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diff --git a/old/60171-0.txt b/old/60171-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 68d5f86..0000000 --- a/old/60171-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,2672 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Vahram's chronicle of the Armenian kingdom -in Cilicia, during the time of the Crusade, by Vahram and Charles Fried. Neuman - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Vahram's chronicle of the Armenian kingdom in Cilicia, during the time of the Crusades. - -Author: Vahram - Charles Fried. Neuman - -Release Date: August 25, 2019 [EBook #60171] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK VAHRAM'S CHRONICLE--ARMENIAN KINGDOM *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This book was -produced from images made available by the HathiTrust -Digital Library.) - - - - - - - - - - -VAHRAM’S CHRONICLE OF THE ARMENIAN KINGDOM IN CILICIA. - - - - - VAHRAM’S - CHRONICLE - OF - THE ARMENIAN KINGDOM IN CILICIA, - DURING THE - TIME OF THE CRUSADES. - - TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL ARMENIAN, - WITH - NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, - - BY - CHARLES FRIED. NEUMANN. - - LONDON: - PRINTED FOR THE ORIENTAL TRANSLATION FUND, - And Sold by - J. MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET; - PARBURY, ALLEN, & CO., LEADENHALL STREET; - THACKER & CO., CALCUTTA; TREUTTEL & WÜRTZ, PARIS; - AND E. FLEISCHER, LEIPSIG. - 1831. - - LONDON: - Printed by J. L. Cox, Great Queen Street - Lincoln’s-Inn Fields. - - - - - TO - - PROFESSOR WILKEN, - - AUTHOR OF - - “THE HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES,” - - AND - - LIBRARIAN TO HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF PRUSSIA, - - THIS VOLUME - - IS DEDICATED, - - WITH PROFOUND RESPECT AND ESTEEM, - - BY - - THE TRANSLATOR. - - - - -PREFACE. - - -The greatest defect of the following Chronicle is its brevity. VAHRAM, -of whose life little more is known than that he was a native of Edessa, -a priest, and the secretary of king Leon III., exhibits almost all the -faults of the common Chroniclers of the Middle Ages. He relates many -barren facts, without stating the circumstances with which they were -connected, and he mistakes every where the passions of men for the finger -of God. The compilers of chronicles were in those ages ignorant of the -true end, and unacquainted with the proper objects of history. But -with all its defects, the chronicle of the Armenian kings of Cilicia, -written by a contemporary writer, is valuable. The friend of history may -now be enabled to form an estimate of the origin and the increase of -an empire, which for want of materials has been overlooked by the most -learned and acute historians. Gibbon, of whom it is doubtful whether -we should most admire his genius or his erudition, in his celebrated -work simply mentions the _name_ of Cilicia, a kingdom, which carried on -successful wars against the emperors of Constantinople; and which, from -the beginning of the Crusades remained the friend and ally of the Franks, -and to whom belonged a part of the sea-coast, that continued from the -time of Ezekiel the theatre of the commerce of the world. The Venetians -and Genoese were so impressed with the importance of Cilicia, that they -made several commercial treaties with the Armenian kings; the Armenian -original of one of these agreements, together with a translation and -notes, has been printed by the learned orientalist, Saint-Martin. - -The Crusaders were astonished to find within the frontiers of the -Byzantine empire a powerful prince and ally of whom they had never -before heard mention. Nicetas betrays a want of historical knowledge and -research, in saying that the Armenians and Germans were united together, -because they both disliked holy images.[1] The Germans and a great part -of the Armenians, on the contrary, felt no aversion to the worship of -images, but the latter, ever since the first division of the Arsacidian -kingdom of Armenia between the Sassanides and the Greeks, in the year -three hundred and eighty-seven, had been in perpetual warfare with the -Byzantine empire; and this warfare caused a degree of animosity between -the two people (Greeks and Armenians), of which traces may be seen even -at the present time. - -By the unjust and cruel division of the kingdom of Armenia, the largest -and most fertile part of the country fell (as the contemporary historian -Lazar of Barb observes) to the empire of Persia. The Byzantine emperors -and the Sassanian princes for a while permitted native kings to hold a -precarious sceptre; but they were speedily dismissed; and the Byzantine -part of Armenia was governed by a Greek magistrate, and the Persian by a -Marsban or Margrave. This state of the country, somewhat similar to that -of the Maronites in our times, was on a sudden changed by the conquests -of the Arabs; but the Armenians would not accept the Koran, and their -condition became worse under the zealous and fanatical followers of the -prophet of Mecca than under the descendants of Sapor the Great, while -weak and dismayed by civil wars. - -Ashod the Bagratide, an Armenian nobleman of a Jewish family, who had -fled to Armenia after the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadanozor, at -last gained the confidence of his Arabian masters; and in the year eight -hundred and fifty-nine was appointed Emir al Omra, Ishkhan Ishkhanaz -(prince of princes),—as the native historians translate the Arabian -title—over all Armenia: and was soon after it (888) favoured with a -tributary crown. The Bagratides and the rival kings of the family of the -Arzerounians, were the faithful friends (or slaves) of the Arabs, and -often suffered from the inroads and devastations of the Greeks. We learn -from Vahram the means through which the Bagratian kingdom in Armenia -Proper was extinguished; and that a new Armenian kingdom arose on the -craggy rocks of Mount Taurus, and which gradually extended its boundaries -to the sea-coast, including the whole province of Cilicia. Vahram carries -his monotonous historical rhymes no farther down than the time of the -death of his sovereign, Leon III. (1289); but the Cilicio-Armenian -kingdom, which during the whole time of its existence perhaps never was -entirely independent, lasted nearly a hundred years longer. Leon, the -sixth of that name and the last Armenian king of Cilicia, was in 1375 -taken a prisoner by the Mamalukes of Egypt, and after a long captivity -(1382) released by the generous interference of King John I. of Castille. -He was not however permitted to return to his own country; but wandered -through Europe from one country to another till his death, which happened -at Paris, the 19th of November 1393. He was buried in the monastery of -the Celestines. - -The Mamalukes did not long remain masters both of Cilicia and of a part -of Armenia Proper; but yielded to the fortune and the strength of the -descendants of Osman or Othman: when the Armenians again felt, as in -former times, all the disasters to which the frontier provinces between -two rival empires are usually exposed. The cruel policy of the Sophies -transplanted thousands of Christian families to the distant provinces of -Persia, and transformed fertile provinces into artificial deserts. The -Armenians therefore, like the Jews, were obliged to disperse themselves -over the world, and resort to commerce for the necessaries of life. -Armenian merchants are now to be found in India, on the islands of the -Eastern Archipelago, in Singapore, in Afghanistan, Persia, Egypt, in -every part of Asia Minor and Syria, Russia, Poland, Austria, Italy; and -even the present patriarch of Abyssinia is an Armenian. The valiant -descendants of Haig are now, like the offspring of Abraham, considered -every where clever and shrewd merchants: they were of great service -to the East-India Company in carrying on their trade with the inland -provinces of Hindostan; and it was once thought that they were fitter -for this part of the mercantile business, than any agents of the Company -itself.[2] - -It is not more than half a century since the modern Armenian provinces -began to look on Russia for succour and relief, when the Empress -Catherine behaved in many instances most generously to the ruined house -of Thorgoma. The fortunate wars of Russia against the Shah and the Sultan -have within the last ten years brought the greater part of the old -Parthian kingdom of Armenia under the sway of the mighty Czars. It seems -probable, that we may see yet in our times a new kingdom of Armenia, -created out of barbarian elements by the generosity and magnanimity of -the Emperor Nicholas. - -The following Chronicle is translated from an edition printed at Madras -in the year 1259 of the Armenian era, that is the year 1810 _Anno -Domini_. The volume is printed by the command of that great promoter of -literature, Ephrem, archbishop and primate of the Armenians in Russia, -and contains, besides the chronicle of Vahram, the Elegy of Edessa -by Nerses Shnorhaly; and the elegy on his death, written by the most -eminent of his disciples, Nerses of Lampron. It is said in the preface -of the before-mentioned volume, that the work of Vahram, the secretary -of Leon III., had been previously printed, though in a very negligent -and careless manner. I have never however seen any other than the Madras -edition, where the proper names of places and foreign nations are -often incorrectly spelt. I am sorry to add, that I made the following -translation in a place where it was impossible for me to refer to the -well known works on the geography of Armenia, of Cilicia, and of Asia -Minor generally; neither could I compare the narrative of Vahram with the -statements of the contemporary Byzantine and Latin writers: but I trust -the learned reader will easily supply these defects. - -Vahram is nearly the latest author who is considered by the Armenian -literati to write classically. The classical Armenian language had been -preserved from the beginning of Armenian literature in the fifth century, -amidst various political and religious disturbances, for a period of -eight hundred years. During the course of the thirteenth century the -language became corrupted; and in the fourteenth authors began to use in -their writings the corrupted vernacular idiom. The ancient native writers -were neglected, their classical translations and imitations of the -celebrated Greek patterns became superseded by the barbarous literature -of the Latins, and John of Erzinga, otherwise Bluz (1326), the last -who wrote the language of Moses and Elisæus, translated a work on the -sacraments by St. Thomas Aquinas. - -We thus find some orders of monks in Armenia, educated in the Latin -schools and in latin manners, who corrupted the native Haican language -by the introduction of many foreign scholastic expressions; and a new -race of sanguinary barbarians, the Dominicans, became the authors of -works worthy of their titulary saint. The Armenian literature remained -in this abject condition, to which these holy fathers had reduced it, -for nearly four hundred years; but about the middle of the eighteenth -century the nation roused itself from this lethargy, and Madras, -Calcutta, Djulfa, New Nakshivan, Etshmiadsin, Tabris, St. Petersburg, -Moscow, Amsterdam, Smyrna, and principally Venice, bear witness to the -literary energy of the far dispersed descendants of Haig. With the dawn -of Armenian literature, history has been enriched by the Chronicle of -Eusebius; yet more and weightier literary treasures may be expected from -its meridian splendour. There are hints in the writers of the fifth -century, of translations of Polybius, Diodorus Siculus, and the Chronicle -of Julius Africanus. Besides these versions of the classical writers of -Greece, there exist very valuable original histories, which have never -been printed or translated, and many a chasm might be filled up in the -history of the middle ages by these authors. We should, perhaps, be -introduced to nations now totally lost, or so mingled with others, that -it is impossible to distinguish them. There is a rumour of a manuscript -history of the Albanians,—a nation well known to Strabo and to Moses -of Chorene,[3] said to exist at a monastery in Armenia Proper,—of those -Albanians, who lived between Iberia or Georgia and the confines of the -Caspian Sea; but of which people no traces are to be found in our times. - -A literary journey to Armenia, undertaken by an active laborious scholar, -who unites the knowledge of the Armenian language with classical studies, -would prove of the greatest importance to the knowledge of ancient -history and to the advancement of general literature. - - - - -THE CHRONICLE OF VAHRAM. - - - - -THE CHRONICLE. - - -The Patriarch Nerses, called the Gracious,(1) has written a history -of Armenia in verse, informing us of the manners and customs of our -forefathers, from the highest antiquity down to his own time; and by so -doing he admonished the people to walk in the path of righteousness. -Seeing and reading this history, Leon, the anointed king of Armenia,(2) -has been pleased to command me, the poor in spirit, to subjoin to -the work of our holy father both what has been reported by faithful -witnesses, and what we have seen with our own eyes. And he commanded me -to write this supplement (also in verse), that it may be read with more -pleasure.(3) - -Now I, Raboun Vahram, am convinced of my want of talents, but am well -versed in the law of God, and have never deviated from the path of -righteousness. Receiving the commands of the king, I have been ever since -uneasy in my mind, out of fear that in not obeying, I may bring on me the -two-fold punishment spoken of by St. Paul.(4) For, if to subjoin my mean -composition to those of the ancients be audacious, to think that it could -be compared with their finished productions, would be folly. This alarmed -me, and I abstained from writing. Considering this very seriously, I -thought at last that my humble and mean writing would increase the beauty -of others, to which it was subjoined: the same as painters intentionally -surround a gold ground by a black colour, not to adorn this black border, -but to raise the beauty of the gold.(5) These considerations made me -regain confidence, and I felt resolution enough to undertake this work. I -confide in Him, whose grace is unbounded, who knows what nobody has seen, -who under three appearances is only of one nature, _Father_, _Son_, and -_Holy Ghost_; whose reign is for ever, who alone should be worshipped, -and who alone creates and preserves all beings. With his name I begin, -and with his name I will finish. Both the Son and the Holy Ghost -proceeded from the Father.