was brought out, being a boy of about fourteen. -At that time Mr. Brest was a child, and retained only slight personal -recollection of the event; but it was evident that he, like his father -in 1847, had mingled in his impressions conjecture of others and his -own, with facts perverted, and details conceived without sufficient -basis. Nothing new was to be got. - -The old Melos is utterly deserted, and the modern town is built on a -pinnacle above it, which does not seem ever to have been included in the -range of the city. The port is changed from the ancient site, where now -a breakwater would be needed, as the land seems to have sunk greatly, -and the old basin of the port is silted up to a point at the bottom of -the bay, where a comparatively modern village has grown up, called -Castro. - -The magnificent harbor used to make of the island an important station -before telegraphs were established, and might again, if the telegraph -were laid to it; but now a man-of-war rarely calls, except to take a -pilot for the Archipelago, and a Greek steamer stops once in a -fortnight. But in heavy weather, any ship caught near runs for Melos. -This keeps the place alive, but it has dwindled to a mere island -village, where the vast labyrinths of tombs which perforate the hills -show more human industry than the dwellings of the living. Earthquakes -and malaria have desolated and almost depopulated it. - -We had left Cerigo for Crete, and intended to take Melos on our return -to Peiræus, but when within an hour of land we were caught by a terrific -south-wester, the most to be dreaded of all the winds of the Ægean, and -in spite of all we could do we were obliged to give up and run before -the gale where it would send us. It was late in the evening when its -fury came down on us, and taking in all sail except a small storm-sail -at the foot of the mast to keep from coming up into the wind, we ran -before it into the black night. I knew that there were no rocks ahead -before Melos, and if we only made the island by daylight, we could -easily fetch the port; but if not, and the yacht ran at night into the -little archipelago of which Melos is part, it would be next to -impossible to choose where our bones should be laid, for there are no -lights, and many islands and rocks. The sea was, for our little -twelve-ton craft, something fearful, and we thumped and hammered till -the little thing quivered, when a wave struck her, almost as if we had -come to the rocks. Sleep was out of the question—to sit or stand, -equally so, and we kept to our berths, as the only way to avoid being -pitched about like blocks. How long that night was! and in the middle of -it I attempted to get up, and when I put my foot on the cabin-floor, -found myself stepping into the water. We had sprung a leak with the -straining. - -But day came and cheerfulness. We ran in between the huge cliffs which -form the portal of Melos harbor, with the wild surges beating against -them till the spray flew high enough to have buried a larger craft than -ours. Tired, aching, and hungry, for nothing could we get to eat till we -arrived in port, we cast anchor in the welcome harbor late in the -afternoon. Even then, the sea ran so high that we could not land until -the next day. - -Castro is a pile of white houses, rising in terraces from the shore; the -streets mostly stairways, and the houses all whitewashed till they blind -one in that rarely broken sunlight. - - [Illustration: THE SO-CALLED VENUS OF MELOS. (DRAWN BY BIRCH FROM A - PHOTOGRAPH.)] - -I landed, and, as usual, went to the little café, where the magnates of -the village were discussing the arrival and the storm—the worst, they -said, for many years. I called, of course, on Brest, who, to my -surprise, remembered me after eighteen years; and we made an appointment -to revisit together the sites I knew, and to see those I had not known -before,—important excavations having been made since my former visit. - -We went first to the new port, where some admirable statues, since taken -to Athens, had been recently found. The owner of the little field by the -water, which occupies the site of the inner port, having occasion to -sink a well, struck the ruins of a temple of Neptune, and three statues -were found, one of Neptune, a female goddess draped, but lacking the -head, and a mounted warrior, apparently Perseus. - -The Greek Government, according to their laws, forbade the exportation -of them by any foreign government, and finally purchased them for thirty -thousand francs—certainly a very small price. I succeeded in seeing them -later, still in their boxes at Athens, and though not equal to the -Venus, or of the same epoch, they are very fine works. - -But there the excavations stop; the owner had no means to pump out the -water that flooded his diggings, the Government had no more, and as no -one is allowed to dig unless for the Greek museum, whatever remains -under ground and water is likely to remain there another generation. - -We then climbed up the zigzag road to the theatre. It is, as I have -said, of late times, probably Roman, and was never complete. Fragments -of unfinished ornament lie still where the stage should have been, but -it had clearly never been carried up above the seven ranges of seats now -existing. It was just outside the wall of the inner city, on the brow of -the hill, and overlooked the spacious harbor and looked out to sea. -There is no record of any sculpture having been found there. It was -purchased and excavated by the King of Bavaria. - -Less than half a mile beyond, going with the sea at our backs, was the -field where the statue was found. The Greeks have entertained a great -deal of indignation at the rape, which they affect to call robbery; but -the civilized world may thank the French captain who, coming to get it, -and finding it already half-embarked on board a Turkish vessel, destined -for Constantinople, made the most legitimate use that was ever made of -_force majeure_, and took it away from the Turk to transfer it to the -hold of his own ship. Otherwise, no one knows what vile uses it might -have gone to, or what oblivion and destruction. All the world knows it -now, but Greek genius would have forever lacked one of its greatest -triumphs in modern times if it had disappeared in the slums of Stamboul. - - [Illustration: STREET IN CASTRO.] - -As I have said, there is now no trace of any construction of any kind to -be seen at the locality. The wall in which was the niche was gone, and -the field of the present owner has encroached considerably on the space -beyond, the _débris_ being piled up in huge masses like walls, and two -or three terraces above runs the citadel wall, a mass of Hellenic -masonry built of blocks of lava. The Pelasgic walls, of which some -authors speak, do not exist anywhere in the island. Brest took up a -stone, and as we stood on the wall of _débris_ above, cast it into the -field, and said, “There stood the Venus!” In the illustration I have put -a white cross on the spot. - -There cannot remain the slightest doubt that the statue had been -concealed, and to my mind, the circumstances indicated for its -concealment are these: The niche, judging from its character, had been -built in Roman times; as the rubbly nature of the masonry indicated, -probably covered with stucco, as it would have been if intended for -ornament, and was designed as a shelter for an altar, or for the statue -of some divinity—Terminus, Hermes, Pan or Faunus, the more Roman -companion of him. Here the inscription and the Hermes found furnish a -plausible clew, and agree with the indication of the masonry in pointing -out the epoch of this conjunction of circumstances as subsequent to the -second century before Christ; how long after we cannot in any wise -indicate. - -[Illustration: THE SITE OF OLD MELOS, FROM THE PORT. (WHITE CROSS SHOWS - WHERE THE “VENUS” WAS FOUND.)] - -Now as to the epoch of the statue there can be no doubt that it was of -the immediately post-Phidian epoch; and all the most authoritative -opinions attribute it to the Attic school, and probably of the time and -school of Scopas—and some of the weightiest authorities have accepted -Scopas himself as the author. - -Anything more definite than this it is impossible to establish by any -now known evidence. The concealment of the statue, then, was several -centuries later than the execution of it. - -The Greeks of the classical epoch, even down to the first century after -Christ, retained, amidst all the degradation of their contemporary art, -a distinct recognition of the excellence of the elder work, as the -enormous artistic as well as pecuniary value of some of the masters’ -_chefs d’œuvre_ prove. That this was one of them, and of one of the -chief masters, all civilization agrees, and, although we have lost the -name of the author, the people who hid it must have known it well. The -availing themselves of the niche, ready-made to their hands, indicates -that the possessors of the statue worked in haste, piling up stones in -front of the niche, instead of walling it up. - -This indicates the haste of impending attack, or work done in secret. In -either case, if the statue had a temple in that locality, it would be -concealed near it, or near the place where it was accustomed to stand; -but no such temple is known. We may remember the contrast with the -colossal and magnificent Hercules found in a drain at Rome, carefully -covered over with good masonry. Concealment was the object in both -cases, and the greater haste and furtiveness with the Melian statue -indicate rather that it was brought from a distance than that it could -be a divinity of the island. - -Conjecture as to the origin of the statue, if my hypothesis is true, -points to Athens, not only because the work is Attic, but because we -know by the coins of Melos, which in all the latest coinages still bear -the owl of Athens, that Melos belonged to that city as late as she had -any Greek allegiance, which must have been some time into the Empire, as -the Romans long made it a policy to preserve a certain kind of autonomy -in the Greek states, even when their subjection was complete. That it is -Attic, no one can doubt in face of the evidence I shall show. That -Athens was the only city likely to send to Melos a treasure of this -kind, concealment of which was impossible in Athens, is almost certain. - -I conclude that it was a highly valued statue of Athens, sent to Melos -in time of great danger, to be concealed and preserved. What period this -might have been is only to be guessed at; it is therefore hardly worth -while to say more about it, except to indicate that four periods in late -Athenian history might furnish the motive requisite: when the army of -Mithridates, under Archelaus, took Athens; the wars between the factions -of Marius and Sylla; the Lacedemonian war, and the invasions of the -Iconoclasts. The Romans do not appear, in spite of all their plundering -and the enormous quantity of statues carried away from Greece, to have -desecrated the temples of the Greek gods, as we see that Pausanias, in -the century after Christ, found the most valuable of them _in situ_, as, -for instance, the Diana Brauronia of Praxiteles, the Perseus of Myron, -with others of great fame. The above conclusion, considering all the -known and reasonably conjecturable details of the discovery and -concealment, seems to me justifiable,—as well as that it was concealed -at some time between the century or two centuries before Christ and the -end of the first century after. - -Now, what was the statue? We have so long been in the habit of accepting -all female statues, not distinguished by well-known symbols of their -divinity, as Venuses, that we make no distinction even in cases where -the type demands it. And yet the dominant characteristic of Greek -sculpture is this close adherence to established types. We are never at -a loss to distinguish Diana, Minerva, Juno, or even Ceres and the lesser -deities. Venus, it is true, came into vogue as subject for the sculptors -of sacred statues later than some of the others; but all that we know of -the Venus of the artists indicates that it was _par excellence_ the -womanly type. The treatment of the head in Greek sculpture was a point -apparently of doctrine, as it was in Byzantine and in the later -ecclesiastical art of Greece. It is always in a conventional type, -utterly separated from the individual. - - [Illustration: MEDICEAN VENUS.] - - [Illustration: VENUS URANIA.] - - [Illustration: CAPITOLINE VENUS.] - - [Illustration: VENUS OF THE VATICAN.] - - [Illustration: VENUS ANADYOMENE.] - - [Illustration: VENUS VICTRIX OF THE LOUVRE.] - -This unquestionable fact should have taught us to reject from the Venus -category many statues which are now included in it, as for instance, the -Callipyge, and all in which a trace of portraiture is to be found, -besides diminishing that category by all the statues of the heroic type, -as in none of the legends of beliefs of the Greek faith was Venus ever -endowed with a heroic quality. The preconceived notion that the Melian -statue was a Venus has been a continual cause of confusion. This was, as -I have shown, the first hypothesis of the French officers, none of whom -appear to have been possessed of any archæological knowledge, and who -had the commonly prevailing notion that any nude statue must be a Venus. -I have taken the pains to collect a number of representations of the -various so-called Venuses, and most of which the type, or symbols, -justify us in so classifying; and a comparison of their character will -show what is the Venus type,—making this proviso, however, that we have -no other than internal evidence for denominating most of them Venuses. -The chief of these, in what we seek for most, _i. e._, the impersonal -type, which was inseparable from the Greek deities down through the -decline of art, which began in the time of Alexander, are: the Medici, a -distinctly marked Attic work, later, however, than the Melian statue; -the Capitoline, apparently a still later reminiscence of the Medici and -one of many similar reminiscences; and the “Venus coming out of the -bath,” at Naples, a better work than the last, but still already widely -separated from the purely conventional type of the Medicean, which we -may authoritatively accept as the Venus type of the best period of the -Venus sculpture. The close comparison of the heads and details of the -flesh will give those who do not know the originals an invaluable lesson -in the treatment of the figure in Greek art. The so-called “Venus -Urania,” at Florence, marks, to my mind, a distinct departure from the -Venus type,—so marked, indeed, as to make me decline to accept it as a -Venus, while the still typical character of the face is one which must -place it in a good period of art, before ideality of treatment had -entirely given way to individuality. The art is of too good an epoch to -have departed so far from the type of Venus, if intended for her, and -indicates rather a nymph, or some inferior deity. The Venus of the -Vatican is too late and too low down in the scale of art to be an -authoritative witness in the matter; while the Venus Anadyomene, while -still reserving the ideal character, resembles the Urania rather, in a -separation of the type from the Venus. Later still, and perhaps at the -end of that period which may be called the ideal period of antique -sculpture, most probably of Græco-Roman art, is the Venus Victrix of the -Louvre; unquestionably a Venus, for she bears in her hand the -apple—symbol of fruitfulness. But how far from the type of our Melian -treasure! In that is the most distinct approach to the Athena type—a -purely heroic ideal. I cannot believe that its sculptor intended it for -a Venus. - - [Illustration: VENUS OF CAPUA.] - - [Illustration: RESTORATION OF THE STATUE AS PROPOSED BY MR. TARRAL.] - -The patient German admirer of our statue, which Von Ravensburg is, has -gone through all the literature and all the conjectures which it has -given rise to, as to the chief problem which gives interest to any -investigation, _i. e._, the restoration of the statue. No attempt will -satisfy all the investigators; but that which Von Ravensburg accepts -with approval—viz., the restoration of Mr. Tarral (an Englishman -residing in Paris for many years, who has given his chief attention to -this problem)—shows so entire a want of appreciation of the character of -antique design, which is, after all, our only clew, that I shall not -hesitate to put aside, not only the solution proposed, but the judgment -that could accept as satisfactory such a solution of one of the most -interesting of artistic problems. I give the figure which Von Ravensburg -publishes as Tarral’s restoration of the statue, that one may see how -absolutely its inanity is at variance with the spirit of Greek design. -The mere completion of the statue, in this sense, destroys the dignity -and unity of the work so completely that to look at it is enough for a -cultivated judgment to decide that, whatever it may have been, this it -was _not_. The author gives, also, photographs of the fragments -found—fragments so imperfect and corroded that we can only say that they -appear to be from a very low period of art, and are utterly worthless as -data for measure or opinion, from their extremely fragmentary state. - - [Illustration: FRAGMENTS FOUND AT MELOS ATTRIBUTED TO THE STATUE.] - -Besides, I have shown, from the records of discovery, that there is no -further reason to connect them with the statue than that they were also -found at Melos. - -In following the whole course of the demonstration which Von Ravensburg -attempts of this solution of the problem, I arrive at the conclusion -that, with all his patience and research, his judgment is utterly -untrustworthy on a problem which requires not only freedom from -preconception, but long cultivation of artistic perception and general -critical ability. Mr. Tarral’s attempt proves, to my mind, only that -this was not the solution. - - [Illustration: VICTORY OF BRESCIA—FRONT.] - - [Illustration: VICTORY OF BRESCIA—SIDE.] - -The various suggestions, more or less authoritative, made as to the -restoration, and thence as to the determination of the attributes of the -statue, are to be summed up briefly. The Count de Clarac, the then -curator of the antiques of the Louvre, adopted the Venus with the apple -hypothesis, but afterward abandoned it in favor of one put forward by -Millingen, that it was a Victory. This is one of the theories of the -restoration which has found the greatest number of adherents. Several -restorations have been proposed, which make the statue part of a group, -all which, though defended or proposed by many _dilettanti_, I reject, -for what to me seem sufficient reasons, viz.: _Firstly_, we have in the -statue no evidence whatever that it formed part of a group, and without -some such the hypothesis is gratuitous; _Secondly_, we have—with one -exception, which I shall presently note, and which gives no countenance -to such a theory—no statue or parts of statues which agree with it in -artistic quality, or even none which lend themselves to a group, if such -were made up by various sculptors; _Thirdly_, that, at the epoch in -which the statue was produced, any group which has been suggested would -have been out of accordance with the aims of art, as practiced by the -Greeks. The only evidence in favor of such a theory is that in some -antique fragments or coins are indications of such a figure as the -Melian in combination. But, as this statue must have been in its own -time nearly as celebrated, relatively, as in ours, it must have given -rise to many imitations and adaptations. It may have given rise to some -which support the group theory, but to more which support an opposing -theory. - -[Illustration: VICTORY RAISING AN OFFERING (TEMPLE OF NIKÉ APTEROS, THE - ACROPOLIS, ATHENS).] - -Von Ravensburg goes over, in detail, all the group theories, and easily -finds fatal objections to all. What most surprises me is that any one -ever tried to put it into a group, so completely by itself does it stand -in every sense of the word. - -Millingen, in 1826, started his theory that it was a Victory holding a -shield in both hands. I am quite convinced that many who have started -other theories would have adopted this if they had not been anticipated -in proposing it. The vanity of archæological research, and eagerness to -propose something new is so dominant in most archæologists that they -exercise more ingenuity to advance some new theory than would be -requisite to show the validity of an old one. And the statue of Melos -has been preëminent in fruitfulness of theories of all qualities and -grades of improbability. Millingen, however, supported his theory by a -similar statue known as the Capuan Venus, a reproduction, I believe, in -Roman times, of the Melian statue, probably through some other -intermediate copy or reproduction, as the sculptors of the Capuan statue -could not have seen the Melian. The arms are a modern and abominable -restoration. Here, again, I must, in passing, protest against the -attribution to the Venus type of all nude or semi-nude statues. There is -nothing in the Capuan which indicates that it was intended as a Venus. -Millingen quotes Apollonius of Rhodes as describing a statue of Venus -looking at herself in the shield of Mars, which she herself is holding, -but this is no evidence of the type correspondence, and the gravamen of -the matter lies precisely in the diversity of the type from the -recognizable Venuses. But the Capuan is too far in type and treatment -from the Melian to serve as definite argument. Such as it is, an item in -the discussion, I will not exaggerate its importance, though I believe -it to be a far-away recollection of the Melian statue. - -“The Victory of Brescia” is another of the recollections, rather than -reproductions, of the type of which I believe the Melian statue to be -the original. It is in bronze, is later, and has the wings, but the type -is unmistakable, and the action of the torso and head is sufficiently -different from our statue to show that it was only an emulation, and not -a plagiarism, that was intended. - -The drapery differs in the arrangement, being of bronze and agreeing -with some undisputed Victories at Athens, but the action of the left leg -holding the shield is the same, and that of the arms corresponds very -nearly, as far as the arms remain in the Melian work. As a whole, it -reminds one more of the latter than does any other of the statues of its -class. - -The case is one in which archæological knowledge is of very little -value, unless it be aided by thorough artistic study and a knowledge of -the requirements of art proper. The archæologist, like other scientists, -must have positive evidence to work on; and the testimony of pure taste, -the intuitions of an artistic education, are of no use to him except as -confirmatory. The intuition of the artist, whose taste has been educated -by long study of the works he has to deal with, arrives at opinions by a -kind of inspiration to which science often lacks all means of access. In -the case of this statue, archæology has no evidence to weigh, and the -ponderous erudition which Overbeck, Müller, Jahn, Welcker, and others -have piled on the question has no foundation. We can determine with -comparative certainty that the statue belongs to the epoch between -Phidias and Praxiteles, because we have the work of the school of -Phidias and sufficient comparative data for that of Praxiteles [and now, -since the discovery of the Hermes at Olympia, positive data] to judge -from; and we have a right to say that the Melian statue came between -these, but beyond this nothing—no clew except what lies in the design -and the unities attendant on it, of which _per se_ the professed -archæologist is no judge. - -In working about the Acropolis of Athens some years ago, I photographed, -amongst other sculptures, the mutilated Victories in the Temple of Niké -Apteros, the “Wingless Victory,” the little Ionic temple in which stood -that statue of Victory of which it is said that “_the Athenians made her -without wings that she might never leave Athens_”; and looking at the -photographs afterward, when the impression of the comparatively -diminutive size had passed, I was struck with the close resemblance of -the type to that of the “Venus” of Melos. There are the same large, -heroic proportions, the same ampleness in the development of the nude -parts, the same art in the management of the draperies, and Richard -Greenough, the American sculptor, has called my particular attention to -the curious similarity in the treatment of the folds of the drapery, in -the introduction of a plane between the folds, a resemblance not found -in any other similar works as far as I know. - - [Illustration: VICTORY UNTYING HER SANDAL (TEMPLE OF NIKÉ APTEROS, THE - ACROPOLIS, ATHENS).] - - [Illustration: VICTORIES LEADING A BULL TO SACRIFICE (TEMPLE OF NIKÉ - APTEROS, THE ACROPOLIS, ATHENS).] - -They are little high reliefs, part of a balustrade which surrounded the -cortile of the Temple of Niké Apteros, hardly three feet high in their -perfect state, and now without heads or hands or feet. There are four of -them: one apparently untying her sandal; another,—that which best shows -the type of the figure—raising an offering or crown, and two others -leading a bull to sacrifice. I give the series. Note the exquisite -composition of the drapery below the knee of the Victory raising the -offering, and the superb flow of the entire draperies in the -sandal-tying figure, but, above all, the Victory type in the whole -assemblage. How absolutely it agrees with that of the Melian statue, and -how utterly alone in all antique art that is but for these! - -Since I have begun this study, it has twice happened that artist friends -trained in the French school (_i. e._, in the only school which -cultivates the perception of style in design, and the only one that -emulates the Greek in its characteristics), both trained draughtsmen, -came into my room, and without any remark I showed them the photographs -of the Victories at Athens. They were new to both, but in one case as in -the other the first expression was: “How like the Venus of Melos!” And -the similarity runs through the treatment of every part—the management -of drapery to express the action of the limbs, the firm, heroic mould of -the figure, and the modeling of the round contours. Compare (in the -casts, if possible, as the small scale of my illustrations will not show -the point so clearly) the right shoulder of the Venus with that in the -stooping Victory. The slight differences which exist are just what might -be expected between a figure which stands as principal, isolated, and to -be seen from all sides, and one which was secondary, subordinate, of -partial decorative use, and to be seen only in one view. My -illustrations will hardly convey the strikingness of the similarity, but -I defy any one to compare side by side the series of Victories and the -Melian statue in casts and not admit that the type, the treatment, the -ideal, are the same, as sisters may be the same, or at least as mother -and daughter. - -The little Temple of Niké Apteros had once, we know, a statue of Victory -without wings, and we know the _bon mot_, which I have given above, -which it suggested. The decorations of the temple are attributed to -Scopas and his school, and this Victory was unique, so far as we know, -in being wingless. We may well conceive, with the symbolical -meaning—talismanic, rather—implied in what we know of it by this -witticism, that the Athenians would have a special anxiety to keep it -from becoming a trophy in the hands of an enemy, even one who might not -be disposed to desecrate the temples of the greater gods. Niké was -rather an attribute or variation of Athena than a distinct goddess, and -was as such both of great value to the Athenians, being the _alter ego_ -of their patroness; and of less reverence to the enemy, as not Minerva -herself. At all events, when Pausanias visited Athens the Niké Apteros -had gone. Her temple still stood there, and near it on the Acropolis -hill stood some of the greatest art-treasures of the antique world -untouched. - - [Illustration: THE SO-CALLED VENUS OF MELOS—FRONT.] - - [Illustration: THE “VENUS” RESTORED—FRONT. - (TRACED FROM A PHOTOGRAPH OF A LIVING MODEL.)] - - [Illustration: THE “VENUS” RESTORED—SIDE. - (TRACED FROM A PHOTOGRAPH OF A LIVING MODEL.)] - - [Illustration: THE SO-CALLED VENUS OF MELOS—SIDE.] - -My theory, open to the grave objection that it is one in which -hypothesis bears an undue proportion to proven fact (yet not so great as -any of the group theories, and hardly more than any other theory, for -all are constructed out of the same aerial substance), is that the -Melian statue is the original Niké Apteros from the little temple on the -Acropolis of Athens. If so, one can understand the whole of my theory of -concealment, attribution, and type, because this statue above all others -would come under the rancor of a victor and its flight would become an -humiliation to Athens. It was like the standard of a defeated army, to -be kept at all hazards from the enemy. Hurried away to Melos, it was -safe from the invader, but no nearer point was secure. The restoration -in my hypothesis becomes that of the Victory in some attitude connected -with regarding, or recording, on the shield or a tablet the names of the -Attic heroes, or battles, and my opinion is that she has just finished -writing, but I am disposed to uncertainty on the exact phase of the -action, only insisting on that of the Recorder. The minutiæ of -description of many antique works of art which we owe to Pausanias and -Pliny was plainly impossible with this. Neither ever saw it, but its -memory existed in artistic tradition and has been repeated in the -statues we have seen, probably only a few of those which once existed. - -Von Ravensburg sums up the objections to the shield-bearing Victory and -to the theory of Millingen as follows: The theory would indicate that -she leaned back to balance the weight of the shield, but the objections -urged are that if the shield were larger it would hide too much (yet in -an earlier part of the book the statement is made that a part of the -figure, and just that part covered by the shield, is comparatively -unfinished, which has given rise to the theory of a group in which one -side of the statue was hidden); if it were small, the weight would not -be enough to account for the attitude. And, in the next breath, he urges -that the grand heroic character _is an objection to her struggling with -a burden_. But if a goddess, and of this robust type, the burden ought -not to oppress her, however great, humanly speaking. But in point of -fact there is no noteworthy degree of backward inclination. To test the -question, I photographed a model in the attitude required to hold a -shield on her left knee and write on it. - -The result was very slightly different from that of the