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diff --git a/old/60035-0.txt b/old/60035-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 28320d3..0000000 --- a/old/60035-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,21067 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of the Reformation in Europe in the -Time of Calvin, Vol. 4 of 8, by J. H. Merle D'Aubigné - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin, Vol. 4 of 8 - -Author: J. H. Merle D'Aubigné - -Translator: William L. B. Cates - -Release Date: August 1, 2019 [EBook #60035] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION *** - - - - -Produced by Brian Wilson, David Edwards, Colin Bell, David -King, and the Online Distributed Proofreaders Team at -http://www.pgdp.net. (This file was produced from images -generously made available by The Internet Archive.) - - - - - - -History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin, Vol. 4 of 8 - - - - - HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE IN THE TIME OF CALVIN. - - BY - - J. H. MERLE D’AUBIGNÉ, D.D., - - AUTHOR OF THE ‘HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY,’ - ETC. - - - ‘Les choses de petite durée ont coutume de devenir fanées, quand elles - ont passé - leur temps. - - ‘Au règne de Christ, il n’y a que le nouvel homme qui soit florissant, - qui ait de - la vigueur, et dont il faille faire cas.’ - - CALVIN. - - - VOL. IV. - - ENGLAND, GENEVA, FRANCE, GERMANY, AND ITALY. - - NEW YORK: - ROBERT CARTER & BROTHERS, - No. 530 BROADWAY. - 1866. - - - - - PREFACE. - - -This volume narrates the events of an important epoch in the Reformation -of England, Switzerland, France, Germany, and Italy. From the first the -author purposed to write a _History of the Reformation in Europe_, which -he indicated in the title of his work. Some persons, misled by the last -words of that title, have supposed that he intended to give a mere -biography of Calvin: such was not his idea. That great divine must have -his place in this history, but, however interesting the life of a man -may be, and especially the life of so great a servant of God, the -history of the work of God in the various parts of Christendom possesses -in our opinion a greater and more permanent interest. - - Deo soli gloria. Omnia hominum idola pereant! - -In the year 1853, in the fifth volume of his _History of the Reformation -of the Sixteenth Century_, the author described the commencement of the -reform in England. He now resumes the subject where he had left off, -namely, after the fall and death of Wolsey. The following pages were -written thirteen years ago, immediately subsequent to the publication of -the fifth volume; they have since then been revised and extended. - -The most important fact of that epoch in Great Britain is the act by -which the English Church resumed its independence. It was attended by a -peculiar circumstance. When Henry VIII. emancipated his people from the -papal supremacy, he proclaimed himself head of the Church. And hence, of -all Protestant countries, England is the one in which Church and State -are most closely united. The legislators of the Anglican Church -understood afterwards the danger presented by this union, and -consequently declared, in the Thirty-seventh Article (_Of the Civil -Magistrates_), that, ‘where they attributed to the King’s Majesty the -chief government, they gave not to their princes the ministering of -God’s word.’ This did not mean that the king should not preach; such an -idea did not occur to any one; but that the civil power should not take -upon itself to determine the doctrines of the divine Word. - -Unhappily this precaution has not proved sufficient. Not long since a -question of doctrine was raised with regard to the _Essays and Reviews_, -and the case having been carried on appeal before the supreme court, the -latter gave its decision with regard to important dogmas. The Privy -Council decided that the denial of the plenary inspiration of Scripture, -of the substitution of Christ for the sinner in the sacrifice of the -cross, and of the irrevocable consequences of the last judgment, was not -contrary to the profession of faith of the Church of England. When they -heard of this judgment, the rationalists triumphed; but an immense -number of protests were made in all parts of Great Britain. While we -feel the greatest respect for the persons and intentions of the members -of the judicial committee of the Privy Council, we venture to ask -whether this judgment be not subversive of the fundamental principles of -the Anglican Church; nay more (though in this we may be wrong), is it -not a violation of the English Constitution, of which the articles of -Religion form part? The fact is the more serious as it was accomplished -notwithstanding the opposition (which certainly deserved to be taken -into consideration) of the two chief spiritual conductors of the -Church—the Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, and the -Archbishop of York, both members of the council. Having to describe in -this volume the historical fact in which the evil originated, the author -is of opinion that he ought to point out respectfully but frankly the -evil itself. He does so with the more freedom because he believes that -he is in harmony on this point with the majority of the bishops, clergy, -and pious laymen of the English Church, for whom he has long felt -sincere respect and affection. - -But let us not fear. The ills of the Church must not prevent our -acknowledging that at no time has evangelical Christianity been more -widely extended than in our days. We know that the Christians of Great -Britain will not only hold firm the standard of faith, but will redouble -their efforts to win souls to the Gospel both at home and in the most -distant countries. And if at any time they should be compelled to make a -choice—and either renounce their union with the civil power, or -sacrifice the holy doctrines of the Word of God—there is not (in our -opinion) one evangelical minister or layman in England who would -hesitate a moment on the course he should adopt. - -England requires now more than ever to study the Fathers of the -Reformation in their writings, and to be animated by their spirit. There -are men in our days who are led astray by strange imaginations, and who, -unless precautions be taken against their errors, would overturn the -glorious chariot of Christian truth, and plunge it into the abyss of -superstitious Romanism or over the abrupt precipice of incredulity. On -one side, scholastic doctrines (as transubstantiation for instance) are -boldly professed in certain Protestant churches; monastic orders, popish -rites, candles, vestments of the fourteenth century, and all the -mummeries of the Middle Ages are revived. On the other side, a -rationalism, which, though it still keeps within bounds, is not the less -dangerous on that account, is attacking the inspiration of Scripture, -the atonement, and other essential doctrines. May we be permitted to -conjure all who have God’s glory, the safety of the Church, and the -prosperity of their country at heart, to preserve in its integrity the -precious treasure of God’s Word, and to learn from the men of the -Reformation to repel foolish errors and a slavish yoke with one hand, -and with the other the empty theorems of an incredulous philosophy. - -I would crave permission to draw attention to a fact of importance. A -former volume has shown that the spiritual reformation of England -proceeded from the Word of God, first read at Oxford and Cambridge, and -then by the people. The only part which the king took in it was an -opposition, which he followed out even to the stake. The present volume -shows that the official reformation, the reform of abuses, proceeded -from the Commons, from the most notable laymen of England. The king took -only a passive part in this work. Thus neither the internal nor the -external reform proceeded from Henry VIII. Of all the acts of the -Reformation only one belongs to him: he broke with the pope. That was a -great benefit, and it is a great honor to the king. But could it have -lasted without the two other reforms? We much doubt it. The Reformation -of England primarily came from God; but if we look at secondary causes, -it proceeded from the people, and not from the sovereign. The noble -vessel of the political constitution, which had remained almost -motionless for centuries, began to advance at the first breath of the -Gospel. Rationalists and papists, notwithstanding all their hopes, will -never deprive Great Britain of the Reformation accomplished by the Word -of God; but if England were to lose the Gospel, she would at the same -time lose her liberty. Coercion under the reign of popery or excesses -under the reign of infidelity, would be equally fatal to it. - -A distinguished writer published in 1858 an important work in which he -treated of the history of England from the fall of Wolsey.[1] We have -great pleasure in acknowledging the value of Mr. Froude’s volumes; but -we do not agree with his opinions with respect to the character of Henry -VIII. While we believe that he rendered great services to England as a -king, we are not inclined, so far as his private character is concerned, -to consider him a model prince, and his victims as criminals. We differ -also from the learned historian in certain matters of detail, which have -been partly indicated in our notes. But every one must bear testimony to -the good use Mr. Froude has made of the original documents which he had -before him, and to the talent with which the history is written, and we -could not forbear rejoicing as we noticed the favorable point of view -under which, in this last work of his, he considers the Reformation. - -After speaking of England, the author returns to the history of Geneva; -and readers may perhaps complain that he has dwelt longer upon it than -is consistent with a general history of the Reformation. He acknowledges -that there may be some truth in the objection, and accepts his -condemnation in advance. But he might reply that according to the -principles which determine the characteristics of the Beautiful, the -liveliest interest is often excited by what takes place on the narrowest -stage. He might add that the special character of the Genevese Reform, -where political liberty and evangelical faith are seen triumphing -together, is of particular importance to our age. He might say that if -he has spoken too much of Geneva, it is because he knows and loves her; -and that while everybody thinks it natural for a botanist, even when -taking note of the plants of the whole world, to apply himself specially -to a description of such as grow immediately around him; a Genevese -ought to be permitted to make known the flowers which adorn the shores -upon which he dwells, and whose perfume has extended far over the world. - -For this part of our work we have continued to consult the most -authentic documents of the sixteenth century, at the head of which are -the Registers of the Council of State of Geneva. Among the new sources -that we have explored we may mention an important manuscript in the -Archives of Berne which was placed at our disposal by M. de Stürler, -Chancellor of State. This folio of four hundred and thirty pages -contains the minutes of the sittings of the Inquisitional Court of -Lyons, assembled to try Baudichon de la Maisonneuve for heresy. To avoid -swelling out this volume, it was necessary to omit many interesting -circumstances contained in that document; we should have curtailed them -even more had we not considered that the facts of that trial did not yet -belong to history, and had remained for more than three centuries hidden -among the state papers of Berne.[2] De la Maisonneuve was the chief -layman of the Genevese Reformation,—_the captain of the Lutherans_, as -he is frequently called by the witnesses in their depositions. The part -he played in the Reformation of Geneva has not been duly appreciated. No -doubt the excess of his qualities, particularly of his energy, sometimes -carried him too far; but his love of truth, indomitable courage, and -indefatigable activity make him one of the most prominent characters of -the Reform. The name of Maisonneuve no longer exists in that city; but a -great number of the most ancient and most respected families descend -from him, either in a direct or collateral line.[3] - -Another manuscript has brought to our knowledge the chief mission of the -embassy which solicited Francis I. to set Baudichon de la Maisonneuve at -liberty. The head of that embassy was Rodolph of Diesbach: M. Ferdinand -de Diesbach, of Berne, has had the kindness to place the manuscript -records of his family at our disposal; and the circumstance that we have -learnt from them does not give a very exalted idea of that king’s -generosity. - -The project of Francis I. and of Melancthon described in the portion of -the volume devoted to France and Germany, and the important letters -hitherto unknown in our language, which are given there, appear worthy -of the attention of enlightened and serious minds. - -We conclude with Italy. We could have wished to describe in this volume -Calvin’s journey to Ferrara, and even his arrival at Geneva; but the -great space given to other countries did not permit us to carry on the -Genevese Reformation to that period. Two distinguished men, whose -talents and labors we respect, M. Albert Rilliet, of Geneva, and M. -Jules Bonnet, of Paris, have had a discussion about Calvin’s transalpine -expedition. M. Rilliet’s essay (_Deux points obscurs de la vie de -Calvin_) was published as a pamphlet, and M. Bonnet’s answer (_Calvin en -Italie_) appeared in the _Revue Chrétienne_ for 1864, p. 461 sqq., and -in the _Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire du Protestantisme Français_ -for 1864, p. 183 sqq. M. Rilliet denies that Calvin ever visited the -city of Aosta, and M. Bonnet maintains that he did. Data are -unfortunately wanting to decide a small number of secondary points; but -the important fact of Calvin’s journey _through Aosta_, seems beyond a -doubt, and when we come to this epoch in the Reformer’s life, we will -give such proofs—in our opinion incontestable proofs—as ought to -convince every impartial mind. - -Before describing Calvin’s residence at Ferrara, the author had to -narrate the movements which had been going on in Italy from the -beginning of the Reformation. Being obliged to limit himself, -considering the extent of his task, he had wished at first to exclude -those countries in which the Reformation was crushed out, as Italy and -Spain. On studying more closely the work there achieved, he could not -make up his mind to pass it over in silence. Among the oldest editions -of the books of that period which he has made use of is a copy of the -works of Aonio Paleario (1552), recently presented by the Marquis Cresi, -of Naples, to the library of the School of Evangelical Theology at -Geneva. This volume wants thirty-two leaves (pp. 311 to 344), and at the -foot of p. 310 is the following manuscript note: _Quæ desunt pagellæ -sublatæ fuerunt de mandato Rev. Vicarii Neap._; ‘the missing pages were -torn out by order of the Reverend Vicar of Naples.’ This was an -annoyance to the author, who wished to read those pages all the more -because the inquisition had cut them out. Happily he found them in a -Dutch edition belonging to Professor André Cherbuliez. - -Some persons have thought that political liberty occupied too great a -space in the first volume of this history; we imagined, however, that we -were doing a service to the time in which we live, by showing the -coexistence in Geneva of civil emancipation and evangelical reform. On -the continent, there are men of education and elevated character, but -strangers to the Gospel, who labor under a mistake as to the causes -which separate them from Christianity. In their opinion it arises from -the circumstance that the Church whose head is at Rome is hostile to the -rights of the people. Many of them have said that religion might be -strengthened and perpetuated by uniting with liberty. But is it not -united with liberty in Switzerland, England, and the United States of -America? Why should we not see everywhere, and in France particularly, -as well as in the countries we have just named, religion which respects -the rights of God uniting with policy which respects the rights of the -people? It is not the Encyclic of Pius IX. that the Gospel claims as a -companion, it is liberty. The Gospel has need of liberty, and liberty -has need of the Gospel. The people who have only one or other of these -two essential elements of life are sick; the people who have neither are -dead. - -‘The greatest imaginable absurdity,’ says one of the eminent -philosophers and noble minds of our epoch, M. Jouffroy, ‘would be the -assertion that this present life is everything, and that there is -nothing after it. I know of no greater in any branch of science.’ Might -there not, however, be another absurdity worthy of being placed by its -side? The same philosopher says that, so far as regards our state after -this life, ‘science and philosophy have not, after two thousand years, -arrived at a single accepted result.’[4] Consequently, by the side of -the absurdity which M. Jouffroy has pointed out, we confidently place -another, as the second of ‘the greatest imaginable absurdities,’ namely, -that which consists in believing, after two thousand years of barren -labors, that there is another way besides Christianity to know and -possess the life invisible and eternal. The essential fact of the -history of religion and the history of the world: _God manifest in the -flesh_, is the ray from heaven which reveals that life to us, and -procures it for us. We know what a wind of incredulity has scattered -over barren sands many noble souls who aspire to something better, and -for whom Christ has opened the gates of eternity; but let us hope that -their fall will be only temporary, and that many, enlightened from on -high, turning their eyes away from the desert which surrounds them, and -lifting them towards heaven, will exclaim: _I will arise and go to my -Father_. - -We must, as Jouffroy says, ‘recommence our investigations;’ but ‘first -of all,’ he adds, ‘we must confess the secret vice which has hitherto -rendered all our exertions powerless.’ That secret vice consists in -considering the question in an intellectual and theoretical point of -view only, while it is absolutely necessary to grapple with it in a -practical way, and to make it an individual fact. The matter under -discussion belongs to the domain of humanity, not of philosophy. It does -not regard the understanding alone, but the conscience, the will, the -heart, and the life. The real vice consists in our not recognizing, -within us, the evil that separates us from God, and, without us, the -Saviour who leads us to Him. The royal road to learn and possess life -invisible and eternal is the knowledge and possession of that Son of -Man, of that Son of God, who said with authority: I AM THE WAY, THE -TRUTH, AND THE LIFE: NO MAN COMETH UNTO THE FATHER BUT BY ME. - -MERLE D’AUBIGNÉ. - -LA GRAVELINE, EAUX VIVES, GENEVA: -_May, 1866_. - -Footnote 1: - - _History of England from the Fall of Wolsey to the Death of Queen - Elizabeth_, by J. A. Froude. - -Footnote 2: - - M. Gaberel has quoted some passages of this manuscript which concern - Geneva, in the first volume of his History of the Genevese Church. - -Footnote 3: - - M. Charles Eynard, a friend of the author’s, has communicated to him - some genealogies of the descendants of Baudichon de la Maisonneuve, in - which, besides a great number of Genevese names, are found those of - some foreign families,—Constant-Rebecque in Holland; the de Gasparins, - de Staëls, and other families of note in France, who descend from - Baudichon de la Maisonneuve through the Neckers. - -Footnote 4: - - See the works of M. Jouffroy, and the _Revue des Deux Mondes_ for 15th - March, 1865. - - - - - CONTENTS OF THE FOURTH VOLUME. - - -BOOK VI. - -ENGLAND BEGINS TO CAST OFF THE PAPACY. - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE NATION AND ITS PARTIES. - -(AUTUMN 1529.) - - -Diverse Religious Tendencies—Evangelical Reformation and Legal -Reformation—Creation of a mighty Protestantism—Election of a new -Parliament—Alarm of the Clerical Party—The Three Parties—The Society of -Christian Brethren—General Movement in London—Banquet and Conversations -of Peers and Members of Parliament—Agitation among the People 1 - - -CHAPTER II. - -PARLIAMENT AND ITS GRIEVANCES. - -(NOVEMBER 1529.) - - -Impulse given to Political Liberty by the Reformation—Grievances put -forward by the House of Commons—Exactions, Benefices, Holy-days, -Imprisonments—The House of Commons defend the Evangelicals—Question of -the Bishops—Their Answer—Their Proceedings in the matter of Reform 9 - - -CHAPTER III. - -REFORMS. - -(END OF 1529.) - - -Abuses pointed out and corrected—The Clergy reform in -self-defence—Fisher accuses the Commons, who complain to the -King—Subterfuge of the Bishops—Rudeness of the Commons—Suppression of -Pluralities and Non-residence—These Reforms insufficient—Joy of the -People, Sorrow of the Clergy 15 - - -CHAPTER IV. - -ANNE BOLEYN’S FATHER BEFORE THE EMPEROR AND THE POPE. - -(WINTER OF 1530.) - - -Motives of Henry VIII.—Congress at Bologna—Henry sends an -Embassy—Cranmer added to the Embassy—The Pope’s Embarrassment and -Alarm—Clement grants the Englishmen an Audience—The Pope’s -Foot—Threats—Wiltshire received and checked by Charles—Discontent of the -English—Wiltshire’s Departure—Cranmer remains 20 - - -CHAPTER V. - -DISCUSSIONS CONCERNING THE DIVORCE AT OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE. - -(WINTER OF 1530.) - - -Parties at Cambridge—A noisy Assembly—Murmurs against the Evangelicals—A -Meeting declares for the King—Honor paid to Scripture—The King’s severe -letter to Oxford—Opposition of the younger Members of the University—The -King’s Anger—Another royal Mission to Oxford—The University decides for -the Divorce—Evangelical Courage of Chaplain Latimer—The King and the -Chancellor of Cambridge 29 - - -CHAPTER VI. - -HENRY VIII. SUPPORTED IN FRANCE AND ITALY BY THE CATHOLICS, AND BLAMED -IN GERMANY BY THE PROTESTANTS. - -(JANUARY TO SEPTEMBER 1530.) - - -The Sorbonne deliberates on the Divorce—The French Universities sanction -the Divorce—The Italian Universities do likewise—Opinion of -Luther—Cranmer at Rome—The English Nobles write to the Pope—The Pope -proposes that the King should have two Wives—Henry’s Proclamation -against Papal Bulls 38 - - -CHAPTER VII. - -LATIMER AT COURT. - -(JANUARY TO SEPTEMBER 1530.) - - -Latimer tempted by the Court; fortified by Study—Christian -Individuality—Latimer desires to convert the King—Desires for the -Church, Poverty, the Cross, and the Bible—He prays the King to save his -own Soul—Latimer’s Preaching—No Intermingling of the two -Powers—Latimer’s Boldness in the Cause of Morality—Priests denounce him -to the King—Noble Character of the Reformers 45 - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE KING SEEKS AFTER TYNDALE. - -(JANUARY TO MAY 1531.) - - -The Ivy and the Tree, or the Practice of Popery—Vaughan looks for the -invisible Tyndale—Vaughan visited by a Stranger—Interview between -Vaughan and Tyndale in a Field—Tyndale mistrusts the Clergy—The King’s -Indignation—Tyndale is touched by the royal Compassion—The King wishes -to gain Fryth—Faith first, and then the Church—Henry threatens the -Evangelicals with War 52 - - -CHAPTER IX. - -THE KING OF ENGLAND RECOGNIZED AS HEAD OF THE CHURCH. - -(JANUARY TO MARCH 1531.) - - -Supremacy of the Pope injurious to the State—All the Clergy declared -guilty—Challenged to recognize the royal Supremacy—Anguish of the -Clergy—They negotiate and submit—Discussions in the Convocation of -York—Danger of the royal Supremacy 60 - - -CHAPTER X. - -SEPARATION OF THE KING AND QUEEN. - -(MARCH TO JUNE 1531.) - - -The Divorce Question agitates the Country—A Case of Poisoning—Reginald -Pole—Pole’s Discontent—The King’s Favors—Pole’s Frankness and Henry’s -Anger—Bids Henry submit to the Pope—Queen Catherine leaves the Palace 66 - - -CHAPTER XI. - -THE BISHOPS PLUNDER THE CLERGY AND PERSECUTE THE PROTESTANTS. - -(SEPTEMBER 1531 TO 1532.) - - -Stokesley proposes that the inferior Clergy shall Pay—Riot among the -Priests—The Bishop’s Speech—A Battle—To conciliate the Clergy, Henry -allows them to persecute the Protestants 72 - - -CHAPTER XII. - -THE MARTYRS. - -(1531.) - - -The repentant Bilney preaches in the Fields—His Enemies and his -Friends—Bilney put into Prison, where he meets Petit—Disputation and -Trial—Bilney condemned to die—The parting Visit of his Friends—He is led -out to Punishment—His last Words—His Death—Imprisonment and Martyrdom of -Bayfield—Tewkesbury bound to the Tree of Truth—His Death—Numerous -Martyrs 77 - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -THE KING DESPOILS THE POPE AND THE CLERGY. - -(MARCH TO MAY 1532.) - - -Character of Thomas Cromwell—Abolition of First-Fruits—The Clergy bend -before the King—Two contradictory Oaths—Priestly Rumors—Sir Thomas More -resigns—The two Evils of a regal Reform 86 - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -LIBERTY OF INQUIRY AND PREACHING IN THE 16TH CENTURY. - -(1532.) - - -The Perils of a prosperous Nation—Lambert and free Inquiry—Luther’s -Principles—Images or the Word of God—Freedom of Preaching—St. Paul burnt -by the Bishop—Latimer disgusted with the Court—More Thieves than -Shepherds—A Don Quixote of Catholicism—Latimer summoned before the -Primate—His Firmness—Attempt to entrap Him—His Refusal to -recant—Excommunicated—Expedient of the Bishops—Latimer saved by his -Conformity with Luther 91 - - -CHAPTER XV. - -HENRY VIII. ATTACKS THE PARTISANS OF THE POPE AND OF THE REFORMATION. - -(1532.) - - -The Franciscans preach against the King—Henry likened to -Ahab—Disturbance in the Chapel—Christian Meetings in London—Bainham -persecuted by More—Summoned to abjure—The fatal Kiss—Bainham’s -Anguish—The Tragedy of Conscience—Bainham visited in his Dungeon—The Bed -of Roses—The Persecutor’s Suicide—Effect of the Martyrdoms—The true -Church of God 103 - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -THE NEW PRIMATE OF ALL ENGLAND. - -(FEBRUARY 1532 TO MARCH 1533.) - - -Who shall be Warham’s Successor?—Cranmer at Nuremberg—Osiander’s -Household—His Error—Cranmer marries—Is recalled to London—Refuses to -return—Follows the Emperor to Italy—Date of Henry’s Marriage with Anne -Boleyn—Cranmer returns to London—Struggle between the King and -Cranmer—The Pope has no Authority in England—Appointment of Bishops -without the Pope—Cranmer protests thrice—All Weakness is a Fault—The -true Doctrine of the Episcopate—The Appeal of the Reformers 112 - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -QUEEN CATHERINE DESCENDS FROM THE THRONE, AND QUEEN ANNE BOLEYN ASCENDS -IT. - -(NOVEMBER 1532 TO JULY 1553.) - - -Clement suggests that Henry should have two Wives—His perilous Journey -to Bologna—His Exertions for the Divorce—King’s Marriage with Anne -becomes known—France and England separate—A threatening Brief—The Pope -perplexed—Parliament emancipates England—Cranmer’s Letter to the -King—Modification demanded by the King—Henry expresses himself -clearly—Meeting of the Ecclesiastical Court—Catherine’s Firmness—Her -Marriage annulled—Queen Anne presented to the People—Her Progress -through the City—Feelings of the new Queen—Catherine and Anne—Threats of -the Pope and the King 125 - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -A REFORMER IN PRISON. - -(AUGUST 1532 TO MAY 1533.) - - -Fryth’s charming Character—He returns to England—Purgatory—Homer saves -Fryth—The eating of Christ—Fryth goes over England—Tyndale’s Letter to -Fryth—More Hunts after Fryth—More’s Ill-temper—More and Fryth—Fryth in -Prison—He writes the _Bulwark_—Rastell converted—Fryth’s Visitors in the -Tower—Fryth and Petit—Cause and Effect 139 - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -A REFORMER CHOOSES RATHER TO LOSE HIS LIFE THAN TO SAVE IT. - -(MAY TO JULY 1533.) - - -Fryth summoned before a Royal Commission—Tyndale’s Letter to -Fryth—Cranmer attempts to save him—Lord Fitzwilliam, Governor of the -Tower—Fryth removed to Lambeth—Attempt at Conciliation—Fryth remains -firm—A Prophecy concerning the Lord’s Supper—The Gentleman and the -Porter desire to save Fryth—Their Plan—Fryth will not be saved—Fryth -before the Episcopal Court—Interrogated on the Real Presence—Cranmer -cannot save him—Fryth’s Condemnation and Execution—Influence of his -Writings 150 - - -CHAPTER XX. - -ENGLAND SEPARATES GRADUALLY FROM THE PAPACY. - -(1533.) - - -Sensation caused by Anne’s Marriage—Henry’s Isolation—The Protestants -reject him—Birth of Elizabeth—A new Star—English Envoys at -Marseilles—Bonner and Gardiner—Prepare for a Declaration of War—The -Pope’s Emotion—Henry appeals to a General Council—The Pope’s -Anger—Francis I. and Clement understand one another—The Pope’s -Answer—Bonner’s Rudeness—Henry’s Proclamation against the Pope—The -dividing Point 163 - - -CHAPTER XXI. - -PARLIAMENT ABOLISHES THE USURPATIONS OF THE POPES IN ENGLAND. - -(JANUARY TO MARCH 1534.) - - -Henry desires to separate Christendom from Rome—A Buffet to the Pope—The -People, not the King, want the Reformation—The Pope tries to gain -Henry—Cranmer presses forward—The Commons against Papal -Authority—Abolition of Romish Exactions—Parliament declares for the -faith of the Scriptures—Henry condemned at Rome—The Pope’s Disquietude—A -great Dispensation 175 - - -BOOK VII. - -MOVEMENTS OF THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND, AT GENEVA, AND IN FRANCE, -GERMANY, AND ITALY. - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE BISHOP ESCAPES FROM GENEVA NEVER TO RETURN. - -(JULY 1533.) - - -The Bishop desires to bury _the Sect_—Animated Conversations—Plan to -transfer the Prisoners—Great Animation—German Merchants and -Maisonneuve—He desires to rescue the Prisoners—Constitutional Order -restored—The Bishop wishes to get away—His last Night in Geneva—The -Flight—Deliverance—Joy and Sorrow—A Proverb 184 - - -CHAPTER II. - -TWO REFORMERS AND A DOMINICAN IN GENEVA. - -(JULY TO DECEMBER 1533.) - - -Arrival of Froment and Alexander—The Charitable Solomon—Order to preach -according to Scripture—Sermons in the Houses and the Streets—The Bishop -forbids the Preaching of the Gospel—Silent Answer—Invitation to a Great -Papist Preacher—Arrival of Furbity—He declaims against the Reading of -the Bible—Janin the Armorer—Reformers insulted; Exultation of the -Priests—Furbity challenges the Lutherans to Discussion—Froment’s -Reply—Tumult—Froment and Alexander banished—De la Maisonneuve departs -for Berne 194 - - -CHAPTER III. - -FAREL MAISONNEUVE AND FURBITY IN GENEVA. - -(DECEMBER 1533 TO JANUARY 1534.) - - -Report that Popery had triumphed—Arrival of Farel—His -Character—Baudichon de la Maisonneuve—Bernese Complaints and Demands—A -Plot breaks out—Armed Meetings of Huguenots for Worship—Christmas and -the New Year—The Dominican’s Farewell—Arming for the Bible—Arrival of -Ambassadors from Berne—Three Reformers in Geneva—Bernese demand a Public -Discussion 206 - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE TOURNAMENT. - -(JANUARY TO FEBRUARY 1534.) - - -The Dominican refuses to speak—Liberalism and Inflexibility—The Colloquy -begins—Various Accusations—Were the Bernese pointed at?—The two -Champions—The Pope and the Scriptures—Interpretation of the Councils—The -Priests would be Everything—Farel’s Irony and Vehemence—The Roman -Episcopate—Preaching and Conversation—Stories about Farel—The Landlord -and his Servant—Legends and Rhymes—A Change in Preparation 217 - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE PLOT. - -(JANUARY AND FEBRUARY 1534.) - - -Supreme Interest of History—The Bishop meditates a _Coup d’État_—Meeting -of his Creatures to carry it out—The Sortie from the Palace—Two -Huguenots assassinated—The Defenders of the Middle Ages—Tumult in the -city—Consternation in the Council—Justice, not Rioting—Search at the -Palace—Scenes and Discovery—The Murderers sought in the Cathedral—The -South Tower—The Criminals discovered—Seizure of Documents relating to -the Plot—Condemnation and Fanaticism of the Murderer—He is hanged; his -Brother is saved—The Episcopal Secretary accused—The People elect a -Huguenot Council 229 - - -CHAPTER VI. - -A FINAL EFFORT OF ROMAN-CATHOLICISM. - -(FEBRUARY 10 TO MARCH 1, 1534.) - - -The Dominican before his judges—A staggering Recantation—Dominicans and -Franciscans—Father Coutelier, Superior of the Franciscans, arrives—His -first Sermon—He talks white and black—Has recourse to Flattery—A Baptism -at Maisonneuve’s—Evangelicals ask for a Church—Farel visits the Father -Superior—The Pope, the Beast of the Apocalypse 243 - - -CHAPTER VII. - -FAREL PREACHES IN THE GRAND AUDITORY OF THE CONVENT AT RIVE. - -(MARCH 1 TO APRIL 25, 1534.) - - -Huguenots in the Convent of Rive—Arrival of the Crowd—Farel preaches—Two -opposite Effects—Inspiration of God—Joy of the Evangelicals—Farewell of -the Bernese—Portier’s Execution—The two Preachers—The Friburgers break -the Alliance—Farel’s three Brothers in Prison—The Reformer’s -Anxiety—Human Affections 251 - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -A BOLD PROTESTANT AT LYONS. - -(1530 TO 1534.) - - -The Reliquary—A _Table d’Hôte_—Who is Petrus?