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+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #60171 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/60171)
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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of Vahram's chronicle of the Armenian kingdom
-in Cilicia, during the time of the Crusade, by Vahram and Charles Fried. Neuman
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: Vahram's chronicle of the Armenian kingdom in Cilicia, during the time of the Crusades.
-
-Author: Vahram
- Charles Fried. Neuman
-
-Release Date: August 25, 2019 [EBook #60171]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK VAHRAM'S CHRONICLE--ARMENIAN KINGDOM ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This book was
-produced from images made available by the HathiTrust
-Digital Library.)
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-VAHRAM’S CHRONICLE OF THE ARMENIAN KINGDOM IN CILICIA.
-
-
-
-
- VAHRAM’S
- CHRONICLE
- OF
- THE ARMENIAN KINGDOM IN CILICIA,
- DURING THE
- TIME OF THE CRUSADES.
-
- TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL ARMENIAN,
- WITH
- NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS,
-
- BY
- CHARLES FRIED. NEUMANN.
-
- LONDON:
- PRINTED FOR THE ORIENTAL TRANSLATION FUND,
- And Sold by
- J. MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET;
- PARBURY, ALLEN, & CO., LEADENHALL STREET;
- THACKER & CO., CALCUTTA; TREUTTEL & WÜRTZ, PARIS;
- AND E. FLEISCHER, LEIPSIG.
- 1831.
-
- LONDON:
- Printed by J. L. Cox, Great Queen Street
- Lincoln’s-Inn Fields.
-
-
-
-
- TO
-
- PROFESSOR WILKEN,
-
- AUTHOR OF
-
- “THE HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES,”
-
- AND
-
- LIBRARIAN TO HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF PRUSSIA,
-
- THIS VOLUME
-
- IS DEDICATED,
-
- WITH PROFOUND RESPECT AND ESTEEM,
-
- BY
-
- THE TRANSLATOR.
-
-
-
-
-PREFACE.
-
-
-The greatest defect of the following Chronicle is its brevity. VAHRAM,
-of whose life little more is known than that he was a native of Edessa,
-a priest, and the secretary of king Leon III., exhibits almost all the
-faults of the common Chroniclers of the Middle Ages. He relates many
-barren facts, without stating the circumstances with which they were
-connected, and he mistakes every where the passions of men for the finger
-of God. The compilers of chronicles were in those ages ignorant of the
-true end, and unacquainted with the proper objects of history. But
-with all its defects, the chronicle of the Armenian kings of Cilicia,
-written by a contemporary writer, is valuable. The friend of history may
-now be enabled to form an estimate of the origin and the increase of
-an empire, which for want of materials has been overlooked by the most
-learned and acute historians. Gibbon, of whom it is doubtful whether
-we should most admire his genius or his erudition, in his celebrated
-work simply mentions the _name_ of Cilicia, a kingdom, which carried on
-successful wars against the emperors of Constantinople; and which, from
-the beginning of the Crusades remained the friend and ally of the Franks,
-and to whom belonged a part of the sea-coast, that continued from the
-time of Ezekiel the theatre of the commerce of the world. The Venetians
-and Genoese were so impressed with the importance of Cilicia, that they
-made several commercial treaties with the Armenian kings; the Armenian
-original of one of these agreements, together with a translation and
-notes, has been printed by the learned orientalist, Saint-Martin.
-
-The Crusaders were astonished to find within the frontiers of the
-Byzantine empire a powerful prince and ally of whom they had never
-before heard mention. Nicetas betrays a want of historical knowledge and
-research, in saying that the Armenians and Germans were united together,
-because they both disliked holy images.[1] The Germans and a great part
-of the Armenians, on the contrary, felt no aversion to the worship of
-images, but the latter, ever since the first division of the Arsacidian
-kingdom of Armenia between the Sassanides and the Greeks, in the year
-three hundred and eighty-seven, had been in perpetual warfare with the
-Byzantine empire; and this warfare caused a degree of animosity between
-the two people (Greeks and Armenians), of which traces may be seen even
-at the present time.
-
-By the unjust and cruel division of the kingdom of Armenia, the largest
-and most fertile part of the country fell (as the contemporary historian
-Lazar of Barb observes) to the empire of Persia. The Byzantine emperors
-and the Sassanian princes for a while permitted native kings to hold a
-precarious sceptre; but they were speedily dismissed; and the Byzantine
-part of Armenia was governed by a Greek magistrate, and the Persian by a
-Marsban or Margrave. This state of the country, somewhat similar to that
-of the Maronites in our times, was on a sudden changed by the conquests
-of the Arabs; but the Armenians would not accept the Koran, and their
-condition became worse under the zealous and fanatical followers of the
-prophet of Mecca than under the descendants of Sapor the Great, while
-weak and dismayed by civil wars.
-
-Ashod the Bagratide, an Armenian nobleman of a Jewish family, who had
-fled to Armenia after the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadanozor, at
-last gained the confidence of his Arabian masters; and in the year eight
-hundred and fifty-nine was appointed Emir al Omra, Ishkhan Ishkhanaz
-(prince of princes),—as the native historians translate the Arabian
-title—over all Armenia: and was soon after it (888) favoured with a
-tributary crown. The Bagratides and the rival kings of the family of the
-Arzerounians, were the faithful friends (or slaves) of the Arabs, and
-often suffered from the inroads and devastations of the Greeks. We learn
-from Vahram the means through which the Bagratian kingdom in Armenia
-Proper was extinguished; and that a new Armenian kingdom arose on the
-craggy rocks of Mount Taurus, and which gradually extended its boundaries
-to the sea-coast, including the whole province of Cilicia. Vahram carries
-his monotonous historical rhymes no farther down than the time of the
-death of his sovereign, Leon III. (1289); but the Cilicio-Armenian
-kingdom, which during the whole time of its existence perhaps never was
-entirely independent, lasted nearly a hundred years longer. Leon, the
-sixth of that name and the last Armenian king of Cilicia, was in 1375
-taken a prisoner by the Mamalukes of Egypt, and after a long captivity
-(1382) released by the generous interference of King John I. of Castille.
-He was not however permitted to return to his own country; but wandered
-through Europe from one country to another till his death, which happened
-at Paris, the 19th of November 1393. He was buried in the monastery of
-the Celestines.
-
-The Mamalukes did not long remain masters both of Cilicia and of a part
-of Armenia Proper; but yielded to the fortune and the strength of the
-descendants of Osman or Othman: when the Armenians again felt, as in
-former times, all the disasters to which the frontier provinces between
-two rival empires are usually exposed. The cruel policy of the Sophies
-transplanted thousands of Christian families to the distant provinces of
-Persia, and transformed fertile provinces into artificial deserts. The
-Armenians therefore, like the Jews, were obliged to disperse themselves
-over the world, and resort to commerce for the necessaries of life.
-Armenian merchants are now to be found in India, on the islands of the
-Eastern Archipelago, in Singapore, in Afghanistan, Persia, Egypt, in
-every part of Asia Minor and Syria, Russia, Poland, Austria, Italy; and
-even the present patriarch of Abyssinia is an Armenian. The valiant
-descendants of Haig are now, like the offspring of Abraham, considered
-every where clever and shrewd merchants: they were of great service
-to the East-India Company in carrying on their trade with the inland
-provinces of Hindostan; and it was once thought that they were fitter
-for this part of the mercantile business, than any agents of the Company
-itself.[2]
-
-It is not more than half a century since the modern Armenian provinces
-began to look on Russia for succour and relief, when the Empress
-Catherine behaved in many instances most generously to the ruined house
-of Thorgoma. The fortunate wars of Russia against the Shah and the Sultan
-have within the last ten years brought the greater part of the old
-Parthian kingdom of Armenia under the sway of the mighty Czars. It seems
-probable, that we may see yet in our times a new kingdom of Armenia,
-created out of barbarian elements by the generosity and magnanimity of
-the Emperor Nicholas.
-
-The following Chronicle is translated from an edition printed at Madras
-in the year 1259 of the Armenian era, that is the year 1810 _Anno
-Domini_. The volume is printed by the command of that great promoter of
-literature, Ephrem, archbishop and primate of the Armenians in Russia,
-and contains, besides the chronicle of Vahram, the Elegy of Edessa
-by Nerses Shnorhaly; and the elegy on his death, written by the most
-eminent of his disciples, Nerses of Lampron. It is said in the preface
-of the before-mentioned volume, that the work of Vahram, the secretary
-of Leon III., had been previously printed, though in a very negligent
-and careless manner. I have never however seen any other than the Madras
-edition, where the proper names of places and foreign nations are
-often incorrectly spelt. I am sorry to add, that I made the following
-translation in a place where it was impossible for me to refer to the
-well known works on the geography of Armenia, of Cilicia, and of Asia
-Minor generally; neither could I compare the narrative of Vahram with the
-statements of the contemporary Byzantine and Latin writers: but I trust
-the learned reader will easily supply these defects.
-
-Vahram is nearly the latest author who is considered by the Armenian
-literati to write classically. The classical Armenian language had been
-preserved from the beginning of Armenian literature in the fifth century,
-amidst various political and religious disturbances, for a period of
-eight hundred years. During the course of the thirteenth century the
-language became corrupted; and in the fourteenth authors began to use in
-their writings the corrupted vernacular idiom. The ancient native writers
-were neglected, their classical translations and imitations of the
-celebrated Greek patterns became superseded by the barbarous literature
-of the Latins, and John of Erzinga, otherwise Bluz (1326), the last
-who wrote the language of Moses and Elisæus, translated a work on the
-sacraments by St. Thomas Aquinas.
-
-We thus find some orders of monks in Armenia, educated in the Latin
-schools and in latin manners, who corrupted the native Haican language
-by the introduction of many foreign scholastic expressions; and a new
-race of sanguinary barbarians, the Dominicans, became the authors of
-works worthy of their titulary saint. The Armenian literature remained
-in this abject condition, to which these holy fathers had reduced it,
-for nearly four hundred years; but about the middle of the eighteenth
-century the nation roused itself from this lethargy, and Madras,
-Calcutta, Djulfa, New Nakshivan, Etshmiadsin, Tabris, St. Petersburg,
-Moscow, Amsterdam, Smyrna, and principally Venice, bear witness to the
-literary energy of the far dispersed descendants of Haig. With the dawn
-of Armenian literature, history has been enriched by the Chronicle of
-Eusebius; yet more and weightier literary treasures may be expected from
-its meridian splendour. There are hints in the writers of the fifth
-century, of translations of Polybius, Diodorus Siculus, and the Chronicle
-of Julius Africanus. Besides these versions of the classical writers of
-Greece, there exist very valuable original histories, which have never
-been printed or translated, and many a chasm might be filled up in the
-history of the middle ages by these authors. We should, perhaps, be
-introduced to nations now totally lost, or so mingled with others, that
-it is impossible to distinguish them. There is a rumour of a manuscript
-history of the Albanians,—a nation well known to Strabo and to Moses
-of Chorene,[3] said to exist at a monastery in Armenia Proper,—of those
-Albanians, who lived between Iberia or Georgia and the confines of the
-Caspian Sea; but of which people no traces are to be found in our times.
-
-A literary journey to Armenia, undertaken by an active laborious scholar,
-who unites the knowledge of the Armenian language with classical studies,
-would prove of the greatest importance to the knowledge of ancient
-history and to the advancement of general literature.
-
-
-
-
-THE CHRONICLE OF VAHRAM.
-
-
-
-
-THE CHRONICLE.
-
-
-The Patriarch Nerses, called the Gracious,(1) has written a history
-of Armenia in verse, informing us of the manners and customs of our
-forefathers, from the highest antiquity down to his own time; and by so
-doing he admonished the people to walk in the path of righteousness.
-Seeing and reading this history, Leon, the anointed king of Armenia,(2)
-has been pleased to command me, the poor in spirit, to subjoin to
-the work of our holy father both what has been reported by faithful
-witnesses, and what we have seen with our own eyes. And he commanded me
-to write this supplement (also in verse), that it may be read with more
-pleasure.(3)
-
-Now I, Raboun Vahram, am convinced of my want of talents, but am well
-versed in the law of God, and have never deviated from the path of
-righteousness. Receiving the commands of the king, I have been ever since
-uneasy in my mind, out of fear that in not obeying, I may bring on me the
-two-fold punishment spoken of by St. Paul.(4) For, if to subjoin my mean
-composition to those of the ancients be audacious, to think that it could
-be compared with their finished productions, would be folly. This alarmed
-me, and I abstained from writing. Considering this very seriously, I
-thought at last that my humble and mean writing would increase the beauty
-of others, to which it was subjoined: the same as painters intentionally
-surround a gold ground by a black colour, not to adorn this black border,
-but to raise the beauty of the gold.(5) These considerations made me
-regain confidence, and I felt resolution enough to undertake this work. I
-confide in Him, whose grace is unbounded, who knows what nobody has seen,
-who under three appearances is only of one nature, _Father_, _Son_, and
-_Holy Ghost_; whose reign is for ever, who alone should be worshipped,
-and who alone creates and preserves all beings. With his name I begin,
-and with his name I will finish. Both the Son and the Holy Ghost
-proceeded from the Father.(6) Going back a little to former times, I will
-give (till I come to our age), in a cursory manner, what has been written
-down by our forefathers.
-
-The Christian nations have been favoured with the inheritance of God;
-they have been enlightened by the faith, and had excellent laws; but
-they strayed from those laws, and were polluted by their bad works. The
-measure of their sins being filled, it excited the wrath of the Lord,
-and a burning fire arose in the desert of Arabia called Mahomed, the son
-of darkness.(7) This Father of heresy drew many after him; he arose and
-preached by the sabre and the sword, and subdued many countries. The
-wickedness remained after the death of the wicked, the son followed the
-father, and the usurpation was confirmed.
-
-[Sidenote: Togrul Beg. 1037]
-
-In the course of the following centuries, the nations, whom we call
-Turks, came (divided into twenty-four tribes)(8) from the north,
-conquered the realm of Persia and adhered to the heresy of Mohamed; they
-humbled the kings and vanquished the emperor;(9) they filled the world
-with their victories and destroyed its inhabitants, endangering both body
-and soul of their captives.(10) They came at last to Babylon,(11) and
-there erecting the seat of their empire, they marched to the westward,
-[Sidenote: 1042] came to Armenia, dealt hardly with its inhabitants, and
-laid a heavy yoke on them.(12)
-
-Tired of this oppression, and unable to sustain all the hardships which
-the barbarians laid on them, the inhabitants preferred being strangers
-in foreign countries to remaining slaves in their own home; they left
-the land of their forefathers, and fled to the western and northern
-regions. Cakig II, the anointed king of Armenia, considering these
-disastrous circumstances, and the dire necessity of the case, [Sidenote:
-1045] gave up his country to the Roman Emperor, in exchange for the
-great and celebrated town of Cæsarea, and other places in Cappadocia;
-and in consequence of this, the Armenians lived as emigrants under the
-Greeks.(13)
-
-But the jealousy which had existed for so many centuries between the
-two nations, was rooted too deep in the heart of every individual, and
-caused many disorders. The metropolitan of Cæsarea, named Marcus, had a
-dog, whom he called Armen.(14) Cakig hearing of this, [Sidenote: 1079]
-invited Marcus to dinner, and asked of him the name of the dog: the
-frightened metropolitan called the dog by another name, the animal did
-not hear; but as soon as he called him by the proper name, _Armen_, the
-dog ran to him. The king then gave orders that both the metropolitan
-and his dog should be put into one sack together, and tortured until
-they could bear it no longer. As soon as the Greeks heard this news,
-they rose against the Armenians; and the sons of one Mandal killed the
-King Cakig.(15) This discouraged the chieftains and the leaders of the
-army, they ran away and were scattered over various parts of the world.
-A famous chief of the blood royal, _Rouben_ by name, baron of the fort
-Kosidar,(16) hearing the news of the king’s death, fled with his whole
-family to Mount Taurus,(17a) descended then the mountains on the other
-side of Phrygia, and [Sidenote: 1080] took possession of a place called
-_Korhmoloss_, and remained there. Many other Armenians also took refuge
-in these mountains; the great Rouben united them together, and so
-increased his strength, that he could [Sidenote: 1095] take possession of
-the whole mountain district, expel the Greeks, and secure the country for
-himself. He lived a holy life, and was at last raised to Christ.
-
-_Constantine_ (or Costantin, as the Armenians write the name), the son
-of Rouben, succeeded him in the principality,(17b) and was a valiant
-and magnanimous prince; his principal place was Vahga, where he had his
-residence, and from whence he governed his dominions. He fought many
-battles, and conquered many forts; he destroyed the armies of the Greeks,
-and took many captives. The dominions of Constantine extended to the
-sea;(18) he was highly honoured by the Franks, and was their ally against
-the Turks; they raised his possessions to the dignity of a comitatus, or
-county, and appointed him the Count and Margrave.(19) Valiant, kind and
-benevolent, and a true believer, his fame reached to the other side of
-the sea; he cultivated the country and rebuilt the towns, and all was
-blooming and cheerful during his lifetime. There occurred a sign from
-heaven, announcing the death of this extraordinary man; the meat brought
-to him on a silver plate started suddenly away, and fled to the corner of
-the house and hid itself among the poultry. Wise men looked on this as a
-sign that the king would soon be gathered to his forefathers, and so it
-happened. He reposeth in Christ with his father Rouben, and was buried in
-the church called Castalon.(20)
-
-Constantine had two sons, the elder, who [Sidenote: 1100] succeeded his
-father, was called Thoros, and the younger Leon. Thoros superabounded
-in wisdom, and his military valour is highly spoken of. He sought to
-revenge the blood of Cakig the Great, and made war against the sons of
-Mandal; he reduced their fort Centerhasg,(21) killed the inhabitants, and
-carried away great booty. He found in this place a likeness of the Holy
-Virgin, and treated it with great esteem: by this he became more and more
-powerful, and vanquished the Greeks many times. He took Anazarbus, built
-therein a large church, and adorned it with the names of his generals and
-with the likeness of the Holy Virgin. He governed valiantly, and so much
-was he esteemed that Cilicia lost its proper name, and has been called
-_The Country of Thoros_. Thoros loved God with all his heart, favoured
-his servants, built churches, and held the convents in high esteem, in
-particular those which are called _Trassarg_ and _Mashgevar_; he bestowed
-on these and on others many gifts. Living such a holy life, he went at
-last in to the Lord, [Sidenote: 1123] and was buried in the holy church
-called Trassarg.(22)
-
-After the death of Thoros, his only son and heir was cast into prison by
-some wicked people, who administered to him a poisonous drug,(23) thus
-the principality came to Leon, the brother of Thoros, and his equal in
-reputation. _Leon_ conquered Mamestia and Tarsus;(24) he invited many
-famous warriors to join him, and allured them by great rewards. Forward
-in battle, he prepared himself, and often fought against the foreigners
-or infidels,(25) took their forts and put all the inhabitants to the
-sword. He was the admiration of warriors, and the fear of foreigners
-or infidels, so that they called him the new _Ashtahag_.(26) After his
-return with honours and fame to his own country, four sons were born to
-him, so incomparable among men; the first was called _Thoros_ the Great,
-who was adorned by Stephanus (or the crown). Next to Stephanus came
-_Meleh_, and then _Rouben_.
-
-The Roman Emperor (Calo-Johanes), who had the surname of
-Porphyrogenitus,(27) hearing all that Leon had done, became very angry.
-He assembled a great army and brought them down into Cilicia. Leon,
-finding that he was surrounded by a large army, lost all confidence
-in his forts and fled to the mountains; but he was speedily taken and
-brought in fetters before the emperor. There are some who even affirm
-that the emperor broke his oath, and took Leon by fraud. His two sons
-were also arrested, and with their father carried into captivity;
-[Sidenote: 1137] they were detained together in prison in Constantinople.
-Meleh and Stephanus were fortunately not in Cilicia at the time their
-father was taken prisoner; they were on a visit in Urha or Edessa, with
-their uncle, the count of that place.(28)
-
-The Armenian army was destroyed, and the emperor took possession of
-Cilicia; he left a part of his soldiers in that country and then returned
-to Constantinople. The eye which looks down from heaven on the earth
-below had pity upon Leon and his two unfortunate sons, and the emperor’s
-heart turned to clemency. He honoured Leon exceedingly, and gave
-permission to his children to stay with their father; he invited him to
-dinner, and permitted him the recreation of hunting; he gave him handsome
-clothes and many other fineries.(29) On one occasion the emperor, being
-in his bathing-room, called Leon and his sons before him, treated them
-most kindly, and was so pleased with the prowess of Rouben, that he made
-him one of his household, and promised to raise him yet higher.
-
-Rouben once took the bathing tub of the emperor, which was full of water,
-and swung it quickly round, which excited much surprise. The news reached
-the emperor, and all who saw the act called him a new Sampson; but this
-excited envy in the soldiers and filled them with hatred. They gained the
-ear of the emperor, accused Rouben, and ultimately killed him by their
-wicked devices.(30)
-
-Thoros was now left alone with his father in prison, where he had a
-dream, which he instantly imparted to his father. “I saw in a dream,”
-said he, “a man of very superior appearance offering me a loaf of bread,
-on which was a fish; I being very astonished, took from the man what he
-offered to me; when thou, Oh father! earnest, and I enquired the meaning
-of that; but what further happened I know not.” Leon, hearing these words
-from his son, was enlightened by heaven, and turning to him joyfully,
-embraced him ardently and said: “Be joyful, O my honourable son! for thou
-wilt be honoured as thy forefathers. After evil cometh a twofold good
-fortune,—our country, which was taken from us on account of our sins, and
-other lands, will again be governed by thee. The fish which thou hast
-seen, means,—that thou wilt be master of the sea, but I shall not enjoy
-these good tidings.”
-
-Leon died and was elevated to Christ; the emperor then felt compassion
-for Thoros, [Sidenote: 1141] took him out of prison, and received him
-into the imperial guards. Being now in the imperial palace, and a soldier
-among the soldiers, he very soon distinguished himself, and even the
-emperor looked upon him with benevolence. Before the end of the year
-(1141) the emperor left Constantinople with a large army, and went to
-assist the Prince of Antioch, who was hard pressed by the Turks.(31)
-Being on a hunting party in the valley of Anazarbus, one of his own
-poisoned arrows wounded him, and he fell dead on the spot; he thus met
-with his deserved fate.(32) The army buried him on the place where he
-lost his life, and erected a monument which is even now to be seen,
-called _Kachzertik_, that is, _The corpse of the Calos, or Beautiful_.(33)
-
-The Greek army returned, but Thoros remained in the country; though the
-traditions concerning this fact are different. Some say, Thoros withdrew
-himself quite alone, went by sea from Antioch to Cilicia, and took
-possession of his dominions, finding means to gain at first the town of
-Amouda, and afterwards all the other places. But the emperor’s party say
-that Thoros, during the time the Greeks stayed in the country, lived with
-a lady who gave him a great sum of money; with these treasures he fled
-to the mountains, and discovered himself to a priest as the Son of Leon,
-the true king of the country. The priest was exceedingly happy at these
-tidings, and Thoros hid himself under a shepherd’s disguise. [Sidenote:
-1143] There were many Armenians in this part of the country who, being
-barbarously treated by the Greeks, sighed for their former masters; to
-these men, as it is said, the priest imparted the joyful tidings; they
-instantly assembled and appointed _Thoros_ their _Baron_;(34) he gained
-possession of Vahga, and afterwards of many other places. Let this be
-as it may, it was certainly ordained by God that this man, who was
-carried away as a prisoner, should become the chief of the country of his
-forefathers, that he should take the government out of the hands of the
-Greeks, and destroy their armies.
-
-After the death of the Porphyrogenitus, his _son_ Manuel succeeded him,
-who is commonly called _Pareser, the Virtuous_.(35) Immediately after he
-had taken possession of the empire, Manuel assembled an army to assist
-the Franks, who came by sea to these countries, and were hardly pressed
-by the Turks. Coming to Cilicia, and hearing what Thoros had done; how he
-wronged the Greeks, and behaved himself as the master of the country, the
-emperor became very angry, and ordered that Thoros should be brought to
-him a prisoner, which he thought an easy matter. But Thoros shut himself
-up in a steep and high fort, occupied all the narrow passes by his
-soldiers, and easily repulsed from thence the Greeks, many of whom were
-taken and brought in fetters before the victor. [Sidenote: 1146] Manuel
-being informed of what had happened, became still more enraged.(36)
-
-It happened that the emperor sent at that time, under the guard of many
-great men, a large sum of money, and that Thoros took the guard and the
-treasure, and divided the latter among his soldiers. These Greek nobles
-seeing this, said to Thoros: “Having taken such great riches, why dost
-thou squander them away to the common people?” Thoros answered nothing
-to this question, and only remarked: “These same men will bring you back
-to fetters, although you are now allowed to return to your friends.”(37)
-The emperor heard with astonishment what these men, on their return,
-reported to him, and wished to keep on good terms with Thoros. The Prince
-of Antioch became the umpire between them. The emperor came to Antioch,
-where also Thoros was invited, and gained the admiration of every body
-by his prowess and valour. The emperor wanted Anazarbus and many other
-places, which were in the possession of Thoros; he accordingly delivered
-them up for a large sum of money.
-
-Thoros returned to Cilicia, and the emperor put a stop to the campaign
-in order to return to his own country. As soon as the imperial army
-started from Anazarbus, Thoros proceeded suddenly in the night time to
-Vahga. Now, whether the king presumed upon(38) any thing, or whether
-some communication had been made to him, he did not wish to hold to the
-treaty. Thoros, as soon as the Emperor Manuel went back, again began
-his inroads. He again took Anazarbus and conquered Mamestia and the
-surrounding towns. The Duke of Tarsus, who was appointed governor of
-the country by the emperor, hearing of these proceedings of Thoros,
-assembled the great Greek army left him by the emperor, and those
-Armenian barons who belonged to the emperor’s party, and enjoyed many
-honours by his kindness, such as Oscin the baron of Lampron, and the
-family of Nathaniel, who were the chiefs of Asgourhas.(39) They now
-united together to besiege Mamestia; when Thoros behaved himself very
-valiantly. With only a few men he made a sally out of the town, gained a
-complete victory over a large army, and took many prisoners; some of the
-Greeks he put to death, while others gained their liberty for a ransom.
-His Armenian captives he set instantly at liberty, and contrived to gain
-their friendship. Oscin having been won by a large sum of money, gave up
-his connexion with the emperor, and made a treaty with Thoros; and Thoros
-gave his daughter in marriage to the son of Oscin.(40) The Baron having
-thus settled his affairs collected a fresh army, took the famous Tarsus,
-and all the country from the precipices of Isauria(41) to the sea; he
-conquered Cilicia, beginning from Isauria, from one end to the other.
-The Emperor Manuel hearing these occurrences grew enraged on feeling
-himself unable to chastise Thoros. He sent a message to the Sultan of
-Iconium,(42) Chlish-Aslan, and promised him a great sum of money if he
-would make war against Thoros. The first time, the sultan objected to
-the treaty which existed between him and Baron Thoros, and so withstood
-the temptation; but his reluctance was overcome by a second message.
-[Sidenote: 1154] He collected a large army, carried them into Cilicia,
-descended into the plain, and besieged Anazarbus. But God was against
-them and punished them with plagues, like those of the Egyptians; he sent
-flies and wasps against the infidels, and harassed them with many other
-heavy calamities. Thoros made inroads into the Sultan’s own country, won
-Iconium itself, returned with a large booty, and sent Chlish-Aslan a
-present out of the booty. By this, and by the hardships they suffered,
-the Sultan and his followers were disgusted, and returned to their own
-country. [Sidenote: 1156] They came back a second time, and returned
-again in confusion. The Sultan then kept his oath, and remained the
-friend of our hero.
-
-Thoros was of a tall figure and of a strong mind: his compassion was
-universal; like the light of the sun he shone by his good works, and
-flourished by his faith; he was the shield of truth and the crown of
-righteousness; he was well versed in the Holy Scriptures and in the
-profane sciences. It is said that he was of such profound understanding,
-as to be able to explain the difficult expressions of the prophets—his
-explanations even still exist.(43) In a word, he was so accomplished in
-every thing, that God was pleased to call him to heaven. [Sidenote: 1167]
-He was buried in Trassarg.
-
-His brother Stephanus, of whom we have spoken before, remained near the
-_Black Mountain_, making himself illustrious by his prowess, and gaining
-Carmania and the surrounding places;(44) but the Greeks came again
-against him, and he was consumed by the “seething pot.”(45) He died in
-the field and was buried in the church of Arkagal (or the Archangel). He
-left two sons, Rouben and Leon, who became afterwards king of Cilicia.
-
-Thoros left a child under age, whom he committed, together with the
-country, to the care of a certain Baron and Baillie Thomas, his
-father-in-law, with an injunction to deliver to him the country as soon
-as the child should have attained his majority.(46) [Sidenote: 1168]
-_Meleh_, of whom we have spoken above, was with the Sultan of Aleppo,
-and hearing of the death of his brother, he came with an army into the
-country, and dealt very cruelly with its inhabitants. Not being able to
-conquer the possessions of his brother he returned to Aleppo, and came
-back with still greater forces. Receiving a message from the Armenian
-Barons that they would freely acknowledge him as their sovereign, he
-sent back the Turks, and governed in peace for some time. But he soon
-drove into exile the Baillie Thomas, who went afterwards to Antioch. The
-child of Thoros was killed by the command of Meleh by some wicked people.