statue. A part -of the backward action of the model was due to the necessity of a -support to enable her to remain in the pose necessary to be -photographed, but the action of writing is better expressed by the -statue. - -The action of the statue is that of a figure which stands nearly -balanced and in repose, with the first movement in a forward action, -like one who reaches out to give, take, or write, or any similar action -or the moment after the action is complete. The particular moment we -cannot determine without the possession of the fore-arms. Von Ravensburg -goes on to say that he does not mean to affirm that the holding of a -shield does not suit the action of the upper part of the body, but -maintains that it does not explain it _particularly well_. But after the -inane restoration given forth with his high approval, we may be -permitted to doubt that his artistic taste has been as carefully -developed as his archæological acumen. He quotes Overbeck as objecting -to the shield resting on the left knee, that there are no traces on the -left thigh which the shield must have left; but Wittig and Von Lützow -have recognized these very marks, and they are distinctly visible even -in the east, as far as would be expected if a bronze shield merely -rested on the drapery, and the shield, if there was one, was in all -probability of bronze, held well out from the body, and resting on the -knee raised for that purpose, the foot being supported by a helmet lying -on the ground. But, further, he says these considerations are quite -superfluous, for the position of the left leg of the Melian statue -contradicts the shield-supporting, and he quotes in support Valentin, -that the left thigh would incline outward to secure a balance, and that -the supporting of a heavy object on the thigh thrown in would violate -the laws of equilibrium. That this is not true is shown by the “Victory -of Brescia,” in which the action is precisely this, and the pose of the -thigh is the same as that of the Melian statue. Moreover, I tried a -model again in this view, and the result is given in the illustration. - -The knee took quite readily the action indicated, and, indeed, would be -compelled to by the pressure of the shield if the weight rested partly -on the left hand, as it must to have left the right free for any action -whatever. Both nature and the antique assert precisely the contrary to -that which Valentin assumes. The length to which the argument against -this restoration is carried by him may be judged from the assertion that -the action of the “Victory of Brescia” is that of an outward push of the -left thigh, to make it agree with that of the theory Von Ravensburg lays -down. But the assertion is purely gratuitous. If the Brescian bronze is -an argument, as far as it goes it obviates every difficulty in the -interpretation of the Melian statue by taking, so far as the action of -the limbs is concerned, the very action of the latter. - -There is but one objection to the restoration theory I propose which -deserves serious consideration—that of the goddess looking off or above -the point at which she would be writing _if she were writing_. Half the -ingenuity displayed in many of the proposed restorations, or half the -sophistry employed by Von Ravensburg to combat this, would carry us over -much greater difficulties. In later Greek work, when art was sought for -its own sake, and consistency continually sacrificed to the grace of a -pose and harmony of the lines, we should not be surprised at the goddess -looking at one point and writing at another; but at this period the -dramatic unities were sacred alike in poetry as in art. But I suppose -that, unlike the Brescian statue, she is not at the moment engaged in -writing, but pausing as having just finished, and, looking out from her -pedestal in the little temple, gazes out toward Marathon, in which -direction the temple opens, and this is no difficulty in the -restoration. A little of that kind of imagination so much abused in -modern art-criticism, which consists in attributing to the artist all -the fancies which arise in our minds in the contemplation of his work, -all the far-fetched and poetic visions our own eyes have conjured up, -would supply all deficiencies in our theory. - -But while I maintain that my theory has more accordances with the known -facts and actual qualities of the statue than any other, and presents -fewer gaps in the demonstration, I am unwilling to lay down any theory -not sustainable by what we know of Greek art, and I admit the difficulty -as frankly as I state those of other theories. Doing so, however, I -still maintain that not only is there the means of reconciliation of my -hypothesis of an actual shield-inscribing Victory with the statue as it -is, but even in case I am compelled to abandon this particular point, -and advocate the modification of Millingen that she holds the shield -with both hands and looks at it, my main hypothesis—that the statue is a -Victory and no Venus, and the particular wingless Victory of Athens—is -untouched. We do not know what the Niké Apteros was doing. What we can -see is that this statue was more probably holding a shield, either -contemplatively, or pausing, just having written on it, than taking any -other action. - - [Illustration: VICTORY OF CONSANI.] - -If we may accept the analogy of the Apollo Belvidere, which also looks -off in the same inexplicable way, it would illustrate my hypothesis -still further, but the Apollo is later and less dramatic. If we hold to -the strict dramatic quality of the best Greek art, we must suppose that -the goddess has just finished writing, and looks up and out toward the -field where her heroes died. Or even if the shield was a high one, such -as the Spartan wounded used to be brought home on, she might still be -looking at the shield, if not at the words she has just written. In -fact, several suggestions offer themselves, and none open to accusation -of such flagrant inconsistencies as those involved in Tarral’s -restoration, which shocks the dramatic sense beyond endurance. - -The objection that the shield would hide so large a part of the figure -goes for absolutely nothing. We continually find Greek work completely, -or nearly, finished in positions where by necessity much of it must have -been hidden. As the pediments of the Parthenon were originally placed, -they would never have been half seen, and how the Panathenaic frieze -could have been adequately seen, once the building scaffolds were taken -down, we can much less easily conjecture than how the Victory could have -been seen behind her shield. The Brescian, a later and more realistic -work, is seen behind hers. Consani has made a very happy emulation of -the motive in his Victory. It is amongst the best of the modern Italian -works of its class, and illustrates the manner of avoiding the -difficulties we have seen adduced. The principal arguments in favor of -my theory are these: The statue is not of the Venus type but on the -contrary agrees distinctly with known statues of Victory, some of which -I have indicated, of which another is in the coin of Agathocles, and in -the Museum of Naples is a terra cotta Victory in almost the identical -action and drapery; it is of the epoch of the Victories of the temple of -Niké Apteros, and of the same style of treatment and type of figure; it -was found where we might expect the Athenians to hide a treasure; and, -while unquestionably a Victory, it is the only wingless Victory of the -great Attic school we know of. I do not consider this archæological, but -artistic demonstration. - - [Illustration: TEMPLE OF NIKÉ APTEROS.] - -The little Temple of Niké Apteros has had a destiny unique amongst its -kind. Like the Parthenon, it was standing little more than two hundred -years ago, but during the Turkish occupation it was razed, and its -stones all built into the great bastion which covered the front of the -Acropolis and blocked up the staircase to the Propylæa. It was dug out -and restored, nearly every stone in its place, by two German architects -during the reign of Otho, and it stands again as Pausanias describes it, -on the spot where old Ægeus watched for the return of Theseus from -Crete, and seeing the black sails of his son’s ship returning, token of -failure (for Theseus had forgotten to raise the white sail, the signal -of success), threw himself from the precipice, and was dashed into black -death on the rocks below. In the distance are Salamis and Ægina, and the -straits through which the ships came from Melos and Crete, and to the -south is Hymettus, beyond which are Marathon and the road by which the -Persians came, and the Turks after them. There certainly was the spot, -and this the occasion, if ever, that an Attic sculptor should feel that -spiritual enthusiasm below which Greek art stopped and lost the clew -which, in later centuries, the Florentine found again and followed to -new, if not higher, heights. - - [Illustration: GREEK COIN] - - - - - FOOTNOTES - - -[1]It has been conjectured that the Ogygia of Calypso was a small barren - island just south of Sardinia. There is no evidence in favor of the - theory, but it is possible. I adopt it in the route map _faute de - mieux_. - -[2]The Lotophagitis has been recently plausibly identified with Jerba, - on the coast of Tunis, the word _rotos_ being still used there, - evidently a survival of some primitive language, for the date; and - the transliteration of _rotos_ to _lotos_ being according to Grimm’s - law, see Reinach’s letter to the _Nation_ (Mar. 13, 1884) on Jerba. - It is easy to understand that the Greek, coming from a country where - the conditions of life were hard and the fare of Homeric simplicity, - should find the conditions of North African existence tempting - beyond resistance, and the delicious date, (constituting the - principal and often exclusive food of the people, quite sufficient, - in fact, for all needs,) a temptation to abandon the toils and - dangers of a return home. The inevitable poetical exaggeration adds - the magic power. - -[3]Cimmerians have been conjecturally identified with the Cymri, the - Cimmerian darkness with the fogs of England and the North Sea - countries, and there is nothing but conjecture in the case. - -[4]The text leaves a doubt if he even retained his hold on this, as it - describes his striking out with the veil of Leucothea under his - breast. - -[5]I saw, at a recent meeting of the German archæological Institute at - Rome, exquisite bronze castings found in a lake city of northern - Italy, of which the latest possibly assignable date is 1500 B. C. - Various data, which it is not the place here to discuss, have led me - to the conclusion that bronze working was independently discovered - in Italy at a period long anterior to any intercourse with Greece, - and that it probably went from Italy to Corinth, where it is said to - have been discovered. - -[6]I suspect the word which I have translated Sicilian to be a mistake - in transcribing, for Homer evidently knew nothing of Sicily or he - would have given it its name when dealing with the hero’s adventures - there. It is however possible that he knew the island by name but - had not identified it with Ulysses’ Cyclops-land. - -[7]The confusion which is so common between Aphrodite, the Greek - goddess, and Astarte, the Phœnician, had its beginning at Cythera. - It is only in later Greek mythology that they are confounded. The - true Aphrodite was the first-born of Zeus, the creating - Intelligence, and Dione the prolific Earth—Spirit and Matter—and - Aphrodite was Divine Love;—Astarte, lust. - -[8]The worthlessness of the testimony of d’Urville is shown by this - statement—no hand has ever held or touched this drapery, as the - least examination shows. - - - - - Transcriber’s Notes - - ---Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook - is public-domain in the country of publication. - ---Silently corrected a few palpable typos. - ---In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by - _underscores_. - - - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's On the track of Ulysses, by William James Stillman - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ON THE TRACK OF ULYSSES *** - -***** This file should be named 61025-0.txt or 61025-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/1/0/2/61025/ - -Produced by Turgut Dincer, Stephen Hutcheson, and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net -(This file was produced from images generously made -available by The Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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text-align:center; margin-top:0; font-size:80%; margin-bottom:.5em; } -p.pcapc { margin-left:2em; text-indent:0em; text-align:justify; margin-right:2em; margin-top:.5em; } -span.pn { display:inline-block; width:4.7em; text-align:left; margin-left:0; text-indent:0; }</style> -</head> -<body> - - -<pre> - -Project Gutenberg's On the track of Ulysses, by William James Stillman - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: On the track of Ulysses - Together with an excursion in quest of the so-called Venus - of Melos: two studies in archaeology, made during a cruise - among the Greek islands - -Author: William James Stillman - -Release Date: December 26, 2019 [EBook #61025] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ON THE TRACK OF ULYSSES *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer, Stephen Hutcheson, and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net -(This file was produced from images generously made -available by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - -<div id="cover" class="img"> -<img id="coverpage" src="images/cover.jpg" alt="On the Track of Ulysses" width="500" height="681" /> -</div> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i00.jpg" alt="(uncaptioned)" width="421" height="799" /> -</div> -<div class="box"> -<h1>ON THE TRACK OF -<br /><span class="small">ULYSSES</span></h1> -<p class="tbcenter"><span class="smallest">TOGETHER WITH</span></p> -<p class="center"><span class="large">AN EXCURSION IN QUEST OF THE SO-CALLED VENUS OF MELOS</span></p> -<p class="tbcenter"><i>TWO STUDIES IN ARCHÆOLOGY, MADE DURING A CRUISE AMONG THE GREEK ISLANDS</i></p> -<p class="center"><span class="smallest">BY</span> -<br />W. J. STILLMAN</p> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/i00a.jpg" alt="(uncaptioned)" width="137" height="300" /> -</div> -<p class="center"><span class="smaller">BOSTON AND NEW YORK</span> -<br />HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY -<br /><b><i>The Riverside Press, Cambridge</i></b> -<br />1888</p> -</div> -<p class="tbcenter">Copyright, 1887, -<br /><span class="sc">By</span> W. J. STILLMAN.</p> -<p class="center"><i>All rights reserved.</i></p> -<p class="tbcenter"><i>The Riverside Press, Cambridge</i>: -<br />Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Co.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_iii">iii</div> -<h3><span class="small">To</span> -<br />WENDELL PHILLIPS GARRISON.</h3> -<p><i>In times when the feverish ambition of our people so -generally climbs to distinction by ways offensive to the -true intellectual and moral life, and when we find the old -standards of human dignity so often forgotten; it renews -one’s faith in the future of humanity to meet a man -whom neither the “Olympian dust” nor that of California -has been able to deflect from that line of perfect -rectitude of life which, if existence is to be anything but -an indecent scramble, we must recognize as entitling the -man who holds it, to the highest respect of his fellow-men. -When besides this claim to our respect he has been able -to maintain undimmed the lustre of a name such as -you bear, the distinction is still brighter. If therefore -my insignificant tribute were only as the dust which, -catching the sunshine, males it visible, let me offer this -dedication in recognition of the true standard of nobility -as I know it in your father’s son.</i></p> -<p><span class="lr"><span class="smaller">W. J. STILLMAN.</span></span></p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_v">v</div> -<h2>PREFACE.</h2> -<p>The series of papers herewith committed to the more or -less permanent condition of book form were originally (less -some development of their arguments) printed in the <i>Century</i> -magazine, being the results of an exploring visit to Greek -lands taken as a commission for that periodical. I have -sought in them to solve, in a popular form, certain problems -in archæology which seemed to me to have that romantic -interest which is necessary to general human interest; and -while necessarily, in such a study, dealing much with conjecture, -I have not ventured to assume anything which I am -not satisfied is true. The problem of the so-called Venus of -Melos is one of those which archæology has fretted over for -two generations, and I cannot pretend to have offered a solution -which will command assent from the severely scientific -archæologist; but I have an interior conviction, stronger than -any authority of ancient tradition to my own mind, that -that solution is the true one. I do not wish it to be judged -as a demonstration, but as an induction in which a kind of -artistic instinct, not communicable or equally valuable to all -people, has had the greatest part; and, for the rest, I am -satisfied to let it be taken by the rule of “highest probability,” -by which we solve to our satisfaction, more or less complete, -problems of the gravest importance—a rule, indeed, -which is for many such the only standard of truth. In archæology, -<span class="pb" id="Page_vi">vi</span> -as in some other inexact sciences, opinion has with -most people greater weight than it always merits, but it -should have weight in proportion to the knowledge its originator -may have of his subject. As to this I have done all -that any man can to penetrate to the material which exists -for forming an opinion, and I rest in the sincere conviction, -sustained through a study of many years, that the so-called -Venus of Melos is really the Niké Apteros of the restored -temple dedicated to that goddess.</p> -<p>I must acknowledge the courtesy of the proprietors of the -<i>Century</i> magazine in according me the use of the admirable -illustrations accompanying my text, which were put on the -blocks by Harry Fenn from my own sketches or photographs.</p> -<p><span class="lr"><span class="smaller">W. J. STILLMAN.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="smaller"><span class="sc">New York</span>, <i>September, 1887</i>.</span></p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_vii">vii</div> -<h2 id="toc">CONTENTS.</h2> -<dl class="toc"> -<dt><span class="smallest">PAGE</span></dt> -<dt class="dsp"><a href="#c1">ON THE TRACK OF ULYSSES</a> 1</dt> -<dt class="dsp"><a href="#c2">THE ODYSSEY, ITS EPOCH AND GEOGRAPHY</a> 50</dt> -<dt class="dsp"><a href="#c3">THE SO-CALLED VENUS OF MELOS</a> 75</dt> -</dl> -<div class="pb" id="Page_ix">ix</div> -<h2>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.</h2> -<dl class="toc tocill"> -<dt><span class="smallest">PAGE</span></dt> -<dt><a href="#fig1"><span class="sc">The Route of Ulysses</span></a> 1</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig2"><span class="sc">Ithaca and adjoining Islands</span></a> 3</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig3"><span class="sc">West Coast of Scheria</span></a> 8</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig4"><span class="sc">Greek Boats and Rostrum of Roman Galley</span></a> 13</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig5"><span class="sc">Corfu, from the King’s Garden</span></a> 14</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig6"><span class="sc">Port of Phorcys and Neriton, from the Mouth of Ulysses’ Cave</span></a> 28</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig7"><span class="sc">Raven’s Cliff and the Fountain of Arethusa</span></a> 34</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig8"><span class="sc">The Site of Ithaca—Port Polis</span></a> 36</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig9"><span class="sc">Inscription found at Polis</span></a> 39</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig10"><span class="sc">The School of Homer</span></a> 43</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig11"><span class="sc">View of Samé from the West,—with parts of Pelasgic and Hellenic Walls</span></a> 58</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig12"><span class="sc">Crané from the Sea Shore</span></a> 60</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig13"><span class="sc">Distant View of Palé from the Citadel of Crané</span></a> 63</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig14"><span class="sc">Zante</span></a> 64</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig15"><span class="sc">Citadel of Cerigo</span></a> 67</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig16"><span class="sc">Landing-Place of the Cyprian Aphrodite or Astarte</span></a> 73</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig17"><span class="sc">The so-called Venus of Melos</span></a> 82</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig18"><span class="sc">Street in Castro</span></a> 84</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig19"><span class="sc">The Site of Old Melos, from the Port</span></a> 85</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig20"><span class="sc">Medicean Venus</span></a> 88</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig21"><span class="sc">Venus Urania</span></a> 88</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig22"><span class="sc">Capitoline Venus</span></a> 88</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig23"><span class="sc">Venus of the Vatican</span></a> 89</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig24"><span class="sc">Venus Anadyomene</span></a> 89</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig25"><span class="sc">Venus Victrix of the Louvre</span></a> 89</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig26"><span class="sc">Venus of Capua</span></a> 90</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig27"><span class="sc">Restoration of the Statue as proposed by Mr. Tarral</span></a> 90</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig28"><span class="sc">Fragments found at Melos attributed to the Statue</span></a> 91</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig29"><span class="sc">Victory of Brescia</span> (Front)</a> 92</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig30"><span class="sc">Victory of Brescia</span> (Side)</a> 92</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig31"><span class="sc">Victory raising an Offering</span> (Temple of Niké Apteros, the Acropolis, Athens)</a> 93</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig32"><span class="sc">Victory untying her Sandal</span> (Temple of Niké Apteros, the Acropolis, Athens)</a> 96</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig33"><span class="sc">Victories leading a Bull to Sacrifice</span> (Temple of Niké Apteros, the Acropolis, Athens)</a> 97</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig34"><span class="sc">The so-called Venus of Melos</span> (Front)</a> 99</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig35"><span class="sc">The “Venus” Restored</span> (Front. Traced from a Photograph of a living Model)</a> 99</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig36"><span class="sc">The “Venus” Restored</span> (Side. Traced from a Photograph of a living Model)</a> 100</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig37"><span class="sc">The so-called Venus of Melos</span> (Side)</a> 100</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig38"><span class="sc">Victory of Consani</span></a> 104</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig39"><span class="sc">Temple of Niké Apteros</span></a> 105</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig40"><span class="sc">Greek Coin</span></a> 106</dt> -</dl> -<div class="pb" id="Page_1">1</div> -<h2 id="c1"><span class="large">ON THE TRACK OF ULYSSES.</span></h2> -<h3>CHAPTER I.</h3> -<div class="img" id="fig1"> -<img src="images/i01.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="804" /> -<p class="caption">THE ROUTE OF ULYSSES.</p> -</div> -<p>What remains for exploration to find on the surface of our -little earth? The north and south poles, some outlying bits of -Central Africa, some still smaller remnants of Central Asia,—all -defended so completely by the elements, barbarism, disease, -starvation, by nature and inhumanity, that the traveler of -modest means and moderate constitution is as effectually debarred -from their discovery as if they were the moon.</p> -<p>What then? I said to myself, searching for adventure. Let -us begin the tread-mill round again and rediscover. I took up -<span class="pb" id="Page_2">2</span> -the earliest book of travel which remains to us, and set to burnish -up again the golden thread of the journey of the most -illustrious of travelers, as told in the Odyssey, the book of -the wanderings of Odysseus, whom we unaccountably call -Ulysses, which we may consider not only the first history of -travel, but the first geography, as it is doubtless a compendium -of the knowledge of the earth’s surface at the day when it -was composed, as the Iliad was the census of the known mankind -of that epoch. Spread on this small loom, the fabric of -the story, of the most subtle design,—art of the oldest and -noblest,—is made up with warp of the will of the great gods, -crossed by the woof of the futile struggles of the lesser, the -demi-gods, the heroes, and tells the miserable labors of the -most illustrious of wanderers, the type for all time of craft, -duplicity, and daring, as well as of faith and patient endurance.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_3">3</div> -<div class="img" id="fig2"> -<img src="images/i02.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="800" /> -<p class="caption">ITHACA AND ADJOINING ISLANDS.</p> -</div> -<p>But as Homer’s humanity mixes by fine degrees with his -divinity, so his <i>terra cognita</i> melts away into fairy-land, and -we must look for a trace written on water before landing on -identifiable shores. The story opens finding Ulysses the prisoner -of Love and Calypso, in Ogygia, a fairy island of which -the Greek of Homeric days had heard, perhaps, from some -storm-driven mariner, or which may be a bit of brain-land. -The details of the story make it very difficult even to conjecture -where Ogygia was, if it was.<a class="fn" id="fr_1" href="#fn_1">[1]</a> How Ulysses leaves the -island alone on a raft is told by the poet in the fifth canto; -how he got there the hero recounts in the narration to Alcinoüs -in Phæacia. Leaving Troy, he stops at Ismarus, a town -on the coast of Thrace, which he surprises and sacks; but, -repulsed by the inhabitants of the lands near by, rallying to -the defense, and visited by the wrath of the gods for his -impiety, he is punished by a three days’ gale, and reaches Cape -Malea, where, unable to stem the north wind which still persecutes -him, he runs past Cerigo down to the African coast, -which he reaches in nine days. Here we enter into semi-fable.<a class="fn" id="fr_2" href="#fn_2">[2]</a> -The Lotophagi seduce his men with their magic fruit -which brings oblivion, and he is obliged to fly again. This -time he goes north, and comes to an island which lies before -the port of the Cyclops, a terrible race: giants with one eye, -and cannibals, over whose land the smoke hangs like whirlwinds—evidently -<span class="pb" id="Page_4">4</span> -Sicily. This little island, where the Greeks -debark, is not to be identified, but is probably one of those to -the west of Sicily, called later the Ægades. Thence, after the -famous adventure of the Cyclops’ cave, one of the poet’s most -marvelous inventions (since every detail shows that there was -no positive knowledge of the land or its people—only a fantastic -tradition), they fly and arrive at the floating island of -Æolus, still a creation of mythology, and thence to the shores -of the Læstrygonians, another fabulous, man-eating race, in -whose land the days are separated only by a brief pretense of -night; escaping thence with his single ship and crew, Ulysses -arrives at Æa, the island of Circe, from earliest classical times -identified with Cape Circeo, between Naples and Cività Vecchia. -Circe sends the hero to the land of the Cimmerians,<a class="fn" id="fr_3" href="#fn_3">[3]</a> -where time touches eternity, and the shades of the dead come -to visit the unterrified living; and here Tiresias, the dead -soothsayer, tells the future wanderings of the Ithacan chief. -Again, returning to Æa, he is redirected toward home through -the strait where Scylla and Charybdis menace his existence. -This we recognize by later tradition as the Straits of Messina, -but the fabulous so dominates the slight element of geography -in it, that it is clear that Homer never passed that way, and -gained his knowledge only from far remote report; while his -second passage—after the sacrilege committed in the Island -of the Sun—through the straits, is puzzling, and the recital -makes it clear that till Phæacia was reached the poet was not -in <i>terra cognita</i>.</p> -<p>The indications are hardly reconcilable with the map. -Leaving Circe to go home, he passes the straits, and stopping -at the Island of the Sun, his comrades commit a sacrilege -which leads to their destruction and his being driven back to -<span class="pb" id="Page_5">5</span> -Ogygia through the straits, a solitary survivor. But on his -departure for Phæacia direct, he does not pass again through -the straits, evidently returning to the south of Sicily.</p> -<p>Released by Calypso, he goes on a raft with the sailing -direction to keep the Great Bear, “which is also called the -Wain,” on his left,—that is, he sails eastward, and for seventeen -days splits the waves, and sees on the eighteenth the -wooded mountain of the island of the Phæacians, the Scheria -of the ancients. The continuity of tradition and the consistency -of the narrative leave me no doubt that this was our -Corfu, the uttermost of the lands positively known to the -geography of that day. The actuality of Scheria has been disputed -by certain German critics, who will have it that all the -local allusions of the Odyssey are imaginary. But in the -Æneid, when Æneas is going to Butrintum, which is now -Butrinto, opposite Corfu on the Albanian coast, he says that -no land was in sight except Scheria. This makes it certain -that in Virgil’s time there was no question on the point.