(6) Going back a little to former times, I will -give (till I come to our age), in a cursory manner, what has been written -down by our forefathers. - -The Christian nations have been favoured with the inheritance of God; -they have been enlightened by the faith, and had excellent laws; but -they strayed from those laws, and were polluted by their bad works. The -measure of their sins being filled, it excited the wrath of the Lord, -and a burning fire arose in the desert of Arabia called Mahomed, the son -of darkness.(7) This Father of heresy drew many after him; he arose and -preached by the sabre and the sword, and subdued many countries. The -wickedness remained after the death of the wicked, the son followed the -father, and the usurpation was confirmed. - -[Sidenote: Togrul Beg. 1037] - -In the course of the following centuries, the nations, whom we call -Turks, came (divided into twenty-four tribes)(8) from the north, -conquered the realm of Persia and adhered to the heresy of Mohamed; they -humbled the kings and vanquished the emperor;(9) they filled the world -with their victories and destroyed its inhabitants, endangering both body -and soul of their captives.(10) They came at last to Babylon,(11) and -there erecting the seat of their empire, they marched to the westward, -[Sidenote: 1042] came to Armenia, dealt hardly with its inhabitants, and -laid a heavy yoke on them.(12) - -Tired of this oppression, and unable to sustain all the hardships which -the barbarians laid on them, the inhabitants preferred being strangers -in foreign countries to remaining slaves in their own home; they left -the land of their forefathers, and fled to the western and northern -regions. Cakig II, the anointed king of Armenia, considering these -disastrous circumstances, and the dire necessity of the case, [Sidenote: -1045] gave up his country to the Roman Emperor, in exchange for the -great and celebrated town of Cæsarea, and other places in Cappadocia; -and in consequence of this, the Armenians lived as emigrants under the -Greeks.(13) - -But the jealousy which had existed for so many centuries between the -two nations, was rooted too deep in the heart of every individual, and -caused many disorders. The metropolitan of Cæsarea, named Marcus, had a -dog, whom he called Armen.(14) Cakig hearing of this, [Sidenote: 1079] -invited Marcus to dinner, and asked of him the name of the dog: the -frightened metropolitan called the dog by another name, the animal did -not hear; but as soon as he called him by the proper name, _Armen_, the -dog ran to him. The king then gave orders that both the metropolitan -and his dog should be put into one sack together, and tortured until -they could bear it no longer. As soon as the Greeks heard this news, -they rose against the Armenians; and the sons of one Mandal killed the -King Cakig.(15) This discouraged the chieftains and the leaders of the -army, they ran away and were scattered over various parts of the world. -A famous chief of the blood royal, _Rouben_ by name, baron of the fort -Kosidar,(16) hearing the news of the king’s death, fled with his whole -family to Mount Taurus,(17a) descended then the mountains on the other -side of Phrygia, and [Sidenote: 1080] took possession of a place called -_Korhmoloss_, and remained there. Many other Armenians also took refuge -in these mountains; the great Rouben united them together, and so -increased his strength, that he could [Sidenote: 1095] take possession of -the whole mountain district, expel the Greeks, and secure the country for -himself. He lived a holy life, and was at last raised to Christ. - -_Constantine_ (or Costantin, as the Armenians write the name), the son -of Rouben, succeeded him in the principality,(17b) and was a valiant -and magnanimous prince; his principal place was Vahga, where he had his -residence, and from whence he governed his dominions. He fought many -battles, and conquered many forts; he destroyed the armies of the Greeks, -and took many captives. The dominions of Constantine extended to the -sea;(18) he was highly honoured by the Franks, and was their ally against -the Turks; they raised his possessions to the dignity of a comitatus, or -county, and appointed him the Count and Margrave.(19) Valiant, kind and -benevolent, and a true believer, his fame reached to the other side of -the sea; he cultivated the country and rebuilt the towns, and all was -blooming and cheerful during his lifetime. There occurred a sign from -heaven, announcing the death of this extraordinary man; the meat brought -to him on a silver plate started suddenly away, and fled to the corner of -the house and hid itself among the poultry. Wise men looked on this as a -sign that the king would soon be gathered to his forefathers, and so it -happened. He reposeth in Christ with his father Rouben, and was buried in -the church called Castalon.(20) - -Constantine had two sons, the elder, who [Sidenote: 1100] succeeded his -father, was called Thoros, and the younger Leon. Thoros superabounded -in wisdom, and his military valour is highly spoken of. He sought to -revenge the blood of Cakig the Great, and made war against the sons of -Mandal; he reduced their fort Centerhasg,(21) killed the inhabitants, and -carried away great booty. He found in this place a likeness of the Holy -Virgin, and treated it with great esteem: by this he became more and more -powerful, and vanquished the Greeks many times. He took Anazarbus, built -therein a large church, and adorned it with the names of his generals and -with the likeness of the Holy Virgin. He governed valiantly, and so much -was he esteemed that Cilicia lost its proper name, and has been called -_The Country of Thoros_. Thoros loved God with all his heart, favoured -his servants, built churches, and held the convents in high esteem, in -particular those which are called _Trassarg_ and _Mashgevar_; he bestowed -on these and on others many gifts. Living such a holy life, he went at -last in to the Lord, [Sidenote: 1123] and was buried in the holy church -called Trassarg.(22) - -After the death of Thoros, his only son and heir was cast into prison by -some wicked people, who administered to him a poisonous drug,(23) thus -the principality came to Leon, the brother of Thoros, and his equal in -reputation. _Leon_ conquered Mamestia and Tarsus;(24) he invited many -famous warriors to join him, and allured them by great rewards. Forward -in battle, he prepared himself, and often fought against the foreigners -or infidels,(25) took their forts and put all the inhabitants to the -sword. He was the admiration of warriors, and the fear of foreigners -or infidels, so that they called him the new _Ashtahag_.(26) After his -return with honours and fame to his own country, four sons were born to -him, so incomparable among men; the first was called _Thoros_ the Great, -who was adorned by Stephanus (or the crown). Next to Stephanus came -_Meleh_, and then _Rouben_. - -The Roman Emperor (Calo-Johanes), who had the surname of -Porphyrogenitus,(27) hearing all that Leon had done, became very angry. -He assembled a great army and brought them down into Cilicia. Leon, -finding that he was surrounded by a large army, lost all confidence -in his forts and fled to the mountains; but he was speedily taken and -brought in fetters before the emperor. There are some who even affirm -that the emperor broke his oath, and took Leon by fraud. His two sons -were also arrested, and with their father carried into captivity; -[Sidenote: 1137] they were detained together in prison in Constantinople. -Meleh and Stephanus were fortunately not in Cilicia at the time their -father was taken prisoner; they were on a visit in Urha or Edessa, with -their uncle, the count of that place.(28) - -The Armenian army was destroyed, and the emperor took possession of -Cilicia; he left a part of his soldiers in that country and then returned -to Constantinople. The eye which looks down from heaven on the earth -below had pity upon Leon and his two unfortunate sons, and the emperor’s -heart turned to clemency. He honoured Leon exceedingly, and gave -permission to his children to stay with their father; he invited him to -dinner, and permitted him the recreation of hunting; he gave him handsome -clothes and many other fineries.(29) On one occasion the emperor, being -in his bathing-room, called Leon and his sons before him, treated them -most kindly, and was so pleased with the prowess of Rouben, that he made -him one of his household, and promised to raise him yet higher. - -Rouben once took the bathing tub of the emperor, which was full of water, -and swung it quickly round, which excited much surprise. The news reached -the emperor, and all who saw the act called him a new Sampson; but this -excited envy in the soldiers and filled them with hatred. They gained the -ear of the emperor, accused Rouben, and ultimately killed him by their -wicked devices.(30) - -Thoros was now left alone with his father in prison, where he had a -dream, which he instantly imparted to his father. “I saw in a dream,” -said he, “a man of very superior appearance offering me a loaf of bread, -on which was a fish; I being very astonished, took from the man what he -offered to me; when thou, Oh father! earnest, and I enquired the meaning -of that; but what further happened I know not.” Leon, hearing these words -from his son, was enlightened by heaven, and turning to him joyfully, -embraced him ardently and said: “Be joyful, O my honourable son! for thou -wilt be honoured as thy forefathers. After evil cometh a twofold good -fortune,—our country, which was taken from us on account of our sins, and -other lands, will again be governed by thee. The fish which thou hast -seen, means,—that thou wilt be master of the sea, but I shall not enjoy -these good tidings.” - -Leon died and was elevated to Christ; the emperor then felt compassion -for Thoros, [Sidenote: 1141] took him out of prison, and received him -into the imperial guards. Being now in the imperial palace, and a soldier -among the soldiers, he very soon distinguished himself, and even the -emperor looked upon him with benevolence. Before the end of the year -(1141) the emperor left Constantinople with a large army, and went to -assist the Prince of Antioch, who was hard pressed by the Turks.(31) -Being on a hunting party in the valley of Anazarbus, one of his own -poisoned arrows wounded him, and he fell dead on the spot; he thus met -with his deserved fate.(32) The army buried him on the place where he -lost his life, and erected a monument which is even now to be seen, -called _Kachzertik_, that is, _The corpse of the Calos, or Beautiful_.(33) - -The Greek army returned, but Thoros remained in the country; though the -traditions concerning this fact are different. Some say, Thoros withdrew -himself quite alone, went by sea from Antioch to Cilicia, and took -possession of his dominions, finding means to gain at first the town of -Amouda, and afterwards all the other places. But the emperor’s party say -that Thoros, during the time the Greeks stayed in the country, lived with -a lady who gave him a great sum of money; with these treasures he fled -to the mountains, and discovered himself to a priest as the Son of Leon, -the true king of the country. The priest was exceedingly happy at these -tidings, and Thoros hid himself under a shepherd’s disguise. [Sidenote: -1143] There were many Armenians in this part of the country who, being -barbarously treated by the Greeks, sighed for their former masters; to -these men, as it is said, the priest imparted the joyful tidings; they -instantly assembled and appointed _Thoros_ their _Baron_;(34) he gained -possession of Vahga, and afterwards of many other places. Let this be -as it may, it was certainly ordained by God that this man, who was -carried away as a prisoner, should become the chief of the country of his -forefathers, that he should take the government out of the hands of the -Greeks, and destroy their armies. - -After the death of the Porphyrogenitus, his _son_ Manuel succeeded him, -who is commonly called _Pareser, the Virtuous_.(35) Immediately after he -had taken possession of the empire, Manuel assembled an army to assist -the Franks, who came by sea to these countries, and were hardly pressed -by the Turks. Coming to Cilicia, and hearing what Thoros had done; how he -wronged the Greeks, and behaved himself as the master of the country, the -emperor became very angry, and ordered that Thoros should be brought to -him a prisoner, which he thought an easy matter. But Thoros shut himself -up in a steep and high fort, occupied all the narrow passes by his -soldiers, and easily repulsed from thence the Greeks, many of whom were -taken and brought in fetters before the victor. [Sidenote: 1146] Manuel -being informed of what had happened, became still more enraged.(36) - -It happened that the emperor sent at that time, under the guard of many -great men, a large sum of money, and that Thoros took the guard and the -treasure, and divided the latter among his soldiers. These Greek nobles -seeing this, said to Thoros: “Having taken such great riches, why dost -thou squander them away to the common people?” Thoros answered nothing -to this question, and only remarked: “These same men will bring you back -to fetters, although you are now allowed to return to your friends.”(37) -The emperor heard with astonishment what these men, on their return, -reported to him, and wished to keep on good terms with Thoros. The Prince -of Antioch became the umpire between them. The emperor came to Antioch, -where also Thoros was invited, and gained the admiration of every body -by his prowess and valour. The emperor wanted Anazarbus and many other -places, which were in the possession of Thoros; he accordingly delivered -them up for a large sum of money. - -Thoros returned to Cilicia, and the emperor put a stop to the campaign -in order to return to his own country. As soon as the imperial army -started from Anazarbus, Thoros proceeded suddenly in the night time to -Vahga. Now, whether the king presumed upon(38) any thing, or whether -some communication had been made to him, he did not wish to hold to the -treaty. Thoros, as soon as the Emperor Manuel went back, again began -his inroads. He again took Anazarbus and conquered Mamestia and the -surrounding towns. The Duke of Tarsus, who was appointed governor of -the country by the emperor, hearing of these proceedings of Thoros, -assembled the great Greek army left him by the emperor, and those -Armenian barons who belonged to the emperor’s party, and enjoyed many -honours by his kindness, such as Oscin the baron of Lampron, and the -family of Nathaniel, who were the chiefs of Asgourhas.