-[Sidenote: 1169] This cruel man was at last killed by his own soldiers,
-and buried in the church called _the great Car_.(47)
-
-The sons of Stephanus, Rouben and Leon, were very much honoured by a
-certain Baron _Pakouran_, by the whole Armenian nobility, and the army;
-they therefore appointed _Rouben_ as their Baron. [Sidenote: 1174] He
-was an excellent prince, compassionate and kind; he ruled the country
-very well, and was praised by every body. He was a friend of the
-Greeks, and married a lady of that nation, by whom he had two daughters
-blooming in chastity. He besieged Lampron and pressed its inhabitants
-very hard; they not being able to withstand him, called the Prince to
-their assistance; he [Sidenote: 1182] invited Rouben to Antioch, and
-fraudulently held him a prisoner, thinking to conquer Cilicia with
-ease during his captivity. But his brother Leon and the army behaved
-themselves very valiantly; they pressed Lampron so closely in the absence
-of the Baron, and defended their own country so well, that they released
-Rouben and acknowledged his supremacy. The inhabitants of Lampron gave
-themselves and their treasure up to the Baron of Cilicia. On his return
-to his own country Rouben was kind and humane to every one, and at his
-death left the crown to Leon; he gave him many rules concerning the
-government of the country, and committed to him his daughters, with an
-injunction not to give them foreign husbands, that the Armenians might
-not be governed by foreigners and harassed by a tyrant. [Sidenote: 1185]
-Rouben was buried in Trassarg.
-
-_Leon_ was a valiant and learned prince; he enlarged his principality and
-became the master of many provinces. A few days only after his taking
-possession of the country, the descendants of Ismael, under the command
-of one Roustam, advanced and came against Cilicia.(48) [Sidenote: 1186]
-Leon was not frightened, but confiding in God, who destroyed Sanacherib,
-he vanquished with a few men the great army of the infidels. Roustam
-himself being killed by St. George,(49a) the whole Hagarenian army then
-fled and dispersed; the Armenians pursued them and enriched themselves
-by the booty. The power of Leon thus increased, and being confident
-in his strength, he chased the Tadjiks(49b) and pursued the Turks; he
-conquered Isauria and came as far as Iconium; he captured Heraclea,(50)
-and again gave it up for a large ransom; he blockaded Cæsarea,(51) and
-had nearly taken it; he made a treaty with the Sultan of Iconium, and
-received a large sum of money from him; he surrounded Cilicia on every
-side with forts and castles; he built a new church called Agner, and was
-exceedingly generous to all monasteries erected by his ancestors; his
-bounty extended itself even to the leprous; they being shunned by every
-body and expelled from every place, he assigned to them a particular
-house, and provided them with necessaries.
-
-By such proceedings Leon attained a great name and became known to the
-Emperor of the Franks and the Greeks, and both, by Heavens’ grace,
-favoured him with the diadem; and, indeed, the mission by which Leon the
-Great was crowned King,(52) was very famous. [Sidenote: Jan. 6, 1198] The
-Armenians assembled together in the city of Tarsus, and in the cathedral
-of that town the Catholicos(53) anointed Leon, as it is the custom,
-king of the house of Thorgoma,(54) to sit on the throne and flourish
-in kindness; to glorify the church, and to govern well the country; to
-collect together the dispersed people, and to renovate its power; lastly,
-to fill the country with peace and to make it as happy as paradise.
-
-This great king brought the Prince of Antioch over to him, by marrying to
-him his niece, the daughter of his brother. He then made an inroad into
-the province of Arasu and conquered the place called Balresay; by his
-excellent wisdom he also gained Lampron.
-
-[Sidenote: 1201]
-
-The great Sultan of Iconium Caicaiuss(55) marched from Camir against the
-king, and besieged the fort Capan. The unruly Armenian troops attacked
-the enemy without waiting for an order of the king, and being partly
-killed and partly taken prisoners, the Turks pressed very hard the fort
-Capan. Leon did not let his spirits droop by this defeat; he collected
-what troops remained with him, and went plundering the territories of the
-Sultan as far as Camir. He laid waste the Sultan’s country, and returned
-with a large booty. Hearing this the Sultan started from Cilicia to his
-own principality, and made peace with Leon, on the condition that the
-booty should be restored.
-
-Leon, having governed the country twelve years as Baron and twenty-two as
-King, felt his end approaching, and appointed in an assembly of the whole
-nobility of the kingdom, a certain baron named Atan to be Regent(56) of
-the country and guardian of his daughter. Leon died soon after and was
-buried in the church of Agner; a part of his body was brought into the
-town of Sis, and a church was built thereupon.
-
-[Sidenote: May 1, 1219]
-
-After the assassination of Atan, Constantine was appointed regent, when
-he gave the daughter of the king and the heiress of the empire (the good
-and chaste lady Isabella), in marriage to one of the family of the king,
-the barons acknowledged him as their lawful sovereign, [Sidenote: 1220]
-and swore the oath of allegiance.(57) But there arose a disturbance in
-the country; one Rouben(58) came from the Prince of Antioch, gained over
-many of the nobility and aspired to the crown. He soon took possession of
-Tarsus and was about to march against Sis; but Constantine met him near
-Tarsus with a great army, and vanquished this enemy. Rouben and the chief
-men of his party died in prison.
-
-By this victory Constantine became more powerful, and governed the
-country with a firm hand; he built churches and honoured the clergy. At
-this time the patriarch was called John, the sixth since Nerses, from
-whom, as we have said, we began our chronicle, and think it therefore
-proper to mention these blessed persons.
-
-After the death of Nerses, that is to say, after his migration from one
-life to another, Gregorius, called _Degha_, or the _child_, was anointed.
-He was a fine and strong man. After him Gregorius, called _Carawesh_, or
-_killed by the stone_;—then Gregorius Abirad;—and at last John, whom we
-have before mentioned.(59) Leon entered into a dispute with John, and
-appointed David in his place. This man governed the church for two years
-in an excellent manner: but after this, the king being reconciled to
-John, elevated him again on his seat. After this reconciliation king Leon
-fell sick and died, very much lamented by the Armenians. [Sidenote: 1223]
-The Lord Constantine succeeded him, who excelling in kindness, betrothed
-the heiress of the empire, Isabella, before an assembly of the whole
-nobility, to his son Hethum.(60)
-
-Hethum was then anointed king of Armenia; he was crowned with a golden
-crown, and held a golden consecrated sceptre in his hand, with a globe
-mounted in gold; he was placed on a high golden throne, and having
-these signs of royalty in his right hand, he promised to deal justice
-to the people at large and protect the poor from injustice. Hethum was
-an excellent and gracious king; fine and handsome in body and soul;
-religious, kind, compassionate, upright, bountiful, and generous. The
-lawful heiress of the empire, Isabella, governed the country together
-with her husband, and led a pious, religious life. She was blessed
-for her good deeds and exemplary life by many children, the numerous
-offsprings of a famous race.(61) The first was the pious Leon, who is now
-the anointed king, and after him Thoros, the blessed, who died the death
-of a hero.(62) Isabella brought also into the world five daughters and
-another son, Rouben, who died young. [Sidenote: 1252] The queen being
-near the end of her life, and staying in a place called _Ked_, she heard
-a voice from heaven, crying aloud, “come my dove, come my love, thy
-end is near.” She felt joyful on this happy vision, imparted it to the
-bystanders, and died in the Lord; her body was brought to the grave by a
-large assembly of the priesthood and laid in consecrated earth.
-
-After the death of the Queen, the King was much occupied in the
-government of his country; for there arose an insolent people from the
-north, called _Tatars_, and also called, after their country, Mugal or
-Mogul,(63) who laid waste all the countries which fell into their hands.
-The words of the prophet Jeremiah, that “the seething pot will run over
-from the north,” have been found true a second time, this being the
-case we must expect the same consequences. There were four kings, each
-of whom was accompanied(64) by ten chiefs, which is even now the case.
-These four kings met together with their ten followers; one arose and
-spoke with a loud voice in this high assembly, and he being foremost in
-power, was declared “_The son of God in heaven_.”(65) [Sidenote: 1254]
-To him went king Hethum,(66) and there remained four years. Hethum had
-considerable trouble, but he obtained friendly words, and a written
-treaty after the custom of the Tatars.(67) He then came back with great
-honours and conquered many provinces; he routed the armies of the
-Persians or Turks,(68) and took their country; he won by force Carmania;
-and Sebehesny was taken out of the hands of the Turks, whose splendour
-faded away.(69) God’s will was changed, and he looked again on us with
-a benevolent eye; the doors of heaven were opened to let through his
-kindness on earth. The country was fruitful and happy like paradise, and
-every man sat in peace, as it is said in the scriptures, under his own
-vine. But the Armenians in Cilicia caused themselves, like in former
-times, Sodom and Ghomora, by their intemperance and wickedness to be
-very soon devoured by the wrathful fire(70) of heaven.
-
-[Sidenote: 1265]
-
-The proud slaves who governed Egypt took by force Damascus, very hard
-pressed the Sultan of Berea or Aleppo, and conquered all the country
-called by the name of Shem.(71) These slaves united themselves with all
-the other Hagarenians, and it was as if the sand of the sea arose to
-grasp swords and daggers, and to fight the battles of men; they went
-against the Christians, like avengers sent from God. The sea-coast (from
-Gaza to Cilicia) suffered in particular; all the forts were destroyed.
-Antioch, the great Antioch, fell into their hands—they burned the houses,
-and the inhabitants were carried away into foreign countries.(72)
-Having taken possession of the before-mentioned territories, they went
-against Cilicia, sent to Hethum and demanded tribute of him.(73) The
-king collected his soldiery under the command of his sons, and hurried
-himself away to the Moguls for aid.(74) He had not yet returned, when
-the Hagarenians came into the country; the army fled, but the princes
-remained. Thoros was killed in battle, and Leon was carried away
-prisoner from his country. [Sidenote: 1266] This unfortunate country
-was destroyed by fire, and the inhabitants were put to the sword; but
-the forts, having received private encouragement from Leon, could not
-be taken by the enemy, who retreated from them with shame. The famous
-church in Sis and the town itself was given up to the flames, but the
-inhabitants had time to fly.
-
-Having done whatever they chose, the enemy returned to his own country
-in great triumph, and with a large booty. After their departure Hethum
-returned at the head of a Mogulian army into his own kingdom, and saw
-all the misfortunes which had befallen him during his absence; he wept
-bitterly, but he did not despair, and placed reliance on the mercy of
-God. His son, who had been carried away a prisoner, being endowed with
-a courageous nature, did not let his spirits droop or show any fear;
-on the contrary, he cheered the captives and consoled every man; for
-some he provided food, for others he paid their ransom and set them at
-liberty. The army presented Leon to the Sultan, who continued in his own
-country, and who, looking on Leon and hearing his wise speech, received
-him graciously, and spoke very kindly to him. With the permission of the
-Sultan, Leon went to Jerusalem to adore the holy cross, and to pray for
-the remission of his sins. He then went back to Egypt, into that prison
-where Joseph was in former times. The priests admonished him to think
-only of God; moreover, he constantly read the Scriptures and was always
-ways absorbed in prayer. Therefore God looked upon him with compassion,
-and turned the heart of the Sultan to pity.
-
-Leon, when taken prisoner, was thirty years of age; remaining one year
-and ten months in Egypt, he made a treaty with the Sultan, which was
-ratified by King Hethum his father. This being done, Leon was set at
-liberty with great demonstrations of honour. The whole country rejoiced
-when Leon returned to his father: crowds of people ran to meet and see
-him; he embraced them all, and received them with heavenly kindness.
-The king went, on foot, to thank God that he had lived so long as to
-see his son Leon again, and [Sidenote: 1268] in the presence of the
-highly-gifted patriarch Jacobus,(75) the follower of Constantine, he
-earnestly entreated Leon to take on him the government of the country,
-and to be anointed King of Cilicia; but Leon could not, by all his
-entreaties, be moved to accept this offer; and Hethum was compelled,
-therefore, to see his son only Baron of the Armenians, until he could
-enjoy the kingdom. The king happened to fall sick at this time and never
-recovered. There was consequently a great consternation in the country,
-and the people united together to give him the surname of _Makar_.(76)
-[Sidenote: 1269] Having finished this mortal, and gained an immortal
-life, he was buried in Trassarg, and was celebrated in a poem. The Baron
-Leon was so afflicted by the death of his father, that he fell into a
-mortal sickness, and although all men supplicated him to be speedily
-crowned King of Cilicia, he would not do it instantly, but mourned three
-months. The neighbouring sovereigns, the Sultan of Egypt, the Khan, and
-other princes, sent missions of peace to him, entreating that he might
-be crowned King of Cilicia. Moved and encouraged by these messages, he
-called a great assembly of Armenians to Tarsus with the patriarch to
-anoint him, and to fulfil the duties of the church. Leon received the
-sceptre with the golden globe in his right hand,—and the Holy Ghost
-descended on him,—to be king on the house of Thorgoma; to govern and to
-defend the flock after the law of God.
-
-Leon, sitting on the throne of his forefathers, was gracious to every
-body; he pardoned those who had offended him, and was in general
-exceedingly humane; he augmented the officers of the royal household, and
-held the clergy in high esteem. He provided for the poor ecclesiastics,
-and generally for all poor people; in what place soever he stayed,
-the indigent were provided for from the court. This being known, many
-people came from foreign parts, soldiers and others, and remained months
-although not invited; their expenses were payed by the court. Leon
-benefited the clergy even more than his forefathers, and gave to the
-Vartabeds their proper rank,(77) for he was a friend of learning;(78)
-every person who was elevated to the dignity of a Vartabed received a
-present from the king, and it was registered as an eternal remembrance.
-The army received higher pay than before, and the king was so kind to
-every body, so generous, so compassionate,(79) that all were delighted;
-and the whole nation of Armenians became, as it were, renovated. Satan,
-the author of all mischief, saw this, and he contrived to fight against
-the king; he tempted him by misfortunes like Job; he tried him by many
-wounds, but the king was found of more patience than even Job himself,
-for Job spoke of his temptations with his friends, and uttered curses as
-the misfortunes came one after the other.
-
-[Sidenote: 1273]
-
-Leon soon gained information of the plots of the chieftains of his own
-family, but confiding in God, he took away only their castles, and
-granted them their lives; he left it to the Lord to reward them after
-their designs. [Sidenote: 1274] Now the Sultan of Egypt, breaking the
-treaty he made with King Hethum, came against this country; he did not
-so much as give any notice of his design. United with the Arabs and the
-Turcomans, the Sultan, without any one being aware of it, made an inroad
-into Cilicia. These Turcomans were a long time since in this country as
-shepherds; they here kept their winter quarters, and knew therefore all
-the passes and defiles.(80) [Sidenote: 1276] United with these people
-the Egyptians harassed the country more than had ever been the case
-before; they penetrated into the mountains, discovered the recesses of
-men and beasts, and destroyed numbers; many were also killed who had
-been found in the flat country. Only those who were in forts and castles
-escaped, all the rest were taken. The country was surrounded on all sides
-and given to the flames; the enemy took Tarsus, burnt the beautiful and
-celebrated church of St. Joseph, and plundered the town; having done all
-this mischief, they retired.
-
-King Leon, full of courage, wished to try the chance of a battle, but the
-barons left him and he had only a few soldiers; seeing the desolation
-of the country, he was very sorrowful, but consoled every body and
-encouraged the people by presents. Whilst he was sustaining these trials
-without scarcely uttering a sigh, one of his sons, of tender age, died,
-and he himself fell into a sickness from which he could scarcely be
-saved. Whilst yet depressed by his sufferings he lost a daughter, but
-through all this he became not impatient, and uttered not an angry word;
-he placed his confidence in God, and suffered his trials with calmness.
-But there remained yet another trial for the country at large; the
-country was visited by a heavy plague, of which many poor people died,
-so that the land could not be cultivated, and there was in consequence a
-want of the necessaries of life. The king did not let his spirits droop,
-he animated everybody, and said in the words of Job, “The Lord gave, and
-the Lord hath taken away, blessed be the name of the Lord! Naked came
-we into the world, and naked do we leave it again.” [Sidenote: 1276] In
-these days the Lord began to look on us again with kindness from above,
-and the words of the prophet Hosea were fulfilled, “The shadow of death
-fled from us miserable men;” the Lord became reconciled to the harassed
-and desolated nation of Armenia. For the beginning of better days we were
-indebted to the people, who made war against the king. Having plundered
-our country, the Sultan withdrew his army, but Leon then came forward,
-vanquished all his opponents, took a great booty and returned joyful into
-his own kingdom.(81) The Sultan of Egypt hearing this, sent a message
-to Leon for peace and friendship. The news of these victories spread
-very far, so that the Khan(82) heard of it, sent armour and weapons, and
-admonished Leon to carry on the war.
-
-The Turks, who reign in Camir (Iconium), wished at this time to make a
-treaty with the Moguls to hurt us; they spoke in consequence very badly
-of us, and induced the Khan by a sum of money to make a treaty with
-them.(83) The Turks spoke then more freely, and accused us publicly,
-but they were soon undeceived; for as soon as the union was dissolved,
-the Moguls came and destroyed them by the sword, sent presents to our
-king, and behaved in general very kindly to him. By this behavior the
-king gained courage, made an incursion into Turkestan,(84) took a large
-booty and returned into his own country with great joy. The neighbouring
-kings hearing this were much astonished, and longed to be at peace with
-us. Leon forgot all the mischief they had done, and accepted with a kind
-heart their offerings of friendship; for he was benevolent by nature, and
-rejoiced in kind dealings; misfortune could not depress him, and good
-fortune could not elevate him; he looked only on God and to govern his
-country well.
-
-Leon had three sons: Hethum, the first born, learned in the Scripture
-and clever in every branch of science; the second is called Thoros, and
-the third Sempad. The spouse of the king, the Queen Ceran, is famous for
-her fidelity and benevolence. So is our king, who by God’s decree is
-placed over the country; may the Lord yet grant him a long and a peaceful
-reign.(85)
-
-Now to the end of my work I will subjoin some observations. It has been
-said before, that when the Tadjiks came into our country, they burned the
-house of God;—that they took the crosses, the Scriptures, and all other
-holy materials, into their abominable hands and cast them into the fire
-with infamous jokes; and that they put the priests to the sword, and
-tortured all Christians. When all these misfortunes befell the country,
-some of the inhabitants bore them patiently, though reluctantly; and
-others became furious and uttered impious words, for they were blind
-in spirit and weak in faith. “Can this be,” said they, “can this be a
-true judgment, by which we are condemned? Are we the only sinners of
-all the inhabitants of the world, that we alone should be ruined? or
-are the Tadjiks the men of righteousness, by whose hands we are killed:
-those unbelievers, soiled by every wicked deed?” But from this reasoning
-it would follow, that those who fell under the hall by which Sampson
-buried himself, were not killed by reason of their own sins; that the
-Galileans, who were put to death by Pilate, fell not by reason of their
-own wickedness, but by the judgment of the Lord! All who are not penitent
-will suffer the same punishment, God chastens him whom he loves.(86) To
-rest his hopes on God, and to be patient in misfortune, is the best way
-to live in this world and in the next. May Leon, King of the Armenians,
-the writer and the reader of this, be judged worthy to enter into this
-eternal and immortal world. To the praise and honour of the three persons
-and one God, now and for ever, world without end.
-
-
-
-
-NOTES.
-
-
-Note (1), page 23.
-
-This is the famous patriarch Nerses Clajensis in the twelfth century, one
-of the best writers of the Armenian nation. Galanus (I. 239) is full of
-praise of him. “Nerses Clajensis,” says he, “orthodoxus patriarcha, quem
-Armenia universa, ut sanctum illius ecclesiæ patrem et doctorem agnoscit,
-ejusque commemorationem in Liturgia et Menelogiis celebrat. Fuit poeta
-sacer, et hac quidem facultate adeo insignis, ut celebrioribus, meo
-judicio, vel Græcis vel Latinis poetis in suo cœquandus sit idiomate.”
-But both the praises and the censures of Galanus are to be received with
-great caution; he is blinded by his orthodoxy, and praises and blames
-the authors not according to their merit, but according to their faith.
-Nerses has written much and on very different subjects; his elegy on the
-capture of Edessa (1144) by the Turks, and his correspondence with the
-emperor Alexius and Manuel, are the most interesting works for us and for
-history. The elegy of Edessa has been printed several times and in many
-places: most recently (1826) in Paris, but without a French translation.
-The Archbishop Somal is not well-informed, when he says, (Quadro della
-storia letteraria di Armenia. Venezia 1829, p. 84), “fu accompagnata
-da una versione francese.” The correspondence of Nerses has only, as
-far as I know, been once printed, viz. at St. Petersburgh, 1788, 1 vol.
-4to. His short and uninteresting chronicle of the History of Armenia has
-been often printed, and for the last time in 1824 in Constantinople. The
-Archbishop Somal says, that this work was corrupted by the interpolations
-of the schismatical editor (“audacemente dall’editore falsificata e
-con riprovevole temerita sparsa di alcune aggiunte erronee contro il
-Concilio ecumenico di Calcedonia.”) It is strange that the Armenians,
-who entertain the tenets of their national church, and are styled
-schismatical by the proselytes of the Roman Catholic Church, accuse the
-orthodox editors at Venice of the same falsifications; the Armenians in
-India wish therefore to print all their works, particularly the religious
-ones, at the press of the Bishop’s College in Calcutta. (See Bishop
-Heber’s Journals, iii. 435. 3d edition.)
-
-
-Note (2), page 23.
-
-This is king Leon III, who reigned from 1269 to 1289, and of whom the
-chronicler speaks at the end of his work.
-
-
-Note (3), page 23.
-
-I imagine Vahram never read Lucretius: that author gives the same reason
-for writing _De Rerum Natura_ in verse.
-
-
-Note (4), page 24.
-
-Epist. ad Rom., chap. xiii. in the beginning.
-
-
-Note (5), page 24.
-
-The reader may recollect the old Byzantine pictures, painted on a gold
-ground; there is a large collection of these pictures at Schleisheim,
-near Munich.
-
-
-Note (6), page 25.
-
-I feel regret for poor Vahram, who here shows himself a heretic; for
-notwithstanding that it was forbidden to add any article to the creed
-of Nice, or rather Constantinople, the Latins added the celebrated
-_filioque_, that is to say, that the Holy Ghost proceeded from the
-Father _and the Son_, and condemned all others as heretics who upheld
-the old church, and would not acknowledge these innovations. Vahram, the
-Raboun, or doctor, shows himself to be such a heretic. He even wrote some
-dissertations on the trinity and the incarnation, at the command of his
-master king Leon III, but they were never printed. The Roman Catholic
-author of the “Quadro della letteratura di Armenia” (p. 115), says, that
-even in these works Vahram “si prova scrittore di poco sana dottrina
-intorno al dogma della processione dello Spirito-Santo.”
-
-
-Note (7), page 25.
-
-This is the language of all divines, and of those philosophers who think
-_whatever is, is right_. If the sins of mankind have produced Mahomed,
-why has Spain alone out of the nations of Europe been depressed? Were
-these Visigoths greater sinners than their brethren in the south of
-France or the Franks themselves? It is not a speculative opinion, but the
-truth of history, that man is the architect of his own fortune, and that
-the world belongs to the mighty.
-
-
-Note (8), page 25.
-
-The Turks were known in Europe as early as the beginning of the sixth
-century of our era, but the western writers tell us nothing satisfactory,
-either as to the name or the origin of this large division of the human
-race. The Chinese, who were earlier acquainted with their _Thoo kiouei_,
-are also contradictory in their statements. They say, the Thoo kiouei are
-a particular tribe or class of the Hioung noo, called by different names,
-and that they are called Thoo kiouei because their town near the Altai,
-or gold mountain, had the form of a _helmet_, and a helmet is called Thoo
-kiouei, _yn y wei haou_. Matuanlin, in his great work, B. 343, initio,
-says this is the cause why this people is so called. It is fortunate
-for historical literature, that this accomplished Chinese scholar had no
-system in view in compiling his work: he quotes on the same page other
-accounts on the origin of the name _Thoo kiouei_ and different traditions
-of the original history of this nation. It has been remarked by Klaproth
-(Asia Polyglotta, 212) that Thoo kiouei (or a very similar word) means,
-indeed, in the Turkish language a _helmet_. If the Hiong noo are Turks
-they cannot certainly be either the Huns of Attila or Fins. Concerning
-the tribes of the Turks nothing is known with any certainty; tribes rise
-and decay in Tartary like the sand-hills in the desert: who can count
-them? The reader may find a lively and true picture of this rising and
-falling of the different Turkoman tribes in a novel, by Frazer, called
-_Memoirs of a Kusilbash_, printed 1828, in three volumes. The different
-denomination of the same people, Turks and Turkomans, is already used by
-William of Tyre, the celebrated historian of the Crusades; it may be said
-that they differ one from another, like, in former times, the Highlanders
-and Lowlanders in Scotland. While describing the difference between Turks
-and Turkomans, we may use the words of Dr. Robertson, mentioning the
-attempt of King James II. to civilize the Highlands and Isles. That great
-historian has the following words:—“The inhabitants of the low country
-began gradually to forget the use of arms, and to become attentive to
-the arts of peace. But the Highlanders, or the Turkomans, retaining their
-natural fierceness, averse from labour and inured to rapine, infested
-their more industrious neighbours by their continual incursions.”
-(_History of Scotland_, ad a. 1602.) Some modern authors think it worth
-their while to take notice of a fault of a copyist (τοῦρκοι for ἰυρκαὶ),
-and find therefore the Turks as early as in Herodotus, Pomponius Mela,
-and Plinius; but this is not so unfair as to make Laura, the beautiful
-and chaste Laura, responsible for eleven children, upon the faith of
-a misinterpreted abbreviation, and the decision of a librarian. (Lord
-Byron’s Notes on Childe Harold, Canto iv. stanza 30, lines 8 and 9.)
-
-
-Note (9), page 26.
-
-_The kings_ are the different Arabian chiefs who ruled independently of
-the Caliph of Bagdad; the _emperor_ is the Emperor of Constantinople, or
-the Roman emperor, as Vahram says, with the other authors of these times.
-(See Gibbon, ch. 57.)
-
-
-Note (10), page 26.
-
-“The captives of these Turks were compelled to promise a spiritual as
-well as temporal obedience; and instead of their collars and bracelets,
-an iron horseshoe, a badge of ignominy, was imposed on the infidels, who
-still adhered to the worship of their fathers.” (Gibbon, l. c.)
-
-
-Note (11), page 26.
-
-This is not quite true; the Caliph of Bagdad,—which new town our author
-calls in his poetical style by the ancient name of Babylon,—could not
-move from his capital without the consent of the descendents of Seljuk,
-but they never chose Babylon as the seat of their empire; they had no
-metropolis, but they preferred Nishapur. Abul Fazel (Ayeen Akbery II.
-337) places Bagdad 33, and Babylon 32° 15´ latitude; their longitude is
-the same; 80° 55´ from the Canary Islands.
-
-
-Note (12), page 26.
-
-The myriads of Turkish horse overspread a frontier of six hundred miles
-from Tauris to Arzearum, and the blood of one hundred and thirty thousand
-Christians was a grateful sacrifice to the Arabian prophet. (Gibbon l. c.)
-
-
-Note (13), page 26.
-
-This is certainly the truth; the Armenians fled in their despair from the
-new Mahometan to the old Christian enemy. It can be only national vanity
-or folly, to assert or suppose that the Emperor Michael would give the
-province of Cappadocia for a country trampled on by the Seljuks, under
-whose irresistible power he felt himself. The Cappadocians remembering
-how they were dealt with in former time by the Armenians, and in
-particular by Tigranes, could not receive their new guests with much
-pleasure; and this is the principal reason of the great disaster which
-soon followed.
-
-Διέθηκε δὲ φαύλως αὐτοὺς Τιγράνης ὁ Ἀρμένιος, ἡνίκα τὴν καππαδοκίαν
-κατέδραμεν ἅπαντας γὰρ ἀναςάτους ἐποίησεν εἰς τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν, &c.
-(Strabo xii. 2, vol. iii. 2d ed. Tauchn.) It is stated by the American
-missionaries, who have visited Cappadocia, that about 35,000 Armenians
-are still living in this province. “Cappadocia has 30,000 Greeks and
-35,000 Armenians.” (Mr. Gridley, in the Missionary Herald, vol. xxiv,
-printed at Boston, p. 111.) Cæsarea has, according to the same authority,
-from 60 to 80,000 inhabitants, and of these 2,000 are Greeks, and 8,000
-Armenians. (Herald, 260.)
-
-
-Note (14), page 27.
-
-The origin of this name of the people is not known. The Armenians call
-themselves after their fabulous progenitor Haig, and derive the name
-_Armen_ from the son of Haig, Armenag; but I have not much confidence in
-these ancient traditions of Moses of Chorene. The Armenians are a strong
-instance that religion and civilization only give a particular character
-and value to a people, and preserve it from being lost in the course of
-time. Where are now the thirty different nations, which Herodotus found
-(Melpom. 88), between the bay of Margandius and the Triopian promontory?
-The Armenians are certainly a tribe of the ancient Assyrians; their
-language and history speak alike in favour of it. Nearly all the words
-of Assyrian origin which occur in the Scriptures and in Herodotus can be
-explained by the present Armenian language. Their traditions say, also,
-that Haig came from Babylon; and Strabo’s authority would at once settle
-the question, if he did not affirm too much. The Arabian and the Syriac
-language, and consequently the people, are radically different from the
-Armenian.