—Struggle with two -Priests from Vienne—They abandon the Field—Maisonneuve must be -burnt—Danger—Arrival of Baudichon and Janin—They are sent to -Prison—Formation of the Court 261 - - -CHAPTER IX. - -BAUDICHON DE LA MAISONNEUVE BEFORE THE INQUISITIONAL COURT OF LYONS. - -(FROM APRIL 29 TO MAY 21.) - - -Examination—First Witnesses—Emotion at Geneva—The Merchants protest to -the Consulate—The Bernese—Interrogatory—Open-air Session in Front of the -Palace—The King shall be informed—The Inquisitors desire to convict -Baudichon—Alleged High Treason against Heaven 269 - - -CHAPTER X. - -THE TWO WORSHIPS IN GENEVA. - -(MAY TO JULY 1534.) - - -Morality in the Reformation—Apparition of the Virgin—A Savoyard -Procession—A second Procession enters Geneva—Images thrown down—The old -and the new Worship—The first Evangelical Pentecost—A Priest casts off -the old Man—Transformation—A Knight of Rhodes—Street Dances and -Songs—Preaching on the Ramparts 277 - - -CHAPTER XI. - -BOLDNESS OF TWO HUGUENOTS IN PRISON AND BEFORE THE COURT OF LYONS. - -(MAY TO JUNE 1534.) - - -The New Testament in the Prison Garden—Discussion—The Procession and the -Rogations—False Depositions—Janin’s Depression—Search for more -conclusive Evidence—Inquiries of De Simieux at Geneva—-Baudichon’s Pride -before the Court—Put into Solitary Confinement—The Prisoner threatens -his Judges—Heroic Resistance 286 - - -CHAPTER XII. - -SENTENCE OF DEATH. - -(JULY 1534.) - - -Severity to Maisonneuve—Coutelier’s Deposition—Maisonneuve accused of -relapsing—The Crime of being a Layman—Lyon and Chambury contend for -him—Final Summons—Sentence of the Court—Condemned to Death—No sword in -Religion—The effectual Remedy 295 - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -NIGHT OF THIRTY-FIRST OF JULY AT GENEVA. - -(JULY 1534.) - - -Festival of Corpus Christi—Marriage of an Ex-Priest—Discussion before -the Council—Baptism—The two Powers change Parts—An Attack preparing—A -Hunting Party—A Monk in the Pulpit confesses his Faults—Plan of -Attack—Projects of the Enemy—Arrival of the Savoyards—Warning given by a -Dauphinese—The Canons—Savoyards wait for the Signal—The Torch—Savoyards -retire—The Bishop—The Hunchback—The Conspirators flee—Meditation and -Vigilance—Catholics quit Geneva—Title to Citizenship—Alarm of the -Nuns—Tales about the Reformers 303 - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -AN HEROIC RESOLUTION AND A HAPPY DELIVERANCE. - -(AUGUST AND SEPTEMBER 1534.) - - -The Diesbachs of Berne—Mission of Rodolph of Diesbach to France—a -terrible Necessity—Resolution to destroy the Suburbs—Approaching -Danger—A Refugee from Avignon—Strappado at Peny—Effects produced by the -Order of Demolition—Opposition of Catholics—Maisonneuve is -liberated—Session at the Tour of Perse—The Prisoners restored to their -Families—Letter from Francis I.—Furbity demanded and refused 320 - - -CHAPTER XV. - -THE SUBURBS OF GENEVA ARE DEMOLISHED AND THE ADVERSARIES MAKE READY. - -(SEPTEMBER 1534 TO JANUARY 1535.) - - -Disorderly Lives of the Monks of St Victor—Ruins and Voices in the -Priory—Lamentations—Ramparts built—Asylums opened for the -Poor—Threats—Famine and a Circle of Iron—Brigandage—No more -Justice—Excommunication—Genevans appeal to the Pope—Firmness for the -Gospel and Liberty—Everything conspires against the City—Energy and -Moderation—Switzerland against Geneva—Confidence in God—Wisdom above -Strength—The Song of Resurrection 332 - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -THE KING OF FRANCE INVITES MELANCTHON TO RESTORE UNITY AND TRUTH. - -(END OF 1584 TO AUGUST 1535.) - - -Minority and Majority—Joy and Fear—Difference between Henry VIII. and -Francis I.—Erasmians and Politicians—The Moderate Evangelicals—Effect of -the Placards—The King tries to excuse himself—Protests of the decided -Protestants—Opinion of the Swiss—All Hope seems lost—A reforming -Pope—Papist Party in France—The Moderate Party—The two Du Bellays—What -is expected of Melancthon—Two Obstacles removed—Efforts of the -Mediators—What they think of Francis I.—An eloquent Appeal—Importance of -France for the Reformation—Melancthon tries to gain the Bishop of -Paris—The Bishop delighted—Francis I. to Melancthon—Is he -sincere?—Martyrdom of Cornon and Brion—Cardinal Du Bellay departs for -Rome—Hope of Reform in Italy—The diplomatic Du Bellay to Melancthon—Two -Natures in France—Fresh Entreaties—The King’s Idea—Applies to the -Sorbonne—Alarm of the Sorbonne—Trick of Cardinal de Tournon—Is a Mixed -Congress possible? 346 - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -WILL THE ATTEMPT TO ESTABLISH UNITY AND TRUTH SUCCEED? - -(AUGUST TO NOVEMBER 1535.) - - -Individuality and Catholicity—Events in Germany—Importance of the -Mission to Germany—Melancthon’s Incertitude—Earnestness of the French -Envoy—Opposition of his Family—Melancthon’s Self-examination—Final -Assault—Melancthon consents—His Character—He goes to the -Elector—Solicits Permission—The Elector refuses—Melancthon’s -Sadness—-Luther agrees with him—Intervention with the Elector—Agitation -in Germany—Singular Fears of the Germans—The Elector’s Arguments—The -Elector prevails—Severe Letter to Melancthon—Melancthon’s -Sorrow—Luther’s Apprehensions Keeping aloof from the State—The Elector -to the King—Melancthon to Francis I.—He does not relinquish his -Design—His Ardor—The King resumes his Project—Opposition of the -Catholics—The Elector receives Du Bellay—Du Bellay before the -Assembly—His Speech—Intercession in Behalf of the Evangelicals—The Two -Parties come to an Understanding—The Papacy—Transubstantiation—The -Mass—Images—Free Will—Purgatory—Good Works—Monasteries—Celibacy—The two -Kinds—The Sorbonne and Justification—The Reform of Francis -I.—Intervention in behalf of the Oppressed—Political Alliance—Francis I. -plays two parts—The Communion of Saints 372 - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -THE GOSPEL IN THE NORTH OF ITALY. - -(1519 TO 1536.) - - -Flames in Italy—The Bookseller of Pavia—The Books of the -Reformers—Enthusiasm for Luther—Alarm of the Pope and -Cardinals—Venice—Roselli to Melancthon—Many Springs of living -Water—Curione—His studies and Spiritual Wants—Reads Luther and -Zwingle—Departs for Germany—Is arrested and sent to the Convent of St. -Benignus—The Shrine and the Bible—Curione during the Plague—The -Preachers of Popery—Attack and Defence—Curione sent to Prison—Chained to -the Wall—He recognizes the Room—Seeks a means of Safety—Singular -Expedient—His Escape—He teaches at Pavia—Renée of France—Mecænas and -Dorcas—Resurrection of Christianity—The Duchess’s Guests 406 - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -THE GOSPEL IN THE CENTRE OF ITALY. - -(1520 TO 1536.) - - -Character of Occhino—Seeks Salvation in Asceticism—A -Contrast—Scripture—Occhino’s Itinerant Ministrations—Crowded -Congregations—His Preaching—A Child of Florence—Ambitious of -Learning—-Study and Preaching—Aonio Paleario—Leaves Rome for Sienna—Poem -on Immortality—Paleario crosses the Threshold—His Wife and Children—Love -of the Country—His friend Bellantes—Conspiracy against Paleario—Faustus -Bellantes informs him of it—Paleario remains firm—His Wife—The -Reformers—Twelve Accusers—They appear before the Archbishop—Everything -seems against Paleario—His Fears—He appears before the Senate—He defends -himself—The Germans—Plea for the Reformers—Revival of Learning—Jesus -Christ a Stumbling-block—The Martyr’s Words—Paleario’s Wife and -Friends—His Acquittal and Departure—The Evangelicals of Bologna—Their -Address to the Saxon Ambassador—St. Paul explained 428 - - -CHAPTER XX. - -THE GOSPEL AT NAPLES AND AT ROME. - -(1520 TO 1536.) - - -Alfonso Valdez at Worms—A Dialogue by Valdez—The Chastisement of -God—Approbation and Disapprobation—Mercury and Charon—Satan—Juan Valdez -at Naples—Influence of Juan Valdez—Chiaja and Pausilippo—Conversion of -Peter Martyr—His Method of Preaching—Purgatory—Opposition—Galeazzo -Caraccioli converted—A Letter from Calvin—Illustrious Women at -Chiaja—Ideas there discussed—Occhino preaches at Naples—The -Triumvirs—Charles V. arrives at Naples—Conversation between Giulia -Colonna and Valdez—Perfection—Assurance of Salvation—Humility—The royal -Road—Meditations—Preachers of Fables—Valdez’ good and bad -Qualities—Edict against the Lutherans—Carnesecchi—Secretary to Clement -VII.—Interview with Charles V.—Carnesecchi’s Conversion—Divers -Categories—Flaminio—A poor Student—Values the Treasures of Heaven—The -Guest of Ghiberto and Caraffa—Flaminio’s Faith—Opposes and loves -Carnesecchi—Approximates Catholicism—Oratory of Divine Love—Its -Members—An Evangelical Monk—A Venetian Senator—Contarini’s -Influence—Strange Call—He accepts the Cardinalate—Preserves his -Independence—Contarini’s View—Dawn in Italy—The two Camps—Hopes—The -Times of Rome—Glory to the Martyrs 454 - - - - - BOOK VI. - ENGLAND BEGINS TO CAST OFF THE PAPACY. - - - CHAPTER I. - THE NATION AND ITS PARTIES. - (AUTUMN 1529.) - - -England, during the period of which we are about to treat, began to -separate from the pope and to reform her Church. In the history of that -country the fall of Wolsey divides the old times from the new. - -The level of the laity was gradually rising. A certain instruction was -given to the children of the poor; the universities were frequented by -the upper classes, and the king was probably the most learned prince in -Christendom. At the same time the clerical level was falling. The clergy -had been weakened and corrupted by its triumphs, and the English, -awakening with the age and opening their eyes at last, were disgusted -with the pride, ignorance, and disorders of the priests. - -While France, flattered by Rome calling her its eldest daughter, desired -even when reforming her doctrine to preserve union with the papacy; the -Anglo-Saxon race, jealous of their liberties, desired to form a Church -at once national and independent, yet remaining faithful to the -doctrines of Catholicism. Henry VIII. is the personification of that -tendency, which did not disappear with him, and of which it would not be -difficult to discover traces even in later days. - -Other elements calculated to produce a better reformation existed at -that time in England. The Holy Scriptures, translated, studied, -circulated, and preached since the fourteenth century by Wickliffe and -his disciples, became in the sixteenth century, by the publication of -Erasmus’s Testament, and the translations of Tyndale and Coverdale, the -powerful instrument of a real evangelical revival, and created the -scriptural reformation. - -These early developments did not proceed from Calvin,—he was too young -at that time; but Tyndale, Fryth, Latimer, and the other evangelists of -the reign of Henry VIII., taught by the same Word as the reformer of -Geneva, were his brethren and his precursors. Somewhat later, his books -and his letters to Edward VI., to the regent, to the primate, to Sir W. -Cecil and others, exercised an indisputable influence over the -reformation of England. We find in those letters proofs of the esteem -which the most intelligent persons of the kingdom felt for that simple -and strong man, whom even non-protestant voices in France have declared -to be “the greatest Christian of his age.”[5] - -[Sidenote: Reform, Evangelical and Legal.] - -A religious reformation may be of two kinds: internal or evangelical, -external or legal. The evangelical reformation began at Oxford and -Cambridge almost at the same time as in Germany. The legal reformation -was making a beginning at Westminster and Whitehall. Students, priests, -and laymen, moved by inspiration from on high, had inaugurated the -first; Henry VIII. and his parliament were about to inaugurate the -second, with hands occasionally somewhat rough. England began with the -spiritual reformation, but the other had its motives too. Those who are -charmed by the reformation of Germany sometimes affect contempt for that -of England. “A king impelled by his passions was its author,” they say. -We have placed the scriptural part of this great transformation in the -first rank; but we confess that for it to lay hold upon the people in -the sixteenth century, it was necessary, as the prophet declared, that -kings should be its nursing-fathers, and queens its nursing-mothers.[6] -If diverse reforms were necessary, if by the side of German cordiality, -Swiss simplicity, and other characteristics, God willed to found a -protestantism possessing a strong hand and an outstretched arm; if a -nation was to exist which with great freedom and power should carry the -Gospel to the ends of the world, special tools were required to form -that robust organization, and the leaders of the people—the commons, -lords, and king—were each to play their part. France had nothing like -this: both princes and parliaments opposed the reform; and thence partly -arises the difference between those two great nations, for France had in -Calvin a mightier reformer than any of those whom England possessed. But -let us not forget that we are speaking of the sixteenth century. Since -then the work has advanced; important changes have been wrought in -Christendom; political society is growing daily more distinct from -religious society, and more independent; and we willingly say with -Pascal, “Glorious is the state of the Church when it is supported by God -alone!” - -Two opposing elements—the reforming liberalism of the people, and the -almost absolute power of the king—combined in England to accomplish the -legal reformation. In that singular island these two rival forces were -often seen acting together; the liberalism of the nation gaining certain -victories, the despotism of the prince gaining others; king and people -agreeing to make mutual concessions. In the midst of these compromises, -the little evangelical flock, which had no voice in such matters, -religiously preserved the treasure entrusted to it: the Word of God, -truth, liberty, and Christian virtue. From all these elements sprang the -Church of England. A strange church some call it. Strange indeed, for -there is none which corresponds so imperfectly in theory with the ideal -of the Church, and, perhaps, none whose members work out with more power -and grandeur the ends for which Christ has formed his kingdom. - -[Sidenote: New Parliament Summoned.] - -Scarcely had Henry VIII. refused to go to Rome to plead his cause, when -he issued writs for a new parliament (25th September, 1529). Wolsey’s -unpopularity had hitherto prevented its meeting: now the force of -circumstances constrained the king to summon it. When he was on the eve -of separating from the pope, he felt the necessity of leaning on the -people. Liberty is always the gainer where a country performs an act of -independence with regard to Rome. Permission being granted in England -that the Holy Scriptures should regulate matters of religion, it was -natural that permission should also be given to the people and their -representatives to regulate matters of state. The whole kingdom was -astir, and the different parties became more distinct. - -The papal party was alarmed. Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, already very -uneasy, became disturbed at seeing laymen called upon to give their -advice on religious matters. Men’s minds were in a ferment in the -bishop’s palace, the rural parsonage, and the monk’s cell. The partisans -of Rome met and consulted about what was to be done, and retired from -their conferences foreseeing and imagining nothing but defeat. Du -Bellay, at that time Bishop of Bayonne, and afterwards of Paris, envoy -from the King of France, and eye-witness of all this agitation, wrote to -Montmorency; “I fancy that in this parliament the priests will have a -terrible fright.”[7] Ambitious ecclesiastics were beginning to -understand that the clerical character, hitherto so favorable to their -advancement in a political career, would now be an obstacle to them. -“Alas!” exclaimed one of them, “we must off with our frocks.”[8] - -Such of the clergy, however, as determined to remain faithful to Rome -gradually roused themselves. A prelate put himself at their head. -Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, was learned, intelligent, bold, and -slightly fanatical; but his convictions were sincere, and he was -determined to sacrifice everything for the maintenance of catholicism in -England. Though discontented with the path upon which his august pupil -King Henry had entered, he did not despair of the future, and candidly -applied to the papacy our Saviour’s words,—_The gates of hell shall not -prevail against it_. - -A recent act of the king’s increased Fisher’s hopes. Sir Thomas More had -been appointed chancellor. The Bishop of Rochester regretted, indeed, -that the king had not given that office to an ecclesiastic, as was -customary; but he thought to himself that a layman wholly devoted to the -Church, as the new chancellor was, might possibly, in those strange -times, be more useful to it than a priest. With Fisher in the Church, -and More in the State (for Sir Thomas, in spite of his gentle _Utopia_, -was more papistical and more violent than Wolsey), had the papacy -anything to fear? The whole Romish party rallied round these two men, -and with them prepared to fight against the Reformation. - -Opposed to this hierarchical party was the political party, in whose -eyes the king’s will was the supreme rule. The Dukes of Norfolk and -Suffolk, president and vice-president of the Council, Sir William -Fitz-William, lord-admiral, and those who agreed with them, were opposed -to the ecclesiastical domination, not from the love of true religion, -but because they believed the prerogatives of the State were endangered -by the ambition of the priests, or else because, seeking honor and power -for themselves, they were impatient at always encountering insatiable -clerks on their path. - -Between these two parties a third appeared, on whom the bishops and -nobles looked with disdain, but with whom the victory was to rest at -last. In the towns and villages of England, and especially in London, -were to be found many lowly men, animated with a new life,—poor -artisans, weavers, cobblers, painters, shopkeepers,—who believed in the -Word of God, and had received moral liberty from it. During the day they -toiled at their respective occupations; but at night they stole along -some narrow lane, slipped into a court, and ascended to some upper room -in which other persons had already assembled. There they read the -Scriptures and prayed. At times even during the day, they might be seen -carrying to well-disposed citizens certain books strictly prohibited by -the late cardinal. Organized under the name of “The Society of Christian -Brethren,” they had a central committee in London, and missionaries -everywhere, who distributed the Holy Scriptures and explained their -lessons in simple language. Several priests, both in the city and -country, belonged to their society. - -This Christian brotherhood exercised a powerful influence over the -people, and was beginning to substitute the spiritual and life-giving -principles of the Gospel for the legal and theocratic ideas of popery. -These pious men required a moral regeneration in their hearers, and -entreated them to enter, through faith in the Saviour, into an intimate -relation with God, without having recourse to the mediation of the -clergy; and those who listened to them, enraptured at hearing of truth, -grace, morality, liberty, and of the Word of God, took the teachings to -heart. Thus began a new era. It has been asserted that the Reformation -entered England by a back-door. Not so; it was the true door these -missionaries opened, having even prior to the rupture with Rome preached -the doctrine of Christ.[9] Idly do men speak of Henry’s passions, the -intrigues of his courtiers, the parade of his ambassadors, the skill of -his ministers, the complaisance of the clergy, and the vacillations of -parliament. We, too, shall speak of these things; but above them all -there was something else, something better,—the thirst exhibited in this -island for the Word of God, and the internal transformation accomplished -in the convictions of a great number of its inhabitants. This it was -that worked such a powerful revolution in British society. - -[Sidenote: Table Talk.] - -In the interval between the issuing of the writs and the meeting of -parliament, the most antagonistic opinions came out. Conversation -everywhere turned on present and future events, and there was a general -feeling that the country was on the eve of great changes. The members of -parliament who arrived in London gathered round the same table to -discuss the questions of the day. The great lords gave sumptuous -banquets, at which the guests talked about the abuses of the Church, of -the approaching session of parliament, and of what might result from -it.[10] One would mention some striking instance of the avarice of the -priests; another slyly called to mind the strange privilege which -permitted them to commit, with impunity, certain sins which they -punished severely in others. “There are, even in London, houses of -ill-fame for the use of priests, monks, and canons.[11] And,” added -others, “they would force us to take such men as these for our guides to -heaven.” Du Bellay, the French ambassador, a man of letters, who, -although a bishop, had attached Rabelais to his person in the quality of -secretary, was frequently invited to parties given by the great lords. -He lent an attentive ear, and was astonished at the witty, and often -very biting remarks uttered by the guests against the disorders of the -priests. One day a voice exclaimed,—“Since Wolsey has fallen, we must -forthwith regulate the condition of the Church and of its ministers. We -will seize their property.” Du Bellay, on his return home, did not fail -to communicate these things to Montmorency. “I have no need,” he says, -“to write this strange language in cipher; for the noble lords utter it -at open table. I think they will do something to be talked about.”[12] - -The leading members of the Commons held more serious meetings with one -another. They said they had spoken enough, and that now they must act. -They specified the abuses they would claim to have redressed, and -prepared petitions for reform to be presented to the king. - -Before long the movement descended from the sphere of the nobility to -that of the people; a sphere always important, and particularly when a -social revolution is in progress. Petty tradesmen and artisans spoke -more energetically than the lords. They did more than speak. The -apparitor of the Bishop of London having entered the shop of a mercer in -the ward of St. Bride, and left a summons on the counter calling upon -him to pay a certain clerical tax, the indignant tradesman took up his -yard-measure, whereupon the officer drew his sword, and then, either -from fear or an evil conscience, ran away. The mercer followed him, -assaulted him in the street, and broke his head. The London shopkeepers -did not yet quite understand the representative system; they used their -staves when they should have waited for the speeches of the members of -parliament. - -The king tolerated this agitation because it forwarded his purposes. -There were advisers who insinuated that it was dangerous to give free -course to the passions of the people, and that the English, combining -great physical strength with a decided character, might go too far in -the way of reform, if their prince gave them the rein. But Henry VIII., -possessing an energetic will, thought it would be easy for him to check -the popular ebullition whenever he pleased. When Jupiter frowned, all -Olympus trembled. - -Footnote 5: - - These letters will be found in Bonnet’s _Lettres Françaises de Calvin_ - i. pp. 261, 305, 332, 345, 374. _Zurich Letters_, ii. pp. 70, 785, &c. - -Footnote 6: - - Isaiah xlix. 23. - -Footnote 7: - - Le Grand, _Preuves du Divorce_, p. 378. - -Footnote 8: - - “Il nous faudra jeter le froc aux orties.”—Ibid. - -Footnote 9: - - “Certain preachers who presumed to preach openly or secretly in a - manner contrary to the catholic faith.”—Foxe, _Acts_, iv. p. 677. - -Footnote 10: - - Le Grand, _Preuves du Divorce_, Du Bellay to Montmorency, p. 374. - -Footnote 11: - - “Communis pronuba inter presbyteros, fratres, monacos et - canonicos.”—Hall, _Criminal Causes_, p. 28. - -Footnote 12: - - “Je crois qu’ils vont faire de beaux miracles.”—Le Grand, _Preuves_, - p. 374. - - - - - CHAPTER II. - PARLIAMENT AND ITS GRIEVANCES. - (NOVEMBER 1529.) - - -[Sidenote: Opening Of The New Parliament.] - -On the morning of the 3d of November, Henry went in his barge to the -palace of Bridewell; and, having put on the magnificent robes employed -on great ceremonies, and followed by the lords of his train, he -proceeded to the Blackfriars church, in which the members of the new -parliament had assembled. After hearing the mass of the Holy Ghost, -king, lords, and commons met in parliament; when, as soon as the king -had taken his seat on the throne, the new chancellor, Sir Thomas More, -explained the reason of their being summoned. Thomas Audley, chancellor -of the Duchy of Lancaster, was appointed speaker of the lower house. - -Generally speaking, parliament confined itself to passing the -resolutions of the government. The Great Charter had, indeed, been long -in existence, but, until now, it had been little more than a dead -letter. The Reformation gave it life. “Christ brings us out of bondage -into liberty by means of the Gospel,” said Calvin.[13] This -emancipation, which was essentially spiritual, soon extended to other -spheres, and gave an impulse to liberty throughout all Christendom. Even -in England such an impulse was needed. Under the Plantagenets and the -Tudors the constitutional machine existed, but it worked only as it was -directed by the strong hand of the master. Without the Reformation, -England might have slumbered long. - -The impulse given by religious truth to the latent liberties of the -people was felt for the first time in the parliament of 1529. The -representatives shared the lively feelings of their constituents, and -took their seats with the firm resolve to introduce the necessary -reforms in the affairs of both Church and State. Indeed, on the very -first day several members pointed out the abuses of the clerical -domination, and proposed to lay the desires of the people before the -king. - -The Commons might of their own accord have applied to the task, and, by -proposing rash changes, have given the Reform a character of violence -that might have worked confusion in the State; but they preferred -petitioning the king to take the necessary measures to carry out the -wishes of the nation; and accordingly a petition, respectfully worded, -but in clear and strong language, was agreed to. The Reformation began -in England, as in Switzerland and Germany, with personal conversions. -The individual was reformed first; but it was necessary for the people -to reform afterwards, and the measures requisite to success could not be -taken, in the sixteenth century, without the participation of the -governing powers. Freely, therefore, and nobly, a whole nation was about -to express to their ruler their grievances and wishes. - -[Sidenote: Petition Of The Commons.] - -On one of the first days of the session the speaker and certain members, -who had been ordered to accompany him, proceeded to the palace. “Your -highness,” they began, “of late much discord, variance, and debate hath -arisen, and more and more daily is likely to increase and ensue amongst -your subjects, to the great inquietation, vexation, and breach of your -peace, of which the chief causes followingly do ensue.”[14] - -This opening could not fail to excite the king’s attention and the -Speaker of the House of Commons began boldly to unroll the long list of -the grievances of England. “First, the prelates of your most excellent -realm, and the clergy of the same, have in their convocations made many -and divers laws without your most royal assent, and without the assent -of any of your lay subjects. - -“And also many of your said subjects, and specially those that be of the -poorest sort, be daily called before the said spiritual ordinaries or -their commissaries, on the accusement of light and indiscreet persons, -and be excommunicated and put to excessive and impostable charges. - -“The prelates suffer the priests to exact divers sums of money for the -sacraments, and sometimes deny the same without the money be first paid. - -“Also the said spiritual ordinaries do daily confer and give sundry -benefices unto certain young folks, calling them their nephews or -kinsfolk, being in their minority and within age, not apt nor able to -serve the cure of any such benefice ... whereby the said ordinaries -accumulate to themselves large sums of money, and the poor silly souls -of your people perish without doctrine or any good teaching. - -“Also a great number of holydays be kept throughout this your realm, -upon the which many great, abominable, and execrable vices, idle and -wanton sports be used, which holydays might by your majesty be made -fewer in number. - -“And also the said spiritual ordinaries commit divers of your subjects -to ward, before they know either the cause of their imprisonment, or the -name of their accuser.”[15] - -Thus far the Commons had confined themselves to questions that had been -discussed more than once; they feared to touch upon the subject of -heresy before the Defender of the Roman Faith. But there were -evangelical men among their number who had been eye-witnesses of the -sufferings of the reformed. At the peril, therefore, of offending the -king, the Speaker boldly took up the defence of the pretended heretics. - -“If heresy be ordinarily laid unto the charge of the person accused, the -said ordinaries put to them such subtle interrogatories concerning the -high mysteries of our faith, as are able quickly to trap a simple -unlearned layman. And if any heresy be so confessed in word, yet never -committed in thought or deed, they put the said person to make his -purgation. And if the party so accused deny the accusation, witnesses of -little truth or credence are brought forth for the same, and deliver the -party so accused to secular hands.” - -The Speaker was not satisfied with merely pointing out the disease: “We -most humbly beseech your Grace, in whom the only remedy resteth, of your -goodness to consent, so that besides the fervent love your Highness -shall thereby engender in the hearts of all your Commons towards your -Grace, ye shall do the most princely feat, and show the most charitable -precedent that ever did sovereign lord upon his subjects.” - -The king listened to the petition with his characteristic dignity, and -also with a certain kindliness. He recognized the just demands in the -petition of the Commons, and saw how far they would support the -religious independence to which he aspired. Still, unwilling to take the -part of heresy, he selected only the most crying abuses, and desired his -faithful Commons to take their correction upon themselves. He then sent -the petition to the bishops, requiring them to answer the charges -brought against them, and added that henceforward his consent would be -necessary to give the force of law to the acts of Convocation. - -[Sidenote: Reply Of The Bishops.] - -This royal communication was a thunderbolt to the prelates. What! the -bishops, the successors of the apostles, accused by the representatives -of the nation, and requested by the king to justify themselves like -criminals!... Had the Commons of England forgotten what a priest was? -These proud ecclesiastics thought only of the indelible virtues which, -in their view, ordination had conferred upon them, and shut their eyes -to the vices of their fallible human nature. We can understand their -emotion, their embarrassment, and their anger. The Reformation which had -made the tour of the continent was at the gates of England; the king was -knocking at their doors. What was to be done? they could not tell. They -assembled, and read the petition again and again. The Archbishop of -Canterbury, and the Bishops of London, Lincoln, St. Asaph, and Rochester -carped at it and replied to it. They would willingly have thrown it into -the fire,—the best of answers in their opinion; but the king was -waiting, and the Archbishop of Canterbury was commissioned to enlighten -him. - -Warham did not belong to the most fanatical party; he was a prudent man, -and the wish for reform had hardly taken shape in England when, being -uneasy and timid, he had hastened to give a certain satisfaction to his -flock by reforming abuses which he had sanctioned for thirty years.