(39) They now -united together to besiege Mamestia; when Thoros behaved himself very -valiantly. With only a few men he made a sally out of the town, gained a -complete victory over a large army, and took many prisoners; some of the -Greeks he put to death, while others gained their liberty for a ransom. -His Armenian captives he set instantly at liberty, and contrived to gain -their friendship. Oscin having been won by a large sum of money, gave up -his connexion with the emperor, and made a treaty with Thoros; and Thoros -gave his daughter in marriage to the son of Oscin.(40) The Baron having -thus settled his affairs collected a fresh army, took the famous Tarsus, -and all the country from the precipices of Isauria(41) to the sea; he -conquered Cilicia, beginning from Isauria, from one end to the other. -The Emperor Manuel hearing these occurrences grew enraged on feeling -himself unable to chastise Thoros. He sent a message to the Sultan of -Iconium,(42) Chlish-Aslan, and promised him a great sum of money if he -would make war against Thoros. The first time, the sultan objected to -the treaty which existed between him and Baron Thoros, and so withstood -the temptation; but his reluctance was overcome by a second message. -[Sidenote: 1154] He collected a large army, carried them into Cilicia, -descended into the plain, and besieged Anazarbus. But God was against -them and punished them with plagues, like those of the Egyptians; he sent -flies and wasps against the infidels, and harassed them with many other -heavy calamities. Thoros made inroads into the Sultan’s own country, won -Iconium itself, returned with a large booty, and sent Chlish-Aslan a -present out of the booty. By this, and by the hardships they suffered, -the Sultan and his followers were disgusted, and returned to their own -country. [Sidenote: 1156] They came back a second time, and returned -again in confusion. The Sultan then kept his oath, and remained the -friend of our hero. - -Thoros was of a tall figure and of a strong mind: his compassion was -universal; like the light of the sun he shone by his good works, and -flourished by his faith; he was the shield of truth and the crown of -righteousness; he was well versed in the Holy Scriptures and in the -profane sciences. It is said that he was of such profound understanding, -as to be able to explain the difficult expressions of the prophets—his -explanations even still exist.(43) In a word, he was so accomplished in -every thing, that God was pleased to call him to heaven. [Sidenote: 1167] -He was buried in Trassarg. - -His brother Stephanus, of whom we have spoken before, remained near the -_Black Mountain_, making himself illustrious by his prowess, and gaining -Carmania and the surrounding places;(44) but the Greeks came again -against him, and he was consumed by the “seething pot.”(45) He died in -the field and was buried in the church of Arkagal (or the Archangel). He -left two sons, Rouben and Leon, who became afterwards king of Cilicia. - -Thoros left a child under age, whom he committed, together with the -country, to the care of a certain Baron and Baillie Thomas, his -father-in-law, with an injunction to deliver to him the country as soon -as the child should have attained his majority.(46) [Sidenote: 1168] -_Meleh_, of whom we have spoken above, was with the Sultan of Aleppo, -and hearing of the death of his brother, he came with an army into the -country, and dealt very cruelly with its inhabitants. Not being able to -conquer the possessions of his brother he returned to Aleppo, and came -back with still greater forces. Receiving a message from the Armenian -Barons that they would freely acknowledge him as their sovereign, he -sent back the Turks, and governed in peace for some time. But he soon -drove into exile the Baillie Thomas, who went afterwards to Antioch. The -child of Thoros was killed by the command of Meleh by some wicked people. -[Sidenote: 1169] This cruel man was at last killed by his own soldiers, -and buried in the church called _the great Car_.(47) - -The sons of Stephanus, Rouben and Leon, were very much honoured by a -certain Baron _Pakouran_, by the whole Armenian nobility, and the army; -they therefore appointed _Rouben_ as their Baron. [Sidenote: 1174] He -was an excellent prince, compassionate and kind; he ruled the country -very well, and was praised by every body. He was a friend of the -Greeks, and married a lady of that nation, by whom he had two daughters -blooming in chastity. He besieged Lampron and pressed its inhabitants -very hard; they not being able to withstand him, called the Prince to -their assistance; he [Sidenote: 1182] invited Rouben to Antioch, and -fraudulently held him a prisoner, thinking to conquer Cilicia with -ease during his captivity. But his brother Leon and the army behaved -themselves very valiantly; they pressed Lampron so closely in the absence -of the Baron, and defended their own country so well, that they released -Rouben and acknowledged his supremacy. The inhabitants of Lampron gave -themselves and their treasure up to the Baron of Cilicia. On his return -to his own country Rouben was kind and humane to every one, and at his -death left the crown to Leon; he gave him many rules concerning the -government of the country, and committed to him his daughters, with an -injunction not to give them foreign husbands, that the Armenians might -not be governed by foreigners and harassed by a tyrant. [Sidenote: 1185] -Rouben was buried in Trassarg. - -_Leon_ was a valiant and learned prince; he enlarged his principality and -became the master of many provinces. A few days only after his taking -possession of the country, the descendants of Ismael, under the command -of one Roustam, advanced and came against Cilicia.(48) [Sidenote: 1186] -Leon was not frightened, but confiding in God, who destroyed Sanacherib, -he vanquished with a few men the great army of the infidels. Roustam -himself being killed by St. George,(49a) the whole Hagarenian army then -fled and dispersed; the Armenians pursued them and enriched themselves -by the booty. The power of Leon thus increased, and being confident -in his strength, he chased the Tadjiks(49b) and pursued the Turks; he -conquered Isauria and came as far as Iconium; he captured Heraclea,(50) -and again gave it up for a large ransom; he blockaded Cæsarea,(51) and -had nearly taken it; he made a treaty with the Sultan of Iconium, and -received a large sum of money from him; he surrounded Cilicia on every -side with forts and castles; he built a new church called Agner, and was -exceedingly generous to all monasteries erected by his ancestors; his -bounty extended itself even to the leprous; they being shunned by every -body and expelled from every place, he assigned to them a particular -house, and provided them with necessaries. - -By such proceedings Leon attained a great name and became known to the -Emperor of the Franks and the Greeks, and both, by Heavens’ grace, -favoured him with the diadem; and, indeed, the mission by which Leon the -Great was crowned King,(52) was very famous. [Sidenote: Jan. 6, 1198] The -Armenians assembled together in the city of Tarsus, and in the cathedral -of that town the Catholicos(53) anointed Leon, as it is the custom, -king of the house of Thorgoma,(54) to sit on the throne and flourish -in kindness; to glorify the church, and to govern well the country; to -collect together the dispersed people, and to renovate its power; lastly, -to fill the country with peace and to make it as happy as paradise. - -This great king brought the Prince of Antioch over to him, by marrying to -him his niece, the daughter of his brother. He then made an inroad into -the province of Arasu and conquered the place called Balresay; by his -excellent wisdom he also gained Lampron. - -[Sidenote: 1201] - -The great Sultan of Iconium Caicaiuss(55) marched from Camir against the -king, and besieged the fort Capan. The unruly Armenian troops attacked -the enemy without waiting for an order of the king, and being partly -killed and partly taken prisoners, the Turks pressed very hard the fort -Capan. Leon did not let his spirits droop by this defeat; he collected -what troops remained with him, and went plundering the territories of the -Sultan as far as Camir. He laid waste the Sultan’s country, and returned -with a large booty. Hearing this the Sultan started from Cilicia to his -own principality, and made peace with Leon, on the condition that the -booty should be restored. - -Leon, having governed the country twelve years as Baron and twenty-two as -King, felt his end approaching, and appointed in an assembly of the whole -nobility of the kingdom, a certain baron named Atan to be Regent(56) of -the country and guardian of his daughter. Leon died soon after and was -buried in the church of Agner; a part of his body was brought into the -town of Sis, and a church was built thereupon. - -[Sidenote: May 1, 1219] - -After the assassination of Atan, Constantine was appointed regent, when -he gave the daughter of the king and the heiress of the empire (the good -and chaste lady Isabella), in marriage to one of the family of the king, -the barons acknowledged him as their lawful sovereign, [Sidenote: 1220] -and swore the oath of allegiance.(57) But there arose a disturbance in -the country; one Rouben(58) came from the Prince of Antioch, gained over -many of the nobility and aspired to the crown. He soon took possession of -Tarsus and was about to march against Sis; but Constantine met him near -Tarsus with a great army, and vanquished this enemy. Rouben and the chief -men of his party died in prison. - -By this victory Constantine became more powerful, and governed the -country with a firm hand; he built churches and honoured the clergy. At -this time the patriarch was called John, the sixth since Nerses, from -whom, as we have said, we began our chronicle, and think it therefore -proper to mention these blessed persons. - -After the death of Nerses, that is to say, after his migration from one -life to another, Gregorius, called _Degha_, or the _child_, was anointed. -He was a fine and strong man. After him Gregorius, called _Carawesh_, or -_killed by the stone_;—then Gregorius Abirad;—and at last John, whom we -have before mentioned.(59) Leon entered into a dispute with John, and -appointed David in his place. This man governed the church for two years -in an excellent manner: but after this, the king being reconciled to -John, elevated him again on his seat. After this reconciliation king Leon -fell sick and died, very much lamented by the Armenians. [Sidenote: 1223] -The Lord Constantine succeeded him, who excelling in kindness, betrothed -the heiress of the empire, Isabella, before an assembly of the whole -nobility, to his son Hethum.(60) - -Hethum was then anointed king of Armenia; he was crowned with a golden -crown, and held a golden consecrated sceptre in his hand, with a globe -mounted in gold; he was placed on a high golden throne, and having -these signs of royalty in his right hand, he promised to deal justice -to the people at large and protect the poor from injustice. Hethum was -an excellent and gracious king; fine and handsome in body and soul; -religious, kind, compassionate, upright, bountiful, and generous. The -lawful heiress of the empire, Isabella, governed the country together -with her husband, and led a pious, religious life. She was blessed -for her good deeds and exemplary life by many children, the numerous -offsprings of a famous race.(61) The first was the pious Leon, who is now -the anointed king, and after him Thoros, the blessed, who died the death -of a hero.(62) Isabella brought also into the world five daughters and -another son, Rouben, who died young. [Sidenote: 1252] The queen being -near the end of her life, and staying in a place called _Ked_, she heard -a voice from heaven, crying aloud, “come my dove, come my love, thy -end is near.” She felt joyful on this happy vision, imparted it to the -bystanders, and died in the Lord; her body was brought to the grave by a -large assembly of the priesthood and laid in consecrated earth. - -After the death of the Queen, the King was much occupied in the -government of his country; for there arose an insolent people from the -north, called _Tatars_, and also called, after their country, Mugal or -Mogul,(63) who laid waste all the countries which fell into their hands. -The words of the prophet Jeremiah, that “the seething pot will run over -from the north,” have been found true a second time, this being the -case we must expect the same consequences. There were four kings, each -of whom was accompanied(64) by ten chiefs, which is even now the case. -These four kings met together with their ten followers; one arose and -spoke with a loud voice in this high assembly, and he being foremost in -power, was declared “_The son of God in heaven_.”(65) [Sidenote: 1254] -To him went king Hethum,(66) and there remained four years. Hethum had -considerable trouble, but he obtained friendly words, and a written -treaty after the custom of the Tatars.(67) He then came back with great -honours and conquered many provinces; he routed the armies of the -Persians or Turks,(68) and took their country; he won by force Carmania; -and Sebehesny was taken out of the hands of the Turks, whose splendour -faded away.(69) God’s will was changed, and he looked again on us with -a benevolent eye; the doors of heaven were opened to let through his -kindness on earth. The country was fruitful and happy like paradise, and -every man sat in peace, as it is said in the scriptures, under his own -vine. But the Armenians in Cilicia caused themselves, like in former -times, Sodom and Ghomora, by their intemperance and wickedness to be -very soon devoured by the wrathful fire(70) of heaven. - -[Sidenote: 1265] - -The proud slaves who governed Egypt took by force Damascus, very hard -pressed the Sultan of Berea or Aleppo, and conquered all the country -called by the name of Shem.