-
-These are the passages of the geographer alluded to: Τὸ γὰρ τῶν Ἀρμενίων
-ἔθνος καὶ τὸ τῶν Σύρων καὶ τῶν Ἀράβων, πολλὴν ὁμοφυλίαν ἐμφαίνη κατὰ
-τε τὴν διάλεκτον ... καὶ οἱ Ἀσσύριοι, καὶ οἱ Ἀριανοὶ, καὶ οἱ Ἀρμένιοι
-παραπλησίως τως ἔχουσι, καὶ πρὸς τούτους καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ... τοὺς ὑφ’
-ἡμῶν Σύρους καλουμένους, ὑπ’ αὐτῶν τῶν Σύρον Ἀρμενίους καὶ Ἀραμμαίους
-καλεῖσθαι. (Strabo i. 2, vol. i. 65, ed. Tauchn.) But the Aramæns or
-Syrians are quite a different people from the Armenians, and Strabo is
-quite wrong when he thinks that both names are commonly used to designate
-one and the same nation. There is a fabulous story of a certain Er, the
-son of a certain _Armenios_, a Pamphylian by birth (Plato de Rep. x), but
-such stories are of no value in sober history.
-
-
-Note (15), page 27.
-
-This story is told with more details by some contemporary chroniclers.
-Cakig reigned or rather had the _name_ of a king from 1042-1079, and he
-is the last of the Bakratounian kings, a family which began its reign
-under the supremacy of the Arabs in the year 859 of our era. As regards
-the geography, the reader may compare the Mémoires sur l’Arménie, by
-Saint-Martin.
-
-
-Note (16), page 27.
-
-Armenia remained from the time of the Parthians a feudal monarchy, and
-for this reason I use the expressions of the feudal governments in the
-middle ages.
-
-
-Note (17a), page 27.
-
-Dionysius, in his description of the earth, says (v. 642) that the
-mountain is called Taurus: οὕνεκα ταυροφανές τε καὶ ὀξυκάρηνον ὁδεύει
-οὔρεσιν ἐκταδιόισι πολυσχεδὲς ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα; perhaps more poetical than
-true. “The road lies over the highest ridges of the Taurus mountains,
-where, amidst the forests of pines, are several beautiful valleys and
-small plains; there appears, however, no trace of cultivation, though
-there is ample proof that these mountains were anciently well inhabited,
-as we meet with scarcely a rock remarkable for its form or position that
-is not pierced with ancient catacombs.” (Col. Leake’s Asia Minor in
-Walpole’s Travels, i. 235.)
-
-
-Note (17b), page 28.
-
-This is the proper name for the possessions of Rouben; the Armenians
-begin generally the line of the kings of Cilicia with the flight of
-Rouben in 1080.
-
-
-Note (18), page 28.
-
-That is to say, as far as the gulph of Issus or Scanderum. Cilicia
-and the sea-shore was also in former times once in the possession of
-the kings of Armenia,—“the country on the other side of the Taurus,”
-as the ancients used to say. Strabo says, from the Armenians (xiv. 5,
-vol. iii. 321. ed. Tauchn.) that they, τὴν ἐκτὸς τοῦ Ταύρου προσέλαβον
-μεχρὶ καὶ Φοινίκης. Plutarch says, that Tigranes “had colonized
-Mesopotamia with Greeks, whom he drew in great numbers out of Cilicia and
-Cappadocia.”—(Plutarch in Lucullo.)
-
-
-Note (19), page 28.
-
-Constantine sent many provisions to the Franks, when they were besieging
-Antioch. The Armenians were happy to get such powerful allies against
-their enemies, the Greeks. Alexius could not be very well pleased with
-the creation of an Armenian Margrave by the Latins, of whom he extorted
-“an oath of homage and fidelity, and a solemn promise that they would
-either restore, or hold the Asiatic conquests, as the humble and loyal
-vassals of the Roman empire”—(Gibbon, iv., 131. London, 1826, published
-by Jones.) The Armenians translate _Margrave_ by _Asbed_, that is, Chief
-of the cavalry.
-
-
-Note (20), page 29.
-
-It is not easy to see what connexion there is between the resurrection of
-a hen, or a duck, with the death of a king. What were the principles of
-divination of these wise men, of whom Vahram speaks?
-
-
-Note (21), page 29.
-
-The name of this fort is written differently by different authors; I
-could not consult the great geographical works of Indjidjean.
-
-
-Note (22), page 30.
-
-I think that _Trassarg_ and _Trassag_ is the same word; the names of
-places seem to be very corrupted in the Madras edition of Vahram’s
-Chronicle. Chamchean says the king was buried in the monastery
-_Trassarg_, which is very probable; but how could he say Thoros left
-no son? In these monasteries the Armenian literature and sciences in
-general were very much studied in the course of the eleventh and twelfth
-centuries; some of the greatest Armenian authors flourished in the time
-of the Crusades. In their libraries were collections of the old classics,
-with many translations of the Greek authors; “e da quest’ opere,” says
-the Archbishop Somal, “attinsero gli scrittori del corrente secolo (the
-12th), quello precisione d’idee, quella nobilita di concetti, quella
-purezza di stile, per cui si rendettero veramente gloriosi.” Quadro 80.
-Foreigners are at a loss to find all these good qualities in the Armenian
-authors of the twelfth century.
-
-
-Note (23), page 30.
-
-With what caution the secretary of Leon III. relates the treachery of
-Leon I. We see by this passage that Chamchean is in the wrong in saying
-that Thoros left no son. (Epitome of the great history of Armenia,
-printed in Armenian, at Venice in the year 1811, p. 300.)
-
-
-Note (24), page 30.
-
-Is not Mamestia the ancient Hamaxia? “Εἶθ Ἁμαξία ἐπὶ βουνοῦ κατοικία
-τις,” says Strabo, ὕφορμον ἔχουσα, ὅπου κατάγεται ἡ ναυπηγήσιμος ὕλη,
-(vol. iii. 221 ed. Tauchn.) It is certainly the Malmestra of the Latins
-and Byzantines. This town is called Mesuestra, Masifa, and by other
-names. (Wesseling Itner, p. 580. See a note of Gibbon at the end of the
-52d chapter.) Tarsus is very well known as the principal town of Cilicia,
-as the native place of many celebrated men, as the stoic Chrysippus, and
-of the Apostle Paul. The following passage of Xenophon’s Expedition of
-Cyrus illustrates very well the province and the whole history of the
-Armenian kingdom of Cilicia. “Thence they prepared to penetrate into
-Cilicia; the entrance was just broad enough for a chariot to pass, very
-steep, and inaccessible to an army, if there had been any opposition....
-From thence they descended into a large and beautiful plain, well watered
-and full of all sorts of trees and vines; abounding in sesame, panic,
-millet, wheat and barley; and is surrounded with a strong and high ridge
-of hills from sea to sea. After he had left the mountains he advanced
-through the plain, and having made twenty-five parasangas in four days’
-march, arrived at Tarsus,” etc. (See Spelman’s notes to his translation
-of the Expedition of Cyrus.) Tarsus has now only, as it is said, 3,000
-inhabitants.
-
-
-Note (25), page 30.
-
-The Armenian phrase has this double signification, and Leon indeed
-carried on a war against the Seldjuks and the Count of Antioch, who
-sought to deprive him by treachery of all his possessions. Baldwin was
-not ashamed of doing any thing to enlarge his dominions. I know not why
-Vahram speaks not a word about these matters. (See Chamchean, l. c. p.
-301.)
-
-
-Note (26), page 30.
-
-The old fabulous hero of Armenia, spoken of by Moses of Khorene.
-
-
-Note (27), page 31.
-
-Gibbon, iii. 341.
-
-
-Note (28), page 31.
-
-Joscelin I., Count of Edessa. (See the Digression on the Family of
-Courtnay.—Gibbon, iv. 224.) Why does not Vahram, where he speaks of the
-four sons of Leon, name this Stephanus, who lived in Edessa with his
-uncle? It seems that there is a corruption in the text. Should the name
-of _Stephanus_ be hidden under _Stephane, the crown_ of Thoros, or which
-is more probable, is a line fallen out of our text? It would be necessary
-to compare some manuscripts to restore the original text. Thoros never
-received the kingly crown; he was only Baron of Cilicia: _Stephane_
-seems, therefore, nothing else than _Stephanus_.
-
-
-Note (29), page 32.
-
-This agrees with all that we know about the character of Calo-Johanes.
-“Severe to himself, indulgent to others, chaste, frugal, abstemious,
-the philosophic Marcus would not have disdained the artless virtues
-of his successor, derived from his heart, and not borrowed from the
-schools.”—(Gibbon.)
-
-
-Note (30), page 32.
-
-I am not able to look into the Byzantine version of this fact.
-Calo-Johanes was not the man to be easily deceived, and to persecute
-innocent persons; we know, on the contrary, that he pardoned many people
-implicated in high treason. Calo-Johanes, as Camchean says (l. c. 304),
-suspected also Leon and his other son Thoros, and they were again sent to
-prison.
-
-
-Note (31), page 34.
-
-Our author has here the word _Tadjik_, a name by which he and the
-other Armenian historians of the middle ages promiscuously call the
-native Persians, the Gasnevides and the other Turks. The origin and the
-proper meaning of this word will perhaps never be ascertained; it has
-something of the vagueness of the ancient denomination of _Scythia_
-and _Scythians_. It is certain that, in the works which go under the
-name of Zoroaster, and in the Desatir, the Arabs are called _Tazi_, and
-it is likewise certain that the language of this people, which is now
-called _Tadjik_, is pure Persian; the Bochars are, in their own country,
-called Tadjiks. How and why the ancient Persian name of the Arabs should
-be given to the Persians themselves it is impossible to conceive.
-Elphinstone (Account of the Kingdom of Câbul, London 1819, vol. i. 492)
-thinks that the Arabs and Persians were, in the course of time, blended
-together into one nation, and became the ancestors of the Tadjiks; but
-why should Armenians, Arabs, Turks and Afghauns, call those mestizes
-with a name of the Pehlvi language, which means originally an Arab? It
-seems rather that _Tazi_ and _Tadjik_ are two different words; _Tazi_ is
-the Persian name for _Arab_, and _Tadjik_ the name of a particular race
-of people, of whom the Persians are only a tribe. I do not know on what
-authority Meninski (see Klaproth’s Asia, Polygl. 243) relies, but it is
-certain that the Chinese distinguish between the _Ta she_ (Arabs) and
-the _Ta yue_ (the Tadjiks), of whom, as they say, the Po she (Persians)
-are only a tribe. The Chinese had no communication with the Arabs before
-Mahomed, but they heard of them by their intercourse with the Sassanides,
-and call them, therefore by the Persian name Ta she (9685, 9247), but
-the _Po se_ (8605, 9669) are only, as they say, a tribe like some other
-tribes, who formed particular kingdoms of the Ta yue (9685, 12490), or
-Tadjiks. They have received the name _Po sse_ from their first king, _Po
-sse na_; but the Chinese had no direct communication with Persia before
-Kobad or Cabades, Kiu ho to (6063, 3984, 10260), as they spell the name,
-in their imperfect idiom, who became known to them by his flight and
-misfortunes. (See Matuanlin, l. c. Book 338, p. i, and following; Book
-339, p. 6 a., p. 8 a., and the history of the _Ta she_ or Arabs, p. 18,
-b. l. c.) But I am in doubt of Matuanlin, who makes the Masdeizans,
-followers of Buddha; he calls the Ateshgahs _Fo sse_ (2539, 9659),
-Temples of Buddha, (l. c. p. 6, b. l. 5.) The popular pronunciation of
-_Ta yue_ is, in many Chinese dialects, _Tai yuet_. I myself have often
-heard these characters so pronounced in Canton, and it was then as nearly
-as possible the ancient name of the Germans, _Teut_, the brethren of the
-Persians; the Chinese know also that the Ye ta (12001, 9700), _Getae_,
-_Gothi_, belong to the race of the Tayuet (Matuanlin, Book 338, p. 11),
-&c. But what sober historian would draw conclusions from a similarity
-of names? Perhaps a close inquiry may carry us to some leading facts,
-by which we may be able to connect the information of the east and the
-west. It would certainly be strange to begin the history of the Germans
-with the extracts taken out of the Han and Tang shoo. When I say the
-history of the Germans, I mean the history of those remains of the Teuts
-who remained in Asia, for Germany was certainly peopled long before the
-Chinese got any information of the Ta yue. These races became only known
-in China under the great dynasty of Han. A keen etymologist may, perhaps,
-find the modern Tadjiks in the ancient Daai or Daae; he may suppose that
-the Persians, like the Parthians, were only a branch of the Scythians or
-Tatars, and with confidence adduce a passage of Strabo, where it is said
-that the greater part of the Scythians are known by the name of Daai, Οἱ
-μὲν δὴ πλείους τῶν Σκυθῶν Δάαι προσαγορεύονται. (Strabo, Geogr. xi. 8,
-vol. ii. 430, ed. Tauchn.) I will only add, that the same Strabo thinks,
-that the Daci (Δάκοι) may in former times have been called Daï (Δάοι),
-but he distinguishes them from the Daae (Δάαι). (Vol. ii. 36.)
-
-
-Note (32), page 34.
-
-Only the wounded pride of an Armenian could say this.
-
-
-Note (33), page 34.
-
-Have any of our modern travellers seen this monument? Claudian, the
-famous Latin poet, had composed in Greek the Antiquity of Tarsus,
-Anazarbus, Berytus, Nice, &c. Abul Fazel (Ayeen Akbery, ii. 348) places
-Tarsus long. 68° 40´, lat. 36° 50´. (See Note 24.)
-
-
-Note (34), page 35.
-
-The Armenians did so in imitation of the neighbouring Franks; they took
-many customs from the Crusaders, and corrupted their language by the
-introduction of many foreign words.
-
-
-Note (35), page 35.
-
-Is this surname of Manuel found in the Byzantine writers?
-
-
-Note (36), page 36.
-
-Vahram is in the wrong; Andronicus, not Manuel himself was at the head of
-the army. (Chamchean, 306; Gibbon, iii. 344.) Thoros was on such rocks,
-as Xenophon in the Anabasis, speaking of the rocks of Cilicia, calls
-πέτρας ἠλιβάτους, “rocks inaccessible to every thing but to the rays of
-the sun.” Homer makes often use of this expression.
-
-
-Note (37), page 36.
-
-This is a very obscure passage in the original. Vahram is no friend of
-details, and he is every moment in need of a rhyme for _eal_; who can
-wonder, therefore, that he is sometimes obscure? This passage is only
-clear, upon the supposition that Thoros divided the ransom among his
-soldiers. This is also stated by Chamchean.
-
-See Note 28.
-
-
-Note (38), page 37.
-
-I do not know why Vahram calls Thoros all on a sudden _Arkay_, “king;”
-how the royal secretary exerts himself to draw a veil over the treachery
-of Thoros!
-
-
-Note (39), page 38.
-
-Oscin is the father of a celebrated author and priest, Nerses
-Lampronensis, so called from the town or fort Lampron; he was born
-1153, and died 1198. In the concilium of Romcla 1179, Nerses spoke
-for the union with the Latin church, and the speech he made on this
-occasion is very much praised by the Armenians belonging to the Roman
-Catholic Church. This speech has been printed at Venice with an Italian
-translation, 1812. (Quadro 94.) Galanus, as the reader may easily
-imagine, speaks in very high terms of Nerses (i. 325): “Cujus egregia
-virtus,” says he, “digna plane est, ut acterna laude illustretur,
-nomenque ad ultimas terrarum partes immortali fama pervehatur.” For us
-his most interesting work is an elegy on the death of his parent, master,
-and friend, Nerses Shnorhaly; he gives a biography of this celebrated
-Catholicus, with many particulars of the history of the time. Nerses
-Shnorhaly was not only an author and a saint, but also a great statesman.
-
-
-Note (40), page 38.
-
-In the whole course of history the Armenian nobles shew a great party
-feeling and much selfishness. They were never united for the independence
-of their country; if one part was on the side of the Persians or Turks,
-we shall certainly find another on the side of the Greeks or Franks; and
-the native Armenian kings had more to fear from their internal, than from
-their external enemies.
-
-
-Note (41), page 38.
-
-The history of the foundation of the Armenian kingdom in Cilicia is
-very like the history of the rebellious Isaurians, “who disdained to
-be the subjects of Galienus.” Thoros possessed a part of this savage
-country; and we may say of him, what Gibbon said of the Isaurians: “The
-most successful princes respected the strength of the mountains and the
-despair of the natives.” (Gibbon, iii. 51.)
-
-
-Note (42), page 38.
-
-Iconium is mentioned as a station by Xenophon and Strabo; Cyrus staid
-three days in “this last city of Phrygia.” St. Paul found there many
-Jews and Gentiles; and it is said that even now, in its decayed state,
-Conia or Iconium has 30,000 inhabitants. This town is above 300 miles
-from Constantinople. (Gibbon, iv. 152.) The chronology of the Seljuks of
-Iconium may be seen in the _Histoire des Huns, par Deguignes_. Kuniyah
-‎‏قونيا‏‎ is laid down by Abul Fazel (Ayeen Akbery, ii. 359), long. 66. 30.,
-and lat. 41. 40. A description of the modern Konia may be seen in Col.
-Leake’s Asia Minor, l. c. 223.
-
-
-Note (43), page 40.
-
-I find him not mentioned as an author in the “Quadro della storia
-letteraria di Armenia.” It seems that his explanations of the prophets
-are now lost. If the reader will compare the elogy of Thoros with the
-facts in Vahram’s own chronicle, he will easily find that adulation, and
-not truth, dictated it.
-
-
-Note (44), page 40.
-
-_Seav_ or _Sev-learn_, _Black-mountain_ (Karadagh). Here was a famous
-monastery. _Carmania_ is the place which formerly was called Laranda,
-and this name is still, as Col. Leake remarks, in common use among the
-Christians, and is even retained in the firmans of the Porte. Caraman
-derives its name from the first and greatest of its princes, who made
-himself master of Iconium, Cilicia, etc. (Col. Leake’s Asia Minor, l. c.
-p. 232.)
-
-
-Note (45), page 40.
-
-An allusion to Ierem, i. 13.
-
-
-Note (46), page 40.
-
-It is known that the feudal laws and institutions have been introduced
-into the possessions of the Franks in Asia. _Baillis_, or _Baillie_,
-written _Bail_ in the Armenian language, means a judge, and the word is
-commonly found in this signification in the chronicles and histories of
-the middle ages. The _Baillis_ possessed powers somewhat similar to those
-of the ancient _Comites_. We see here and in other instances, that the
-Baillis are older than the end of the twelfth and the beginning of the
-thirteenth century. At this time they began in France. (Robertson, note
-23, to his View of the State of Europe before the History of the reign of
-the Emperor Charles V.)
-
-
-Note (47), page 41.
-
-It is very probable that the murderer Andronicus and Meleh were
-acquainted with each other; their history and their crimes are something
-similar.
-
-
-Note (48), page 43.
-
-Roustam was a Sultan of Iconium. (See the Chronology of these Sultans in
-Deguigne’s Histoire des Huns.)
-
-
-Note (49a), page 43.
-
-In the times of the Crusades, wonders and witchcraft or enchantment were
-daily occurrences; the Christians imputed all their defeats to diabolical
-opposition, and their success to the assistance of the military saints,
-Tasso’s celebrated poem gives a true picture of the spirit of the times.
-
-
-Note (49b), page 43.
-
-Here the author uses again _Tadjik_ as the name of a particular people:
-but accuracy, I fear, is not the virtue of Vahram; he calls the Turks of
-Iconium, the sons of Ismael or Hagar, _i.e._ Arabs.
-
-
-Note (50), page 43.
-
-Our author says not in what province these towns lay. Chamchean, being
-able to consult other native historians, informs us that Leon nearly took
-Cæsarea in Palestine.—Heraclea was perhaps also the town of this name in
-Palestine; it was a small town near Laodicæa in the time of Strabo. Τῇ
-Λαοδικεία πλησιάζει πολίχνια, τὸ, τε Ποσείδιον καὶ Ἡράκλειον.—Strabo iii.
-361, ed. Tauchn.
-
-
-Note (51), page 43.
-
-The old Samaria, called Cæsarea by Herodes, ἤν Ἡρώδης Σεβαςὴν ἐπωνόμασεν,
-Strabo iii. 372. See the description of this famous place in Carl
-Ritler’s Erdkunde ii. 393. Chamchean, 315. Abul Eazel (Ayeen Akbery, ii.
-337.) places it long. 66. 30. lat. 32. 50.
-
-
-Note (52), page 44.
-
-This memorable transaction is fully described in the great History of
-Armenia by Chamchean, and in the work of Galanus, vol. i. p. 346 and
-following. Many letters of Leon and the Catholicos exist now only in
-the Latin translations (Quadro l. c. 99.), or better have not been
-heard of by the Mechitarists at Venice. Frederic I., to whom Leon was
-very useful in the time of the second crusade, promised the Baron of
-Cilicia to restore in his person the ancient kingdom of Armenia. After
-the unfortunate death of the emperor, Leon sent ambassadors to the Pope
-Celestinus III. and Henricus VI., to gratify his wishes; the ambassadors
-came back to Cilicia in the society of the archbishop Conrad of Mentz,
-bringing the crown from the emperor and the benediction of the pope.
-The Emperor of Constantinople, Alexius, sent also a crown to Leon “the
-Great.” The king of Cilicia is, as far as I know, the only king who
-received the crown by both the emperors of the west and the east, and
-by the consent of the pope. The pope hoped to bring the Armenians under
-his sway, and the Latins and the Greeks thought Leon a very useful ally
-against the overpowering Saladin.—See the Letters in the Appendix.
-
-
-Note (53), page 44.
-
-_Catholicos of Armenia_ is the title of the Armenian patriarch. Gregorius
-VI., called Abirad, was Catholicos at this time; he was elected in the
-year 1195, and died 1203. The Latins had a very high opinion of the power
-of an Armenian patriarch. Wilhelm of Tyrus, speaking (De Bello Sacro,
-xvi. 18.) of the synod of Jerusalem in the year 1141, has the following
-words: “Cui synodo interfuit maximus Armeniorum pontifex, immo omnium
-episcoporum Cappadociæ, Mediæ et Persidis et utriusque Armeniæ princips
-et doctor eximius qui _Catholicus_ dicitur.” Wilhelm might add, “et
-Indiæ,” for I think that the Armenians, like the Syrians, formed as early
-as the sixth century of our era, settlements in this part of the world.
-It is certain that Armenians were in India as early as the year 800. (_De
-Faria_, in the _Collection of Voyages and Travels_, by Kerr, Edinburgh
-1812, vol. vi. p. 419.)
-
-
-Note (54), page 44.
-
-The Armenians consider themselves the descendants of _Thorgoma_ (a name
-differently spelt in the different manuscripts and translations of
-Genesis x. 3.) the son of Japet.
-
-
-Note (55), page 44.
-
-Vahram is too concise; he never gives the reasons of occurrences. I see,
-in Chamchean, that Leon married, after the death of his first wife, a
-daughter of Guido, king of Cyprus, by whom he had a daughter, called
-Sabel or Elizabeth, his only child and heiress of the kingdom. The Sultan
-of Ionium did not like these intimate connexions of the Armenians with
-the Latins; he feared some coalition against himself, and he thought it
-proper to be beforehand with the enemy.
-
-
-Note (56), page 45.
-
-We have in the text again _Bail_ or _Bailly_. I could not translate the
-word otherwise than _Regent_: this is certainly the sense in which Vahram
-uses this expression.
-
-
-Note (57), page 46.
-
-The name of this first husband of Isabella was Philippus, the son of
-the Prince of Antioch and the niece of Leon. Philippus died very soon,
-and Isabella, as our author says himself, married, 1223, the son of the
-regent Constantine, Hethum or Haithon.
-
-
-Note (58), page 46.
-
-This Rouben was of the royal family.—Chamchean, 326.
-
-
-Note (59), page 46.
-
-It would carry us too far if we were to attempt to elucidate the
-ecclesiastical history of these times, for there were many synods and
-many negotiations between the Armenian clergy and the Greek and Latin
-church, concerning the union. Pope Innocent III. showed also at this
-opportunity his well-known activity. There exist many letters from
-the Catholici and the Armenian kings to different popes and emperors,
-with their answers,—ample matter for a diligent historian. The first
-Gregorius after Nerses is Gregorius IV. from 1173-1193. Gregorius V. from
-1193-1195. Gregorius VI. from 1195-1202. John VII. from 1202-1203. David
-III. from 1203-1205, and then again John VII. 1205-1220. Constantine
-I. from 1220-1268. There were yet two anti-Catholici, elected by a
-dissentient party, who are not mentioned by Vahram.
-
-
-Note (60), page 47.
-
-The good Vahram seems to have forgotten what he said a short time before.
-I do not know by what genealogy Chamchean could be induced to say that
-Hethum is an offspring of Haig and the Parthian kings.
-
-
-Note (61), page 48.
-
-The flattery of Vahram increases as he comes nearer to his own time. I
-have sometimes taken the liberty to contract a little these eulogies; the
-reader will certainly be thankful for it.
-
-
-Note (62), page 48.
-
-In the battle against the Mameluks of Egypt in the year 1266.
-
-
-Note (63), page 48.
-
-The Moguls are a branch, a tribe, or a clan of the Tatars; so say
-all well-informed contemporary historians and chroniclers; so say in
-particular the Chinese, who are the only sources for the early history
-of the Turks, the Moguls, and Tunguses; nations which, in general, from
-ignorance or levity, have been called _Tatars_—the Moguls only are
-Tatars. The Armenians write the name _Muchal_; in our text of Vahram,
-_Muchan_ has been printed by mistake. That this people was called so
-from their country is quite new; and if this were the case, it would
-be still a question why the territory was called _Mogul_. There are
-sometimes such whimsical reasons for the names of places and nations,
-as to defy the strictest research and the greatest curiosity. The name
-of _Mogul_ seems not to be older than Tshinggis, and Mr. Schmidt in
-St Petersburgh, derives the word from a Mongolian word, which means
-_keen_, _daring_, _valiant_. The ancient name of the Moguls, as it is
-given by the native historian Sätzan, is, I am afraid, only a mistake
-of this ignorant chieftain. His whole history of the Moguls is only a
-very inaccurate compilation from Chinese authors, and the unlettered
-Mogul may have taken the appellative expression pih teih 8539, 10162, or
-pih too 10313, 8539, “northern barbarians” or “northern country,” for
-the proper name of his forefathers. Long before the Moguls, the Chinese
-became acquainted with some barbarous tribes called by different names,
-and also _Mo ho_; but the Chinese authors, who are so accurate in giving
-the different names of one and the same people, never say that the _Mung
-koo_, who are also written with quite different characters, are called
-_Mo ho_, or _vice versâ_. These Mo ho are described as quite a distinct
-people, with a particular language, divided into different clans or
-kingdoms. There is an interesting description of this people under the
-name of Wŭh keih 14803, 5918, in the Encyclopædia of Matuanlin, Book
-326, p. 146. The same author says, in the sequel of his great work, that
-the Kitans have nearly the same customs (sŭh 9545) as the Mo ho, but
-he does not say that they are of the same race of people.—Matuanlin,
-Book 345, in the beginning. The different names of the Mo ho are also
-collected in Kanghi’s Dictionary under hŏ, a character not to be found in
-Morrison’s Tonical Dictionary; it is composed out of the rad. 177, and
-the sound giving group hŏ, 4019, and there also exists no passage saying
-Mo ho and Mung koo are one and the same people.
-
-
-Note (64), page 49.
-
-Vahram speaks of the four sons of Tshinggis. The army of the Moguls and
-of Timur (see his Institutes, p. 229 foll.) was divided into divisions
-of 10, 100, 1000, &c. The ten followers were the ten first officers or
-“Comites,” as Tacitus calls the compeers of the German princes. Similar
-customs are always found in a similar state of society.
-
-
-Note (65), page 49.
-
-Vahram confounds probably the first election of the Emperor Cublai, with
-the election of his follower Mangou, to whose residence at Caracorum
-the King of Cilicia, Hethum, went as a petitioner. Vahram knows that
-the title of the head of the Mongolian confederacy is Teen tze, 10095,
-11233, “the son of Heaven.” The Mongolian emperors have only been called
-so, after the conquest of China by Cublai. _Teen tse_ is the common title
-of the Emperor of the “Flowery empire.” According to other accounts,
-Tshinggis called himself already “Son of Heaven.”
-
-
-Note (66), page 49.
-
-To Mangou khan; we know this by other contemporary historians. There
-exist some Armenian historians in the 13th century, who contain a good
-deal of information regarding the Moguls. One is printed in the Mémoires
-sur l’Arménie, by Saint-Martin. See Quadro della Storia, &c. p. 112, and
-following.
-
-
-Note (67), page 49.
-
-Is this treaty to be any where found? It would certainly be very
-interesting. Vahram has the word _kir_, by which it is certain that
-Hethum I. returned with a written treaty, which very probably was written
-in the Mogulian language, and with the Mogulian characters.
-
-
-Note (68), page 49.
-
-Vahram has again the unsettled and vague name of Tadjik.
-
-
-Note (69), page 49.
-
-Vahram died before the beginning of the glory of Othman, and of the
-increasing power of his descendants; he speaks of the fading state of the
-Seljuks of Iconium.
-
-
-Note (70), page 50.
-
-I have taken the liberty to shorten a little the pious meditations of our
-author; he would have done better to give us some details regarding the
-interesting transactions with the Moguls.
-
-
-Note (71), page 50.