[16] -But he was a priest, a Romish priest; he represented an inflexible -hierarchy. Strengthened by the clamors of his colleagues, he resolved to -utter the famous _non possumus_, less powerful, however, in England than -in Rome. - -“Sire,” he said, “your Majesty’s Commons reproach us with uncharitable -behavior.... On the contrary, we love them with hearty affection, and -have only exercised the spiritual jurisdiction of the Church upon -persons infected with the pestilent poison of heresy. To have peace with -such had been against the gospel of our Saviour Christ, wherein he -saith, _I came not to send peace, but a sword_. - -“Your Grace’s Commons complain that the clergy daily do make laws -repugnant to the statutes of your realm. We take our authority from the -Scriptures of God, and shall always diligently apply to conform our -statutes thereto; and we pray that your Highness will, with the assent -of your people, temper your Grace’s laws accordingly; whereby shall -ensue a most sure and hearty conjunction and agreement. - -“They accuse us of committing to prison before conviction such as be -suspected of heresy.... Truth it is that certain apostates, friars, -monks, lewd priests, bankrupt merchants, vagabonds, and idle fellows of -corrupt intent have embraced the abominable opinions lately sprung up in -Germany; and by them some have been seduced in simplicity and ignorance. -Against these, if judgment has been exercised according to the laws of -the Church, we be without blame. - -“They complain that two witnesses be admitted, be they never so defamed, -to vex and trouble your subjects to the peril of their lives, shames, -costs, and expenses.... To this we reply, the judge must esteem the -quality of the witness; but in heresy no exception is necessary to be -considered, if their tale be likely. This is the universal law of -Christendom, and hath universally done good. - -“They say that we give benefices to our nephews and kinsfolk, being in -young age or infants, and that we take the profit of such benefices for -the time of the minority of our said kinsfolk. If it be done to our own -use and profit, it is not well; but if it be bestowed to the bringing up -and use of the same parties, or applied to the maintenance of God’s -service, we do not see but that it may be allowed.” - -As for the irregular lives of the priests, the prelates remarked that -they were condemned by the laws of the Church, and consequently there -was nothing to be said on that point. - -Lastly, the bishops seized the opportunity of taking the offensive:—“We -entreat of your Grace to repress heresy. This we beg of you, lowly upon -our knees, so entirely as we can.”[17] - -Such was the brief of Roman Catholicism in England. Its defence would -have sufficed to condemn it. - -Footnote 13: - - In Johannem, viii. 36. - -Footnote 14: - - MS. petition in Record Office: Froude, _History of England_, i. pp. - 208, 214. - -Footnote 15: - - Petition of the Commons: Froude’s _England_, i. pp. 208-216. - -Footnote 16: - - “Within these ten weeks, I reformed many other things.”—Froude, i. - 233, _Reply of the Bishops_. - -Footnote 17: - - _The Answer of the Ordinaries._ Record Office MS. Froude, i. p. 225. - - - - - CHAPTER III. - REFORMS. - (END OF 1529.) - - -[Sidenote: Indignation At The Reply.] - -The answer of the bishops was criticised in the royal residence, in the -House of Commons, at the meetings of the burgesses, in the streets of -the capital, and in the provinces, everywhere exciting a lively -indignation. “What!” said they, “the bishops accuse the most pious and -active Christians of England,—men like Bilney, Fryth, Tyndale, and -Latimer,—of that idleness and irregularity of which their monks and -priests are continually showing us examples. To no purpose have the -Commons indisputably proved their grievances, if the bishops reply to -notorious facts by putting forward their scholastic system. We condemn -their practice, and they take shelter behind their theories; as if the -reproach laid against them was not precisely that their lives are in -opposition to their laws. ‘The fault is not in the Church,’ they say. -But it is its ministers that we accuse.” - -The indignant parliament boldly took up the axe, attacked the tree, and -cut off the withered and rotten branches. One bill followed another, -irritating the clergy, but filling the people with joy. When the legacy -dues were under discussion, one of the members drew a touching picture -of the avarice and cruelty of the priests. “They have no compassion,” he -said. “The children of the dead should all die of hunger and go begging, -rather than they would of charity give to them the silly cow which the -dead man owed, if he had only one.” There was a movement of indignation -in the house, and they forbade the clergy to take any mortuary fees when -the effects were small. - -“And that is not all,” said another. “The clergy monopolize large tracts -of land, and the poor are compelled to pay an extravagant price for -whatever they buy. They are everything in the world but preachers of -God’s Word and shepherds of souls. They buy and sell wool, cloth, and -other merchandise; they keep tanneries and breweries.... How can they -attend to their spiritual duties in the midst of such occupations?”[18] -The clergy were consequently prohibited from holding large estates or -carrying on the business of merchant, tanner, brewer, etc. At the same -time plurality of benefices (some ignorant priests holding as many as -ten or twelve) was forbidden, and residence was enforced. The Commons -further enacted that any one seeking a dispensation for non-residence -(even were the application made to the pope himself) should be liable to -a heavy fine. - -The clergy saw at last that they must reform. They forbade priests from -keeping shops and taverns, playing at dice or other games of chance, -passing through towns and villages with hawks and hounds, being present -at unbecoming entertainments, and spending the night in suspected -houses.[19] Convocation proceeded to enact severe penalties against -these disorders, doubling them for adultery, and tripling them for -incest. The laity asked how it was that the Church had waited so long -before coming to this resolution, and whether these scandals had become -criminal only because the Commons condemned them? - -[Sidenote: Bishops Accuse The Commons.] - -But the bishops who reformed the lower clergy did not intend to resign -their own privileges. One day, when a bill relating to wills was laid -before the upper house, the Archbishop of Canterbury and all the other -prelates frowned, murmured, and looked uneasily around them.[20] They -exclaimed that the Commons were heretics and schismatics, and almost -called them infidels and atheists. In all places good men required that -morality should again be united with religion, and that piety should not -be made to consist merely in certain ceremonies, but in the awakening of -the conscience, a lively faith, and holy conduct. The bishops, not -discerning that God’s work was then being accomplished in the world, -determined to maintain the ancient order of things at all risks. - -Their efforts had some chance of success, for the House of Lords was -essentially conservative. The Bishop of Rochester, a sincere but -narrow-minded man, presuming on the respect inspired by his age and -character, boldly came forward as the defender of the Church. “My -lords,” he said, “these bills have no other object than the destruction -of the Church; and, if the Church goes down, all the glory of the -kingdom will fall with it. Remember what happened to the Bohemians. Like -them our Commons cry out,—‘Down with the Church!’ Whence cometh that -cry? Simply from lack of faith.... My lords, save the country, save the -Church.” - -This speech made the Commons very indignant. Some members thought the -bishop denied that they were Christians. They sent thirty of their -leading men to the king. “Sire,” said the Speaker, “it is an attaint -upon the honor of your Majesty to calumniate before the upper house -those whom your subjects have elected. They are accused of lack of -faith, that is to say, they are no better than Turks, Saracens, and -heathens. Be pleased to call before you the bishop who has insulted your -Commons.” - -The king made a gracious reply, and immediately sent one of his officers -to invite the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Rochester, and six -other prelates to appear before him. They came, quite uneasy as to what -the prince might have to say to them. They knew that, like all the -Plantagenets, Henry VIII. would not suffer his clergy to resist him. -Immediately the king informed them of the complaint made by the Commons, -their hearts sank, and they lost courage. They thought only how to -escape the prince’s anger, and the most venerated among them, Fisher, -having recourse to falsehood, asserted that, when speaking about “lack -of faith,” he had not thought of the Commons of England, but of the -Bohemians only. The other prelates confirmed this inadmissible -interpretation. This was a graver fault than the fault itself, and the -unbecoming evasion was a defeat to the clerical party from which they -never recovered. The king allowed the excuse; but he afterwards made the -bishops feel the little esteem he entertained for them. As for the House -of Commons, it loudly expressed the disdain aroused in them by the -bishops’ subterfuge. - -One chance of safety still remained to them. Mixed committees of the two -houses examined the resolutions of the Commons. The peers, especially -the ecclesiastical peers, opposed the reform by appealing to usage. -“Usage!” ironically observed a Gray’s-inn lawyer; “the usage hath ever -been of thieves to rob on Shooter’s hill, _ergo_ it is lawful, and ought -to be kept up!” This remark sorely irritated the prelates: “What! our -acts are compared to robberies!” But the lawyer, addressing the -Archbishop of Canterbury, seriously endeavored to prove to him that the -exactions of the clergy, in the matter of probates and mortuaries, were -open robbery. The temporal lords gradually adopted the opinions of the -Commons. - -In the midst of these debates, the king did not lose sight of his own -interests. Six years before, he had raised a loan among his subjects; he -thought parliament ought to relieve him of this debt. This demand was -opposed by the members most devoted to the principle of the Reformation; -John Petit, in particular, the friend of Bilney and Tyndale, said, in -parliament,—“I give the king all I lent him; but I cannot give him what -others have lent him.” Henry was not, however, discouraged, and finally -obtained the act required. - -[Sidenote: Pluralism Abolished.] - -The king soon showed that he was pleased with the Commons. Two bills met -with a stern opposition from the Lords; they were those abolishing -pluralism and non-residence. These two customs were so convenient and -advantageous that the clergy determined not to give them up. Henry, -seeing that the two houses would never agree, resolved to cut the -difficulty. At his desire eight members from each met one afternoon in -the Star Chamber. There was an animated discussion; but the lay lords, -who were in the conference, taking part with the commons, the bishops -were forced to yield. The two bills passed the Lords the next day, and -received the king’s assent. After this triumph the king adjourned -parliament in the middle of December. - -The different reforms that had been carried through were important, but -they were not the Reformation. Many abuses were corrected, but the -doctrines remained unaltered; the power of the clergy was restricted, -but the authority of Christ was not increased; the dry branches of the -tree had been lopped off, but a scion calculated to bear good fruit had -not been grafted on the wild stock. Had matters stopped here, we might -perhaps have obtained a Church with morals less repulsive, but not with -a holy doctrine and a new life. But the Reformation was not contented -with more decorous forms, it required a second creation. - -At the same time parliament had taken a great stride towards the -revolution that was to transform the Church. A new power had taken its -place in the world: the laity had triumphed over the clergy. No doubt -there were upright catholics who gave their assent to the laws passed in -1529; but these laws were nevertheless a product of the Reformation. -This it was that had inspired the laity with that new energy, parliament -with that bold action, and given the liberties of the nation that -impulse which they had wanted hitherto. The joy was great throughout the -kingdom; and, while the king removed to Greenwich to keep Christmas -there “with great plenty of viands, and disguisings, and interludes,” -the members of the Commons were welcomed in the towns and villages with -public rejoicings.[21] In the people’s eyes their representatives were -like soldiers who had just gained a brilliant victory. The clergy alone, -in all England, were downcast and exasperated. On returning to their -residences the bishops could not conceal their anguish at the danger of -the Church.[22] The priests, who had been the first victims offered up -on the altar of reform, bent their heads. But if the clergy foresaw days -of mourning, the laity hailed with joy the glorious era of the liberties -of the people, and of the greatness of England. The friends of the -Reformation went farther still; they believed that the Gospel would work -a complete change in the world, and talked, as Tyndale informs us, “as -though the golden age would come again.”[23] - -Footnote 18: - - Foxe, _Acts_, iv. p. 611. - -Footnote 19: - - “Quod non pernoctent in locis suspectis. Mulierum colloquia suspecta - nullatenus habeant.”—Wilkins, _Concilia_, iii. pp. 717, 722, &c. - -Footnote 20: - - “The Archbishop of Canterbury and all the bishops began to frown and - grunt.”—Foxe, _Acts_, iv. p. 612. - -Footnote 21: - - Foxe, _Acts_, iv. p. 614. - -Footnote 22: - - “The great displeasure of spiritual persons.”—Ibid. - -Footnote 23: - - Tyndale’s _Works_, i. p. 421. - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - ANNE BOLEYN’S FATHER BEFORE THE EMPEROR AND THE POPE. - (WINTER OF 1530.) - - -Before such glorious hopes could be realized, it was necessary to -emancipate Great Britain from the yoke of Romish supremacy. This was the -end to which all generous monks aspired; but would the king assist them? - -[Sidenote: Henry’s Motives.] - -Henry VIII. united strength of body with strength of will; both were -marked on his manly form. Lively, active, eager, vehement, impatient, -and voluptuous,—whatever he was, he was with his whole soul. He was at -first all heart for the Church of Rome; he went barefoot on pilgrimages, -wrote against Luther, and flattered the pope. But before long he grew -tired of Rome, without desiring the Reformation. Profoundly selfish, he -cared for himself alone. If the papal domination offended him, -evangelical liberty annoyed him. He meant to remain master in his own -house,—the only master, and master of all. Even without the divorce, -Henry would possibly have separated from Rome. Rather than endure any -contradiction, this singular man put to death friends and enemies, -bishops and missionaries, ministers of state, and favorites—even his -wives. Such was the prince whom the Reformation found King of England. - -History would be unjust, however, were it to maintain that passion alone -urged him to action. The question of the succession to the throne had -for a century filled the country with confusion and blood. This Henry -could not forget. Would the struggles of the two Roses be renewed after -his death, occasioning, perhaps, the destruction of an ancient monarchy? -If Mary, a princess of delicate health, should die, Scotland, France, -the party of the White Rose, the Duke of Suffolk, whose wife was Henry’s -sister, might drag the kingdom into endless wars. And even if Mary’s -days were prolonged, her title to the crown might be disputed, no female -sovereign having as yet sat upon the throne. Another train of ideas also -occupied the king’s mind. He inquired sincerely whether his marriage -with the widow of his brother was lawful. Even before its consummation, -he had felt doubts about it. But even his defenders, if there are any, -must acknowledge that one circumstance contributed at this time to give -unusual force to these scruples. Passion impelled the king to break a -holy bond; he loved another woman. - -Catholic writers imagine that this guilty motive was the only one. It is -a mistake, for the two former indisputably occupied Henry’s mind. As for -parliament and people, the king’s love for Anne Boleyn affected them -very little. It was the reason of state which made them regard the -divorce as just and necessary.[24] - -A congress was at that time sitting at Bologna with great pomp.[25] On -the 5th of November, Charles V. having arrived from Spain, had entered -the city, attended by a magnificent suite, and followed by 20,000 -soldiers. He was covered with gold, and shone with grace and majesty. -The pope waited for him in front of the church of San Petronio, seated -on a throne, and wearing the triple crown. The emperor, master of Italy, -which his soldiers had reduced to the last desolation,[26] fell -prostrate before the pontiff, but lately his prisoner. The union of -these two monarchs, both enemies of Henry VIII., seemed destined to ruin -the King of England and thwart his great affair. - -[Sidenote: Henry’s Embassy To Rome.] - -And yet, not long before, an ambassador from Charles V. had been -received at Whitehall: it was Master Eustace Chappuis, who had already -discharged a mission to Geneva.[27] He came to solicit aid against the -Turks. Henry caught at the chance: he imagined the moment to be -favorable, and that he ought to despatch an embassy to the head of the -empire and the head of the Church. He sent for the Earl of Wiltshire, -Anne Boleyn’s father; Edward Lee, afterwards Archbishop of York; -Stokesley, afterwards Bishop of London, and some others. He told them -that the emperor desired his alliance, and commissioned them to proceed -to Italy, and explain to Charles V. the serious motives that induced him -to separate from Catherine. “If he persists in his opposition to the -divorce,” continued Henry, “threaten him, but in covert terms. If the -threats prove useless, tell him plainly that, in accord with my friends, -I will do all I can to restore peace to my troubled conscience.” He -added with more calmness,—“I am resolved to fear God rather than man, -and to place full reliance on comfort from the Saviour.”[28] Was Henry -sincere when he spoke thus? No one can doubt of his sensuality, his -scholastic catholicism, and his cruel violence:—must we also believe in -his hypocrisy? He was no doubt under a delusion, and deceived himself on -the state of his soul. - -An important member was added to the deputation. One day when the king -was occupied with this affair, Thomas Cranmer appeared at the door of -his closet with a manuscript in his hand. Cranmer had a fine -understanding, a warm heart, a character perhaps too weak, but extensive -learning. Captivated by the Holy Scriptures, he desired to seek for -truth nowhere else. He had suggested a new point of view to Henry VIII. -“The essential thing,” he said, “is to know what the Word of God teaches -on the matter in question.” “Show me that,” exclaimed the king. Cranmer -brought him his treatise, in which he proved that the Word of God is -above all human jurisdiction, and that it forbids marriage with a -brother’s widow. Henry took the work in his hand, read it again and -again, and praised its excellence. A bright idea occurred to him. “Are -you strong enough to maintain before the Bishop of Rome the propositions -laid down in this treatise?” said the king. Cranmer was timid, but -convinced and devoted. “Yes,” he made answer, “with God’s grace, and if -your Majesty commands it.” “Marry, then,” exclaimed Henry with delight, -“I will send you.”[29] Cranmer departed with the others in January, -1530. - -[Sidenote: Clement’s Alarm.] - -While Henry’s ambassadors were journeying slowly, Charles V., more -exasperated than ever against the divorce, endeavored to gain the pope. -Clement VII., who was a clever man, and possessed a certain kindly -humor, but was at heart cunning, false, and cowardly, amused the -puissant emperor with words. When he learned that the King of England -was sending an embassy to him, he gave way to the keenest sorrow. What -was he to do? which way could he turn? To irritate the emperor was -dangerous; to separate England from Rome would be to endure a great -loss. Caught between Charles V. and Henry VIII., he groaned aloud; he -paced up and down his chamber gesticulating; then suddenly stopping, -sank into a chair and burst into tears. Nothing succeeded with him: it -was, he thought, as if he had been bewitched. What need was there for -the King of England to send him an embassy? Had not Clement told Henry -through the Bishop of Tarbes: “I am content the marriage should take -place, provided it be without my authorization.”[30] It was of no use: -the pope asked him to do without the papacy, and the king would only act -with it. He was more popish than the pope. - -To add to his misfortunes, Charles began to press the pontiff more -seriously, and yielding to his importunities, Clement drew up a brief on -the 7th of March, in which he commanded Henry “to receive Catherine with -love, and to treat her in all things with the affection of a -husband.”[31] But the brief was scarcely written when the arrival of the -English embassy was announced. The pope in alarm immediately put the -document back into his portfolio, promising himself that it would be -long before he published it. - -As soon as the English envoys had taken up their quarters at Bologna, -the ambassadors of France called to pay their respects. De Gramont, -Bishop of Tarbes, was overflowing with politeness, especially to the -Earl of Wiltshire. “I have shown much honor to M. de Rochford,” he wrote -to his master on the 28th of March. “I went out to meet him. I have -visited him often at his lodging. I have fêted him, and offered him my -solicitations and services, telling him that such were your orders.”[32] -Not thus did Clement VII. act: the arrival of the Earl of Wiltshire and -his colleagues was a cause of alarm to him. Yet he must make up his mind -to receive them: he appointed the day and the hour for the audience. - -Henry VIII. desired that his representatives should appear with great -pomp, and accordingly the ambassador and his colleagues went to great -expense with that intent.[33] Wiltshire entered first into the -audience-hall; being father of Anne Boleyn, he had been appointed by the -king as the man in all England most interested in the success of his -plans. But Henry had calculated badly: the personal interest which the -earl felt in the divorce made him odious both to Charles and Clement. -The pope, wearing his pontifical robes, was seated on the throne -surrounded by his cardinals. The ambassadors approached, made the -customary salutations, and stood before him. The pontiff, wishing to -show his kindly feelings towards the envoys of the “_Defender of the -Faith_,” put out his slipper according to custom, presenting it -graciously to the kisses of those proud Englishmen. The revolt was about -to begin. The earl, remaining motionless, refused to kiss his holiness’s -slipper. But that was not all; a fine spaniel, with long silky hair, -which Wiltshire had brought from England, had followed him to the -episcopal palace. When the bishop of Rome put out his foot, the dog did -what other dogs would have done under similar circumstances: he flew at -the foot, and caught the pope by the great toe.[34] Clement hastily drew -it back. The sublime borders on the ridiculous: the ambassadors, -bursting with laughter, raised their arms and hid their faces behind -their long rich sleeves. “That dog was a _protestant_,” said a reverend -father. “Whatever he was,” said an Englishman, “he taught us that a -pope’s foot was more meet to be bitten by dogs than kissed by Christian -men.” The pope, recovering from his emotion, prepared to listen, and the -count, regaining his seriousness, explained to the pontiff that as Holy -Scripture forbade a man to marry his brother’s wife, Henry VIII. -required him to annul as unlawful his union with Catherine of Aragon. As -Clement did not seem convinced, the ambassador skilfully insinuated that -the king might possibly declare himself independent of Rome, and place -the British church under the direction of a patriarch. “The example,” -added the ambassador, “will not fail to be imitated by other kingdoms of -Christendom.”[35] - -The agitated pope promised not to remove the suit to Rome, provided the -king would give up the idea of reforming England. Then, putting on a -most gracious air, he proposed to introduce the ambassador to Charles V. -This was giving Wiltshire the chance of receiving a harsh rebuff. The -earl saw it; but his duty obliging him to confer with the emperor, he -accepted the offer. - -The father of Anne Boleyn proceeded to an audience with the nephew of -Catherine of Aragon. Representatives of two women whose rival causes -agitated Europe, these two men could not meet without a collision. True, -the earl flattered himself that as it was Charles’s interest to detach -Henry from Francis I., that phlegmatic and politic prince would -certainly not sacrifice the gravest interests of his reign for a matter -of sentiment; but he was deceived. The emperor received him with a calm -and reserved air, but unaccompanied by any kindly demonstration. The -ambassador skilfully began with speaking of the Turkish war; then -ingeniously passing to the condition of the kingdom of England, he -pointed out the reasons of state which rendered the divorce necessary. -Here Charles stopped him short: “Sir Count, you are not to be trusted in -this matter; you are a party to it; let your colleagues speak.” The earl -replied with respectful coldness: “Sire, I do not speak here as a -father, but as my master’s servant, and I am commissioned to inform you -that his conscience condemns a union contrary to the law of God.”[36] He -then offered Charles the immediate restitution of Catherine’s dowry. The -emperor coldly replied that he would support his aunt in her rights, and -then abruptly turning his back on the ambassador, refused to hear him -any longer.[37] - -Thus did Charles, who had been all his life a crafty politician, place -in this matter the cause of justice above the interests of his ambition. -Perhaps he might lose an important ally; it mattered not; before -everything he would protect a woman unworthily treated. On this occasion -we feel more sympathy for Charles than for Henry. The indignant emperor -hastily quitted Bologna, on the 22d or 24th of February. - -The earl hastened to his friend M. de Gramont, and, relating how he had -been treated, proposed that the kings of France and England should unite -in the closest bonds. He added, that Henry could not accept Clement as -his judge, since he had himself declared that he was ignorant of the law -of God.[38] “England,” he said, “will be quiet for three or four months. -Sitting in the ballroom, she will watch the dancers, and will form her -resolution according as they dance well or ill.”[39] A rule of policy -that has often been followed. - -[Sidenote: Gramont’s Policy.] - -Gramont was prepared to make common cause with Henry against the -emperor; but, like his master, he could not make his mind to do without -the pope. He strove to induce Clement to join the two kings and abandon -Charles; or else—he insinuated in his turn—England would separate from -the Romish Church. This was to incur the risk of losing Western Europe, -and accordingly the pope answered with much concern: “I will do what you -ask.” There was, however, a reserve; namely, that the steps taken -overtly by the pope would absolutely decide nothing. - -Clement once more received the ambassador of Henry VIII. The earl -carried with him the book wherein Cranmer proved that the pope cannot -dispense any one from obeying the law of God, and presented it to the -pope. The latter took it and glanced over it, his looks showing that a -prison could not have been more disagreeable to him than this -impertinent volume.[40] The Earl of Wiltshire soon discovered that there -was nothing for him to do in Italy. Charles V., usually so reserved, had -made the bitterest remarks before his departure. His chancellor, with an -air of triumph, enumerated to the English ambassador all the divines of -Italy and France who were opposed to the king’s wishes. The pope seemed -to be a puppet which the emperor moved as he liked, and the cardinals -had but one idea,—that of exalting the Romish power. Wearied and -disgusted, the earl departed for France and England with the greater -portion of his colleagues. - -Cranmer was left behind. Having been sent to show Clement that Holy -Scripture is above all Roman pontiffs, and speaks in a language quite -opposed to that of the popes, he had asked more than once for an -audience at which to discharge his mission. The wily pontiff had replied -that he would hear him at Rome, believing he was thus putting him off -until the Greek calends. But Clement was deceived; the English doctor, -determining to do his duty, refused to depart for London with the rest -of the embassy, and repaired to the metropolis of Catholicism. - -Footnote 24: - - “All indifferent and discreet persons judged that it was right and - necessary.”—Hall, _Chronicles of England_, p. 784. - -Footnote 25: - - “Congressus iste magna cum pompa fiet.”—_State Papers_, vii. p. 209. - We must not confound this congress with the one held later in this - city. See antea, vol. ii. book ii. chap. xxv. xxvi. xxix. - -Footnote 26: - - Letter from Sir H. Carew to Henry VIII.: _State Papers_, vii. 225. - -Footnote 27: - - Antea, vol. i. ch. ix. - -Footnote 28: - - Instruction to Wiltshire: _State Papers_, vii. p. 230. - -Footnote 29: - - Foxe, _Acts_, viii. p. 9. - -Footnote 30: - - Le Grand, _Preuves_, p. 400. - -Footnote 31: - - “Reginam complectendo, affectione maritali tractet in omnibus.”—Le - Grand, _Preuves_, p. 451. - -Footnote 32: - - Ibid. p. 399. - -Footnote 33: - - “Esso Conte habi commissione far una grossa spesa.”—_Lettre de Joachim - de Vaux_, ibid. p. 409. - -Footnote 34: - - “The spaniel took fast with his mouth the great toe of the - pope.”—Foxe, _Acts_, viii. p. 9. - -Footnote 35: - - “Che l’altri regni questo imitando.”—Le Grand, _Preuves du Divorce_, - p. 419. - -Footnote 36: - - Le Grand, _Preuves_, pp. 401, 454. - -Footnote 37: - - Le Grand, _Preuves_, pp. 401, 454. - -Footnote 38: - - “He declared himself ignorant of that law.”—_State Papers_, xii. p. - 230. - -Footnote 39: - - Le Grand, _Preuves_, pp. 401, 455. - -Footnote 40: - - ‘A book as welcome to his Holiness as a prison.’—Fuller, _Church - History_, p. 182. - - - - - CHAPTER V. - DISCUSSIONS CONCERNING THE DIVORCE AT OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE. - (WINTER OF 1530.) - - -[Sidenote: Wiltshire’s Departure.] - -At the same time that Henry sent ambassadors to Italy to obtain the -pope’s consent, he invited all the universities of Christendom to -declare that the question of divorce was of divine right, and that the -pope had nothing to say about it. It was his opinion that the universal -voice of the Church ought to decide, and not the voice of one man. - -First, he attempted to canvass Cambridge, and, as he wanted a skilful -man for that purpose, he applied to Wolsey’s old servant, Stephen -Gardiner, an intelligent, active, wily churchman and a good catholic. -One thing alone was superior to his catholicism,—his desire to win the -king’s favor. He aspired to rise like the cardinal to the summit of -greatness. Henry named the chief almoner, Edward Fox, as his colleague. - -Arriving at Cambridge one Saturday about noon, in the latter half of -February, the royal commissioners held a conference in the evening with -the vice-chancellor (Dr. Buckmaster), Dr. Edmunds, and other influential -men who had resolved to go with the court. But these doctors, members of -the political party, soon found themselves checked by an embarrassing -support on which they had not calculated; it was that of the friends of -the Gospel. They had been convinced by the writing which Cranmer had -published on the divorce. Gardiner and the members of the conference, -hearing of the assistance which the evangelicals desired to give them, -were annoyed at first. On the other hand, the champions of the court of -Rome, alarmed at the alliance of the two parties who were opposed to -them, began that very night to visit college after college, leaving no -stone unturned that the peril might be averted. Gardiner, uneasy at -their zeal, wrote to Henry VIII:—‘As we assembled, they assembled; as we -made friends, they made friends.’[41] Dr. Watson, Dr. Tomson, and other -fanatical individuals at one time shouted very loudly, at another spoke -in whispers.[42] They said that Anne Boleyn was a heretic, that her -marriage with Henry would hand England over to Luther; and they related -to those whom they desired to gain—wrote Gardiner to the king—‘many -fables too tedious to repeat to your Grace.’ These ‘fables’ would not -only have bored Henry, but greatly irritated him. - -[Sidenote: A Noisy Meeting.] - -The vice-chancellor, flattering himself that he had a majority, -notwithstanding these clamors, called a meeting of the doctors, -bachelors of divinity, and masters of arts, for Sunday afternoon. About -two hundred persons assembled, and the three parties were distinctly -marked out. The most numerous and the most excited were those who held -for the pope against the king. The evangelicals were in a minority, but -were quite as decided as their adversaries, and much calmer. The -politicians, uneasy at seeing the friends of Latimer and Cranmer -disposed to vote with them, would have, however, to accept of their -support, if they wished to gain the victory. They resolved to seize the -opportunity offered them. ‘Most learned senators,’ said the -vice-chancellor, ‘I have called you together because the great love -which the king bears you engages me to consult your wisdom.’ Thereupon -Gardiner and Fox handed in the letter which Henry had given them, and -the vice-chancellor read it to the meeting. In it the king set forth his -hopes of seeing the doctors unanimous to do what was agreeable to him. -The deliberations commenced, and the question of a rupture with Rome -soon began to appear distinctly beneath the question of the divorce. -Edmunds spoke for the king, Tomson for the pope. There was an -interchange of antagonistic opinions and a disorder of ideas among many; -the speakers grew warm; one voice drowned another, and the confusion -became extreme.[43] - -The vice-chancellor, desirous of putting an end to the clamor, proposed -referring the matter to a committee, whose decision should be regarded -as that of the whole university, which was agreed to. Then, seeing more -clearly that the royal cause could not succeed without the help of the -evangelical party, he proposed some of its leaders—Doctors Salcot, Reps, -Crome, Shaxton, and Latimer—as members of the committee. On hearing -these names, there was an explosion of murmurs in the meeting. Salcot, -Abbot of St. Benet’s, was particularly offensive to the doctors of the -Romish party. ‘We protest,’ they said, ‘against the presence in the -committee of those who have approved of Cranmer’s book, and thus -declared their opinion already.’ ‘When any matter is talked of all over -the kingdom,’ answered Gardiner, ‘there is not a sensible man who does -not tell his friends what he thinks about it.’ The whole afternoon was -spent in lively altercation. The vice-chancellor, wishing to bring it to -an end, said: ‘Gentlemen, it is getting late, and I invite every one to -take his seat, and declare his mind by a secret vote.’[44] It was -useless; no one took his seat; the confusion, reproaches, and -declamations continued. At dark, the vice-chancellor adjourned the -meeting until the next day. The doctors separated in great excitement, -but with different feelings. While the politicians saw nothing else to -discuss but the question of the king’s marriage, the evangelicals and -the papists considered that the real question was this: Which shall rule -in England—the Reformation or Popery? - -The next day, the names of the members of the committee having been put -to the vote, the meeting was found to be divided into two equal parties. -In order to obtain a majority Gardiner undertook to get some of his -adversaries out of the way. Going up and down the Senate-house, he began -to whisper in the ears of some of the less decided; and, inspiring them -either with hope or fear, he prevailed upon several to leave the -meeting.[45] - -The grace was then put to the vote a third time and passed. Gardiner -triumphed. Returning to his room, he sent the list to the king. Sixteen -of the committee, indicated by the letter A, were favorable to his -majesty. ‘As for the twelve others,’ he wrote, ‘we hope to win most of -them by _good means_.’ The committee met, and took up the royal demand. -They carefully examined the passages of Holy Scripture, the explanations -of translators, and gave their opinion.[46] Then followed the public -discussion. Gardiner was not without fear; as there might be skilful -assailants and awkward defenders, he looked out for men qualified to -defend the royal cause worthily. It was a remarkable circumstance that, -passing over the traditional doctors, he added to the defence—of which -he and Fox were the leaders—two evangelical doctors, Salcot, Abbot of -St. Benet’s, and Reps. He reserved to his colleague and himself the -political part of the question; but notwithstanding all his catholicism, -he desired that the scriptural reasons should be placed foremost. The -discussion was conducted with great thoroughness,[47] and the victory -remained with the king’s champions. - -[Sidenote: Majority For The King.] - -On the 9th of March, the doctors, professors, and masters having met -after vespers in the priory hall, the vice-chancellor said: ‘It has -appeared to us as most certain, most in accord with Holy Scripture, and -most conformable to the opinions of commentators, that it is contrary to -divine and natural law for a man to marry the widow of his brother dying -childless.’[48] Thus the Scriptures were really, if not explicitly, -declared by the university of Cambridge to be the supreme and only rule -of Christians, and the contrary decisions of Rome were held to be not -binding. The Word of God was avenged of the long contempt it had -endured, and, after having been put below the pope’s word, was now -restored to its lawful place. In this matter Cambridge was right. - -[Sidenote: The King’s Letter To Oxford.] - -It was necessary to try Oxford next. Here the opposition was stronger, -and the popish party looked forward to a victory. Longland, Bishop of -Lincoln and chancellor of the university, was commissioned by Henry to -undertake the matter; Doctor Bell, and afterwards Edward Fox, the chief -almoner, being joined with him. The king, uneasy at the results of the -negotiation, and wishing for a favorable decision at any cost, gave -Longland a letter for the university, through every word of which an -undisguised despotism was visible. ‘We will and command you,’ he said, -‘that ye, not leaning to wilful and sinister opinions of your own -several minds, considering that we be your sovereign liege lord, and -totally giving your affections to the true overtures of divine learning -in this behalf, do show and declare your true and just learning in the -said cause.... And we, for your so doing, shall be to you and to our -university there so good and gracious a lord for the same, as ye shall -perceive it well done in your well fortune to come. And in case you do -not uprightly handle yourselves herein, we shall so quickly and sharply -look to your unnatural misdemeanor herein, that it shall not be to your -quietness and ease hereafter.... Accommodate yourselves to the mere -truth; assuring you that those who do shall be esteemed and set forth, -and the contrary neglected and little set by.... We doubt not that your -resolution shall be our high contentation and pleasure.’ - -This royal missive caused a great commotion in the university. Some -slavishly bent their heads, for the king spoke rod in hand. Others -declared themselves convinced by the political reasons, and said that -Henry must have an heir whose right to the throne could not be disputed. -And, lastly, some were convinced that Holy Scripture was favorable to -the royal cause. All men of age and learning, as well as all who had -either capacity or ambition, declared in favor of the divorce. -Nevertheless a formidable opposition soon showed itself. - -The younger members of the Senate were enthusiastic for Catherine, the -Church, and the pope. Their theological education was imperfect; they -could not go to the bottom of the question, but they judged by the -heart. To see a Catholic lady oppressed, to see Rome despised, inflamed -their anger; and, if the elder members maintained that their view was -the more reasonable, the younger ones believed theirs to be the more -noble. Unhappily, when the choice lies between the useful and the -generous, the useful commonly triumphs. Still, the young doctors were -not prepared to yield. They said—and they were not wrong—that religion -and morality ought not to be sacrificed to reasons of state, or to the -passions of princes. And, seeing the spectre of Reform hidden behind -that of the divorce, they regarded themselves as called upon to save the -Church. ‘Alas!’ said the royal delegates, the Bishop of Lincoln and Dr. -Bell, ‘alas! we are in continual perplexity, and we cannot foresee with -any certainty what will be the issue of this business.’[49] - -They agreed with the heads of houses that, in order to prepare the -university, three public disputations should be solemnly held in the -divinity schools. By this means they hoped to gain time. ‘Such -disputations,’ they said, ‘are a very honorable means of amusing the -multitude until we are sure of the consent of the majority.’[50] The -discussions took place, and the younger masters, arranging each day what -was to be done or said, gave utterance to all the warmth of their -feelings. - -When the news of these animated discussions reached Henry, his -displeasure broke out, and those immediately around him fanned his -indignation. ‘A great part of the youth of our university,’ said the -king, ‘with contentious and factious manners, daily combine -together.’... The courtiers, instead of moderating, excited his anger. -Every day, they told him, these young men, regardless of their duty -towards their sovereign, and not conforming to the opinions of the most -virtuous and learned men of the university, meet together to deliberate -and oppose his majesty’s views. ‘Hath it ever been seen,’ exclaimed the -king, ‘that such a number of right small learning should stay their -seniors in so weighty a cause?’[51] Henry, in exasperation, wrote to the -heads of the houses: ‘_Non est bonum irritare crabrones_.’ It is not -good to stir a hornet’s nest. This threat excited the younger party -still more: if the term ‘hornet’ amused some, it irritated others. In -hot weather, the hornet (the king) chases the weaker insects; but the -noise he makes in flying forewarns them, and the little ones escape him. -Henry could not hide his vexation; he feared lest the little flies -should prove stronger than the big hornet. He was uneasy in his castle -of Windsor; and the insolent opposition of Oxford pursued him wherever -he turned his steps—on the terrace, in the wide park, and even in the -royal chapel. ‘What!’ he exclaimed, ‘shall this university dare show -itself more unkind and wilful than all other universities, abroad or at -home?’[52] Cambridge had recognized the king’s right, and Oxford -refused. - -Wishing to end the matter, Henry summoned the High-Almoner Fox to -Windsor, and ordered him to repeat at Oxford the victory he had gained -at Cambridge. He then dictated to his secretary a letter to the -recalcitrants: ‘We cannot a little marvel that you, neither having -respect to our estate,—being your prince and sovereign lord,—nor yet -remembering such benefits as we have always showed unto you, have -hitherto refused the accomplishment of our desire. Permit no longer the -private suffrages of light and wilful heads to prevail over the learned. -By your diligence redeem the errors and delays past. - -‘Given under our signet, at our castle of Windsor.’[53] - -Fox was entrusted with this letter. - -The Lord High-Almoner and the Bishop of Lincoln immediately called -together the younger masters of the university, and declared that a -longer resistance might lead to their ruin. But the youth of Oxford were -not to be overawed by threats of violence. Lincoln had hardly finished -when several masters of arts protested loudly. Some even spoke ‘very -wickedly.’ Not permitting himself to be checked by such rebellion, the -bishop ordered the poll to be taken. Twenty-seven voted for the king, -and twenty-two against. The royal commissioners were not yet satisfied; -they assembled all the faculties, and invited the members to give their -opinion in turn. This intimidated many, and only eight or ten had -courage enough to declare their opposition frankly. The bishop, -encouraged by such a result, ordered that the final vote should be taken -by ballot. Secrecy emboldened many of those who had not dared to speak; -and, while thirty-one voted in favor of the divorce, twenty-five opposed -it. That was of little consequence, as the two prelates had the -majority. They immediately drew up the statute in the name of the -university, and sent it to the king. After which the bishop, proud of -his success, celebrated a solemn mass of the Holy Ghost.[54] The Holy -Ghost had not, however, been much attended to in the business. Some had -obeyed the prince, others the pope; and, if we desire to find those who -obeyed Christ, we must look for them elsewhere. - -[Sidenote: Latimer’s Evangelical Courage.] - -The university of Cambridge was the first to send in its submission to -Henry. The Sunday before Easter (1530), Vice-Chancellor Buckmaster -arrived at Windsor in the forenoon. The court was at chapel, where -Latimer, recently appointed one of the king’s chaplains, was preaching. -The vice-chancellor came in during the service, and heard part of the -sermon. Latimer was a very different man from Henry’s servile courtiers. -He did not fear even to attack such of his colleagues as did not do -their duty: ‘That is no godly preacher that will hold his peace, and not -strike you with his sword that you smoke again.... Chaplains will not do -their duties, but rather flatter. But what shall follow? Marry, they -shall have God’s curse upon their heads for their labor. The minister -must reprove without fearing any man, even if he be threatened with -death.’[55] Latimer was particularly bold in all that concerned the -errors of Rome which Henry VIII. desired to maintain in the English -Church. ‘Wicked persons (he said),—men who despise God,—call out, “We -are christened, therefore are we saved.” Marry, to be christened and not -obey God’s commandments is to be worse than the Turks! Regeneration -cometh from the Word of God. It is by believing this Word that we are -born again.’[56] - -Thus spoke one of the fathers of the British Reformation: such is the -real doctrine of the Church of England; the contrary doctrine is a mere -relic of popery. - -As the congregation were leaving the chapel, the vice-chancellor spoke -to the secretary (Cromwell) and the provost, and told them the occasion -of his visit. The king sent a message that he would receive the -deputation after evening service. Desirous of giving a certain -distinction to the decision of the universities, Henry ordered all the -court to assemble in the audience-chamber. The vice-chancellor presented -the letter to the king, who was much pleased with it. ‘Thanks, Mr. -Vice-Chancellor,’ he said; ‘I very much approve the way in which you -have managed this matter. I shall give your university tokens of my -satisfaction.... You heard Mr. Latimer’s sermon,’ he added, which he -greatly praised, and then withdrew. The Duke of Norfolk, going up to the -vice-chancellor, told him that the king desired to see him the following -day. - -The next day Dr. Buckmaster, faithful to the appointment, waited all the -morning; but the king had changed his mind, and sent orders to the -deputy from Cambridge that he might depart as soon as he pleased. The -message had scarcely been delivered before the king entered the gallery. -An idea which quite engrossed his mind urged him on; he wanted to speak -with the doctor about the principle put forward by Cranmer. Henry -detained Buckmaster from one o’clock until six, repeating, in every -possible form, ‘Can the pope grant a dispensation when the law of God -hath spoken?’[57] He even displayed much ill-humor before the -vice-chancellor, because this point had not been decided at Cambridge. -At last he quitted the gallery; and, to counterbalance the sharpness of -his reproaches, he spoke very graciously to the doctor, who hurried away -as fast as he could. - -Footnote 41: - - Burnet, _Records_, i. - -Footnote 42: - - ‘In the ears of them.’—Ibid. p. 39. - -Footnote 43: - - ‘Et res erat in multa confusione.’—Burnet, _Records_, i. p. 79, - Gardiner to the king. - -Footnote 44: - - ‘To resort to his seat apart, every man’s mind to be known - secretly.’—Burnet, _Records_, i. p. 80. - -Footnote 45: - - ‘To cause some to depart the house.’—Ibid. - -Footnote 46: - - ‘S. Scripturæ locorum conferentes, tum etiam interpretum.’—Burnet, - _Records_, iii. p. 22. - -Footnote 47: - - ‘Publicam disputationem matura deliberatione.’—Ibid. - -Footnote 48: - - ‘Scrutatis diligentissime Sacræ Scripturæ locis.’—Burnet, _Records_, - iii. p. 22. - -Footnote 49: - - ‘In doubt always.’—_State Papers_, i. p. 377. - -Footnote 50: - - ‘Most convenient way to entertain the multitude.’—Ibid. - -Footnote 51: - - Burnet, _Records_, iii. p. 26. - -Footnote 52: - - Ibid. - -Footnote 53: - - Burnet, _Records_, iii. p. 26. - -Footnote 54: - - _State Papers_, i. p. 379, and note. - -Footnote 55: - - Latimer, _Sermons_ (Parker Soc.), pp. 46, 381. - -Footnote 56: - - Ibid. pp. 126, 471. - -Footnote 57: - - ‘An papa potest dispensara.’—Burnet, _Records_, iii. p. 24. - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - HENRY VIII. SUPPORTED IN FRANCE AND ITALY BY THE CATHOLICS, AND BLAMED - IN GERMANY BY THE PROTESTANTS. - (JANUARY TO SEPTEMBER 1530.) - - -[Sidenote: Henry Appeals To Foreign Opinion.] - -The king did not limit himself to asking the opinions of England; he -appealed to the universal teaching of the Church, represented according -to his views by the universities and not by the pope. The element of -individual conviction, so strongly marked in Tyndale, Fryth, and -Latimer, was wanting in the official reformation that proceeded from the -prince. To know what Scripture said, Henry was about sending delegates -to Paris, Bologna, Padua, and Wittemburg; he would have sent even to the -East, if such a journey had been easy. That false catholicism which -looked for the interpretation of the Bible to churches and declining -schools where traditionalism, ritualism, and hierarchism were magnified, -was a counterfeit popery. Happily the supreme voice of the Word of God -surmounted this fatal tendency in England. - -Henry VIII., full of confidence in the friendship of the King of France, -applied first to the university of Paris; but Dr. Pedro Garry, a Spanish -priest, as ignorant as he was fanatical (according to the English -agents),[58] eagerly took up the cause of Catherine of Aragon. Aided by -the impetuous Beda, he obtained an opinion adverse to Henry’s wishes. - -When he heard of it, the alarmed prince summoned Du Bellay, the French -ambassador, to the palace, gave him for Francis I. a famous diamond -fleur-de-lis valued at 10,000_l._ sterling, also the acknowledgments for -100,000 livres which Francis owed Henry for war expenses, and added a -gift of 400,000 crowns for the ransom of the king’s sons. Unable to -resist such strong arguments, Francis charged Du Bellay to represent to -the faculty of Paris ‘the great scruples of Henry’s conscience;’[59] -whereupon the Sarbonne deliberated, and several doctors exclaimed that -it would be an attaint upon the pope’s honor to suppose him capable of -refusing consolation to the wounded conscience of a Christian. During -these debates, the secretary took the names, received the votes, and -entered them on the minutes. A fiery papist observing that the majority -would be against the Roman opinion, jumped up, sprang upon the -secretary, snatched the list from his hands, and tore it up. All started -from their seats, and ‘there was great disorder and tumult.’ They all -spoke together, each trying to assert his own opinion; but as no one -could make himself heard amid the general clamor, the doctors hurried -out of the room in a great rage. ‘Beda acted like one possessed,’ wrote -Du Bellay. - -Meanwhile the ambassadors of the King of England were walking up and -down an adjoining gallery, waiting for the division. Attracted by the -shouts, they ran forward, and seeing the strange spectacle presented by -the theologians, and ‘hearing the language they used to one another,’ -they retired in great irritation. Du Bellay, who had at heart the -alliance of the two countries, conjured Francis I. to put an end to such -‘impertinences.’ The president of the parliament of Paris consequently -ordered Beda to appear before him, and told him that it was not for a -person of his sort to meddle with the affairs of princes, and that if he -did not cease his opposition, he would be punished in a way he would not -soon forget. The Sorbonne profited by the lesson given to the most -influential of its members, and on the 2nd of July declared in favor of -the divorce by a large majority. The universities of Orleans, Angers, -and Bourges had already done so, and that of Toulouse did the same -shortly after.[60] Henry VIII. had France and England with him. - -This was not enough: he must have Italy also. He filled that peninsula -with his agents, who had orders to obtain from the bishops and -universities the declaration refused by the pope. A rich and powerful -despot is never in want of devoted men to carry out his designs. - -The university of Bologna, in the states of the Church, was, after -Paris, the most important in the Catholic world. A monk was in great -repute there at this time. Noble by birth and an eloquent preacher, -Battista Pallavicini was one of those independent thinkers often met -with in Italy. The English agents applied to him; he declared that he -and his colleagues were ready to prove the unlawfulness of Henry’s -marriage, and when Stokesley spoke of remuneration, they replied, ‘No, -no! what we have received freely, we give freely.’ Henry’s agents could -not contain themselves for joy; the university of the pope declares -against the pope! Those among them who had an inkling for the -Reformation were especially delighted. On the 10th June the eloquent -monk appeared before the ambassadors with the judgment of the faculty, -which surpassed all they had imagined. Henry’s marriage was declared -‘horrible, execrable, detestable, abominable for a Christian and even -for an infidel, forbidden by divine and human law under pain of the -severest punishment.[61]... The holy father, who can do almost -everything,’ innocently continued the university, ‘has not the right to -permit such a union.’ The universities of Padua and Ferrara hastened to -add their votes to those of Bologna, and declared the marriage with a -brother’s widow to be ‘null, detestable, profane, and abominable.’[62] -Henry was conqueror all along the line. He had with him that universal -consent which, according to certain illustrious doctors, is the very -essence of Catholicism. Crooke, one of Henry’s agents, and a -distinguished Greek scholar, who discharged his mission with -indefatigable ardor, exclaimed that ‘the just cause of the king was -approved by all the doctors of Italy.’[63] - -[Sidenote: Protestants Condemn The Divorce.] - -In the midst of this harmony of catholicity, there was one exception, of -which no one had dreamt. That divorce which, according to the frivolous -language of a certain party, was the cause of the Reformation in -England, found opponents among the fathers and the children of the -Reformation. Henry’s envoys were staggered. ‘My fidelity bindeth me to -advertise your Highness,’ wrote Crooke to the king, ‘that all Lutherans -be utterly against your Highness in this cause, and have letted -[hindered] as much with their wretched poor malice, without reason or -authority, as they could and might, as well here as in Padua and -Ferrara, where be no small companies of them.’[64] The Swiss and German -reformers having been summoned to give an opinion on this point, Luther, -Œcolampadius, Zwingle, Bucer, Grynæus, and even Calvin,[65] all -expressed the same opinion. ‘Certainly,’ said Luther, ‘the king has -sinned by marrying his brother’s wife; that sin belongs to the past; let -repentance, therefore, blot it out, as it must blot out all our past -sins. But the marriage must not be dissolved; such a great sin, which is -future, must not be permitted.[66] There are thousands of marriages in -the world in which sin has a part, and yet we may not dissolve them. _A -man shall cleave unto his wife, and they shall be one flesh._ This law -is superior to the other, and overrules the lesser one.’ The collective -opinion of the Lutheran doctors was in conformity with the just and -Christian sentiments of Luther.[67] Thus (we repeat) the event which, -according to Catholic writers, was the cause of the religious -transformation of England, was approved by the Romanists and condemned -by the evangelicals. Besides, the latter knew very well that a -Reformation must proceed, not from a divorce or a marriage, not from -diplomatic negotiations or university statutes, but from the power of -the Word of God and the free conviction of Christians. - -[Sidenote: English Address To The Pope.] - -While these matters were going on, Cranmer was at Rome, asking the pope -for that discussion which the pontiff had promised him at their -conference in Bologna. Clement VII. had never intended to grant it: he -had thought that, once at Rome, it would be easy to elude his promise; -it was that which occupied his attention just now. Among the means which -popes have sometimes employed in their difficulties with kings, one of -the most common was to gain the agents of those princes. It was the -first employed by Clement; he nominated Cranmer grand almoner for all -the states of the King of England, some even say for all the Catholic -world. It was little more than a title, and ‘was only to stay his -stomach for that time, in hope of a more plentiful feast hereafter, if -he had been pleased to take his repast on any popish preferment.’[68] -But Cranmer was influenced by purer motives; and without refusing the -title the pope gave him,—since having the task of winning him to the -king’s side, he would thus have compromised his mission,—he made no -account of it, and showed all the more zeal for the accomplishment of -his charge. - -The embassy had not succeeded, and they were getting uneasy about it in -England. Some of the pope’s best friends could not understand his -blindness. The two archbishops, the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the -marquises of Dorset and Exeter, thirteen earls, four bishops, -twenty-five barons, twenty-two abbots, and eleven members of the Lower -House determined to send an address to Clement VII. ‘Most blessed -father,’ they began, ‘the king, who is our head and the life of us all, -has ever stood by the see of Rome amidst the attacks of your many and -powerful enemies, and yet he alone is to reap no benefit from his -labors.... Meanwhile we perceive a flood of miseries impending over the -commonwealth.[69] If your Holiness, who ought to be our father, have -determined to leave us as orphans, we shall seek our remedy -elsewhere.... He that is sick will by any means be rid of his distemper; -and there is hope in the exchange of miseries, when, if we cannot obtain -what is good, we may obtain a lesser evil.... We beseech your Holiness -to consider with yourself; you profess that on earth you are Christ’s -vicar. Endeavor then to show yourself so to be by pronouncing your -sentence to the glory and praise of God.’ Clement gained time: he -remained two months and a half without answering, thinking about the -matter, turning it over and over in his mind. The great difficulty was -to harmonize the will of Henry VIII., who desired another wife, and that -of Charles V., who insisted that he ought to keep the old one.... There -was only one mode of satisfying both these princes at once, and that was -by the king’s having the two wives together. Wolsey had already -entertained this idea. More than two years before the pope had hinted as -much to Da Casale: ‘Let him take another wife,’ he had said, speaking of -Henry.[70] Clement now recurred to it, and having sent privately for Da -Casale, he said to him: ‘This is what we have hit upon: we permit his -Majesty to have two wives.’[71] The infallible pontiff proposed bigamy -to a king. Da Casale was still more astonished than he had been at the -time of Clement’s first communication. ‘Holy father,’ he said to the -pope, ‘I doubt whether such a mode will satisfy his Majesty, for he -desires above all things to have the burden removed from his -conscience.’[72] - -This guilty proposal led to nothing; the king, sure of the lords and of -the people, advanced rapidly in the path of independence. The day after -that on which the pope authorized him to take two wives, Henry issued a -bold proclamation, pronouncing against whosoever should ask for or bring -in a papal bull contrary to the royal prerogative ‘imprisonment and -further punishment of their bodies according to his Majesty’s good -pleasure.[73] Clement, becoming alarmed, replied to the address: ‘We -desire as much as you do that the king should have male children; but, -alas! we are not God to give him sons.’[74] - -Men were beginning to stifle under these manœuvres and tergiversations -of the papacy; they called for air, and some went so far as to say that -if air was not given them, they must snap their fetters and break open -the doors. - -Footnote 58: - - Stokesley to the Earl of Wiltshire, January 16, 1530: _State Papers_, - vii. p. 227. - -Footnote 59: - - Le Grand, _Preuves du Divorce_, p. 459. This letter is from Du Bellay, - and not from Montmorency, as a distinguished historian has supposed. - -Footnote 60: - - The opinions of these universities are given in Burnet’s _Records_, i. - p. 83. - -Footnote 61: - - ‘Tale conjugium horrendum esse, execrabile, detestandum, viroque - christiano etiam cuilibet infideli prorsus abominabile.’—Rymer, - _Acta_, vi. p. 155. - -Footnote 62: - - Burnet, _Records_, iii. p. 87. - -Footnote 63: - - _State Papers_, vii. p. 242. - -Footnote 64: - - Burnet, _Records_, i. p. 82. - -Footnote 65: - - Calvin’s letter or dissertation (_Calvini Epistolæ_, p. 384) - harmonizes the apparently contradictory passages of Leviticus and - Deuteronomy; but I much doubt if it belongs to this period. - -Footnote 66: - - ‘Tam grande peccatum futurum permitti non debet.’—Lutheri _Epp._ iv. - p. 265. - -Footnote 67: - - Burnet, _Records_, i. p. 88. - -Footnote 68: - - Fuller, _Church History_, p. 182. - -Footnote 69: - - ‘Malorum pelagus reipublicæ nostræ imminere cernimus ac certum quoddam - diluvium comminari.’—Rymer, _Acta_, vi. p. 160. - -Footnote 70: - - ‘Rex aliam uxorem ducat.’—Letter of G. Da Casale, Orvieto, January 13, - 1528. - -Footnote 71: - - ‘Ut duas uxores habeat.’—Rome, September 28, 1530. Herbert, p. 330. - -Footnote 72: - - ‘An conscientiæ satisfieri posset, quam V. M. imprimis exonerare - cupit.’—Herbert, p. 330. - -Footnote 73: - - Collier, ii. p. 60. - -Footnote 74: - - ‘Sed pro Deo non sumus, ut liberos dare possimus.’—Herbert, p. 338. - - - - - CHAPTER VII. - LATIMER AT COURT. - (JANUARY TO SEPTEMBER 1530.) - - -[Sidenote: Proclamation Against Papal Bulls.] - -Henry, seeing that he could not obtain what he asked from the pope, drew -nearer the evangelical party in his kingdom. In the ranks of the -Reformation he found intelligent, pious, bold, and eloquent men, who -possessed the confidence of a portion of the people. Why should not the -prince try to conciliate them? They protest against the authority of the -pope: good! he will relieve them from it; but on one condition, -however,—that if they reject the papal jurisdiction they recognize his -own. If Henry’s plan had succeeded, the Church of England would have -been a Cæsareo-papistical Church (as we see elsewhere) planted on -British soil; but it was the Word of God that was destined to replace -the pope in England, and not the king. - -The first of the evangelical doctors whom Henry tried to gain was -Latimer. He had placed him, as we have seen, on the list of his -chaplains. ‘Beware of contradicting the king,’ said a courtier to him, -one day, mistrusting his frankness. ‘Speak as he speaks, and instead of -presuming to lead him, strive to follow him.’ ‘Marry, out upon thy -counsel!’ replied Latimer; ‘shall I say as he says? Say what your -conscience bids you.... Still, I know that prudence is necessary. - - Gutta cavat lapidem non vi sed sæpe cadendo. - -The drop of rain maketh a hole in the stone, not by violence, but by oft -falling. Likewise a prince must be won by a little and a little.’ - -This conversation was not useless to the chaplain, who set to work -seriously amid all the tumult of the court. He studied the Holy -Scriptures and the Fathers, and frankly proclaimed the truth from the -pulpit. But he had no private conversation with the king, who filled him -with a certain fear. The thought that he did not speak to Henry about -the state of his soul troubled him. One day, in the month of November, -the chaplain was in his closet, and in the volume of St. Augustine which -lay before him he read these words: ‘He who for fear of any power _hides -the truth_, provokes the wrath of God to come to him, for he fears men -more than God.’ Another day, while studying St. Chrysostom, these words -struck him: ‘he is not only a traitor to the truth who openly for truth -teaches a lie; but he also who _does not freely pronounce and show the -truth_ that he knoweth.’ These two sentences sank deeply into his -heart.[75] ‘They made me sore afraid,’ he continued, ‘troubled and vexed -me grievously in my conscience.’ He resolved to declare what God had -taught him in Scripture. His frankness might cost him his life (lives -were lost easily in Henry’s time); it mattered not. ‘I had rather suffer -extreme punishment,’ he said, ‘than be a traitor unto the truth.’