(71) These slaves united themselves with all -the other Hagarenians, and it was as if the sand of the sea arose to -grasp swords and daggers, and to fight the battles of men; they went -against the Christians, like avengers sent from God. The sea-coast (from -Gaza to Cilicia) suffered in particular; all the forts were destroyed. -Antioch, the great Antioch, fell into their hands—they burned the houses, -and the inhabitants were carried away into foreign countries.(72) -Having taken possession of the before-mentioned territories, they went -against Cilicia, sent to Hethum and demanded tribute of him.(73) The -king collected his soldiery under the command of his sons, and hurried -himself away to the Moguls for aid.(74) He had not yet returned, when -the Hagarenians came into the country; the army fled, but the princes -remained. Thoros was killed in battle, and Leon was carried away -prisoner from his country. [Sidenote: 1266] This unfortunate country -was destroyed by fire, and the inhabitants were put to the sword; but -the forts, having received private encouragement from Leon, could not -be taken by the enemy, who retreated from them with shame. The famous -church in Sis and the town itself was given up to the flames, but the -inhabitants had time to fly. - -Having done whatever they chose, the enemy returned to his own country -in great triumph, and with a large booty. After their departure Hethum -returned at the head of a Mogulian army into his own kingdom, and saw -all the misfortunes which had befallen him during his absence; he wept -bitterly, but he did not despair, and placed reliance on the mercy of -God. His son, who had been carried away a prisoner, being endowed with -a courageous nature, did not let his spirits droop or show any fear; -on the contrary, he cheered the captives and consoled every man; for -some he provided food, for others he paid their ransom and set them at -liberty. The army presented Leon to the Sultan, who continued in his own -country, and who, looking on Leon and hearing his wise speech, received -him graciously, and spoke very kindly to him. With the permission of the -Sultan, Leon went to Jerusalem to adore the holy cross, and to pray for -the remission of his sins. He then went back to Egypt, into that prison -where Joseph was in former times. The priests admonished him to think -only of God; moreover, he constantly read the Scriptures and was always -ways absorbed in prayer. Therefore God looked upon him with compassion, -and turned the heart of the Sultan to pity. - -Leon, when taken prisoner, was thirty years of age; remaining one year -and ten months in Egypt, he made a treaty with the Sultan, which was -ratified by King Hethum his father. This being done, Leon was set at -liberty with great demonstrations of honour. The whole country rejoiced -when Leon returned to his father: crowds of people ran to meet and see -him; he embraced them all, and received them with heavenly kindness. -The king went, on foot, to thank God that he had lived so long as to -see his son Leon again, and [Sidenote: 1268] in the presence of the -highly-gifted patriarch Jacobus,(75) the follower of Constantine, he -earnestly entreated Leon to take on him the government of the country, -and to be anointed King of Cilicia; but Leon could not, by all his -entreaties, be moved to accept this offer; and Hethum was compelled, -therefore, to see his son only Baron of the Armenians, until he could -enjoy the kingdom. The king happened to fall sick at this time and never -recovered. There was consequently a great consternation in the country, -and the people united together to give him the surname of _Makar_.(76) -[Sidenote: 1269] Having finished this mortal, and gained an immortal -life, he was buried in Trassarg, and was celebrated in a poem. The Baron -Leon was so afflicted by the death of his father, that he fell into a -mortal sickness, and although all men supplicated him to be speedily -crowned King of Cilicia, he would not do it instantly, but mourned three -months. The neighbouring sovereigns, the Sultan of Egypt, the Khan, and -other princes, sent missions of peace to him, entreating that he might -be crowned King of Cilicia. Moved and encouraged by these messages, he -called a great assembly of Armenians to Tarsus with the patriarch to -anoint him, and to fulfil the duties of the church. Leon received the -sceptre with the golden globe in his right hand,—and the Holy Ghost -descended on him,—to be king on the house of Thorgoma; to govern and to -defend the flock after the law of God. - -Leon, sitting on the throne of his forefathers, was gracious to every -body; he pardoned those who had offended him, and was in general -exceedingly humane; he augmented the officers of the royal household, and -held the clergy in high esteem. He provided for the poor ecclesiastics, -and generally for all poor people; in what place soever he stayed, -the indigent were provided for from the court. This being known, many -people came from foreign parts, soldiers and others, and remained months -although not invited; their expenses were payed by the court. Leon -benefited the clergy even more than his forefathers, and gave to the -Vartabeds their proper rank,(77) for he was a friend of learning;(78) -every person who was elevated to the dignity of a Vartabed received a -present from the king, and it was registered as an eternal remembrance. -The army received higher pay than before, and the king was so kind to -every body, so generous, so compassionate,(79) that all were delighted; -and the whole nation of Armenians became, as it were, renovated. Satan, -the author of all mischief, saw this, and he contrived to fight against -the king; he tempted him by misfortunes like Job; he tried him by many -wounds, but the king was found of more patience than even Job himself, -for Job spoke of his temptations with his friends, and uttered curses as -the misfortunes came one after the other. - -[Sidenote: 1273] - -Leon soon gained information of the plots of the chieftains of his own -family, but confiding in God, he took away only their castles, and -granted them their lives; he left it to the Lord to reward them after -their designs. [Sidenote: 1274] Now the Sultan of Egypt, breaking the -treaty he made with King Hethum, came against this country; he did not -so much as give any notice of his design. United with the Arabs and the -Turcomans, the Sultan, without any one being aware of it, made an inroad -into Cilicia. These Turcomans were a long time since in this country as -shepherds; they here kept their winter quarters, and knew therefore all -the passes and defiles.(80) [Sidenote: 1276] United with these people -the Egyptians harassed the country more than had ever been the case -before; they penetrated into the mountains, discovered the recesses of -men and beasts, and destroyed numbers; many were also killed who had -been found in the flat country. Only those who were in forts and castles -escaped, all the rest were taken. The country was surrounded on all sides -and given to the flames; the enemy took Tarsus, burnt the beautiful and -celebrated church of St. Joseph, and plundered the town; having done all -this mischief, they retired. - -King Leon, full of courage, wished to try the chance of a battle, but the -barons left him and he had only a few soldiers; seeing the desolation -of the country, he was very sorrowful, but consoled every body and -encouraged the people by presents. Whilst he was sustaining these trials -without scarcely uttering a sigh, one of his sons, of tender age, died, -and he himself fell into a sickness from which he could scarcely be -saved. Whilst yet depressed by his sufferings he lost a daughter, but -through all this he became not impatient, and uttered not an angry word; -he placed his confidence in God, and suffered his trials with calmness. -But there remained yet another trial for the country at large; the -country was visited by a heavy plague, of which many poor people died, -so that the land could not be cultivated, and there was in consequence a -want of the necessaries of life. The king did not let his spirits droop, -he animated everybody, and said in the words of Job, “The Lord gave, and -the Lord hath taken away, blessed be the name of the Lord! Naked came -we into the world, and naked do we leave it again.” [Sidenote: 1276] In -these days the Lord began to look on us again with kindness from above, -and the words of the prophet Hosea were fulfilled, “The shadow of death -fled from us miserable men;” the Lord became reconciled to the harassed -and desolated nation of Armenia. For the beginning of better days we were -indebted to the people, who made war against the king. Having plundered -our country, the Sultan withdrew his army, but Leon then came forward, -vanquished all his opponents, took a great booty and returned joyful into -his own kingdom.(81) The Sultan of Egypt hearing this, sent a message -to Leon for peace and friendship. The news of these victories spread -very far, so that the Khan(82) heard of it, sent armour and weapons, and -admonished Leon to carry on the war. - -The Turks, who reign in Camir (Iconium), wished at this time to make a -treaty with the Moguls to hurt us; they spoke in consequence very badly -of us, and induced the Khan by a sum of money to make a treaty with -them.(83) The Turks spoke then more freely, and accused us publicly, -but they were soon undeceived; for as soon as the union was dissolved, -the Moguls came and destroyed them by the sword, sent presents to our -king, and behaved in general very kindly to him. By this behavior the -king gained courage, made an incursion into Turkestan,(84) took a large -booty and returned into his own country with great joy. The neighbouring -kings hearing this were much astonished, and longed to be at peace with -us. Leon forgot all the mischief they had done, and accepted with a kind -heart their offerings of friendship; for he was benevolent by nature, and -rejoiced in kind dealings; misfortune could not depress him, and good -fortune could not elevate him; he looked only on God and to govern his -country well. - -Leon had three sons: Hethum, the first born, learned in the Scripture -and clever in every branch of science; the second is called Thoros, and -the third Sempad. The spouse of the king, the Queen Ceran, is famous for -her fidelity and benevolence. So is our king, who by God’s decree is -placed over the country; may the Lord yet grant him a long and a peaceful -reign.(85) - -Now to the end of my work I will subjoin some observations. It has been -said before, that when the Tadjiks came into our country, they burned the -house of God;—that they took the crosses, the Scriptures, and all other -holy materials, into their abominable hands and cast them into the fire -with infamous jokes; and that they put the priests to the sword, and -tortured all Christians. When all these misfortunes befell the country, -some of the inhabitants bore them patiently, though reluctantly; and -others became furious and uttered impious words, for they were blind -in spirit and weak in faith. “Can this be,” said they, “can this be a -true judgment, by which we are condemned? Are we the only sinners of -all the inhabitants of the world, that we alone should be ruined? or -are the Tadjiks the men of righteousness, by whose hands we are killed: -those unbelievers, soiled by every wicked deed?” But from this reasoning -it would follow, that those who fell under the hall by which Sampson -buried himself, were not killed by reason of their own sins; that the -Galileans, who were put to death by Pilate, fell not by reason of their -own wickedness, but by the judgment of the Lord! All who are not penitent -will suffer the same punishment, God chastens him whom he loves.(86) To -rest his hopes on God, and to be patient in misfortune, is the best way -to live in this world and in the next. May Leon, King of the Armenians, -the writer and the reader of this, be judged worthy to enter into this -eternal and immortal world. To the praise and honour of the three persons -and one God, now and for ever, world without end. - - - - -NOTES. - - -Note (1), page 23. - -This is the famous patriarch Nerses Clajensis in the twelfth century, one -of the best writers of the Armenian nation. Galanus (I. 239) is full of -praise of him. “Nerses Clajensis,” says he, “orthodoxus patriarcha, quem -Armenia universa, ut sanctum illius ecclesiæ patrem et doctorem agnoscit, -ejusque commemorationem in Liturgia et Menelogiis celebrat. Fuit poeta -sacer, et hac quidem facultate adeo insignis, ut celebrioribus, meo -judicio, vel Græcis vel Latinis poetis in suo cœquandus sit idiomate.” -But both the praises and the censures of Galanus are to be received with -great caution; he is blinded by his orthodoxy, and praises and blames -the authors not according to their merit, but according to their faith. -Nerses has written much and on very different subjects; his elegy on the -capture of Edessa (1144) by the Turks, and his correspondence with the -emperor Alexius and Manuel, are the most interesting works for us and for -history. The elegy of Edessa has been printed several times and in many -places: most recently (1826) in Paris, but without a French translation. -The Archbishop Somal is not well-informed, when he says, (Quadro della -storia letteraria di Armenia. Venezia 1829, p. 84), “fu accompagnata -da una versione francese.” The correspondence of Nerses has only, as -far as I know, been once printed, viz. at St. Petersburgh, 1788, 1 vol. -4to. His short and uninteresting chronicle of the History of Armenia has -been often printed, and for the last time in 1824 in Constantinople. The -Archbishop Somal says, that this work was corrupted by the interpolations -of the schismatical editor (“audacemente dall’editore falsificata e -con riprovevole temerita sparsa di alcune aggiunte erronee contro il -Concilio ecumenico di Calcedonia.”) It is strange that the Armenians, -who entertain the tenets of their national church, and are styled -schismatical by the proselytes of the Roman Catholic Church, accuse the -orthodox editors at Venice of the same falsifications; the Armenians in -India wish therefore to print all their works, particularly the religious -ones, at the press of the Bishop’s College in Calcutta. (See Bishop -Heber’s Journals, iii. 435. 