-
-Sem, the son of Noe,—our author means Palestine and Syria. The Mamalukes
-of Egypt remained in possession of Sham, or Syria, till the conquest of
-Timur, 1400 of our era. He mentions in his Institutes, p. 148, the Defeat
-of the Badishah of Miser and Sham ‎‏شام‏‎. After the retreat of Timur, the
-Mamalukes again took possession of the country, and held it till the
-conquest of the Othomans. “Egypt was lost,” says Gibbon, “had she been
-defended only by her feeble offspring; but the Mamalukes had breathed in
-their infancy the keenness of the Scythian air; equal in valour, superior
-in discipline, they met the Moguls in many a well-fought field, and drove
-back the stream of hostility to the eastward of the Euphrates.”—Gibbon
-iv. 270. See also p. 175, 261. It is known that “this government of the
-slaves” lasted by treaty under the descendents of Selim, and was only
-destroyed in our times by a signal act of treachery of Mehmed, Pasha of
-Egypt.
-
-
-Note (72), page 50.
-
-“Antioch was finally occupied and ruined by Bondocdar, or Bibars, Sultan
-of Egypt and Syria.”—Gibbon iv. 175. Antioch never rose again after this
-destruction; it is now in a very decayed state, and has only about 10,000
-inhabitants. The Turks pronounce the name _Antakie_.
-
-
-Note (73), page 50.
-
-Confiding in his Mogulian allies, or masters, Hethum took many places,
-which formerly paid tribute to the Mamaluke sovereigns; they asked of
-him, therefore, either to restore them their former possessions, or to
-pay tribute.—Chamchean, 339.
-
-
-Note (74), page 50.
-
-This is certainly very remarkable. It had never happened before in the
-history of the world, and will perhaps, never happen in future times,
-that the kings of Georgia and Armenia, the Sultans of Iconium, the
-Emirs of Persia, the ambassadors of France, of Russia, of Thibet, Pegu,
-and Tonquin, met together in a place about nine thousand miles to the
-north-west of Pekin, and that life and death of the most part of these
-nations depended on the frown or smile of a great khan. M. Rémusat has
-written a very learned and ingenious dissertation on the situation of
-Caracorum.—Abul Fazel (Ayeen Akbery ii. 336, London edition, 1800), lays
-down ‎‏قراقوروم‏‎, Caracurem, long. 111. 0. lat. 44. 45. All the residences
-of the khan were distinguished by the general name of _Kharibaligh_ (town
-or residence of the khan), and this has led astray many historians and
-geographers.
-
-
-Note (75), page 52.
-
-Jacobus I. died 1268, and is considered a very great man by the
-Armenians; they call him the _Sage_ and the Doctor. Jacobus has written
-some ecclesiastical tracts, and a very fine song on the nativity of the
-Virgin Mary, which is printed in the Psalm-book of the Armenian church.
-
-
-Note (76), page 53.
-
-This seems to be the Greek word μακαρίος, “beatus,” “blessed,” &c.
-
-
-Note (77), page 54.
-
-Nobody receives the degree of a Vartabed without having previously
-undergone a strict examination: it is something like the doctor of
-philosophy of the German universities; but a Vartabed, that is to
-say _a teacher_, is rather more esteemed in Armenia than a doctor of
-philosophy in Germany. The Vartabed receives at his inauguration a staff,
-denoting the power to teach, reprove, and exhort in every place with
-all authority. (See the Biography of Gregory _Wartabed_, as the word
-is spelt there, in the Missionary Herald, vol. xxiv. 140.) It is very
-probable that this institution came in the fifth century of our era from
-the philosophic schools in Athens to Armenia; nearly all the classical
-writers of this age went to Athens for their improvement.
-
-
-Note (78), page 54.
-
-Leon III. gave orders to make new copies of all the works of the former
-classical writers of the nation; in our eyes, his greatest praise.
-
-
-Note (79), page 55.
-
-The King’s secretary cannot find words enough to praise his master; in
-his zeal, he accumulates words upon words which signify the same: I have
-passed over some of these repetitions. Vahram, without being aware of
-it, describes his master more as a pious monk than as a prudent king.
-Why does the Secretary of State not give any reason for the rebellious
-designs of the Armenian chieftains?
-
-
-Note (80), page 55.
-
-From the time of Herodotus and Zoroaster to this day, the Turcomans
-carried on their nomadical life, and as it seems, without much change
-in their manners and customs. The text of Herodotus and Polybius may
-be explained by the embassies of Muravie and Meyendorn to Khiva and
-Buchara. Many of these Turcoman shepherds were driven to Asia Minor by
-the destruction of the Charizmian empire by the Moguls; the inroads and
-devastations of the Charizmian shepherds have been described by many
-contemporary authors, and the Crusaders experienced a great defeat from
-these savages.
-
-
-Note (81), page 57.
-
-The Egyptians having retired, Leon went against their allies one by one.
-
-
-Note (82), page 58.
-
-The successor of Hulagou, khan of Persia.
-
-
-Note (83), page 58.
-
-Here Vahram calls even the Moguls Tadjiks,—is it because they governed
-Persia?
-
-
-Note (84), page 58.
-
-Vahram calls here the territory of the Seljuks of Iconium _Turkestan_.
-As regards the etymology of the word, he is quite in the right; but what
-we are accustomed to call _Turkestan_, is a country rather more to the
-north-east.
-
-
-Note (85), page 59.
-
-Here ends the Chronicle; but Vahram adds some reflections which I thought
-proper to subjoin, and only to pass over his so often repeated pious
-sentiments.
-
-
-Note (86), page 60.
-
-The monk Vahram is not tired of repeating the same thought in twenty
-different ways, but I was tired of translating these repeated variations
-of the same theme, and the reader would probably have been tired in
-reading them. Why should we waste our time in translating and reading
-sermons, from which nothing else could be learned, than that the author
-said what had been said long before him, in a better style. Why should
-we think it worth our while to study the groundless reasoning of a mind
-clouded by superstition?
-
-
-
-
-APPENDIX.
-
-_Letters between Pope Innocent III. and Leon the First Armenian King of
-Cilicia._
-
-
-During the middle ages, the clergy governed the world, and the Pope, as
-the head of the clergy, was also the head of what then was called the
-Christian Republic. All transactions of any note are therefore contained,
-or at least spoken of, in the vast collections of letters or Regesta
-of the followers of St. Peter. To be united with the Roman Catholic
-Church was, in fact, (particularly during the Crusades,) the same as
-acknowledging the Pope as the supreme umpire, not only in the spiritual
-but also in the civil government of the country; this is clearly to be
-seen in the following letters. If the Popes could not speak to every king
-as they did to the impotent sovereign of Cilicia, it was certainly not
-their fault. The following letters exist only, as far as I know, in the
-Latin tongue, and are taken from the _Regesta Innoc. III._, lib. ii., pp.
-208, 209, 247, 44. I give the text of these letters according to Galanus,
-who accompanied them with a translation into the Armenian language.
-(Conciliat. Eccles. Arm. cum Romana. Romæ, 1650; vol. i., p. 357).
-
- * * * * *
-
-Leo Armeniæ Rex, Reverendissimo in Christo Patri et Domino, Innocentio,
-Dei gratia Summo Pont. et universali Papæ, tanto, ac tali honore
-Dignissimo.
-
-_De suo erga veram Religionem, et Sedem Apostolicam amore; et quod petat
-auxilium contra Sarracenos._
-
-Leo per eandem, et Romani Imperii gratiam Rex omnium Armeniorum,
-cum salutatione seipsum, et quicquid potest. Gloria, laus, et honor
-omnipotent Deo, qui Vos tantum, et talem pastorem Ecclesiæ suæ præesse
-voluit, vestris bonis meritis exigentibus: et tam fructuosam, et firmam
-fabricam super fundamentum Apostolorum componere, et tantum lumen, super
-candelabrum positum, toti Orbi terrarum ad salutem totius Christianitatis
-effundere dignatus est. In vestri vero luminis gratia, salutaribus
-monitis Reverendiss. Patris nostri Archiepiscopi Moguntini,[4] instruct
-et informati _omne Regnum nobis à Deo commissum, amplissimum, et
-spatiosum, et omnes Armenios, huc illuc in remotis partibus diffusos, ad
-unitatem Sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ_, divina inspirante dementia, _revocare
-cupimus, et exoptamus_. Ad hæc calamitates, miserias, paupertates,
-et imbecillitatem. Regni Syriæ,[5] et nostrum, per ipsum prædictum
-Moguntinum (quia difficilior labor erat scripto retexere) Pietati vestræ
-patefacimus. Ipse vero per singula rei veritatem vobis explicabit:
-in cujus notitiam ista non præteriere. Hanc utique contritionem, et
-collisionem in valle destituti lacrymarum jamdiu sustinuimus; quod de
-cætero sine spe subsidii, et auxilii vestri sustinere nequimus. Verum
-quia zelus domus Dei tepescere non debet in cordibus tam vestro, quam
-nostro, non ut personam instruentis geramus, ejusdem domus decorem
-diligere, et pro eadem domo murum nos oportet opponere; ut impetus, quem
-super eam faciunt inimici Crucis, co-operante Dei gratia, collectis in
-unum animi viribus, resistendo excludamus. Hinc est, quod vestram flexis
-genibus imploramus pietatem, quatenus lacrymabilibus Domini Moguntini
-precibus, et nostris divino intuitu aures misericordiæ porrigatis:
-et miseriis Christianitatis compatientes, subsidium Christianissimum
-nobis accurrendo mittatis, antequam irremeabile, quod absit, incurramus
-diluvium; immo cum Dei, et vestro auxilio, evaginato ense, de Hur
-Chaldæorum, et persecutione Pharaonis liberari possimus. Datum Tarsi,
-anno ab incarnatione Domini, MCXCIX. mense Majo. die xxiij.
-
- * * * * *
-
-_Innocentii III. ad præcedentem Leonis epist. responsio; qua laudat
-illius studium erga Sedem Apost. cujus primatum demonstrat; hortatur, ut
-in obedientia ejusdem S. Sedis fideliter perseveret; et subsidium contra
-Sarracenos cito se missurum pollicetur._
-
-Is Ecclesiam suam, congregatam ex gentibus, non habentem maculam, neque
-rugam super gentes et Regna constituit; is extendit palmites ejus usque
-ad mare, et usque ad terminos terræ ipsius propagines dilatavit; cujus
-est terra, et plenitudo ejus, Orbis terrarum, et universi qui habitant in
-eo, ipse etiam Romanam Ecclesiam non solum universis fidelibus prætulit,
-sed supra cæteras Ecclesias exaltavit: ut cæteræ ab ea non tam vivendi
-normam, et morum sumerent disciplinam, sed et fidei etiam catholicæ
-documenta reciperent, et ejus servarent humiliter instituta. In Petro
-enim Apostolorum Principe, cui excellentius aliis Dominus ligandi et
-solvendi contulit potestatem, dicens ad eum: quodcunque ligaveris super
-terram, erit ligatum et in cœlis: et quodcunque solveris super terram,
-erit solutum et in cœlis: Ecclesia Romana, sedes ejus, et Sessores ipsius
-Romani Pontifices, successores Petri, et vicarii Jesu Christi, sibi
-invicem per successivas varietates temporum singulariter succedentes,
-super Ecclesiis omnibus, et cunctis Ecclesiarum Prelatis, immo etiam
-fidelibus universis a Domino primatum et magisterium acceperunt: vocatis
-sic cæteris in partem solicitudinis, ut apud eos plenitudo resideat
-potestatis. Non enim in Petro, et cum Petro singulare illud privilegium
-expiravit, quod successoribus ejus futuris usque in finem Mundi
-Dominus in ipso concessit; sed præter vitæ sanctitatem, et miraculorum
-virtutes, par est in omnibus jurisdictio successorum; quos etsi diversis
-temporibus, eidem tamen Sedi, et eadem auctoritate Dominus voluit
-præsidere. Gaudemus autem, quod tu, sicut Princeps catholicus, Apostolicæ
-Sedis privilegium recognoscens, venerabilem fratrem nostrum Moguntinum
-Archiepiscopum, Episcopum Sabinensem, unum ex septem Episcopis, qui
-nobis in Ecclesia Romana collaterales existunt, benigne, ac hilariter
-recepisti; et non solum per eum institutis salutaribus es instructus,
-quibus juxta continentiam litterarum tuarum totum Regnum tuum licet
-amplissimum desideras informari, et universos Armenos ad Ecclesiæ Romanæ
-gremium revocare; sed _ad honorem, et gloriam Apostolicæ Sedis, quam
-constitutam esse novisti super gentes, et regna, diadema regni recepisti
-de manibus ejus_; et eum curasti devote, ac humiliter honorare: et nos
-per ipsum, et litteras tuas ad orientalis terræ subsidium invitasti. Ei
-ergo, a quo est omne datum optimum, et omne donum, perfectum, qui habet
-corda Principum in manu sua, quas possumus, gratias referentes, quod
-tibi tantæ humilitatis animum inspiravit; rogamus Serenitatem Regiam,
-et exhortamur in Domino, ac _per Apostolica tibi scripta mandamus_,
-quatenus in timore Domini, et Apostolicæ Sedis devotione persistens,
-ad expugnandam barbariem Paganorum, et vindicandam injuriam Crucifixi,
-tanto potentius, et efficacius studeas imminere; quanto fraudes et
-versutias hostium vicinius positus melius cognovisti: non in exercitus
-multitudine, aut virtute, sed de ipsius potius miseratione confidens,
-qui docet manus ad prælium, et digitos movet ad bellum; qu arcus
-fortium superat, et robore accingit infirmos. Jam enim per Dei gratiam
-ad commonitionem nostram multi Crucis signaculum receperunt, et plures
-Domino dante recipient, in defensionem orientalis Provinciæ opportuno
-tempore transituri. Jam etiam duo ex fratribus nostris de manibus nostris
-vivificæ Crucis assumpsere vexillum, exercitum Domini præcessuri. Confide
-igitur, et esto robustus, quia citius forsitan, quam credatur, orientalis
-Provincia subsidium sentiet expectatum. Dat. Later. viii. kal. Decembris.
-
- * * * * *
-
-_Idem Innocentius Papa ad illustriss. Regem Armeniæ. Quod ipsi
-transmittat vexillum beati Petri, quo contra Crucis inimicos utatur._
-
-_After some previous passages_:—Et tibi congaudemus, et Nobis, immo etiam
-universo Populo Christiano; quod eum tibi Dominus inspiravit affectum,
-ut Apostolicæ Sedis instituta devote reciperes, et præcepta fideliter
-observares, et contra inimicos Crucis propositum illud assumeres, ut in
-eos vindicare cupias injuriam Crucifixi, et hæreditatem ejus de ipsorum
-manibus liberare. Nos igitur de tuæ devotionis sinceritate confisi, ad
-petitionem dilecti filii Roberti de Margat militis, nuncii tui, in nostræ
-dilectionis indicium, vexillum beati Petri tuæ Serenitati dirigimus; quo
-in hostes Crucis duntaxat utaris, et eorum studeas contumaciam cum Dei
-auxilio, suffragantibus Apostolorum Principis meritis, refrænare. Datum
-Later. xvi. kal. Januarii.
-
- * * * * *
-
-_Leonis Armeniæ Regis ad Innocentium III. epistola; qua ad præcedentem
-respondet, et privilegium ab eo petit._
-
-_After some other passages_:—Paternitatis vestræ litteras, quas per
-dilectum fidelem Nuncium nostrum nobis direxistis, ea qua decuit
-reverentia, et devotione suscepimus; et per earum significata pleno
-collegimus intellectu, Vos charitatis visceribus Regiam Majestatem
-nostram amplexari. Continebant etiam quod in devotione, et amore
-Apostolicæ Sedis persisteremus; et in hoc semper perseverare cupimus;
-et optamus, et testis est rerum effectus, dum _de omnibus negotiis
-nostris ad Sedem Apostolicum appellamus_. Misistis autem nobis per eundem
-Nuncium vexillum sancti Petri in memoriale dilectionis Sedis Apostolicæ,
-quod semper ante nos portari contra inimicos Crucis ad honorem Sanctæ
-Romanæ Ecclesiæ faciemus ... Præterea nos obedientiæ vinculis de
-cætero Apostolicæ Sedi esse alligatos, non dubitetis; ea propter, si
-placet Sanctitati vestræ, cuilibet alteri Ecclesiæ Latinæ nec volumus,
-nec debemus alligari. Hinc est, quod Sanctitatem vestram humiliter
-flagitamus, quatenus nobis litteras apertas mittere dignemini, ut non
-teneamur videlicet cum Latinis de terra nostra de qualibet conditione,
-excepta sancta Romana Ecclesia, cuilibet Ecclesiæ Latinæ: et quod non
-habeat potestatem, nos, seu Latinos de terra nostra excommunicandi, vel
-sententiam in Regno nostro proferendi super Latinos quælibet Ecclesia,
-excepta, ut dictum est, Sede Apostolica.[6] Præsentium quoque latorem,
-dilectum, et fidelem nostrum militem, nomine Garnere Teuto ad pedes
-Sanctitatis vestræ dirigimus; cui super his, quæ ex parte nostra vobis
-indixerit, tanquam Nobis ipsis credere, ne dubitetis, &c.
-
- * * * * *
-
-_Ex indulto Regis Armeniæ, a Domino Papa Innocentio III. sibi facto._
-
-Volentes igitur, quantum cum Deo possumus, tuæ Serenitati deferre,
-et _cum honestate nostra petitineso Regias exaudire_; tuis precibus
-inclinati, auctoritate præsentium inhibemus, ne quis in te, vel Regnum
-tuum, aut homines Regni tui, cujuscunque conditionis existant qui
-mediantibus tamen ejusdem Regni Prælatis, Sedi Apostolicæ sunt subjecti,
-præter Romanum Pontificem, et ejus Legarum, vel de ipsius speciali
-mandato, districtionem Ecclesiasticam audeat exercere,[7] &c.
-
-
-
-
-CHRONOLOGY OF THE ARMENIAN BARONS AND KINGS OF CILICIA
-
-(ACCORDING TO CHAMCHEAN.)
-
-
- Rouben I. 1080
-
- Constantine I. 1095
-
- Thoros I. 1100
-
- Leon I. 1123
-
- _Interregnum_ 1138
-
- Thoros II. 1144
-
- Thomas Bail, regent 1168
-
- Meleh 1169
-
- Rouben II. 1174
-
- Leon II.[8] 1185
-
- Sabel or Isabella, queen 1219
-
- Philippus 1220
-
- _Interregnum_ 1222
-
- Hethum or Haithon I. 1224
-
- Leon III. 1269
-
- Hethum II., also called Johannes 1289
-
- Thoros III. 1293
-
- Hethum II. (second time) 1295
-
- Sembad 1296
-
- Constantine II. 1298
-
- Hethum III. 1300
-
- Leon IV. 1305
-
- Odshin 1308
-
- Leon V. 1320
-
- Constantine III. 1342
-
- Guido 1343
-
- Constantine IV. 1345
-
- _Interregnum_ 1363
-
- Leon VI. 1368
-
- End of the Armenian kingdom in Cilicia 1375
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES
-
-
-[1] Nicetas II. p. 148. I wonder that Montesquieu, in making use of this
-passage of Nicetas (Grandeur et Decadence des Romains, ch. xxii.), has
-not been struck with its incorrectness; it did not escape the critical
-discernment of Gibbon: the Decline and Fall, etc. ch. 49. n. 17.
-
-[2] Bruce’s Annals of the East-India Company, iii. 88. The mercantile
-companies trading to different parts of Asia found every where the
-Armenians in their way; the Armenians became jealous on the new intruders
-of their commerce, and tried to remove them by intrigues. See Hanway, i.
-303.
-
-[3] Pompey the Great had vanquished the Albanians, who brought into
-the field twelve thousand horse and sixty thousand foot. Plutarch in
-Pompeio., t. ii. p. 1165. Gibbon, chap. xlvi. n. 6.
-
-[4] See the Notes 53 and 54 to the text of Vahram’s Chronicle.
-
-[5] This part of Palestine and Syria, which belonged to the Latins.
-
-[6] Leon was on bad terms with the clergy of Antioch, and the latin
-princes were eager to unite Cilicia with their dominions.
-
-[7] There are some other matters, regarding the history of the Armenian
-kingdom in Cilicia, spoken of in the _Regesta Innocentii III._; but it
-is not our object to write the history of that kingdom. We only collect
-materials for a future historian, who might certainly draw some other
-valuable accounts from _Belouacensis Spec. Hist._, from _Sanutus_ and
-from _Hayto_ or _Hethum’s Hist. Orient_. We may here observe, that
-Vahram, who is eager to tell all that is to the honour and glory of the
-Church, says nothing about the baptism of the great Chan of the Moguls.
-
-[8] Leon was the first king, the former princes are only called barons of
-Cilicia.
-
-
-
-
-The Translator finds it necessary to remark for the information of the
-reader of “_The History of Vartan_,” that, not being in this country when
-the work went to press, there occurred some slight errors, particularly
-in the orthography of proper names. We shall at present only notice the
-following:—
-
- Preface, p. vii, line 6, for _Esrick_ read _Esnik_.
- p. xxii, line 13, for _of_ Moh. read _before_ Moh.
- p. 5, line 21, for _Dadjgabdan_ read _Dadjgasdan_.
- p. 75, line 21, for _Bardesares_ read _Bardesanes_.
-
-
-Transcriber’s Note
-
-The errors above refer to a different book. The following probable
-mistakes in _this_ one were noticed and changed.
-
- Page 69, “geoprapher” changed to “geographer” (the geographer
- alluded to)
-
- Page 73, “Amenian” changed to “Armenian” (printed in Armenian,
- at Venice)
-
- Page 73, “seasame” changed to “sesame” (abounding in sesame,
- panic, millet, wheat and barley)
-
- Page 76, “certrin” changed to “certain” (it is likewise certain
- that the language)
-
- Page 90, “Mogolian” changed to “Mongolian” (the head of the
- Mongolian confederacy)
-
- Page 91, “Quardo” changed to “Quadro” (Quadro della Storia)
-
- Page 92, “Palastine” changed to “Palestine” (our author means
- Palestine and Syria)
-
- Page 101, “calamitatess” changed to “calamitates” (Ad hæc
- calamitates, miserias, paupertates)
-
- Page 101, “omus” changed to “domus” (ejusdem domus decorem
- diligere)
-
- Page 101, “not ... faciuns” changed to “nos ... faciunt” (nos
- oportet opponere; ut impetus, quem super eam faciunt)
-
- LONDON:
- Printed by J. L. Cox, Great Queen Street,
- Lincoln’s-Inn Fields.
-
-
-
-
-
-End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Vahram's chronicle of the Armenian
-kingdom in Cilicia, during the tim, by Vahram and Charles Fried. Neuman
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-
-The Project Gutenberg EBook of Vahram's chronicle of the Armenian kingdom
-in Cilicia, during the time of the Crusade, by Vahram and Charles Fried. Neuman
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
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-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: Vahram's chronicle of the Armenian kingdom in Cilicia, during the time of the Crusades.
-
-Author: Vahram
- Charles Fried. Neuman
-
-Release Date: August 25, 2019 [EBook #60171]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK VAHRAM'S CHRONICLE--ARMENIAN KINGDOM ***
-
-
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-Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This book was
-produced from images made available by the HathiTrust
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-</pre>
-
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i">[i]</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="titlepage larger">VAHRAM’S<br />
-<span class="larger">CHRONICLE</span><br />
-<span class="smaller">OF THE</span><br />
-ARMENIAN KINGDOM IN CILICIA.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ii" id="Page_ii">[ii]</a></span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[iii]</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="titlepage">VAHRAM’S<br />
-<span class="larger">CHRONICLE</span><br />
-<span class="smaller">OF</span><br />
-THE ARMENIAN KINGDOM IN CILICIA,<br />
-<span class="smaller">DURING THE</span><br />
-TIME OF THE CRUSADES.</p>
-
-<p class="titlepage"><span class="smaller">TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL ARMENIAN,<br />
-WITH</span><br />
-NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS,<br />
-<span class="smaller">BY</span><br />
-CHARLES FRIED. NEUMANN.</p>
-
-<p class="titlepage">LONDON:<br />
-PRINTED FOR THE ORIENTAL TRANSLATION FUND,<br />
-<span class="smaller">And Sold by<br />
-J. MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET;<br />
-PARBURY, ALLEN, &amp; CO., LEADENHALL STREET;<br />
-THACKER &amp; CO., CALCUTTA; TREUTTEL &amp; WÜRTZ, PARIS;<br />
-AND E. FLEISCHER, LEIPSIG.</span><br />
-1831.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[iv]</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="titlepage smaller">LONDON:<br />
-Printed by J. L. Cox, Great Queen Street<br />
-Lincoln’s-Inn Fields.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="dedication">TO<br />
-<span class="larger">PROFESSOR WILKEN,</span><br />
-<span class="smaller">AUTHOR OF</span><br />
-“THE HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES,”<br />
-<span class="smaller">AND</span><br />
-LIBRARIAN TO HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF PRUSSIA,<br />
-THIS VOLUME<br />
-<span class="smaller">IS DEDICATED,</span><br />
-WITH PROFOUND RESPECT AND ESTEEM,<br />
-<span class="over smaller">BY</span><br />
-<span class="over">THE TRANSLATOR.</span></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>PREFACE.</h2>
-
-<p>The greatest defect of the following
-Chronicle is its brevity. <span class="smcap">Vahram</span>, of
-whose life little more is known than
-that he was a native of Edessa, a priest,
-and the secretary of king Leon III., exhibits
-almost all the faults of the common
-Chroniclers of the Middle Ages. He
-relates many barren facts, without stating
-the circumstances with which they were
-connected, and he mistakes every where
-the passions of men for the finger of
-God. The compilers of chronicles were
-in those ages ignorant of the true end,
-and unacquainted with the proper objects<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span>
-of history. But with all its defects, the
-chronicle of the Armenian kings of Cilicia,
-written by a contemporary writer, is valuable.
-The friend of history may now
-be enabled to form an estimate of the origin
-and the increase of an empire, which
-for want of materials has been overlooked
-by the most learned and acute historians.
-Gibbon, of whom it is doubtful whether
-we should most admire his genius or his
-erudition, in his celebrated work simply
-mentions the <i>name</i> of Cilicia, a kingdom,
-which carried on successful wars against
-the emperors of Constantinople; and
-which, from the beginning of the Crusades
-remained the friend and ally of the Franks,
-and to whom belonged a part of the sea-coast,
-that continued from the time of
-Ezekiel the theatre of the commerce of
-the world. The Venetians and Genoese
-were so impressed with the importance
-of Cilicia, that they made several commercial
-treaties with the Armenian kings;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[ix]</a></span>
-the Armenian original of one of these
-agreements, together with a translation
-and notes, has been printed by the learned
-orientalist, Saint-Martin.</p>
-
-<p>The Crusaders were astonished to find
-within the frontiers of the Byzantine empire
-a powerful prince and ally of whom
-they had never before heard mention.
-Nicetas betrays a want of historical knowledge
-and research, in saying that the
-Armenians and Germans were united
-together, because they both disliked holy
-images.<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> The Germans and a great part of
-the Armenians, on the contrary, felt no
-aversion to the worship of images, but
-the latter, ever since the first division of
-the Arsacidian kingdom of Armenia between
-the Sassanides and the Greeks, in
-the year three hundred and eighty-seven,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[x]</a></span>
-had been in perpetual warfare with the
-Byzantine empire; and this warfare caused
-a degree of animosity between the two
-people (Greeks and Armenians), of which
-traces may be seen even at the present
-time.</p>
-
-<p>By the unjust and cruel division of the
-kingdom of Armenia, the largest and
-most fertile part of the country fell (as
-the contemporary historian Lazar of Barb
-observes) to the empire of Persia. The
-Byzantine emperors and the Sassanian
-princes for a while permitted native kings
-to hold a precarious sceptre; but they
-were speedily dismissed; and the Byzantine
-part of Armenia was governed by a Greek
-magistrate, and the Persian by a Marsban
-or Margrave. This state of the country,
-somewhat similar to that of the Maronites
-in our times, was on a sudden changed by
-the conquests of the Arabs; but the Armenians
-would not accept the Koran,
-and their condition became worse under<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[xi]</a></span>
-the zealous and fanatical followers of the
-prophet of Mecca than under the descendants
-of Sapor the Great, while weak and
-dismayed by civil wars.</p>
-
-<p>Ashod the Bagratide, an Armenian
-nobleman of a Jewish family, who had
-fled to Armenia after the destruction of
-Jerusalem by Nebuchadanozor, at last
-gained the confidence of his Arabian
-masters; and in the year eight hundred
-and fifty-nine was appointed Emir al
-Omra, Ishkhan Ishkhanaz (prince of
-princes),—as the native historians translate
-the Arabian title—over all Armenia: and
-was soon after it (888) favoured with a
-tributary crown. The Bagratides and the
-rival kings of the family of the Arzerounians,
-were the faithful friends (or slaves)
-of the Arabs, and often suffered from the
-inroads and devastations of the Greeks.
-We learn from Vahram the means through
-which the Bagratian kingdom in Armenia
-Proper was extinguished; and that a new<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[xii]</a></span>
-Armenian kingdom arose on the craggy
-rocks of Mount Taurus, and which gradually
-extended its boundaries to the sea-coast,
-including the whole province of Cilicia.
-Vahram carries his monotonous historical
-rhymes no farther down than the
-time of the death of his sovereign, Leon III.
-(1289); but the Cilicio-Armenian kingdom,
-which during the whole time of its existence
-perhaps never was entirely independent,
-lasted nearly a hundred years longer.
-Leon, the sixth of that name and the last
-Armenian king of Cilicia, was in 1375 taken
-a prisoner by the Mamalukes of Egypt, and
-after a long captivity (1382) released by
-the generous interference of King John I.