</p> -<p>Already in sight of Scheria, Ulysses is overtaken again by -the wrath of Poseidon, who unchains on him all his tempests; -and, his raft wrecked in open sea, himself swept away from it -into the mountainous waves, he regrets not having found a -glorious death before Troy, seeing an inevitable and unhonored -end before him, with no funeral rites to give his soul peace. -Leucothea, the white goddess, throws into the black warp a -silver thread, and brings the story into new light and color. -She gives him an amulet which, by its magic, carries him -through the last of his grave perils, and preserves him when, -with a great and wrathful burst of wind, Poseidon disperses -the timbers of his raft and leaves him floating in the yeasty -sea. He seizes on one of the timbers and hopefully strikes -out for the land. Athene comes once more to his aid. She -chains all the winds except Boreas, which, wafting him for -two days and nights to the southeast, gives place to a perfect -<span class="pb" id="Page_6">6</span> -calm. Ulysses, raised on the summit of a huge wave, looks -out and sees the land. But it is a terrible, rock-bound coast. -“He hears the roar of the waves that break on the rocks, because -the shock of the great waves against the bare cliffs -sounds fearfully, and the sea, far and wide, is covered with -foam. But there is no peaceable roadstead, no port, safe refuge -of ships; everywhere high, mountainous rocks and cliffs.” -He appeals to the gods for pity, and just then, “while he turns -these thoughts in his spirit and heart, an immense wave -throws him on the bare shore. Then his flesh would have -been torn and his bones broken if Athene had not inspired -him. With both hands he clutches the rock and embraces it -with groans until the wave had withdrawn. He in this way -escapes death, but the return of the wave falls on him, strikes -him, and withdraws him into the open sea. He, emerging -from the depths, more prudently coasts along, swimming until -he can find an opening in the rocks where he may enter, and -finally perceives the mouth of a river. He offers a prayer to -the river god, and is heard and peacefully received by the -peaceable wave, which lands him on the sandy shore.” The -whole of the finale of the fifth book is grand and imaginative, -especially in the description of the stormy sea and the condition -of Ulysses as he sinks on the hospitable sands exhausted, -half dead from his long struggle and his two days’ and nights’ -swim, sustained only by one of the logs of his raft;<a class="fn" id="fr_4" href="#fn_4">[4]</a> -but what to my present purpose is of most significance is the striking -description of the west coast of Corfu and the unmistakable -evidence of the mythologist giving way to the traveler. -Here we strike the veritable track of Ulysses, and here begin -our researches. To reach this point all the commerce of the -Levant aids us—steamers from Trieste, Brindisi, Naples, -Patras, Malta, etc.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_7">7</div> -<p>Here I found fit to my purpose a little yacht of twelve -tons, cutter-rigged and Malta-built, the <i>Kestrel</i>, with whose -master and owner I made my bargain, namely: he was to -obey all my reasonable orders for any voyage within the two -archipelagos, find his ship and crew of two sailors in all they -needed for service and safety, do my cooking, and insure -himself, for the sum of fifteen pounds sterling a month for -three months; and while he was putting in stores, fitting new -cables to his anchors, and burnishing up a bit, we began to -inspect Scheria.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_8">8</div> -<div class="img" id="fig3"> -<img src="images/i03.jpg" alt="" width="639" height="800" /> -<p class="caption">WEST COAST OF SCHERIA.</p> -</div> -<p>The popular tradition of to-day fixes the landing of Ulysses -near the actual city of Corfu, and an island is pointed out as -the ship turned to a rock; while the spot where he landed, -and the scene of that most charming of all the episodes of his -wanderings, the meeting with Nausicáa, is put at the “one-gun -battery,” just south of the harbor of Corfu. Nothing -could comport less with the description of the Odyssey. The -Channel of Corfu, dividing the island from Epirus, is a land-locked -basin in which no such storm could arise as Ulysses -encountered, and along which no such rocks exist as are -described in the poem. The seventeen days’ drift from the -westward before the tempest, and the next two days after it, -wafted by Boreas, show that he was in the open Adriatic, and -coasting along the rock-bound western coast of Scheria to find -an inlet where he might enter. The illustration shows the -character of this coast in entire concordance with the Odyssey; -and there is near the spot from which my view of the -west coast of Scheria is taken, a convent (which is visited by -all the tourists who, having some days in Corfu, care for the -most picturesque part of the island), and which by its name, -Palæcastrizza, shows that it stands near the site of some ancient -city or fortress, as the term “Palæcastron” is never -applied by local tradition to any construction not belonging -to the classical or archaic epochs. Even Byzantine ruins -never receive the epithet “palæos.” No trace is now to be -found of any prior structure near the convent, which, while -it probably has some relation to an antique site, certainly is -not on that of the city of Alcinoüs, which must have been -farther south where the shore -breaks down to a plain. -There used to be in the island -an old antiquity-hunter -who brought from time to -time to sell clandestinely in -the city, objects of gold and terra-cotta, vases, etc., dug up -at a site which only he seems to have known, and of which -he would never disclose the location. On inquiring for him -on this my last visit to Corfu for these researches, he was -<span class="pb" id="Page_9">9</span> -not to be heard of. All that we had learned from him was -that the ruins of which he knew and where he excavated in -secret were somewhere on the western coast, which corresponds -to my hypothesis that the capital of Alcinoüs was -there.</p> -<p>There is something so unpractical in the Greek laws on the -subject of excavation and exportation of antique objects, that -it is to be hoped that the shrewd common sense of the people -will ere long see their impolicy. Excavation without permission -from the Government, even on one’s own land, is forbidden, -which is not unreasonable considering all things; but -even when permission is accorded or when objects are found -by chance, the Government practically confiscates the find -when the finders are feeble, and levies a tax of half the value -when they are not. Everything, therefore, is done in secret, -and exportation by contraband is the only possible manner of -profiting by one’s good fortune. The peasant who finds an -antique site carefully conceals it; and the objects he finds, -instead of enabling the archæologist to classify the antiquities -by reference to their provenance, are sold to some one who -removes them from the country, and so all clue is lost to -their true archæological position. As I shall have to show in -the course of these articles, grave loss to the science of archæology -sometimes occurs in this way. In this particular instance -the loss to me is the being unable to identify, with any -probability, the place where or near to which Ulysses landed, -and where the classic meeting with Nausicáa took place. -When we get to Ithaca we shall find that the author of -the Odyssey knew well every foot of land he describes; and -the scene of Ulysses’ disaster, already translated, accords so -well with the actual topography that it is difficult to suppose -that a mere inspiration dictated it, and that the author was -not well acquainted with the island of Scheria, whose capital -was Phæacia.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_10">10</div> -<p>The claim of the city of Corfu to be the site of the ancient -Phæacia rests on nothing but the fact that it is the only city -in the island; but the ever-tranquil bay on which it lies, and -the fact that Ulysses, instead of searching for a place where he -could land, would rather have had to search for a place where -he could not, shows conclusively that no part of the eastern -coast is entitled to the honor. The “one-gun battery,” where -local tradition places his landing, is perhaps the least likely -point, as no running stream is to be found near there. The -lake, which is now suggested as the tranquil water in which -Ulysses came to land, must then have been much larger than -at present, and now in nowise resembles a river: it is the half-filled -arm of the sea into which a wide basin of marshy land -has been for centuries draining, but into which no watercourse -leads, and the view seen from above the “one-gun” -needs scarcely a commentary to show its entire incompatibility -with the Odyssey.</p> -<p>The capital of Alcinoüs was, we are told by Homer, -founded by his father Nausithoüs. His people were formerly -inhabitants of Hyperia, “near the Cyclops,” and were by -these latter so ravaged and overborne that they emigrated to -Phæacia. The generally accepted location of the Cyclops in -Sicily suggests that Hyperia was probably there or in Italy; -and that the Phæacians may have been related to the Siculi; -since the Pelasgi, who invaded Italy from the north, and, uniting -with the Umbri, spread over the whole of southern Italy, -expelling the aborigines, are continually confounded by the -earliest traditions with the Cyclops. As, from all we know, -the Tyrrhene Pelasgi were the earliest metal-workers in that -part of Europe,<a class="fn" id="fr_5" href="#fn_5">[5]</a> and as the Cyclops, the children of Hephaistos, -<span class="pb" id="Page_11">11</span> -the great metal-worker, are a mythological idealization of a -race of smiths who had a habit of covering the eyes, for protection -from sparks, with a screen in which a single hole was -cut to see through, which was transmogrified into a single eye -in the middle of the forehead, there is nothing unlikely in the -inference that the Pelasgi and Cyclops were identical, and that -the Phæacians were refugees from the conquest of southern -Italy by that formidable people. That they were not Greeks -we know by their absence from the catalogue of the “Iliad,” -where all the Hellenic tribes were recorded in their places in -the league.</p> -<p>The Corfiotes of to-day boast of descent from the Phœnicians, -and certainly they are not to be measured by the same -standard as the Greek race in general. Their reputation for -dishonesty has given rise to a Greek proverb, which relegates -a person of more than usual craftiness and bad faith to the -“Corfiotes.” “He behaves like a Corfiote” is the greatest -reproach the continental Greek can bring against a man who -is too clever in business matters. In character as well as -history the Corfiote has little in common with Greece. As he -had no place inside the line drawn around the Hellenic world -at the great critical, even if mythical, epoch assigned to the -siege of Troy, so in his latest history he has always maintained -a position more or less apart. Diodorus Siculus makes the -Homeric name of the city, Phæacia, to have been derived from -Phæacus, son of Poseidon, and places his reign contemporary -with the Argonauts, as Phæacus protected Jason against the -king of Iolcus when, returning from Colchis with Medea, he -took refuge at Scheria. Mythology begins with it in the -combat of Zeus and Poseidon in their struggle for supremacy -in the government of the universe, and finishes with Ulysses’ -visit. History commences with the arrival of a colony of -Corinthians under Chersicrates, who built a city which he -called Chrysopolis. This was probably Corfu, for, as the immigration -<span class="pb" id="Page_12">12</span> -of Nausithoüs, coming from Italian shores, first established -itself on the coast looking toward their old home, so the -Corinthians, coming by the islands and the Epirote shores, -would find their first landing in the spacious and tranquil bay -formed by the crescent-shaped island, which, at its extremes, -approaches the mainland. The Hellene of Corinth brought -all the seeds of the virtues and vices of his national temperament -to the fertile soil of Corcyra, as it is henceforward called -by the Hellenic chronicles, colonization and war with their -neighbors filling all their early history. They founded, according -to their tradition, Apollonia and other cities on the mainland; -but, as among the ruins of those cities there are Pelasgic -remains, it is not to be supposed that they were the first colonists, -but that they merely colonized, as the Romans did in the -later times, with a dominant population, cities in decline or -too weak to maintain their independence. This is, in ancient -Greek history, oftener the meaning of the word <i>colonize</i> than -the founding of a new city. To get a clear idea of the condition -of this part of the world at the beginning of historical, -or even heroic record, we must take into consideration that -an epoch of civilization, perhaps of empire, had long preceded -the awakening of the Hellenic national life; an epoch which -ought, perhaps, to be measured by centuries, if we could measure -it at all, and whose record is preserved in the stupendous -ruins we call Pelasgic, a name applied by the Greeks to a -people who preceded them, derived possibly from the Greek -name of the stork, indicating a migrating or wandering people,—wandering, -probably, because their empire had been broken -up by some newer and stronger race, but which the various remaining -traditions accord in asserting to have once held great -rule in Italy, where they were known also as Tyrrhenians, -in the Peloponnesus, and in Crete. We shall see presently -some indications of the correctness of the assumption that -they preceded by an infinite period the great assemblage of -<span class="pb" id="Page_13">13</span> -Greeks, which the expedition to Troy perhaps marks, perhaps -symbolizes; but at present I have only to do with the history -and mythology of Corfu, which is in no way that we can discover -connected with the Pelasgi.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig4"> -<img src="images/i04.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="323" /> -<p class="caption">GREEK BOATS AND ROSTRUM OF ROMAN GALLEY.</p> -</div> -<p>The first wars of Corcyra were, as was to be expected of an -enterprising people, with the mother country; but as in those -days piracy was the chief business of every maritime people, -<i>war</i> was perhaps only a normal condition. The Persian invasion -brought Corcyra into the Hellenic league, but, with the -duplicity of which the race furnished so many instances in -ancient times, the Corcyriote fleet only sailed, and took good -care not to be in time for the battle, fearing the vengeance of -the Persians. Their prudence brought on them, after the -defeat of Xerxes at Salamis, a combined attack of the Peloponnesian -States. As the union of these was always a challenge -to Athens, she sided with the Corcyriotes, and the resulting -war plunged Corcyra into intestine and social strife, in -which the most horrible cruelties were perpetrated by the -islanders; and the animosities and renewals of revolt and war, -which the divisions of the classes of the population gave -opportunity for, reduced the island to anarchy and helplessness. -Their subsequent history is one of repeated subjugation -and revolt. After losing even the relative independence -of alliance with Athens, they were conquered by Agathocles -of Syracuse, Pyrrhus, and finally by Rome.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_14">14</div> -<div class="img" id="fig5"> -<img src="images/i05.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="726" /> -<p class="caption">CORFU, FROM THE KING’S GARDEN.</p> -</div> -<p>From this time Corcyra was the base of the Roman military -movements against the Levantine enemies of the republic. -The commanding position of the island has, from that day to -this, made it an object of the covetousness of all the maritime -powers of the Mediterranean by turns. In the civil wars -of Rome, the island espoused the part of Pompey, later of -Brutus and Cassius, and then, -always unfortunate, of Antony. -After the battle of Actium, -fought almost within -sight of its shores, Corcyra was -besieged, taken, and rigorously -punished by Augustus, and then relegated to an obscurity out -of which only the great Ottoman invasion of Europe brought -it. It was involved more or less in the Saracenic, Bulgarian, -Norman, and Neapolitan wars and invasions, and finally threw -itself into the arms of Venice to save itself from conquest by -Genoa. From this time (1386) the history of Corcyra, become -Corfu, until the overthrow of the republic by Napoleon, is identified -with that of Venice, and all the remains or structures -in the island date from the Venetian occupation.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_15">15</div> -<p>In 1537 the troops of the Sultan, under the orders of the -renegade Barbarossa, made a descent on the island and laid -siege to the city, which, taken by surprise, was ill-provisioned -and with a small garrison. The Turkish fleet blockaded the -port, and the troops beleaguered the city by land. The garrison -was under the terrible alternative of being starved into -surrender speedily or dismissing all the useless mouths. The -latter was, on the whole, safer, for the surrender would have -been disastrous even to the non-combatants, who were to -Turkish barbarity no less obnoxious than the soldiers. The -old men, women, and children were sent out of the city, -perhaps the most horrible necessity which ever befell brave -men. A successful defense of the city justified, in a military -point of view, the terrible sacrifice; and, after a long and -obstinate siege, Barbarossa, his army nearly destroyed by -battle and pestilence, withdrew, defeated. The island was -almost depopulated, ravaged, and so utterly impoverished that -Venice was obliged to send the people seed-corn and beasts to -till their fields. Nearly the whole of the nobility of the island -had been killed in the defense.</p> -<p>To be in readiness for a similar emergency, the Senate augmented -the already strong fortifications. The New Fort, as it -is still called, was constructed, and, with a paternal regard for -the well-being of the islanders, which Venice did not always -show for her Greek insular possessions, institutions were -founded and regulations made which contributed greatly to -the prosperity of the island.</p> -<p>In 1716 a new and determined attack was made by the -Turks, under the leadership of Achmet III. Their fleet drove -off that of Venice, and an army of thirty thousand men was -debarked and laid siege to the city, whose defense was directed -by Count Schulembourg. The outlying heights were taken -quickly, and the garrison, shut in the inner line of fortifications, -received the desperate assault of the Turks on the main -<span class="pb" id="Page_16">16</span> -works with more desperate resistance. After twenty days of -incessant attack, the Turks carried the outworks, penetrated -to the Place d’Armes, which is under the walls of the New -Fort, and attempted to scale the walls themselves.</p> -<p>“The assault lasted more than six hours with an incredible -fury. The women brought assistance to the defenders, and -the priests, crucifix in hand, ran along the ramparts or threw -themselves into the fight. Finally a vigorous sortie terminated -this bloody day. Attacked on every side, the assaulting force -beat a retreat and lost all the outposts it had taken. A tempest, -which had burst on them in the night, completed the -work of defeat, and, seized by panic, they embarked precipitately, -leaving baggage and artillery behind them. In forty-two -days they had lost fifteen thousand men.” (<i>Isles de la -Grèce.</i>)</p> -<p>The victory was commemorated by a statue to Schulembourg, -which no subsequent conquest has disturbed, and which -stands on the parade-ground among monuments of greater or -less good taste (generally the latter), to mark the history of -the island in modern days.</p> -<p>From that day to this, with the exception of an occasional -<i>émeute</i>, nothing has come to disturb the peace of Corfu, and -the once so splendid courage of the inhabitants has gone out -like a fire without a draught. There is probably no province -of the Hellenic kingdom so devoid of martial spirit or the -virtues that grow out of it. It is now a most delightful -winter resort, a Fortunate Isle left out of the current of -political events and given over to invalids and sportsmen, who -find on the opposite Albanian coast the best shooting on the -Mediterranean. The old citadel, with its double peak, serves -as a light-house to the lines of steamers which furrow the -Adriatic, cross, and make Corfu their <i>entrepôt</i> between Trieste, -Venice, Brindisi, Alexandria, Constantinople, and Smyrna.</p> -<p>The English occupation endowed the island with good roads, -<span class="pb" id="Page_17">17</span> -most of which are maintained in fair condition still; and a -winter’s sojourn here lacks nothing which could be expected -in the compass of ten by thirty miles, with two posts per week -from Europe. The fruits are those of the northern Mediterranean -in great perfection, the oranges being only second to -those of Crete; the waters are still well supplied with fish, -though the people do all they can to exterminate them by -the use of dynamite in fishing; and the Bella Venezia is -a hotel which, though still strange to the resources of our -American caravansaries, is more appropriate to the ways of the -East and of idle people than are ours. The kindly, honest old -host, appropriately known as Dionysos, lacks but little of -giving to the stranger the hospitality of Alcinoüs. And life is -so cheap that one who has worn out the world and realized an -income of a thousand dollars a year may find a Macarian -peace in an upper room of the Bella Venezia, with windows -looking out on the beautiful mountains of Epirus, snow-clad -all winter, and the bright blue of the intervening sea, with the -coming, going, and merely passing ships of all nations; and, -when the sun is low, have a comfortable carriage to thread the -labyrinths of the immense olive groves which form almost the -only shade in the island. Here one meets men of all races—Turkish -reliefs on their way from Stamboul to Durazzo, -or Scutari of Albania; white-skirted palikars from Epirus; -Eastern Jews, with their characteristic long robes; Persians, -Montenegrins, Peloponnesians, etc., who, changing steamers -here, or glad to breathe a land air during the stay in port of -their steamers, stroll up and down the parade, with the easy-going -townsmen and tourists of all nations, seeing the island -in comfort or rushing over it in the custody of Cook or Gaze, -to carry away a confused remembrance of Corfu and Syra, -hardly recalling which was which.</p> -<p>Ulysses was dismissed from Scheria loaded with presents. -The modern voyager is not so fortunate. The souvenirs of -<span class="pb" id="Page_18">18</span> -Corfu which he will carry with him, whether antique or -modern, will rarely recompense him for the outlay. The bric-à-brac -shops abound in false antiques, arms from Epirus, Greek -laces, and Eastern embroideries, which no wise buyer meddles -with, dear beyond measure as they are. Be content with the -moderate <i>pension</i> of the Bella Venezia, and tempt not Mercury -in his favored island; he was the god of thieves as well as -merchants, and was never better worshiped in his capacity of -joint protector than in the bric-à-brac shops of Corfu.</p> -<p>Ulysses went to Ithaca in one night, in what must have -been, for the time, the quickest passage on record, and a great -credit to the rowers of King Alcinoüs. Nothing like it is to -be expected to-day, though it is not impossible still, and the -steamer which does the service makes a long, roundabout -voyage. Our yacht, though small, was too big for rowing, -and we had no special motive, as Ulysses had, to get quickly -to Ithaca. As our route lay by Santa Maura, which has to -do with the story of the Odyssey, if not with the wanderings -from Troy, we turned aside from his course to visit it. -Nericus, as it was called in Homeric nomenclature, probably -formed part of the realm of the Ithacan kings, Laertes mentioning -his conquest of it; but it is not mentioned in the -catalogue, and we may conclude was not Greek. It is barely -separated from the mainland by a narrow channel, cut by the -Corinthians through a flat, which more anciently, however, -must have been a shallow arm of the sea. The action of the -elements is filling it up again, so that time may unite it to the -Acarnanian shore, as in the Homeric days; for Laertes, in -recalling to Ulysses some of his old exploits (Odyssey, book -24), says: “Ah, that it had pleased Zeus, Apollo, Athene, to -have borne me to your palace, such as I was when, at the -head of the Cephalonians, I took, <i>on the continent</i>, the proud -city of Nericus!” In the catalogue of the Iliad we find that -“Ulysses commands the magnanimous Cephalonians; the -<span class="pb" id="Page_19">19</span> -warriors of Ithaca; those of shady Neriton, of Crocyles, of the -barren Ægilipos; those of Samos [Samé of Cephalonia, not -the island Samos], of Zacynthus [Zante], and of the adjoining -continent. Twelve ships whose sides were painted red followed -him.” But Nericus occurs nowhere.</p> -<p>Nothing illustrates so strikingly the change in the condition -of civilization as the relations between the ancient and modern -chief cities of the Greek islands. The substitute for the -stately Nericus is a low, flat, uninteresting town, built on the -plain which lies north of Nericus, and next the roadstead. -To the east lie the rugged mountains of Acarnania and the -Gulf of Arta; north, in full view, is the modern fortress of -Prevesa; further, and to the east, Arta, the ancient Ambracia; -and the long strip of low coast which stretches away from -Prevesa northward is dotted with masses of ruin—those of -the imperial Nicopolis, monument of the victory of Actium, -won in those blue waters. The idle shepherds of those days, -watching their sheep on these hills, saw the crash of prows, -the flight of Egypt, and the shame of Antony. Perhaps, -through this very channel, where the light-draft caïque now -glides, to gain the shelter of the islands going southward, ran -the fugitive ships of Cleopatra; for this was evidently the -channel by which the craft of those days avoided the stormy -capes of Cephalonia and the southern point of Nericus. -Standing on the eastern brow of the hill on which the old -city stood, and on which its ruins still mark a noble past, is -the citadel. Along the plain, among the olives, the fragments -of tombs lie spread like flocks of sleeping sheep. The port -was on the bay now connected with the northern roadstead -by the Corinthian Channel; and two or three underground -passages, in part cut in solid rock, one being high enough for -a man to walk in upright, and cut as cleanly and evenly as -the walls of a chamber, connect it with the citadel which -dominates the northern part of the island, where the fertile -<span class="pb" id="Page_20">20</span> -plains lie. The ruins are of various ages, embracing Pelasgic, -but mainly later, and coming down to Roman times; and the -great extent of the Pelasgic <i>enceinte</i>, which almost everywhere -underlies the Hellenic and Roman work, shows the great early -importance of the city. The citadel is bold and commanding, -and looks out on the northern and western seas on one side, -and the Corinthian Channel and the inland sea on the other, -and down to Ithaca, which, indeed, is visible from some points.</p> -<p>The post-Homeric name of Nericus was Leucadia. Æneas -is represented as having debarked there, and Apollo had a -temple on the heights which terminate the island to the south. -From the cliffs which overlook the Adriatic on that side, -Sappho is said to have leaped into the sea, overcome by the -sorrows of her unhappy love. “Sappho’s Leap” is the name -of the cliff to this day, and my Corfiote captain, as we glided -by, told me how the place was celebrated because the Duchess -of the island had jumped off into the sea from it, and that -the people had put up a great inscription in memory of it. -He had never seen it, and didn’t know exactly where the leap -was made; but I think he was very excusable for his ignorance, -as the action of the sea, driven as it is sometimes by the -furious southwest wind into a very “hell of waters,” which -consume the rock in their fury, must long ago have brought -down all that classical times had seen of the rock, and changed -the face of the cliff entirely. As it now is, I could find -hardly a point where a new Sappho would have found a welcome -so gentle as the embrace of the Adriatic; masses of -fallen rock and stony beach would have given a harsher but -more speedy end.</p> -<p>Mythology says that when Adonis was killed, Aphrodite, -seeking him through all the earth, finally found him lying -dead in the temple of the Erythræan Apollo. The Sun-god, -to cure her grief, counseled her to throw herself from the cliffs -of Leucadia into the sea, where she would find oblivion. Here -<span class="pb" id="Page_21">21</span> -Zeus, who seems to have found obstacles in the way of his -legitimate marriage, and to have wooed Hera at first with less -success than attended his mortal loves, found by the same process -a salutary indifference to the charms of his divine sister -and afterwards spouse, to which temporary coolness on his -part might, perhaps, be ascribed his ultimate success with the -fickle fair.</p> -<p>And here, in practical historical times, criminals condemned -to death were thrown into the sea. The people (who even -now preserve a certain sympathy with the criminal class) used -to tie numbers of birds to the limbs of the condemned and -cover them with feathers to break the force of their fall, and -then send boats to pick them up. If they survived, they were -pardoned.</p> -<p>In modern times nothing has occurred to signalize Santa -Maura, or “Levkadi,” as it is indifferently called. It was -taken and retaken by Turks and Venetians, and finally passed -with the rest of the Ionian Islands to the heirs of Venice. -Its people are a mild, hospitable race, to whom the stranger is -a guest almost in the antique sense.