3d edition.) - - -Note (2), page 23. - -This is king Leon III, who reigned from 1269 to 1289, and of whom the -chronicler speaks at the end of his work. - - -Note (3), page 23. - -I imagine Vahram never read Lucretius: that author gives the same reason -for writing _De Rerum Natura_ in verse. - - -Note (4), page 24. - -Epist. ad Rom., chap. xiii. in the beginning. - - -Note (5), page 24. - -The reader may recollect the old Byzantine pictures, painted on a gold -ground; there is a large collection of these pictures at Schleisheim, -near Munich. - - -Note (6), page 25. - -I feel regret for poor Vahram, who here shows himself a heretic; for -notwithstanding that it was forbidden to add any article to the creed -of Nice, or rather Constantinople, the Latins added the celebrated -_filioque_, that is to say, that the Holy Ghost proceeded from the -Father _and the Son_, and condemned all others as heretics who upheld -the old church, and would not acknowledge these innovations. Vahram, the -Raboun, or doctor, shows himself to be such a heretic. He even wrote some -dissertations on the trinity and the incarnation, at the command of his -master king Leon III, but they were never printed. The Roman Catholic -author of the “Quadro della letteratura di Armenia” (p. 115), says, that -even in these works Vahram “si prova scrittore di poco sana dottrina -intorno al dogma della processione dello Spirito-Santo.” - - -Note (7), page 25. - -This is the language of all divines, and of those philosophers who think -_whatever is, is right_. If the sins of mankind have produced Mahomed, -why has Spain alone out of the nations of Europe been depressed? Were -these Visigoths greater sinners than their brethren in the south of -France or the Franks themselves? It is not a speculative opinion, but the -truth of history, that man is the architect of his own fortune, and that -the world belongs to the mighty. - - -Note (8), page 25. - -The Turks were known in Europe as early as the beginning of the sixth -century of our era, but the western writers tell us nothing satisfactory, -either as to the name or the origin of this large division of the human -race. The Chinese, who were earlier acquainted with their _Thoo kiouei_, -are also contradictory in their statements. They say, the Thoo kiouei are -a particular tribe or class of the Hioung noo, called by different names, -and that they are called Thoo kiouei because their town near the Altai, -or gold mountain, had the form of a _helmet_, and a helmet is called Thoo -kiouei, _yn y wei haou_. Matuanlin, in his great work, B. 343, initio, -says this is the cause why this people is so called. It is fortunate -for historical literature, that this accomplished Chinese scholar had no -system in view in compiling his work: he quotes on the same page other -accounts on the origin of the name _Thoo kiouei_ and different traditions -of the original history of this nation. It has been remarked by Klaproth -(Asia Polyglotta, 212) that Thoo kiouei (or a very similar word) means, -indeed, in the Turkish language a _helmet_. If the Hiong noo are Turks -they cannot certainly be either the Huns of Attila or Fins. Concerning -the tribes of the Turks nothing is known with any certainty; tribes rise -and decay in Tartary like the sand-hills in the desert: who can count -them? The reader may find a lively and true picture of this rising and -falling of the different Turkoman tribes in a novel, by Frazer, called -_Memoirs of a Kusilbash_, printed 1828, in three volumes. The different -denomination of the same people, Turks and Turkomans, is already used by -William of Tyre, the celebrated historian of the Crusades; it may be said -that they differ one from another, like, in former times, the Highlanders -and Lowlanders in Scotland. While describing the difference between Turks -and Turkomans, we may use the words of Dr. Robertson, mentioning the -attempt of King James II. to civilize the Highlands and Isles. That great -historian has the following words:—“The inhabitants of the low country -began gradually to forget the use of arms, and to become attentive to -the arts of peace. But the Highlanders, or the Turkomans, retaining their -natural fierceness, averse from labour and inured to rapine, infested -their more industrious neighbours by their continual incursions.” -(_History of Scotland_, ad a. 1602.) Some modern authors think it worth -their while to take notice of a fault of a copyist (τοῦρκοι for ἰυρκαὶ), -and find therefore the Turks as early as in Herodotus, Pomponius Mela, -and Plinius; but this is not so unfair as to make Laura, the beautiful -and chaste Laura, responsible for eleven children, upon the faith of -a misinterpreted abbreviation, and the decision of a librarian. (Lord -Byron’s Notes on Childe Harold, Canto iv. stanza 30, lines 8 and 9.) - - -Note (9), page 26. - -_The kings_ are the different Arabian chiefs who ruled independently of -the Caliph of Bagdad; the _emperor_ is the Emperor of Constantinople, or -the Roman emperor, as Vahram says, with the other authors of these times. -(See Gibbon, ch. 57.) - - -Note (10), page 26. - -“The captives of these Turks were compelled to promise a spiritual as -well as temporal obedience; and instead of their collars and bracelets, -an iron horseshoe, a badge of ignominy, was imposed on the infidels, who -still adhered to the worship of their fathers.” (Gibbon, l. c.) - - -Note (11), page 26. - -This is not quite true; the Caliph of Bagdad,—which new town our author -calls in his poetical style by the ancient name of Babylon,—could not -move from his capital without the consent of the descendents of Seljuk, -but they never chose Babylon as the seat of their empire; they had no -metropolis, but they preferred Nishapur. Abul Fazel (Ayeen Akbery II. -337) places Bagdad 33, and Babylon 32° 15´ latitude; their longitude is -the same; 80° 55´ from the Canary Islands. - - -Note (12), page 26. - -The myriads of Turkish horse overspread a frontier of six hundred miles -from Tauris to Arzearum, and the blood of one hundred and thirty thousand -Christians was a grateful sacrifice to the Arabian prophet. (Gibbon l. c.) - - -Note (13), page 26. - -This is certainly the truth; the Armenians fled in their despair from the -new Mahometan to the old Christian enemy. It can be only national vanity -or folly, to assert or suppose that the Emperor Michael would give the -province of Cappadocia for a country trampled on by the Seljuks, under -whose irresistible power he felt himself. The Cappadocians remembering -how they were dealt with in former time by the Armenians, and in -particular by Tigranes, could not receive their new guests with much -pleasure; and this is the principal reason of the great disaster which -soon followed. - -Διέθηκε δὲ φαύλως αὐτοὺς Τιγράνης ὁ Ἀρμένιος, ἡνίκα τὴν καππαδοκίαν -κατέδραμεν ἅπαντας γὰρ ἀναςάτους ἐποίησεν εἰς τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν, &c. -(Strabo xii. 2, vol. iii. 2d ed. Tauchn.) It is stated by the American -missionaries, who have visited Cappadocia, that about 35,000 Armenians -are still living in this province. “Cappadocia has 30,000 Greeks and -35,000 Armenians.” (Mr. Gridley, in the Missionary Herald, vol. xxiv, -printed at Boston, p. 111.) Cæsarea has, according to the same authority, -from 60 to 80,000 inhabitants, and of these 2,000 are Greeks, and 8,000 -Armenians. (Herald, 260.) - - -Note (14), page 27. - -The origin of this name of the people is not known. The Armenians call -themselves after their fabulous progenitor Haig, and derive the name -_Armen_ from the son of Haig, Armenag; but I have not much confidence in -these ancient traditions of Moses of Chorene. The Armenians are a strong -instance that religion and civilization only give a particular character -and value to a people, and preserve it from being lost in the course of -time. Where are now the thirty different nations, which Herodotus found -(Melpom. 88), between the bay of Margandius and the Triopian promontory? -The Armenians are certainly a tribe of the ancient Assyrians; their -language and history speak alike in favour of it. Nearly all the words -of Assyrian origin which occur in the Scriptures and in Herodotus can be -explained by the present Armenian language. Their traditions say, also, -that Haig came from Babylon; and Strabo’s authority would at once settle -the question, if he did not affirm too much. The Arabian and the Syriac -language, and consequently the people, are radically different from the -Armenian. - -These are the passages of the geographer alluded to: Τὸ γὰρ τῶν Ἀρμενίων -ἔθνος καὶ τὸ τῶν Σύρων καὶ τῶν Ἀράβων, πολλὴν ὁμοφυλίαν ἐμφαίνη κατὰ -τε τὴν διάλεκτον ... καὶ οἱ Ἀσσύριοι, καὶ οἱ Ἀριανοὶ, καὶ οἱ Ἀρμένιοι -παραπλησίως τως ἔχουσι, καὶ πρὸς τούτους καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ... τοὺς ὑφ’ -ἡμῶν Σύρους καλουμένους, ὑπ’ αὐτῶν τῶν Σύρον Ἀρμενίους καὶ Ἀραμμαίους -καλεῖσθαι. (Strabo i. 2, vol. i. 65, ed. Tauchn.) But the Aramæns or -Syrians are quite a different people from the Armenians, and Strabo is -quite wrong when he thinks that both names are commonly used to designate -one and the same nation. There is a fabulous story of a certain Er, the -son of a certain _Armenios_, a Pamphylian by birth (Plato de Rep. x), but -such stories are of no value in sober history. - - -Note (15), page 27. - -This story is told with more details by some contemporary chroniclers. -Cakig reigned or rather had the _name_ of a king from 1042-1079, and he -is the last of the Bakratounian kings, a family which began its reign -under the supremacy of the Arabs in the year 859 of our era. As regards -the geography, the reader may compare the Mémoires sur l’Arménie, by -Saint-Martin. - - -Note (16), page 27. - -Armenia remained from the time of the Parthians a feudal monarchy, and -for this reason I use the expressions of the feudal governments in the -middle ages. - - -Note (17a), page 27. - -Dionysius, in his description of the earth, says (v. 642) that the -mountain is called Taurus: οὕνεκα ταυροφανές τε καὶ ὀξυκάρηνον ὁδεύει -οὔρεσιν ἐκταδιόισι πολυσχεδὲς ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα; perhaps more poetical than -true. “The road lies over the highest ridges of the Taurus mountains, -where, amidst the forests of pines, are several beautiful valleys and -small plains; there appears, however, no trace of cultivation, though -there is ample proof that these mountains were anciently well inhabited, -as we meet with scarcely a rock remarkable for its form or position that -is not pierced with ancient catacombs.” (Col. Leake’s Asia Minor in -Walpole’s Travels, i. 235.) - - -Note (17b), page 28. - -This is the proper name for the possessions of Rouben; the Armenians -begin generally the line of the kings of Cilicia with the flight of -Rouben in 1080. - - -Note (18), page 28. - -That is to say, as far as the gulph of Issus or Scanderum. Cilicia -and the sea-shore was also in former times once in the possession of -the kings of Armenia,—“the country on the other side of the Taurus,” -as the ancients used to say. Strabo says, from the Armenians (xiv. 5, -vol. iii. 321. ed. Tauchn.) that they, τὴν ἐκτὸς τοῦ Ταύρου προσέλαβον -μεχρὶ καὶ Φοινίκης. Plutarch says, that Tigranes “had colonized -Mesopotamia with Greeks, whom he drew in great numbers out of Cilicia and -Cappadocia.”—(Plutarch in Lucullo.) - - -Note (19), page 28. - -Constantine sent many provisions to the Franks, when they were besieging -Antioch. The Armenians were happy to get such powerful allies against -their enemies, the Greeks. Alexius could not be very well pleased with -the creation of an Armenian Margrave by the Latins, of whom he extorted -“an oath of homage and fidelity, and a solemn promise that they would -either restore, or hold the Asiatic conquests, as the humble and loyal -vassals of the Roman empire”—(Gibbon, iv., 131. London, 1826, published -by Jones.) The Armenians translate _Margrave_ by _Asbed_, that is, Chief -of the cavalry. - - -Note (20), page 29. - -It is not easy to see what connexion there is between the resurrection of -a hen, or a duck, with the death of a king. What were the principles of -divination of these wise men, of whom Vahram speaks? - - -Note (21), page 29. - -The name of this fort is written differently by different authors; I -could not consult the great geographical works of Indjidjean. - - -Note (22), page 30. - -I think that _Trassarg_ and _Trassag_ is the same word; the names of -places seem to be very corrupted in the Madras edition of Vahram’s -Chronicle. Chamchean says the king was buried in the monastery -_Trassarg_, which is very probable; but how could he say Thoros left -no son? In these monasteries the Armenian literature and sciences in -general were very much studied in the course of the eleventh and twelfth -centuries; some of the greatest Armenian authors flourished in the time -of the Crusades. In their libraries were collections of the old classics, -with many translations of the Greek authors; “e da quest’ opere,” says -the Archbishop Somal, “attinsero gli scrittori del corrente secolo (the -12th), quello precisione d’idee, quella nobilita di concetti, quella -purezza di stile, per cui si rendettero veramente gloriosi.” Quadro 80. -Foreigners are at a loss to find all these good qualities in the Armenian -authors of the twelfth century. - - -Note (23), page 30. - -With what caution the secretary of Leon III. relates the treachery of -Leon I. We see by this passage that Chamchean is in the wrong in saying -that Thoros left no son. (Epitome of the great history of Armenia, -printed in Armenian, at Venice in the year 1811, p. 300.) - - -Note (24), page 30. - -Is not Mamestia the ancient Hamaxia? “Εἶθ Ἁμαξία ἐπὶ βουνοῦ κατοικία -τις,” says Strabo, ὕφορμον ἔχουσα, ὅπου κατάγεται ἡ ναυπηγήσιμος ὕλη, -(vol. iii. 221 ed. Tauchn.) It is certainly the Malmestra of the Latins -and Byzantines. This town is called Mesuestra, Masifa, and by other -names. (Wesseling Itner, p. 580. See a note of Gibbon at the end of the -52d chapter.) Tarsus is very well known as the principal town of Cilicia, -as the native place of many celebrated men, as the stoic Chrysippus, and -of the Apostle Paul. The following passage of Xenophon’s Expedition of -Cyrus illustrates very well the province and the whole history of the -Armenian kingdom of Cilicia. “Thence they prepared to penetrate into -Cilicia; the entrance was just broad enough for a chariot to pass, very -steep, and inaccessible to an army, if there had been any opposition.... -From thence they descended into a large and beautiful plain, well watered -and full of all sorts of trees and vines; abounding in sesame, panic, -millet, wheat and barley; and is surrounded with a strong and high ridge -of hills from sea to sea. After he had left the mountains he advanced -through the plain, and having made twenty-five parasangas in four days’ -march, arrived at Tarsus,” etc. (See Spelman’s notes to his translation -of the Expedition of Cyrus.) Tarsus has now only, as it is said, 3,000 -inhabitants. - - -Note (25), page 30. - -The Armenian phrase has this double signification, and Leon indeed -carried on a war against the Seldjuks and the Count of Antioch, who -sought to deprive him by treachery of all his possessions. Baldwin was -not ashamed of doing any thing to enlarge his dominions. I know not why -Vahram speaks not a word about these matters. (See Chamchean, l. c. p. -301.) - - -Note (26), page 30. - -The old fabulous hero of Armenia, spoken of by Moses of Khorene. - - -Note (27), page 31. - -Gibbon, iii. 341. - - -Note (28), page 31. - -Joscelin I., Count of Edessa. (See the Digression on the Family of -Courtnay.