-of Castille. He was not however permitted
-to return to his own country; but wandered
-through Europe from one country to
-another till his death, which happened at
-Paris, the 19th of November 1393. He
-was buried in the monastery of the Celestines.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[xiii]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The Mamalukes did not long remain
-masters both of Cilicia and of a part of
-Armenia Proper; but yielded to the fortune
-and the strength of the descendants
-of Osman or Othman: when the Armenians
-again felt, as in former times, all the disasters
-to which the frontier provinces
-between two rival empires are usually
-exposed. The cruel policy of the Sophies
-transplanted thousands of Christian families
-to the distant provinces of Persia, and
-transformed fertile provinces into artificial
-deserts. The Armenians therefore,
-like the Jews, were obliged to disperse
-themselves over the world, and resort to
-commerce for the necessaries of life. Armenian
-merchants are now to be found in
-India, on the islands of the Eastern Archipelago,
-in Singapore, in Afghanistan, Persia,
-Egypt, in every part of Asia Minor and
-Syria, Russia, Poland, Austria, Italy; and
-even the present patriarch of Abyssinia is
-an Armenian. The valiant descendants<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[xiv]</a></span>
-of Haig are now, like the offspring of
-Abraham, considered every where clever
-and shrewd merchants: they were of
-great service to the East-India Company
-in carrying on their trade with the inland
-provinces of Hindostan; and it was once
-thought that they were fitter for this part
-of the mercantile business, than any agents
-of the Company itself.<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>
-
-<p>It is not more than half a century since
-the modern Armenian provinces began
-to look on Russia for succour and relief,
-when the Empress Catherine behaved in
-many instances most generously to the
-ruined house of Thorgoma. The fortunate
-wars of Russia against the Shah and the
-Sultan have within the last ten years
-brought the greater part of the old Parthian
-kingdom of Armenia under the sway
-of the mighty Czars. It seems probable,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[xv]</a></span>
-that we may see yet in our times a new
-kingdom of Armenia, created out of barbarian
-elements by the generosity and
-magnanimity of the Emperor Nicholas.</p>
-
-<p>The following Chronicle is translated
-from an edition printed at Madras in the
-year 1259 of the Armenian era, that is the
-year 1810 <i>Anno Domini</i>. The volume is
-printed by the command of that great promoter
-of literature, Ephrem, archbishop
-and primate of the Armenians in Russia,
-and contains, besides the chronicle of
-Vahram, the Elegy of Edessa by Nerses
-Shnorhaly; and the elegy on his death,
-written by the most eminent of his disciples,
-Nerses of Lampron. It is said in the
-preface of the before-mentioned volume,
-that the work of Vahram, the secretary
-of Leon III., had been previously printed,
-though in a very negligent and careless
-manner. I have never however seen any
-other than the Madras edition, where the
-proper names of places and foreign nations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">[xvi]</a></span>
-are often incorrectly spelt. I am sorry to
-add, that I made the following translation
-in a place where it was impossible for me
-to refer to the well known works on the
-geography of Armenia, of Cilicia, and of
-Asia Minor generally; neither could I
-compare the narrative of Vahram with the
-statements of the contemporary Byzantine
-and Latin writers: but I trust the learned
-reader will easily supply these defects.</p>
-
-<p>Vahram is nearly the latest author who
-is considered by the Armenian literati to
-write classically. The classical Armenian
-language had been preserved from
-the beginning of Armenian literature in
-the fifth century, amidst various political
-and religious disturbances, for a period of
-eight hundred years. During the course of
-the thirteenth century the language became
-corrupted; and in the fourteenth authors
-began to use in their writings the corrupted
-vernacular idiom. The ancient native
-writers were neglected, their classical translations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvii" id="Page_xvii">[xvii]</a></span>
-and imitations of the celebrated
-Greek patterns became superseded by
-the barbarous literature of the Latins,
-and John of Erzinga, otherwise Bluz
-(1326), the last who wrote the language of
-Moses and Elisæus, translated a work on
-the sacraments by St. Thomas Aquinas.</p>
-
-<p>We thus find some orders of monks in
-Armenia, educated in the Latin schools
-and in latin manners, who corrupted the
-native Haican language by the introduction
-of many foreign scholastic expressions;
-and a new race of sanguinary barbarians,
-the Dominicans, became the
-authors of works worthy of their titulary
-saint. The Armenian literature remained
-in this abject condition, to which these
-holy fathers had reduced it, for nearly four
-hundred years; but about the middle of
-the eighteenth century the nation roused
-itself from this lethargy, and Madras, Calcutta,
-Djulfa, New Nakshivan, Etshmiadsin,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xviii" id="Page_xviii">[xviii]</a></span>
-Tabris, St. Petersburg, Moscow, Amsterdam,
-Smyrna, and principally Venice,
-bear witness to the literary energy of the
-far dispersed descendants of Haig. With
-the dawn of Armenian literature, history
-has been enriched by the Chronicle of
-Eusebius; yet more and weightier literary
-treasures may be expected from its meridian
-splendour. There are hints in the
-writers of the fifth century, of translations
-of Polybius, Diodorus Siculus, and the
-Chronicle of Julius Africanus. Besides
-these versions of the classical writers of
-Greece, there exist very valuable original
-histories, which have never been printed
-or translated, and many a chasm might
-be filled up in the history of the middle
-ages by these authors. We should, perhaps,
-be introduced to nations now totally
-lost, or so mingled with others, that it is
-impossible to distinguish them. There is a
-rumour of a manuscript history of the Albanians,—a
-nation well known to Strabo<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xix" id="Page_xix">[xix]</a></span>
-and to Moses of Chorene,<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> said to exist
-at a monastery in Armenia Proper,—of
-those Albanians, who lived between Iberia
-or Georgia and the confines of the Caspian
-Sea; but of which people no traces
-are to be found in our times.</p>
-
-<p>A literary journey to Armenia, undertaken
-by an active laborious scholar, who
-unites the knowledge of the Armenian
-language with classical studies, would
-prove of the greatest importance to the
-knowledge of ancient history and to the
-advancement of general literature.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xx" id="Page_xx">[xx]</a></span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span></p>
-
-<h1><span class="smaller">THE</span>
-CHRONICLE OF VAHRAM.</h1>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>THE CHRONICLE.</h2>
-
-<p>The Patriarch Nerses, called the Gracious,<a href="#note1" id="marker1">(1)</a>
-has written a history of Armenia in verse, informing
-us of the manners and customs of our
-forefathers, from the highest antiquity down to
-his own time; and by so doing he admonished
-the people to walk in the path of righteousness.
-Seeing and reading this history, Leon, the
-anointed king of Armenia,<a href="#note2" id="marker2">(2)</a> has been pleased to
-command me, the poor in spirit, to subjoin to
-the work of our holy father both what has been
-reported by faithful witnesses, and what we
-have seen with our own eyes. And he commanded
-me to write this supplement (also in
-verse), that it may be read with more pleasure.<a href="#note3" id="marker3">(3)</a></p>
-
-<p>Now I, Raboun Vahram, am convinced of
-my want of talents, but am well versed in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>
-law of God, and have never deviated from the
-path of righteousness. Receiving the commands
-of the king, I have been ever since uneasy in
-my mind, out of fear that in not obeying, I
-may bring on me the two-fold punishment
-spoken of by St. Paul.<a href="#note4" id="marker4">(4)</a> For, if to subjoin my
-mean composition to those of the ancients be
-audacious, to think that it could be compared
-with their finished productions, would be folly.
-This alarmed me, and I abstained from writing.
-Considering this very seriously, I thought at
-last that my humble and mean writing would
-increase the beauty of others, to which it was
-subjoined: the same as painters intentionally
-surround a gold ground by a black colour, not
-to adorn this black border, but to raise the
-beauty of the gold.<a href="#note5" id="marker5">(5)</a> These considerations
-made me regain confidence, and I felt resolution
-enough to undertake this work. I confide in
-Him, whose grace is unbounded, who knows
-what nobody has seen, who under three appearances
-is only of one nature, <i>Father</i>, <i>Son</i>,
-and <i>Holy Ghost</i>; whose reign is for ever, who
-alone should be worshipped, and who alone
-creates and preserves all beings. With his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>
-name I begin, and with his name I will finish.
-Both the Son and the Holy Ghost proceeded
-from the Father.<a href="#note6" id="marker6">(6)</a> Going back a little to former
-times, I will give (till I come to our age), in a
-cursory manner, what has been written down
-by our forefathers.</p>
-
-<p>The Christian nations have been favoured with
-the inheritance of God; they have been enlightened
-by the faith, and had excellent laws;
-but they strayed from those laws, and were
-polluted by their bad works. The measure of
-their sins being filled, it excited the wrath of
-the Lord, and a burning fire arose in the desert
-of Arabia called Mahomed, the son of darkness.<a href="#note7" id="marker7">(7)</a>
-This Father of heresy drew many
-after him; he arose and preached by the sabre
-and the sword, and subdued many countries.
-The wickedness remained after the death of the
-wicked, the son followed the father, and the
-usurpation was confirmed.</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote">Togrul Beg. 1037</span> In the course of the following centuries, the
-nations, whom we call Turks, came (divided
-into twenty-four tribes)<a href="#note8" id="marker8">(8)</a> from the north, conquered
-the realm of Persia and adhered to the
-heresy of Mohamed; they humbled the kings<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>
-and vanquished the emperor;<a href="#note9" id="marker9">(9)</a> they filled the
-world with their victories and destroyed its inhabitants,
-endangering both body and soul of
-their captives.<a href="#note10" id="marker10">(10)</a> They came at last to Babylon,<a href="#note11" id="marker11">(11)</a>
-and there erecting the seat of their
-empire, they marched to the westward, <span class="sidenote">1042</span> came
-to Armenia, dealt hardly with its inhabitants,
-and laid a heavy yoke on them.<a href="#note12" id="marker12">(12)</a></p>
-
-<p>Tired of this oppression, and unable to sustain
-all the hardships which the barbarians
-laid on them, the inhabitants preferred being
-strangers in foreign countries to remaining slaves
-in their own home; they left the land of their
-forefathers, and fled to the western and northern
-regions. Cakig II, the anointed king of Armenia,
-considering these disastrous circumstances,
-and the dire necessity of the case, <span class="sidenote">1045</span> gave
-up his country to the Roman Emperor, in
-exchange for the great and celebrated town
-of Cæsarea, and other places in Cappadocia;
-and in consequence of this, the Armenians lived
-as emigrants under the Greeks.<a href="#note13" id="marker13">(13)</a></p>
-
-<p>But the jealousy which had existed for so
-many centuries between the two nations, was
-rooted too deep in the heart of every individual,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>
-and caused many disorders. The metropolitan
-of Cæsarea, named Marcus, had a dog, whom
-he called Armen.<a href="#note14" id="marker14">(14)</a> Cakig hearing of this, <span class="sidenote">1079</span> invited
-Marcus to dinner, and asked of him the
-name of the dog: the frightened metropolitan
-called the dog by another name, the animal
-did not hear; but as soon as he called him
-by the proper name, <i>Armen</i>, the dog ran to
-him. The king then gave orders that both the
-metropolitan and his dog should be put into one
-sack together, and tortured until they could
-bear it no longer. As soon as the Greeks heard
-this news, they rose against the Armenians;
-and the sons of one Mandal killed the King
-Cakig.<a href="#note15" id="marker15">(15)</a> This discouraged the chieftains and
-the leaders of the army, they ran away and
-were scattered over various parts of the world.
-A famous chief of the blood royal, <i>Rouben</i> by
-name, baron of the fort Kosidar,<a href="#note16" id="marker16">(16)</a> hearing the
-news of the king’s death, fled with his whole
-family to Mount Taurus,<a href="#note17a" id="marker17a">(17a)</a> descended then the
-mountains on the other side of Phrygia, and
-<span class="sidenote">1080</span> took possession of a place called <i>Korhmoloss</i>,
-and remained there. Many other Armenians
-also took refuge in these mountains; the great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>
-Rouben united them together, and so increased
-his strength, that he could <span class="sidenote">1095</span> take possession of
-the whole mountain district, expel the Greeks,
-and secure the country for himself. He lived a
-holy life, and was at last raised to Christ.</p>
-
-<p><i>Constantine</i> (or Costantin, as the Armenians
-write the name), the son of Rouben, succeeded
-him in the principality,<a href="#note17b" id="marker17b">(17b)</a> and was a valiant
-and magnanimous prince; his principal place
-was Vahga, where he had his residence, and
-from whence he governed his dominions. He
-fought many battles, and conquered many forts;
-he destroyed the armies of the Greeks, and took
-many captives. The dominions of Constantine
-extended to the sea;<a href="#note18" id="marker18">(18)</a> he was highly honoured
-by the Franks, and was their ally against the
-Turks; they raised his possessions to the dignity
-of a comitatus, or county, and appointed
-him the Count and Margrave.<a href="#note19" id="marker19">(19)</a> Valiant, kind
-and benevolent, and a true believer, his fame
-reached to the other side of the sea; he cultivated
-the country and rebuilt the towns, and all
-was blooming and cheerful during his lifetime.
-There occurred a sign from heaven, announcing
-the death of this extraordinary man; the meat<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>
-brought to him on a silver plate started suddenly
-away, and fled to the corner of the house and
-hid itself among the poultry. Wise men looked
-on this as a sign that the king would soon
-be gathered to his forefathers, and so it happened.
-He reposeth in Christ with his father
-Rouben, and was buried in the church called
-Castalon.<a href="#note20" id="marker20">(20)</a></p>
-
-<p>Constantine had two sons, the elder, who
-<span class="sidenote">1100</span> succeeded his father, was called Thoros, and the
-younger Leon. Thoros superabounded in wisdom,
-and his military valour is highly spoken
-of. He sought to revenge the blood of Cakig
-the Great, and made war against the sons of
-Mandal; he reduced their fort Centerhasg,<a href="#note21" id="marker21">(21)</a>
-killed the inhabitants, and carried away great
-booty. He found in this place a likeness of the
-Holy Virgin, and treated it with great esteem:
-by this he became more and more powerful,
-and vanquished the Greeks many times. He
-took Anazarbus, built therein a large church,
-and adorned it with the names of his generals
-and with the likeness of the Holy Virgin. He
-governed valiantly, and so much was he esteemed
-that Cilicia lost its proper name, and has been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>
-called <i>The Country of Thoros</i>. Thoros loved
-God with all his heart, favoured his servants,
-built churches, and held the convents in high
-esteem, in particular those which are called
-<i>Trassarg</i> and <i>Mashgevar</i>; he bestowed on these
-and on others many gifts. Living such a holy
-life, he went at last in to the Lord, <span class="sidenote">1123</span> and was
-buried in the holy church called Trassarg.<a href="#note22" id="marker22">(22)</a></p>
-
-<p>After the death of Thoros, his only son and
-heir was cast into prison by some wicked people,
-who administered to him a poisonous drug,<a href="#note23" id="marker23">(23)</a>
-thus the principality came to Leon, the brother
-of Thoros, and his equal in reputation. <i>Leon</i>
-conquered Mamestia and Tarsus;<a href="#note24" id="marker24">(24)</a> he invited
-many famous warriors to join him, and allured
-them by great rewards. Forward in battle, he
-prepared himself, and often fought against the
-foreigners or infidels,<a href="#note25" id="marker25">(25)</a> took their forts and put
-all the inhabitants to the sword. He was the
-admiration of warriors, and the fear of foreigners
-or infidels, so that they called him the new
-<i>Ashtahag</i>.<a href="#note26" id="marker26">(26)</a> After his return with honours and
-fame to his own country, four sons were born to
-him, so incomparable among men; the first was
-called <i>Thoros</i> the Great, who was adorned by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>
-Stephanus (or the crown). Next to Stephanus
-came <i>Meleh</i>, and then <i>Rouben</i>.</p>
-
-<p>The Roman Emperor (Calo-Johanes), who
-had the surname of Porphyrogenitus,<a href="#note27" id="marker27">(27)</a> hearing
-all that Leon had done, became very angry.
-He assembled a great army and brought them
-down into Cilicia. Leon, finding that he was
-surrounded by a large army, lost all confidence
-in his forts and fled to the mountains; but he
-was speedily taken and brought in fetters before
-the emperor. There are some who even affirm
-that the emperor broke his oath, and took Leon
-by fraud. His two sons were also arrested, and
-with their father carried into captivity; <span class="sidenote">1137</span> they
-were detained together in prison in Constantinople.
-Meleh and Stephanus were fortunately
-not in Cilicia at the time their father was taken
-prisoner; they were on a visit in Urha or
-Edessa, with their uncle, the count of that
-place.<a href="#note28" id="marker28">(28)</a></p>
-
-<p>The Armenian army was destroyed, and the
-emperor took possession of Cilicia; he left a
-part of his soldiers in that country and then
-returned to Constantinople. The eye which
-looks down from heaven on the earth below had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>
-pity upon Leon and his two unfortunate sons,
-and the emperor’s heart turned to clemency.
-He honoured Leon exceedingly, and gave permission
-to his children to stay with their father;
-he invited him to dinner, and permitted him the
-recreation of hunting; he gave him handsome
-clothes and many other fineries.<a href="#note29" id="marker29">(29)</a> On one
-occasion the emperor, being in his bathing-room,
-called Leon and his sons before him, treated
-them most kindly, and was so pleased with the
-prowess of Rouben, that he made him one of
-his household, and promised to raise him yet
-higher.</p>
-
-<p>Rouben once took the bathing tub of the
-emperor, which was full of water, and swung it
-quickly round, which excited much surprise.
-The news reached the emperor, and all who
-saw the act called him a new Sampson; but
-this excited envy in the soldiers and filled them
-with hatred. They gained the ear of the emperor,
-accused Rouben, and ultimately killed
-him by their wicked devices.<a href="#note30" id="marker30">(30)</a></p>
-
-<p>Thoros was now left alone with his father in
-prison, where he had a dream, which he instantly
-imparted to his father. “I saw in a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>
-dream,” said he, “a man of very superior
-appearance offering me a loaf of bread, on which
-was a fish; I being very astonished, took from
-the man what he offered to me; when thou, Oh
-father! earnest, and I enquired the meaning of
-that; but what further happened I know not.”
-Leon, hearing these words from his son, was
-enlightened by heaven, and turning to him
-joyfully, embraced him ardently and said:
-“Be joyful, O my honourable son! for thou
-wilt be honoured as thy forefathers. After evil
-cometh a twofold good fortune,—our country,
-which was taken from us on account of our sins,
-and other lands, will again be governed by thee.
-The fish which thou hast seen, means,—that
-thou wilt be master of the sea, but I shall not
-enjoy these good tidings.”</p>
-
-<p>Leon died and was elevated to Christ; the
-emperor then felt compassion for Thoros, <span class="sidenote">1141</span> took
-him out of prison, and received him into the
-imperial guards. Being now in the imperial
-palace, and a soldier among the soldiers, he very
-soon distinguished himself, and even the emperor
-looked upon him with benevolence. Before
-the end of the year (1141) the emperor left<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>
-Constantinople with a large army, and went to
-assist the Prince of Antioch, who was hard
-pressed by the Turks.<a href="#note31" id="marker31">(31)</a> Being on a hunting
-party in the valley of Anazarbus, one of his own
-poisoned arrows wounded him, and he fell dead on
-the spot; he thus met with his deserved fate.<a href="#note32" id="marker32">(32)</a>
-The army buried him on the place where he
-lost his life, and erected a monument which is
-even now to be seen, called <i>Kachzertik</i>, that is,
-<i>The corpse of the Calos, or Beautiful</i>.<a href="#note33" id="marker33">(33)</a></p>
-
-<p>The Greek army returned, but Thoros remained
-in the country; though the traditions
-concerning this fact are different. Some say,
-Thoros withdrew himself quite alone, went
-by sea from Antioch to Cilicia, and took possession
-of his dominions, finding means to
-gain at first the town of Amouda, and afterwards
-all the other places. But the emperor’s
-party say that Thoros, during the time the
-Greeks stayed in the country, lived with a lady
-who gave him a great sum of money; with
-these treasures he fled to the mountains, and
-discovered himself to a priest as the Son of
-Leon, the true king of the country. The priest
-was exceedingly happy at these tidings, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>
-Thoros hid himself under a shepherd’s disguise. <span class="sidenote">1143</span>
-There were many Armenians in this part of
-the country who, being barbarously treated
-by the Greeks, sighed for their former masters;
-to these men, as it is said, the priest imparted
-the joyful tidings; they instantly assembled
-and appointed <i>Thoros</i> their <i>Baron</i>;<a href="#note34" id="marker34">(34)</a> he gained
-possession of Vahga, and afterwards of many
-other places. Let this be as it may, it was
-certainly ordained by God that this man, who
-was carried away as a prisoner, should become
-the chief of the country of his forefathers,
-that he should take the government out of
-the hands of the Greeks, and destroy their
-armies.</p>
-
-<p>After the death of the Porphyrogenitus, his
-<i>son</i> Manuel succeeded him, who is commonly
-called <i>Pareser, the Virtuous</i>.<a href="#note35" id="marker35">(35)</a> Immediately
-after he had taken possession of the empire,
-Manuel assembled an army to assist the Franks,
-who came by sea to these countries, and were
-hardly pressed by the Turks. Coming to Cilicia,
-and hearing what Thoros had done; how
-he wronged the Greeks, and behaved himself as
-the master of the country, the emperor became<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>
-very angry, and ordered that Thoros should be
-brought to him a prisoner, which he thought
-an easy matter. But Thoros shut himself up
-in a steep and high fort, occupied all the narrow
-passes by his soldiers, and easily repulsed
-from thence the Greeks, many of whom were
-taken and brought in fetters before the victor. <span class="sidenote">1146</span>
-Manuel being informed of what had happened,
-became still more enraged.<a href="#note36" id="marker36">(36)</a></p>
-
-<p>It happened that the emperor sent at that
-time, under the guard of many great men, a large
-sum of money, and that Thoros took the guard
-and the treasure, and divided the latter among
-his soldiers. These Greek nobles seeing this,
-said to Thoros: “Having taken such great
-riches, why dost thou squander them away to
-the common people?” Thoros answered nothing
-to this question, and only remarked:
-“These same men will bring you back to fetters,
-although you are now allowed to return to your
-friends.”<a href="#note37" id="marker37">(37)</a> The emperor heard with astonishment
-what these men, on their return, reported
-to him, and wished to keep on good terms with
-Thoros. The Prince of Antioch became the
-umpire between them. The emperor came to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>
-Antioch, where also Thoros was invited, and
-gained the admiration of every body by his
-prowess and valour. The emperor wanted Anazarbus
-and many other places, which were in the
-possession of Thoros; he accordingly delivered
-them up for a large sum of money.</p>
-
-<p>Thoros returned to Cilicia, and the emperor
-put a stop to the campaign in order to return to
-his own country. As soon as the imperial army
-started from Anazarbus, Thoros proceeded suddenly
-in the night time to Vahga. Now, whether
-the king presumed upon<a href="#note38" id="marker38">(38)</a> any thing, or
-whether some communication had been made to
-him, he did not wish to hold to the treaty.
-Thoros, as soon as the Emperor Manuel went
-back, again began his inroads. He again took
-Anazarbus and conquered Mamestia and the
-surrounding towns. The Duke of Tarsus, who
-was appointed governor of the country by the
-emperor, hearing of these proceedings of Thoros,
-assembled the great Greek army left him by the
-emperor, and those Armenian barons who belonged
-to the emperor’s party, and enjoyed
-many honours by his kindness, such as Oscin
-the baron of Lampron, and the family of Nathaniel,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>
-who were the chiefs of Asgourhas.<a href="#note39" id="marker39">(39)</a>
-They now united together to besiege Mamestia;
-when Thoros behaved himself very valiantly.
-With only a few men he made a sally out of the
-town, gained a complete victory over a large
-army, and took many prisoners; some of the
-Greeks he put to death, while others gained their
-liberty for a ransom. His Armenian captives
-he set instantly at liberty, and contrived to gain
-their friendship. Oscin having been won by a
-large sum of money, gave up his connexion with
-the emperor, and made a treaty with Thoros;
-and Thoros gave his daughter in marriage to the
-son of Oscin.<a href="#note40" id="marker40">(40)</a> The Baron having thus settled
-his affairs collected a fresh army, took the
-famous Tarsus, and all the country from the
-precipices of Isauria<a href="#note41" id="marker41">(41)</a> to the sea; he conquered
-Cilicia, beginning from Isauria, from
-one end to the other. The Emperor Manuel
-hearing these occurrences grew enraged on
-feeling himself unable to chastise Thoros. He
-sent a message to the Sultan of Iconium,<a href="#note42" id="marker42">(42)</a>
-Chlish-Aslan, and promised him a great sum of
-money if he would make war against Thoros.
-The first time, the sultan objected to the treaty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>
-which existed between him and Baron Thoros,
-and so withstood the temptation; but his reluctance
-was overcome by a second message. <span class="sidenote">1154</span>
-He collected a large army, carried them into
-Cilicia, descended into the plain, and besieged
-Anazarbus. But God was against them and
-punished them with plagues, like those of the
-Egyptians; he sent flies and wasps against the
-infidels, and harassed them with many other
-heavy calamities. Thoros made inroads into
-the Sultan’s own country, won Iconium itself,
-returned with a large booty, and sent Chlish-Aslan
-a present out of the booty. By this, and
-by the hardships they suffered, the Sultan and
-his followers were disgusted, and returned to
-their own country. <span class="sidenote">1156</span> They came back a second
-time, and returned again in confusion. The
-Sultan then kept his oath, and remained the
-friend of our hero.</p>
-
-<p>Thoros was of a tall figure and of a strong
-mind: his compassion was universal; like the
-light of the sun he shone by his good works,
-and flourished by his faith; he was the shield
-of truth and the crown of righteousness; he
-was well versed in the Holy Scriptures and in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>
-the profane sciences. It is said that he was of
-such profound understanding, as to be able to
-explain the difficult expressions of the prophets—his
-explanations even still exist.<a href="#note43" id="marker43">(43)</a> In a word,
-he was so accomplished in every thing, that
-God was pleased to call him to heaven. <span class="sidenote">1167</span> He
-was buried in Trassarg.</p>
-
-<p>His brother Stephanus, of whom we have
-spoken before, remained near the <i>Black Mountain</i>,
-making himself illustrious by his prowess,
-and gaining Carmania and the surrounding
-places;<a href="#note44" id="marker44">(44)</a> but the Greeks came again against
-him, and he was consumed by the “seething
-pot.”<a href="#note45" id="marker45">(45)</a> He died in the field and was buried in
-the church of Arkagal (or the Archangel). He
-left two sons, Rouben and Leon, who became
-afterwards king of Cilicia.</p>
-
-<p>Thoros left a child under age, whom he
-committed, together with the country, to the care
-of a certain Baron and Baillie Thomas, his
-father-in-law, with an injunction to deliver to
-him the country as soon as the child should have
-attained his majority.<a href="#note46" id="marker46">(46)</a> <span class="sidenote">1168</span> <i>Meleh</i>, of whom we
-have spoken above, was with the Sultan of
-Aleppo, and hearing of the death of his brother,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>
-he came with an army into the country, and
-dealt very cruelly with its inhabitants. Not
-being able to conquer the possessions of his
-brother he returned to Aleppo, and came back
-with still greater forces. Receiving a message
-from the Armenian Barons that they would
-freely acknowledge him as their sovereign, he
-sent back the Turks, and governed in peace for
-some time. But he soon drove into exile the
-Baillie Thomas, who went afterwards to Antioch.
-The child of Thoros was killed by the command
-of Meleh by some wicked people. <span class="sidenote">1169</span> This cruel
-man was at last killed by his own soldiers, and
-buried in the church called <i>the great Car</i>.<a href="#note47" id="marker47">(47)</a></p>
-
-<p>The sons of Stephanus, Rouben and Leon,
-were very much honoured by a certain
-Baron <i>Pakouran</i>, by the whole Armenian
-nobility, and the army; they therefore appointed
-<i>Rouben</i> as their Baron. <span class="sidenote">1174</span> He was an
-excellent prince, compassionate and kind; he
-ruled the country very well, and was praised
-by every body. He was a friend of the Greeks,
-and married a lady of that nation, by whom he
-had two daughters blooming in chastity. He
-besieged Lampron and pressed its inhabitants<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>
-very hard; they not being able to withstand
-him, called the Prince to their assistance; he <span class="sidenote">1182</span>
-invited Rouben to Antioch, and fraudulently
-held him a prisoner, thinking to conquer Cilicia
-with ease during his captivity. But his
-brother Leon and the army behaved themselves
-very valiantly; they pressed Lampron so closely
-in the absence of the Baron, and defended
-their own country so well, that they released
-Rouben and acknowledged his supremacy.
-The inhabitants of Lampron gave themselves
-and their treasure up to the Baron of Cilicia.