</p> -<p>We loitered along with a feeble west wind, under the -western shore, bold and desolate, of Levkadi, its high peaks -above us breaking into ravines, and the ravines ending in cliffs, -doubled “Sappho’s Leap,” and before us lay Ithaca, the ten-years-sought-for -island. To the north was still visible a dim -film which we knew to be Corfu; nearer, one less dim, which -we recognized by its outline to be Paxos, an island without -history and without interest, but which tradition asserts to -have been once united to Corfu and separated by an earthquake. -The breeze quickened at night-fall as we went round -the point of the Leukadian cliffs, and before us lay the inland -sea, which, separating Santa Maura, Ithaca, Cephalonia, and -Zante from the mainland, is a sort of smooth-water channel -for ships coming out of the Gulf of Patras, or of Corinth, as -<span class="pb" id="Page_22">22</span> -it is indifferently called, or running in there from Corfu and -the upper Adriatic. The bolder portions of Ithaca are almost -utterly denuded rock. One hollow, like a great theatre, opens -northward between two bold rocky peninsulas, and this is the -vale from which the Odyssean city drew its prosperity. Olive-trees -and vineyards still cover its slopes, and suggestions of -white villages flashed out from the silvery green sea of olive -orchards as we flitted by, running under the eastern shore to -catch the breeze that blew down from the mountain as the sun -sank. We had all the wind our cutter could carry, and bowled -along through the smooth water in the lee of the island like a -steamer. Far ahead we saw, in the gathering night, a faint -glimmer of light, which seemed too faint for a light-house, and -too steady for a house-light, and which perplexed us exceedingly, -as no light was indicated on the chart; but, creeping -along shore, we found that it was a tiny chapel standing on a -long and menacing peninsula of bare rock, in the window of -which burned a lamp,—in all probability the fulfillment of a -vow made by some devout Greek sailor who had escaped the -teeth of this Scylla; or the perpetuation of an antique custom, -when the little chapel of St. Nicholas, protector of sailors, -was a temple of Neptune, whom the saint replaces in function -and respect of the seafarer. Nothing is more interesting in -this part of the world than the evidences of the unbroken -continuity of religious tradition, and the gradual change of -paganism into Christianity,—if, indeed, the change has taken -place, which in certain districts I am scarcely disposed to -admit. The little chapels which one finds planted by the seaside -or solitary roadside in all the Greek islands, and even on -the mainland, will generally be found to have some antique -material in them, some evidence of the earlier shrine which -honored one of the Greek gods. The Olympians have their -homologues if not their homonyms. Zeus goes back to his -awful antique dignity of the All-father, the original sole deity -<span class="pb" id="Page_23">23</span> -of the Pelasgian, worshiped in a temple not made by hands, -under the speaking oak of Dodona, the one God, maker of -heaven and earth, the Dyaus or Sky-father of our Aryan ancestors, -and Zeus (Deus, Divus) of the western branch of the -family; but his creatures and children fall into the lower -rank of saints: Apollo becomes St. Elias (Helios); Athena, -the Virgin Mary; Ares, St. George; Poseidon, St. Nicholas, -etc., etc.</p> -<p>We left St. Nicholas and his night-light behind us, and, -rounding a cape into the Bay of Vathy, saw in the dim -distance the light of the outer light-house, and met the wind -coming out of the bay. It was late, and beating up the bay -would be a long job; so we turned in and left the navigation -to the sailors. The next morning we woke, as Ulysses did, -under the shadow of Neriton, where the Phæacians had left -him sleeping.</p> -<p>“In one part of Ithaca is the port of Phorcys, the old man -of the sea; the bold promontories forming the circuit protect -it from the great waves and the sounding winds. The ships -which have once entered it may lie without cables. At its -extremity is a bushy olive-tree whose shadow hides a delicious -grotto and shady retreat, sacred to the Nereids. In -this asylum, refreshed by an inexhaustible fountain, are placed -the vases and the jars of stone.... It has two entrances: -one, looking toward the north, is for the use of men; the -other, to the east, is more divine. Never man enters there: -it is the path of the immortals.</p> -<p>“The olive-tree and the grotto are known to the Phæacians. -There they go. The ship runs half-way up the beach, so -strong is the stroke of the rowers. Then these land, carrying -Ulysses, still plunged in profound sleep, and lay him on -the sand, wrapped in brilliant blankets and woven linen.”</p> -<p>Waking, he is bewildered by the artifice of Athena, and -does not recognize his native island; but finally, when he -<span class="pb" id="Page_24">24</span> -appeals to the Goddess to tell him the truth, if he be in -Ithaca, she replies to him:—</p> -<p>“Now I will show you the localities of Ithaca, that you -may doubt no more. There is the port of Phorcys, old man -of the sea; there, at the extremity of the port, the bushy -olive-tree, and under its shade a delicious grotto, dark resting-place, -and sacred to the nymphs. This is the vaulted grotto -where often you sacrificed entire hecatombs to the nymphs. -There is Mount Neriton, shadowed by forests.”</p> -<p>The identification of this little bay or “port” is the one -contested point of the topography, and, on account of its -greater commodiousness, Port Vathy (at the left as we enter -the roadstead) is maintained by some authorities to be the -“port of Phorcys.” The geology of the two bays is conclusive -evidence in favor of that which the Greeks now call Port -Dexia (the right-hand port), as Port Vathy has not, and by -its geological formation never could have had, a beach such as -Homer describes, and which was indispensable to the ancient -sailor, while that of Dexia is superb—a soft, unbroken -stretch of sand. Other objections we shall meet further on.</p> -<blockquote> -<p>[<span class="sc">Note.</span>—The puzzling question of the forms of classical names in these articles -has been carefully considered, and the difficulty of adapting consistent classical -orthography to popular archæology seems too great to be overcome in this place.]</p> -</blockquote> -<div class="pb" id="Page_25">25</div> -<h3>CHAPTER II.</h3> -<p>The changes of the conditions of existence in what we call -civilization resemble, a good deal more than we generally -imagine, the progress of a horse in a tread-mill. Comparing -the evidences of a higher prosperity which history affords with -what we now find in Ithaca, we have ample ground to suppose -that, while our part of the world has made certain advances, -this has rather retrograded. A scanty population, the greater -part of the island indeed uninhabited; ruins of great cities -where now there is not a shepherd’s hut; a wretched, sordid -life in which not even poetry, the offspring of sorrow, can find -a foothold; utter insignificance in the world of men,—this is -what the island of Ulysses, which fills so large a part of the -Old World’s poetry, shows us to-day.</p> -<p>We woke like Ulysses under the shadow of Neriton, but not -like him under the olive’s shade. Our yacht was anchored in -a tranquil and land-locked bay, Port Vathy (the deep), round -the shores of which stretch and gleam, white in the sun, the -houses of the modern capital of Ithaca, a dull, utterly uninteresting -town, neither whose past nor present is worth a note.</p> -<p>Devastated by Turks and corsairs by turns, conquered by -Christian and Infidel, the tribute of death and pillage had at -one time nearly left the island a desert, and Venetian chronicles -report the repeopling of it by a Slavonic colony; but -there is good evidence, as we shall see presently, that there -was never quite an end of the original stock. Though one -does see occasionally strongly Slavonic faces, the population is -now in language and manners purely Greek, with some of the -worst traits of the race strongly developed. By good chance I -<span class="pb" id="Page_26">26</span> -found an old acquaintance in Mr. Caravia, a deputy for Ithaca -to the Greek Assembly, then in vacation, and I had a letter to -Aristides Dendrinos, the principal personage of the island; and -through their united attentions we were made as much at -home in Ithaca as possible. But the Ithacans are shrewd folk, -sharp dealers who look at foreigners as the Hebrews did on -the Egyptians, as made to be spoiled; and we were unlucky -enough to have arrived in the Greek Lent, which, as they -observe it, is equal to starvation to outsiders. The excellent -wine of Ithaca, one of the best of Greek wines, is quite -worthy its ancient reputation; but flesh was unattainable, -and fish so rare, owing to the people’s habit of killing them -with dynamite, that we could not get enough for a breakfast. -The fowls in Greek lands, living an outcast life, never fed, but -expected to grow, as the partridges do, on the bounties of -nature, hardly offer a compensation for the trouble of picking -their bones. They combine all the misfortunes of the wild -and domesticated conditions, with none of the advantages of -either, and offer a scant resource to the caterer. We made -haste to see what was to be seen in Ithaca, and study our -great predecessor’s footprints, but we found the learning -harder than the living. The island Greek is quick-witted, -and, like the Irishman, never confesses himself at fault in -anything you want to know, especially in things connected -with ancient history or archæology. He solves the hardest -and most obscure problem by a bold dash, and is even surer -than Schliemann in his breezy inductions. It is amusing and -cheering to see a man so cock-sure of what archæology has -puzzled over so many years. On inquiring for a guide to -shorten my researches (for, though Homer is guide-book -enough for Ithaca, one may be a long time in tracing out the -Odyssean movements by the poem), every one was ready to -show me everything. Before leaving I found an intelligent -guide, as such go, in one Angelo Persego, whose name I -<span class="pb" id="Page_27">27</span> -record for the benefit of such of my readers as may be tempted -(out of the Greek Lent) to visit Ithaca. But here let me -drop a word of advice for all voyagers in Greek lands. Take -a guide for lodgings and living, but never place any confidence -in his identifications or local traditions. He may be right, -but the chances are nine to one he is not. He may even have -been over the ground before, but his assurance to that effect -is no evidence. I found the men I selected utterly ignorant, -as usual, of almost all I wanted to learn; but I found a little -book by G. F. Bowen, one time Fellow of Brasenose and -President of the Ionian University, which, though dated in -1850, gives a sufficient clue to the topography to enable one -to dispense with a guide, except to find the best roads.</p> -<p>Vathy does not occur in the Odyssey under any name, nor -is there any trace of antique structures about it. In the illustration -the narrow entrance at the right is Vathy; the cove -in the centre, with the island off it, is the port of Phorcys, -where Ulysses was landed, and which, for the uses of ancient -mariners, who beached their ships instead of anchoring them, -was a better port than Vathy. It corresponds in the minutest -detail to Homer’s account of it,—a smooth, sandy beach, -complete shelter from all winds, and only varying in any -particulars in its surroundings by a greater distance from the -grotto where the Phæacians hide the presents Ulysses brings -with him; but of this more is to be said.</p> -<p>The Odyssey gives no intimation of any city near the landing-place. -The port of Ulysses’ own capital was much nearer -Phæacia, and the ship might have landed him at his own door. -The reason of this excessive caution was that during so long -a time he had had no news from home, and his Phæacian -friends knew that he might find his city in the hands of an -enemy.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_28">28</div> -<div class="img" id="fig6"> -<img src="images/i06.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="773" /> -<p class="caption">PORT OF PHORCYS AND NERITON, FROM THE MOUTH OF ULYSSES’ CAVE.</p> -</div> -<p>Awaking, then, from the sleep in which he had been so -gently landed by the crew of the Phæacian ship, he finds -himself in a strange land, as he supposed, and in complete -solitude, and arms himself with his habitual cunning, distrusting -everything. When Athena comes to him in the form of -a shepherd, he asks where he is; and being told that he is at -last in the long-sought Ithaca, he is transported with joy, but -conceals his emotion and addresses the goddess with these -hasty words, disguising the -truth and telling his story -falsely, always turning in -his mind many artifices: -“I, too, have heard, in the -far-off, immense island of -Crete, of the island of Ithaca. It is, then, in that country -that I have arrived with my treasures. I have left an equal -part to my children because I fly from my native land, where -I killed the dear son of Idomeneus,” etc., etc., going on with -a long history to account for his presence in Ithaca, a place -unknown to him, which fable he only drops when Athena -<span class="pb" id="Page_29">29</span> -throws off her disguise; but he still is unconvinced that he is -in Ithaca. She calls his attention to Neriton in front of him, -and having convinced him, helps him hide his treasures in the -grotto, when they sit down under the olive-tree over its -entrance, and she tells him how matters stand at home, and -contrives plans for getting rid of the pretendants, who would, -no doubt, put an end to him if he fell into their hands. This -seems to be his conviction, for he exclaims: “Great gods! if -you had not enlightened me I should have perished in my -palace, like Agamemnon. Come, let us plan a means by which -I may revenge myself on them all.” This hint of the fate -of Agamemnon, whose end he had learned, is the clue to his -cautious deportment. They plan as follows: He will be disguised -by Athena, so that not even his wife shall know him, -and will then go to Eunæus, who keeps his swine by the -Raven’s Cliff, near Arethusa’s fountain, and wait with him -studying up the position, while she goes off to Lacedæmon to -bring back Telemachus, whom she had sent there nominally -to get news of his father, but really, as she informs Ulysses, to -give him an opportunity, hitherto wanting, to see the world -and acquire renown. Here they separate, and Ulysses takes -the secret path.</p> -<p>The position of the grotto makes the only difficulty in tracing -all his movements; for it is not, as one would expect from -the text, at the head of the port, strictly speaking, but at the -head of the little ravine which ends in the port, a good quarter -of an hour’s walk from the shore, even making allowance -for all the recession of the water-line, which has evidently -been considerable. The grotto itself corresponds exactly with -the description, and can be entered by mortals only in the -usual way, by the small opening which looks toward the port. -“It has two entrances: one, turned toward the breath of -Boreas, is for human use; the other, toward that of Notos, is -more divine. Never man enters by that; it is the way of the -<span class="pb" id="Page_30">30</span> -immortals.” The human entrance is a low, almost invisible -opening, or at least, easily passed without notice, at a short -distance. Even now, when all vegetation has disappeared -from around it, and the olive-trees come only half-way up the -hill, it would easily be hidden by a large stone, as Minerva -hides it. The entrance, low and precipitous, widens rapidly -within, and we descend by what might once have been artificially -prepared steps to a vault-like cave, sixteen to twenty -feet in diameter, with a curious recess at the farther end, and -at the top of the vault another opening, like the top window -of the Pantheon of Rome, or any of the circular temples -whose form was derived from the vaulted tomb or treasury of -Pelasgic architecture. At first sight I thought this opening -might have been artificial, but on close examination I saw that -the formation of the rock led to it naturally, and that, hardly -large enough to admit a human body readily, it could only, if -enlarged, be entered by a person’s being let down with a cord. -This is the “immortals’ entrance.” Under this opening lies -a huge heap of stones, the accumulation of centuries, for the -lower portions are cemented together by the stalagmitic -deposit from the rock above; and the walls of the grotto, -despite the breaking off of every attackable stalactite, are also -formed of carbonate of lime so deposited. The difference between -the actual distance from the water’s edge to the grotto -and that which is indicated by the narrative of the Odyssey -is not more than a fair poetic license would permit; or the -memory of the narrator, having known the localities, might -well in a few years of absence leave out this short distance.</p> -<p>The Odyssean topography is greatly confused to the modern -traveler by the fact that the Homeric city undoubtedly stood -at the northern end of the island, and far remote from the -modern city as well as from the landing-place of Ulysses and -the pig-pens of Eumæus. The view from the grotto gives us, -at the left, a bay of which Vathy and Phorcys are tributaries. -<span class="pb" id="Page_31">31</span> -This cuts the island nearly in two, a narrow ridge of rock -only connecting its two great masses. On the north is the -site of the Homeric city, as I shall presently show; but on -the south are the Raven’s Cliff and the fountain of Arethusa, -together with an ancient ruin known by the people as the -“Castle of Ulysses.” These ruins are of the earliest form -of Pelasgic, commonly named Cyclopean, though there is no -justification for any distinction between the “Pelasgic” and -the “Cyclopean,” or any proper distinction of styles, as they -run into each other, from the form shown at “Ulysses’ Castle” -to the most elaborate and carefully fitted polygonal which -we shall find at Samé on the opposite shore of Cephalonia. -The walls of Ulysses’ Castle are of great extent, and portions -still remaining near the summit are well preserved, some -fragments being nearly twenty feet high. It must have been -the work of a powerful tribe and a great stronghold. Seen -from the sea, it shows on a sharp conical rock precipitously -trending down to the shore. The Odyssey in no manner -makes allusion to this, either as city or as ruin. Ulysses passes -very near it going south, leaving it on the right, apparently -ignoring its existence. This makes it tolerably clear that it -had been so long in ruin that it was in no way to be connected -with the Odyssean dynasty or colonization even, or that it was -constructed after the Homeric epoch. The latter hypothesis -is untenable, because we find in many parts, especially in the -Argolid, ruins clearly contemporary with this, which are in -the Hellenic traditions regarded as the work of a vanished -and semi-divine race of giants, the Cyclopes or the “divine -Pelasgi;” while, of the Homeric epoch, as distinguished from -the Pelasgic, which preceded it, and the Hellenic, which -followed it, we have no recognizable remains, and the cities -known to have existed, such as the Ithaca of Ulysses, have left -no ruin durable enough to show in our time. This indicates -a state of civilization in which the great necessity of strong -<span class="pb" id="Page_32">32</span> -walls as a defense had passed, or that, by the use of cement, -walls were made so light in structure that they were efficient -for the day, but perished utterly in the intervening time, -which again is an untenable hypothesis, because we find -cement used nowhere in Greece in work known to be earlier -than the third century <span class="smaller">B. C.</span> I leave the question of the -identity of the Odyssean epoch with that of the composition -of the poem at present untouched. I am dealing only with -the poem which philologists suppose to have been composed -about 850 <span class="smaller">B. C.</span> That the author knew Ithaca perfectly, I -think we shall see, and that consequently the ruins of the -Pelasgic epoch, when not continuously inhabited (as were -Nericus and Samé, the former of which Laertes conquered, -and the latter of which sent the largest deputation of “kings” -as suitors for Penelope, the foundations of both being Pelasgic), -were already so lost in the twilight of prehistory as to -be without any meaning to the author of the Odyssey. The -city whose ruins are now called the Castle of Ulysses was -as unknown to the epoch of Homer as to ours. No one in -the whole action of the Odyssey goes in or out of its gates, or -turns aside from his path to speak of or visit it. “Kings” -were as common as rascals in those days, but that two important -cities should exist contemporaneously in the small -island of Ithaca, and that the people of Ulysses should live -in one, pasture their hogs on the territory of the other, and -ignore its existence, is impossible. This does not prevent -Schliemann from identifying the house walls, which remain to -a small height, with the pig-pens of Eumæus, or a huge stump -near the citadel, with the tree from which Ulysses had made -his bed (<i>Ithaca, Peloponnesus and Troy</i>).</p> -<p>That this part of the island was nearly or quite unpopulated -is made more than probable by the facts that no mention -is made of any city or people here; that the only features -mentioned are the wildness, and forests abandoned to feeding -<span class="pb" id="Page_33">33</span> -of pigs; and that Ulysses selects this part for his concealment. -The path Ulysses probably followed from the port of -Phorcys to the Raven’s Cliff is by far too hard for dilettante -following; it is not only impassable to beasts of burden, but, I -should say, difficult for a pedestrian. There is a road carriageable -for a few miles from Vathy along the ridge southward, -and then a fair bridle-path to the cliff, which, had we known -it, would have led us somewhere near the location of Eumæus’s -sties; but the guide my friends had recommended me, -on his personal assurance, did not know the road, and we -went wandering across fields and over hills, abandoning our -quadrupeds at the moment when they would have been our -best guides; and, finally, the fellow had to go to a ploughman -scratching the earth with a crooked stick behind a yoke of -year-old heifers, and inquire his way. I exhausted my modern -Greek in exasperated vituperation of his pretentious ignorance, -and took the lead, as I generally have had to do on -similar occasions.</p> -<p>There was a pretty little valley on our way, the only arable -or fruitful land in this part of the island; all else was bare -and bleak. A few tough-lived shrubs, broom and gorse, -arbutus, and some others I did not know, wring a scanty -subsistence from the clefts between the rocks, and in a mass -of almost unmitigated limestone was cloven a ravine. The -roughness of Ithaca was proverbial even in Homeric days, -since Athena, while disguised as a shepherd, replies to Ulysses, -“If it [Ithaca] is rocky, if it breeds not horses in its moderate -space, it is not quite barren,” etc. One might well select this -scene as one of tranquil beauty, with the faint glimpses of the -dreamy inner sea above its valley distance, and the golden -grain-fields as I saw them, interspersed with vineyards and -olive-orchards.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_34">34</div> -<div class="img" id="fig7"> -<img src="images/i07.jpg" alt="" width="551" height="800" /> -<p class="caption">RAVEN’S CLIFF AND THE FOUNTAIN OF ARETHUSA.</p> -</div> -<p>The glen of the Raven’s Cliff becomes a wild gorge below -the fountain of Arethusa, and descends abruptly to the sea. -Above, a stripe of bare, pale-gray rock down the cliff shows -that in winter it is the location of a cataract, though, when I -visited the locality, dry -as summer dust. The -fountain of Arethusa is -situated about half-way -from the cliff to the sea, -and bears the evidences -of an immense antiquity. -Remains of an architectural -surrounding are -still to be seen, which, -with some foundations -of walls of the Roman -period, evidently of a -temple to the nymph -or local goddess, and -“Ulysses’ Castle,” are -the only traces of ruin discoverable in this lobe of the island. -The recess of the fountain has once been much larger, but -<span class="pb" id="Page_35">35</span> -the slow process of depositing the calcareous incrustation -which forms its walls has gone on so long that only a small -deep basin remains, from which the people draw the water -with a cord and bucket. Its niche is cushioned with moss -and maidenhair ferns, and the soft porous rock is always -moist with the filtering through of the water. A wooden -trough is placed for the watering of the sheep and goats -which take the place of the hogs of Eumæus, for this is the -only perennial source of water in the region.</p> -<p>An old woman, wrinkled and bowed, looking like one of the -Fates, sat near the fountain, combing the wool she had washed -at it; and on the opposite side the nymph of the fountain, in -the shape of a young matron of some neighboring hamlet, was -washing her clothes. The wash was boiling when we came -up, over a fire of brambles and weeds; but the utensil which -took the place of the bronze caldron of the antique house-mother -was an American petroleum-can, with a wire bale -fitted in rudely, and the stamp of the New York Refining -Company was still visible on the tin. We talk of the omnipresence -of gold, of the omnipotence of cotton; but in my -wanderings on the earth I have found places where the people -did not know the value of a piece of gold, and wore nothing -but the homespun and woven wool of their flocks and flax -of their fields, while I have never found one that did not -know petroleum; and I have learned that the petroleum-can -is a more universal concomitant of civilization than English -cutlery or American drillings.</p> -<p>The pens of Ulysses’ pig-herd were at the top of the cliff, -where a plain of small extent and soil of scanty depth still -maintains an olive-grove, sole representative of the forest of -oaks whose acorns fattened the swine for the revels of the -suitors of Penelope.</p> -<p>Here Ulysses finds Eumæus, and here, in his anxiety to -convince him of the truth of his prediction of the return of -<span class="pb" id="Page_36">36</span> -the wanderer, he says: “If he return not as I declare, let -your servants seize me and throw me over the high rock, that -vagabonds may learn in future to abstain from useless falsehoods.”</p> -<div class="img" id="fig8"> -<img src="images/i08.jpg" alt="" width="700" height="650" /> -<p class="caption">FROM AN OLD GREEK VASE. -<br />THE SITE OF ITHACA—PORT POLIS.</p> -</div> -<p>To return to the city of Ithaca, Ulysses must retrace his -steps past the port of Phorcys, and follow the ridge of rock -which connects the -divisions of the island -past the mass -of Neriton. His -landing-place was on the -east side of the island, the -port of the ancient city -Ithaca on the west; and there are now on the road between, -several villages, the representatives, perhaps, of the ancient -towns from which Ulysses drew his quota of men for the -Trojan campaign, “Crocyles and the rocky Ægilipos.” It -was in one of these villages that Schliemann, visiting the -island for the first time, in his Homeric enthusiasm, as the -villagers, in their habitual curiosity to see the stranger, came -out to gaze and question, taking the assemblage as a demonstration -<span class="pb" id="Page_37">37</span> -in his honor, and determined to show them how well -he estimated the dignity of an heir of the Odyssean glory, -mounted on a table and translated from Homer the passages -which record Laertes’ emotions on the return of his long-lost -son. “They wept with emotion,” says the naïf Doctor; and -he rewarded them by some hundred lines more. Remembering -this incident, I inquired about the matter, and found that -it had excited much merriment in the cultivated circles of -Vathy, and, as I expected, the other side in the rencontre preserved -a very different recollection of the Doctor’s achievement, -and that the tears were of merriment rather than of -pathos. No one in the assemblage could understand a word -of the Greek in the Doctor’s pronunciation of it.</p> -<p>In the nomenclature of the two principal higher villages of -the northern section, I found a curious survival of archaic -language, which, so far as I could learn, is as incomprehensible -as Homer, in the original, to the inhabitants. The villages -are Anoï and Exoï, which are clearly from the archaic and -(except in the Cretan mountains) obsolete words <i>ano</i> and <i>exo</i>, -used as <i>haw</i> and <i>gee</i> are by us in driving oxen, and of course -meaning originally right and left, and these indicate site survivals -of early towns or villages. But of Ithaca the <i>city</i>, the -home of Ulysses, not a trace remains except the name <i>Polis</i> -(city, <i>the</i> city par excellence), which is applied to a locality -where not even an ancient wall shows a claim to the appellation. -The fragments of substructure shown on the hill above -and near the village of Stavros are undoubtedly mediæval, and -belong to the piratical city which was established here, and -which was destroyed in the latter part of the sixteenth century. -I searched in vain for anything to indicate the date of -the ancient city, but here, doubtless, was the home of Ulysses. -Its little port is of the nature demanded by ancient mariners,—a -smooth beach in a cove, with the island of Cephalonia -opposite and near enough to shut off any great violence of sea -<span class="pb" id="Page_38">38</span> -or wind. Homer relates that the suitors, when Telemachus -had gone to Pylos to get news of his father, sent out a ship -with some of their number to intercept and kill him on his -return, and that this ship lay in watch at an island off the -port where the return of Telemachus’s ship could be seen -from afar and prevented. Opposite Port Polis is a rock, probably -the remnant of that island; for, as the material of it is a -conglomerate easily subdued by the elements and decomposing -rapidly, it must have been once a considerable island, and it is -now the only remnant of rock or island which occupies any -such relative position.</p> -<p>In searching around the neighborhood for traces of antiquity -I was accosted by a peasant, who told me that there had been -found a stone with some letters on it, and I made haste to -hunt it out. They (for there were two fragments) were at -the bottom of a heap of stone which had been exhumed from -under a land-fall, and which were evidently part of a very -ancient building. I hired the men who gathered round to -remove the heap, and photographed the stones, which had -been originally one. The inscription is in the early style of -Greek epigraphy, boustrophedon, <i>i. e.</i>, going alternately from -left to right and right to left, as oxen go when ploughing. It -is the oldest known inscription in the Ithacan alphabet.</p> -<p>I placed a copy of the photograph in the hands of Professor -Comparetti of Florence, amongst others, and received from -him the following, read at a meeting of the Academy of the -Lincei:—</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_39">39</div> -<div class="img" id="fig9"> -<img src="images/i09.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="366" /> -<p class="caption">INSCRIPTION FOUND AT POLIS.