—Gibbon, iv. 224.) Why does not Vahram, where he speaks of the -four sons of Leon, name this Stephanus, who lived in Edessa with his -uncle? It seems that there is a corruption in the text. Should the name -of _Stephanus_ be hidden under _Stephane, the crown_ of Thoros, or which -is more probable, is a line fallen out of our text? It would be necessary -to compare some manuscripts to restore the original text. Thoros never -received the kingly crown; he was only Baron of Cilicia: _Stephane_ -seems, therefore, nothing else than _Stephanus_. - - -Note (29), page 32. - -This agrees with all that we know about the character of Calo-Johanes. -“Severe to himself, indulgent to others, chaste, frugal, abstemious, -the philosophic Marcus would not have disdained the artless virtues -of his successor, derived from his heart, and not borrowed from the -schools.”—(Gibbon.) - - -Note (30), page 32. - -I am not able to look into the Byzantine version of this fact. -Calo-Johanes was not the man to be easily deceived, and to persecute -innocent persons; we know, on the contrary, that he pardoned many people -implicated in high treason. Calo-Johanes, as Camchean says (l. c. 304), -suspected also Leon and his other son Thoros, and they were again sent to -prison. - - -Note (31), page 34. - -Our author has here the word _Tadjik_, a name by which he and the -other Armenian historians of the middle ages promiscuously call the -native Persians, the Gasnevides and the other Turks. The origin and the -proper meaning of this word will perhaps never be ascertained; it has -something of the vagueness of the ancient denomination of _Scythia_ -and _Scythians_. It is certain that, in the works which go under the -name of Zoroaster, and in the Desatir, the Arabs are called _Tazi_, and -it is likewise certain that the language of this people, which is now -called _Tadjik_, is pure Persian; the Bochars are, in their own country, -called Tadjiks. How and why the ancient Persian name of the Arabs should -be given to the Persians themselves it is impossible to conceive. -Elphinstone (Account of the Kingdom of Câbul, London 1819, vol. i. 492) -thinks that the Arabs and Persians were, in the course of time, blended -together into one nation, and became the ancestors of the Tadjiks; but -why should Armenians, Arabs, Turks and Afghauns, call those mestizes -with a name of the Pehlvi language, which means originally an Arab? It -seems rather that _Tazi_ and _Tadjik_ are two different words; _Tazi_ is -the Persian name for _Arab_, and _Tadjik_ the name of a particular race -of people, of whom the Persians are only a tribe. I do not know on what -authority Meninski (see Klaproth’s Asia, Polygl. 243) relies, but it is -certain that the Chinese distinguish between the _Ta she_ (Arabs) and -the _Ta yue_ (the Tadjiks), of whom, as they say, the Po she (Persians) -are only a tribe. The Chinese had no communication with the Arabs before -Mahomed, but they heard of them by their intercourse with the Sassanides, -and call them, therefore by the Persian name Ta she (9685, 9247), but -the _Po se_ (8605, 9669) are only, as they say, a tribe like some other -tribes, who formed particular kingdoms of the Ta yue (9685, 12490), or -Tadjiks. They have received the name _Po sse_ from their first king, _Po -sse na_; but the Chinese had no direct communication with Persia before -Kobad or Cabades, Kiu ho to (6063, 3984, 10260), as they spell the name, -in their imperfect idiom, who became known to them by his flight and -misfortunes. (See Matuanlin, l. c. Book 338, p. i, and following; Book -339, p. 6 a., p. 8 a., and the history of the _Ta she_ or Arabs, p. 18, -b. l. c.) But I am in doubt of Matuanlin, who makes the Masdeizans, -followers of Buddha; he calls the Ateshgahs _Fo sse_ (2539, 9659), -Temples of Buddha, (l. c. p. 6, b. l. 5.) The popular pronunciation of -_Ta yue_ is, in many Chinese dialects, _Tai yuet_. I myself have often -heard these characters so pronounced in Canton, and it was then as nearly -as possible the ancient name of the Germans, _Teut_, the brethren of the -Persians; the Chinese know also that the Ye ta (12001, 9700), _Getae_, -_Gothi_, belong to the race of the Tayuet (Matuanlin, Book 338, p. 11), -&c. But what sober historian would draw conclusions from a similarity -of names? Perhaps a close inquiry may carry us to some leading facts, -by which we may be able to connect the information of the east and the -west. It would certainly be strange to begin the history of the Germans -with the extracts taken out of the Han and Tang shoo. When I say the -history of the Germans, I mean the history of those remains of the Teuts -who remained in Asia, for Germany was certainly peopled long before the -Chinese got any information of the Ta yue. These races became only known -in China under the great dynasty of Han. A keen etymologist may, perhaps, -find the modern Tadjiks in the ancient Daai or Daae; he may suppose that -the Persians, like the Parthians, were only a branch of the Scythians or -Tatars, and with confidence adduce a passage of Strabo, where it is said -that the greater part of the Scythians are known by the name of Daai, Οἱ -μὲν δὴ πλείους τῶν Σκυθῶν Δάαι προσαγορεύονται. (Strabo, Geogr. xi. 8, -vol. ii. 430, ed. Tauchn.) I will only add, that the same Strabo thinks, -that the Daci (Δάκοι) may in former times have been called Daï (Δάοι), -but he distinguishes them from the Daae (Δάαι). (Vol. ii. 36.) - - -Note (32), page 34. - -Only the wounded pride of an Armenian could say this. - - -Note (33), page 34. - -Have any of our modern travellers seen this monument? Claudian, the -famous Latin poet, had composed in Greek the Antiquity of Tarsus, -Anazarbus, Berytus, Nice, &c. Abul Fazel (Ayeen Akbery, ii. 348) places -Tarsus long. 68° 40´, lat. 36° 50´. (See Note 24.) - - -Note (34), page 35. - -The Armenians did so in imitation of the neighbouring Franks; they took -many customs from the Crusaders, and corrupted their language by the -introduction of many foreign words. - - -Note (35), page 35. - -Is this surname of Manuel found in the Byzantine writers? - - -Note (36), page 36. - -Vahram is in the wrong; Andronicus, not Manuel himself was at the head of -the army. (Chamchean, 306; Gibbon, iii. 344.) Thoros was on such rocks, -as Xenophon in the Anabasis, speaking of the rocks of Cilicia, calls -πέτρας ἠλιβάτους, “rocks inaccessible to every thing but to the rays of -the sun.” Homer makes often use of this expression. - - -Note (37), page 36. - -This is a very obscure passage in the original. Vahram is no friend of -details, and he is every moment in need of a rhyme for _eal_; who can -wonder, therefore, that he is sometimes obscure? This passage is only -clear, upon the supposition that Thoros divided the ransom among his -soldiers. This is also stated by Chamchean. - -See Note 28. - - -Note (38), page 37. - -I do not know why Vahram calls Thoros all on a sudden _Arkay_, “king;” -how the royal secretary exerts himself to draw a veil over the treachery -of Thoros! - - -Note (39), page 38. - -Oscin is the father of a celebrated author and priest, Nerses -Lampronensis, so called from the town or fort Lampron; he was born -1153, and died 1198. In the concilium of Romcla 1179, Nerses spoke -for the union with the Latin church, and the speech he made on this -occasion is very much praised by the Armenians belonging to the Roman -Catholic Church. This speech has been printed at Venice with an Italian -translation, 1812. (Quadro 94.) Galanus, as the reader may easily -imagine, speaks in very high terms of Nerses (i. 325): “Cujus egregia -virtus,” says he, “digna plane est, ut acterna laude illustretur, -nomenque ad ultimas terrarum partes immortali fama pervehatur.” For us -his most interesting work is an elegy on the death of his parent, master, -and friend, Nerses Shnorhaly; he gives a biography of this celebrated -Catholicus, with many particulars of the history of the time. Nerses -Shnorhaly was not only an author and a saint, but also a great statesman. - - -Note (40), page 38. - -In the whole course of history the Armenian nobles shew a great party -feeling and much selfishness. They were never united for the independence -of their country; if one part was on the side of the Persians or Turks, -we shall certainly find another on the side of the Greeks or Franks; and -the native Armenian kings had more to fear from their internal, than from -their external enemies. - - -Note (41), page 38. - -The history of the foundation of the Armenian kingdom in Cilicia is -very like the history of the rebellious Isaurians, “who disdained to -be the subjects of Galienus.” Thoros possessed a part of this savage -country; and we may say of him, what Gibbon said of the Isaurians: “The -most successful princes respected the strength of the mountains and the -despair of the natives.” (Gibbon, iii. 51.) - - -Note (42), page 38. - -Iconium is mentioned as a station by Xenophon and Strabo; Cyrus staid -three days in “this last city of Phrygia.” St. Paul found there many -Jews and Gentiles; and it is said that even now, in its decayed state, -Conia or Iconium has 30,000 inhabitants. This town is above 300 miles -from Constantinople. (Gibbon, iv. 152.) The chronology of the Seljuks of -Iconium may be seen in the _Histoire des Huns, par Deguignes_. Kuniyah -قونيا is laid down by Abul Fazel (Ayeen Akbery, ii. 359), long. 66. 30., -and lat. 41. 40. A description of the modern Konia may be seen in Col. -Leake’s Asia Minor, l. c. 223. - - -Note (43), page 40. - -I find him not mentioned as an author in the “Quadro della storia -letteraria di Armenia.” It seems that his explanations of the prophets -are now lost. If the reader will compare the elogy of Thoros with the -facts in Vahram’s own chronicle, he will easily find that adulation, and -not truth, dictated it. - - -Note (44), page 40. - -_Seav_ or _Sev-learn_, _Black-mountain_ (Karadagh). Here was a famous -monastery. _Carmania_ is the place which formerly was called Laranda, -and this name is still, as Col. Leake remarks, in common use among the -Christians, and is even retained in the firmans of the Porte. Caraman -derives its name from the first and greatest of its princes, who made -himself master of Iconium, Cilicia, etc. (Col. Leake’s Asia Minor, l. c. -p. 232.) - - -Note (45), page 40. - -An allusion to Ierem, i. 13. - - -Note (46), page 40. - -It is known that the feudal laws and institutions have been introduced -into the possessions of the Franks in Asia. _Baillis_, or _Baillie_, -written _Bail_ in the Armenian language, means a judge, and the word is -commonly found in this signification in the chronicles and histories of -the middle ages. The _Baillis_ possessed powers somewhat similar to those -of the ancient _Comites_. We see here and in other instances, that the -Baillis are older than the end of the twelfth and the beginning of the -thirteenth century. At this time they began in France. (Robertson, note -23, to his View of the State of Europe before the History of the reign of -the Emperor Charles V.) - - -Note (47), page 41. - -It is very probable that the murderer Andronicus and Meleh were -acquainted with each other; their history and their crimes are something -similar. - - -Note (48), page 43. - -Roustam was a Sultan of Iconium. (See the Chronology of these Sultans in -Deguigne’s Histoire des Huns.) - - -Note (49a), page 43. - -In the times of the Crusades, wonders and witchcraft or enchantment were -daily occurrences; the Christians imputed all their defeats to diabolical -opposition, and their success to the assistance of the military saints, -Tasso’s celebrated poem gives a true picture of the spirit of the times. - - -Note (49b), page 43. - -Here the author uses again _Tadjik_ as the name of a particular people: -but accuracy, I fear, is not the virtue of Vahram; he calls the Turks of -Iconium, the sons of Ismael or Hagar, _i.e._ Arabs. - - -Note (50), page 43. - -Our author says not in what province these towns lay. Chamchean, being -able to consult other native historians, informs us that Leon nearly took -Cæsarea in Palestine.—Heraclea was perhaps also the town of this name in -Palestine; it was a small town near Laodicæa in the time of Strabo. Τῇ -Λαοδικεία πλησιάζει πολίχνια, τὸ, τε Ποσείδιον καὶ Ἡράκλειον.—Strabo iii. -361, ed. Tauchn. - - -Note (51), page 43. - -The old Samaria, called Cæsarea by Herodes, ἤν Ἡρώδης Σεβαςὴν ἐπωνόμασεν, -Strabo iii. 372. See the description of this famous place in Carl -Ritler’s Erdkunde ii. 393. Chamchean, 315. Abul Eazel (Ayeen Akbery, ii. -337.) places it long. 66. 30. lat. 32. 50. - - -Note (52), page 44. - -This memorable transaction is fully described in the great History of -Armenia by Chamchean, and in the work of Galanus, vol. i. p. 346 and -following. Many letters of Leon and the Catholicos exist now only in -the Latin translations (Quadro l. c. 99.), or better have not been -heard of by the Mechitarists at Venice. Frederic I., to whom Leon was -very useful in the time of the second crusade, promised the Baron of -Cilicia to restore in his person the ancient kingdom of Armenia. After -the unfortunate death of the emperor, Leon sent ambassadors to the Pope -Celestinus III. and Henricus VI., to gratify his wishes; the ambassadors -came back to Cilicia in the society of the archbishop Conrad of Mentz, -bringing the crown from the emperor and the benediction of the pope. -The Emperor of Constantinople, Alexius, sent also a crown to Leon “the -Great.” The king of Cilicia is, as far as I know, the only king who -received the crown by both the emperors of the west and the east, and -by the consent of the pope. The pope hoped to bring the Armenians under -his sway, and the Latins and the Greeks thought Leon a very useful ally -against the overpowering Saladin.