-On his return to his own country Rouben was
-kind and humane to every one, and at his
-death left the crown to Leon; he gave him
-many rules concerning the government of the
-country, and committed to him his daughters,
-with an injunction not to give them foreign
-husbands, that the Armenians might not be
-governed by foreigners and harassed by a
-tyrant. <span class="sidenote">1185</span> Rouben was buried in Trassarg.</p>
-
-<p><i>Leon</i> was a valiant and learned prince; he
-enlarged his principality and became the master
-of many provinces. A few days only after
-his taking possession of the country, the descendants<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>
-of Ismael, under the command of one
-Roustam, advanced and came against Cilicia.<a href="#note48" id="marker48">(48)</a> <span class="sidenote">1186</span>
-Leon was not frightened, but confiding in God,
-who destroyed Sanacherib, he vanquished with
-a few men the great army of the infidels. Roustam
-himself being killed by St. George,<a href="#note49a" id="marker49a">(49a)</a> the
-whole Hagarenian army then fled and dispersed;
-the Armenians pursued them and enriched
-themselves by the booty. The power of
-Leon thus increased, and being confident in his
-strength, he chased the Tadjiks<a href="#note49b" id="marker49b">(49b)</a> and pursued
-the Turks; he conquered Isauria and came as
-far as Iconium; he captured Heraclea,<a href="#note50" id="marker50">(50)</a> and
-again gave it up for a large ransom; he blockaded
-Cæsarea,<a href="#note51" id="marker51">(51)</a> and had nearly taken it; he
-made a treaty with the Sultan of Iconium, and
-received a large sum of money from him; he
-surrounded Cilicia on every side with forts and
-castles; he built a new church called Agner,
-and was exceedingly generous to all monasteries
-erected by his ancestors; his bounty extended
-itself even to the leprous; they being shunned
-by every body and expelled from every place,
-he assigned to them a particular house, and
-provided them with necessaries.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>By such proceedings Leon attained a great
-name and became known to the Emperor of the
-Franks and the Greeks, and both, by Heavens’
-grace, favoured him with the diadem; and,
-indeed, the mission by which Leon the Great
-was crowned King,<a href="#note52" id="marker52">(52)</a> was very famous. <span class="sidenote">Jan. 6, 1198</span> The
-Armenians assembled together in the city of
-Tarsus, and in the cathedral of that town the
-Catholicos<a href="#note53" id="marker53">(53)</a> anointed Leon, as it is the custom,
-king of the house of Thorgoma,<a href="#note54" id="marker54">(54)</a> to sit on
-the throne and flourish in kindness; to glorify
-the church, and to govern well the country;
-to collect together the dispersed people, and to
-renovate its power; lastly, to fill the country
-with peace and to make it as happy as paradise.</p>
-
-<p>This great king brought the Prince of Antioch
-over to him, by marrying to him his niece,
-the daughter of his brother. He then made
-an inroad into the province of Arasu and conquered
-the place called Balresay; by his excellent
-wisdom he also gained Lampron.</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote">1201</span> The great Sultan of Iconium Caicaiuss<a href="#note55" id="marker55">(55)</a>
-marched from Camir against the king, and besieged
-the fort Capan. The unruly Armenian
-troops attacked the enemy without waiting for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>
-an order of the king, and being partly killed
-and partly taken prisoners, the Turks pressed
-very hard the fort Capan. Leon did not let
-his spirits droop by this defeat; he collected
-what troops remained with him, and went plundering
-the territories of the Sultan as far as
-Camir. He laid waste the Sultan’s country,
-and returned with a large booty. Hearing this
-the Sultan started from Cilicia to his own
-principality, and made peace with Leon, on the
-condition that the booty should be restored.</p>
-
-<p>Leon, having governed the country twelve
-years as Baron and twenty-two as King, felt his
-end approaching, and appointed in an assembly
-of the whole nobility of the kingdom, a certain
-baron named Atan to be Regent<a href="#note56" id="marker56">(56)</a> of the
-country and guardian of his daughter. Leon
-died soon after and was buried in the church of
-Agner; a part of his body was brought into the
-town of Sis, and a church was built thereupon.</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote">May 1, 1219</span> After the assassination of Atan, Constantine
-was appointed regent, when he gave the daughter
-of the king and the heiress of the empire (the
-good and chaste lady Isabella), in marriage to
-one of the family of the king, the barons acknowledged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>
-him as their lawful sovereign, <span class="sidenote">1220</span> and swore
-the oath of allegiance.<a href="#note57" id="marker57">(57)</a> But there arose a disturbance
-in the country; one Rouben<a href="#note58" id="marker58">(58)</a> came
-from the Prince of Antioch, gained over many
-of the nobility and aspired to the crown. He
-soon took possession of Tarsus and was about to
-march against Sis; but Constantine met him
-near Tarsus with a great army, and vanquished
-this enemy. Rouben and the chief men of his
-party died in prison.</p>
-
-<p>By this victory Constantine became more
-powerful, and governed the country with a firm
-hand; he built churches and honoured the
-clergy. At this time the patriarch was called
-John, the sixth since Nerses, from whom, as we
-have said, we began our chronicle, and think
-it therefore proper to mention these blessed
-persons.</p>
-
-<p>After the death of Nerses, that is to say, after
-his migration from one life to another, Gregorius,
-called <i>Degha</i>, or the <i>child</i>, was anointed. He
-was a fine and strong man. After him Gregorius,
-called <i>Carawesh</i>, or <i>killed by the stone</i>;—then
-Gregorius Abirad;—and at last John, whom we
-have before mentioned.<a href="#note59" id="marker59">(59)</a> Leon entered into a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>
-dispute with John, and appointed David in his
-place. This man governed the church for two
-years in an excellent manner: but after this, the
-king being reconciled to John, elevated him again
-on his seat. After this reconciliation king Leon
-fell sick and died, very much lamented by the
-Armenians. <span class="sidenote">1223</span> The Lord Constantine succeeded
-him, who excelling in kindness, betrothed the
-heiress of the empire, Isabella, before an assembly
-of the whole nobility, to his son Hethum.<a href="#note60" id="marker60">(60)</a></p>
-
-<p>Hethum was then anointed king of Armenia;
-he was crowned with a golden crown, and held
-a golden consecrated sceptre in his hand, with a
-globe mounted in gold; he was placed on a
-high golden throne, and having these signs of
-royalty in his right hand, he promised to deal
-justice to the people at large and protect the
-poor from injustice. Hethum was an excellent
-and gracious king; fine and handsome in body
-and soul; religious, kind, compassionate, upright,
-bountiful, and generous. The lawful
-heiress of the empire, Isabella, governed the
-country together with her husband, and led a
-pious, religious life. She was blessed for her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>
-good deeds and exemplary life by many children,
-the numerous offsprings of a famous race.<a href="#note61" id="marker61">(61)</a>
-The first was the pious Leon, who is now the
-anointed king, and after him Thoros, the blessed,
-who died the death of a hero.<a href="#note62" id="marker62">(62)</a> Isabella
-brought also into the world five daughters and
-another son, Rouben, who died young. <span class="sidenote">1252</span> The
-queen being near the end of her life, and staying
-in a place called <i>Ked</i>, she heard a voice from
-heaven, crying aloud, “come my dove, come
-my love, thy end is near.” She felt joyful on
-this happy vision, imparted it to the bystanders,
-and died in the Lord; her body was brought to
-the grave by a large assembly of the priesthood
-and laid in consecrated earth.</p>
-
-<p>After the death of the Queen, the King was
-much occupied in the government of his country;
-for there arose an insolent people from the north,
-called <i>Tatars</i>, and also called, after their country,
-Mugal or Mogul,<a href="#note63" id="marker63">(63)</a> who laid waste all the countries
-which fell into their hands. The words
-of the prophet Jeremiah, that “the seething pot
-will run over from the north,” have been found
-true a second time, this being the case we
-must expect the same consequences. There<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>
-were four kings, each of whom was accompanied<a href="#note64" id="marker64">(64)</a>
-by ten chiefs, which is even now
-the case. These four kings met together
-with their ten followers; one arose and spoke
-with a loud voice in this high assembly, and he
-being foremost in power, was declared “<i>The
-son of God in heaven</i>.”<a href="#note65" id="marker65">(65)</a> <span class="sidenote">1254</span> To him went king
-Hethum,<a href="#note66" id="marker66">(66)</a> and there remained four years.
-Hethum had considerable trouble, but he obtained
-friendly words, and a written treaty after
-the custom of the Tatars.<a href="#note67" id="marker67">(67)</a> He then came back
-with great honours and conquered many provinces;
-he routed the armies of the Persians or
-Turks,<a href="#note68" id="marker68">(68)</a> and took their country; he won by
-force Carmania; and Sebehesny was taken out
-of the hands of the Turks, whose splendour
-faded away.<a href="#note69" id="marker69">(69)</a> God’s will was changed, and
-he looked again on us with a benevolent eye;
-the doors of heaven were opened to let through
-his kindness on earth. The country was fruitful
-and happy like paradise, and every man sat in
-peace, as it is said in the scriptures, under his
-own vine. But the Armenians in Cilicia caused
-themselves, like in former times, Sodom and
-Ghomora, by their intemperance and wickedness<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>
-to be very soon devoured by the wrathful fire<a href="#note70" id="marker70">(70)</a>
-of heaven.</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote">1265</span> The proud slaves who governed Egypt took
-by force Damascus, very hard pressed the Sultan
-of Berea or Aleppo, and conquered all the
-country called by the name of Shem.<a href="#note71" id="marker71">(71)</a> These
-slaves united themselves with all the other
-Hagarenians, and it was as if the sand of the
-sea arose to grasp swords and daggers, and to
-fight the battles of men; they went against the
-Christians, like avengers sent from God. The
-sea-coast (from Gaza to Cilicia) suffered in particular;
-all the forts were destroyed. Antioch,
-the great Antioch, fell into their hands—they
-burned the houses, and the inhabitants were
-carried away into foreign countries.<a href="#note72" id="marker72">(72)</a> Having
-taken possession of the before-mentioned territories,
-they went against Cilicia, sent to Hethum
-and demanded tribute of him.<a href="#note73" id="marker73">(73)</a> The king
-collected his soldiery under the command of
-his sons, and hurried himself away to the
-Moguls for aid.<a href="#note74" id="marker74">(74)</a> He had not yet returned,
-when the Hagarenians came into the country;
-the army fled, but the princes remained. Thoros
-was killed in battle, and Leon was carried away<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>
-prisoner from his country. <span class="sidenote">1266</span> This unfortunate
-country was destroyed by fire, and the inhabitants
-were put to the sword; but the forts,
-having received private encouragement from
-Leon, could not be taken by the enemy, who
-retreated from them with shame. The famous
-church in Sis and the town itself was given up
-to the flames, but the inhabitants had time to fly.</p>
-
-<p>Having done whatever they chose, the enemy
-returned to his own country in great triumph,
-and with a large booty. After their departure
-Hethum returned at the head of a Mogulian
-army into his own kingdom, and saw all the
-misfortunes which had befallen him during his
-absence; he wept bitterly, but he did not despair,
-and placed reliance on the mercy of God.
-His son, who had been carried away a prisoner,
-being endowed with a courageous nature, did
-not let his spirits droop or show any fear; on
-the contrary, he cheered the captives and consoled
-every man; for some he provided food,
-for others he paid their ransom and set them at
-liberty. The army presented Leon to the Sultan,
-who continued in his own country, and who,
-looking on Leon and hearing his wise speech,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>
-received him graciously, and spoke very kindly
-to him. With the permission of the Sultan,
-Leon went to Jerusalem to adore the holy cross,
-and to pray for the remission of his sins. He
-then went back to Egypt, into that prison where
-Joseph was in former times. The priests admonished
-him to think only of God; moreover,
-he constantly read the Scriptures and was always
-ways absorbed in prayer. Therefore God looked
-upon him with compassion, and turned the
-heart of the Sultan to pity.</p>
-
-<p>Leon, when taken prisoner, was thirty years
-of age; remaining one year and ten months in
-Egypt, he made a treaty with the Sultan, which
-was ratified by King Hethum his father. This
-being done, Leon was set at liberty with great
-demonstrations of honour. The whole country
-rejoiced when Leon returned to his father:
-crowds of people ran to meet and see him; he
-embraced them all, and received them with
-heavenly kindness. The king went, on foot, to
-thank God that he had lived so long as to see
-his son Leon again, and <span class="sidenote">1268</span> in the presence of the
-highly-gifted patriarch Jacobus,<a href="#note75" id="marker75">(75)</a> the follower
-of Constantine, he earnestly entreated Leon to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>
-take on him the government of the country, and
-to be anointed King of Cilicia; but Leon could
-not, by all his entreaties, be moved to accept this
-offer; and Hethum was compelled, therefore,
-to see his son only Baron of the Armenians,
-until he could enjoy the kingdom. The king
-happened to fall sick at this time and never
-recovered. There was consequently a great
-consternation in the country, and the people
-united together to give him the surname of
-<i>Makar</i>.<a href="#note76" id="marker76">(76)</a> <span class="sidenote">1269</span> Having finished this mortal, and
-gained an immortal life, he was buried in
-Trassarg, and was celebrated in a poem. The
-Baron Leon was so afflicted by the death of
-his father, that he fell into a mortal sickness,
-and although all men supplicated him to be
-speedily crowned King of Cilicia, he would
-not do it instantly, but mourned three months.
-The neighbouring sovereigns, the Sultan of
-Egypt, the Khan, and other princes, sent missions
-of peace to him, entreating that he might be
-crowned King of Cilicia. Moved and encouraged
-by these messages, he called a great assembly
-of Armenians to Tarsus with the patriarch to
-anoint him, and to fulfil the duties of the church.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>
-Leon received the sceptre with the golden globe
-in his right hand,—and the Holy Ghost descended
-on him,—to be king on the house of Thorgoma;
-to govern and to defend the flock after
-the law of God.</p>
-
-<p>Leon, sitting on the throne of his forefathers,
-was gracious to every body; he pardoned those
-who had offended him, and was in general exceedingly
-humane; he augmented the officers of
-the royal household, and held the clergy in high
-esteem. He provided for the poor ecclesiastics,
-and generally for all poor people; in what place
-soever he stayed, the indigent were provided for
-from the court. This being known, many people
-came from foreign parts, soldiers and others,
-and remained months although not invited;
-their expenses were payed by the court. Leon
-benefited the clergy even more than his forefathers,
-and gave to the Vartabeds their proper
-rank,<a href="#note77" id="marker77">(77)</a> for he was a friend of learning;<a href="#note78" id="marker78">(78)</a> every
-person who was elevated to the dignity of a Vartabed
-received a present from the king, and it
-was registered as an eternal remembrance. The
-army received higher pay than before, and the
-king was so kind to every body, so generous,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>
-so compassionate,<a href="#note79" id="marker79">(79)</a> that all were delighted;
-and the whole nation of Armenians became,
-as it were, renovated. Satan, the author of all
-mischief, saw this, and he contrived to fight
-against the king; he tempted him by misfortunes
-like Job; he tried him by many wounds,
-but the king was found of more patience than
-even Job himself, for Job spoke of his temptations
-with his friends, and uttered curses as the
-misfortunes came one after the other.</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote">1273</span> Leon soon gained information of the plots of
-the chieftains of his own family, but confiding in
-God, he took away only their castles, and granted
-them their lives; he left it to the Lord to
-reward them after their designs. <span class="sidenote">1274</span> Now the
-Sultan of Egypt, breaking the treaty he made
-with King Hethum, came against this country;
-he did not so much as give any notice of his
-design. United with the Arabs and the Turcomans,
-the Sultan, without any one being
-aware of it, made an inroad into Cilicia. These
-Turcomans were a long time since in this country
-as shepherds; they here kept their winter
-quarters, and knew therefore all the passes and
-defiles.<a href="#note80" id="marker80">(80)</a> <span class="sidenote">1276</span> United with these people the Egyptians<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>
-harassed the country more than had ever
-been the case before; they penetrated into the
-mountains, discovered the recesses of men and
-beasts, and destroyed numbers; many were
-also killed who had been found in the flat
-country. Only those who were in forts and
-castles escaped, all the rest were taken. The
-country was surrounded on all sides and given
-to the flames; the enemy took Tarsus, burnt
-the beautiful and celebrated church of St.
-Joseph, and plundered the town; having done
-all this mischief, they retired.</p>
-
-<p>King Leon, full of courage, wished to try the
-chance of a battle, but the barons left him and
-he had only a few soldiers; seeing the desolation
-of the country, he was very sorrowful, but
-consoled every body and encouraged the people
-by presents. Whilst he was sustaining these
-trials without scarcely uttering a sigh, one of his
-sons, of tender age, died, and he himself fell
-into a sickness from which he could scarcely be
-saved. Whilst yet depressed by his sufferings he
-lost a daughter, but through all this he became
-not impatient, and uttered not an angry word;
-he placed his confidence in God, and suffered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>
-his trials with calmness. But there remained
-yet another trial for the country at large; the
-country was visited by a heavy plague, of which
-many poor people died, so that the land could
-not be cultivated, and there was in consequence
-a want of the necessaries of life. The king did
-not let his spirits droop, he animated everybody,
-and said in the words of Job, “The Lord gave,
-and the Lord hath taken away, blessed be the
-name of the Lord! Naked came we into the
-world, and naked do we leave it again.” <span class="sidenote">1276</span> In these
-days the Lord began to look on us again with
-kindness from above, and the words of the
-prophet Hosea were fulfilled, “The shadow of
-death fled from us miserable men;” the Lord
-became reconciled to the harassed and desolated
-nation of Armenia. For the beginning of better
-days we were indebted to the people, who
-made war against the king. Having plundered
-our country, the Sultan withdrew his army,
-but Leon then came forward, vanquished all
-his opponents, took a great booty and returned
-joyful into his own kingdom.<a href="#note81" id="marker81">(81)</a> The Sultan of
-Egypt hearing this, sent a message to Leon for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>
-peace and friendship. The news of these
-victories spread very far, so that the Khan<a href="#note82" id="marker82">(82)</a>
-heard of it, sent armour and weapons, and admonished
-Leon to carry on the war.</p>
-
-<p>The Turks, who reign in Camir (Iconium),
-wished at this time to make a treaty with the
-Moguls to hurt us; they spoke in consequence
-very badly of us, and induced the Khan by a
-sum of money to make a treaty with them.<a href="#note83" id="marker83">(83)</a>
-The Turks spoke then more freely, and accused
-us publicly, but they were soon undeceived;
-for as soon as the union was dissolved,
-the Moguls came and destroyed them by the
-sword, sent presents to our king, and behaved
-in general very kindly to him. By this behavior
-the king gained courage, made an incursion
-into Turkestan,<a href="#note84" id="marker84">(84)</a> took a large booty and
-returned into his own country with great joy.
-The neighbouring kings hearing this were much
-astonished, and longed to be at peace with us.
-Leon forgot all the mischief they had done,
-and accepted with a kind heart their offerings
-of friendship; for he was benevolent by nature,
-and rejoiced in kind dealings; misfortune could
-not depress him, and good fortune could not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>
-elevate him; he looked only on God and to govern
-his country well.</p>
-
-<p>Leon had three sons: Hethum, the first born,
-learned in the Scripture and clever in every
-branch of science; the second is called Thoros,
-and the third Sempad. The spouse of the
-king, the Queen Ceran, is famous for her fidelity
-and benevolence. So is our king, who by
-God’s decree is placed over the country; may
-the Lord yet grant him a long and a peaceful
-reign.<a href="#note85" id="marker85">(85)</a></p>
-
-<p>Now to the end of my work I will subjoin
-some observations. It has been said before,
-that when the Tadjiks came into our country,
-they burned the house of God;—that they took
-the crosses, the Scriptures, and all other holy
-materials, into their abominable hands and cast
-them into the fire with infamous jokes; and
-that they put the priests to the sword, and tortured
-all Christians. When all these misfortunes
-befell the country, some of the inhabitants bore
-them patiently, though reluctantly; and others
-became furious and uttered impious words, for
-they were blind in spirit and weak in faith.
-“Can this be,” said they, “can this be a true<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>
-judgment, by which we are condemned? Are
-we the only sinners of all the inhabitants of
-the world, that we alone should be ruined? or
-are the Tadjiks the men of righteousness, by
-whose hands we are killed: those unbelievers,
-soiled by every wicked deed?” But from this
-reasoning it would follow, that those who fell
-under the hall by which Sampson buried himself,
-were not killed by reason of their own
-sins; that the Galileans, who were put to
-death by Pilate, fell not by reason of their own
-wickedness, but by the judgment of the Lord!
-All who are not penitent will suffer the same
-punishment, God chastens him whom he loves.<a href="#note86" id="marker86">(86)</a>
-To rest his hopes on God, and to be patient in
-misfortune, is the best way to live in this world
-and in the next. May Leon, King of the Armenians,
-the writer and the reader of this, be
-judged worthy to enter into this eternal and
-immortal world. To the praise and honour of
-the three persons and one God, now and for
-ever, world without end.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>NOTES.</h2>
-
-<h3 id="note1">Note (1), <a href="#marker1">page 23</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>This is the famous patriarch Nerses Clajensis in the
-twelfth century, one of the best writers of the Armenian
-nation. Galanus (I. 239) is full of praise of him.
-“Nerses Clajensis,” says he, “orthodoxus patriarcha,
-quem Armenia universa, ut sanctum illius ecclesiæ
-patrem et doctorem agnoscit, ejusque commemorationem
-in Liturgia et Menelogiis celebrat. Fuit poeta sacer,
-et hac quidem facultate adeo insignis, ut celebrioribus,
-meo judicio, vel Græcis vel Latinis poetis in suo cœquandus
-sit idiomate.” But both the praises and the
-censures of Galanus are to be received with great caution;
-he is blinded by his orthodoxy, and praises and
-blames the authors not according to their merit, but
-according to their faith. Nerses has written much and
-on very different subjects; his elegy on the capture of
-Edessa (1144) by the Turks, and his correspondence with
-the emperor Alexius and Manuel, are the most interesting
-works for us and for history. The elegy of Edessa<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>
-has been printed several times and in many places: most
-recently (1826) in Paris, but without a French translation.
-The Archbishop Somal is not well-informed,
-when he says, (Quadro della storia letteraria di Armenia.
-Venezia 1829, p. 84), “fu accompagnata da una versione
-francese.” The correspondence of Nerses has
-only, as far as I know, been once printed, viz. at St.
-Petersburgh, 1788, 1 vol. 4to. His short and uninteresting
-chronicle of the History of Armenia has been
-often printed, and for the last time in 1824 in Constantinople.
-The Archbishop Somal says, that this
-work was corrupted by the interpolations of the schismatical
-editor (“audacemente dall’editore falsificata e con
-riprovevole temerita sparsa di alcune aggiunte erronee
-contro il Concilio ecumenico di Calcedonia.”) It is
-strange that the Armenians, who entertain the tenets of
-their national church, and are styled schismatical by the
-proselytes of the Roman Catholic Church, accuse the
-orthodox editors at Venice of the same falsifications;
-the Armenians in India wish therefore to print all their
-works, particularly the religious ones, at the press of
-the Bishop’s College in Calcutta. (See Bishop Heber’s
-Journals, iii. 435. 3d edition.)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note2">Note (2), <a href="#marker2">page 23</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>This is king Leon III, who reigned from 1269 to
-1289, and of whom the chronicler speaks at the end of
-his work.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span></p>
-
-<h3 id="note3">Note (3), <a href="#marker3">page 23</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>I imagine Vahram never read Lucretius: that author
-gives the same reason for writing <i>De Rerum Natura</i>
-in verse.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note4">Note (4), <a href="#marker4">page 24</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Epist. ad Rom., chap. xiii. in the beginning.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note5">Note (5), <a href="#marker5">page 24</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The reader may recollect the old Byzantine pictures,
-painted on a gold ground; there is a large collection
-of these pictures at Schleisheim, near Munich.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note6">Note (6), <a href="#marker6">page 25</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>I feel regret for poor Vahram, who here shows
-himself a heretic; for notwithstanding that it was
-forbidden to add any article to the creed of Nice, or
-rather Constantinople, the Latins added the celebrated
-<i>filioque</i>, that is to say, that the Holy Ghost proceeded
-from the Father <i>and the Son</i>, and condemned all others
-as heretics who upheld the old church, and would not
-acknowledge these innovations. Vahram, the Raboun,
-or doctor, shows himself to be such a heretic. He even
-wrote some dissertations on the trinity and the incarnation,
-at the command of his master king Leon III,
-but they were never printed. The Roman Catholic
-author of the “Quadro della letteratura di Armenia” (p.
-115), says, that even in these works Vahram “si prova<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>
-scrittore di poco sana dottrina intorno al dogma della
-processione dello Spirito-Santo.”</p>
-
-<h3 id="note7">Note (7), <a href="#marker7">page 25</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>This is the language of all divines, and of those
-philosophers who think <i>whatever is, is right</i>. If the
-sins of mankind have produced Mahomed, why has
-Spain alone out of the nations of Europe been depressed?
-Were these Visigoths greater sinners than their
-brethren in the south of France or the Franks themselves?
-It is not a speculative opinion, but the truth
-of history, that man is the architect of his own fortune,
-and that the world belongs to the mighty.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note8">Note (8), <a href="#marker8">page 25</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The Turks were known in Europe as early as the
-beginning of the sixth century of our era, but the
-western writers tell us nothing satisfactory, either as to
-the name or the origin of this large division of the
-human race. The Chinese, who were earlier acquainted
-with their <i>Thoo kiouei</i>, are also contradictory in their
-statements. They say, the Thoo kiouei are a particular
-tribe or class of the Hioung noo, called by different
-names, and that they are called Thoo kiouei because
-their town near the Altai, or gold mountain, had the
-form of a <i>helmet</i>, and a helmet is called Thoo kiouei,
-<i>yn y wei haou</i>. Matuanlin, in his great work, B. 343,
-initio, says this is the cause why this people is so called.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>
-It is fortunate for historical literature, that this accomplished
-Chinese scholar had no system in view in compiling
-his work: he quotes on the same page other
-accounts on the origin of the name <i>Thoo kiouei</i> and
-different traditions of the original history of this nation.
-It has been remarked by Klaproth (Asia Polyglotta,
-212) that Thoo kiouei (or a very similar word)
-means, indeed, in the Turkish language a <i>helmet</i>. If the
-Hiong noo are Turks they cannot certainly be either
-the Huns of Attila or Fins. Concerning the tribes of
-the Turks nothing is known with any certainty; tribes
-rise and decay in Tartary like the sand-hills in the desert:
-who can count them? The reader may find a lively
-and true picture of this rising and falling of the different
-Turkoman tribes in a novel, by Frazer, called <i>Memoirs
-of a Kusilbash</i>, printed 1828, in three volumes. The
-different denomination of the same people, Turks and
-Turkomans, is already used by William of Tyre, the
-celebrated historian of the Crusades; it may be said
-that they differ one from another, like, in former times,
-the Highlanders and Lowlanders in Scotland. While
-describing the difference between Turks and Turkomans,
-we may use the words of Dr. Robertson, mentioning
-the attempt of King James II. to civilize the Highlands
-and Isles. That great historian has the following
-words:—“The inhabitants of the low country began
-gradually to forget the use of arms, and to become<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>
-attentive to the arts of peace. But the Highlanders, or
-the Turkomans, retaining their natural fierceness, averse
-from labour and inured to rapine, infested their more
-industrious neighbours by their continual incursions.”
-(<i>History of Scotland</i>, ad a. 1602.) Some modern authors
-think it worth their while to take notice of a fault of a
-copyist (τοῦρκοι for ἰυρκαὶ), and find therefore the Turks
-as early as in Herodotus, Pomponius Mela, and Plinius;
-but this is not so unfair as to make Laura, the
-beautiful and chaste Laura, responsible for eleven
-children, upon the faith of a misinterpreted abbreviation,
-and the decision of a librarian. (Lord Byron’s
-Notes on Childe Harold, Canto iv. stanza 30, lines 8
-and 9.)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note9">Note (9), <a href="#marker9">page 26</a>.</h3>
-
-<p><i>The kings</i> are the different Arabian chiefs who ruled
-independently of the Caliph of Bagdad; the <i>emperor</i> is
-the Emperor of Constantinople, or the Roman emperor,
-as Vahram says, with the other authors of these times.
-(See Gibbon, ch. 57.)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note10">Note (10), <a href="#marker10">page 26</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>“The captives of these Turks were compelled to promise
-a spiritual as well as temporal obedience; and
-instead of their collars and bracelets, an iron horseshoe,
-a badge of ignominy, was imposed on the infidels,
-who still adhered to the worship of their fathers.”
-(Gibbon, l. c.)</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span></p>
-
-<h3 id="note11">Note (11), <a href="#marker11">page 26</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>This is not quite true; the Caliph of Bagdad,—which
-new town our author calls in his poetical style by the
-ancient name of Babylon,—could not move from his
-capital without the consent of the descendents of Seljuk,
-but they never chose Babylon as the seat of their empire;
-they had no metropolis, but they preferred Nishapur.
-Abul Fazel (Ayeen Akbery II. 337) places Bagdad
-33, and Babylon 32° 15´ latitude; their longitude is the
-same; 80° 55´ from the Canary Islands.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note12">Note (12), <a href="#marker12">page 26</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The myriads of Turkish horse overspread a frontier
-of six hundred miles from Tauris to Arzearum, and
-the blood of one hundred and thirty thousand Christians
-was a grateful sacrifice to the Arabian prophet.
-(Gibbon l. c.)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note13">Note (13), <a href="#marker13">page 26</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>This is certainly the truth; the Armenians fled in
-their despair from the new Mahometan to the old Christian
-enemy. It can be only national vanity or folly, to
-assert or suppose that the Emperor Michael would give
-the province of Cappadocia for a country trampled on by
-the Seljuks, under whose irresistible power he felt himself.
-The Cappadocians remembering how they were
-dealt with in former time by the Armenians, and in
-particular by Tigranes, could not receive their new<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>
-guests with much pleasure; and this is the principal
-reason of the great disaster which soon followed.</p>
-
-<p>Διέθηκε δὲ φαύλως αὐτοὺς Τιγράνης ὁ Ἀρμένιος, ἡνίκα τὴν
-καππαδοκίαν κατέδραμεν ἅπαντας γὰρ ἀναςάτους ἐποίησεν εἰς τὴν
-Μεσοποταμίαν, &amp;c. (Strabo xii. 2, vol. iii. 2d ed. Tauchn.)