</p> -</div> -<p>“Since I have hitherto spoken of inscriptions very old or -archaic, as we say, it will be permitted me to close this communication -by presenting to the Academy a curious inscription -of this kind recently discovered in Ithaca and communicated -to me by a diligent and cultivated visitor to the Greek -lands, the American, Mr. Stillman, who made in Ithaca a photograph -of the inscription, and, having unsuccessfully asked an -interpretation of several scholars, applied to me. He has -permitted me to make communication to this Academy, putting -at my disposition also the negative of his photograph, -from which are printed the copies I present. The inscription is -tolerably roughly cut in a friable stone, broken in two, worn -by time and water. The photograph, which is never the best -means of representing monuments of this kind even in experienced -hands, presents some confusion and obscurity in parts; -but this is the only difficulty in the epigraph.... I saw at -once that this was an inscription of which there was already -some notice in a book published by the Phœnix of discoverers -of antiquities, Schliemann, in 1868, ‘Ithaca, Peloponnesos, -and Troy.’ Rich as he is in -fancy, Schliemann is ready -to believe any story, and at -once convinced himself that -he had discovered the inscription -of a very old sarcophagus, -and found an honest -workman who helped -him to complete the idea, showing him the bones found in it -by him. And in his book, together with this and other news, -he communicated the inscription such as he read it. Of the -two fragments, however, he only saw that at the right, and this -he read very badly, seeing letters where none are, and imagining -incredible forms of letters. Kirchhoff in his ‘Studien zur -Geschichte des Griechischen Alphabets’ sought to apply this -monument to his purposes, but could make nothing of it, and -it would have been impossible to get anything from it. Now, -thanks to the intelligent care of Mr. Stillman, we have before -us the monument as it is; he knew nothing of Schliemann; -when he saw the inscription, he saw that it was incomplete, -and seeking amongst the stones, found the other piece, and, -divining justly its relation, united them and took the photograph -<span class="pb" id="Page_40">40</span> -which now permits us to utilize what we may call his -discovery.</p> -<p>“The epigraph is certainly very old, besides being boustrophedon. -This is shown particularly by the forms of the <i>sigma</i> -and <i>iota</i>. It was cut roughly and by hands little used to such -work, without any care for symmetry in the disposition of the -letters or of the lines, nor for the uniformity of the letters. -Some letters are lost in the fracture, others by the wearing of -the stone, and the entire inscription is mutilated in the lower -part.</p> -<p>“The reading, with the filling up, is as follows:—</p> -<p class="center">τᾶς [Ἀ]θάνας -<br />τᾶς (Ρ)[έ](ας) -<br />χα[ὶ τ](ᾶ)ς Ἡρ -<br />ας τα (ἔ) [ν]τεα -<br />τῶ[ἱ]ερῶ οἱ -<br />ἱε[ρ]εε[ς] (Κες- -<br />π</p> -<p>“Translation: ‘Of Athena—of Rhea—and of Hera—the -sacred utensils of the temple—the priests, Kes—placed.’</p> -<p>“Probably the names of the three priests followed, the first -commencing with the letters Kes,—perhaps Kesiphron,—and -there ought to follow -τάδ’ ἒνεθεν -or -τάδε χάτεθεν, -or similar -expression. The inscription, then, has nothing to do with a -sarcophagus, or with the dead. It treats, on the contrary, of -a hidden treasure, that is to say, of the sacred utensils of a -temple in which were worshiped the three divinities, Athena, -Rhea, and Hera, each one having her peculiar priest. It is -well known that there is nothing new in this case of three -divinities worshiped in the same temple. We know that -Athena was especially reverenced in Ithaca, and are not surprised -to find her first in the list. Then to explain this inscription, -it may be supposed that in some perilous time of -war, revolution, or other danger, these priests decided to put -<span class="pb" id="Page_41">41</span> -in security the treasures of the temple and hid them in a safe -and secret place, leaving there this inscription, so that in any -case the nature and origin of the objects might be known. -Probably they cut the inscription themselves that no one else -might be in the secret, and this would explain the signs of -haste and inexperience in the cutting, while on the other -hand the language, like the orthography, is correct.”</p> -<p>The attribution to a sarcophagus by Schliemann is difficult -to explain as a mistake. If it had been, as he says, on a sarcophagus -that he found the right half of the inscription, he -must have found the whole; but the fact is that there was in -the whole pile of stones no fragment of anything like a sarcophagus, -an object unknown in Greece till centuries later. -The inscription had evidently been a mural tablet and was -about eighteen inches deep and of a shape and size which -made it impossible to take it for a fragment of a sarcophagus; -and underneath the mass of debris from which it was extracted -the workmen found a pit, which was excavated, they -told me, without finding anything; nor, they said, was any -object of antiquity found with the stones, while Schliemann -engraves a lance head and a coin of about 300 B. C. which he -says were found in the sarcophagus. This proves nothing, for -when anything is found the absurd rigor of the Greek laws -makes the concealment of it the first object of the finder. -If this pit, when discovered, had still contained the sacred objects, -what a find if archæology could have profited by it! -But as the Greek law in case of concealment would have punished -the excavator by confiscation, or in the best case by -taking the half of the objects found, the first precaution -taken by the finder would have been to remove, if possible, to -a foreign shore, and if not, to melt down, if of precious metal, -the objects found. Until Greek legislation on archæological -research is more intelligent, it will be gravely handicapped. -The greater part of the value of an object is often to know -<span class="pb" id="Page_42">42</span> -where it came from, and this we never know of objects found -in Greece by chance or private excavation. There was some -years ago a report, which had certainly considerable confirmation, -of the discovery of a great treasure in this very part -of Ithaca; possibly it may have been this. If we could have -found the vessels of the temple, they would have given us the -art of the descendants of the Dorians in Ithaca at least six -hundred years <span class="smaller">B. C.</span>; for this inscription is Doric, and dates -from about that time.</p> -<p>In any case, we may be confident that our inscription marks -the site as having been in the vicinity of a city of, or little -later than, the Homeric epoch, as, supposing the Odyssey to -have been composed in 850 B. C., only about two hundred and -fifty years could have intervened between its composition and -the placing of this inscription; and we know of no ethnic revolution -which would have destroyed the Homeric city between -the Dorian invasion and the wars of Corinth.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig10"> -<img src="images/i10.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="800" /> -<p class="caption">THE SCHOOL OF HOMER.</p> -</div> -<p>But if there are no traces of the Homeric city, and none of -earlier construction in the immediate neighborhood of the -site, there is in the interior of the island, and in the northern -lobe, which we see was probably the special domain of the -Ithaca of Ulysses, a most interesting antiquity which is now -known as the “school of Homer.” It is in all probability a -sacred place of the Pelasgic epoch, as on the rock above it is -a chapel whose substructions are clearly Pelasgic and most -probably the remains of a Pelasgic temple, which alone would -account for its preservation, and is probably also the reason of -its conversion into a Christian church. It is on a scale in -keeping with all the remains we have of the heroic epoch, -about twelve by twenty feet, and though much repaired in -the modern adaptation, still shows its ancient dimensions and -style of building in the lower courses, too solid to have been -rearranged, though some of the upper stones have evidently -been replaced in later times. It stands on the brow of a low -<span class="pb" id="Page_43">43</span> -bluff, below the village of Exoï and not far from the “field of -Laertes,” which tradition points out at a little hamlet below. -Traces of other walls extend to the brink of the precipice -that overhangs the -“school,” and round by the -side is an antique flight of -steps, mostly preserved and -cut in the solid rock, that -served as passage between the -temple and the “school,” -which may have been the -place of sacrifice or possibly an area for the holding of the -council. It is mainly cut in the rock at the foot of the precipice -on which the temple was built, with a double flight of -steps, also cut in the rock, descending to the ground below. -<span class="pb" id="Page_44">44</span> -It is not above fifteen feet across at its widest, and the decomposition -of the solid rock by time and weather leaves only the -general shape and character, with some of the steps above and -below it, still tolerably perfect. It was a lovely place, and if -the shade now thrown by the olive-trees which surround it -was anciently given by plane-trees, it would have been still -more striking. You look off on the sea and the distant island -of Levkadi with the mountains of Acarnania, and through the -interstices of the olive-trees you catch glimpses of the cultivated -valley beneath, where, if anywhere in this end of the -island, old Laertes must have had his field, as here only is tillage -possible. North is the sea, south the huge wall of Neriton, -east the rugged mountain that looks out on the inner sea, -and west that on which Exoï is raised to the clouds and from -which one looks down on the Cephalonian channel at its foot. -Like the plain or valley between the Raven’s Cliff and Vathy -for the southern lobe, this is the only valley for the northern. -The “school” is poised thus midway between the valley and -the mountain peak; and whether, as the islanders pretend, -it was the place where Homer read his poems, the council -place of the ancient heroes and kings, or the hieron of -Pelasgic priests whence the smoke of sacrifice went up to the -great Zeus, the choice of locality was one which suited alike -its uses. The young wheat was springing into head in all the -interspaces of the close-standing olive-trees, and the rocks -above were overhung and draped with wild sage and gemmed -with wild flowers. The boy who guided us assured us that -there was a secret passage to the top of the rock, filled up -now; and a peasant passing by stopped to see what we might -be saying or doing, and finding that our interest was fixed on -<i>palaia pragmata</i>, offered to guide us to an ancient rock-cut -well in the valley below. We found the door which opens to -the passage, which led down a stone-cut staircase to the well, -far in the ground; but as the well belonged to the priest, -<span class="pb" id="Page_45">45</span> -who had the key in his pocket, and was, no one knew where, -we had to be content with the door, which was modern -enough, though fitting an opening cut in the rock very evidently -ancient.</p> -<p>In this vicinity must, by the force of nature, have been the -residence of all the agricultural part of the population of the -ancient Ithaca. Says the poem:—</p> -<p>“Ulysses and his companions withdrew from the city and -soon arrived at the magnificent garden of Laertes, which the -hero had formerly purchased with his wealth after the many -ills he had suffered. There stands his dwelling, surrounded -on all sides by a portico where the slaves who cultivate his -estate sleep and eat. In the porter’s lodge is an old -Sicilian,<a class="fn" id="fr_6" href="#fn_6">[6]</a> -who in this solitary place, far from the city, takes care of the -noble old man.... At these words he gives his arms to the -herdsmen who enter into the house of their master, while -Ulysses, to find Laertes, enters into the garden. The hero -goes down into the great vineyard and finds neither Dolias -nor his sons, nor the other slaves. Dolias has led them far -away to gather thorns to make hedges round the inclosure. -Ulysses finds his father digging round the root of a tree in -the garden. Laertes is dressed in a dirty patched tunic; -around his legs he has bound, to preserve them, greaves of -sewn leather; gloves protect his hands, and his head is -covered by a cap of goat-skin, which completes his mournful -appearance....</p> -<p>“‘Ah,’ replied Laertes, ‘if you are Ulysses, if you are my -son returned to this island, describe to me a sure sign that I -cannot mistake.’</p> -<p>“‘See first,’ replies Ulysses, ‘this wound, which long ago -on Parnassus a wild boar gave me with his tusk, when I went -<span class="pb" id="Page_46">46</span> -to Autolycus to bring the presents which he here had promised -me. Then listen, I will describe to you the trees of your -beautiful garden which you gave me, and I asked of you in -my childhood as I ran behind you. We passed through your -inclosure; you told me the name of every tree, and you gave -me thirteen pear-trees, ten apple-trees, forty fig-trees, and -then you promised to give me fifty rows of vines in full bearing.’”</p> -<p>The legends of the modern population of Ithaca must not -be confounded with real local tradition, transmitted from ancient -times. They are unquestionably the reflection of literary -statement, the reiterated conclusions of students more or -less well informed as to the true archæological bases of opinion. -The attribution of the particular spot we visited as the -garden of Laertes is doubtless due to reading of the Odyssey, -and, like the location of the “Castle of Ulysses” on Aëtos, -arose from a popular rendering of the story as handed down -by literature and converted into legend, which is located -wherever the crude antiquarianism of the people judges best. -An instance of the real tradition which has a distinct value -in archæological research is that of the preservation of the -name Polis for the abandoned site where unquestionably the -Homeric city stood; and this simple indication is sufficient -to prove that Ithaca was never entirely depopulated and repeopled -by Slavs, because in this case the continuity of tradition -would have been lost, and there is no ruin to restore -it in modern times, even if it were capable of surviving the -interruption. If it had simply been handed down by a Slavonic -colony, it would have been “Arad” instead of “Polis,” -while, if the depopulation had once been complete, names -which are not now understood by the present inhabitants -could not have originated with them. If the name had -sprung from the presence of ruins, the site on Aëtos would -have received it instead of its present legendary appellation, so -<span class="pb" id="Page_47">47</span> -that in no way can we explain the survival of the name Polis -for the site, or the names Anoï and Exoï, except by supposing -them to have clung to the places from Homeric times through -a continuous population of Hellenic stock, however thinned. -Another curious incident illustrates the tenacity of this kind -of survival. As we were passing through one of the villages, -I heard one child calling to others to run to see the barbarians, -οἱ βάρβαροι -(<i>várvari</i>), just as the Greek children of ancient -times would have called us,—<i>i. e.</i>, foreigners, people -who spoke a strange language, a babble, unintelligible sounds -like those of children. I heard it twice and could not be -mistaken, though a Greek friend to whom I related it would -have it that they said -βαυάροι -(Bavarians), since in continental -Greece, Bavarian (German) has been a term of contempt from -the days of King Otho. But I am certain of the word; and -besides, the children of Ithaca never had anything to do with -the Bavarians, as they were under the Ionian Government -till after the fall of Otho and the departure of the Bavarians.</p> -<p>On the whole, I think that there is the strongest ground -of probability for these conclusions: that, whatever may be -the relation of the real Ulysses to Ithaca, the hero as conceived -and represented in the Odyssey, the Ulysses of the -Homeric poems, <i>if he was an actuality</i>, lived at the site known -as Polis; and that this site, and all the others mentioned in -the poem, were known by the author of it from personal inspection. -The inscription found at Polis is in Doric Greek, -which gives us a right to conclude that the city continued to -be inhabited by the mixed population, result of the Dorian -immigration; while the entire oversight of the Pelasgic site -on Aëtos indicates the total interruption of race connection -and the immense interval which must have come between its -construction and the transfer of the seat of power to Polis, -as, if still habitable when the new race took possession, it -<span class="pb" id="Page_48">48</span> -would, like Nericus, Samé, and Crané, which we shall examine -in Cephalonia, have been made the basis of the newer city. -That it was then utterly abandoned, we conclude, not only -from the neglect of it by Ulysses in the passages we have noticed, -but from the fact that while Samé, on the other island, -sends suitors, and Ithaca itself (the city) adds its quota, no allusion -is made to any from any other place in the island. In -short, the total silence through the whole poem in regard to -any place which can be by possibility connected with Aëtos, -justifies my concluding that it was as much an abandoned ruin -in the time of Homer as now.</p> -<p>The episode of the voyage of Telemachus to Pylos and -Sparta, which brings into the Odyssey the western shore of -the Peloponnesus, is, with the exception of some unimportant -allusions, the only interjection of continental Greece into -the poem.</p> -<p>We went over to look for some trace of the sage Nestor, -but as usual found that while the people had enough of the -after-growth of legend out of the Odyssey, they knew absolutely -nothing of the antique site. I had no guide then to -lead me to the Pylos where the ship of Telemachus found -“the Pyleans scattered along the shore offering a sacrifice to -Neptune, black bulls without a spot.”</p> -<p>The bay of Navarino is a vast marine lake, known to us -mainly by its being the locality of the decisive combat between -the fleets of the great European powers and the Turkish -and Egyptian, which decided the destiny of modern -Greece. We ran in from the open Adriatic, whose waters -were uncomfortably agitated by the south-west wind, glad of -the safe and convenient anchorage. But a sleepier place than -the modern substitute for the “sandy Pylos” I have never -found in Greece. Nobody could give me a word of direction, -and all our searching round the extended sheet of water for -the antique site, only perhaps to be recognized by some half-hidden -<span class="pb" id="Page_49">49</span> -remnant of Pelasgian walls, was fruitless; we neither -saw nor heard of any ruin. We paid a visit to the splendidly -picturesque old Venetian fortress commanding the entrance -of the bay, which perhaps has used up the stones of Nestor’s -Pylos, and which has looked down on one of the most murderous -combats of modern naval history. It is garrisoned by -a little guard of Greek soldiers, and its keep is the prison of -the district. The gate is a good sample of the fortifications -by which the Venetian Republic held her Eastern possessions.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_50">50</div> -<h2 id="c2">THE ODYSSEY, ITS EPOCH AND GEOGRAPHY.</h2> -<p>The mythical world which had for its centre Ithaca, and -for its chief people Penelope and Ulysses, was out of all proportion -larger than the Europe of to-day; for it comprised -the whole known world, from the shadows of Cimmeria to -the clouds that gave birth to the Nile. Its geography, however, -has a value to archæology and prehistory which has not -been fully recognized. The date and place of origin of the -Odyssey will never be determined with any high degree of -certainty, but in dealing with epochs that comprise unmeasured -centuries we need not fear a variation of two or three. -And the collation of traditions from the same mythical world -will help us to this approximation to the probable date of -Homer’s life, if not that of Ulysses.</p> -<p>Gladstone, in the “Juventus Mundi,” has made use of an -argument which, even if not sound as to the Trojan war, I -believe to be good for the Odyssey. The earliest authentic -records in Greek history reveal Greece as under the control -of two races, the Ionians and the Dorians, elements whose -antagonisms have been the chief cause of the disasters and -ruin of Greece.</p> -<p>But neither Dorians nor Ionians were the dominant race -when the Odyssey was written, as neither Ionians nor Dorians -appear in the record. The Greeks of the Trojan war are -always called Achaioi, and the Dorians were evidently, as a -dominant race, unknown to the author of the Homeric -poems. Now, as they came into Greece about 1000 <span class="smaller">B. C.</span>, -and as our researches show the island of Ithaca, with which -<span class="pb" id="Page_51">51</span> -Homer was well acquainted, to have become Dorian with the -rest of Greece, the substance of the Odyssey must have been -earlier than we have supposed, and could hardly have been as -late as 850 <span class="smaller">B. C.</span>, unless the Dorian so-called invasion was an -immigration spreading very slowly from the main line of its -movement, and its stock still a recognizably new people. Nor -does any possible modification of the Homeric poems in the -recitals, continued over centuries, affect this argument in the -least, as, being common property of all the bards and all the -tribes, they were liable to be modified in the various versions -according to the localities and local knowledge of the singers; -and, one “rhapsody” being preserved by one tribe and another -by another, of this hardly homogeneous people, the -traces of the modifications received in their migrations could -not be by the philology of the date of their collation so effaced -as to leave no marks of their incomplete restoration.</p> -<p>It is impossible that any idea of archæological consistency -had led to the exclusion of the Dorians from the Odyssey. -If the Dorians had been ruling in Greece when it was composed, -it seems to the last degree improbable that they could -have been so completely ignored, if it were but for the deference -to be paid the rulers of half the Greek world; and -whether we look at the invariable practice of all early poets -to adapt their work to their own times and surroundings, or -to the entire consistency of the work in this respect,—too -complete to be due to the study of utterly unscientific or -illiterate later times,—I think it is to be admitted as probable -that the Odyssey was composed before the great ethnical -revolution in Greece was complete.</p> -<p>The purely local evidence supports this hypothesis to a certain -extent, and in this topography and geography I propose -to wander as far as it is possible to do so with advantage to -our knowledge of the Odyssean world. Corfu was inhabited -by a race alien to the Greek, and which recognized its descent -<span class="pb" id="Page_52">52</span> -from the Siculi displaced by the Pelasgi from Sicily. -Opposite Ithaca lies the more important island of Cephalonia, -to which Ithaca is now completely subordinate, but which -then was less important apparently than Ithaca, in all probability -only because it was only partly Hellenic. Now, the -earliest classical name of this Island, <i>Kephallenia</i>, was derived -from Cephalus, a mythical hero who appears to have been -contemporary with Minos. But this name is never applied to -it in the Odyssey. Of the island nothing is said, but of the -chief city, Samos (a colony from which gave its name to the -Asiatic island now known under that appellation), Homer has -much to say. It lies clearly in sight from Ithaca, from which -it is separated only by a narrow strait, and is one of the -prominent objects in the view from Ithaca. It was originally -one of that line of prehistoric cities whose only record is in -the stones of their walls, and from these we learn that it was -a very ancient coast settlement, which, unlike the city on -Aëtos, survived through successive civilizations until history -got hold of it. In Ulysses’ day it must have been a rich -place, for it furnished twenty-four pretendants to the hand of -Penelope. “There are first fifty-two young men, the chosen -of Dulichios—six servants accompany them; twenty-four -have come from Samos; twenty from Zakynthos [Zante]; and -from Ithaca were twelve, the bravest.” But the author of -the Odyssey seems to have had no personal knowledge of -the topography of Cephalonia, and mentions no other locality -in the island. Tradition tells us that the island was peopled -by Telebœans, a people driven from the continent by Achilles,—before -the siege of Troy, therefore, but subsequent to -Cephalus; but this is one of the confusions of mythology, as -Cephalus found the Telebœans in the island. The usual condensation -of history into myth leaves very little clear in these -early traditions. Races become personified in individuals, -and the work of centuries is attributed to a life-time and an -<span class="pb" id="Page_53">53</span> -individual. Whether Cephalus was in reality a race or a man -it is impossible to do more than conjecture, but though the -poems mention the <i>Kephallenes</i>, the entire ignoring of its topography -and traditions, even of the visit of the Argonauts -to it, makes it difficult to believe that it was chiefly inhabited -by a race kindred to that of Ithaca when Homer knew it, because -Homer was too much disposed to make use of the antique -traditions when apposite, to have left unnoticed that of -Jason at Palé.</p> -<p>Cephalus having, according to the legend, killed his wife -Procris, mistaking her for a wild animal as she, excited to -jealousy by his devotion to the chase, which she attributed to -another love, hid herself in the thickets to watch him, was banished -from Athens, and, wandering in exile, came to Thebes, -just then under excitement owing to the Telebœans of Cephalonia -having killed the brothers of Alcmena, wife of the -Theban Amphytrion, and he was requested to take charge of -the expedition to avenge the murder. He succeeded in conquering -the island and gave it his name. His descendants -reigned there two generations, after which, the latest rulers -of his blood being recalled to Attica by the oracle, a federative -republic succeeded, formed by the four principal cities, -or perhaps by the four which had survived the changes of -race, for there are more than four antique sites. Those which -history has preserved as having submitted to the Romans in -the year of Rome 563 were Samé, Nesia, Crané, and Palé.</p> -<p>The city of Samé alone presents, in the annals of historical -times, any interest, and this is sad and glorious. Livy says -that at the end of the Ætolian war the Romans sent to Cephalonia -to know whether they would submit or try the fortune -of war, as they seem to have joined in the war with the Ætolians, -though he gives no record of the part they took. He -gives the account, brief and tragic, of the fate of the city, -which I will neither dilute nor abbreviate:—</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_54">54</div> -<p>“An unhoped-for peace had now shone on Cephalonia -when one state, the Saméans, suddenly revolted, from some -motive not yet ascertained. They said that as their city was -commodiously situated they were afraid the Romans would -compel them to remove from it. But whether they conceived -this in their own minds and under the impulse of a -groundless fear disturbed the general quiet, or whether such -a project had been mentioned in conversation among the Romans -and reported to them, nothing is ascertained except -that, having given hostages, they suddenly shut their gates, -and would not relinquish their design even for the prayers of -their friends whom the consul sent to the walls to try how -far they might be influenced by compassion for their parents -and countrymen. When no pacific answer was given, the -city began to be besieged.</p> -<p>“The consul had all the apparatus, engines, and machines -which had been brought from Ambracia, and the soldiers executed -with great diligence the works necessary to be made. -The rams were therefore brought forward in two places, and -began to batter the walls.</p> -<p>“The townsmen omitted nothing by which the works or -the motions of the besiegers could be obstructed. But they -resisted in two ways in particular, one of which was to raise -constantly opposite the part of the wall attacked a new wall -of equal strength on the inside; and the other was to make -sudden sallies at one time against the enemy’s works, at another -against his advanced guard, and in those attacks they -generally got the better. The only plan that was invented to -confine them within the walls, though ineffectual, deserves -to be recorded. One hundred slingers were brought from -Ægium, Patræ, and Dymæ [Peloponnesus]. These men, according -to the customary practice of that nation, were exercised -from their childhood in throwing with a sling, into the -open sea, the round pebbles with which, mixed with sand, the -<span class="pb" id="Page_55">55</span> -shores were generally strewn; therefore they cast weapons of -that sort to a greater distance, with surer aim and more -powerful effect, than even the Balearian slingers. Besides, -their sling does not consist merely of a single strap like the -Balearic and that of other nations, but the thong of the sling -is threefold and made firm by several seams, that the missile -may not, by the yielding of the strap in the act of throwing, -be let fly at random; but, after sticking fast while whirled -about, it may be discharged as if sent from the string of a -bow. Being accustomed to drive their missiles through circular -marks of small circumference placed at a great distance, -they not only hit the enemy’s heads, but any part of -their faces that they aimed at. These slings checked the -Saméans from sallying either so frequently or so boldly; insomuch -that they would sometimes from the walls beseech the -Achæans to retire for a while and be quiet spectators of their -fight with the Roman guards. Samé supported a siege of -four months. When some of their small number were daily -killed or wounded, and the survivors were, through continual -fatigues, greatly reduced both in strength and spirits, the Romans, -one night, scaling the wall of the citadel which they -call Cyatides (for the city, sloping toward the sea, verges toward -the west), made their way into the forum. The Saméans, -on discovering that a part of the city was taken, fled -with their wives and children into the greater citadel; but, -submitting next day, they were all sold as slaves, their city -being plundered.” (Bohn’s translation.)