—See the Letters in the Appendix. - - -Note (53), page 44. - -_Catholicos of Armenia_ is the title of the Armenian patriarch. Gregorius -VI., called Abirad, was Catholicos at this time; he was elected in the -year 1195, and died 1203. The Latins had a very high opinion of the power -of an Armenian patriarch. Wilhelm of Tyrus, speaking (De Bello Sacro, -xvi. 18.) of the synod of Jerusalem in the year 1141, has the following -words: “Cui synodo interfuit maximus Armeniorum pontifex, immo omnium -episcoporum Cappadociæ, Mediæ et Persidis et utriusque Armeniæ princips -et doctor eximius qui _Catholicus_ dicitur.” Wilhelm might add, “et -Indiæ,” for I think that the Armenians, like the Syrians, formed as early -as the sixth century of our era, settlements in this part of the world. -It is certain that Armenians were in India as early as the year 800. (_De -Faria_, in the _Collection of Voyages and Travels_, by Kerr, Edinburgh -1812, vol. vi. p. 419.) - - -Note (54), page 44. - -The Armenians consider themselves the descendants of _Thorgoma_ (a name -differently spelt in the different manuscripts and translations of -Genesis x. 3.) the son of Japet. - - -Note (55), page 44. - -Vahram is too concise; he never gives the reasons of occurrences. I see, -in Chamchean, that Leon married, after the death of his first wife, a -daughter of Guido, king of Cyprus, by whom he had a daughter, called -Sabel or Elizabeth, his only child and heiress of the kingdom. The Sultan -of Ionium did not like these intimate connexions of the Armenians with -the Latins; he feared some coalition against himself, and he thought it -proper to be beforehand with the enemy. - - -Note (56), page 45. - -We have in the text again _Bail_ or _Bailly_. I could not translate the -word otherwise than _Regent_: this is certainly the sense in which Vahram -uses this expression. - - -Note (57), page 46. - -The name of this first husband of Isabella was Philippus, the son of -the Prince of Antioch and the niece of Leon. Philippus died very soon, -and Isabella, as our author says himself, married, 1223, the son of the -regent Constantine, Hethum or Haithon. - - -Note (58), page 46. - -This Rouben was of the royal family.—Chamchean, 326. - - -Note (59), page 46. - -It would carry us too far if we were to attempt to elucidate the -ecclesiastical history of these times, for there were many synods and -many negotiations between the Armenian clergy and the Greek and Latin -church, concerning the union. Pope Innocent III. showed also at this -opportunity his well-known activity. There exist many letters from -the Catholici and the Armenian kings to different popes and emperors, -with their answers,—ample matter for a diligent historian. The first -Gregorius after Nerses is Gregorius IV. from 1173-1193. Gregorius V. from -1193-1195. Gregorius VI. from 1195-1202. John VII. from 1202-1203. David -III. from 1203-1205, and then again John VII. 1205-1220. Constantine -I. from 1220-1268. There were yet two anti-Catholici, elected by a -dissentient party, who are not mentioned by Vahram. - - -Note (60), page 47. - -The good Vahram seems to have forgotten what he said a short time before. -I do not know by what genealogy Chamchean could be induced to say that -Hethum is an offspring of Haig and the Parthian kings. - - -Note (61), page 48. - -The flattery of Vahram increases as he comes nearer to his own time. I -have sometimes taken the liberty to contract a little these eulogies; the -reader will certainly be thankful for it. - - -Note (62), page 48. - -In the battle against the Mameluks of Egypt in the year 1266. - - -Note (63), page 48. - -The Moguls are a branch, a tribe, or a clan of the Tatars; so say -all well-informed contemporary historians and chroniclers; so say in -particular the Chinese, who are the only sources for the early history -of the Turks, the Moguls, and Tunguses; nations which, in general, from -ignorance or levity, have been called _Tatars_—the Moguls only are -Tatars. The Armenians write the name _Muchal_; in our text of Vahram, -_Muchan_ has been printed by mistake. That this people was called so -from their country is quite new; and if this were the case, it would -be still a question why the territory was called _Mogul_. There are -sometimes such whimsical reasons for the names of places and nations, -as to defy the strictest research and the greatest curiosity. The name -of _Mogul_ seems not to be older than Tshinggis, and Mr. Schmidt in -St Petersburgh, derives the word from a Mongolian word, which means -_keen_, _daring_, _valiant_. The ancient name of the Moguls, as it is -given by the native historian Sätzan, is, I am afraid, only a mistake -of this ignorant chieftain. His whole history of the Moguls is only a -very inaccurate compilation from Chinese authors, and the unlettered -Mogul may have taken the appellative expression pih teih 8539, 10162, or -pih too 10313, 8539, “northern barbarians” or “northern country,” for -the proper name of his forefathers. Long before the Moguls, the Chinese -became acquainted with some barbarous tribes called by different names, -and also _Mo ho_; but the Chinese authors, who are so accurate in giving -the different names of one and the same people, never say that the _Mung -koo_, who are also written with quite different characters, are called -_Mo ho_, or _vice versâ_. These Mo ho are described as quite a distinct -people, with a particular language, divided into different clans or -kingdoms. There is an interesting description of this people under the -name of Wŭh keih 14803, 5918, in the Encyclopædia of Matuanlin, Book -326, p. 146. The same author says, in the sequel of his great work, that -the Kitans have nearly the same customs (sŭh 9545) as the Mo ho, but -he does not say that they are of the same race of people.—Matuanlin, -Book 345, in the beginning. The different names of the Mo ho are also -collected in Kanghi’s Dictionary under hŏ, a character not to be found in -Morrison’s Tonical Dictionary; it is composed out of the rad. 177, and -the sound giving group hŏ, 4019, and there also exists no passage saying -Mo ho and Mung koo are one and the same people. - - -Note (64), page 49. - -Vahram speaks of the four sons of Tshinggis. The army of the Moguls and -of Timur (see his Institutes, p. 229 foll.) was divided into divisions -of 10, 100, 1000, &c. The ten followers were the ten first officers or -“Comites,” as Tacitus calls the compeers of the German princes. Similar -customs are always found in a similar state of society. - - -Note (65), page 49. - -Vahram confounds probably the first election of the Emperor Cublai, with -the election of his follower Mangou, to whose residence at Caracorum -the King of Cilicia, Hethum, went as a petitioner. Vahram knows that -the title of the head of the Mongolian confederacy is Teen tze, 10095, -11233, “the son of Heaven.” The Mongolian emperors have only been called -so, after the conquest of China by Cublai. _Teen tse_ is the common title -of the Emperor of the “Flowery empire.” According to other accounts, -Tshinggis called himself already “Son of Heaven.” - - -Note (66), page 49. - -To Mangou khan; we know this by other contemporary historians. There -exist some Armenian historians in the 13th century, who contain a good -deal of information regarding the Moguls. One is printed in the Mémoires -sur l’Arménie, by Saint-Martin. See Quadro della Storia, &c. p. 112, and -following. - - -Note (67), page 49. - -Is this treaty to be any where found? It would certainly be very -interesting. Vahram has the word _kir_, by which it is certain that -Hethum I. returned with a written treaty, which very probably was written -in the Mogulian language, and with the Mogulian characters. - - -Note (68), page 49. - -Vahram has again the unsettled and vague name of Tadjik. - - -Note (69), page 49. - -Vahram died before the beginning of the glory of Othman, and of the -increasing power of his descendants; he speaks of the fading state of the -Seljuks of Iconium. - - -Note (70), page 50. - -I have taken the liberty to shorten a little the pious meditations of our -author; he would have done better to give us some details regarding the -interesting transactions with the Moguls. - - -Note (71), page 50. - -Sem, the son of Noe,—our author means Palestine and Syria. The Mamalukes -of Egypt remained in possession of Sham, or Syria, till the conquest of -Timur, 1400 of our era. He mentions in his Institutes, p. 148, the Defeat -of the Badishah of Miser and Sham شام. After the retreat of Timur, the -Mamalukes again took possession of the country, and held it till the -conquest of the Othomans. “Egypt was lost,” says Gibbon, “had she been -defended only by her feeble offspring; but the Mamalukes had breathed in -their infancy the keenness of the Scythian air; equal in valour, superior -in discipline, they met the Moguls in many a well-fought field, and drove -back the stream of hostility to the eastward of the Euphrates.”—Gibbon -iv. 270. See also p. 175, 261. It is known that “this government of the -slaves” lasted by treaty under the descendents of Selim, and was only -destroyed in our times by a signal act of treachery of Mehmed, Pasha of -Egypt. - - -Note (72), page 50. - -“Antioch was finally occupied and ruined by Bondocdar, or Bibars, Sultan -of Egypt and Syria.”—Gibbon iv. 175. Antioch never rose again after this -destruction; it is now in a very decayed state, and has only about 10,000 -inhabitants. The Turks pronounce the name _Antakie_. - - -Note (73), page 50. - -Confiding in his Mogulian allies, or masters, Hethum took many places, -which formerly paid tribute to the Mamaluke sovereigns; they asked of -him, therefore, either to restore them their former possessions, or to -pay tribute.—Chamchean, 339. - - -Note (74), page 50. - -This is certainly very remarkable. It had never happened before in the -history of the world, and will perhaps, never happen in future times, -that the kings of Georgia and Armenia, the Sultans of Iconium, the -Emirs of Persia, the ambassadors of France, of Russia, of Thibet, Pegu, -and Tonquin, met together in a place about nine thousand miles to the -north-west of Pekin, and that life and death of the most part of these -nations depended on the frown or smile of a great khan. M. Rémusat has -written a very learned and ingenious dissertation on the situation of -Caracorum.—Abul Fazel (Ayeen Akbery ii. 336, London edition, 1800), lays -down قراقوروم, Caracurem, long. 111. 0. lat. 44. 45. All the residences -of the khan were distinguished by the general name of _Kharibaligh_ (town -or residence of the khan), and this has led astray many historians and -geographers. - - -Note (75), page 52. - -Jacobus I. died 1268, and is considered a very great man by the -Armenians; they call him the _Sage_ and the Doctor. Jacobus has written -some ecclesiastical tracts, and a very fine song on the nativity of the -Virgin Mary, which is printed in the Psalm-book of the Armenian church. - - -Note (76), page 53. - -This seems to be the Greek word μακαρίος, “beatus,” “blessed,” &c. - - -Note (77), page 54. - -Nobody receives the degree of a Vartabed without having previously -undergone a strict examination: it is something like the doctor of -philosophy of the German universities; but a Vartabed, that is to -say _a teacher_, is rather more esteemed in Armenia than a doctor of -philosophy in Germany. The Vartabed receives at his inauguration a staff, -denoting the power to teach, reprove, and exhort in every place with -all authority. (See the Biography of Gregory _Wartabed_, as the word -is spelt there, in the Missionary Herald, vol. xxiv. 140.) It is very -probable that this institution came in the fifth century of our era from -the philosophic schools in Athens to Armenia; nearly all the classical -writers of this age went to Athens for their improvement. - - -Note (78), page 54. - -Leon III. gave orders to make new copies of all the works of the former -classical writers of the nation; in our eyes, his greatest praise. - - -Note (79), page 55. - -The King’s secretary cannot find words enough to praise his master; in -his zeal, he accumulates words upon words which signify the same: I have -passed over some of these repetitions. Vahram, without being aware of -it, describes his master more as a pious monk than as a prudent king. -Why does the Secretary of State not give any reason for the rebellious -designs of the Armenian chieftains? - - -Note (80), page 55. - -From the time of Herodotus and Zoroaster to this day, the Turcomans -carried on their nomadical life, and as it seems, without much change -in their manners and customs. The text of Herodotus and Polybius may -be explained by the embassies of Muravie and Meyendorn to Khiva and -Buchara. Many of these Turcoman shepherds were driven to Asia Minor by -the destruction of the Charizmian empire by the Moguls; the inroads and -devastations of the Charizmian shepherds have been described by many -contemporary authors, and the Crusaders experienced a great defeat from -these savages. - - -Note (81), page 57. - -The Egyptians having retired, Leon went against their allies one by one. - - -Note (82), page 58. - -The successor of Hulagou, khan of Persia. - - -Note (83), page 58. - -Here Vahram calls even the Moguls Tadjiks,—is it because they governed -Persia? - - -Note (84), page 58. - -Vahram calls here the territory of the Seljuks of Iconium _Turkestan_. -As regards the etymology of the word, he is quite in the right; but what -we are accustomed to call _Turkestan_, is a country rather more to the -north-east. - - -Note (85), page 59. - -Here ends the Chronicle; but Vahram adds some reflections which I thought -proper to subjoin, and only to pass over his so often repeated pious -sentiments. - - -Note (86), page 60. - -The monk Vahram is not tired of repeating the same thought in twenty -different ways, but I was tired of translating these repeated variations -of the same theme, and the reader would probably have been tired in -reading them. Why should we waste our time in translating and reading -sermons, from which nothing else could be learned, than that the author -said what had been said long before him, in a better style. Why should -we think it worth our while to study the groundless reasoning of a mind -clouded by superstition? - - - - -APPENDIX. - -_Letters between Pope Innocent III. and Leon the First Armenian King of -Cilicia._ - - -During the middle ages, the clergy governed the world, and the Pope, as -the head of the clergy, was also the head of what then was called the -Christian Republic. All transactions of any note are therefore contained, -or at least spoken of, in the vast collections of letters