-It is stated by the American missionaries, who have visited
-Cappadocia, that about 35,000 Armenians are still
-living in this province. “Cappadocia has 30,000
-Greeks and 35,000 Armenians.” (Mr. Gridley, in the
-Missionary Herald, vol. xxiv, printed at Boston, p. 111.)
-Cæsarea has, according to the same authority, from 60
-to 80,000 inhabitants, and of these 2,000 are Greeks,
-and 8,000 Armenians. (Herald, 260.)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note14">Note (14), <a href="#marker14">page 27</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The origin of this name of the people is not known.
-The Armenians call themselves after their fabulous progenitor
-Haig, and derive the name <i>Armen</i> from the son
-of Haig, Armenag; but I have not much confidence in
-these ancient traditions of Moses of Chorene. The
-Armenians are a strong instance that religion and civilization
-only give a particular character and value to a
-people, and preserve it from being lost in the course of
-time. Where are now the thirty different nations,
-which Herodotus found (Melpom. 88), between the bay
-of Margandius and the Triopian promontory? The
-Armenians are certainly a tribe of the ancient Assyrians;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>
-their language and history speak alike in favour
-of it. Nearly all the words of Assyrian origin which
-occur in the Scriptures and in Herodotus can be explained
-by the present Armenian language. Their traditions
-say, also, that Haig came from Babylon; and
-Strabo’s authority would at once settle the question, if
-he did not affirm too much. The Arabian and the Syriac
-language, and consequently the people, are radically
-different from the Armenian.</p>
-
-<p>These are the passages of the geographer alluded to:
-Τὸ γὰρ τῶν Ἀρμενίων ἔθνος καὶ τὸ τῶν Σύρων καὶ τῶν Ἀράβων,
-πολλὴν ὁμοφυλίαν ἐμφαίνη κατὰ τε τὴν διάλεκτον ... καὶ οἱ
-Ἀσσύριοι, καὶ οἱ Ἀριανοὶ, καὶ οἱ Ἀρμένιοι παραπλησίως τως
-ἔχουσι, καὶ πρὸς τούτους καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ... τοὺς ὑφ’ ἡμῶν
-Σύρους καλουμένους, ὑπ’ αὐτῶν τῶν Σύρον Ἀρμενίους καὶ Ἀραμμαίους
-καλεῖσθαι. (Strabo i. 2, vol. i. 65, ed. Tauchn.) But
-the Aramæns or Syrians are quite a different people from
-the Armenians, and Strabo is quite wrong when he
-thinks that both names are commonly used to designate
-one and the same nation. There is a fabulous story of
-a certain Er, the son of a certain <i>Armenios</i>, a Pamphylian
-by birth (Plato de Rep. x), but such stories
-are of no value in sober history.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note15">Note (15), <a href="#marker15">page 27</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>This story is told with more details by some contemporary
-chroniclers. Cakig reigned or rather had the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>
-<i>name</i> of a king from 1042-1079, and he is the last of
-the Bakratounian kings, a family which began its reign
-under the supremacy of the Arabs in the year 859 of
-our era. As regards the geography, the reader may compare
-the Mémoires sur l’Arménie, by Saint-Martin.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note16">Note (16), <a href="#marker16">page 27</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Armenia remained from the time of the Parthians a
-feudal monarchy, and for this reason I use the expressions
-of the feudal governments in the middle ages.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note17a">Note (17a), <a href="#marker17a">page 27</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Dionysius, in his description of the earth, says (v. 642)
-that the mountain is called Taurus: οὕνεκα ταυροφανές
-τε καὶ ὀξυκάρηνον ὁδεύει οὔρεσιν ἐκταδιόισι πολυσχεδὲς ἔνθα καὶ
-ἔνθα; perhaps more poetical than true. “The road
-lies over the highest ridges of the Taurus mountains,
-where, amidst the forests of pines, are several beautiful
-valleys and small plains; there appears, however, no
-trace of cultivation, though there is ample proof that
-these mountains were anciently well inhabited, as we
-meet with scarcely a rock remarkable for its form or
-position that is not pierced with ancient catacombs.”
-(Col. Leake’s Asia Minor in Walpole’s Travels, i. 235.)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note17b">Note (17b), <a href="#marker17b">page 28</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>This is the proper name for the possessions of Rouben;
-the Armenians begin generally the line of the
-kings of Cilicia with the flight of Rouben in 1080.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span></p>
-
-<h3 id="note18">Note (18), <a href="#marker18">page 28</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>That is to say, as far as the gulph of Issus or Scanderum.
-Cilicia and the sea-shore was also in former
-times once in the possession of the kings of Armenia,—“the
-country on the other side of the Taurus,” as the
-ancients used to say. Strabo says, from the Armenians
-(xiv. 5, vol. iii. 321. ed. Tauchn.) that they, τὴν ἐκτὸς τοῦ
-Ταύρου προσέλαβον μεχρὶ καὶ Φοινίκης. Plutarch says, that
-Tigranes “had colonized Mesopotamia with Greeks,
-whom he drew in great numbers out of Cilicia and
-Cappadocia.”—(Plutarch in Lucullo.)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note19">Note (19), <a href="#marker19">page 28</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Constantine sent many provisions to the Franks, when
-they were besieging Antioch. The Armenians were
-happy to get such powerful allies against their enemies,
-the Greeks. Alexius could not be very well pleased
-with the creation of an Armenian Margrave by the
-Latins, of whom he extorted “an oath of homage
-and fidelity, and a solemn promise that they would
-either restore, or hold the Asiatic conquests, as the
-humble and loyal vassals of the Roman empire”—(Gibbon,
-iv., 131. London, 1826, published by Jones.)
-The Armenians translate <i>Margrave</i> by <i>Asbed</i>, that is,
-Chief of the cavalry.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note20">Note (20), <a href="#marker20">page 29</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>It is not easy to see what connexion there is between
-the resurrection of a hen, or a duck, with the death of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span>
-a king. What were the principles of divination of these
-wise men, of whom Vahram speaks?</p>
-
-<h3 id="note21">Note (21), <a href="#marker21">page 29</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The name of this fort is written differently by different
-authors; I could not consult the great geographical
-works of Indjidjean.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note22">Note (22), <a href="#marker22">page 30</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>I think that <i>Trassarg</i> and <i>Trassag</i> is the same word;
-the names of places seem to be very corrupted in the
-Madras edition of Vahram’s Chronicle. Chamchean
-says the king was buried in the monastery <i>Trassarg</i>,
-which is very probable; but how could he say Thoros
-left no son? In these monasteries the Armenian literature
-and sciences in general were very much studied in
-the course of the eleventh and twelfth centuries; some
-of the greatest Armenian authors flourished in the time
-of the Crusades. In their libraries were collections of
-the old classics, with many translations of the Greek
-authors; “e da quest’ opere,” says the Archbishop Somal,
-“attinsero gli scrittori del corrente secolo (the
-12th), quello precisione d’idee, quella nobilita di concetti,
-quella purezza di stile, per cui si rendettero veramente
-gloriosi.” Quadro 80. Foreigners are at a loss
-to find all these good qualities in the Armenian authors
-of the twelfth century.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span></p>
-
-<h3 id="note23">Note (23), <a href="#marker23">page 30</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>With what caution the secretary of Leon III. relates
-the treachery of Leon I. We see by this passage that
-Chamchean is in the wrong in saying that Thoros left no
-son. (Epitome of the great history of Armenia, printed
-in Armenian, at Venice in the year 1811, p. 300.)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note24">Note (24), <a href="#marker24">page 30</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Is not Mamestia the ancient Hamaxia? “Εἶθ Ἁμαξία
-ἐπὶ βουνοῦ κατοικία τις,” says Strabo, ὕφορμον ἔχουσα, ὅπου
-κατάγεται ἡ ναυπηγήσιμος ὕλη, (vol. iii. 221 ed. Tauchn.) It
-is certainly the Malmestra of the Latins and Byzantines.
-This town is called Mesuestra, Masifa, and by
-other names. (Wesseling Itner, p. 580. See a note
-of Gibbon at the end of the 52d chapter.) Tarsus
-is very well known as the principal town of Cilicia,
-as the native place of many celebrated men, as the stoic
-Chrysippus, and of the Apostle Paul. The following
-passage of Xenophon’s Expedition of Cyrus illustrates
-very well the province and the whole history of the
-Armenian kingdom of Cilicia. “Thence they prepared
-to penetrate into Cilicia; the entrance was just
-broad enough for a chariot to pass, very steep, and inaccessible
-to an army, if there had been any opposition....
-From thence they descended into a large
-and beautiful plain, well watered and full of all sorts
-of trees and vines; abounding in sesame, panic, millet,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span>
-wheat and barley; and is surrounded with a strong and
-high ridge of hills from sea to sea. After he had left
-the mountains he advanced through the plain, and
-having made twenty-five parasangas in four days’ march,
-arrived at Tarsus,” etc. (See Spelman’s notes to his
-translation of the Expedition of Cyrus.) Tarsus has now
-only, as it is said, 3,000 inhabitants.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note25">Note (25), <a href="#marker25">page 30</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The Armenian phrase has this double signification,
-and Leon indeed carried on a war against the Seldjuks
-and the Count of Antioch, who sought to deprive him
-by treachery of all his possessions. Baldwin was not
-ashamed of doing any thing to enlarge his dominions.
-I know not why Vahram speaks not a word about these
-matters. (See Chamchean, l. c. p. 301.)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note26">Note (26), <a href="#marker26">page 30</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The old fabulous hero of Armenia, spoken of by
-Moses of Khorene.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note27">Note (27), <a href="#marker27">page 31</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Gibbon, iii. 341.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note28">Note (28), <a href="#marker28">page 31</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Joscelin I., Count of Edessa. (See the Digression on
-the Family of Courtnay.—Gibbon, iv. 224.) Why does<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span>
-not Vahram, where he speaks of the four sons of Leon,
-name this Stephanus, who lived in Edessa with his uncle?
-It seems that there is a corruption in the text. Should
-the name of <i>Stephanus</i> be hidden under <i>Stephane, the
-crown</i> of Thoros, or which is more probable, is a line
-fallen out of our text? It would be necessary to compare
-some manuscripts to restore the original text. Thoros
-never received the kingly crown; he was only Baron of
-Cilicia: <i>Stephane</i> seems, therefore, nothing else than
-<i>Stephanus</i>.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note29">Note (29), <a href="#marker29">page 32</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>This agrees with all that we know about the character
-of Calo-Johanes. “Severe to himself, indulgent
-to others, chaste, frugal, abstemious, the philosophic
-Marcus would not have disdained the artless virtues of
-his successor, derived from his heart, and not borrowed
-from the schools.”—(Gibbon.)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note30">Note (30), <a href="#marker30">page 32</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>I am not able to look into the Byzantine version of
-this fact. Calo-Johanes was not the man to be easily
-deceived, and to persecute innocent persons; we know,
-on the contrary, that he pardoned many people implicated
-in high treason. Calo-Johanes, as Camchean says
-(l. c. 304), suspected also Leon and his other son Thoros,
-and they were again sent to prison.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span></p>
-
-<h3 id="note31">Note (31), <a href="#marker31">page 34</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Our author has here the word <i>Tadjik</i>, a name by
-which he and the other Armenian historians of the
-middle ages promiscuously call the native Persians, the
-Gasnevides and the other Turks. The origin and the
-proper meaning of this word will perhaps never be ascertained;
-it has something of the vagueness of the ancient
-denomination of <i>Scythia</i> and <i>Scythians</i>. It is certain that,
-in the works which go under the name of Zoroaster, and
-in the Desatir, the Arabs are called <i>Tazi</i>, and it is likewise
-certain that the language of this people, which is
-now called <i>Tadjik</i>, is pure Persian; the Bochars are,
-in their own country, called Tadjiks. How and why
-the ancient Persian name of the Arabs should be given
-to the Persians themselves it is impossible to conceive.
-Elphinstone (Account of the Kingdom of Câbul, London
-1819, vol. i. 492) thinks that the Arabs and Persians
-were, in the course of time, blended together into one
-nation, and became the ancestors of the Tadjiks; but
-why should Armenians, Arabs, Turks and Afghauns,
-call those mestizes with a name of the Pehlvi language,
-which means originally an Arab? It seems rather that
-<i>Tazi</i> and <i>Tadjik</i> are two different words; <i>Tazi</i> is the
-Persian name for <i>Arab</i>, and <i>Tadjik</i> the name of a particular
-race of people, of whom the Persians are only a
-tribe. I do not know on what authority Meninski (see
-Klaproth’s Asia, Polygl. 243) relies, but it is certain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>
-that the Chinese distinguish between the <i>Ta she</i> (Arabs)
-and the <i>Ta yue</i> (the Tadjiks), of whom, as they say, the
-Po she (Persians) are only a tribe. The Chinese had
-no communication with the Arabs before Mahomed, but
-they heard of them by their intercourse with the Sassanides,
-and call them, therefore by the Persian name
-Ta she (9685, 9247), but the <i>Po se</i> (8605, 9669) are only,
-as they say, a tribe like some other tribes, who formed
-particular kingdoms of the Ta yue (9685, 12490), or
-Tadjiks. They have received the name <i>Po sse</i> from
-their first king, <i>Po sse na</i>; but the Chinese had no
-direct communication with Persia before Kobad or
-Cabades, Kiu ho to (6063, 3984, 10260), as they spell the
-name, in their imperfect idiom, who became known to them
-by his flight and misfortunes. (See Matuanlin, l. c. Book
-338, p. i, and following; Book 339, p. 6 a., p. 8 a., and
-the history of the <i>Ta she</i> or Arabs, p. 18, b. l. c.) But
-I am in doubt of Matuanlin, who makes the Masdeizans,
-followers of Buddha; he calls the Ateshgahs <i>Fo sse</i>
-(2539, 9659), Temples of Buddha, (l. c. p. 6, b. l. 5.) The
-popular pronunciation of <i>Ta yue</i> is, in many Chinese
-dialects, <i>Tai yuet</i>. I myself have often heard these characters
-so pronounced in Canton, and it was then as
-nearly as possible the ancient name of the Germans,
-<i>Teut</i>, the brethren of the Persians; the Chinese know
-also that the Ye ta (12001, 9700), <i>Getae</i>, <i>Gothi</i>,
-belong to the race of the Tayuet (Matuanlin, Book 338,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>
-p. 11), &amp;c. But what sober historian would draw conclusions
-from a similarity of names? Perhaps a close
-inquiry may carry us to some leading facts, by which
-we may be able to connect the information of the east
-and the west. It would certainly be strange to begin
-the history of the Germans with the extracts taken out
-of the Han and Tang shoo. When I say the history of
-the Germans, I mean the history of those remains of the
-Teuts who remained in Asia, for Germany was certainly
-peopled long before the Chinese got any information
-of the Ta yue. These races became only known in
-China under the great dynasty of Han. A keen etymologist
-may, perhaps, find the modern Tadjiks in the
-ancient Daai or Daae; he may suppose that the Persians,
-like the Parthians, were only a branch of the Scythians
-or Tatars, and with confidence adduce a passage of
-Strabo, where it is said that the greater part of the
-Scythians are known by the name of Daai, Οἱ μὲν δὴ
-πλείους τῶν Σκυθῶν Δάαι προσαγορεύονται. (Strabo, Geogr.
-xi. 8, vol. ii. 430, ed. Tauchn.) I will only add, that
-the same Strabo thinks, that the Daci (Δάκοι) may in
-former times have been called Daï (Δάοι), but he distinguishes
-them from the Daae (Δάαι). (Vol. ii. 36.)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note32">Note (32), <a href="#marker32">page 34</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Only the wounded pride of an Armenian could
-say this.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span></p>
-
-<h3 id="note33">Note (33), <a href="#marker33">page 34</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Have any of our modern travellers seen this monument?
-Claudian, the famous Latin poet, had composed
-in Greek the Antiquity of Tarsus, Anazarbus, Berytus,
-Nice, &amp;c. Abul Fazel (Ayeen Akbery, ii. 348) places
-Tarsus long. 68° 40´, lat. 36° 50´. (<a href="#note24">See Note 24.</a>)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note34">Note (34), <a href="#marker34">page 35</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The Armenians did so in imitation of the neighbouring
-Franks; they took many customs from the Crusaders,
-and corrupted their language by the introduction of many
-foreign words.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note35">Note (35), <a href="#marker35">page 35</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Is this surname of Manuel found in the Byzantine
-writers?</p>
-
-<h3 id="note36">Note (36), <a href="#marker36">page 36</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Vahram is in the wrong; Andronicus, not Manuel
-himself was at the head of the army. (Chamchean, 306;
-Gibbon, iii. 344.) Thoros was on such rocks, as Xenophon
-in the Anabasis, speaking of the rocks of Cilicia,
-calls πέτρας ἠλιβάτους, “rocks inaccessible to every thing
-but to the rays of the sun.” Homer makes often use of
-this expression.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note37">Note (37), <a href="#marker37">page 36</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>This is a very obscure passage in the original. Vahram
-is no friend of details, and he is every moment in need
-of a rhyme for <i>eal</i>; who can wonder, therefore, that he is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span>
-sometimes obscure? This passage is only clear, upon the
-supposition that Thoros divided the ransom among his
-soldiers. This is also stated by Chamchean.</p>
-
-<p><a href="#note28">See Note 28.</a></p>
-
-<h3 id="note38">Note (38), <a href="#marker38">page 37</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>I do not know why Vahram calls Thoros all on a
-sudden <i>Arkay</i>, “king;” how the royal secretary exerts
-himself to draw a veil over the treachery of Thoros!</p>
-
-<h3 id="note39">Note (39), <a href="#marker39">page 38</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Oscin is the father of a celebrated author and priest,
-Nerses Lampronensis, so called from the town or fort
-Lampron; he was born 1153, and died 1198. In the
-concilium of Romcla 1179, Nerses spoke for the union
-with the Latin church, and the speech he made on this
-occasion is very much praised by the Armenians belonging
-to the Roman Catholic Church. This speech
-has been printed at Venice with an Italian translation,
-1812. (Quadro 94.) Galanus, as the reader may easily
-imagine, speaks in very high terms of Nerses (i. 325):
-“Cujus egregia virtus,” says he, “digna plane est, ut
-acterna laude illustretur, nomenque ad ultimas terrarum
-partes immortali fama pervehatur.” For us his most
-interesting work is an elegy on the death of his parent,
-master, and friend, Nerses Shnorhaly; he gives a biography
-of this celebrated Catholicus, with many particulars
-of the history of the time. Nerses Shnorhaly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span>
-was not only an author and a saint, but also a great
-statesman.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note40">Note (40), <a href="#marker40">page 38</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>In the whole course of history the Armenian nobles
-shew a great party feeling and much selfishness. They
-were never united for the independence of their country;
-if one part was on the side of the Persians or Turks,
-we shall certainly find another on the side of the
-Greeks or Franks; and the native Armenian kings had
-more to fear from their internal, than from their external
-enemies.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note41">Note (41), <a href="#marker41">page 38</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The history of the foundation of the Armenian kingdom
-in Cilicia is very like the history of the rebellious
-Isaurians, “who disdained to be the subjects of Galienus.”
-Thoros possessed a part of this savage country;
-and we may say of him, what Gibbon said of the
-Isaurians: “The most successful princes respected the
-strength of the mountains and the despair of the natives.”
-(Gibbon, iii. 51.)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note42">Note (42), <a href="#marker42">page 38</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Iconium is mentioned as a station by Xenophon
-and Strabo; Cyrus staid three days in “this last city of
-Phrygia.” St. Paul found there many Jews and Gentiles;
-and it is said that even now, in its decayed state,
-Conia or Iconium has 30,000 inhabitants. This town
-is above 300 miles from Constantinople. (Gibbon, iv.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>
-152.) The chronology of the Seljuks of Iconium may
-be seen in the <i>Histoire des Huns, par Deguignes</i>.
-Kuniyah ‎‏قونيا‏‎ is laid down by Abul Fazel (Ayeen
-Akbery, ii. 359), long. 66. 30., and lat. 41. 40. A
-description of the modern Konia may be seen in Col.
-Leake’s Asia Minor, l. c. 223.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note43">Note (43), <a href="#marker43">page 40</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>I find him not mentioned as an author in the “Quadro
-della storia letteraria di Armenia.” It seems that his
-explanations of the prophets are now lost. If the reader
-will compare the elogy of Thoros with the facts in
-Vahram’s own chronicle, he will easily find that adulation,
-and not truth, dictated it.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note44">Note (44), <a href="#marker44">page 40</a>.</h3>
-
-<p><i>Seav</i> or <i>Sev-learn</i>, <i>Black-mountain</i> (Karadagh).
-Here was a famous monastery. <i>Carmania</i> is the place
-which formerly was called Laranda, and this name is still,
-as Col. Leake remarks, in common use among the Christians,
-and is even retained in the firmans of the Porte.
-Caraman derives its name from the first and greatest
-of its princes, who made himself master of Iconium,
-Cilicia, etc. (Col. Leake’s Asia Minor, l. c. p. 232.)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note45">Note (45), <a href="#marker45">page 40</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>An allusion to Ierem, i. 13.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span></p>
-
-<h3 id="note46">Note (46), <a href="#marker46">page 40</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>It is known that the feudal laws and institutions have
-been introduced into the possessions of the Franks in
-Asia. <i>Baillis</i>, or <i>Baillie</i>, written <i>Bail</i> in the Armenian
-language, means a judge, and the word is commonly
-found in this signification in the chronicles and
-histories of the middle ages. The <i>Baillis</i> possessed
-powers somewhat similar to those of the ancient <i>Comites</i>.
-We see here and in other instances, that the
-Baillis are older than the end of the twelfth and the
-beginning of the thirteenth century. At this time
-they began in France. (Robertson, note 23, to his
-View of the State of Europe before the History of the
-reign of the Emperor Charles V.)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note47">Note (47), <a href="#marker47">page 41</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>It is very probable that the murderer Andronicus and
-Meleh were acquainted with each other; their history
-and their crimes are something similar.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note48">Note (48), <a href="#marker48">page 43</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Roustam was a Sultan of Iconium. (See the Chronology
-of these Sultans in Deguigne’s Histoire des
-Huns.)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note49a">Note (49a), <a href="#marker49a">page 43</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>In the times of the Crusades, wonders and witchcraft
-or enchantment were daily occurrences; the Christians
-imputed all their defeats to diabolical opposition, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>
-their success to the assistance of the military saints,
-Tasso’s celebrated poem gives a true picture of the
-spirit of the times.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note49b">Note (49b), <a href="#marker49b">page 43</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Here the author uses again <i>Tadjik</i> as the name of a
-particular people: but accuracy, I fear, is not the
-virtue of Vahram; he calls the Turks of Iconium, the
-sons of Ismael or Hagar, <i>i.e.</i> Arabs.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note50">Note (50), <a href="#marker50">page 43</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Our author says not in what province these towns lay.
-Chamchean, being able to consult other native historians,
-informs us that Leon nearly took Cæsarea in Palestine.—Heraclea
-was perhaps also the town of this name in
-Palestine; it was a small town near Laodicæa in the
-time of Strabo. Τῇ Λαοδικεία πλησιάζει πολίχνια, τὸ, τε
-Ποσείδιον καὶ Ἡράκλειον.—Strabo iii. 361, ed. Tauchn.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note51">Note (51), <a href="#marker51">page 43</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The old Samaria, called Cæsarea by Herodes, ἤν
-Ἡρώδης Σεβαςὴν ἐπωνόμασεν, Strabo iii. 372. See the description
-of this famous place in Carl Ritler’s Erdkunde
-ii. 393. Chamchean, 315. Abul Eazel (Ayeen Akbery,
-ii. 337.) places it long. 66. 30. lat. 32. 50.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note52">Note (52), <a href="#marker52">page 44</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>This memorable transaction is fully described in the
-great History of Armenia by Chamchean, and in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>
-work of Galanus, vol. i. p. 346 and following. Many
-letters of Leon and the Catholicos exist now only in the
-Latin translations (Quadro l. c. 99.), or better have not
-been heard of by the Mechitarists at Venice. Frederic
-I., to whom Leon was very useful in the time of the
-second crusade, promised the Baron of Cilicia to restore
-in his person the ancient kingdom of Armenia. After
-the unfortunate death of the emperor, Leon sent ambassadors
-to the Pope Celestinus III. and Henricus VI.,
-to gratify his wishes; the ambassadors came back to
-Cilicia in the society of the archbishop Conrad of Mentz,
-bringing the crown from the emperor and the benediction
-of the pope. The Emperor of Constantinople, Alexius,
-sent also a crown to Leon “the Great.” The king of
-Cilicia is, as far as I know, the only king who received
-the crown by both the emperors of the west and the
-east, and by the consent of the pope. The pope hoped
-to bring the Armenians under his sway, and the Latins
-and the Greeks thought Leon a very useful ally against
-the overpowering Saladin.—See the Letters in the Appendix.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note53">Note (53), <a href="#marker53">page 44</a>.</h3>
-
-<p><i>Catholicos of Armenia</i> is the title of the Armenian
-patriarch. Gregorius VI., called Abirad, was
-Catholicos at this time; he was elected in the year 1195,
-and died 1203. The Latins had a very high opinion of
-the power of an Armenian patriarch. Wilhelm of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span>
-Tyrus, speaking (De Bello Sacro, xvi. 18.) of the synod
-of Jerusalem in the year 1141, has the following words:
-“Cui synodo interfuit maximus Armeniorum pontifex,
-immo omnium episcoporum Cappadociæ, Mediæ et Persidis
-et utriusque Armeniæ princips et doctor eximius
-qui <i>Catholicus</i> dicitur.” Wilhelm might add, “et
-Indiæ,” for I think that the Armenians, like the Syrians,
-formed as early as the sixth century of our era, settlements
-in this part of the world. It is certain that Armenians
-were in India as early as the year 800. (<i>De
-Faria</i>, in the <i>Collection of Voyages and Travels</i>, by
-Kerr, Edinburgh 1812, vol. vi. p. 419.)</p>
-
-<h3 id="note54">Note (54), <a href="#marker54">page 44</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The Armenians consider themselves the descendants
-of <i>Thorgoma</i> (a name differently spelt in the different
-manuscripts and translations of Genesis x. 3.) the son of
-Japet.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note55">Note (55), <a href="#marker55">page 44</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Vahram is too concise; he never gives the reasons of
-occurrences. I see, in Chamchean, that Leon married,
-after the death of his first wife, a daughter of Guido,
-king of Cyprus, by whom he had a daughter, called
-Sabel or Elizabeth, his only child and heiress of the
-kingdom. The Sultan of Ionium did not like these
-intimate connexions of the Armenians with the Latins;
-he feared some coalition against himself, and he thought
-it proper to be beforehand with the enemy.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span></p>
-
-<h3 id="note56">Note (56), <a href="#marker56">page 45</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>We have in the text again <i>Bail</i> or <i>Bailly</i>. I could
-not translate the word otherwise than <i>Regent</i>: this is
-certainly the sense in which Vahram uses this expression.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note57">Note (57), <a href="#marker57">page 46</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The name of this first husband of Isabella was Philippus,
-the son of the Prince of Antioch and the niece of
-Leon. Philippus died very soon, and Isabella, as our
-author says himself, married, 1223, the son of the
-regent Constantine, Hethum or Haithon.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note58">Note (58), <a href="#marker58">page 46</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>This Rouben was of the royal family.—Chamchean,
-326.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note59">Note (59), <a href="#marker59">page 46</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>It would carry us too far if we were to attempt to
-elucidate the ecclesiastical history of these times, for
-there were many synods and many negotiations between
-the Armenian clergy and the Greek and Latin church,
-concerning the union. Pope Innocent III. showed also
-at this opportunity his well-known activity. There exist
-many letters from the Catholici and the Armenian kings
-to different popes and emperors, with their answers,—ample
-matter for a diligent historian. The first
-Gregorius after Nerses is Gregorius IV. from 1173-1193.
-Gregorius V. from 1193-1195. Gregorius VI.
-from 1195-1202. John VII. from 1202-1203.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span>
-David III. from 1203-1205, and then again John VII.
-1205-1220. Constantine I. from 1220-1268. There
-were yet two anti-Catholici, elected by a dissentient
-party, who are not mentioned by Vahram.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note60">Note (60), <a href="#marker60">page 47</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The good Vahram seems to have forgotten what he
-said a short time before. I do not know by what genealogy
-Chamchean could be induced to say that Hethum
-is an offspring of Haig and the Parthian kings.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note61">Note (61), <a href="#marker61">page 48</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The flattery of Vahram increases as he comes nearer
-to his own time. I have sometimes taken the liberty to
-contract a little these eulogies; the reader will certainly
-be thankful for it.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note62">Note (62), <a href="#marker62">page 48</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>In the battle against the Mameluks of Egypt in the
-year 1266.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note63">Note (63), <a href="#marker63">page 48</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The Moguls are a branch, a tribe, or a clan of the
-Tatars; so say all well-informed contemporary historians
-and chroniclers; so say in particular the Chinese, who
-are the only sources for the early history of the Turks,
-the Moguls, and Tunguses; nations which, in general,
-from ignorance or levity, have been called <i>Tatars</i>—the
-Moguls only are Tatars. The Armenians write the
-name <i>Muchal</i>; in our text of Vahram, <i>Muchan</i> has been
-printed by mistake. That this people was called so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>
-from their country is quite new; and if this were the
-case, it would be still a question why the territory was
-called <i>Mogul</i>. There are sometimes such whimsical
-reasons for the names of places and nations, as to defy
-the strictest research and the greatest curiosity. The
-name of <i>Mogul</i> seems not to be older than Tshinggis,
-and Mr. Schmidt in St Petersburgh, derives the word
-from a Mongolian word, which means <i>keen</i>, <i>daring</i>,
-<i>valiant</i>. The ancient name of the Moguls, as it is
-given by the native historian Sätzan, is, I am afraid,
-only a mistake of this ignorant chieftain. His whole
-history of the Moguls is only a very inaccurate compilation
-from Chinese authors, and the unlettered Mogul
-may have taken the appellative expression pih teih
-8539, 10162, or pih too 10313, 8539, “northern barbarians”
-or “northern country,” for the proper name
-of his forefathers. Long before the Moguls, the Chinese
-became acquainted with some barbarous tribes called by
-different names, and also <i>Mo ho</i>; but the Chinese
-authors, who are so accurate in giving the different
-names of one and the same people, never say that the
-<i>Mung koo</i>, who are also written with quite different
-characters, are called <i>Mo ho</i>, or <i>vice versâ</i>. These Mo
-ho are described as quite a distinct people, with a
-particular language, divided into different clans or kingdoms.