</p> -<p>It is only by conjecture we can distinguish between the two -hills, both being covered with ruins; and the walls are so -broken in their circuit, and so complex as well as various in -their epoch of construction, that no plan of the siege could -be made, but the above indicates the westernmost as first -captured.</p> -<p>The city must have been very wealthy, if we may judge -<span class="pb" id="Page_56">56</span> -from that generally excellent indication, the tombs, which -line the roads and the sea-shore beyond the city (looking from -the point where the general view is taken), and by the enumeration -of the booty taken by the Romans, which is given -as follows: Two hundred golden crowns of ten Roman pounds -each, eighty-three thousand pounds of silver, two hundred and -forty-three pounds of gold, one hundred and eighteen pieces -of Athenian money, two thousand four hundred and twenty-two -of Macedonian, two hundred and eighty-three statues of -bronze, two hundred and thirty of marble, besides the money -distributed to the army.</p> -<p>I know of no place where the ruins of all epochs are so -well indicated as at Samé. The large fragment of wall of the -best Hellenic time which runs down the slope of the eastern -hill is one of the finest, if not <i>the</i> finest, I have ever seen. -Its stones are perfectly hewn, and some of them are twelve -to fourteen feet long, and the highest portion still standing is -not less than twenty feet high. At other points are various -examples of the Pelasgic, similar to that of “Ulysses’ Castle,” -but of better work. There are magnificent subterranean -passages, one of which leads to the citadel on the easternmost -hill, the more remote in the distant view, but the higher and -probably the site of the greater citadel, being marked by the -most imposing ruins and remains of works, and without doubt -the locality of the original settlement. On the lower hill -stand some interesting remains—a tower and remains of city -wall of mixed Hellenic and Pelasgic, the tower being of the -very latest Hellenic, showing the beginning of “rustication.” -It was built upon in the middle ages, and the whole mass of -buildings transformed into a fortress and afterward into a -convent. Samé must very early have been a large and important -city, as the whole of the space, including the two hills -and the land between them, shows traces of Pelasgic construction, -and one fragment on the brow of the hill near the -<span class="pb" id="Page_57">57</span> -tower is one of the most perfect examples of the best Pelasgic -work one can find away from Mykenæ and Argos. The -stones in the illustration range about five feet in length, and -are faced with exquisite exactness. A wild fig-tree has taken -root in the interstices of the stones, and the roots have -pushed the masses of rock apart, but in several places it is -difficult to see the junction when the light is flat against -them. Of Roman work there is little; but some thermæ -walls on the plains by the sea and some tombs show a considerable -Roman occupation. Livy says that Marcus Tullius, -the conqueror of Samé, went over to the Peloponnesus “after -having placed a garrison in Samé.” This negatives the notion -that the walls were razed to the foundations, as is asserted by -La Croix; and it is also rendered improbable by the existing -ruins, though it is not impossible that so much of the wall -was destroyed as made the defense of it temporarily impracticable. -There are, however, some slight traces of rubble-wall -on the old ruins, which show a Roman (or possibly middle-age, -though I incline to the former) construction, which negative -any supposition that the <i>enceinte</i> was rendered useless for -defense; for no one would repair a wall which was not tolerably -complete in its circuit. The remains of the Roman -time, however, are insignificant compared with those of the -Pelasgic, either as to preservation or quality.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_58">58</div> -<div class="img" id="fig11"> -<img src="images/i11.jpg" alt="" width="630" height="800" /> -<p class="caption">VIEW OF SAMÉ FROM THE WEST,—WITH PARTS OF PELASGIC AND HELLENIC WALLS.</p> -</div> -<p>At present Samé is an insignificant village, consisting of -twenty or thirty small houses stretched along the beach, with -a tiny port formed by a breakwater constructed from the -stones of the city wall, the fairest and best cut that could -be found. The people are a thievish clan, who set on any -chance comer, like mosquitoes on a solitary and bewildered -fisherman in a swampy land. They have coins and antiquities -to sell, for which, as everywhere else in Greece, they demand -the most absurd prices; and they beset one with offers of -service as guides, etc., etc., etc., till they weary all human -patience. This may be said of the Ionians in general, but -less of the people of Cerigo, perhaps, than the others. We -found, however, a grateful exception. We had wandered -along the beach to the furthermost -houses of the line, -and on passing a very respectable-looking -house, the -owner, sitting in the coolness -of the twilight at his -gates, seeing two strangers, -rose to salute us and invited -us to enter; an invitation so -amiable and earnest that -we accepted, and were -ushered into the guest-chamber, -clean and furnished -with divans in -eastern fashion, where we -were entertained with -the usual sweetmeats and coffee, while the daughter of the -house went into the garden and collected for each of us a -bouquet of roses, the most fragrant I ever remember to have -<span class="pb" id="Page_59">59</span> -seen. Our host narrated many incidents of the English rule -in Cephalonia, and when we rose to go urged us to take up -our quarters in his house; and finally, as we stood before the -gates, as a last favor, offered me two beautiful Greek stelæ, -memorials of the ancient dead, possibly of the period of the -heroic defense of Samé. He had found them in digging his -house cellar, and they were the ornaments of his court-yard; -but learning that we were in search of antiquities, he offered -them freely as his contribution. I shall not soon forget him -or his fragrant roses and the dark-eyed Saméan girl who offered -them to us.</p> -<p>Of Crané scarcely a trace remains, even of the Pelasgic -walls. It stood originally on the Lake of Argostoli (to which -place we drove from Samé across the island), but at a point -now far from the water’s edge. The lake is a singular geological -phenomenon, formed by a number of springs bursting out -from under the hills on which Crané lay, with a force sufficing -to drive mills and form a strong current over the whole -extent of the lake, which is a mile or more in diameter, -though the surface of land to be drained by these subterranean -outpours is, one would say, utterly inadequate to the -quantity of water delivered.</p> -<p>I took a guide at Argostoli, a man of the usual type of -Greek guide, who assured me that he knew the ancient city, -and had often guided strangers there. On arriving at the -head of the lake I found him taking useless détours to bring -me to the mills, which were driven by the springs; and on -asking him what he went there for, he replied that he supposed -I wanted to see the mills—since that was what other -people had come for. I gave him an energetic sample of -modern Greek, and ordered him to show me the way to the -ancient city—Palaiokastron. “Palaiokastron!” he ejaculated -with surprise and bewilderment in his eyes, and turned to ask -some shepherd boys or other vagabonds, who were sauntering -<span class="pb" id="Page_60">60</span> -near by and watching us, where the Palaiokastron was. They -declined to give any information, probably regarding him as -a poacher on their preserves. I had, therefore, to depend on -my antiquarian instincts, and, taking the lead, climbed over -the heights above until, guided by the nature of the ground, -I found the traces of the old wall.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig12"> -<img src="images/i12.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="332" /> -<p class="caption">CRANÉ FROM THE SEA SHORE.</p> -</div> -<p>The position of the city was entirely characteristic of the -sites of the Pelasgic epoch: a bold, double peak, almost inaccessible -on the sea-side, and on the two flanks still very precipitous, -but connected with higher land on the side opposite -the water. On the side from which the view is taken none -of the ancient walls remain. The movement of earthquakes, -the gradual fall of the rock at the precipitous edge, or the -leveling labor of man has carried away all the blocks that -made this side of the <i>enceinte</i>; but many of the stones may -be recognized at the foot of the slope, some worked into -modern walls, and some in the débris of the hill. On the -opposite side the traces are more distinct, and the wall may -be traced a long way, and the site of the citadel determined, -with a gate and the angles of some of the towers. From -near the citadel a view is obtained which shows a long line -of the débris with a distant view of the town of Argostoli and -the lake, and far beyond the lines that form the western shore -<span class="pb" id="Page_61">61</span> -of the superb harbor of Argostoli, almost without a rival in -the Adriatic. The mass of wall is hardly to be distinguished -from mere decomposed rock; so much have time and frost, -the great demolishers, split and crumbled the flinty, massive -limestone, the preferred material of the Pelasgi. On the further -shore shown in the view may be seen, when the air is -clear, the houses which form a modern village on the site of -the ancient Palé. Here were Jason and his fellow adventurers -entertained on their search after the golden fleece,—an -expedition which perhaps we may translate from myth into -probability, as an expedition to obtain an improved breed of -sheep, a finer-wooled stock, from one of the northern and inland -countries.</p> -<p>At Argostoli I inquired about the ruins of Palé, but was -told that they are mainly built over, and what is visible is -only of the Roman period. I attempted, however, on our -return to Samé, to run around in the <i>Kestrel</i>, as the voyage -across the bay from Argostoli is neither pleasant nor sure in -the small boats that make the service. We got up anchor as -the land breeze began to blow at midnight, and I went to -bed, having given orders to anchor in a little bay about half-way -to the southern extremity of the island near which some -ruins are indicated on the map. Awaking in the morning -and finding a most suspicious tranquillity prevailing, I took a -look at the outside surroundings, and found the yacht quietly -moored on the same spot she had occupied the day before. -A furious sirocco had sprung up and met us half-way to our -destined anchorage, and after beating for an hour in vain, our -little boat nearly buried in the seas, we were compelled to -retreat and run back to our former place of refuge. There is -no getting ahead in such small craft against the sharp, violent -seas of the Mediterranean.</p> -<p>Three days the sirocco blew, and we tried in vain to pass -the time fishing. The Ionians have adopted dynamite so universally -<span class="pb" id="Page_62">62</span> -to catch their fish that they are as scarce as honest -people on shore. One does find them sometimes, and we -caught a shark about four feet long and a half dozen red mullet -where, before dynamite was discovered, we could have -caught in the same time a hundred-weight.</p> -<p>The third night we got under way again, and, with a heavy -swell still on, ran down to our harbor, reaching it as a flaming, -splendid thunder-storm was coming up, the finale of our -southern blow. We moored with cables out in three directions, -and when the storm had all gone by I went ashore to -hunt my ruins. A vagabond Cephalonian offered his services -to carry my camera and guide me; but his crafty and evasive -face, coupled with the assurance with which he clung to me, -so irritated me that to rid myself of him I plunged into the -pathless thicket. Traveling by compass, and searching long -and closely, I found at last the remains of an early Pelasgic -wall on a magnificent site, with a breezy outlook to sea north -and west and overlooking a fertile valley inland, not especially -pictorial, for it was too regular and too thoroughly cultivated, -but through it ran a bright crystal brook overhung by huge -pollard sycamores and fringed with oleanders just bursting -into blossom and making the valley look like a rose-garden. -Beyond the hill on which the city stood is a wild ravine -through which runs the brook, which in Greek would naturally -be dignified by the name of a river. Only a narrow -neck, as usual, gave access to the site. It is impossible to -ascertain with any kind of assurance what the name of the -city was. It could not have been Nesia, the only one of the -four principal ones we have not visited, for no ruins are visible -approaching so late an epoch as the Roman, and it was -probably Heraclea. Its position was magnificent for defense -and on account of the fertility of the country behind it, but -the site was probably abandoned very early for one further -inland, where I was assured there were ruins of an ancient -<span class="pb" id="Page_63">63</span> -city. But my time had been so invaded by the loss of three -days through the storm, and I was already so behind my programme, -that I was not able to give the time necessary to the -search and examination, or, indeed, to follow my plan of visiting -Palé.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig13"> -<img src="images/i13.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="604" /> -<p class="caption">DISTANT VIEW OF PALÉ FROM THE CITADEL OF CRANÉ.</p> -</div> -<p>We climbed down to the brook, and I enjoyed the pastime -of wading in the gurgling water as if I were a boy—it was -so long since I had had that pleasure! We followed it into -a close and gloomy gorge, where the crag of the ancient site -overhung us like a huge, rough wall, almost a sheer precipice, -and down at the foot ran the brook, which we followed to the -sea. The sun was setting as we reached the yacht, and before -we waked from sleep next morning we were bounding -toward Zante.</p> -<p>In Zante (Zakynthos) there is, so far as I could find, no -ancient ruin whatever. The character of the rock explains -this; for, except at the extreme southern end of the island, -<span class="pb" id="Page_64">64</span> -there is no stone which would resist even the weather-wear -since the Roman epoch. The island seems to be a bed of -sand raised from the sea and slightly hardened, so that, -though the citadel hill is imposing enough as a mass, the material -of it is being continually dissolved, and looks at a distance -more like a bank of clay than like rock.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig14"> -<img src="images/i14.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="293" /> -<p class="caption">ZANTE.</p> -</div> -<p>Zante is rhymingly called the “fior di Levante” (flower of -the Levant), but it is difficult to see wherein it surpasses -Corfu in any flowery attribute. I guess that, as in many -other cases, the rhyme went for more than the fact, poetical -or otherwise. It is fertile, and the land extends in an immense -unpicturesque plain covered with olive-orchards and -vineyards for miles from the port. Its history is unimportant -and its mythology not interesting. It was said to have been -colonized by Zakynthos, son of Dardanus of Troy, about 1500 -years before Christ; but, as I have before said, all Greek dates -and traditions of migration earlier than 1000 <span class="smaller">B. C.</span> are purely -conjectural. Zante suffered with the other islands from the -endless and furious feuds of the Greek states; ravaged by -turns by Athenian and Lacedæmonian, it came down to the -Romans an unruly subject province, conquered and reconquered, -and finally lay still in the tranquillity of slavery -until Geneseric, king of the Vandals, began an epoch of devastation, -which only concluded with the purchase, by the Venetians -<span class="pb" id="Page_65">65</span> -from the Sultan, of its soil depopulated by the sword -and slavery.</p> -<p>He who goes about in the Mediterranean has great chance -of seeing bad weather, for it is the reverse of a pacific sea, -and in a scrap of a boat like the <i>Kestrel</i> the phenomena are -sometimes interesting. Our course from Zante to Cerigo (ancient -Cythera) leads by Cape Mátapan, opposite Cape Maleá, -the two southern points of Greece, which enjoy a reputation -of the kind that the American proverb gives to Hatteras and -Lookout. The <i>Kestrel</i> was again baffled, and, after beating -for hours to get past the point, we had to put up the helm -and run back to Navarino, the nearest shelter, before a -gathering southerly blow. We lay in our old anchorage another -day, and as the wind fell at night we beat out again and -ran through the little archipelago of barren and desolate islands -which lie off this part of the Morea. The weather still -looked ugly, and thunder-clouds were gathering on the hills -of Lacedæmon, and we could see the storm creeping down toward -the sea, but the wind was fair, and we hoped to make -Kapsali, in Cerigo, before the squall came down. Already the -heights of Cerigo loomed before us, and we had begun to look -for the landmarks, when the wind struck us. All hands made -what haste was possible to get in sail and get up a small storm -jib to lie to under, and not too quickly, for no common canvas -would have stood that blast when it struck us. The sun was -setting, and soon we were out of sight of all land in the driving -spray and rain. The lightning was such as only they who sail -in semi-tropical seas can have known, blinding and incessant; -it seemed to have gathered around the mountains of Cerigo -as a centre, for it went and came and still hung there as the -rain swept down the coast and up again. As the wind fell off -with the down-pouring of the torrents we got off again and -pointed our bowsprit for Kapsali; and as the waters above -and those below seemed to have formed an alliance against -<span class="pb" id="Page_66">66</span> -us, we went below and shut the hatch. Fortunately the wind -was off shore and we had little sea, and managed to creep -along nearly as much as we had drifted to the leeward; so -that when the storm broke and the rain held up we were able -to see the rocks off the coast, and finally to grope our way -into the little port of Kapsali, which is secure against everything -but a southerly blow. The wind, always contrary, fell -off as we drew near the light-house, and we had to get in with -our sweeps in the small hours of the morning, wet, cold, -hungry, and jaded from the excitement of the night; for, -though it is simple and safe in the telling, a large Greek brig -foundered only two miles from us in the squall, and we had -experienced the worst weather we had yet felt, and since the -storm began no one had been able to eat or even get a cup of -coffee.</p> -<p>At Kapsali one begins to see the antique sailor ways and -the evidence of the intense conservatism of the eastern world. -The ships are drawn up on the beach at night as of old, and -this necessitates a construction of the hull which cannot be -far removed from that of the antique. Indeed, I have seen -fishing-boats which might have served for the models of the -galley on the Roman coins. The rigging, again, is of the -simplest, and fitted for these seas, where the sudden squalls -and the “meltem,” or gusts which come down from the -mountains with no warning but a little cloud appearing on -the summit, sometimes leave brief space for the taking in of -sail. On the whole, wherever we look we see ample evidence -that in the whole Levant, where the original population exists -in a considerable proportion, the ways of life and thought are -the same as those of Homer’s day. Nature has changed more -than man. Where the Venetians came they brought new -habits of military life and construction, and demolished all -the old ruins to make fortresses; but on the domestic life and -on the character of the Greek they had little or no influence.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_67">67</div> -<p>Whether Kapsali, a mere village, the port of Cerigo, had -any ancient existence, we do -not know. Cerigo lies on the -high rock above it, and is a -Venetian fortress; and, as is generally -the case with Venetian -fortresses, has used up all ancient -masonry, if any existed, in -its construction.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig15"> -<img src="images/i15.jpg" alt="" width="529" height="799" /> -<p class="caption">CITADEL OF CERIGO.</p> -</div> -<p>The road from Kapsali to -the town of Cerigo is of Venetian -construction, kept in -repair by those fitting successors -of Venice, the English, -who certainly left the Ionian -Islands in a state of prosperity -higher than that of to-day. -Good roads were almost everywhere -provided, and good ways of other kinds, now lost entirely, -if I might believe the complaints of the people. The -<span class="pb" id="Page_68">68</span> -position of Cerigo is very strong for the days of Venetian -rule, and it overhangs the port and country round on every -side, except one, like a Pelasgic site, but I could find no stone -of that date. It is not likely that there was any very ancient -city there, as no tombs or evidences of a necropolis have been -found. The formidable character of the position in the times -of the Venetians is shown by the view from the road above -the ravine which severs the mountain from the lesser hill over -the port—a ravine whose existence is quite unsuspected from -the port.</p> -<p>The city itself is without interest except as the first really -Eastern city one will see coming from the West, and as an -example of Venetian fortress-building. The view from the -citadel is fine and breezy, the islands of Ovo, Cerigotto, and -Crete being visible, and a great expanse of that sea which, on -sunny days, is in itself so beautiful from its color. You look -down on the houses, white as continual whitewashing will -make them, whose flat, terraced roofs serve in the hot and -rainless summer as sleeping-places for the whole family. How -many nights I have dragged my mattress from the bedroom -out on this delightful substitute and let the night breeze fan -me to sleep!</p> -<p>Of history the island has next to none. Mythology puts -the landing of Aphrodite here, as she came, foam-born and -sea-borne, to found her religion in the Greek worlds.<a class="fn" id="fr_7" href="#fn_7">[7]</a> -The first who are traditionally reported to have colonized the -island are the Phœnicians; but it is impossible to ignore the -previous coming of the Pelasgi, who have left a well-marked -ruin of the earliest type. To see the traces of the antique -settlements, one had better go to Port San Nicolo if provided -<span class="pb" id="Page_69">69</span> -as we were; but secure an intelligent guide previously from -Cerigo, as the country people, as in other islands, while pretending -to know all about the antiquities, really know absolutely -nothing. They know the tombs because they serve as -sheep-folds, and they have sometimes a curious knowledge of -the relative antiquity of the ruins; but they have heard modern -myths, and apply them with the least possible regard to -archæological facts, and invariably assure you that they know -everything.</p> -<p>So it happened that I was again, for want of choice, out on -a search with an ignorant guide. There had been some excavations -commenced on the site of what is now known as -Palaiopolis (the old city), which evidently was Phœnician, -and was occupied down to Roman times. There were some -columns of Roman or Byzantine work unearthed, and from -mere curiosity to know <i>his</i> notions, I asked a shepherd boy -watching his sheep near by what they were. “This,” he -said, “was the palace of the king.” “Of what king?” I -asked. “Don’t you know?” he said, opening his eyes at me -as if this were the very <i>a b c</i> of history. “Why, the palace -of Menelaus.” There is an old tradition that it was the place -of residence of Menelaus and Helen, and all the objects to be -seen are attributed to them. The Phœnician city is close to -the sea; the Pelasgic site is several miles back, and looms up -on the highest mountains in the vicinity. In a previous visit -I had seen but had not explored it; but now I determined to -see the whole extent of it. My guide, who brought a donkey -for my occasional changes of mode of locomotion, pretended -to lead me to the ancient citadel; but when we reached the -hill on which I knew it to be better than he, he began to inquire -about it of the women at work in the fields; thereupon -I, as usual, took the lead. Guided by the nature of the -ground, I found all that remained of the ancient citadel wall—a -fragment kept up by the chance of its being the limit of -<span class="pb" id="Page_70">70</span> -a field, and so kept in repair, but in such a state of dilapidation -that but for the evidences of the continuity I would not -have been sure that it was a wall. I followed the main wall a -mile or more along the edge of the precipitous slope, and saw -that it bore testimony to the importance of the ancient city, -for it was wide in its compass and massive, with towers, gates, -and flanking towers of the true Pelasgic style, but in most -places only two or three stones high. I got an imposing view -of the hill from below the lowest trace of wall, showing its -position with reference to the valley below, through which -ran once a river of some volume, if we may judge by the alluvial -plains at its mouth, but which at the time of my visit in -midsummer, was dry as desert dust. A strip of white pebbles -shows where it still runs in winter-time. On the hills close -to the sea-side, and on both sides of the mouth of this ancient -river, used to lie the old Phœnician, Greek, and Roman city, -whatever it was originally called,—probably Cythera, like -the island. As I have said, it is now called Palaiopolis. The -temple of Aphrodite, the people pretend, was on the hill near -the citadel where now is an insignificant chapel, but with no -evidence of antiquity except that there are in the construction -of the chapel some large stones which are evidently of -Hellenic cutting; but as the Greeks had the habit in all ages -of keeping up the temples of their gods, there is nothing to -show that it was a temple of Aphrodite rather than a Pelasgic -god, which Aphrodite-Astarte was not, and her temple must -have been near the sea.</p> -<p>The site of Palaiopolis is marked by a quantity of tombs, -most, if not all, of Hellenic date. There are now no temple -remains there; but Spon, who visited the spot two hundred -years ago, says that he saw the statue of Aphrodite, which -was very ugly and of coarse brown stone, which reminds us -of the statues of Cyprus. The rock is a soft conglomerate -which the sea cuts away very rapidly, and apparently there -<span class="pb" id="Page_71">71</span> -has been a subsidence of the soil, since they say that when -the sea is tranquil there may be seen beneath the water, some -distance out from the actual shore, the ruins of a city. This -may have been the port of Cythera—scarcely a fortified city, -as the site must have been too low. Right and left of the -rivulet which now represents the ancient river are bluffs of -conglomerate, that on the left honeycombed by tombs, some -of which have fallen with the rock, but of which others are -still visible, opened to the elements but showing within the -rock-cut graves. Many valuable articles of gold work have -been found in past times, but the treasure seems to have been -exhausted. These two bluffs are the lineal representatives -and successors by right of position of what Aphrodite must -have seen as she came ashore on the foam, otherwise they -have no interest.</p> -<p>The two low hills which were included in the city of Cythera -are covered with fragments of building and traces of -tombs, but, so far as I could find, no wall. This is all that -is left of Aphrodite, Helen, and Menelaus in their land of -fabled existence. The coming ashore of Aphrodite undoubtedly -indicates, like that of Europa at Gortyna in Crete, the -landing of a colony from Phœnicia, bearing the worship of -Astarte, who became later assimilated to Aphrodite. Of the -presence here of Helen and Menelaus there is no evidence -in any trustworthy tradition. The subjection of Cythera to -Sparta is of historic date. My conclusion as to the island is -that in Homeric times it was Phœnician in its relations as -Melos was at one time, as well as Santorin and other eastern -islands, and that, like Corfu, it did not come into the Greek -system.</p> -<p>Opposite Cerigo, and with its snowy peaks glistening under -the noonday sun, lies Crete. The strangest omission of the -Odyssey would have been that of the island of Minos from -its reminiscences, if the author had known of it; but, as we -<span class="pb" id="Page_72">72</span> -have seen in his interviews with Athene, Ulysses did not fail -to include it in his geography though he had apparently never -visited it, and like Egypt and Lotophagitis it was known by -report. Of Egypt we had heard mention through the visit of -Helen and Menelaus. Of the country where subsequently -was established the Great Greek-African colony, Cyrene, we -have no hint, yet the inhabitants of the Peloponnesus knew -of Libya earlier than the Dorian invasion—as early, in fact, -as 1500 B. C., as we know by the Karnac inscriptions. The -story of Eumæus shows knowledge of the ways of that race of -merchants and pirates, the Phœnicians, but nothing of their -country.</p> -<p>The questions of the personality and date of Homer and of -the reality of the Trojan war are utterly diverse, and not, in -fact, interdependent. As to the latter we have thus far no -direct evidence whatever, beyond poetic traditions in which -the supernatural is so strongly and inextricably involved with -the pretense or actuality of history that no inferences can be -drawn from any part of the narrative, though from its <i>ensemble</i> -we are assured that in its ancient form it was accepted -as history by the entire Greek world as early as we know anything -of that world with historical certainty. But that is no -criterion. Even at this day myths grow and crystallize in the -Oriental mind with a rapidity which leaves the ancients without -any advantage. The universal belief from the first to -the eighth century <span class="smaller">B. C.