or Regesta -of the followers of St. Peter. To be united with the Roman Catholic -Church was, in fact, (particularly during the Crusades,) the same as -acknowledging the Pope as the supreme umpire, not only in the spiritual -but also in the civil government of the country; this is clearly to be -seen in the following letters. If the Popes could not speak to every king -as they did to the impotent sovereign of Cilicia, it was certainly not -their fault. The following letters exist only, as far as I know, in the -Latin tongue, and are taken from the _Regesta Innoc. III._, lib. ii., pp. -208, 209, 247, 44. I give the text of these letters according to Galanus, -who accompanied them with a translation into the Armenian language. -(Conciliat. Eccles. Arm. cum Romana. Romæ, 1650; vol. i., p. 357). - - * * * * * - -Leo Armeniæ Rex, Reverendissimo in Christo Patri et Domino, Innocentio, -Dei gratia Summo Pont. et universali Papæ, tanto, ac tali honore -Dignissimo. - -_De suo erga veram Religionem, et Sedem Apostolicam amore; et quod petat -auxilium contra Sarracenos._ - -Leo per eandem, et Romani Imperii gratiam Rex omnium Armeniorum, -cum salutatione seipsum, et quicquid potest. Gloria, laus, et honor -omnipotent Deo, qui Vos tantum, et talem pastorem Ecclesiæ suæ præesse -voluit, vestris bonis meritis exigentibus: et tam fructuosam, et firmam -fabricam super fundamentum Apostolorum componere, et tantum lumen, super -candelabrum positum, toti Orbi terrarum ad salutem totius Christianitatis -effundere dignatus est. In vestri vero luminis gratia, salutaribus -monitis Reverendiss. Patris nostri Archiepiscopi Moguntini,[4] instruct -et informati _omne Regnum nobis à Deo commissum, amplissimum, et -spatiosum, et omnes Armenios, huc illuc in remotis partibus diffusos, ad -unitatem Sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ_, divina inspirante dementia, _revocare -cupimus, et exoptamus_. Ad hæc calamitates, miserias, paupertates, -et imbecillitatem. Regni Syriæ,[5] et nostrum, per ipsum prædictum -Moguntinum (quia difficilior labor erat scripto retexere) Pietati vestræ -patefacimus. Ipse vero per singula rei veritatem vobis explicabit: -in cujus notitiam ista non præteriere. Hanc utique contritionem, et -collisionem in valle destituti lacrymarum jamdiu sustinuimus; quod de -cætero sine spe subsidii, et auxilii vestri sustinere nequimus. Verum -quia zelus domus Dei tepescere non debet in cordibus tam vestro, quam -nostro, non ut personam instruentis geramus, ejusdem domus decorem -diligere, et pro eadem domo murum nos oportet opponere; ut impetus, quem -super eam faciunt inimici Crucis, co-operante Dei gratia, collectis in -unum animi viribus, resistendo excludamus. Hinc est, quod vestram flexis -genibus imploramus pietatem, quatenus lacrymabilibus Domini Moguntini -precibus, et nostris divino intuitu aures misericordiæ porrigatis: -et miseriis Christianitatis compatientes, subsidium Christianissimum -nobis accurrendo mittatis, antequam irremeabile, quod absit, incurramus -diluvium; immo cum Dei, et vestro auxilio, evaginato ense, de Hur -Chaldæorum, et persecutione Pharaonis liberari possimus. Datum Tarsi, -anno ab incarnatione Domini, MCXCIX. mense Majo. die xxiij. - - * * * * * - -_Innocentii III. ad præcedentem Leonis epist. responsio; qua laudat -illius studium erga Sedem Apost. cujus primatum demonstrat; hortatur, ut -in obedientia ejusdem S. Sedis fideliter perseveret; et subsidium contra -Sarracenos cito se missurum pollicetur._ - -Is Ecclesiam suam, congregatam ex gentibus, non habentem maculam, neque -rugam super gentes et Regna constituit; is extendit palmites ejus usque -ad mare, et usque ad terminos terræ ipsius propagines dilatavit; cujus -est terra, et plenitudo ejus, Orbis terrarum, et universi qui habitant in -eo, ipse etiam Romanam Ecclesiam non solum universis fidelibus prætulit, -sed supra cæteras Ecclesias exaltavit: ut cæteræ ab ea non tam vivendi -normam, et morum sumerent disciplinam, sed et fidei etiam catholicæ -documenta reciperent, et ejus servarent humiliter instituta. In Petro -enim Apostolorum Principe, cui excellentius aliis Dominus ligandi et -solvendi contulit potestatem, dicens ad eum: quodcunque ligaveris super -terram, erit ligatum et in cœlis: et quodcunque solveris super terram, -erit solutum et in cœlis: Ecclesia Romana, sedes ejus, et Sessores ipsius -Romani Pontifices, successores Petri, et vicarii Jesu Christi, sibi -invicem per successivas varietates temporum singulariter succedentes, -super Ecclesiis omnibus, et cunctis Ecclesiarum Prelatis, immo etiam -fidelibus universis a Domino primatum et magisterium acceperunt: vocatis -sic cæteris in partem solicitudinis, ut apud eos plenitudo resideat -potestatis. Non enim in Petro, et cum Petro singulare illud privilegium -expiravit, quod successoribus ejus futuris usque in finem Mundi -Dominus in ipso concessit; sed præter vitæ sanctitatem, et miraculorum -virtutes, par est in omnibus jurisdictio successorum; quos etsi diversis -temporibus, eidem tamen Sedi, et eadem auctoritate Dominus voluit -præsidere. Gaudemus autem, quod tu, sicut Princeps catholicus, Apostolicæ -Sedis privilegium recognoscens, venerabilem fratrem nostrum Moguntinum -Archiepiscopum, Episcopum Sabinensem, unum ex septem Episcopis, qui -nobis in Ecclesia Romana collaterales existunt, benigne, ac hilariter -recepisti; et non solum per eum institutis salutaribus es instructus, -quibus juxta continentiam litterarum tuarum totum Regnum tuum licet -amplissimum desideras informari, et universos Armenos ad Ecclesiæ Romanæ -gremium revocare; sed _ad honorem, et gloriam Apostolicæ Sedis, quam -constitutam esse novisti super gentes, et regna, diadema regni recepisti -de manibus ejus_; et eum curasti devote, ac humiliter honorare: et nos -per ipsum, et litteras tuas ad orientalis terræ subsidium invitasti. Ei -ergo, a quo est omne datum optimum, et omne donum, perfectum, qui habet -corda Principum in manu sua, quas possumus, gratias referentes, quod -tibi tantæ humilitatis animum inspiravit; rogamus Serenitatem Regiam, -et exhortamur in Domino, ac _per Apostolica tibi scripta mandamus_, -quatenus in timore Domini, et Apostolicæ Sedis devotione persistens, -ad expugnandam barbariem Paganorum, et vindicandam injuriam Crucifixi, -tanto potentius, et efficacius studeas imminere; quanto fraudes et -versutias hostium vicinius positus melius cognovisti: non in exercitus -multitudine, aut virtute, sed de ipsius potius miseratione confidens, -qui docet manus ad prælium, et digitos movet ad bellum; qu arcus -fortium superat, et robore accingit infirmos. Jam enim per Dei gratiam -ad commonitionem nostram multi Crucis signaculum receperunt, et plures -Domino dante recipient, in defensionem orientalis Provinciæ opportuno -tempore transituri. Jam etiam duo ex fratribus nostris de manibus nostris -vivificæ Crucis assumpsere vexillum, exercitum Domini præcessuri. Confide -igitur, et esto robustus, quia citius forsitan, quam credatur, orientalis -Provincia subsidium sentiet expectatum. Dat. Later. viii. kal. Decembris. - - * * * * * - -_Idem Innocentius Papa ad illustriss. Regem Armeniæ. Quod ipsi -transmittat vexillum beati Petri, quo contra Crucis inimicos utatur._ - -_After some previous passages_:—Et tibi congaudemus, et Nobis, immo etiam -universo Populo Christiano; quod eum tibi Dominus inspiravit affectum, -ut Apostolicæ Sedis instituta devote reciperes, et præcepta fideliter -observares, et contra inimicos Crucis propositum illud assumeres, ut in -eos vindicare cupias injuriam Crucifixi, et hæreditatem ejus de ipsorum -manibus liberare. Nos igitur de tuæ devotionis sinceritate confisi, ad -petitionem dilecti filii Roberti de Margat militis, nuncii tui, in nostræ -dilectionis indicium, vexillum beati Petri tuæ Serenitati dirigimus; quo -in hostes Crucis duntaxat utaris, et eorum studeas contumaciam cum Dei -auxilio, suffragantibus Apostolorum Principis meritis, refrænare. Datum -Later. xvi. kal. Januarii. - - * * * * * - -_Leonis Armeniæ Regis ad Innocentium III. epistola; qua ad præcedentem -respondet, et privilegium ab eo petit._ - -_After some other passages_:—Paternitatis vestræ litteras, quas per -dilectum fidelem Nuncium nostrum nobis direxistis, ea qua decuit -reverentia, et devotione suscepimus; et per earum significata pleno -collegimus intellectu, Vos charitatis visceribus Regiam Majestatem -nostram amplexari. Continebant etiam quod in devotione, et amore -Apostolicæ Sedis persisteremus; et in hoc semper perseverare cupimus; -et optamus, et testis est rerum effectus, dum _de omnibus negotiis -nostris ad Sedem Apostolicum appellamus_. Misistis autem nobis per eundem -Nuncium vexillum sancti Petri in memoriale dilectionis Sedis Apostolicæ, -quod semper ante nos portari contra inimicos Crucis ad honorem Sanctæ -Romanæ Ecclesiæ faciemus ... Præterea nos obedientiæ vinculis de -cætero Apostolicæ Sedi esse alligatos, non dubitetis; ea propter, si -placet Sanctitati vestræ, cuilibet alteri Ecclesiæ Latinæ nec volumus, -nec debemus alligari. Hinc est, quod Sanctitatem vestram humiliter -flagitamus, quatenus nobis litteras apertas mittere dignemini, ut non -teneamur videlicet cum Latinis de terra nostra de qualibet conditione, -excepta sancta Romana Ecclesia, cuilibet Ecclesiæ Latinæ: et quod non -habeat potestatem, nos, seu Latinos de terra nostra excommunicandi, vel -sententiam in Regno nostro proferendi super Latinos quælibet Ecclesia, -excepta, ut dictum est, Sede Apostolica.[6] Præsentium quoque latorem, -dilectum, et fidelem nostrum militem, nomine Garnere Teuto ad pedes -Sanctitatis vestræ dirigimus; cui super his, quæ ex parte nostra vobis -indixerit, tanquam Nobis ipsis credere, ne dubitetis, &c. - - * * * * * - -_Ex indulto Regis Armeniæ, a Domino Papa Innocentio III. sibi facto._ - -Volentes igitur, quantum cum Deo possumus, tuæ Serenitati deferre, -et _cum honestate nostra petitineso Regias exaudire_; tuis precibus -inclinati, auctoritate præsentium inhibemus, ne quis in te, vel Regnum -tuum, aut homines Regni tui, cujuscunque conditionis existant qui -mediantibus tamen ejusdem Regni Prælatis, Sedi Apostolicæ sunt subjecti, -præter Romanum Pontificem, et ejus Legarum, vel de ipsius speciali -mandato, districtionem Ecclesiasticam audeat exercere,[7] &c. - - - - -CHRONOLOGY OF THE ARMENIAN BARONS AND KINGS OF CILICIA - -(ACCORDING TO CHAMCHEAN.) - - - Rouben I. 1080 - - Constantine I. 1095 - - Thoros I. 1100 - - Leon I. 1123 - - _Interregnum_ 1138 - - Thoros II. 1144 - - Thomas Bail, regent 1168 - - Meleh 1169 - - Rouben II. 1174 - - Leon II.[8] 1185 - - Sabel or Isabella, queen 1219 - - Philippus 1220 - - _Interregnum_ 1222 - - Hethum or Haithon I. 1224 - - Leon III. 1269 - - Hethum II., also called Johannes 1289 - - Thoros III. 1293 - - Hethum II. (second time) 1295 - - Sembad 1296 - - Constantine II. 1298 - - Hethum III. 1300 - - Leon IV. 1305 - - Odshin 1308 - - Leon V. 1320 - - Constantine III. 1342 - - Guido 1343 - - Constantine IV. 1345 - - _Interregnum_ 1363 - - Leon VI. 1368 - - End of the Armenian kingdom in Cilicia 1375 - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] Nicetas II. p. 148. I wonder that Montesquieu, in making use of this -passage of Nicetas (Grandeur et Decadence des Romains, ch. xxii.), has -not been struck with its incorrectness; it did not escape the critical -discernment of Gibbon: the Decline and Fall, etc. ch. 49. n. 17. - -[2] Bruce’s Annals of the East-India Company, iii. 88. The mercantile -companies trading to different parts of Asia found every where the -Armenians in their way; the Armenians became jealous on the new intruders -of their commerce, and tried to remove them by intrigues. See Hanway, i. -303. - -[3] Pompey the Great had vanquished the Albanians, who brought into -the field twelve thousand horse and sixty thousand foot. Plutarch in -Pompeio., t. ii. p. 1165. Gibbon, chap. xlvi. n. 6. - -[4] See the Notes 53 and 54 to the text of Vahram’s Chronicle. - -[5] This part of Palestine and Syria, which belonged to the Latins. - -[6] Leon was on bad terms with the clergy of Antioch, and the latin -princes were eager to unite Cilicia with their dominions. - -[7] There are some other matters, regarding the history of the Armenian -kingdom in Cilicia, spoken of in the _Regesta Innocentii III._; but it -is not our object to write the history of that kingdom. We only collect -materials for a future historian, who might certainly draw some other -valuable accounts from _Belouacensis Spec. Hist._, from _Sanutus_ and -from _Hayto_ or _Hethum’s Hist. Orient_. We may here observe, that -Vahram, who is eager to tell all that is to the honour and glory of the -Church, says nothing about the baptism of the great Chan of the Moguls. - -[8] Leon was the first king, the former princes are only called barons of -Cilicia. - - - - -The Translator finds it necessary to remark for the information of the -reader of “_The History of Vartan_,” that, not being in this country when -the work went to press, there occurred some slight errors, particularly -in the orthography of proper names. We shall at present only notice the -following:— - - Preface, p. vii, line 6, for _Esrick_ read _Esnik_. - p. xxii, line 13, for _of_ Moh. read _before_ Moh. - p. 5, line 21, for _Dadjgabdan_ read _Dadjgasdan_. - p. 75, line 21, for _Bardesares_ read _Bardesanes_. - - -Transcriber’s Note - -The errors above refer to a different book. The following probable -mistakes in _this_ one were noticed and changed. - - Page 69, “geoprapher” changed to “geographer” (the geographer - alluded to) - - Page 73, “Amenian” changed to “Armenian” (printed in Armenian, - at Venice) - - Page 73, “seasame” changed to “sesame” (abounding in sesame, - panic, millet, wheat and barley) - - Page 76, “certrin” changed to “certain” (it is likewise certain - that the language) - - Page 90, “Mogolian” changed to “Mongolian” (the head of the - Mongolian confederacy) - - Page 91, “Quardo” changed to “Quadro” (Quadro della Storia) - - Page 92, “Palastine” changed to “Palestine” (our author means - Palestine and Syria) - - Page 101, “calamitatess” changed to “calamitates” (Ad hæc - calamitates, miserias, paupertates) - - Page 101, “omus” changed to “domus” (ejusdem domus decorem - diligere) - - Page 101, “not ... faciuns” changed to “nos ... faciunt” (nos - oportet opponere; ut impetus, quem super eam faciunt) - - LONDON: - Printed by J. L. Cox, Great Queen Street, - Lincoln’s-Inn Fields. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Vahram's chronicle of the Armenian -kingdom in Cilicia, during the tim, by Vahram and Charles Fried. 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