-There is an interesting description of this people
-under the name of Wŭh keih 14803, 5918, in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>
-Encyclopædia of Matuanlin, Book 326, p. 146. The
-same author says, in the sequel of his great work, that
-the Kitans have nearly the same customs (sŭh 9545)
-as the Mo ho, but he does not say that they are of
-the same race of people.—Matuanlin, Book 345, in the
-beginning. The different names of the Mo ho are also
-collected in Kanghi’s Dictionary under hŏ, a character
-not to be found in Morrison’s Tonical Dictionary; it is
-composed out of the rad. 177, and the sound giving
-group hŏ, 4019, and there also exists no passage saying
-Mo ho and Mung koo are one and the same people.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note64">Note (64), <a href="#marker64">page 49</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Vahram speaks of the four sons of Tshinggis. The
-army of the Moguls and of Timur (see his Institutes,
-p. 229 foll.) was divided into divisions of 10, 100, 1000,
-&amp;c. The ten followers were the ten first officers or
-“Comites,” as Tacitus calls the compeers of the German
-princes. Similar customs are always found in a
-similar state of society.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note65">Note (65), <a href="#marker65">page 49</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Vahram confounds probably the first election of the
-Emperor Cublai, with the election of his follower Mangou,
-to whose residence at Caracorum the King of
-Cilicia, Hethum, went as a petitioner. Vahram knows
-that the title of the head of the Mongolian confederacy is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span>
-Teen tze, 10095, 11233, “the son of Heaven.” The
-Mongolian emperors have only been called so, after the
-conquest of China by Cublai. <i>Teen tse</i> is the common
-title of the Emperor of the “Flowery empire.” According
-to other accounts, Tshinggis called himself already
-“Son of Heaven.”</p>
-
-<h3 id="note66">Note (66), <a href="#marker66">page 49</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>To Mangou khan; we know this by other contemporary
-historians. There exist some Armenian historians
-in the 13th century, who contain a good deal of
-information regarding the Moguls. One is printed in
-the Mémoires sur l’Arménie, by Saint-Martin. See
-Quadro della Storia, &amp;c. p. 112, and following.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note67">Note (67), <a href="#marker67">page 49</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Is this treaty to be any where found? It would certainly
-be very interesting. Vahram has the word <i>kir</i>,
-by which it is certain that Hethum I. returned with a
-written treaty, which very probably was written in the
-Mogulian language, and with the Mogulian characters.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note68">Note (68), <a href="#marker68">page 49</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Vahram has again the unsettled and vague name of
-Tadjik.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note69">Note (69), <a href="#marker69">page 49</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Vahram died before the beginning of the glory of
-Othman, and of the increasing power of his descendants;
-he speaks of the fading state of the Seljuks of Iconium.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span></p>
-
-<h3 id="note70">Note (70), <a href="#marker70">page 50</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>I have taken the liberty to shorten a little the pious
-meditations of our author; he would have done better
-to give us some details regarding the interesting transactions
-with the Moguls.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note71">Note (71), <a href="#marker71">page 50</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Sem, the son of Noe,—our author means Palestine
-and Syria. The Mamalukes of Egypt remained in possession
-of Sham, or Syria, till the conquest of Timur,
-1400 of our era. He mentions in his Institutes, p. 148,
-the Defeat of the Badishah of Miser and Sham ‎‏شام‏‎.
-After the retreat of Timur, the Mamalukes again took
-possession of the country, and held it till the conquest of
-the Othomans. “Egypt was lost,” says Gibbon, “had
-she been defended only by her feeble offspring; but the
-Mamalukes had breathed in their infancy the keenness
-of the Scythian air; equal in valour, superior in discipline,
-they met the Moguls in many a well-fought field,
-and drove back the stream of hostility to the eastward of
-the Euphrates.”—Gibbon iv. 270. See also p. 175, 261.
-It is known that “this government of the slaves” lasted
-by treaty under the descendents of Selim, and was only
-destroyed in our times by a signal act of treachery of
-Mehmed, Pasha of Egypt.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span></p>
-
-<h3 id="note72">Note (72), <a href="#marker72">page 50</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>“Antioch was finally occupied and ruined by Bondocdar,
-or Bibars, Sultan of Egypt and Syria.”—Gibbon
-iv. 175. Antioch never rose again after this destruction;
-it is now in a very decayed state, and has only
-about 10,000 inhabitants. The Turks pronounce the
-name <i>Antakie</i>.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note73">Note (73), <a href="#marker73">page 50</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Confiding in his Mogulian allies, or masters, Hethum
-took many places, which formerly paid tribute to the
-Mamaluke sovereigns; they asked of him, therefore,
-either to restore them their former possessions, or to pay
-tribute.—Chamchean, 339.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note74">Note (74), <a href="#marker74">page 50</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>This is certainly very remarkable. It had never
-happened before in the history of the world, and will
-perhaps, never happen in future times, that the kings of
-Georgia and Armenia, the Sultans of Iconium, the Emirs
-of Persia, the ambassadors of France, of Russia, of
-Thibet, Pegu, and Tonquin, met together in a place
-about nine thousand miles to the north-west of Pekin,
-and that life and death of the most part of these nations
-depended on the frown or smile of a great khan. M.
-Rémusat has written a very learned and ingenious dissertation
-on the situation of Caracorum.—Abul Fazel
-(Ayeen Akbery ii. 336, London edition, 1800), lays<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span>
-down ‎‏قراقوروم‏‎, Caracurem, long. 111. 0. lat. 44. 45. All
-the residences of the khan were distinguished by the
-general name of <i>Kharibaligh</i> (town or residence of the
-khan), and this has led astray many historians and
-geographers.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note75">Note (75), <a href="#marker75">page 52</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Jacobus I. died 1268, and is considered a very great
-man by the Armenians; they call him the <i>Sage</i> and the
-Doctor. Jacobus has written some ecclesiastical tracts,
-and a very fine song on the nativity of the Virgin Mary,
-which is printed in the Psalm-book of the Armenian
-church.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note76">Note (76), <a href="#marker76">page 53</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>This seems to be the Greek word μακαρίος, “beatus,”
-“blessed,” &amp;c.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note77">Note (77), <a href="#marker77">page 54</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Nobody receives the degree of a Vartabed without
-having previously undergone a strict examination: it is
-something like the doctor of philosophy of the German
-universities; but a Vartabed, that is to say <i>a teacher</i>, is
-rather more esteemed in Armenia than a doctor of philosophy
-in Germany. The Vartabed receives at his inauguration
-a staff, denoting the power to teach, reprove,
-and exhort in every place with all authority. (See the
-Biography of Gregory <i>Wartabed</i>, as the word is spelt
-there, in the Missionary Herald, vol. xxiv. 140.) It is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span>
-very probable that this institution came in the fifth century
-of our era from the philosophic schools in Athens
-to Armenia; nearly all the classical writers of this age
-went to Athens for their improvement.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note78">Note (78), <a href="#marker78">page 54</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Leon III. gave orders to make new copies of all the
-works of the former classical writers of the nation; in
-our eyes, his greatest praise.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note79">Note (79), <a href="#marker79">page 55</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The King’s secretary cannot find words enough to
-praise his master; in his zeal, he accumulates words
-upon words which signify the same: I have passed
-over some of these repetitions. Vahram, without being
-aware of it, describes his master more as a pious monk
-than as a prudent king. Why does the Secretary of
-State not give any reason for the rebellious designs of
-the Armenian chieftains?</p>
-
-<h3 id="note80">Note (80), <a href="#marker80">page 55</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>From the time of Herodotus and Zoroaster to this
-day, the Turcomans carried on their nomadical life, and
-as it seems, without much change in their manners and
-customs. The text of Herodotus and Polybius may be
-explained by the embassies of Muravie and Meyendorn
-to Khiva and Buchara. Many of these Turcoman
-shepherds were driven to Asia Minor by the destruction<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>
-of the Charizmian empire by the Moguls; the inroads
-and devastations of the Charizmian shepherds have been
-described by many contemporary authors, and the Crusaders
-experienced a great defeat from these savages.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note81">Note (81), <a href="#marker81">page 57</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The Egyptians having retired, Leon went against
-their allies one by one.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note82">Note (82), <a href="#marker82">page 58</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The successor of Hulagou, khan of Persia.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note83">Note (83), <a href="#marker83">page 58</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Here Vahram calls even the Moguls Tadjiks,—is it
-because they governed Persia?</p>
-
-<h3 id="note84">Note (84), <a href="#marker84">page 58</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Vahram calls here the territory of the Seljuks of
-Iconium <i>Turkestan</i>. As regards the etymology of the
-word, he is quite in the right; but what we are accustomed
-to call <i>Turkestan</i>, is a country rather more to the
-north-east.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note85">Note (85), <a href="#marker85">page 59</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>Here ends the Chronicle; but Vahram adds some reflections
-which I thought proper to subjoin, and only to
-pass over his so often repeated pious sentiments.</p>
-
-<h3 id="note86">Note (86), <a href="#marker86">page 60</a>.</h3>
-
-<p>The monk Vahram is not tired of repeating the same
-thought in twenty different ways, but I was tired of
-translating these repeated variations of the same theme,
-and the reader would probably have been tired in reading
-them. Why should we waste our time in translating<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>
-and reading sermons, from which nothing else could be
-learned, than that the author said what had been said
-long before him, in a better style. Why should we think
-it worth our while to study the groundless reasoning of
-a mind clouded by superstition?</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>APPENDIX.<br />
-<span class="smaller"><i>Letters between Pope Innocent III. and Leon the First
-Armenian King of Cilicia.</i></span></h2>
-
-<p>During the middle ages, the clergy governed the
-world, and the Pope, as the head of the clergy, was also
-the head of what then was called the Christian Republic.
-All transactions of any note are therefore contained, or
-at least spoken of, in the vast collections of letters or
-Regesta of the followers of St. Peter. To be united with
-the Roman Catholic Church was, in fact, (particularly
-during the Crusades,) the same as acknowledging the
-Pope as the supreme umpire, not only in the spiritual
-but also in the civil government of the country; this is
-clearly to be seen in the following letters. If the Popes
-could not speak to every king as they did to the impotent
-sovereign of Cilicia, it was certainly not their fault.
-The following letters exist only, as far as I know, in the
-Latin tongue, and are taken from the <i>Regesta Innoc.
-III.</i>, lib. ii., pp. 208, 209, 247, 44. I give the text of
-these letters according to Galanus, who accompanied<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span>
-them with a translation into the Armenian language.
-(Conciliat. Eccles. Arm. cum Romana. Romæ, 1650;
-vol. i., p. 357).</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p class="hanging">Leo Armeniæ Rex, Reverendissimo in Christo Patri
-et Domino, Innocentio, Dei gratia Summo Pont. et
-universali Papæ, tanto, ac tali honore Dignissimo.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging"><i>De suo erga veram Religionem, et Sedem Apostolicam
-amore; et quod petat auxilium contra Sarracenos.</i></p>
-
-<p>Leo per eandem, et Romani Imperii gratiam Rex
-omnium Armeniorum, cum salutatione seipsum, et quicquid
-potest. Gloria, laus, et honor omnipotent Deo,
-qui Vos tantum, et talem pastorem Ecclesiæ suæ præesse
-voluit, vestris bonis meritis exigentibus: et tam
-fructuosam, et firmam fabricam super fundamentum
-Apostolorum componere, et tantum lumen, super candelabrum
-positum, toti Orbi terrarum ad salutem totius
-Christianitatis effundere dignatus est. In vestri vero
-luminis gratia, salutaribus monitis Reverendiss. Patris
-nostri Archiepiscopi Moguntini,<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> instruct et informati
-<i>omne Regnum nobis à Deo commissum, amplissimum,
-et spatiosum, et omnes Armenios, huc illuc in remotis
-partibus diffusos, ad unitatem Sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ</i>,
-divina inspirante dementia, <i>revocare cupimus,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>
-et exoptamus</i>. Ad hæc calamitates, miserias, paupertates,
-et imbecillitatem. Regni Syriæ,<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> et nostrum,
-per ipsum prædictum Moguntinum (quia difficilior labor
-erat scripto retexere) Pietati vestræ patefacimus. Ipse
-vero per singula rei veritatem vobis explicabit: in cujus
-notitiam ista non præteriere. Hanc utique contritionem,
-et collisionem in valle destituti lacrymarum jamdiu
-sustinuimus; quod de cætero sine spe subsidii, et auxilii
-vestri sustinere nequimus. Verum quia zelus domus
-Dei tepescere non debet in cordibus tam vestro, quam
-nostro, non ut personam instruentis geramus, ejusdem
-domus decorem diligere, et pro eadem domo murum nos
-oportet opponere; ut impetus, quem super eam faciunt
-inimici Crucis, co-operante Dei gratia, collectis in unum
-animi viribus, resistendo excludamus. Hinc est, quod
-vestram flexis genibus imploramus pietatem, quatenus
-lacrymabilibus Domini Moguntini precibus, et nostris
-divino intuitu aures misericordiæ porrigatis: et miseriis
-Christianitatis compatientes, subsidium Christianissimum
-nobis accurrendo mittatis, antequam irremeabile, quod
-absit, incurramus diluvium; immo cum Dei, et vestro
-auxilio, evaginato ense, de Hur Chaldæorum, et persecutione
-Pharaonis liberari possimus. Datum Tarsi,
-anno ab incarnatione Domini, MCXCIX. mense Majo.
-die xxiij.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span></p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p class="hanging"><i>Innocentii III. ad præcedentem Leonis epist. responsio;
-qua laudat illius studium erga Sedem
-Apost. cujus primatum demonstrat; hortatur, ut
-in obedientia ejusdem S. Sedis fideliter perseveret;
-et subsidium contra Sarracenos cito se missurum
-pollicetur.</i></p>
-
-<p>Is Ecclesiam suam, congregatam ex gentibus, non
-habentem maculam, neque rugam super gentes et Regna
-constituit; is extendit palmites ejus usque ad mare, et
-usque ad terminos terræ ipsius propagines dilatavit;
-cujus est terra, et plenitudo ejus, Orbis terrarum, et
-universi qui habitant in eo, ipse etiam Romanam Ecclesiam
-non solum universis fidelibus prætulit, sed supra cæteras
-Ecclesias exaltavit: ut cæteræ ab ea non tam vivendi
-normam, et morum sumerent disciplinam, sed et fidei
-etiam catholicæ documenta reciperent, et ejus servarent
-humiliter instituta. In Petro enim Apostolorum Principe,
-cui excellentius aliis Dominus ligandi et solvendi contulit
-potestatem, dicens ad eum: quodcunque ligaveris
-super terram, erit ligatum et in cœlis: et quodcunque
-solveris super terram, erit solutum et in cœlis: Ecclesia
-Romana, sedes ejus, et Sessores ipsius Romani Pontifices,
-successores Petri, et vicarii Jesu Christi, sibi invicem
-per successivas varietates temporum singulariter succedentes,
-super Ecclesiis omnibus, et cunctis Ecclesiarum
-Prelatis, immo etiam fidelibus universis a Domino primatum
-et magisterium acceperunt: vocatis sic cæteris<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span>
-in partem solicitudinis, ut apud eos plenitudo resideat
-potestatis. Non enim in Petro, et cum Petro singulare
-illud privilegium expiravit, quod successoribus ejus
-futuris usque in finem Mundi Dominus in ipso concessit;
-sed præter vitæ sanctitatem, et miraculorum virtutes,
-par est in omnibus jurisdictio successorum; quos etsi
-diversis temporibus, eidem tamen Sedi, et eadem auctoritate
-Dominus voluit præsidere. Gaudemus autem,
-quod tu, sicut Princeps catholicus, Apostolicæ Sedis
-privilegium recognoscens, venerabilem fratrem nostrum
-Moguntinum Archiepiscopum, Episcopum Sabinensem,
-unum ex septem Episcopis, qui nobis in Ecclesia Romana
-collaterales existunt, benigne, ac hilariter recepisti; et
-non solum per eum institutis salutaribus es instructus,
-quibus juxta continentiam litterarum tuarum totum
-Regnum tuum licet amplissimum desideras informari, et
-universos Armenos ad Ecclesiæ Romanæ gremium revocare;
-sed <i>ad honorem, et gloriam Apostolicæ Sedis,
-quam constitutam esse novisti super gentes, et regna,
-diadema regni recepisti de manibus ejus</i>; et eum curasti
-devote, ac humiliter honorare: et nos per ipsum, et
-litteras tuas ad orientalis terræ subsidium invitasti. Ei
-ergo, a quo est omne datum optimum, et omne donum,
-perfectum, qui habet corda Principum in manu sua,
-quas possumus, gratias referentes, quod tibi tantæ humilitatis
-animum inspiravit; rogamus Serenitatem Regiam,
-et exhortamur in Domino, ac <i>per Apostolica tibi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>
-scripta mandamus</i>, quatenus in timore Domini, et Apostolicæ
-Sedis devotione persistens, ad expugnandam barbariem
-Paganorum, et vindicandam injuriam Crucifixi,
-tanto potentius, et efficacius studeas imminere; quanto
-fraudes et versutias hostium vicinius positus melius
-cognovisti: non in exercitus multitudine, aut virtute,
-sed de ipsius potius miseratione confidens, qui docet
-manus ad prælium, et digitos movet ad bellum; qu
-arcus fortium superat, et robore accingit infirmos. Jam
-enim per Dei gratiam ad commonitionem nostram multi
-Crucis signaculum receperunt, et plures Domino dante
-recipient, in defensionem orientalis Provinciæ opportuno
-tempore transituri. Jam etiam duo ex fratribus nostris
-de manibus nostris vivificæ Crucis assumpsere vexillum,
-exercitum Domini præcessuri. Confide igitur, et esto
-robustus, quia citius forsitan, quam credatur, orientalis
-Provincia subsidium sentiet expectatum. Dat. Later. viii.
-kal. Decembris.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p class="hanging"><i>Idem Innocentius Papa ad illustriss. Regem Armeniæ.
-Quod ipsi transmittat vexillum beati Petri,
-quo contra Crucis inimicos utatur.</i></p>
-
-<p><i>After some previous passages</i>:—Et tibi congaudemus,
-et Nobis, immo etiam universo Populo Christiano; quod
-eum tibi Dominus inspiravit affectum, ut Apostolicæ
-Sedis instituta devote reciperes, et præcepta fideliter
-observares, et contra inimicos Crucis propositum illud<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>
-assumeres, ut in eos vindicare cupias injuriam Crucifixi,
-et hæreditatem ejus de ipsorum manibus liberare. Nos
-igitur de tuæ devotionis sinceritate confisi, ad petitionem
-dilecti filii Roberti de Margat militis, nuncii tui, in
-nostræ dilectionis indicium, vexillum beati Petri tuæ
-Serenitati dirigimus; quo in hostes Crucis duntaxat
-utaris, et eorum studeas contumaciam cum Dei auxilio,
-suffragantibus Apostolorum Principis meritis, refrænare.
-Datum Later. xvi. kal. Januarii.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p class="hanging"><i>Leonis Armeniæ Regis ad Innocentium III. epistola;
-qua ad præcedentem respondet, et privilegium ab
-eo petit.</i></p>
-
-<p><i>After some other passages</i>:—Paternitatis vestræ
-litteras, quas per dilectum fidelem Nuncium nostrum
-nobis direxistis, ea qua decuit reverentia, et devotione
-suscepimus; et per earum significata pleno collegimus
-intellectu, Vos charitatis visceribus Regiam Majestatem
-nostram amplexari. Continebant etiam quod in devotione,
-et amore Apostolicæ Sedis persisteremus; et in
-hoc semper perseverare cupimus; et optamus, et testis
-est rerum effectus, dum <i>de omnibus negotiis nostris ad
-Sedem Apostolicum appellamus</i>. Misistis autem nobis
-per eundem Nuncium vexillum sancti Petri in memoriale
-dilectionis Sedis Apostolicæ, quod semper ante nos portari
-contra inimicos Crucis ad honorem Sanctæ Romanæ<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span>
-Ecclesiæ faciemus ... Præterea nos obedientiæ vinculis
-de cætero Apostolicæ Sedi esse alligatos, non dubitetis;
-ea propter, si placet Sanctitati vestræ, cuilibet alteri
-Ecclesiæ Latinæ nec volumus, nec debemus alligari.
-Hinc est, quod Sanctitatem vestram humiliter flagitamus,
-quatenus nobis litteras apertas mittere dignemini, ut non
-teneamur videlicet cum Latinis de terra nostra de qualibet
-conditione, excepta sancta Romana Ecclesia, cuilibet
-Ecclesiæ Latinæ: et quod non habeat potestatem, nos,
-seu Latinos de terra nostra excommunicandi, vel sententiam
-in Regno nostro proferendi super Latinos quælibet
-Ecclesia, excepta, ut dictum est, Sede Apostolica.<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Præsentium
-quoque latorem, dilectum, et fidelem nostrum
-militem, nomine Garnere Teuto ad pedes Sanctitatis
-vestræ dirigimus; cui super his, quæ ex parte nostra
-vobis indixerit, tanquam Nobis ipsis credere, ne dubitetis,
-&amp;c.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p class="hanging"><i>Ex indulto Regis Armeniæ, a Domino Papa Innocentio
-III. sibi facto.</i></p>
-
-<p>Volentes igitur, quantum cum Deo possumus, tuæ
-Serenitati deferre, et <i>cum honestate nostra petitineso
-Regias exaudire</i>; tuis precibus inclinati, auctoritate
-præsentium inhibemus, ne quis in te, vel Regnum tuum,
-aut homines Regni tui, cujuscunque conditionis existant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>
-qui mediantibus tamen ejusdem Regni Prælatis, Sedi
-Apostolicæ sunt subjecti, præter Romanum Pontificem,
-et ejus Legarum, vel de ipsius speciali mandato, districtionem
-Ecclesiasticam audeat exercere,<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> &amp;c.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>CHRONOLOGY<br />
-<span class="smaller"><span class="smaller">OF THE</span><br />
-ARMENIAN BARONS AND KINGS OF CILICIA<br />
-<span class="smaller">(ACCORDING TO CHAMCHEAN.)</span></span></h2>
-
-<table summary="Rulers and the dates of their reigns">
- <tr>
- <td>Rouben I.</td>
- <td class="tdr">1080</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Constantine I.</td>
- <td class="tdr">1095</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Thoros I.</td>
- <td class="tdr">1100</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Leon I.</td>
- <td class="tdr">1123</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><i>Interregnum</i></td>
- <td class="tdr">1138</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Thoros II.</td>
- <td class="tdr">1144</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Thomas Bail, regent</td>
- <td class="tdr">1168</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Meleh</td>
- <td class="tdr">1169</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Rouben II.</td>
- <td class="tdr">1174</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Leon II.<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></td>
- <td class="tdr">1185</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Sabel or Isabella, queen</td>
- <td class="tdr">1219</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Philippus</td>
- <td class="tdr">1220</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><i>Interregnum</i></td>
- <td class="tdr">1222</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Hethum or Haithon I.</td>
- <td class="tdr">1224</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>Leon III.</td>
- <td class="tdr">1269</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Hethum II., also called Johannes</td>
- <td class="tdr">1289</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Thoros III.</td>
- <td class="tdr">1293</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Hethum II. (second time)</td>
- <td class="tdr">1295</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Sembad</td>
- <td class="tdr">1296</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Constantine II.</td>
- <td class="tdr">1298</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Hethum III.</td>
- <td class="tdr">1300</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Leon IV.</td>
- <td class="tdr">1305</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Odshin</td>
- <td class="tdr">1308</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Leon V.</td>
- <td class="tdr">1320</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Constantine III.</td>
- <td class="tdr">1342</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Guido</td>
- <td class="tdr">1343</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Constantine IV.</td>
- <td class="tdr">1345</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td><i>Interregnum</i></td>
- <td class="tdr">1363</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Leon VI.</td>
- <td class="tdr">1368</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>End of the Armenian kingdom in Cilicia</td>
- <td class="tdr">1375</td>
- </tr>
-</table>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<h2>FOOTNOTES</h2>
-
-<div class="footnotes">
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Nicetas II. p. 148. I wonder that Montesquieu, in making
-use of this passage of Nicetas (Grandeur et Decadence des Romains,
-ch. xxii.), has not been struck with its incorrectness;
-it did not escape the critical discernment of Gibbon: the Decline
-and Fall, etc. ch. 49. n. 17.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Bruce’s Annals of the East-India Company, iii. 88. The
-mercantile companies trading to different parts of Asia found
-every where the Armenians in their way; the Armenians became
-jealous on the new intruders of their commerce, and tried to remove
-them by intrigues. See Hanway, i. 303.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Pompey the Great had vanquished the Albanians, who
-brought into the field twelve thousand horse and sixty thousand
-foot. Plutarch in Pompeio., t. ii. p. 1165. Gibbon, chap. xlvi.
-n. 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> <a href="#note53">See the Notes 53 and 54</a> to the text of Vahram’s Chronicle.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This part of Palestine and Syria, which belonged to the
-Latins.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Leon was on bad terms with the clergy of Antioch, and the
-latin princes were eager to unite Cilicia with their dominions.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> There are some other matters, regarding the history of the
-Armenian kingdom in Cilicia, spoken of in the <i>Regesta Innocentii
-III.</i>; but it is not our object to write the history of that
-kingdom. We only collect materials for a future historian, who
-might certainly draw some other valuable accounts from <i>Belouacensis
-Spec. Hist.</i>, from <i>Sanutus</i> and from <i>Hayto</i> or <i>Hethum’s
-Hist. Orient</i>. We may here observe, that Vahram, who is eager to
-tell all that is to the honour and glory of the Church, says nothing
-about the baptism of the great Chan of the Moguls.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Leon was the first king, the former princes are only called
-barons of Cilicia.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p>The Translator finds it necessary to remark for the information of
-the reader of “<i>The History of Vartan</i>,” that, not being in this country
-when the work went to press, there occurred some slight errors, particularly
-in the orthography of proper names. We shall at present only
-notice the following:—</p>
-
-<table summary="Errata">
- <tr>
- <td>Preface,</td>
- <td>p.</td>
- <td class="right">vii,</td>
- <td>line</td>
- <td class="right">6,</td>
- <td>for <i>Esrick</i> read <i>Esnik</i>.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td></td>
- <td>p.</td>
- <td class="right">xxii,</td>
- <td>line</td>
- <td class="right">13,</td>
- <td>for <i>of</i> Moh. read <i>before</i> Moh.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td></td>
- <td>p.</td>
- <td class="right">5,</td>
- <td>line</td>
- <td class="right">21,</td>
- <td>for <i>Dadjgabdan</i> read <i>Dadjgasdan</i>.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td></td>
- <td>p.</td>
- <td class="right">75,</td>
- <td>line</td>
- <td class="right">21,</td>
- <td>for <i>Bardesares</i> read <i>Bardesanes</i>.</td>
- </tr>
-</table>
-
-<div class="transnote">
-
-<h2>Transcriber’s Note</h2>
-
-<p>The errors above refer to a different book. The following probable mistakes
-in <i>this</i> one were noticed and changed.</p>
-
-<div class="blockquote">
-
-<p><a href="#Page_69">Page 69</a>, “geoprapher” changed to “geographer” (the geographer alluded to)</p>
-
-<p><a href="#Page_73">Page 73</a>, “Amenian” changed to “Armenian” (printed in Armenian, at Venice)</p>
-
-<p><a href="#Page_73">Page 73</a>, “seasame” changed to “sesame” (abounding in sesame, panic, millet, wheat and barley)</p>
-
-<p><a href="#Page_76">Page 76</a>, “certrin” changed to “certain” (it is likewise certain that the language)</p>
-
-<p><a href="#Page_90">Page 90</a>, “Mogolian” changed to “Mongolian” (the head of the Mongolian confederacy)</p>
-
-<p><a href="#Page_91">Page 91</a>, “Quardo” changed to “Quadro” (Quadro della Storia)</p>
-
-<p><a href="#Page_92">Page 92</a>, “Palastine” changed to “Palestine” (our author means Palestine and Syria)</p>
-
-<p><a href="#Page_101">Page 101</a>, “calamitatess” changed to “calamitates” (Ad hæc calamitates, miserias, paupertates)</p>
-
-<p><a href="#Page_101">Page 101</a>, “omus” changed to “domus” (ejusdem domus decorem diligere)</p>
-
-<p><a href="#Page_101">Page 101</a>, “not ... faciuns” changed to “nos ... faciunt” (nos oportet opponere; ut impetus, quem super eam faciunt)</p>
-
-</div>
-
-</div>
-
-<p class="titlepage">LONDON:<br />
-Printed by J. L. Cox, Great Queen Street,<br />
-Lincoln’s-Inn Fields.</p>
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-<pre>
-
-
-
-
-
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