</span> that the Iliad was history need not -weigh with us. Scientific investigators differ so widely that -we have no general inference to draw from their arguments. -The most recent excavations leave a grave doubt whether -any of the ruins excavated in the Troad can by any reasoning -be admitted to be as old as the Iliad, and the remains -on Hissarlik hill which Schliemann <i>more suo</i> has identified -with Homer’s Troy are clearly the remains of the city of -Crœsus, being of brick, which does not appear in the classic -<span class="pb" id="Page_73">73</span> -traditions or structures until his time, and we know by authentic -history that he did build a city on this hill. Professor -Jebb, one of the most acute of the literary investigators of -the question, is convinced that the topography of the Iliad is -eclectic, some of its indications suiting only Hissarlik and -others only Bunarbashi; Max Müller maintains that the whole -story is a solar myth; while Nicolaïdes, a patient and thorough -Greek student of the Iliad, believes that he can follow -the whole strategy of the poem on the plain of Troy. -But the main questions involved in the Odyssey are of a -different character and determined by different criteria. I -offer my suggestions as to some of them with the deference -due my masters in archæology.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig16"> -<img src="images/i16.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="656" /> -<p class="caption">LANDING-PLACE OF THE CYPRIAN APHRODITE OR ASTARTE.</p> -</div> -<p>The general knowledge shown in the Odyssey divides itself -into kinds: that which was part of the general geography of -the day, and this included the coasts shown on our route -map; and that of which the poet had personal cognizance, -<span class="pb" id="Page_74">74</span> -which is limited to Corfu, Ithaca, Nericus, and possibly Pylos; -and this exclusiveness suggests to us that Homer, a stranger in -the West, had come, as I did, simply to follow and study the -traces of Ulysses’ wanderings, and that he did so in obedience -to a clearly preserved tradition as to his great exemplar, which -was almost impossible without the still remembered personal -presence. What he describes is admirably told, even to the -“sandy shore” of Pylos, in a world whose sandy shores are -rare; but Homer does not seem to have any mental vision of -the lands and islands of which Ulysses only speaks in his story—the -lands of the Cimmerians, of the Læstrygonians, the -Cyclops, the Lotophagi, the homes of Circe and Calypso, are -only heard of. Cythera, close by, is not named, and Crete and -Egypt are only named. This kind of fulfillment, as well as -this kind of omission, gives a tone of personality to the poem, -as the composition of one person, and that one familiar with -the scene of its major events, and it strengthens my belief in -the hypothesis of the presence of Homer in Ithaca, and of -the early date of the Odyssey, and by a certain implication -argues for a logical relation between the hero and the Trojan -war, implying the actuality of both.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_75">75</div> -<h2 id="c3">THE SO-CALLED VENUS OF MELOS.</h2> -<p>In the year 1820, before the struggle between the Hellenic -population of the Turkish empire and the Porte had begun, -and when all that attracted the notice of the civilized world -to modern Greece was the little preserved to us of her art,—occasionally -and fragmentarily found in the ruins of her great -communities,—a peasant of Melos whose name was Theodore -Kondros Botoni, working in his field to enlarge it by clearing -away the <i>débris</i> of the walls and structures of ancient Melos -(which had been built on a steep hill-side, on a series of terraces, -more or less natural or artificial, so that the ruins of -one terrace fell down upon and encumbered that below it), -saw, to his great bewilderment, the heap of rubbish which he -was digging away at the bottom suddenly crumble down and -display the upper part of an antique statue. The peasant -hastened to the French consul to inform him of the discovery, -and the latter negotiated the purchase of it for five hundred -piastres and a complete dress of the fashion of the country. -This was the statue known as the Venus of Melos.</p> -<p>So far, there are no variations of the history, but one account -says that the first or upper part was found several days -before the lower, and the other, that they were found together; -but the inexactitude of the documentary contemporary -evidence is clear from the examination of the ground to-day, -and from the contradictions contained in it. Dumont -d’Urville, the commander of the <i>Chevrette</i>, a French man-of-war -which visited Melos after the statue was found, alluding -to the discovery of the theatre, says: “All the ground is -<span class="pb" id="Page_76">76</span> -covered with drums of columns and fragments of statues. -One finds here and there great pieces of wall of a very solid -construction, and many important tombs have been opened -through the curiosity of strangers, and the cupidity of the -inhabitants.” But neither the wall nor the tombs, nor any -drum of column or fragment of statue (if any was found), -could have had anything to do with the theatre. The theatre -is very late work, and was never nearly finished, so could -have possessed neither columns nor statues. This shows that -the idea the commandant carried away was confused and untrustworthy -as to details. He goes on to say: “Three weeks -before our arrival at Melos, a Greek peasant, digging in his -field inclosed in this circuit, struck some pieces of cut stone. -As these stones, employed by the inhabitants, have a certain -value, this induced him to dig farther, and he thus happened -to uncover a species of niche, in which he found a marble -statue, <i>two Hermes</i>, and some other marble fragments. The -statue <i>was in two pieces, joined by two strong iron clamps</i>. The -Greek, fearing to lose the fruit of his labor, had carried the -upper part to a stable. The other was still in the niche.... -It represented a naked woman, <i>whose left hand raised an apple -and the right held a drapery</i>,<a class="fn" id="fr_8" href="#fn_8">[8]</a> -well composed and falling negligently -from the hips to the feet. For the rest, <i>they are both -mutilated, and actually detached from the body</i>.”</p> -<p>I note by italics the points which are to be contrasted with -other evidence.</p> -<p>M. Dauriac, captain of the frigate <i>La Bonté</i>, writes from Melos, -date 11th of April, 1820: “There has been found, three -days ago, by a peasant who was digging in his field, a marble -statue of <i>Venus receiving the apple from Paris</i>. It is larger -than life; <i>they have at this moment only the bust as far as the -waist</i>. <i>I have been to see it.</i>” Mr. Brest again writes, 12th of -<span class="pb" id="Page_77">77</span> -April: “A peasant has found in a field which belonged to -him three marble statues, representing, one Venus holding -the apple of discord in one hand, the other represents <i>the god -Hermes, and the third a young child</i>.” The correspondence -shows that Mr. Brest was entirely ignorant of everything connected -with archæology or art. He probably heard one of -the officers say that one of the objects was a Hermes, and he -changes it into a statue of the god Hermes, but we see that -there was only one Hermes. November 26th, Brest again -writes: “His Excellency has left me orders to make researches -in order to find the arms and other <i>débris</i> of the -statue, but to do that it is necessary to obtain a <i>bouyourouldon</i> -which will permit us to make excavations at our own expense, -<i>because in the same niche where it was found there is reason to -hope that we might find other objects</i>.”</p> -<p>The contradictions are so palpable that it is clear that these -documents are only of value as secondary archæological evidence. -No one seems to have made an observation with exactitude.</p> -<p>We have the whole statue found, in one, bound together by -iron clamps; in another, only half had yet been found; in -one, the statue is found holding the apple of discord in one -hand; in another, receiving it from Paris; and in another -still, we are told that search has been ordered for the arms, -etc.</p> -<p>In 1865 I visited Melos, and having made the acquaintance -of Mr. Brest, son and successor of the French consul -who secured the statue for the Louvre, he politely offered to -guide me through the ruins of the ancient city. Among other -things, we visited the locality where the statue was found, -and he showed me the niche still standing as when the discovery -was made.</p> -<p>It was a slightly built work, of the height, <i>as nearly as I -can remember</i>, of ten or at most twelve feet, and about five -<span class="pb" id="Page_78">78</span> -wide. It formed a part of an old boundary-wall of the field -on which it opened, and above it the ground was level with -the crown of the arch of the niche. It had no suite or connection -with any other structure, except the boundary-wall in -which it was, and there were no evidences of ruin or of foundation -of antique buildings about it. The opening had been -closed with rubbish, not with masonry, as was evident from -the face of the side walls, which were of smooth, if not carefully -laid, masonry. If as I believe not built for the concealment -of the statue, it had been made for some unimportant -purpose; perhaps the protection from the weather of the -poor Hermes which is said to have been found with it. C. -Doupault, architect, has published a <i>brochure</i> with what he -supposed important evidence on the question, in which, from -data given him by old Brest twenty-seven years after the discovery, -he reconstructs the apse of a seventh-century church, -in which he places the statue. The whole study has no value -whatever, as the sketch does not correspond with the ruins -which I saw, and looking back to the correspondence quoted, -it is clear that Brest, knowing nothing of archæology or art, -caught at certain suggestions of the officers who saw the statue, -and affirmed what they surmised. As to the fragments found, -to which constant reference is made, there is not the slightest -evidence that they were found in any connection with the -statue, as none of the early evidence indicates that they were -known when the statue was first taken under notice—on -the contrary, it is said explicitly by Brest that he had orders -to make researches to find the arms and other portions of the -statue; indicating clearly that the arms alluded to had not -been found with the statue, and that the connection between -them and it was an after-thought, either of the peasant, who -wished to increase the value of the statue by connecting with -it fragments which he had found in other parts, or of the -archæologists, who, seeking to restore the statue to what -<span class="pb" id="Page_79">79</span> -they judged to be its true action, connected the arm found, -no one knows where, except at Melos, with the statue. It is -undeniable that when the letters before quoted were written, -there had been only conjecture as to the arms. Dauriac, -writing on the 11th of April, says that they have only found -the bust. Brest, November 26th, says that there is reason to -hope that they might find other objects <i>in the same niche</i>—proof -that it had not even then been cleared out. In fact, all -we have of documentary evidence goes for nothing beyond -showing that the statue was found at a certain place on a certain -date; and if the two halves of the statue did not fit exactly -we could not be certain that they were found at the -same time and place. The hypothesis of the apple of discord -is based on a conjecture of some of the officers, and has no -further confirmation than that an arm and hand, with what -may be an apple or a cup, seem to have been found somewhere -in the island about the same time; but they evidently -are not of the statue, nor even of the same epoch.</p> -<p>Over or somewhere near the niche an inscription was said -to have been found which records the dedication of an exedra -by a gymnasiarch to Hercules and Hermes. The date of this -inscription, according to conjecture based on the inscription -itself, is about a century before Christ, <i>i. e.</i>, long after any -possibility of such a work being produced had gone by.</p> -<p>These are all the positive data we have to work on. They -suffice, however, for about twenty monographs in French, -German, and English; and a late German work, by Dr. Goeler -von Ravensburg, exhausts all the possible and impossible conjectures -to establish its character in accordance with the original -attribution of a Venus receiving the apple.</p> -<p>In the year 1880, I made another visit to Melos, on commission -from “The Century” magazine, to photograph whatever -might remain which had any connection with the statue; -but found the niche gone, and no trace of foundations of any -<span class="pb" id="Page_80">80</span> -kind, or walls, city or other, very near the spot which was -again pointed out to me as that where the Venus was found.</p> -<p>It would seem that in the energetic excavation that followed -the last great archæological revival, everything that was -suspected to conceal works of art had been dug away.</p> -<p>I found an old man, a pilot well known in our navy, Kypriotis, -who had seen the statue when it was brought out, being -a boy of about fourteen. At that time Mr. Brest was a -child, and retained only slight personal recollection of the -event; but it was evident that he, like his father in 1847, had -mingled in his impressions conjecture of others and his own, -with facts perverted, and details conceived without sufficient -basis. Nothing new was to be got.</p> -<p>The old Melos is utterly deserted, and the modern town is -built on a pinnacle above it, which does not seem ever to have -been included in the range of the city. The port is changed -from the ancient site, where now a breakwater would be -needed, as the land seems to have sunk greatly, and the old -basin of the port is silted up to a point at the bottom of the -bay, where a comparatively modern village has grown up, -called Castro.</p> -<p>The magnificent harbor used to make of the island an important -station before telegraphs were established, and might -again, if the telegraph were laid to it; but now a man-of-war -rarely calls, except to take a pilot for the Archipelago, and -a Greek steamer stops once in a fortnight. But in heavy -weather, any ship caught near runs for Melos. This keeps -the place alive, but it has dwindled to a mere island village, -where the vast labyrinths of tombs which perforate the hills -show more human industry than the dwellings of the living. -Earthquakes and malaria have desolated and almost depopulated -it.</p> -<p>We had left Cerigo for Crete, and intended to take Melos -on our return to Peiræus, but when within an hour of land -<span class="pb" id="Page_81">81</span> -we were caught by a terrific south-wester, the most to be -dreaded of all the winds of the Ægean, and in spite of all we -could do we were obliged to give up and run before the gale -where it would send us. It was late in the evening when its -fury came down on us, and taking in all sail except a small -storm-sail at the foot of the mast to keep from coming up -into the wind, we ran before it into the black night. I knew -that there were no rocks ahead before Melos, and if we only -made the island by daylight, we could easily fetch the port; -but if not, and the yacht ran at night into the little archipelago -of which Melos is part, it would be next to impossible to -choose where our bones should be laid, for there are no lights, -and many islands and rocks. The sea was, for our little -twelve-ton craft, something fearful, and we thumped and hammered -till the little thing quivered, when a wave struck her, -almost as if we had come to the rocks. Sleep was out of the -question—to sit or stand, equally so, and we kept to our -berths, as the only way to avoid being pitched about like -blocks. How long that night was! and in the middle of it I -attempted to get up, and when I put my foot on the cabin-floor, -found myself stepping into the water. We had sprung -a leak with the straining.</p> -<p>But day came and cheerfulness. We ran in between the -huge cliffs which form the portal of Melos harbor, with the -wild surges beating against them till the spray flew high -enough to have buried a larger craft than ours. Tired, aching, -and hungry, for nothing could we get to eat till we arrived -in port, we cast anchor in the welcome harbor late in -the afternoon. Even then, the sea ran so high that we could -not land until the next day.</p> -<p>Castro is a pile of white houses, rising in terraces from the -shore; the streets mostly stairways, and the houses all whitewashed -till they blind one in that rarely broken sunlight.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_82">82</div> -<div class="img" id="fig17"> -<img src="images/i17.jpg" alt="" width="419" height="801" /> -<p class="caption">THE SO-CALLED VENUS OF MELOS. (DRAWN BY BIRCH FROM A PHOTOGRAPH.)</p> -</div> -<p>I landed, and, as usual, went to the little café, where the -magnates of the village were discussing the arrival and the -storm—the worst, they said, for many years. I called, of -<span class="pb" id="Page_83">83</span> -course, on Brest, who, to my surprise, remembered me after -eighteen years; and we made an appointment to revisit together -the sites I knew, and to see those I had not known before,—important -excavations having been made since my former -visit.</p> -<p>We went first to the new port, where some admirable statues, -since taken to Athens, had been recently found. The -owner of the little field by the water, which occupies the site -of the inner port, having occasion to sink a well, struck the -ruins of a temple of Neptune, and three statues were found, -one of Neptune, a female goddess draped, but lacking the -head, and a mounted warrior, apparently Perseus.</p> -<p>The Greek Government, according to their laws, forbade the -exportation of them by any foreign government, and finally -purchased them for thirty thousand francs—certainly a very -small price. I succeeded in seeing them later, still in their -boxes at Athens, and though not equal to the Venus, or of -the same epoch, they are very fine works.</p> -<p>But there the excavations stop; the owner had no means -to pump out the water that flooded his diggings, the Government -had no more, and as no one is allowed to dig unless -for the Greek museum, whatever remains under ground and -water is likely to remain there another generation.</p> -<p>We then climbed up the zigzag road to the theatre. It is, -as I have said, of late times, probably Roman, and was never -complete. Fragments of unfinished ornament lie still where -the stage should have been, but it had clearly never been -carried up above the seven ranges of seats now existing. It -was just outside the wall of the inner city, on the brow of -the hill, and overlooked the spacious harbor and looked out -to sea. There is no record of any sculpture having been -found there. It was purchased and excavated by the King -of Bavaria.</p> -<p>Less than half a mile beyond, going with the sea at our -<span class="pb" id="Page_84">84</span> -backs, was the field where the statue was found. The Greeks -have entertained a great deal of indignation at the rape, -which they affect to call robbery; but the civilized world may -thank the French captain who, coming to get it, and finding -it already half-embarked on board a Turkish vessel, destined -for Constantinople, made the most legitimate use that was -ever made of <i>force majeure</i>, and took it away from the Turk -to transfer it to the hold of his own ship. Otherwise, no one -knows what vile uses it might have gone to, or what oblivion -and destruction. All the world knows it now, but Greek -genius would have forever -lacked one of its greatest -triumphs in modern times if -it had disappeared in the -slums of Stamboul.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig18"> -<img src="images/i18.jpg" alt="" width="560" height="700" /> -<p class="caption">STREET IN CASTRO.</p> -</div> -<p>As I have said, there is -now no trace of any construction -of any kind to be -seen at the locality. The -wall in which was the niche -was gone, and the field of the -present owner has encroached -considerably on the space beyond, -the <i>débris</i> being piled -up in huge masses like walls, and two or three terraces above -runs the citadel wall, a mass of Hellenic masonry built of blocks -of lava. The Pelasgic walls, of which some authors speak, do -not exist anywhere in the island. Brest took up a stone, and -as we stood on the wall of <i>débris</i> above, cast it into the field, -and said, “There stood the Venus!” In the illustration I -have put a white cross on the spot.</p> -<p>There cannot remain the slightest doubt that the statue -had been concealed, and to my mind, the circumstances indicated -for its concealment are these: The niche, judging from -<span class="pb" id="Page_85">85</span> -its character, had been built in Roman times; as the rubbly -nature of the masonry indicated, probably covered with -stucco, as it would have been if intended for ornament, and -was designed as a shelter for an altar, or for the statue of -some divinity—Terminus, Hermes, Pan or Faunus, the more -Roman companion of him. Here the inscription and the -Hermes found furnish a plausible clew, and agree with the indication -of the masonry in pointing out the epoch of this conjunction -of circumstances as subsequent to the second century -before Christ; how long after we cannot in any wise indicate.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig19"> -<img src="images/i19.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="472" /> -<p class="caption">THE SITE OF OLD MELOS, FROM THE PORT. (WHITE CROSS SHOWS WHERE THE “VENUS” WAS FOUND.)</p> -</div> -<p>Now as to the epoch of the statue there can be no doubt -that it was of the immediately post-Phidian epoch; and all -the most authoritative opinions attribute it to the Attic -school, and probably of the time and school of Scopas—and -some of the weightiest authorities have accepted Scopas himself -as the author.</p> -<p>Anything more definite than this it is impossible to establish -by any now known evidence. The concealment of the -statue, then, was several centuries later than the execution -of it.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_86">86</div> -<p>The Greeks of the classical epoch, even down to the first -century after Christ, retained, amidst all the degradation of -their contemporary art, a distinct recognition of the excellence -of the elder work, as the enormous artistic as well as pecuniary -value of some of the masters’ <i>chefs d’œuvre</i> prove. That -this was one of them, and of one of the chief masters, all -civilization agrees, and, although we have lost the name of -the author, the people who hid it must have known it well. -The availing themselves of the niche, ready-made to their -hands, indicates that the possessors of the statue worked in -haste, piling up stones in front of the niche, instead of walling -it up.</p> -<p>This indicates the haste of impending attack, or work done -in secret. In either case, if the statue had a temple in that -locality, it would be concealed near it, or near the place -where it was accustomed to stand; but no such temple is -known. We may remember the contrast with the colossal -and magnificent Hercules found in a drain at Rome, carefully -covered over with good masonry. Concealment was the object -in both cases, and the greater haste and furtiveness with -the Melian statue indicate rather that it was brought from a -distance than that it could be a divinity of the island.</p> -<p>Conjecture as to the origin of the statue, if my hypothesis -is true, points to Athens, not only because the work is Attic, -but because we know by the coins of Melos, which in all the -latest coinages still bear the owl of Athens, that Melos belonged -to that city as late as she had any Greek allegiance, -which must have been some time into the Empire, as the Romans -long made it a policy to preserve a certain kind of autonomy -in the Greek states, even when their subjection was -complete. That it is Attic, no one can doubt in face of the -evidence I shall show. That Athens was the only city likely -to send to Melos a treasure of this kind, concealment of -which was impossible in Athens, is almost certain.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_87">87</div> -<p>I conclude that it was a highly valued statue of Athens, -sent to Melos in time of great danger, to be concealed and -preserved. What period this might have been is only to be -guessed at; it is therefore hardly worth while to say more -about it, except to indicate that four periods in late Athenian -history might furnish the motive requisite: when the army of -Mithridates, under Archelaus, took Athens; the wars between -the factions of Marius and Sylla; the Lacedemonian war, and -the invasions of the Iconoclasts. The Romans do not appear, -in spite of all their plundering and the enormous quantity of -statues carried away from Greece, to have desecrated the temples -of the Greek gods, as we see that Pausanias, in the century -after Christ, found the most valuable of them <i>in situ</i>, as, -for instance, the Diana Brauronia of Praxiteles, the Perseus of -Myron, with others of great fame. The above conclusion, considering -all the known and reasonably conjecturable details of -the discovery and concealment, seems to me justifiable,—as -well as that it was concealed at some time between the century -or two centuries before Christ and the end of the first -century after.</p> -<p>Now, what was the statue? We have so long been in the -habit of accepting all female statues, not distinguished by well-known -symbols of their divinity, as Venuses, that we make no -distinction even in cases where the type demands it. And -yet the dominant characteristic of Greek sculpture is this -close adherence to established types. We are never at a loss -to distinguish Diana, Minerva, Juno, or even Ceres and the -lesser deities. Venus, it is true, came into vogue as subject -for the sculptors of sacred statues later than some of the -others; but all that we know of the Venus of the artists indicates -that it was <i>par excellence</i> the womanly type. The -treatment of the head in Greek sculpture was a point apparently -of doctrine, as it was in Byzantine and in the later -ecclesiastical art of Greece. It is always in a conventional -type, utterly separated from the individual.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_88">88</div> -<div class="img" id="fig20"> -<img src="images/i20.jpg" alt="" width="203" height="600" /> -<p class="caption">MEDICEAN VENUS.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig21"> -<img src="images/i20a.jpg" alt="" width="177" height="600" /> -<p class="caption">VENUS URANIA.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig22"> -<img src="images/i20c.jpg" alt="" width="216" height="600" /> -<p class="caption">CAPITOLINE VENUS.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_89">89</div> -<div class="img" id="fig23"> -<img src="images/i21.jpg" alt="" width="213" height="593" /> -<p class="caption">VENUS OF THE VATICAN.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig24"> -<img src="images/i21a.jpg" alt="" width="194" height="582" /> -<p class="caption">VENUS ANADYOMENE.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig25"> -<img src="images/i21c.jpg" alt="" width="262" height="582" /> -<p class="caption">VENUS VICTRIX OF THE LOUVRE.</p> -</div> -<p>This unquestionable fact should have taught us to reject -from the Venus category many statues which are now included -in it, as for instance, the Callipyge, and all in which a -trace of portraiture is to be found, besides diminishing that -category by all the statues of the heroic type, as in none of the -legends of beliefs of the Greek faith was Venus ever endowed -with a heroic quality. The preconceived notion that the -Melian statue was a Venus has been a continual cause of confusion. -This was, as I have shown, the first hypothesis of -the French officers, none of whom appear to have been possessed -of any archæological knowledge, and who had the commonly -prevailing notion that any nude statue must be a Venus. -I have taken the pains to collect a number of representations -of the various so-called Venuses, and most of which the type, -or symbols, justify us in so classifying; and a comparison of -their character will show what is the Venus type,—making -this proviso, however, that we have no other than internal -evidence for denominating most of them Venuses. The chief -of these, in what we seek for most, <i>i. e.</i>, the impersonal type, -which was inseparable from the Greek deities down through -the decline of art, which began in the time of Alexander, -are: the Medici, a distinctly marked Attic work, later, however, -than the Melian statue; the Capitoline, apparently a -still later reminiscence of the Medici and one of many similar -reminiscences; and the “Venus coming out of the bath,” at -Naples, a better work than the last, but still already widely -separated from the purely conventional type of the Medicean, -which we may authoritatively accept as the Venus type of -the best period of the Venus sculpture. The close comparison -of the heads and details of the flesh will give those who -do not know the originals an invaluable lesson in the treatment -of the figure in Greek art. The so-called “Venus -Urania,” at Florence, marks, to my mind, a distinct departure -from the Venus type,—so marked, indeed, as to make me -decline to accept it as a Venus, while the still typical character -of the face is one which must place it in a good period -of art, before ideality of treatment had entirely given way to -individuality. The art is of too good an epoch to have departed -so far from the type of Venus, if intended for her, and -indicates rather a nymph, or some inferior deity. The Venus -<span class="pb" id="Page_90">90</span> -of the Vatican is too late and too low down in the scale of art -to be an authoritative witness in the matter; while the Venus -Anadyomene, while still reserving the ideal character, resembles -the Urania rather, in a separation of the type from the -Venus. Later still, and perhaps at the end of that period -which may be called the ideal period of antique sculpture, -most probably of Græco-Roman art, is the Venus Victrix of -the Louvre; unquestionably a Venus, for she bears in her -hand the apple—symbol of fruitfulness. But how far from -the type of our Melian treasure! In that is the most distinct -approach to the Athena type—a purely heroic ideal. I cannot -believe that its sculptor intended it for a Venus.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig26"> -<img src="images/i22.jpg" alt="" width="272" height="600" /> -<p class="caption">VENUS OF CAPUA.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig27"> -<img src="images/i22a.jpg" alt="" width="264" height="600" /> -<p class="caption">RESTORATION OF THE STATUE AS PROPOSED BY MR. TARRAL.</p> -</div> -<p>The patient German admirer of our statue, which Von -Ravensburg is, has gone through all the literature and all the -conjectures which it has given rise to, as to the chief problem -which gives interest to any investigation, <i>i. e.</i>, the restoration -of the statue. No attempt will satisfy all the investigators; -but that which Von Ravensburg accepts with approval—viz., -the restoration of Mr. Tarral (an Englishman residing in Paris -for many years, who has given his chief attention to this problem)—shows -<span class="pb" id="Page_91">91</span> -so entire a want of appreciation of the character -of antique design, which is, after all, our only clew, that -I shall not hesitate to put aside, not only the solution proposed, -but the judgment that could accept as satisfactory such -a solution of one of the most interesting of artistic problems. -I give the figure which Von Ravensburg publishes as Tarral’s -restoration of the statue, that one may see how absolutely its -inanity is at variance with the spirit of Greek design. The -mere completion of the statue, in this sense, destroys the -dignity and unity of the work so completely that to look at -it is enough for a cultivated judgment to decide that, whatever -it may have been, this it was <i>not</i>. The author gives, -also, photographs of the fragments found—fragments so imperfect -and corroded that we can only say that they appear -to be from a very low period of art, and are utterly worthless -as data for measure or opinion, from their extremely fragmentary -state.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig28"> -<img src="images/i23.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="143" /> -<p class="caption">FRAGMENTS FOUND AT MELOS ATTRIBUTED TO THE STATUE.</p> -</div> -<p>Besides, I have shown, from the records of discovery, that -there is no further reason to connect them with the statue -than that they were also found at Melos.</p> -<p>In following the whole course of the demonstration which -Von Ravensburg attempts of this solution of the problem, I -arrive at the conclusion that, with all his patience and research, -his judgment is utterly untrustworthy on a problem -which requires not only freedom from preconception, but long -cultivation of artistic perception and general critical ability. -Mr. Tarral’s attempt proves, to my mind, only that this was -not the solution.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_92">92</div> -<div class="img" id="fig29"> -<img src="images/i24.jpg" alt="" width="338" height="600" /> -<p class="caption">VICTORY OF BRESCIA—FRONT.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig30"> -<img src="images/i24a.jpg" alt="" width="434" height="600" /> -<p class="caption">VICTORY OF BRESCIA—SIDE.</p> -</div> -<p>The various suggestions, more or less authoritative, made -as to the restoration, and thence as to the determination of -the attributes of the statue, are to be summed up briefly. -The Count de Clarac, the then curator of the antiques of the -Louvre, adopted the Venus with the apple hypothesis, but -afterward abandoned it in favor of one put forward by Millingen, -that it was a Victory. This is one of the theories of -the restoration which has found the greatest number of adherents. -Several restorations have been proposed, which make -the statue part of a group, all which, though defended or proposed -by many <i>dilettanti</i>, I reject, for what to me seem sufficient -reasons, viz.: <i>Firstly</i>, we have in the statue no evidence -whatever that it formed part of a group, and without -some such the hypothesis is gratuitous; <i>Secondly</i>, we have—with -one exception, which I shall presently note, and -which gives no countenance to such a theory—no statue or -parts of statues which agree with it in artistic quality, or -<span class="pb" id="Page_93">93</span> -even none which lend themselves to a group, if such were -made up by various sculptors; <i>Thirdly</i>, that, at the epoch in -which the statue was produced, any group which has been -suggested would have been out of accordance with the aims -of art, as practiced by the Greeks. The only evidence in -favor of such a theory is that in some antique fragments or -coins are indications of such -a figure as the Melian in -combination. But, as this -statue must have been in its -own time nearly as celebrated, -relatively, as in ours, -it must have given rise to -many imitations and adaptations. -It may have given -rise to some which support -the group theory, but to -more which support an opposing -theory.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig31"> -<img src="images/i25.jpg" alt="" width="431" height="800" /> -<p class="caption">VICTORY RAISING AN OFFERING (TEMPLE OF NIKÉ APTEROS, THE ACROPOLIS, ATHENS).</p> -</div> -<p>Von Ravensburg goes over, -in detail, all the group theories, -and easily finds fatal -objections to all. What -most surprises me is that -any one ever tried to put it -into a group, so completely -by itself does it stand in -every sense of the word.</p> -<p>Millingen, in 1826, started his theory that it was a Victory -holding a shield in both hands. I am quite convinced that -many who have started other theories would have adopted -this if they had not been anticipated in proposing it. The -vanity of archæological research, and eagerness to propose -something new is so dominant in most archæologists that -<span class="pb" id="Page_94">94</span> -they exercise more ingenuity to advance some new theory -than would be requisite to show the validity of an old one. -And the statue of Melos has been preëminent in fruitfulness -of theories of all qualities and grades of improbability. Millingen, -however, supported his theory by a similar statue -known as the Capuan Venus, a reproduction, I believe, in -Roman times, of the Melian statue, probably through some -other intermediate copy or reproduction, as the sculptors of -the Capuan statue could not have seen the Melian. The -arms are a modern and abominable restoration. Here, again, -I must, in passing, protest against the attribution to the -Venus type of all nude or semi-nude statues. There is nothing -in the Capuan which indicates that it was intended as a -Venus. Millingen quotes Apollonius of Rhodes as describing -a statue of Venus looking at herself in the shield of Mars, -which she herself is holding, but this is no evidence of the -type correspondence, and the gravamen of the matter lies -precisely in the diversity of the type from the recognizable -Venuses. But the Capuan is too far in type and treatment -from the Melian to serve as definite argument. Such as it is, -an item in the discussion, I will not exaggerate its importance, -though I believe it to be a far-away recollection of the -Melian statue.</p> -<p>“The Victory of Brescia” is another of the recollections, -rather than reproductions, of the type of which I believe the -Melian statue to be the original. It is in bronze, is later, and -has the wings, but the type is unmistakable, and the action -of the torso and head is sufficiently different from our statue -to show that it was only an emulation, and not a plagiarism, -that was intended.</p> -<p>The drapery differs in the arrangement, being of bronze and -agreeing with some undisputed Victories at Athens, but the -action of the left leg holding the shield is the same, and that -of the arms corresponds very nearly, as far as the arms remain -<span class="pb" id="Page_95">95</span> -in the Melian work. As a whole, it reminds one more of -the latter than does any other of the statues of its class.</p> -<p>The case is one in which archæological knowledge is of very -little value, unless it be aided by thorough artistic study and -a knowledge of the requirements of art proper. The archæologist, -like other scientists, must have positive evidence to -work on; and the testimony of pure taste, the intuitions of -an artistic education, are of no use to him except as confirmatory. -The intuition of the artist, whose taste has been educated -by long study of the works he has to deal with, arrives -at opinions by a kind of inspiration to which science often -lacks all means of access. In the case of this statue, archæology -has no evidence to weigh, and the ponderous erudition -which Overbeck, Müller, Jahn, Welcker, and others have -piled on the question has no foundation. We can determine -with comparative certainty that the statue belongs to the -epoch between Phidias and Praxiteles, because we have the -work of the school of Phidias and sufficient comparative data -for that of Praxiteles [and now, since the discovery of the -Hermes at Olympia, positive data] to judge from; and we have -a right to say that the Melian statue came between these, but -beyond this nothing—no clew except what lies in the design -and the unities attendant on it, of which <i>per se</i> the professed -archæologist is no judge.</p> -<p>In working about the Acropolis of Athens some years ago, -I photographed, amongst other sculptures, the mutilated Victories -in the Temple of Niké Apteros, the “Wingless Victory,” -the little Ionic temple in which stood that statue of -Victory of which it is said that “<i>the Athenians made her without -wings that she might never leave Athens</i>”; and looking at -the photographs afterward, when the impression of the comparatively -diminutive size had passed, I was struck with the -close resemblance of the type to that of the “Venus” of Melos. -There are the same large, heroic proportions, the same -<span class="pb" id="Page_96">96</span> -ampleness in the development of the nude parts, the same art -in the management of the draperies, and Richard Greenough, -the American sculptor, has called my particular attention to -the curious similarity in the treatment of the folds of the -drapery, in the introduction of a plane between the folds, a -resemblance not found in any other similar works as far as I -know.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig32"> -<img src="images/i26.jpg" alt="" width="435" height="801" /> -<p class="caption">VICTORY UNTYING HER SANDAL (TEMPLE OF NIKÉ APTEROS, THE ACROPOLIS, ATHENS).</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_97">97</div> -<div class="img" id="fig33"> -<img src="images/i27.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="679" /> -<p class="caption">VICTORIES LEADING A BULL TO SACRIFICE (TEMPLE OF NIKÉ APTEROS, THE ACROPOLIS, ATHENS).</p> -</div> -<p>They are little high reliefs, part of a balustrade which surrounded -the cortile of the Temple of Niké Apteros, hardly -three feet high in their perfect state, and now without heads -or hands or feet. There are four of them: one apparently -untying her sandal; another,—that which best shows the type -of the figure—raising an offering or crown, and two others -leading a bull to sacrifice. I give the series. Note the exquisite -composition of the drapery below the knee of the -Victory raising the offering, and the superb flow of the entire -draperies in the sandal-tying figure, but, above all, the Victory -<span class="pb" id="Page_98">98</span> -type in the whole assemblage. How absolutely it agrees -with that of the Melian statue, and how utterly alone in all -antique art that is but for these!</p> -<p>Since I have begun this study, it has twice happened that -artist friends trained in the French school (<i>i. e.</i>, in the only -school which cultivates the perception of style in design, and -the only one that emulates the Greek in its characteristics), -both trained draughtsmen, came into my room, and without -any remark I showed them the photographs of the Victories -at Athens. They were new to both, but in one case as in the -other the first expression was: “How like the Venus of Melos!” -And the similarity runs through the treatment of -every part—the management of drapery to express the action -of the limbs, the firm, heroic mould of the figure, and the -modeling of the round contours. Compare (in the casts, if -possible, as the small scale of my illustrations will not show -the point so clearly) the right shoulder of the Venus with -that in the stooping Victory. The slight differences which -exist are just what might be expected between a figure which -stands as principal, isolated, and to be seen from all sides, and -one which was secondary, subordinate, of partial decorative -use, and to be seen only in one view. My illustrations will -hardly convey the strikingness of the similarity, but I defy -any one to compare side by side the series of Victories and -the Melian statue in casts and not admit that the type, the -treatment, the ideal, are the same, as sisters may be the same, -or at least as mother and daughter.</p> -<p>The little Temple of Niké Apteros had once, we know, a -statue of Victory without wings, and we know the <i>bon mot</i>, -which I have given above, which it suggested. The decorations -of the temple are attributed to Scopas and his school, -and this Victory was unique, so far as we know, in being -wingless. We may well conceive, with the symbolical meaning—talismanic, -rather—implied in what we know of it by -<span class="pb" id="Page_99">99</span> -this witticism, that the Athenians would have a special anxiety -to keep it from becoming a trophy in the hands of an enemy, -even one who might not be disposed to desecrate the temples -of the greater gods. Niké was rather an attribute or variation -of Athena than a distinct goddess, and was as such both -of great value to the Athenians, being the <i>alter ego</i> of their -patroness; and of less reverence to the enemy, as not Minerva -herself. At all events, when Pausanias visited Athens the -Niké Apteros had gone. Her temple still stood there, and -near it on the Acropolis hill stood some of the greatest art-treasures -of the antique world untouched.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig34"> -<img src="images/i28.jpg" alt="" width="218" height="576" /> -<p class="caption">THE SO-CALLED VENUS OF MELOS—FRONT.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig35"> -<img src="images/i28a.jpg" alt="" width="220" height="600" /> -<p class="caption">THE “VENUS” RESTORED—FRONT. -<br />(TRACED FROM A PHOTOGRAPH OF A LIVING MODEL.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_100">100</div> -<div class="img" id="fig36"> -<img src="images/i29.jpg" alt="" width="323" height="600" /> -<p class="caption">THE “VENUS” RESTORED—SIDE. -<br />(TRACED FROM A PHOTOGRAPH OF A LIVING MODEL.)</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig37"> -<img src="images/i30.jpg" alt="" width="269" height="600" /> -<p class="caption">THE SO-CALLED VENUS OF MELOS—SIDE.</p> -</div> -<p>My theory, open to the grave objection that it is one in -which hypothesis bears an undue proportion to proven fact -(yet not so great as any of the group theories, and hardly -more than any other theory, for all are constructed out of the -same aerial substance), is that the Melian statue is the original -Niké Apteros from the little temple on the Acropolis of -Athens. If so, one can understand the whole of my theory -of concealment, attribution, and type, because this statue -above all others would come under the rancor of a victor and -its flight would become an humiliation to Athens. It was like -the standard of a defeated army, to be kept at all hazards -from the enemy. Hurried away to Melos, it was safe from -the invader, but no nearer point was secure. The restoration -in my hypothesis becomes that of the Victory in some attitude -connected with regarding, or recording, on the shield or a -tablet the names of the Attic heroes, or battles, and my opinion -is that she has just finished writing, but I am disposed to -uncertainty on the exact phase of the action, only insisting -on that of the Recorder. The minutiæ of description of -many antique works of art which we owe to Pausanias and -<span class="pb" id="Page_101">101</span> -Pliny was plainly impossible with this. Neither ever saw -it, but its memory existed in artistic tradition and has been -repeated in the statues we have seen, probably only a few of -those which once existed.</p> -<p>Von Ravensburg sums up the objections to the shield-bearing -Victory and to the theory of Millingen as follows: The -theory would indicate that she leaned back to balance the -weight of the shield, but the objections urged are that if the -shield were larger it would hide too much (yet in an earlier -part of the book the statement is made that a part of the -figure, and just that part covered by the shield, is comparatively -unfinished, which has given rise to the theory of a -group in which one side of the statue was hidden); if it were -small, the weight would not be enough to account for the attitude. -And, in the next breath, he urges that the grand -heroic character <i>is an objection to her struggling with a burden</i>. -But if a goddess, and of this robust type, the burden ought -not to oppress her, however great, humanly speaking. But -in point of fact there is no noteworthy degree of backward -inclination. To test the question, I photographed a model in -the attitude required to hold a shield on her left knee and -write on it.</p> -<p>The result was very slightly different from that of the -statue. A part of the backward action of the model was -due to the necessity of a support to enable her to remain in -the pose necessary to be photographed, but the action of writing -is better expressed by the statue.</p> -<p>The action of the statue is that of a figure which stands -nearly balanced and in repose, with the first movement in a -forward action, like one who reaches out to give, take, or -write, or any similar action or the moment after the action is -complete. The particular moment we cannot determine without -the possession of the fore-arms. Von Ravensburg goes on -to say that he does not mean to affirm that the holding of a -<span class="pb" id="Page_102">102</span> -shield does not suit the action of the upper part of the body, -but maintains that it does not explain it <i>particularly well</i>. -But after the inane restoration given forth with his high approval, -we may be permitted to doubt that his artistic taste -has been as carefully developed as his archæological acumen. -He quotes Overbeck as objecting to the shield resting on the -left knee, that there are no traces on the left thigh which -the shield must have left; but Wittig and Von Lützow have -recognized these very marks, and they are distinctly visible -even in the east, as far as would be expected if a bronze -shield merely rested on the drapery, and the shield, if there -was one, was in all probability of bronze, held well out from -the body, and resting on the knee raised for that purpose, the -foot being supported by a helmet lying on the ground. But, -further, he says these considerations are quite superfluous, -for the position of the left leg of the Melian statue contradicts -the shield-supporting, and he quotes in support Valentin, -that the left thigh would incline outward to secure -a balance, and that the supporting of a heavy object on the -thigh thrown in would violate the laws of equilibrium. That -this is not true is shown by the “Victory of Brescia,” in -which the action is precisely this, and the pose of the thigh -is the same as that of the Melian statue. Moreover, I tried -a model again in this view, and the result is given in the illustration.</p> -<p>The knee took quite readily the action indicated, and, indeed, -would be compelled to by the pressure of the shield if -the weight rested partly on the left hand, as it must to have -left the right free for any action whatever. Both nature and -the antique assert precisely the contrary to that which Valentin -assumes. The length to which the argument against this -restoration is carried by him may be judged from the assertion -that the action of the “Victory of Brescia” is that of an -outward push of the left thigh, to make it agree with that of -<span class="pb" id="Page_103">103</span> -the theory Von Ravensburg lays down. But the assertion is -purely gratuitous. If the Brescian bronze is an argument, -as far as it goes it obviates every difficulty in the interpretation -of the Melian statue by taking, so far as the action of -the limbs is concerned, the very action of the latter.</p> -<p>There is but one objection to the restoration theory I propose -which deserves serious consideration—that of the goddess -looking off or above the point at which she would be writing -<i>if she were writing</i>. Half the ingenuity displayed in many -of the proposed restorations, or half the sophistry employed -by Von Ravensburg to combat this, would carry us over much -greater difficulties. In later Greek work, when art was -sought for its own sake, and consistency continually sacrificed -to the grace of a pose and harmony of the lines, we should -not be surprised at the goddess looking at one point and writing -at another; but at this period the dramatic unities were -sacred alike in poetry as in art. But I suppose that, unlike -the Brescian statue, she is not at the moment engaged in -writing, but pausing as having just finished, and, looking out -from her pedestal in the little temple, gazes out toward Marathon, -in which direction the temple opens, and this is no difficulty -in the restoration. A little of that kind of imagination -so much abused in modern art-criticism, which consists in attributing -to the artist all the fancies which arise in our minds -in the contemplation of his work, all the far-fetched and -poetic visions our own eyes have conjured up, would supply -all deficiencies in our theory.</p> -<p>But while I maintain that my theory has more accordances -with the known facts and actual qualities of the statue than -any other, and presents fewer gaps in the demonstration, I am -unwilling to lay down any theory not sustainable by what we -know of Greek art, and I admit the difficulty as frankly as -I state those of other theories. Doing so, however, I still -maintain that not only is there the means of reconciliation of -<span class="pb" id="Page_104">104</span> -my hypothesis of an actual shield-inscribing Victory with the -statue as it is, but even in case I am compelled to abandon -this particular point, and advocate the modification of Millingen -that she holds the shield with both hands and looks at -it, my main hypothesis—that the statue is a Victory and no -Venus, and the particular wingless Victory of Athens—is -untouched. We do not know what the Niké Apteros was -doing. What we can see is that this statue was more probably -holding a shield, either contemplatively, or pausing, just -having written on it, than taking any other -action.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig38"> -<img src="images/i31.jpg" alt="" width="272" height="601" /> -<p class="caption">VICTORY OF CONSANI.</p> -</div> -<p>If we may accept the analogy of the -Apollo Belvidere, which also looks off in the -same inexplicable way, it would illustrate -my hypothesis still further, but the Apollo -is later and less dramatic. If we hold to the -strict dramatic quality of the best Greek art, -we must suppose that the goddess has just -finished writing, and looks up and out toward -the field where her heroes died. Or -even if the shield was a high one, such as -the Spartan wounded used to be brought -home on, she might still be looking at the shield, if not at the -words she has just written. In fact, several suggestions offer -themselves, and none open to accusation of such flagrant inconsistencies -as those involved in Tarral’s restoration, which -shocks the dramatic sense beyond endurance.</p> -<p>The objection that the shield would hide so large a part of -the figure goes for absolutely nothing. We continually find -Greek work completely, or nearly, finished in positions where -by necessity much of it must have been hidden. As the -pediments of the Parthenon were originally placed, they -would never have been half seen, and how the Panathenaic -frieze could have been adequately seen, once the building -<span class="pb" id="Page_105">105</span> -scaffolds were taken down, we can much less easily conjecture -than how the Victory could have been seen behind her shield. -The Brescian, a later and more realistic work, is seen behind -hers. Consani has made a very happy emulation of the motive -in his Victory. It is amongst the best of the modern -Italian works of its class, and illustrates the manner of avoiding -the difficulties we have seen adduced. The principal arguments -in favor of my theory are these: The statue is not -of the Venus type but on the contrary agrees distinctly with -known statues of Victory, some of which I have indicated, of -which another is in the coin of Agathocles, and in the Museum -of Naples is a terra cotta Victory in almost the identical -action and drapery; it is of the epoch of the Victories of the -temple of Niké Apteros, and of the same style of treatment -and type of figure; it was found where we might expect the -Athenians to hide a treasure; and, while unquestionably a -Victory, it is the only wingless Victory of the great Attic -school we know of. I do not consider this archæological, but -artistic demonstration.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig39"> -<img src="images/i32.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="530" /> -<p class="caption">TEMPLE OF NIKÉ APTEROS.</p> -</div> -<p>The little Temple of Niké Apteros has had a destiny unique -<span class="pb" id="Page_106">106</span> -amongst its kind. Like the Parthenon, it was standing little -more than two hundred years ago, but during the Turkish occupation -it was razed, and its stones all built into the great -bastion which covered the front of the Acropolis and blocked -up the staircase to the Propylæa. It was dug out and restored, -nearly every stone in its place, by two German architects -during the reign of Otho, and it stands again as Pausanias -describes it, on the spot where old Ægeus watched for -the return of Theseus from Crete, and seeing the black sails -of his son’s ship returning, token of failure (for Theseus had -forgotten to raise the white sail, the signal of success), threw -himself from the precipice, and was dashed into black death -on the rocks below. In the distance are Salamis and Ægina, -and the straits through which the ships came from Melos -and Crete, and to the south is Hymettus, beyond which are -Marathon and the road by which the Persians came, and the -Turks after them. There certainly was the spot, and this the -occasion, if ever, that an Attic sculptor should feel that spiritual -enthusiasm below which Greek art stopped and lost the -clew which, in later centuries, the Florentine found again -and followed to new, if not higher, heights.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig40"> -<img src="images/i40.png" alt="" width="222" height="216" /> -<p class="caption">GREEK COIN</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_107">107</div> -<h2>FOOTNOTES</h2> -<div class="fnblock"><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_1" href="#fr_1">[1]</a>It has been conjectured that the Ogygia -of Calypso was a small barren island just -south of Sardinia. There is no evidence -in favor of the theory, but it is possible. I -adopt it in the route map <i>faute de mieux</i>. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_2" href="#fr_2">[2]</a>The Lotophagitis has been recently -plausibly identified with Jerba, on the coast -of Tunis, the word <i>rotos</i> being still used -there, evidently a survival of some primitive -language, for the date; and the transliteration -of <i>rotos</i> to <i>lotos</i> being according to -Grimm’s law, see Reinach’s letter to the -<i>Nation</i> (Mar. 13, 1884) on Jerba. It is -easy to understand that the Greek, coming -from a country where the conditions of life -were hard and the fare of Homeric simplicity, -should find the conditions of North -African existence tempting beyond resistance, -and the delicious date, (constituting -the principal and often exclusive food of the -people, quite sufficient, in fact, for all needs,) -a temptation to abandon the toils and dangers -of a return home. The inevitable poetical -exaggeration adds the magic power. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_3" href="#fr_3">[3]</a>Cimmerians have been conjecturally -identified with the Cymri, the Cimmerian -darkness with the fogs of England and -the North Sea countries, and there is nothing -but conjecture in the case. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_4" href="#fr_4">[4]</a>The -text leaves a doubt if he even retained -his hold on this, as it describes his -striking out with the veil of Leucothea under -his breast. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_5" href="#fr_5">[5]</a>I saw, at a recent meeting of the German -archæological Institute at Rome, exquisite -bronze castings found in a lake city -of northern Italy, of which the latest possibly -assignable date is 1500 <span class="smaller">B. C.</span> Various -data, which it is not the place here to discuss, -have led me to the conclusion that bronze -working was independently discovered in -Italy at a period long anterior to any intercourse -with Greece, and that it probably -went from Italy to Corinth, where it is said -to have been discovered. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_6" href="#fr_6">[6]</a>I suspect the word which I have translated -Sicilian to be a mistake in transcribing, -for Homer evidently knew nothing of -Sicily or he would have given it its name -when dealing with the hero’s adventures -there. It is however possible that he knew -the island by name but had not identified -it with Ulysses’ Cyclops-land. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_7" href="#fr_7">[7]</a>The -confusion which is so common between -Aphrodite, the Greek goddess, and -Astarte, the Phœnician, had its beginning -at Cythera. It is only in later Greek mythology -that they are confounded. The true -Aphrodite was the first-born of Zeus, the -creating Intelligence, and Dione the prolific -Earth—Spirit and Matter—and Aphrodite -was Divine Love;—Astarte, lust. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_8" href="#fr_8">[8]</a>The worthlessness of the testimony of -d’Urville is shown by this statement—no -hand has ever held or touched this drapery, -as the least examination shows. -</div> -</div> -<h2>Transcriber’s Notes</h2> -<ul> -<li>Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook is public-domain in the country of publication.</li> -<li>Silently corrected a few palpable typos.</li> -<li>In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by _underscores_.</li> -</ul> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's On the track of Ulysses, by William James Stillman - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ON THE TRACK OF ULYSSES *** - -***** This file should be named 61025-h.htm or 61025-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/1/0/2/61025/ - -Produced by Turgut Dincer, Stephen Hutcheson, and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net -(This file was produced from images generously made -available by The Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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