[76] - -[Sidenote: Latimer’s Letter To Henry.] - -Latimer reflected that the ecclesiastical law, which for ages had been -the very essence of religion, must give way to evangelical faith—that -the form must yield to the life. The members of the Church (calling -themselves regenerate by baptism) used to attend catechism, be -confirmed, join in worship, and take part in the communion without any -real individual transformation; and then finally rest all together in -the churchyard. But the Church, in Latimer’s opinion, ought to begin -with the conversion of its members. Lively stones are needed to build up -the temple of God. Christian individualism, which Rome opposed from her -theocratic point of view, was about to be revived in Christian society. - -The noble Latimer formed the resolution to make the king understand that -all real reformation must begin at home. This was no trifling matter. -Henry, who was a man of varied information and lively understanding, but -was also imperious, passionate, fiery, and obstinate, knew no other rule -than the promptings of his strong nature; and although quite prepared to -separate from the pope, he detested all innovations in doctrine. Latimer -did not allow himself to be stopped by such obstacles, and resolved to -attack this difficult position openly. - -‘Your Grace,’ he wrote to Henry, ‘I must show forth such things as I -have learned in Scripture, or else deny Jesus Christ. The which denying -ought more to be dreaded than the loss of all temporal goods, honor, -promotion, fame, prison, slander, hurts, banishment, and all manner of -torments and cruelties, yea, and death itself, be it never so shameful -and painful.[77]... There is as great distance between you and me as -between God and man; for you are here to me and to all your subjects in -God’s stead; and so I should quake to speak to your Grace. But as you -are a mortal man having in you the corrupt nature of Adam, so you have -no less need of the merits of Christ’s passion for your salvation than I -and others of your subjects have.’ - -Latimer feared to see a Church founded under Henry’s patronage, which -would seek after riches, power, and pomp; and he was not mistaken. ‘Our -Saviour’s life was very poor. In how vile and abject a place was the -mother of Jesus Christ brought to bed! And according to this beginning -was the process and end of his life in this world.... But this he did to -show us that his followers and vicars should not regard the treasures of -this world.... Your Grace may see what means and craft the spirituality -imagine to break and withstand the acts which were made in the last -parliament against their superfluities.’ - -Latimer desired to make the king understand who were the true -Christians. ‘Our Saviour showed his disciples,’ continued he, ‘that they -should be brought before kings. Wherefore take this for a sure -conclusion, that where the Word of God is truly preached there is -persecution, and where quietness and rest in worldly pleasure, there is -not the truth.’ - -Latimer next proceeded to declare what would give real riches to -England. ‘Your Grace promised by your last proclamation that we should -have the Scripture in English. Let not the wickedness of worldly men -divert you from your goodly purpose and promise. There are prelates who, -under pretence of insurrection and heresy, hinder the Gospel of Christ -from having free course.... They would send a thousand men to hell ere -they send one to God.’[78] - -Latimer had reserved for the last the appeal he had determined to make -to his master’s conscience: ‘I pray to God that your Grace may do what -God commandeth, and not what seemeth good in your own sight; that you -may be found one of the members of his Church and a faithful minister of -his gifts, and not,’ he added, showing contempt for a title of which -Henry was very proud, ‘and not a defender of his faith; for he will not -have it defended by man’s power, but by his word only. - -‘Wherefore, gracious king, remember yourself. Have pity on your soul, -and think that the day is even at hand when you shall give account of -your office and of the blood that hath been shed with your sword. In the -which day that your Grace may stand steadfastly and not be ashamed, but -be clear and ready in your reckoning, and to have (as they say) your -_quietus est_ sealed with the blood of our Saviour Christ, which only -serveth at that day, is my daily prayer to Him that suffered death for -our sins which also prayeth to His Father for grace for us -continually.’[79] - -Thus wrote the bold chaplain. Such a letter from Latimer to Henry VIII. -deserved to be pointed out. The king does not appear to have been -offended at it. He was an absolute prince, but there was occasionally -some generosity in his character. He therefore continued to extend his -kindness to Latimer, but did not answer his appeal. - -[Sidenote: Latimer’s Preaching.] - -Latimer preached frequently before the court and in the city. Many noble -lords and old families still clung to the prejudices of the middle ages; -but some had a certain liking for the Reformation, and listened to the -chaplain’s preaching, which was so superior to ordinary sermons. His art -of oratory was summed up in one precept: ‘Christ is the preacher of all -preachers.’[80] ‘Christ,’ he exclaimed, ‘took upon him our sins: not the -work of sin—not to do it—not to commit it, but to purge it; and that way -he was the great sinner of the world.[81]... It is much like as if I -owed another man 20,000_l._, and must pay it out of hand, or else go to -the dungeon of Ludgate; and, when I am going to prison, one of my -friends should come and ask, “Whither goeth this man: I will answer for -him; I will pay all for him.” Such a part played our Saviour Christ with -us.’ - -Preaching before a king, he declared that the authority of Holy -Scripture was above all the powers of the earth. ‘God,’ he said, ‘is -great, eternal, almighty, everlasting; and the Scripture, because of -him, is also great, eternal, most mighty, and holy.... There is no king, -emperor, magistrate, or ruler but is bound to give credence unto this -holy word.’[82] He was cautious not to put the ‘two swords’ into the -same hand. ‘In this world God hath two Swords,’ he said; ‘the temporal -sword resteth in the hands of kings, whereunto all subjects—as well the -clergy as the laity—be subject. The spiritual sword is in the hands of -the ministers and preachers of God’s Word to correct and reprove. Make -not a mingle-mangle of them. To God give thy soul, thy faith; ... to the -king, tribute and reverence.[83] Therefore let the preacher amend with -spiritual sword, fearing no man, though death should ensue.’[84] Such -language astonished the court. ‘Were you at the sermon to day?’ said one -of his hearers to a zealous courtier one day. ‘Yes,’ replied the latter. -‘And how did you like the new chaplain?’ ‘Marry, even as I liked him -always—a seditious fellow.’[85] - -[Sidenote: Latimer’s Boldness.] - -Latimer did not permit himself to be intimidated. Firm in doctrine, he -was at the same time eminently practical. He was a moralist; and this -may explain how he was able to remain any time at court. Men of the -world, who soon grow impatient when you preach to them of the cross, -repentance, and change of heart, cannot help approving of those who -insist on certain rules of conduct. The king found it convenient to keep -a great number of horses in abbeys founded for the support of the poor. -One day when Latimer was preaching before him, he said,—‘A prince ought -not to prefer his horses above poor men. Abbeys were ordained for the -comfort of the poor, and not for kings’ horses to be kept in them.’[86] - -There was a dead silence in the congregation—no one dared turn his eyes -towards Henry—and many showed symptoms of anger. The chaplain had hardly -left the pulpit, when a gentleman of the court, the lord-chamberlain -apparently, went up to him and asked, ‘What hast thou to do with the -king’s horses? They are the maintenances and part of a king’s honor, and -also of his realm; wherefore, in speaking against them, ye are against -the king’s honor.’ ‘To take away the right of the poor,’ answered -Latimer, ‘is against the honor of the king.’ He then added, ‘My lord, -God is the grand-master of the king’s house, and will take account of -every one that beareth rule therein.’[87] - -Thus the Reformation undertook to re-establish the rule of conscience -even in the courts of princes. Latimer knowing, like Calvin, that ‘the -ears of the princes of this world are accustomed to be pampered and -flattered,’ armed himself with invincible courage. - -The murmurs grew louder. While the old chaplains let things take their -course, the other wanted to restore morality among Christians. The -Reformer was alive to the accusations brought against him, for his was -not a heart of steel. Reproaches and calumnies appeared to him sometimes -like those impetuous winds which force the husbandman to fly hurriedly -for shelter to some covered place. ‘O Lord!’ he exclaimed in his closet, -‘these people pinch me; nay, they have a full bite at me.’[88] He would -have desired to flee away to the wilderness, but he called to mind what -had been done to his Master; ‘I comfort myself,’ he said, ‘that Christ -Himself was noted to be a stirrer up of the people against the emperor.’ - -The priests, delighted that Latimer censured the king, resolved to take -advantage of it to ruin him. One day, when there was a grand reception, -and the king was surrounded by his councillors and courtiers, a monk -slipped into the midst of the crowd, and, falling on his knees before -the monarch, said, ‘Sire, your new chaplain preaches sedition.’ Henry -turned to Latimer: ‘What say you to that, sir?’ The chaplain bent his -knee before the prince; and, turning to his accusers, said to them, -‘Would you have me preach nothing concerning a king in the king’s -sermon?’ His friends trembled lest he should be arrested. ‘Your Grace,’ -he continued, ‘I put myself in your hands: appoint other doctors to -preach in my place before your Majesty. There are many more worthy of -the room than I am. If it be your Grace’s pleasure, I could be content -to be their servant, and bear their books after them.[89] But if your -Grace allow me for a preacher, I would desire you give me leave to -discharge my conscience. Permit me to frame my teaching for my -audience.’ - -Henry, who always liked Latimer, took his part, and the chaplain retired -with a low bow. When he left the audience, his friends, who had watched -this scene with the keenest emotion, surrounded him, saying, with tears -in their eyes,[90] ‘We were convinced that you would sleep to-night in -the Tower.’ ‘_The king’s heart is in the hand of the Lord_,’ he -answered, calmly. - -The evangelical Reformers of England nobly maintained their independence -in the presence of a catholic and despotic king. Firmly convinced, free, -strong men, they yielded neither to the seductions of the court nor to -those of Rome. We shall see still more striking examples of their -decision, bequeathed by them to their successors. - -Footnote 75: - - ‘I marked them earnestly in the inward parts of mine heart.’—Latimer, - _Remains_, p. 298. - -Footnote 76: - - Latimer, _Remains_, p. 208. - -Footnote 77: - - Latimer, _Works_, ii. p. 298 (Parker Soc.). - -Footnote 78: - - Latimer, _Works_, ii. p. 306 (Parker Soc.). - -Footnote 79: - - Latimer, _Works_, ii. p. 309 (Parker Soc.). - -Footnote 80: - - Ibid. i. p. 155. - -Footnote 81: - - Ibid. p. 223. - -Footnote 82: - - Latimer, _Works_, i. p. 85 (Parker Soc.). - -Footnote 83: - - Ibid. p. 295. - -Footnote 84: - - Ibid. p. 86. - -Footnote 85: - - Ibid. p. 134. - -Footnote 86: - - Ibid. p. 93. - -Footnote 87: - - Latimer, _Works_, i. p. 93. - -Footnote 88: - - Ibid. p. 134. - -Footnote 89: - - Ibid. The preacher, when he left the vestry, was followed to the - pulpit by an attendant carrying his books. - -Footnote 90: - - Latimer, _Works_, i. p. 135. - - - - - CHAPTER VIII. - THE KING SEEKS AFTER TYNDALE. - (JANUARY TO MAY 1531.) - - -[Sidenote: The Oak And The Ivy.] - -Henry VIII., finding that he wanted men like Latimer to resist the pope, -sought to win over others of the same stamp. He found one, whose lofty -range he understood immediately. Thomas Cromwell had laid before him a -book, then very eagerly read all over England, namely, the _Practice of -Prelates_. It was found in the houses not only of the citizens of -London, but of the farmers of Essex, Suffolk, and other counties. The -king read it quite as eagerly as his subjects. Nothing interested him -like the history of the slow but formidable progress of the priesthood -and prelacy. One parable in particular struck him, in which the oak -represented royalty, and the ivy the papacy. ‘First, the ivy springeth -out of the earth, and then awhile creepeth along by the ground till it -find a great tree. There it joineth itself beneath alow unto the body of -the tree, and creepeth up a little and a little, fair and softly. And at -the beginning, while it is yet thin and small, that the burden is not -perceived, it seemeth glorious to garnish the tree in the winter, and to -bear off the tempests of the weather. But in the mean season it -thrusteth roots into the bark of the tree to hold fast withal; and -ceaseth not to climb up till it be at the top and above all. And then it -sendeth its branches along by the branches of the tree, and overgroweth -all, and waxeth great, heavy, and thick; and sucketh the moisture so -sore out of the tree and its branches, that it choketh and stifleth -them. And then the foul stinking ivy waxeth mighty in the stump of the -tree, and becometh a seat and a nest for all unclean birds and for blind -owls, which hawk in the dark and dare not come at the light. Even so the -Bishop of Rome at the beginning crope along upon the earth.... He crept -up and fastened his roots in the heart of the emperor, and by subtilty -clamb above the emperor, and subdued him, and made him stoop unto his -feet and kiss them another while. Yea, when he had put the crown on the -emperor’s head, he smote it off with his feet again.’[91] - -Henry would willingly have clapped his hand on his sword to demand -satisfaction of the pope for this outrage. The book was by Tyndale. -Laying it down, the king reflected on what he had just read, and thought -to himself that the author had some striking ideas ‘on the accursed -power of the pope,’ and that he was besides gifted with talent and zeal, -and might render excellent service towards abolishing the papacy in -England. - -Tyndale, from the time of his conversion at Oxford, set Christ above -everything. He boldly threw off the yoke of human traditions, and would -take no other guide but Scripture only. Full of imagination and -eloquence, active and ready to endure fatigue, he exposed himself to -every danger in the fulfilment of his mission.[92] Henry ordered Stephen -Vaughan, one of his agents, then at Antwerp, to try and find the -Reformer in Brabant, Flanders, on the banks of the Rhine, in Holland, -... wherever he might chance to be; to offer him a safe-conduct under -the sign-manual, to prevail on him to return to England, and to add the -most gracious promises in behalf of his Majesty.[93] - -To gain over Tyndale seemed even more important than to have gained -Latimer. Vaughan immediately undertook to seek him in Antwerp, where he -was said to be, but could not find him. ‘He is at Marburg,’ said one; -‘at Frankfort,’ said another; ‘at Hamburg,’ declared a third. Tyndale -was invisible now as before. To make more certain, Vaughan determined to -write three letters directed to those three places, conjuring him to -return to England.[94] ‘I have great hopes,’ said the English agent to -his friends, ‘of having done something that will please his Majesty.’ -Tyndale, the most scriptural of English reformers, the most inflexible -in his faith, laboring at the Reformation with the cordial approbation -of the monarch, would truly have been something extraordinary. - -Scarcely had the three letters been despatched when Vaughan heard of the -ignominious chastisement inflicted by Sir Thomas More on Tyndale’s -brother.[95] Was it by such indignities that Henry expected to attract -the Reformer? Vaughan, much annoyed, wrote to the king (26th January, -1531) that this event would make Tyndale think they wanted to entrap -him, and he gave up looking after him. - -[Sidenote: Vaughan Meets Tyndale.] - -Three months later (17th April), as Vaughan was busy copying one of -Tyndale’s manuscripts in order to send it to Henry (it was his answer to -the _Dialogue_ of Sir Thomas More), a man knocked at his door. ‘Some -one, who calls himself a friend of yours, desires very much to speak -with you,’ said the stranger, ‘and begs you to follow me.’—‘Who is this -friend? Where is he?’ asked Vaughan.—‘I do not know him,’ replied the -messenger; ‘but come along, and you will see for yourself.’ Vaughan -doubted whether it was prudent to follow this person to a strange place. -He made up his mind, however, to accompany him. The agent of Henry VIII. -and the messenger threaded the streets of Antwerp, went out of the city, -and at last reached a lonely field, by the side of which the Scheldt -flowed sluggishly through the level country.[96] As he advanced, Vaughan -saw a man of noble bearing, who appeared to be about fifty years of age. -‘Do you not recognize me?’ he asked Vaughan. ‘I cannot call to mind your -features,’ answered the latter. ‘My name is Tyndale,’ said the stranger. -‘Tyndale!’ exclaimed Vaughan, with delight. ‘Tyndale! what a happy -meeting!’ - -Tyndale, who had heard of Henry’s new plans, had no confidence either in -the prince or in his pretended Reformation. The king’s endless -negotiations with the pope, his worldliness, his amours, his persecution -of evangelical Christians, and especially the ignominious punishment -inflicted on John Tyndale: all these matters disgusted him. However, -having been informed of the nature of Vaughan’s mission, he desired to -turn it to advantage by addressing a few warnings to the prince. ‘I have -written certain books,’ he said, ‘to warn your Majesty of the subtle -demeanor of the clergy of your realm towards your person, in which doing -I showed the heart of a true subject; to the intent that your Grace -might prepare your remedies against their subtle dreams. An exile from -my native country, I suffer hunger, thirst, cold, absence of friends, -everywhere encompassed with great danger, in innumerable hard and sharp -fightings, I do not feel their asperity, by reason that I hope with my -labors to do honor to God, true service to my prince, and pleasure to -his commons.’[97] - -‘Cheer up,’ said Vaughan, ‘your exile, poverty, fightings, all are at an -end; you can return to England.’... ‘What matters it,’ said Tyndale, ‘if -my exile finishes, so long as the Bible is banished? Has the king -forgotten that God has commanded His Word to be spread throughout the -world? If it continues to be forbidden to his subjects, very death were -more pleasant to me than life.’[98] - -Vaughan did not consider himself worsted. The messenger, who remained at -a distance, and could hear nothing, was astonished at seeing the two men -in that solitary field conversing together so long and with so much -animation. ‘Tell me what guarantees you desire,’ said Vaughan: ‘the king -will grant them you.’ ‘Of course the king would give me a safe-conduct,’ -answered Tyndale; ‘but the clergy would persuade him that promises made -to heretics are not binding.’ Night was coming on. Henry’s agent might -have had Tyndale followed and seized.[99] The idea occurred to Vaughan, -but he rejected it. Tyndale began, however, to feel himself ill at -ease.[100] ‘Farewell,’ he said; ‘you shall see me again before long, or -hear news of me.’ He then departed, walking away from Antwerp. Vaughan, -who re-entered the city, was surprised to see Tyndale make for the open -country. He supposed it to be a stratagem, and once more doubted whether -he ought not to have seized the Reformer to please his master. ‘I might -have failed of my purpose,’ he said.[101] Besides it was now too late, -for Tyndale had disappeared. - -[Sidenote: The King On Tyndale’s Treatise.] - -As soon as Vaughan reached home, he hastened to send to London an -account of this singular conference. Cromwell immediately proceeded to -court, and laid before the king the envoy’s letter and the Reformer’s -book. ‘Good!’ said Henry; ‘as soon as I have leisure, I will read them -both.’[102] He did so, and was exasperated against Tyndale, who refused -his invitation, mistrusted his word, and even dared to give him advice. -The king in his passion tore off the latter part of Vaughan’s letter, -flung it in the fire, and entirely gave up his idea of bringing the -Reformer into England to make use of him against the pope, fearing that -such a torch would set the whole kingdom in a blaze. He thought only how -he could seize him and punish him for his arrogance. - -He sent for Cromwell. Before him on the table lay the treatise by -Tyndale, which Vaughan had copied and sent. ‘These pages,’ said Henry to -his minister, while pointing to the manuscript, ‘These pages are the -work of a visionary: they are full of lies, sedition, and calumny. -Vaughan shows too much affection for Tyndale.[103] Let him beware of -inviting him to come into the kingdom. He is a perverse and hardened -character, who cannot be changed. I am too happy that he is out of -England.’ - -Cromwell retired in vexation. He wrote to Vaughan; but the king found -the letter too weak, and Cromwell had to correct it to make it harmonize -with the wrath of the prince.[104] An ambitious man, he bent before the -obstinate will of his master; but the loss of Tyndale seemed -irreparable. Accordingly, while informing Vaughan of the king’s anger, -he added that, if wholesome reflection should bring Tyndale to reason, -the king was ‘_so inclined to mercy, pity, and compassion_’[105] that he -would doubtless see him with pleasure. Vaughan, whose heart Tyndale had -gained, began to hunt after him again, and had a second interview with -him. He gave him Cromwell’s letter to read, and, when the Reformer came -to the words we have just quoted about Henry’s compassion, his eyes -filled with tears.[106] ‘What gracious words!’ he exclaimed. ‘Yes,’ said -Vaughan; ‘they have such sweetness that they would break the hardest -heart in the world.’ Tyndale, deeply moved, tried to find some mode of -fulfilling his duty towards God and towards the king. ‘If his Majesty,’ -he said, ‘would condescend to permit the Holy Scriptures to circulate -among the people in all their purity, as they do in the states of the -emperor and in other Christian countries, I would bind myself never to -write again. I would throw myself at his feet, offering my body as a -sacrifice, ready to submit, if necessary, to torture and death.’ - -But a gulf lay between the monarch and the Reformer. Henry VIII. saw the -seeds of heresy in the Scriptures, and Tyndale rejected every -reformation which they wished to carry out by proscribing the Bible. -‘Heresy springeth not from the Scriptures,’ he said, ‘no more than -darkness from the sun.’[107] Tyndale disappeared again, and the name of -his hiding-place is unknown. - -[Sidenote: Henry Fails To Gain Tynsdale.] - -The King of England was not discouraged by the check he had received. He -wanted men possessed of talent and zeal—men resolved to attack the pope. -Cambridge had given England a teacher who might be placed beside, and -perhaps even above, Latimer and Tyndale. This was John Fryth. He -thirsted for the truth; he sought God, and was determined to give -himself wholly to Jesus Christ. One day Cromwell said to the king, ‘What -a pity it is, your Highness, that a man so distinguished as Fryth in -letters and sciences should be among the sectarians!’ Like Tyndale, he -had quitted England. Cromwell, with Henry’s consent, wrote to Vaughan: -‘His Majesty strongly desires the reconciliation of Fryth, who (he -firmly believes) is not so far advanced as Tyndale in the evil way. -Always full of mercy, the king is ready to receive him to favor. Try to -attract him charitably, politically.’ Vaughan immediately began his -inquiries,—it was May, 1531,—but the first news he received was that -Fryth, a minister of the Gospel, was just married in Holland. ‘This -marriage,’ he wrote to the king, ‘may by chance hinder my -persuasion.’[108] This was not all: Fryth was boldly printing, at -Amsterdam, Tyndale’s answer to Sir Thomas More. Henry was forced to give -him up, as he had given up his friend. He succeeded with none but -Latimer, and even the chaplain told him many harsh truths. There was a -decided incompatibility between the spiritual reform and the political -reform. The work of God refused to ally itself with the work of the -throne. The Christian faith and the visible Church are two distinct -things. Some (and among them the Reformers) require Christianity—a -living Christianity; others (and it was the case of Henry and his -prelates) look for the Church and its hierarchy, and care little whether -a living faith be found there or not. This is a capital error. Real -religion must exist first; and then this religion must produce a true -religious society. Tyndale, Fryth, and their friends desired to begin -with religion; Henry and his followers with an ecclesiastical society -hostile to faith. The king and the reformers could not, therefore, come -to an understanding. Henry, profoundly hurt by the boldness of those -evangelical men, swore that, as they would not have peace, they should -have war, ... war to the knife. - -Footnote 91: - - ‘Dominus autem papa statim percussit cum pede suo coronam imperatoris - et dejecit eam in terram.’—Tyndale, _Practice of Prelates_, p. 170 - (Parker Soc.). - -Footnote 92: - - _History of the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century_, vol. v. - -Footnote 93: - - ‘Upon the promise of your Majesty, be content to repair into - England.’—Vaughan to Henry VIII. Cotton MSS. Galba, bk. x. fol. 42. - _Bible Ann._ i. p. 270. - -Footnote 94: - - ‘Whatsoever surety he could reasonably desire.’—Vaughan to Cromwell, - ibid. p. 270. - -Footnote 95: - - _History of the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century_, tom. v. book - xx. ch. 15. - -Footnote 96: - - ‘He brought me without the gates ... into a field.’—Anderson, _Annals - of the English Bible_, p. 272. - -Footnote 97: - - Anderson (Chr.), _Annals of the English Bible_, p. 152. - -Footnote 98: - - Ibid. - -Footnote 99: - - ‘Lest I would have persued him.’—Anderson, p. 152. - -Footnote 100: - - ‘Being something fearful.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 101: - - Cotton MSS. Titus, bk. i. fol. 6, 7. Anderson, _Annals_, i. p. 273. - -Footnote 102: - - ‘At opportune leasure his Highness would read the content.’—Ibid p. - 275. - -Footnote 103: - - ‘Ye bear much affection toward the said Tyndale.’—Cotton MSS. Galba, - bk. x. fol. 388. Anderson, _Annals_, p. 275. - -Footnote 104: - - The corrections are still to be seen in the original draft, and are - indicated in the biographical notice of Tyndale at the beginning of - his _Practices_ (Parker Society), pp. 46, 47. - -Footnote 105: - - _State Papers_, vii. p. 303. - -Footnote 106: - - ‘In such wise that water stoode in his eyes.’—_State Papers_, vii. p. - 303. - -Footnote 107: - - Tyndale, _Exposition_, p. 141. - -Footnote 108: - - _State Papers_, vii. p. 302. - - - - - CHAPTER IX. - THE KING OF ENGLAND RECOGNIZED AS HEAD OF THE CHURCH. - (JANUARY TO MARCH 1531.) - - -Henry VIII. desired to introduce great changes into the ecclesiastical -corporation of his kingdom. His royal power had much to bear from the -power of the clergy. It was the same in all Catholic monarchies; but -England had more to complain of than others. Of the three estates, -Clergy, Nobility, and Commons, the first was the most powerful. The -nobility had been weakened by the civil wars; the commons had long been -without authority and energy; the prelates thus occupied the first rank, -so that in 1529 an archbishop and cardinal (Wolsey) was the most -powerful man in England, not even the king excepted. Henry had felt the -yoke, and wished to free himself, not only from the domination of the -pope, but also from the influence of the higher clergy. If he had only -intended to be avenged of the pontiff, it would have been enough to -allow the Reformation to act; when a mighty wind blows from heaven, it -sweeps away all the contrivances of men. But Henry was deficient neither -in prudence nor calculation. He feared lest a diversity of doctrine -should engender disturbances in his kingdom. He wished to free himself -from the pope and the prelates, without throwing himself into the arms -of Tyndale or of Latimer. - -[Sidenote: Papal Rule Hurtful To The State.] - -Kings and people had observed that the domination of the papacy, and its -authority over the clergy, were an insurmountable obstacle to the -autonomy of the State. As far back as 1268, St. Louis had declared that -France owed allegiance to God alone; and other princes had followed his -example. Henry VIII. determined to do more—to break the chains which -bound the clergy to the Romish throne, and fasten them to the crown. The -power of England, delivered from the papacy, which had been its -cankerworm, would then be developed with freedom and energy, and would -place the country in the foremost rank among nations. The renovating -spirit of the age was favorable to Henry’s plans; without delay he must -put into execution the bold plan which Cromwell had unrolled before his -eyes in Whitehall Park. Henry could think of nothing but getting himself -recognized as head of the Church. - -This important revolution could not be accomplished by a simple act of -royal authority—in England particularly, where constitutional principles -already possessed an incontestable influence. It was necessary to -prevail upon the clergy to cross the Rubicon by emancipating themselves -from Rome. But how bring it about? This was the subject of the -meditations of the sagacious Cromwell, who, gradually rising in the -king’s confidence to the place formerly held by Wolsey, made a different -use of it. Urged by ambition, possessing an energetic character, a sound -judgment, unshaken firmness, no obstacle could arrest his activity. He -sought how he could give the king the spiritual sceptre, and this was -the plan on which he fixed. The kings of England had been known -occasionally to revive old laws fallen into desuetude, and visit with -heavy penalties those who had violated them. Cromwell represented to the -king that the statutes made punishable any man who should recognize a -dignity established by the pope in the English Church; that Wolsey, by -exercising the functions of papal legate, had encroached upon the rights -of the Crown and been condemned, which was but justice; while the -members of the clergy—who had recognized the unlawful jurisdiction of -the pretended legate—had thereby become as guilty as he had been. ‘The -statute of _Præmunire_,’ he said, ‘condemns them as well as their -chief.’ Henry, who listened attentively, found the expedient of his -Secretary of State was in conformity with the letter of the law, and -that it put all the clergy in his power. He did not hesitate to give -full power to his ministers. Under such a state of things there was not -one innocent person in England; the two houses of parliament, the privy -council, all the nation must be brought to the bar. Henry, full of -‘condescension,’ was pleased to confine himself to the clergy. - -[Sidenote: Embarrassment Of The Clergy.] - -The convocation of the province of Canterbury having met on the 7th of -January, 1531, Cromwell entered the hall, and quietly took his seat -among the bishops; then rising, he informed them that their property and -benefices were to be confiscated for the good of his Majesty, because -they had submitted to the unconstitutional power of the cardinal. What -terrible news! It was a thunderbolt to those selfish prelates; they were -amazed. At length some of them plucked up a little courage. ‘The king -himself had sanctioned the authority of the cardinal-legate,’ they said. -‘We merely obeyed his supreme will. Our resistance to his Majesty’s -proclamations would infallibly have ruined us.’—‘That is of no -consequence,’ was the reply; ‘there was the law: you should obey the -constitution of the country even at the peril of your lives.’[109] The -terrified bishops laid at the foot of the throne a magnificent sum, by -which they hoped to redeem their offences and their benefices. But that -was not what Henry desired: he pretended to set little store by their -money. The threat of confiscation must constrain them to pay a ransom of -still greater value. ‘My lords,’ said Cromwell, ‘in a petition that some -of you presented to the pope not long ago, you called the king your -_soul_ and your _head_.[110] Come, then, expressly recognize the -supremacy of the king over the Church,[111] and his majesty, of his -great goodness, will grant you your pardon.’ What a demand! The -distracted clergy assembled, and a deliberation of extreme importance -began. ‘The words in the address to the pope,’ said some, ‘were a mere -form, and had not the meaning ascribed to them.’—‘The king being unable -to untie the Gordian knot at Rome,’ said others, alluding to the -divorce, ‘intends to cut it with his sword.’[112]—‘The secular power,’ -exclaimed the most zealous, ‘has no voice in ecclesiastical matters. To -recognize the king as head of the Church would be to overthrow the -catholic faith.... The head of the Church is the pope.’ The debate -lasted three days, and, as Henry’s ministers pointed to the theocratic -government of Israel, a priest exclaimed, ‘We oppose the New Testament -to the Old; according to the gospel, Christ is head of the Church.’ When -this was told the king, he said, ‘Very well, I consent. If you declare -me _head of the Church_ you may add _under God_.’ In this way the papal -claims were compromised all the more. ‘We will expose ourselves to -everything,’ they said, ‘rather than dethrone the Roman pontiff.’ - -The Bishops of Lincoln and Exeter were deputed to beseech the king to -withdraw his demand: they could not so much as obtain an audience. Henry -had made up his mind: the priests must yield. The only means of their -obtaining pardon (they were told) was by their renouncing the papal -supremacy. The bishops made a fresh attempt to satisfy both the -requirements of the king and those of their own conscience. ‘Shrink -before the clergy and they are lions,’ the courtiers said; ‘withstand -them and they are sheep.’—‘Your fate is in your own hands. If you refuse -the king’s demand, the disgrace of Wolsey may show you what you may -expect.’ Archbishop Warham, president of the Convocation, a prudent man, -far advanced in years, and near his end, tried to hit upon some -compromise. The great movements which agitated the Church all over -Europe disturbed him. He had in times past complained to the king of -Wolsey’s usurpations,[113] and was not far from recognizing the royal -supremacy. He proposed to insert a simple clause in the act conferring -the required jurisdiction on the king, namely, _Quantum per legem -Christi licet_, so far as the law of Christ permits. ‘Mother of God!’ -exclaimed the king, who, like his royal brother Francis I., had a habit -of saying irreverent things, ‘you have played me a shrewd turn. I -thought to have made fools of those prelates, and now you have so -ordered the business that they are likely to make a fool of me. Go to -them again, and let me have the business passed without any _quantums_ -or _tantums_.... So far as the law of Christ permits! Such a reserve -would make one believe that my authority was disputable.’[114] - -[Sidenote: The Clergy Submit.] - -Henry’s ministers ventured on this occasion to resist him: they showed -him that this clause would prevent an immediate rupture with Rome, and -it might be repealed hereafter. He yielded at last, and the archbishop -submitted the clause with the amendment to convocation. It was a solemn -moment for England. The bishops were convinced that the king was asking -them to do what was wrong, the end of which would be a rupture with -Rome. In the time of Hildebrand the prelates would have answered No, and -found a sympathetic support in the laity. But things had changed; the -people were beginning to be weary of the long domination of the priests. -The primate, desirous of ending the matter, said to his colleagues: ‘Do -you recognize the king as sole protector of the Church and clergy of -England, and, so far as is allowed by the law of Christ, also as your -supreme head?’ All remained speechless. ‘Will you let me know your -opinions?’ resumed the archbishop. There was a dead silence. ‘Whoever is -silent seems to consent,’ said the primate.—‘Then we are all silent,’ -answered one of the members.[115] Were these words inspired by courage -or by cowardice? Were they an assent or a protest? We cannot say. In -this matter we cannot side either with the king or with the priests. The -heart of man easily takes the part of those who are oppressed; but here -the oppressed were also oppressors. Convocation next gave its support to -the opinion of the universities respecting the divorce, and thus Henry -gained his first victory. - -Now that the king had the power, the clergy were permitted to give him -their money. They offered a hundred thousand pounds sterling,—an -enormous sum for those times,—nearly equivalent to fifteen times as much -of our money. On the 22d of March, 1531, the courteous archbishop signed -the document which at one stroke deprived the clergy of England of both -riches and honor.[116] - -The discussion was still more animated in the Convocation of York. ‘If -you proclaim the king supreme head,’ said Bishop Tonstal, ‘it can only -be in temporal matters.’—‘Indeed!’ retorted Henry’s minister, ‘is an act -of convocation necessary to determine that the king reigns?‘—‘If -spiritual things are meant,’ answered the bishop, ‘I withdraw from -convocation that I may not withdraw from the Church.’[117] - -‘My lords,’ said Henry, ‘no one disputes your right to preach and -administer the sacraments.[118] Did not Paul submit to Cæsar’s tribunal, -and our Saviour himself to Pilate’s?’ Henry’s ecclesiastical theories -prevailed also at York. A great revolution was effected in England, and -fresh compromises were to consolidate it. - -The king, having obtained what he desired, condescended in his great -mercy to pardon the clergy for their unpardonable offence of having -recognized Wolsey as papal legate. At the request of the commons this -amnesty was extended to all England. The nation, which at first saw -nothing in this affair but an act enfranchising themselves from the -usurped power of the popes, showed their gratitude to Henry; but there -was a reverse to the medal. If the pope was despoiled, the king was -invested. Was not the function ascribed to him contrary to the Gospel? -Would not this act impress upon the Anglican Reformation a territorial -and aristocratic character, which would introduce into the Reformed -Church the world with all its splendor and wealth? If the royal -preëminence endows the Anglican Church with the pomps of worship, of -classical studies, of high dignities, will it not also carry along with -it luxury, sinecures, and worldliness among the prelates? Shall we not -see the royal authority pronounce on questions of dogma, and declare the -most sacred doctrines indifferent? A little later an attempt was made to -limit the power of the king in religious matters. ‘We give not to our -princes the ministry of God’s Word or sacraments,’ says the -thirty-seventh Article of Religion. - -Footnote 109: - - ‘They ought to take notice of the constitution at their - peril.’—Collyers, ii. p. 61. Burnet, p. 108. - -Footnote 110: - - ‘Regia majestas nostrum caput atque anima.’—Collyers, _Records_, p. 8, - 30 July, 1530. - -Footnote 111: - - ‘Ecclesiæ protector et supremum caput.’—Collyers, ii. p. 62. - -Footnote 112: - - ‘Seeing this Gordian knot, to play the noble Alexander.’—Foxe, _Acts_, - v. p. 55. - -Footnote 113: - - Strype’s _Memorials_, i. p. 111. - -Footnote 114: - - Tytler, _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 312. - -Footnote 115: - - ‘Qui tacet consentire videtur. Itaque tacemus omnes.’—Collyers, p. 63. - -Footnote 116: - - The act is given in Wilkins, _Concilia_, iii. p. 742, and Rymer, - _Fœdera_, vi. p. 163. - -Footnote 117: - - ‘Ne ab ecclesia catholica dissentire videar, expresse - dissentio.’—Wilkins, _Concilia_, iii. p. 745. - -Footnote 118: - - Collyers, ii. p. 64. - - - - - CHAPTER X. - SEPARATION OF THE KING AND QUEEN. - (MARCH TO JUNE 1531.) - - -The king, having obtained so important a concession from the clergy, -turned to his parliament to ask a service of another kind,—one in his -eyes still more urgent. - -On the 30th of March, 1531, the session being about to terminate, Sir -Thomas More, the chancellor, went down to the House of Commons, and -submitted to them the decision of the various universities on the king’s -marriage and the power of the pope. The Commons looked at the affair -essentially from a political point of view; they did not understand -that, because the king had lived twenty years with the queen, he ought -not to be separated from her. The documents placed before their eyes -‘made them detest the marriage’ of Henry and Catherine.[119] The -chancellor desired the members to report in their respective counties -and towns that the king had not asked for this divorce of his own will -or pleasure, but ‘only for the discharge of his conscience and surety of -the succession of his crown.’[120] ‘Enlighten the people,’ he said, ‘and -preserve peace in the nation, with the sentiments of loyalty due to the -monarch.’ - -[Sidenote: Catherine’s Reply.] - -The king hastened to use the powers which universities, clergy, and -parliament had placed in his hands. Immediately after the prorogation -certain lords went down to Greenwich and laid before the queen the -decisions which condemned her marriage, and urged her to accept the -arbitration of four bishops and four lay peers. Catherine replied, sadly -but firmly,—‘I pray you tell the king I say I am his lawful wife, and in -that point I will abide until the court of Rome determine to the -contrary.’[121] - -The divorce which, notwithstanding Catherine’s refusal, was approaching, -caused great agitation among the people; and the members of parliament -had some trouble to preserve order, as Sir Thomas More had desired them. -Priests proclaimed from their pulpits the downfall of the Church and the -coming of Antichrist; the mendicant friars scattered discontent in every -house which they entered, the most fanatical of them not fearing to -insinuate that the wrath of God would soon hurl the impious prince from -his throne. In towns and villages, in castles and alehouses, men talked -of nothing but the divorce and the primacy claimed by the king. Women -standing at their doors, men gathering round the blacksmith’s forge, -spoke more or less disrespectfully of parliament, the bishops, the -dangers of the Romish Church, and the prospects of the Reformation. If a -few friends met at night around the hearth, they told strange tales to -one another. The king, queen, pope, devil, saints, Cromwell, and the -higher clergy formed the subject of their conversation. The gipsies at -that time strolling through the country added to the confusion. -Sometimes they would appear in the midst of these animated discussions, -and prophesy lamentable events, at times calling up the dead to make -them speak of the future. The terrible calamities they predicted froze -their hearers with affright, and their sinister prophecies were the -cause of disorders and even of crimes. Accordingly an act was passed -pronouncing the penalty of banishment against them.[122] - -An unfortunate event tended still more to strike men’s imaginations. It -was reported that the Bishop of Rochester, that prelate so terrible to -the reformers and so good to the poor, had narrowly escaped being -poisoned by his cook. Seventeen persons were taken ill after eating -porridge at the episcopal palace. One of the bishop’s gentlemen died, as -well as a poor woman to whom the remains of the food had been given. It -was maliciously remarked that the bishop was the only one who frankly -opposed the divorce and the royal supremacy. Calumny even aimed at the -throne. When Henry heard of this, he resolved to make short work of all -such nonsense; he ordered the offence to be deemed as high-treason, and -the wretched cook was taken to Smithfield, there to be _boiled to -death_.[123] This was a variation of the penalty pronounced upon the -evangelicals. Such was the cruel justice of the sixteenth century. - -[Sidenote: Reginald Pole.] - -While the universities, parliament, convocation, and the nation appeared -to support Henry VIII., one voice was raised against the divorce. It was -that of a young man brought up by the king, and that voice moved him -deeply. There still remained in England some scions of the house of -York, and among them a nephew of that unhappy Warwick whom Henry VII. -had cruelly put to death. Warwick had left a sister Margaret, and the -king, desirous of appeasing the remorse he suffered on account of the -tragical end of that prince, ‘the most innocent of men,’[124] had -married her to Sir Richard Pole, a gentleman of her own family. She was -left a widow with two daughters and three sons. The youngest, Reginald, -became a favorite with Henry VIII., who destined him for the -archiepiscopal see of Canterbury. ‘Your kindnesses are such,’ said Pole -to him, ‘that a king could grant no more, even to a son.’[125] But -Reginald, to whom his mother had told the story of the execution of the -unhappy Warwick, had contracted an invincible hatred against the Tudors. -Accordingly, in despite of certain evangelical tendencies, Pole, seeing -Henry separating from the pope, resolved to throw himself into the arms -of the pontiff. Reginald, invested with the Roman purple, rose to be -president of the council and primate of all England under Queen Mary. -Elegant in his manners, with a fine intellect, and sincere in his -religious convictions, he was selfish, irritable, and ambitious. Desires -of elevation and revenge led a noble nature astray. If the branch of -which he was the representative was ever to recover the crown, it could -only be by the help of the Roman pontiffs. Henceforward their cause was -his. Loaded with benefits by Henry VIII., he was incessantly pursued by -the recollection of the rights of Rome and of the White Rose; and he -went so far as to insult before all Europe the prince who had been his -first friend. - -At this time Pole was living at a house in the country, which Henry had -given him. One day he received at this charming retreat a communication -from the Duke of Norfolk. ‘The king destines you for the highest honors -of the English Church,’ wrote this nobleman, ‘and offers you at once the -important sees of York and Winchester, left vacant by the death of -Cardinal Wolsey.’ At the same time the duke asked Pole’s opinion about -the divorce. Reginald’s brothers, and particularly Lord Montague, -entreated him to answer as all the catholic world had answered, and not -irritate a prince whose anger would ruin them all. The blood of Warwick -and the king’s revolt against Rome induced Pole to reject with horror -all the honors which Henry offered; and yet that prince was his -benefactor. He fancied he had discovered a middle course which would -permit him to satisfy alike his conscience and his king. - -He went to Whitehall, where Henry received him like a friend. Pole -hesitated in distress; he wished to let the king know his thoughts, but -the words would not come to his lips. At last, encouraged by the -prince’s affability, he summoned up his resolution, and, in a voice -trembling with emotion, said: ‘You must not separate from the queen.’ -Henry had expected something different. Is it thus that his kindnesses -are repaid? His eyes flashed with anger, and he laid his hand on his -sword. Pole humbled himself. ‘If I possess any knowledge, to whom do I -owe it unless to your Majesty? In listening to me you are listening to -your own pupil.’[126] The king recovered himself, and said,—‘I will -consider your opinion, and send you my answer.’ Pole withdrew. ‘He put -me in such a passion,’ said the king to one of his gentlemen, ‘that I -nearly struck him.... But there is something in the man that wins my -heart.’ - -Montague and Reginald’s other brother again conjured him to accept the -high position which the king reserved for him; but his soul revolted at -being subordinate to a Tudor. He therefore wrote a memoir, which he -presented to Henry, and in which he entreated him to submit implicitly -the divorce question to the court of Rome. ‘How could I speak against -your marriage with the queen?’ he said. ‘Should I not accuse your -Majesty of having lived for more than twenty years in an unlawful -union?[127] By the divorce you will array all the powers against -you,—the pope, the emperor; and as for the French ... we can never find -in our hearts to trust them. You are at this moment on the verge of an -abyss.... One step more, and all is over.[128] There is only one way of -safety left your Grace, and that is submission to the pope.’ Henry was -moved. The boldness with which this young nobleman dared accuse him, -irritated his pride; still his friendship prevailed, and he forgave it. -Pole received the permission he had asked to leave England, with the -promise of the continued payment of his pension. - -[Sidenote: Catherine Leaves Windsor.] - -Reginald Pole was, as it were, the last link that united the royal pair. -Thus far the king had continued to show the queen every respect; their -mutual affection seemed the same, only they occupied separate -rooms.[129] Henry now decided to take an important step. On the 14th of -July a new deputation entered the queen’s apartment, one of whom -informed her that as her marriage with Prince Arthur had been duly -consummated she could not be the wife of her husband’s brother. Then -after reproaching her with having, contrary to the laws of England and -the dignity of the crown, cited his Majesty before the pope’s tribunal, -he desired her to choose for her residence either the castle of Oking or -of Estamsteed, or the monastery of Bisham. Catherine remained calm, and -replied,—‘Wheresoever I retire, nothing can deprive me of the title -which belongs to me. I shall always be his Majesty’s wife.’[130] She -left Windsor the same day, and removed to the More, a splendid mansion -which Wolsey had surrounded with beautiful gardens; then to Estamsteed, -and finally to Ampthill. The king never saw her again; but all the -papists and discontented rallied round her. She entered into -correspondence with the sovereigns of Europe, and became the centre of a -party opposed to the emancipation of England. - -Footnote 119: - - Lord Herbert, p. 353. - -Footnote 120: - - Hall, _Chron. of England_, p. 780. - -Footnote 121: - - Herbert, p. 354. - -Footnote 122: - - Bill against conjuration, witchcraft, sorcerers, &c. Henry VIII. cap. - viii. - -Footnote 123: - - Burnet, i. p. 110. - -Footnote 124: - - ‘Omnium innocentissimum.’—Pole, _De Unitate_, p. 57. - -Footnote 125: - - ‘Ut nec rex pater principi filio majus dare possit.’—Pole, _De - Unitate_, p. 85. - -Footnote 126: - - ‘Cum me audies, alumnum tuum audies.’—Pole, _De Unitate_, p. 3. - -Footnote 127: - - ‘Infra etiam belluarum vitam.’—Ibid. p. 55. - -Footnote 128: - - ‘The king standeth even upon the brink of the water; all his honor is - drowned.’—Ibid. - -Footnote 129: - - ‘Had he not forborne to come to her bed.’—Lord Herbert, p. 335. - -Footnote 130: - - ‘To what place soever she removed, nothing could remove her from being - the king’s wife.’—Herbert, p. 354. - - - - - CHAPTER XI. - THE BISHOPS PLUNDER THE CLERGY, AND PERSECUTE THE PROTESTANTS. - (SEPTEMBER 1531 TO 1532.) - - -As Henry, by breaking with Catherine, had broken with the pope, he felt -the necessity of uniting more closely with his clergy. Wishing to -proceed to the establishment of his new dignity, he required bishops, -and particularly dexterous bishops. He therefore made Edward Lee, -Archbishop of York, and Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester; and -these two men, devoted to scholastic doctrines, ambitious and servile, -were commissioned to inaugurate the new ecclesiastical monarchy of the -King of England. Although the pope had hastened to send off their bulls, -they declared they held their dignity ‘immediately and only’ of the -king,[131] and began without delay to organize a strange league. If the -king needed the bishops against the pope, the bishops needed the king -against the reformers. It was not long before this alliance received the -baptism of blood. - -But before proceeding so far, the prelates deliberated about the means -of raising the 118,000_l._ they had bound themselves to pay the king. -Each wished to make his own share as small as possible, and throw the -largest part of the burden upon his colleagues. The bishops determined -to place it in great measure on the shoulders of the parochial clergy. - -Stokesley, Bishop of London, began the battle. An able, greedy, violent -man, and jealous of his prerogatives, he called a meeting of six or -eight priests on whom he believed he could depend, in order to draw up -with their assistance such resolutions as he could afterwards impose -more easily upon their brethren. These picked ecclesiastics were desired -to meet on the 1st of September, 1531, in the chapter-house of St. -Paul’s. - -The bishop’s plan had got wind, and excited general indignation in the -city. Was it just that the victims should pay the fine? Some of the -laity, delighted at seeing the clergy quarrelling, sought to fan the -flame instead of extinguishing it. - -[Sidenote: A Clerical Riot.] - -When the 1st of September arrived the bishop entered the chapter-house -with his officers, where the conference with the eight priests was to be -held. Presently an unusual noise was heard round St. Paul’s: not only -the six or eight priests, but six hundred, accompanied by a great number -of citizens and common people, made their appearance. The crowd swayed -to and fro before the cathedral gates, shouting and clamoring to be -admitted into the chapter-house on the same footing as the select few. -What was to be done? The prelate’s councillors advised him to add a few -of the less violent priests to those he had already chosen. Stokesley -adopted their advice, hoping that the gates and bolts would be strong -enough to keep out the rest. Accordingly he drew up a list of new -members, and one of his officers, going out to the angry crowd, read the -names of those whom the bishop had selected. The latter came forward, -not without trouble; but at the same time the excluded priests made a -vigorous attempt to enter. There was a fierce struggle of men pushing -and shouting, but the bishop’s officials having passed in quickly, those -who had been nominated hurriedly closed the doors. So far the victory -seemed to rest with the bishop, and he was about to speak, when the -uproar became deafening. The priests outside, exasperated because their -financial matters were to be settled without them, protested that they -ought to hold their own purse-strings. Laying hands on whatever they -could find, and aided by the laity, they began to batter the door of the -chapter-house. They succeeded: the door gave way, and all, priests and -citizens, rushed in together.[132] The bishop’s officials tried in vain -to stop them; they were roughly pushed aside.[133] Their gowns were -torn, their faces streamed with perspiration, their features were -disfigured, and some even were wounded. The furious priests entered the -room at last, storming and shouting. It was more like a pack of hounds -rushing on a stag than the reverend clergy of the metropolis of England -appearing before their bishop. The prelate, who had tact, showed no -anger, but sought rather to calm the rioters. ‘My brethren,’ he said, ‘I -marvel not a little why ye be so heady. Ye know not what shall be said -to you, therefore I pray you hear me patiently. Ye all know that we be -men frail of condition, and by our lack of wisdom have misdemeaned -ourselves towards the king and fallen in a _præmunire_, by reason -whereof all our lands, goods, and chattels were to him a forfeit, and -our bodies ready to be imprisoned. Yet his Grace of his great clemency -is pleased to pardon us, and to accept of a little instead of the whole -of our benefices—about one hundred thousand pounds, to be paid in five -years. I exhort you to bear your parts towards payment of this sum -granted.’[134] - -This was just what the priests did not want. They thought it strange to -be asked for money for an offence they had not committed. ‘My lord,’ -answered one, ‘we have never offended against the _præmumire_, we have -never meddled with cardinal’s faculties.[135] Let the bishops and abbots -pay; they committed the offence, and they have good places.’—‘My lord,’ -added another, ‘twenty nobles[136] a year is but a bare living for a -priest, and yet it is all we have. Everything is now so dear that -poverty compels us to say No. Having no need of the king’s pardon we -have no desire to pay.’ These words were drowned in applause. ‘No,’ -exclaimed the crowd, which was getting noisy again, ‘we will pay -nothing.’ The bishop’s officers grew angry, and came to high words; the -priests returned abuse for abuse; and the citizens, delighted to see -their ‘masters’ quarrelling, fanned the strife. From words they soon -came to blows. The episcopal ushers, who tried to restore order, were -‘buffeted and stricken,’ and even the bishop’s life was in danger. At -last the meeting broke up in great confusion. Stokesley hastened to -complain to the chancellor, Sir Thomas More, who, being a great friend -of the prelate’s, sent fifteen priests and five laymen to prison. They -deserved it, no doubt; but the bishops, who, to spare their superfluity, -robbed poor curates of their necessaries, were more guilty still. - -[Sidenote: The Bishops And Priests.] - -Such was the unity that existed between the bishops and the priests of -England at the very time the Reformation was appearing at the doors. The -prelates understood the danger to which they were exposed through that -evangelical doctrine, the source of light and life. They knew that all -their ecclesiastical pretensions would crumble away before the breath of -the divine Word. Accordingly, not content with robbing of their little -substance the poor pastors to whom they should have been as fathers, -they determined to deprive those whom they called _heretics_, not only -of their money, but of their liberty and life. Would Henry permit this? - -The king did not wish to withdraw England from the papal jurisdiction -without the assent of the clergy. If he did so of his own authority, the -priests would rise against him and compare him to Luther. There were at -that time three great parties in Christendom: the evangelical, the -catholic, and the popish. Henry purposed to overthrow popery, but -without going so far as evangelism: he desired to remain in catholicism. -One means occurred of satisfying the clergy. Although they were -fanatical partisans of the Church, they had sacrificed the pope; they -now imagined that, by sacrificing a few heretics, they would atone for -their cowardly submission. In a later age Louis XIV. did the same to -make up for errors of another kind. The provincial synod of Canterbury -met and addressed the king: ‘Your Highness one time defended the Church -with your pen, when you were only a member of it; now that you are its -supreme head, your Majesty should crush its enemies, and so shall your -merits exceed all praise.’[137] - -In order to prove that he was not another Luther, Henry VIII. consented -to hand over the disciples of that heretic to the priests, and gave them -authority to imprison and burn them, provided they would aid the king to -resume the power usurped by the pope. The bishops immediately began to -hunt down the friends of the Gospel. - -A will had given rise to much talk in the county of Gloucester. William -Tracy, a gentleman of irreproachable conduct and ‘full of good works, -equally generous to the clergy and the laity,’[138] had died, praying -God to save his soul through the merits of Jesus Christ, but leaving no -money to the priests for masses. The primate of England had his bones -dug up and burnt. But this was not enough: they must also burn the -living. - -Footnote 131: - - ‘Immediately and only upon your grace.’—Juramentum. Rymer, _Acta_, vi. - p. 169. - -Footnote 132: - - ‘The rest forced the door, rushed in, and the bishop’s servants were - beaten and ill-used.’—Burnet, i. p. 110. - -Footnote 133: - - ‘They struck the bishop’s officers over the face.’—Hall, _Chronicles - of England_, p. 783. - -Footnote 134: - - Hall, _Chronicles_. - -Footnote 135: - - Ibid. p. 783. - -Footnote 136: - - The noble was worth six shillings and eightpence. - -Footnote 137: - - ‘Tanta ejus Majestatis merita quod nullis laudibus æquari - queant.’—_Concilia_, M. Brit. p. 742. - -Footnote 138: - - Latimer, _Sermons_, i. p. 46 (Parker Soc.); Tyndale, _Op._ iii. p. - 231. - - - - - CHAPTER XII. - THE MARTYRS. - (1531.) - - -[Sidenote: Proclamation Against Papal Bulls.] - -The first blows were aimed at the court-chaplain. The bishops, finding -it dangerous to have such a man near the king, would have liked (Latimer -tells us) to place him on burning coals.[139] But Henry loved him, the -blow failed, and the priests had to turn to those who were not so well -at court. Thomas Bilney, whose conversion had begun the Reformation in -England,[140] had been compelled to do penance at St. Paul’s Cross; but -from that time he became the prey of the direst terror. His backsliding -had manifested the weakness of his faith. Bilney possessed a sincere and -lively piety, but a judgment less sound than many of his friends. He had -not got rid of certain scruples which in Luther and Calvin had yielded -to the supreme authority of God’s Word.[141] In his opinion none but -priests consecrated by bishops had the power to bind and loose.[142] -This mixture of truth and error had caused his fall. Such sincere but -imperfectly enlightened persons are always to be met with—persons who, -agitated by the scruples of their conscience, waver between Rome and the -Word of God. - -At last faith gained the upper hand in Bilney. Leaving his Cambridge -friends, he had gone into the Eastern counties to meet his martyrdom. -One day, arriving at a hermitage in the vicinity of Norwich, where a -pious woman dwelt, his words converted her to Christ.[143] He then began -to preach ‘openly in the fields’ to great crowds. His voice was heard in -all the county. Weeping over his former fall, he said: ‘That doctrine -which I once abjured is the truth. Let my example be a lesson to all who -hear me.’ - -Before long he turned his steps in the direction of London, and, -stopping at Ipswich, was not content to preach the Gospel only, but -violently attacked the errors of Rome before an astonished -audience.[144] Some monks had crept among his hearers, and Bilney, -perceiving them, called out: ‘_The Lamb of God taketh away the sins of -the world._ If the Bishop of Rome dares say that the hood of St. Francis -saves, he blasphemes the blood of the Saviour.’ John Huggen, one of the -monks, immediately made a note of the words. Bilney continued: ‘To -invoke the saints and not Christ, is to put the head under the feet and -the feet above the head.’[145] Richard Seman, the other brother, took -down these words. ‘Men will come after me,’ continued Bilney, ‘who will -teach the same faith, the true gospel of our Saviour, and will -disentangle you from the errors in which deceivers have bound you so -long.’ Brother Julius hastened to write down the bold prediction. - -Latimer, surrounded by the favors of the king and the luxury of the -great, watched his friend from afar. He called to mind their walks in -the fields round Cambridge, their serious conversation as they climbed -the hill afterwards called after them the ‘heretic’s hill,’[146] and the -visits they had paid together to the poor and to the prisoners.[147] -Latimer had seen Bilney very recently at Cambridge in fear and anguish, -and had tried in vain to restore him to peace. ‘He now rejoiced that God -had endued him with such strength of faith that he was ready to be burnt -for Christ’s sake.’ - -[Sidenote: Bilney And Petit In Prison.] - -Bilney, drawing still nearer to London, arrived at Greenwich about the -middle of July. He procured some New Testaments, and, hiding them -carefully under his clothes, called upon a humble Christian named -Staple. Taking them ‘out of his sleeves,’ he desired Staple to -distribute them among his friends. Then, as if impelled by a thirst for -martyrdom, he turned again towards Norwich, whose bishop, Richard Nix, a -blind octogenarian, was in the front rank of the persecutors. Arriving -at the solitary place where the pious ‘anachoress’ lived, he left one of -the precious volumes with her. This visit cost Bilney his life. The poor -solitary read the New Testament, and lent it to the people who came to -see her. The bishop, hearing of it, informed Sir Thomas More, who had -Bilney arrested,[148] brought to London, and shut up in the Tower. - -Bilney began to breathe again: a load was taken off him; he was about to -suffer the penalty his fall deserved. In the room next his was John -Petit, a member of parliament of some eloquence, who had distributed his -books and his alms in England and beyond the seas. Philips, the -under-gaoler of the Tower, who was a good man, told the two prisoners -that only a wooden partition separated them, which was a source of great -joy to both. He would often remove a panel, and permit them to converse -and take their frugal meals together.[149] - -This happiness did not last long. Bilney’s trial was to take place at -Norwich, where he had been captured: the aged Bishop Nix wanted to make -an example in his diocese. A crowd of monks—Augustins, Dominicans, -Franciscans, and Carmelites—visited the prison of the evangelist to -convert him. Dr. Gall, provincial of the Franciscans, having consented -that the prisoner should make use of Scripture,[150] was shaken in his -faith; but, on the other hand, Stokes, an Augustin and a determined -papist, repeated to Bilney: ‘If you die in your opinions, you will be -lost.’ - -The trial commenced, and the Ipswich monks gave their evidence. ‘He -said,’ deposed William Cade, ‘that the Jews and Saracens would have been -converted long since, if the idolatry of the Christians had not -disgusted them with Christianity.’—‘I heard him say,’ added Richard -Neale: ‘“down with your gods of gold, silver, and stone.”’—‘He stated,’ -resumed Cade, ‘that the priests take away the offerings from the saints, -and hang them about their women’s necks; and then, if the offerings do -not prove fine enough, they are put upon the images again.’[151] - -Every one foresaw the end of this piteous trial. One of Bilney’s friends -endeavored to save him. Latimer took the matter into the pulpit, and -conjured the judges to decide according to justice. Although Bilney’s -name was not uttered, they all knew who was meant. The Bishop of London -went and complained to the king that his chaplain had the audacity to -defend the heretic against the bishop and his judges.[152] ‘There is not -a preacher in the world,’ said Latimer, ‘who would not have spoken as I -have done, although Bilney had never existed.’ The chaplain escaped once -more, thanks to the favor he enjoyed with Henry. - -Bilney was condemned, and, after being degraded by the priests, was -handed over to the sheriff, who, having great respect for his virtues, -begged pardon for discharging his duty. The prudent bishop wrote to the -chancellor, asking for an order to burn the heretic. ‘Burn him first,’ -rudely answered More, ‘and then ask me for a bill of indemnity.’[153] - -[Sidenote: Bilney With His Friends.] - -A few of Bilney’s friends went to Norwich to bid him farewell: among -them was Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury. It was in the evening, and -Bilney was taking his last meal. On the table stood some frugal fare -(ale brew), and on his countenance beamed the joy that filled his soul. -‘I am surprised,’ said one of his friends, ‘that you can eat so -cheerfully.’—‘I only follow the example of the husbandmen of the -county,’ answered Bilney, ‘who, having a ruinous house to dwell in, yet -bestow cost so long as they may hold it up.’ With these words he rose -from the table, and sat down near his friends, one of whom said to him: -‘To-morrow the fire will make you feel its devouring fierceness, but -God’s Holy Spirit will cool it for your everlasting refreshing.’ Bilney, -appearing to reflect upon what had been said, stretched out his hand -towards the lamp that was burning on the table, and placed his finger in -the flame. ‘What are you doing?’ they exclaimed. ‘Nothing,’ he replied; -‘I am only trying my flesh. To-morrow God’s rods shall burn my whole -body in the fire.’ And, still keeping his finger in the flame, as if he -were making a curious experiment, he continued: ‘I feel that fire by -God’s ordinance is naturally hot; but yet I am persuaded, by God’s Holy -Word and the experience of the martyrs, that when the flames consume me -I shall not feel them. Howsoever, this stubble of my body shall be -wasted by it, a pain for the time is followed by joy unspeakable.’[154] -He then withdrew his finger, the first joint of which was burnt. He -added, ‘_When thou walkest through the fire, thou shalt not be -burnt._’[155] ‘These words remained imprinted on the hearts of all who -heard them until the day of their death,’ says a chronicler. - -Beyond the city gate—that known as the _Bishop’s gate_—was a low valley, -called the _Lollards’ pit_: it was surrounded by rising ground, forming -a sort of amphitheatre. On Saturday, the 19th of August, a body of -javelin-men came to fetch Bilney, who met them at the prison gate. One -of his friends approaching and exhorting him to be firm, Bilney replied: -‘When the sailor goes on board his ship and launches out into the stormy -sea, he is tossed to and fro by the waves; but the hope of reaching a -peaceful haven makes him bear the danger. My voyage is beginning, but -whatever storms I shall feel, my ship will soon reach the port.’[156] - -Bilney passed through the streets of Norwich in the midst of a dense -crowd; his demeanor was grave, his features calm. His head had been -shaved, and he wore a layman’s gown. Dr. Warner, one of his friends, -accompanied him; another distributed liberal alms all along the route. -The procession descended into the Lollards’ pit, while the spectators -covered the surrounding hills. On arriving at the place of punishment, -Bilney fell on his knees and prayed, and then rising up, warmly embraced -the stake and kissed it.[157] Turning his eyes towards heaven, he next -repeated the Apostles’ Creed, and when he confessed the incarnation and -crucifixion of the Saviour his emotion was such that even the spectators -were moved. Recovering himself, he took off his gown, and ascended the -pile, reciting the hundred and forty-third psalm. Thrice he repeated the -second verse: ‘_Enter not into judgment with thy servant for in thy -sight shall no man living be justified_.’ And then he added: ‘_I stretch -forth my hands unto thee; my soul thirsteth after thee_.’ Turning -towards the executioner, he said: ‘Are you ready?’—‘Yes,’ was the reply. -Bilney placed himself against the post, and held up the chain which -bound him to it. His friend Warner, with eyes filled with tears, took a -last farewell. Bilney smiled kindly at him and said: ‘Doctor, _pasce -gregem tuum_; feed your flock, that when the Lord cometh he may find you -so doing.’ Several monks who had given evidence against him, perceiving -the emotion of the spectators, began to tremble, and whispered to the -martyr: ‘These people will believe that we are the cause of your death, -and will withhold their alms,’ Upon which Bilney said to them: ‘Good -folks, be not angry against these men for my sake; even should they be -the authors of my death, _it is not they_.’[158] He knew that his death -proceeded from the will of God. The torch was applied to the pile: the -fire smouldered for a few minutes, and then suddenly burning up -fiercely, the martyr was heard to utter the name of Jesus several times. -A strong wind which blew the flames on one side prolonged his agony; -thrice they seemed to retire from him, and thrice they returned, until -at length, the whole pile being kindled, he expired. - -[Sidenote: Revolution In Men’s Mind.] - -A strange revolution took place in men’s minds after this death: they -praised Bilney, and even his persecutors acknowledged his virtues. -‘Mother of Christ,’ exclaimed the Bishop of Norwich (it was his usual -oath), ‘I fear I have burnt Abel and let Cain go.’ Latimer was -inconsolable; twenty years later he still lamented his friend, and one -day (preaching before Edward VI.) he called to mind that Bilney was -always doing good, even to his enemies, and styled him ‘that blessed -martyr of God.’[159] - -One martyrdom was not sufficient for the enemies of the Reformation. -Stokesley, Lee, Gardiner, and other prelates and priests, feeling -themselves guilty towards Rome, which they had sacrificed to their -personal ambition, desired to expiate their faults by sacrificing the -reformers. Seeing at their feet a fatal gulf, dug between them and the -Roman pontiff by their faithlessness, they desired to fill it up with -corpses. The persecution continued. - -There was at that time a pious evangelist in the dungeons of the Bishop -of London. He was fastened upright to the wall, with chains round his -neck, waist, and legs. Usually the most guilty prisoners were permitted -to sit down, and even to lie on the floor; but for this man there was no -rest. It was Richard Bayfield, accused of bringing from the continent a -number of New Testaments translated by Tyndale.[160] When one of his -gaolers told him of Bilney’s martyrdom, he exclaimed: ‘And I too, and -hundreds of men with me, will die for the faith he has confessed.’ He -was brought shortly afterwards before the episcopal court. ‘With what -intent,’ asked Stokesley, ‘did you bring into the country the errors of -Luther, Œcolampadius the great heretic, and others of that damnable -sect?’—‘To make the Gospel known,’ answered Bayfield, ‘and to glorify -God before the people.’[161] Accordingly, the bishop, having condemned -and then degraded him, summoned the lord mayor and sheriffs of London, -‘by the bowels of Jesus Christ’ (he had the presumption to say), to do -to Bayfield ‘according to the _laudable custom_ of the famous realm of -England.’[162] ‘O ye priests,’ said the gospeller, as if inspired by the -Spirit of God, ‘is it not enough that your lives are wicked, but you -must prevent the life according to the Gospel from spreading among the -people?’ The bishop took up his crosier and struck Bayfield so violently -on the chest that he fell backwards and fainted.[163] He revived by -degrees, and said, on regaining his consciousness: ‘I thank God that I -am delivered from the wicked church of Antichrist, and am going to be a -member of the true Church which reigns triumphant in heaven.’ He mounted -the pile; the flames touching him only on one side, consumed his left -arm. With his right hand Bayfield separated it from his body, and the -arm fell. Shortly after this he ceased to pray, because he had ceased to -live. - -John Tewkesbury, one of the most respected merchants in London, whom the -bishops had put twice to the rack already, and whose limbs they had -broken,[164] felt his courage revived by the martyrdom of his friend. -CHRIST ALONE, he said habitually: these two words were all his theology. -He was arrested, taken to the house of Sir Thomas More at Chelsea, shut -up in the porter’s lodge, his hands, feet, and head being held in the -stocks;[165] but they could not obtain from him the recantation they -desired. The officers took him into the chancellor’s garden, and bound -him so tightly to the _tree of truth_, as the renowned scholar called -it, that the blood started out of his eyes; after which they scourged -him.[166] Tewkesbury remained firm. - -On the 16th of December the Bishop of London went to Chelsea and formed -a court. ‘Thou art a heretic,’ said Stokesley, ‘a backslider; thou hast -incurred the great excommunication. We shall deliver thee up to the -secular power.’ He was burnt alive at Smithfield on the 20th of -December, 1531. ‘Now,’ said the fanatical chancellor, ‘now is he -uttering cries in hell!’ - -[Sidenote: Utopias Of The Bishops.] - -Such were at this period the cruel _utopias_ of the bishops and of the -witty Sir Thomas More. Other evangelical Christians were thrown into -prison. In vain did one of them exclaim: ‘the more they persecute this -sect, the more will it increase.’[167] That opinion did not check the -persecution. ‘It is impossible,’ says Foxe (doubtless with some -exaggeration), ‘to name all who were persecuted before the time of Queen -Anne Boleyn. As well try to count the grains of sand on the seashore!’ - -Thus did the real Reformation show by the blood of its martyrs that it -had nothing to do with the policy, the tyranny, the intrigues, and the -divorce of Henry VIII. If these men of God had not been burnt by that -prince, it might possibly have been imagined that he was the author of -the transformation of England; but the blood of the reformers cried to -heaven that he was its executioner. - -Footnote 139: - - ‘Ye would have raked in the coals.’—Latimer, _Works_, i. p. 46 (Parker - Soc.); Tyndale, _Op._ iii. p. 231. - -Footnote 140: - - _History of the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century_, vol. v. bk. - xviii. ch. ii. ix. xii.; bk. xix. ch. vii.; bk. xx. ch. xv. - -Footnote 141: - - ‘A man of a timorous conscience, and not fully resolved touching that - matter of the Church.’—Foxe, _Acts_, p. 649. - -Footnote 142: - - ‘Soli sacerdotes, ordinati ritè per pontifices, habent claves.’—Ibid. - -Footnote 143: - - ‘The anachoress whom he had converted to Christ.’—Foxe, _Acts_, p. - 642. - -Footnote 144: - - Herbert, p. 357. - -Footnote 145: - - ‘Like as if a man should take and strike off the head and set it under - the foot, and to set the foot above.’—Foxe, _Acts_, iv. p. 649. - -Footnote 146: - - Latimer, _Remains_, p. xiii. - -Footnote 147: - - Ibid. - -Footnote 148: - - ‘Fit empoigner.’—Crespin, _Actes des Martyrs_, p. 101. - -Footnote 149: - - Strype, p. 313. - -Footnote 150: - - ‘As he had planted himself upon the firm rock of God’s Word.’—Foxe, - _Acts_, iv. p. 643. - -Footnote 151: - - Foxe, _Acts_, iv. p. 648. - -Footnote 152: - - Latimer, _Works_, ii. p. 330 (Parker Soc.). - -Footnote 153: - - Ibid. p. 650. - -Footnote 154: - - Latimer, _Works_, ii. p. 650 (Parker Soc.). - -Footnote 155: - - Isaiah xliii. 2. In Bilney’s Bible, which is preserved in the library - of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, this passage (verses 1-3) is - marked in the margin with a pen. - -Footnote 156: - - Latimer, _Works_, ii. p. 654 (Parker Soc.). - -Footnote 157: - - Foxe, _Acts_, iv. p. 655, note. - -Footnote 158: - - Latimer, _Works_, ii. p. 655 (Parker Soc.). - -Footnote 159: - - ‘And toward his enemy so charitable.’—Latimer, _Works_, ii. p. 330. - (Parker Soc.). - -Footnote 160: - - _History of the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century_, vol. v. bk. xx. - ch. xv. - -Footnote 161: - - ‘To the intent that the Gospel of Christ might be set forward.’—Foxe, - _Acts_, iv. p. 683. - -Footnote 162: - - Ibid. p. 687. - -Footnote 163: - - ‘He took his crozier-staff and smote him oh the breast.’—Ibid. - -Footnote 164: - - _History of the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century_, vol. v. bk. xx. - ch. vii. - -Footnote 165: - - Foxe, _Acts_, iv. p. 689. - -Footnote 166: - - ‘And also twisted in his brows with small ropes so that the - blood....’—Ibid. - -Footnote 167: - - Cotton MS. Anderson, _Annals of Bible_, i. p. 310. ‘It will cause the - sect to wax greater, and those errors to be more plenteously sowed in - the realm, than heretofore.’ - - - - - CHAPTER XIII. - THE KING DESPOILS THE POPE AND THE CLERGY. - (MARCH TO MAY 1532.) - - -Henry VIII. having permitted the bishops to execute their task of -persecution, proceeded to carry out his own, that of making the papacy -disgorge. Unhappily for the clergy, the king could not attack the pope, -and they entirely escaped the blows. The duel between Henry and Clement -was about to become more violent, and in the space of three months -(March, April, and May) the Romish Church, stripped of important -prerogatives, would learn that, after so many ages of wealth and honor, -the hour of its humiliation had come at last. - -Henry was determined, above all things, not to permit his cause to be -tried at Rome. What would be thought if he yielded? ‘Could the pope,’ -wrote Henry to his envoys, ‘constrain kings to leave the charge God had -entrusted to them, in order to humble themselves before him? That would -be to tread under foot the glory of our person and the privileges of our -kingdom. If the pope persists, take your leave of the pontiff, and -return to us immediately,’—‘The pope,’ added Norfolk, ‘would do well to -reflect if he intend the continuance of good obedience of England to the -see apostolic.’[168] - -Catherine on her part did not remain behind: she wrote a pathetic letter -to the pope, informing him that her husband had banished her from the -palace. Clement, in the depths of his perplexity, behaved, however, very -properly: he called upon the king (25th January) to take back the queen, -and to dismiss Anne Boleyn from court. Henry spiritedly rejected the -pontiff’s demand. ‘Never was a prince treated by a pope as your Holiness -has treated me,’ he said; ‘not painted reason,[169] but the truth alone, -must be our guide.’ The king prepared to begin the emancipation of -England. - -[Sidenote: Character Of Cromwell.] - -Thomas Cromwell is the representative of the political reform achieved -by that prince. He was one of those powerful natures which God creates -to work important things. His prompt and sure judgment taught him what -it would be possible to do under a Tudor king, and his intrepid energy -put him in a position to accomplish it. He had an instinctive horror of -superstitions and abuses, tracked them to their remotest corner, and -threw them down with a vigorous arm. Every obstacle was scattered under -the wheels of his car. He even defended the evangelicals against their -persecutors, without committing himself, however, and encouraged the -reading of Holy Scripture; but the royal supremacy, of which he was the -originator, was his idol. - -The exactions of Rome in England were numerous: the king and Cromwell -were content for the moment to abolish one, the appropriation by the -papacy of the first year’s income of all ecclesiastical benefices. -‘These _annates_,’ said Cromwell, ‘have cost England eight hundred -thousand ducats since the second year of Henry VII.[170] If, in -consequence of the abolition of annates, the pope does not send a bishop -his bull of ordination, the archbishop or two bishops shall ordain him, -as in the old times.’ Accordingly, in March, 1532, the Lower House -agreed to a resolution, which they expressed in these words: _A cest -bille les communes sont assentes_, To this bill the Commons assent. - -The bishops were overjoyed: they had to incur great expenses for their -establishment, and the first money arising from their benefice went to -the pope. Their friends used to make them pecuniary advances; but if the -bishop died shortly after his enthronization, these advances were lost. -Some of the bishops, fearing the opposition of the pope, exclaimed: -‘These exactions are contrary to God’s law. St. Paul bids us withdraw -ourselves from all such as walk inordinately. Therefore, if the pope -claims to keep the annates, let it please your Majesty and parliament to -withdraw the obedience of the people from the see of Rome.’[171] The -king was more moderate than the prelates: he said he would wait a year -or two before giving his assent to the bill. - -If the bishops refused the pope his ancient revenue, they refused the -king the new authority claimed by the crown, and maintained that no -secular power had any right to meddle with them.[172] Cromwell resisted -them, and determined to carry out the reform of abuses. ‘The clergy,’ -said the Commons to the king, ‘make laws in convocation without your -assent and ours which are in opposition to the statutes of the realm, -and then excommunicate those who violate such laws.’[173] A second time -the frightened bishops vainly prayed the king to make his laws harmonize -with theirs. Henry VIII. insisted that the Church should conform to the -State, and not the State to the Church, and he was inexorable. The -bishops knew well that it was their union with powerful pontiffs, always -ready to defend them against kings, which had given them so much -strength in the middle ages, and that now they must yield. They -therefore lowered their flag before the authority which they had -themselves set up. Convocation did, indeed, make a last effort. It -represented that ‘the authority of bishops proceeds immediately from -God, and from no power of any secular prince, as _your Highness hath -shown in your own book most excellently written against Martin Luther_.’ -But the king was firm, and made the prelates yield at last.[174] Thus -was a great revolution accomplished: the spiritual power was taken away -from those arrogant priests who had so long usurped the rights of the -members of the Church. It was only justice; but it ought to have been -placed in better hands than those of Henry VIII. - -[Sidenote: Contradictory Oaths.] - -Cromwell was preparing a fresh blow that would strike the pontiff’s -triple crown. He drew his master’s attention to the oaths which the -bishops took at their consecration, both to the king and to the pope. -Henry first read the oath to the pope. ‘I swear,’ said the bishop, ‘to -defend the papacy of Rome, the regality of St. Peter, against all men. -If I know of any plot against the pope, I will resist it with all my -might, and will give him warning. Heretics, schismatics, and rebels to -our holy father, I shall resist and persecute with all my power.’[175] -On the other hand, the bishops took an oath to the king at the same -time, wherein they renounced every clause or grant which, coming from -the pope, might be in any way detrimental to his Majesty. In one breath -they must obey the pope and disobey him. - -Such contradictions could not last: the king wanted the English to be, -not with Rome but with England. Accordingly he sent for the Speaker of -the Commons, and said to him: ‘On examining the matter closely, I find -that the bishops, instead of being wholly my subjects, are only so by -halves. They swear an oath to the pope quite contrary to that they swear -to the crown; so that they are the pope’s subjects rather than -mine.[176] I refer the matter to your care.’ Parliament was prorogued -three days later on account of the plague; but the prelates declared -that they renounced all orders of the pope prejudicial to his Majesty’s -rights.[177] - -The political party was delighted, the papal party confounded. The -convents reëchoed with rumors, maledictions, and the strangest projects. -The monks, during the visits they made in their daily rounds, raved -against the encroachments made on the power of the pope. When they went -up into the pulpit, they declaimed against the sacrilege of which -Cromwell (they said) was the author and the English people the victims. - -To the last the English priests had hoped in Sir Thomas More. That -disciple of Erasmus had acted like his master. After assailing the -Romish superstitions with biting jests, he had turned round, and seeing -the Reformation attack them with weapons still more powerful, he had -fought against the evangelicals with fire. For two years he had filled -the office of lord-chancellor with unequalled activity and integrity. -Convocation having offered him four thousand pounds sterling ‘for the -pains he had taken in God’s quarrel,’[178] he answered: ‘I will receive -no recompense save from God alone;’ and when the priests urged him to -accept the money he said: ‘I would sooner throw it into the Thames.’ He -did not persecute from any mercenary motives; but the more he advanced, -the more bigoted and fanatical he became. Every Sunday he put on a -surplice and sang mass at Chelsea. The Duke of Norfolk surprised him one -day in this equipment. ‘What do I see?’ he exclaimed. ‘My -lord-chancellor acting the parish clerk ... you dishonour your office -and your king.’[179]—‘Not so,’ answered Sir Thomas, seriously, ‘for I am -honoring his master and ours.’ - -The great question of the bishop’s oath warned him that he could not -serve both the king and the pope. His mind was soon made up. In the -afternoon of the 16th of May he went to Whitehall gardens, where the -king awaited him, and in the presence of the Duke of Norfolk resigned -the seals.[180] On his return home, he cheerfully told his wife and -daughters of his resignation, but they were much disturbed by it. As for -Sir Thomas, delighted at being freed from his charge, he indulged more -than ever in his flagellations, without renouncing his witty -sayings—Erasmus and Loyola combined in one. - -Henry gave the seals to Sir Thomas Audley, a man well disposed towards -the Gospel: this was preparing the emancipation of England. Yet the -Reformation was still exposed to great danger. - -[Sidenote: Real Founders Of Reform.] - -Henry VIII. wished to abolish popery and set catholicism in its -place—maintain the doctrine of Rome, but substitute the authority of the -king for that of the pontiff. He was wrong in keeping the catholic -doctrine; he was wrong in establishing the jurisdiction of the prince in -the church. Evangelical Christians had to contend against these two -evils in England, and to establish the supreme and exclusive sovereignty -of the Word of God. Can we blame them if they have not entirely -succeeded? To attain their object they willingly have poured out their -blood. - -Footnote 168: - - _State Papers_, vol. vii. p. 349. - -Footnote 169: - - Burnet, _Records_, i. p. 100. - -Footnote 170: - - This was equivalent to two millions and a half sterling of our money. - Burnet, _Records_, ii. p. 96. _Statutes of the Realm_, iii. p. 388. - -Footnote 171: - - Strype, _Eccl. Memor._ i. pt. ii. p. 158. - -Footnote 172: - - ‘There needeth not any temporal power to concur with the - same.’—Strype, _Eccl. Memor._ i. p. 202. - -Footnote 173: - - ‘Declaring the infringers to incur into the terrible sentence of - excommunication’—Wilkins, _Concilia_, iii. p. 751. - -Footnote 174: - - ‘The king made them buckle at last.’—Strype, _Eccles. Memorials_, i. - p. 204. - -Footnote 175: - - ‘Prosequar et impugnabo.’—Burnet, _Reformation_, i. p. 250 (Oxford, - 1829). - -Footnote 176: - - Burnet, _Hist. Reform._ i. p. 249 (Oxford, 1829). - -Footnote 177: - - Wilkins, _Concilia_, iii. p. 354. - -Footnote 178: - - Thomas More, by his grandson, p. 187. - -Footnote 179: - - Ibid. p. 193. - -Footnote 180: - - ‘In horto suo.’—Rymer, vi. p. 171. - - - - - CHAPTER XIV. - LIBERTY OF INQUIRY AND OF PREACHING IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - (1532.) - - -There are writers who seriously ascribe the Reformation of England to -the divorce of Henry VIII., and thus silently pass over the Word of God -and the labors of the evangelical men who really founded protestant -Christianity in that country. As well forget that light proceeds from -the sun. But for the faith of such men as Bilney, Latimer, and Tyndale, -the Church of England, with its king, ministers of state, parliament, -bishops, cathedrals, liturgy, hierarchy, and ceremonies, would have been -a gallant bark, well supplied with masts, sails, and rigging, and manned -by able sailors; but acted on by no breath from heaven. The Church would -have stood still. It is in the humble members of the kingdom of God that -its real strength lies. ‘Those whom the Lord has exalted to high -estate,’ says Calvin, ‘most often fall back little by little, or are -ruined at one blow.’ England, with its wealth and grandeur, needed a -counter-poise: the living faith of the poor in spirit. If a people -attain a high degree of material prosperity; if they conquer by their -energy the powers of nature; if they compel industry to lavish its -stores on them; if they cover the seas with their ships, the more -distant countries with their colonies and marts, and fill their -warehouses and their dwellings with the produce of the whole earth, then -great dangers encompass them. Material things threaten to extinguish the -sacred fire in their bosoms; and unless the Holy Ghost raises up a -salutary opposition against such snares, that people, instead of acting -a moralizing and civilizing part, may turn out nothing better than a -huge noisy machine, fitted only to satisfy vulgar appetites. For a -nation to do justice to a high and glorious calling, it must have within -itself the life of faith, holiness of conscience, and the hope of -incorruptible riches. At this time there were men in England in whose -hearts God had kindled a holy flame, and who were to become the most -important instruments of its moral transformation. - -[Sidenote: Lambert’s Examination.] - -About the end of 1531, a young minister, John Nicholson, surnamed -Lambert, was on board one of the ships that traded between London and -Antwerp. He was chaplain to the English factory at the latter place, -well versed in the writings of Luther and other reformers, intimate with -Tyndale, and had preached the Gospel with power. Being accused of heresy -by a certain Barlow, he was seized, put in irons, and sent to London. -Alone in the ship, he retraced in his memory the principal events of his -life—how he had been converted at Cambridge by Bilney’s ministry; how, -mingling with the crowd around St. Paul’s Cross, he had heard the Bishop -of Rochester preach against the New Testament; and how, terrified by the -impiety of the priests, and burning with desire to gain the knowledge of -God, he had crossed the sea. When he reached England, he was taken to -Lambeth, where he underwent a preliminary examination. He was then taken -to Ottford, where the archbishop had a fine palace, and was left there -for some time in a miserable hole, almost without food. At last he was -brought before the archbishop, and called upon to reply to forty-five -different articles. - -Lambert, during his residence on the Continent, had become thoroughly -imbued with the principles of the Reformation. He believed that it was -only by entire freedom of inquiry that men could be convinced of the -truth. But he had not wandered without a compass over the vast ocean of -human opinions: he had taken the Bible in his hand, believing firmly -that every doctrine found therein is true, and everything that -contradicts it is false. On the one hand he saw the ultramontane system -which opposes religious freedom, freedom of the press, and even freedom -of reading; on the other hand protestantism, which declares that every -man ought to be free to examine Scripture and submit to its teachings. - -The archbishop, attended by his officers, having taken his seat in the -palace chapel, Lambert was brought in, and the examination began. - -‘Have you read Luther’s books?’ asked the prelate. - -‘Yes,’ replied Lambert, ‘and I thank God that ever I did so, for by them -hath God shown me, and a vast multitude of others also, such light as -the darkness cannot abide.’ Then testifying to the freedom of inquiry, -he added: ‘Luther desires above all things that his writings and the -writings of all his adversaries may be translated into all languages, to -the intent that all people may see and know what is said on each side, -whereby they may better judge what is the truth. And this is done not -only by hundreds and thousands, but by whole cities and countries, both -high and low. But (he continued) in England our prelates are so drowned -in voluptuous living that they have no leisure to study God’s Scripture; -they abhor it, no less than they abhor death, giving no other reason -than the tyrannical saying of Sardanapalus: _Sic volo, sic jubeo, sit -pro ratione voluntas_, So I will, so do I command, and let my will for -reason stand.’[181] - -Lambert, wishing to make these matters intelligible to the people, said: -‘When you desire to buy cloth, you will not be satisfied with seeing one -merchant’s wares, but go from the first to the second, from the second -to the third, to find who has the best cloth. Will you be more remiss -about your soul’s health?... When you go a journey, not knowing -perfectly the way, you will inquire of one man after another; so ought -we likewise to seek about entering the kingdom of heaven. Chrysostom -himself teaches you this.[182]... Read the works not only of Luther, but -also of all others, be they ever so ill or good. No good law forbids it, -but only constitutions pharisaical.’ - -Warham, who was as much opposed then to the liberty of the press as the -popes are now, could see nothing but a boundless chaos in this freedom -of inquiry. ‘Images are sufficient,’ he said, ‘to keep Christ and His -saints in our remembrance.’ But Lambert exclaimed: ‘What have we to do -with senseless stones or wood carved by the hand of man? That Word which -came from the breast of Christ Himself showeth us perfectly His blessed -will.’[183] - -Warham having questioned Lambert as to the number of his followers, he -answered: ‘A great multitude through all regions and realms of -Christendom think in like wise as I have showed. I ween the multitude -mounteth nigh unto the one half of Christendom.’[184] Lambert was taken -back to prison; but More having resigned the seals, and Warham dying, -this herald of liberty and truth saw his chains fall off. One day, -however, he was to die by fire, and, forgetting all controversy, to -exclaim in the midst of the flames: ‘Nothing but Jesus Christ.’ - -[Sidenote: Latimer’s Evangelical Courage.] - -There was a minister of the Word in London who exasperated the friends -of Rome more than all the rest; this man was Latimer. The court of Henry -VIII., which was worldly, magnificent, fond of pleasures, intrigue, the -elegances of dress, furniture, banquets, and refinement of language and -manners, was not a favorable field for the Gospel. ‘It is very -difficult,’ said a reformer, ‘that costly trappings, solemn banquets, -the excesses of pride, a flood of pleasure and debauchery should not -bring many evils in their train.’ Thus the priests and courtiers could -not endure Latimer’s sermons. If Lambert was for freedom of inquiry, the -king’s chaplain was for freedom of preaching: his zeal sometimes touched -upon imprudence, and his biting wit, his extreme frankness, did not -spare his superiors. One day, some honest merchants, who hungered and -thirsted for the Word of God, begged him to come and preach in one of -the city churches. Thrice he refused, but yielded to their prayers at -last. The death of Bilney and of the other martyrs had wounded him -deeply. He knew that wild beasts, when they have once tasted blood, -thirst for more, and feared that these murders, these butcheries, would -only make his adversaries fiercer. He determined to lash the persecuting -prelates with his sarcasms. Having entered the pulpit, he preached from -these words in the epistle of the day: _Ye are not under the law, but -under grace_.[185] ‘What!’ he exclaimed, ‘St. Paul teaches Christians -that they are not under the law.... What does he mean?... No more law! -St. Paul invites Christians to break the law. Quick! inform against St. -Paul, seize him and take him before my Lord Bishop of London!... The -good apostle must be condemned to bear a fagot at St. Paul’s Cross. What -a goodly sight to see St. Paul with a fagot on his back, before my lord -in person seated on his episcopal throne!... But no! I am mistaken, his -lordship would not be satisfied with so little ... he would sooner burn -him.’[186] - -This ironical language was to cost Latimer dear. To no purpose had he -spoken in one of those churches which, being dependencies of a -monastery, were not under episcopal jurisdiction: everybody about him -condemned him and embittered his life. The courtiers talked of his -sermons, shrugged their shoulders, pointed their fingers at him when he -approached them, and turned their backs on him. The favor of the king, -who had perhaps smiled at that burst of pulpit oratory, had some trouble -to protect him. The court became more intolerable to him every day, and -Latimer, withdrawing to his closet, gave vent to many a heavy sigh. -‘What tortures I endure!’ he said; ‘in what a world I live! Hatred ever -at work; factions fighting one against the other; folly and vanity -leading the dance; dissimulation, irreligion, debauchery, all the vices -stalking abroad in open day.... It is too much. If I were able to do -something ... but I have neither the talent nor the industry required to -fight against these monsters.... I am weary of the court.’ - -[Sidenote: Latimer Quits The Court.] - -Latimer had recently been presented to the living of West Kington, in -the diocese of Salisbury. Wishing to uphold the liberty of the Christian -Church, and seeing that it existed no longer in London, he resolved to -try and find it elsewhere. ‘I am leaving,’ he said to one of his -friends: ‘I shall go and live in my parish.’—‘What is that you say?’, -exclaimed the other; ‘Cromwell, who is at the pinnacle of honors, and -has profound designs, intends to do great things for you.... If you -leave the court, you will be forgotten, and your rivals will rise to -your place.’—‘The only fortune I desire,’ said Latimer, ‘is to be -useful.’ He departed, turning his back on the episcopal crosier to which -his friend had alluded. - -Latimer began to preach with zeal in Wiltshire, and not only in his own -parish, but in the parishes around him. His diligence was so great, his -preaching so mighty, says Foxe,[187] that his hearers must either -believe the doctrine he preached or rise against it. ‘Whosoever entereth -not into the fold by the door, which is Christ, be he priest, bishop, or -pope, is a robber,’ said he. ‘In the Church there are more thieves than -shepherds, and more goats than sheep.’[188] His hearers were astounded. -One of them (Dr. Sherwood) said to him: ‘What a sermon, or rather what a -satire! If we believe you, all the hemp in England would not be enough -to hang those thieves of bishops, priests, and curates.[189]... It is -all exaggeration, no doubt, but such exaggeration is rash, audacious, -and impious.’ The priests looked about for some valiant champion of -Rome, ready to fight with him the quarrel of the Church. - -One day there rode into the village an old doctor, of strange aspect; he -wore no shirt, but was covered with a long gown that reached down to the -horse’s heels, ‘all bedirted like a slobber,’ says a chronicler.[190] He -took no care for the things of the body, in order that people should -believe he was the more given up to the contemplation of the interests -of the soul. He dismounted gravely from his horse, proclaimed his -intention of fasting, and began a series of long prayers. This person, -by name Hubberdin, the Don Quixote of Roman-catholicism, went wandering -all over the kingdom, extolling the pope at the expense of kings and -even of Jesus Christ, and declaiming against Luther, Zwingle, Tyndale, -and Latimer. - -On a feast-day Hubberdin put on a clerical gown rather cleaner than the -one he generally wore, and went into the pulpit, where he undertook to -prove that the new doctrine came from the devil—which he demonstrated by -stories, fables, dreams, and amusing dialogues. He danced and hopped and -leaped about, and gesticulated, as if he were a stage-player, and his -sermon a sort of interlude.[191] His hearers were surprised and -diverted; Latimer was disgusted. ‘You lie,’ he said, ‘when you call the -faith of Scripture a new doctrine, unless you mean to say that it makes -new creatures of those who receive it.’ - -Hubberdin being unable to shut the mouth of the eloquent chaplain with -his mountebank tricks, the bishops and nobility of the neighborhood -resolved to denounce Latimer. A messenger handed him a writ, summoning -him to appear personally before the Bishop of London to answer touching -certain excesses and crimes committed by him.[192] Putting down the -paper which contained this threatening message, Latimer began to -reflect. His position was critical. He was at that time suffering from -the stone, with pains in the head and bowels. It was in the dead of -winter, and moreover he was alone at West Kington, with no friend to -advise him. Being of a generous and daring temperament, he rushed -hastily into the heat of the combat, but was easily dejected. ‘Jesu -mercy! what a world is this,’ he exclaimed, ‘that I shall be put to so -great labor and pains above my power for preaching of a poor simple -sermon! But we must needs suffer, and so enter into the kingdom of -Christ.’[193] - -The terrible summons lay on the table. Latimer took it up and read it. -He was no longer the brilliant court-chaplain who charmed fashionable -congregations by his eloquence; he was a poor country minister, forsaken -by all. He was sorrowful. ‘I am surprised,’ he said, ‘that my lord of -London, who has so large a diocese in which he ought to preach the Word -in season and out of season,[194] should have leisure enough to come and -trouble me in my little parish ... wretched me, who am quite a stranger -to him.’ He appealed to his ordinary; but Bishop Stokesley did not -intend to let him go, and being as able as he was violent, he prayed the -archbishop, as primate of all England, to summon Latimer before his -court, and to commission himself (the Bishop of London) to examine him. -The chaplain’s friends were terrified, and entreated him to leave -England; but he began his journey to London. - -[Sidenote: Attempt To Entrap Latimer.] - -On the 29th of January, 1532, a court composed of bishops and doctors of -the canon law assembled, under the presidency of Primate Warham, in St. -Paul’s Cathedral. Latimer having appeared, the Bishop of London -presented him a paper, and ordered him to sign it. The reformer took the -paper and read it through. There were sixteen articles on belief in -purgatory, the invocation of saints, the merit of pilgrimages, and -lastly on the power of the keys which (said the document) belonged to -the bishops of Rome, ‘even should their lives be wicked,’[195] and other -such topics. Latimer returned the paper to Stokesley, saying: ‘I cannot -sign it.’ Three times in one week he had to appear before his judges, -and each time the same scene was repeated: both sides were inflexible. -The priests then changed their tactics: they began to tease and -embarrass Latimer with innumerable questions. As soon as one had -finished, another began with sophistry and plausibility, and -interminable subterfuges. Latimer tried to make his adversaries keep -within the circle from which they were straying, but they would not hear -him. - -One day, as Latimer entered the hall, he noticed a change in the -arrangement of the furniture. There was a chimney, in which there had -been a fire before: on this day there was no fire, and the fireplace was -invisible. Some tapestry hung down over it, and the table round which -the judges sat was in the middle of the room. The accused was seated -between the table and the chimney. ‘Master Latimer,’ said an aged -bishop, whom he believed to be one of his friends, ‘pray speak a little -louder: I am hard of hearing, as you know.’ Latimer, surprised at this -remark, pricked up his ears, and fancied he heard in the fireplace the -noise of a pen upon paper.[196] ‘Ho, ho!’ thought he, ‘they have hidden -some one behind there to take down my answers.’ He replied cautiously to -captious questions, much to the embarrassment of the judges. - -Latimer was disgusted, not only with the tricks of his enemies, but -still more with their ‘troublesome unquietness;’[197] because by keeping -him in London they obliged him to neglect his duties, and especially -because they made it a crime to preach the truth. The archbishop, -wishing to gain him over by marks of esteem and affection, invited him -to come and see him; but Latimer declined, being unwilling at any price -to renounce the freedom of the pulpit. The reformers of the sixteenth -century did not contend that all doctrines should be preached from the -same pulpit, but that evangelical truth should be freely preached -everywhere. ‘I have desired and still desire,’ wrote Latimer to the -archbishop, ‘that our people should learn the difference between the -doctrines which God has taught and those which proceed only from -ourselves. Go, said Jesus, and _teach all things_.... What things?... -_all things whatsoever I have commanded you_, and not _whatsoever you -think fit to preach_.[198] Let us all then make an effort to preach with -one voice the things of God. I have sought not my gain, but Christ’s -gain; not my glory, but God’s glory. And so long as I have a breath of -life remaining, I will continue to do so.’[199] - -Thus spoke the bold preacher. It is by such unshakable fidelity that -great revolutions are accomplished. - -[Sidenote: Latimer Excommunicated.] - -As Latimer was deaf to all their persuasion, there was nothing to be -done but to threaten the stake. The charge was transferred to the -Convocation of Canterbury, and on the 15th of March, 1532, he appeared -before that body at Westminster. The fifteen articles were set before -him. ‘Master Latimer,’ said the archbishop,’the synod calls upon you to -sign these articles.’—‘I refuse,’ he answered.—All the bishops pressed -him earnestly. ‘I refuse absolutely,’ he answered a second time. Warham, -the friend of learning, could not make up his mind to condemn one of the -finest geniuses of England. ‘Have pity on yourself,’ he said. ‘A third -and last time we entreat you to sign these articles.’ Although Latimer -knew that a negative would probably consign him to the stake, he still -answered, ‘I refuse absolutely.’[200] - -The patience of Convocation was now exhausted. ‘Heretic! obstinate -heretic!’ exclaimed the bishops. ‘We have heard it from his own mouth. -Let him be excommunicated.’ The sentence of excommunication was -pronounced, and Latimer was taken to the Lollards’ Tower. - -Great was the agitation both in city and court. The creatures of the -priests were already singing in the streets songs with a burden like -this: - - Wherefore it were pity thou shouldst die for cold.[201] - -‘Ah!’ said Latimer in the Martyr’s Tower, ‘if they had asked me to -confess that I have been too prompt to use sarcasm, I should have been -ready to do so, for sin is a heavy load. O God! unto Thee I cry; wash me -in the blood of Jesus Christ.’ He looked for death, knowing well that -few left that tower except for the scaffold. ‘What is to be done?’ said -Warham and the bishops. Many of them would have handed the prisoner over -to the magistrate to do what was customary, but the rule of the papacy -was coming to an end in England, and Latimer was the king’s chaplain. -One dexterous prelate suggested a means of reconciling everything. ‘We -must obtain something from him, be it ever so little, and then report -everywhere that he has recanted.’ - -Some priests went to see the prisoner: ‘Will you not yield anything?’ -they asked.—‘I have been too violent,’ said Latimer, ‘and I humble -myself accordingly.’—‘But will you not recognize the merit of -works?’—‘No!’—‘Prayers to the saints?’—‘No!’—‘Purgatory?’—‘No!’—‘The -power of the keys given to the pope?’—‘No! I tell you.’—A bright idea -occurred to one of the priests. Luther taught that it was not only -permitted, but praiseworthy, to have the crucifix and the images of the -saints, provided that it was merely to remind us of them and not to -invoke them. He had added, that the Reformation ought not to abolish -fast days, but to strive to make them realities.[202] Latimer declared -that he was of the same opinion. - -The deputation hastened to carry this news to the bishops. The more -fanatical of them could not make up their minds to be satisfied with so -little. What! no purgatory, no virtue in the mass, no prayers to saints, -no power of the keys, no meritorious works! It was a signal defeat; but -the bishops knew that the king would not suffer the condemnation of his -chaplain. Convocation decided, after a long discussion that if Master -Latimer would sign the two articles, he should be absolved from the -sentence of excommunication. In fact, on the 10th of April the Church -withdrew the condemnation it had already pronounced.[203] - -Footnote 181: - - Foxe, _Acts_, v. pp. 184, 185. - -Footnote 182: - - Chrysostom, in opere imperfecto. - -Footnote 183: - - Foxe, _Acts_, v. p. 203. - -Footnote 184: - - Foxe, _Acts_, v. p. 225. - -Footnote 185: - - Romans, vi. 14. - -Footnote 186: - - Latimer, _Works_, ii. p. 326 (Parker Soc.). - -Footnote 187: - - Foxe, _Acts_, vii. p. 454. - -Footnote 188: - - ‘Plures longe fures esse quam pastores.’—Foxe, _Acts_, vii. p. 479. - -Footnote 189: - - ‘Quibus latronibus suffocandis ne Angliæ totius canavum sufficere - prædicabas.’—Ibid. p. 478. - -Footnote 190: - - Strype, i. p. 245. - -Footnote 191: - - Strype, i. p. 245. - -Footnote 192: - - ‘Crimina seu excessus graves personaliter responsurus.’—Ibid. p. 455. - -Footnote 193: - - ‘Oportet pati et sic intrare.’—Latimer, _Works_, ii. p. 351 (Parker - Soc.). - -Footnote 194: - - ‘Tempestive, itempestive, privatim, publice.’—Ibid. - -Footnote 195: - - ‘Etiam si male vivant.’—Latimer, _Works_, ii. p. 466 (Parker Soc.); - and Foxe, _Acts_, vii. p. 456. - -Footnote 196: - - ‘I heard a pen walking in the chimney behind the cloth.’—Latimer, - _Sermons_, i. p. 294. - -Footnote 197: - - Foxe, _Acts_, vii. p. 455. - -Footnote 198: - - ‘Non dicit omnia quæ vobis ipsis videntur prædicanda.’—Foxe, _Acts_, - iii. p. 747. - -Footnote 199: - - ‘Donec respirare licebit, stare non desinam.’—Ibid. - -Footnote 200: - - ‘Tertio requisitus ut subscriberet, recusavit.’—Wilkins, _Concilia_, - iii. p. 747. - -Footnote 201: - - Strype, _Records_, i. p. 180. - -Footnote 202: - - Luther, _Wieder die himmlischen Propheten_, and _Explication du 6me - chapitre de St. Mathieu_. - -Footnote 203: - - ‘Fuit absolutus a sententia excommunicationis.’—Wilkins, _Concilia_, - iii. p. 747. - - - - - CHAPTER XV. - HENRY VIII. ATTACKS THE PARTISANS OF THE POPE AND THE REFORMATION. - (1532.) - - -[Sidenote: Franciscans Preach At Henry.] - -The vital principle of the Reformation of Henry VIII. was its opposition -both to Rome and the Gospel. He did not hesitate, like many, between -these two doctrines: he punished alike, by exile or by fire, the -disciples of the Vatican and those of Holy Scripture. - -Desiring to show that the resolution he had taken to separate from -Catherine was immutable, the king had lodged Anne Boleyn in the palace -at Greenwich, although the queen was still there, and had given her a -reception room and a royal state. The crowd of courtiers, abandoning the -setting star, turned towards that which was appearing above the horizon. -Henry respected Anne’s person and was eager that all the world should -know that if she was not actually queen she would be so one day. There -was a want of delicacy and principle in the king’s conduct, at which the -catholic party were much irritated, and not without a cause. - -The monks of St. Francis who officiated in the royal chapel at Greenwich -took every opportunity of asserting their attachment to Catherine and to -the pope. Anne vainly tried to gain them over by her charms; if she -succeeded with a few, she failed with the greater number. Their -superior, Father Forest, Catherine’s confessor, warmly defended the -rights of that unhappy princess. Preaching at St. Paul’s Cross, he -delivered a sermon in which Henry was violently attacked, although he -was not named. Those who had heard it made a great noise about it, and -Forest was summoned to the court. ‘What will be done to him?’ people -asked; but instead of sending him to prison, as many expected, the king -received him well, spoke with him for half an hour, and ‘sent him a -great piece of beef from his own table.’ - -On returning to his convent, Forest described with triumph this -flattering reception; but the king did not attain his object. Among -these monks there were men of independent, perhaps of fanatical, -character, whom no favors could gain over. - -One of them, by name Peto, until then unknown, but afterwards of great -repute in the catholic world as cardinal legate from the pope in -England,[204] thinking that Forest had not said enough, determined to go -further. Anne Boleyn’s elevation filled him with anger: he longed to -speak out, and as the king and all the court would be present in the -chapel on the 1st of May, he chose for his text the words of the prophet -Elijah to King Ahab: _The dogs shall lick thy blood_.[205] He drew a -portrait of Ahab, described his malice and wickedness, and although he -did not name Henry VIII., certain passages made the hearers feel -uncomfortable. At the peroration, turning towards the king, he said: -‘Now hear, O king, what I have to say unto thee, as of old time Micaiah -spoke to Ahab. This new marriage is unlawful. There are other preachers -who, to become rich abbots or mighty bishops, betray thy soul, thy -honor, and thy posterity. Take heed lest thou, being seduced like Ahab, -find Ahab’s punishment ... who had his blood licked up by the dogs.’ - -The court was astounded; but the king, whose features were unmoved -during this apostrophe, waited until the end of the service, left the -chapel as if nothing had happened, and allowed Peto to depart for -Canterbury. But Henry could not permit such invectives to pass -unnoticed. A clergyman named Kirwan was commissioned to preach in the -same chapel on the following Sunday. The congregation was still more -numerous than before, and more curious also. Some monks of the order of -Observants, friends of Peto, got into the rood-loft, determined to -defend him. The doctor began his sermon. After establishing the -lawfulness of Henry’s intended marriage, he came to the sermon of the -preceding Sunday and the insults of the preacher. ‘I speak to thee, -Peto,’ he exclaimed, ‘who makest thyself Micaiah; we look for thee, but -thou art not to be found, having fled for fear and shame.’ There was a -noise in the rood-loft, and one of the Observants named Elstow rose and -called out: ‘You know that Father Peto is gone to Canterbury to a -provincial council, but I am here to answer you. And to this combat I -challenge thee, Kirwan, prophet of lies, who for thy own vainglory art -betraying thy king into endless perdition.’ - -The chapel was instantly one scene of confusion: nothing could be heard. -Then the king rose: his princely stature, his royal air, his majestic -manners overawed the crowd. All were silent, and the agitated -congregation left the chapel respectfully. Peto and his friend were -summoned before the council. ‘You deserve to be sewn in a sack and -thrown into the Thames,’ said one. ‘We fear nothing,’ answered Elstow; -‘the way to heaven is as short by water as by land.’[206] - -Henry having thus made war on the partisans of the pope, turned to those -of the Reformation. Like a child, he see-sawed to and fro, first on one -side, then on the other; but his sport was a more terrible one, for -every time he touched the ground the blood spurted forth. - -[Sidenote: Christian Meetings In London.] - -At that time there were many Christians in England to whom the Roman -worship brought no edification. Having procured Tyndale’s translation of -the Word of God, they felt that they possessed it not only for -themselves but for others. They sought each others company, and met -together to read the Bible and receive spiritual graces from God. -Several Christian assemblies of this kind had been formed in London, in -garrets, in warehouses, schools and shops, and one of them was held in a -warehouse in Bow Lane. Among its frequenters was the son of a -Gloucestershire knight, James Bainham, by name, a man well read in the -classics, and a distinguished lawyer, respected by all for his piety and -works of charity. To give advice freely to widows and orphans, to see -justice done to the oppressed, to aid poor students, protect pious -persons, and visit the prisons, were his daily occupations. ‘He was an -earnest reader of Scripture, and mightily addicted to prayer.’[207] When -he entered the meeting, every one could see that his countenance -expressed a calm joy; but for a month past his Bow Lane friends noticed -him to be agitated and cast down, and heard him sighing heavily. The -cause was this. Sometime before (in 1531), when he was engaged about his -business in the Middle Temple, this ‘model of lawyers’ had been arrested -by order of More, who was still chancellor, and taken like a criminal to -the house of the celebrated humanist at Chelsea. Sir Thomas, quite -distressed at seeing a man so distinguished leave the Church of Rome, -had employed all his eloquence to bring him back; but finding his -efforts useless, he had ordered Bainham to be taken into his garden and -tied to ‘the tree of truth.’ There the chancellor whipped him, or caused -him to be whipped: we adopt the latter version, which is more -probable.[208] Bainham having refused to give the names of the gentlemen -of the Temple tainted with heresy, he was taken to the Tower. ‘Put him -on the rack,’ cried the learned chancellor, now become a fanatical -persecutor. The order was obeyed in his presence. The arms and legs of -the unfortunate protestant were seized by the instrument and pulled in -opposite directions; his limbs were dislocated, and he went lame out of -the torture-chamber.[209] - -[Sidenote: Bainham Persecuted.] - -Sir Thomas had broken his victim’s limbs, but not his courage; and -accordingly when Bainham was summoned before the Bishop of London, he -went to the palace rejoicing to have to confess his Master once more. -‘Do you believe in purgatory?’ said Stokesley to him sternly. Bainham -answered: ‘_The blood of Jesus Christ cleanseth us from all sin_.’[210] -‘Do you believe that we ought to call upon the saints to pray for us?’ -He again answered: ‘_If any man sin, we have an advocate with the -Father—Jesus Christ the righteous_.’[211] - -A man who answered only by texts from Scripture was embarrassing. More -and Stokesley made the most alluring promises, and no means were spared -to bend him.[212] Before long they resorted to more serious -representations: ‘The arms of the Church your mother are still open to -you,’ they said; ‘but if you continue stubborn, they will close against -you forever. It is now or never!’ For a whole month the bishop and the -chancellor persevered in their entreaties; Bainham replied: ‘My faith is -that of the holy Church.’ Hearing these words, Foxford, the bishop’s -secretary, took out a paper. ‘Here is the abjuration,’ he said; ‘read it -over.’ Bainham began: ‘I voluntarily, as a true penitent returned from -my heresy, utterly abjure’.... At these words he stopped, and glancing -over what followed, he continued: ‘No, these articles are not heretical, -and I cannot retract them.’ Other springs were now set in motion to -shake Bainham. The prayers of his friends, the threats of his enemies, -especially the thought of his wife, whom he loved, and who would be left -alone in destitution, exposed to the anger of the world: these things -troubled his soul. He lost sight of the narrow path he ought to follow, -and five days later he read his abjuration with a faint voice. But he -had hardly got to the end before he burst into tears, and said, -struggling with his emotion: ‘I reserve the doctrines.’ He consented to -remain in the Roman Church, still preserving his evangelical faith. But -this was not what the bishop and his officers meant. ‘Kiss that book,’ -they said to him threateningly. Bainham, like one stunned, kissed the -book; that was the sign; the adjuration was looked upon as complete. He -was condemned to pay a fine of twenty pounds sterling, and to do penance -at St. Paul’s Cross. After that he was set at liberty, on the 17th of -February. - -Bainham returned to the midst of his brethren: they looked sorrowfully -at him, but did not reproach him with his fault. That was quite -unnecessary. The worm of remorse was preying on him; he abhorred the -fatal kiss by which he had sealed his fall; his conscience was never -quiet; he could neither eat nor sleep, and trembled at the thought of -death. At one time he would hide his anguish and stifle it within his -breast; at another his grief would break forth, and he would try to -relieve his pain by groans of sorrow. The thought of appearing before -the tribunal of God made him faint. The restoration of conscience to all -its rights was the foremost work of the Reformation. Luther, Calvin, and -an endless number of more obscure reformers had reached the haven of -safety through the midst of such tempests. ‘A tragedy was being acted in -all protestant souls,’ says a writer who does not belong to the -Reformation—the eternal tragedy of conscience. - -Bainham felt that the only means of recovering peace was to accuse -himself openly before God and man. Taking Tyndale’s New Testament in his -hand, which was at once his joy and his strength, he went to St. -Austin’s church, sat down quietly in the midst of the congregation, and -then at a certain moment stood up and said: ‘I have denied the -truth.’... He could not continue for his tears.[213] On recovering, he -said: ‘If I were not to return again to the doctrine I have abjured, -this word of Scripture would condemn me both body and soul at the day of -judgment.’ And he lifted up the New Testament before all the -congregation. ‘O my friends,’ he continued, ‘rather die than sin as I -have done. The fires of hell have consumed me, and I would not feel them -again for all the gold and glory of the world.’[214] - -Then his enemies seized him again and shut him up in the bishop’s -coal-cellar, where, after putting him in irons, they left him for four -days. He was afterwards taken to the Tower, where he was scourged every -day for a fortnight, and at last condemned as a relapsed heretic. - -[Sidenote: Bainham Executed.] - -On the eve of the execution four distinguished men, one of whom was -Latimer, were dining together in London. It was commonly reported that -Bainham was to be put to death for saying that Thomas à Becket was a -traitor worthy of hell. ‘Is it worth a man’s while to sacrifice his life -for such a trifle?’ said the four friends. ‘Let us go to Newgate and -save him if possible.’ They were taken along several gloomy passages, -and found themselves at last in the presence of a man, sitting on a -little straw, holding a book in one hand and a candle in the other.[215] -He was reading; it was Bainham. Latimer drew near him: ‘Take care,’ he -said, ‘that no vainglory make you sacrifice your life for motives which -are not worth the cost.’ ‘I am condemned,’ answered Bainham, ‘for -trusting in Scripture and rejecting purgatory, masses, and meritorious -works.’—‘I acknowledge that for such truths a man must be ready to die.’ -Bainham was ready; and yet he burst into tears. ‘Why do you weep?’ asked -Latimer. ‘I have a wife,’ answered the prisoner, ‘the best that man ever -had. A widow, destitute of everything and without a supporter, everybody -will point at her and say, That is the heretic’s wife.’[216] Latimer and -his friends tried to console him, and then they departed from the gloomy -dungeon. - -The next day (30th of April, 1532) Bainham was taken to the scaffold. -Soldiers on horseback surrounded the pile: Master Pave, the city clerk, -directed the execution. Bainham, after a prayer, rose up, embraced the -stake, and was fastened to it with a chain. ‘Good people,’ he said to -the persons who stood round him, ‘I die for having said it is lawful for -every man and woman to have God’s book. I die for having said that the -true key of heaven is not that of the Bishop of Rome, but the preaching -of the Gospel. I die for having said that there is no other purgatory -than the cross of Christ, with its consequent persecutions and -afflictions.’—‘Thou liest, thou heretic,’ exclaimed Pave; ‘thou hast -denied the blessed sacrament of the altar.’—‘I do not deny the sacrament -of Christ’s body,’ resumed Bainham, ‘but I do deny your idolatry to a -piece of bread.’—‘Light the fire,’ shouted Pave. The executioners set -fire to a train of gunpowder, and as the flame approached him, Bainham -lifted up his eyes towards heaven, and said to the town clerk: ‘God -forgive thee! the Lord forgive Sir Thomas More ... pray for me, all good -people!’ The arms and legs of the martyr were soon consumed, and -thinking only how to glorify his Saviour, he exclaimed: ‘Behold! you -look for miracles, you may see one here; for in this fire I feel no more -pain than if I were on a bed of roses.’[217] The primitive Church hardly -had a more glorious martyr. - -Pave had Bainham’s image continually before his eyes, and his last -prayer rang day and night in his heart. In the garret of his house, far -removed from noise, he had fitted up a kind of oratory, where he had -placed a crucifix, before which he used to pray and shed bitter -tears.[218] He abhorred himself: half mad, he suffered indescribable -sorrow, and struggled under great anguish. The dying Bainham had said to -him: ‘May God show thee more mercy than thou hast shown to me!’ But Pave -could not believe in mercy: he saw no other remedy for his despair than -death. About a year after Bainham’s martyrdom, he sent his domestics and -clerks on different errands, keeping only one servant-maid in the house. -As soon as his wife had gone to church, he went out himself, bought a -rope, and hiding it carefully under his gown, went up into the garret. -He stopped before the crucifix, and began to groan and weep. The servant -ran upstairs. ‘Take this rusty sword,’ he said, ‘clean it well, and do -not disturb me.’ She had scarcely left the room when he fastened the -rope to a beam and hanged himself. - -The maid, hearing no sound, again grew alarmed, went up to the garret, -and seeing her master hanging, was struck with terror. She ran crying to -the church to fetch her mistress home;[219] but it was too late: the -wretched man could not be recalled to life. - -[Sidenote: The True Church Of God.] - -If the deaths of the martyrs plunged the wicked into the depths of -despair, it often gave life to earnest souls. The crowd which had -surrounded the scaffold of these men of God dispersed in profound -emotion. Some returned to their fields, others to their shops or -workrooms; but the pale faces of the martyrs followed them, their words -sounded in their souls, their virtues softened many hearts most averse -to the Gospel. ‘Oh! that I were with Bainham!’ exclaimed one.[220] These -people continued for some time to frequent the Romish churches but ere -long their consciences cried aloud to them: ‘It is Christ alone who -saves us;’ and they forsook the rites in which they could find no -consolation. They courted solitude; they procured the writings of -Wickliffe and of Tyndale, and especially the New Testament, which they -read in secret, and if any one came near, hid them hastily under a bed, -at the bottom of a chest, in the hollow of a tree, or even under stones, -until the enemy had retired and they could take the books up again. Then -they whispered about them to their neighbors, and often had the joy of -meeting with men who thought as they did. A surprising change was taking -place. While the priests were loudly chanting in the cathedrals the -praises of the saints, of the Virgin, and of the _Corpus Domini_, the -people were whispering together about the Saviour _meek and lowly in -heart_. All over England was heard a still, small voice such as Elijah -heard, and on hearing it wrapped his face in his mantle and stood silent -and motionless, because the Lord was there. Great changes were about to -take place. - -It is not without reason that we describe in some detail in this history -the lives and deaths of these evangelical men. We desire to show that -the Church in England, as in all the world, is not a mere ecclesiastical -hierarchy, in which prelates exercise dominion over the inheritance of -the Lord; nor a confused assemblage of men, whose spirit imagines about -religion all kinds of doctrines contrary to the revelation from heaven, -and whose profession of faith comprehends all the opinions that are -found in the nation, from catholic scholasticism to pantheistic -materialism. The Church of God, raised above the human systems of the -superstitious and the incredulous alike, is the assembly of those who by -a living faith are partakers of the righteousness of Christ and of the -new life of which the Holy Ghost is the creator—of those in whom -selfishness is vanquished, and who give themselves up to the Saviour to -achieve with their brethren the conquest of the world. Such is the true -Church of God; very different, it will be seen, from all those invented -by man. - -Footnote 204: - - Tyndale, _Treatises_, p. 38; Strype, _Memorials_, i. 257, iii., bk. i. - p. 257; bk. ii. pp. 30, 136. - -Footnote 205: - - 1 Kings xxi. 19. - -Footnote 206: - - Tyndale, _Treatises_, p. 38. Stowe, _Annals_, 562. - -Footnote 207: - - Foxe _Acts_, iv. p. 697. - -Footnote 208: - - Both Strype (_Memorials_, i. p. 35) and Foxe (_Acts_, iv. p. 698) say, - _and whipped him_; but More denied it. - -Footnote 209: - - ‘Sir Thomas More being present himself, till in a manner he had lamed - him.’—Foxe, _Acts_, iv. p. 698. - -Footnote 210: - - 1 John i. 7. - -Footnote 211: - - Ibid. ii. 1. - -Footnote 212: - - Foxe, _Acts_, iv. p. 700. - -Footnote 213: - - ‘Stood up there before the people in his pew with weeping - tears.’—Foxe, _Acts_, iv. p. 702. - -Footnote 214: - - ‘He would not feel such a hell again as he did feel.’—Ibid. - -Footnote 215: - - Strype, _Annals_, i. p. 372. - -Footnote 216: - - Ibid. - -Footnote 217: - - Foxe, _Acts_, iv. p. 705. - -Footnote 218: - - Ibid. - -Footnote 219: - - Foxe, _Acts_, iv. p. 706. - -Footnote 220: - - Ibid. v. p. 32. - - - - - CHAPTER XVI. - THE NEW PRIMATE OF ALL ENGLAND. - (FEBRUARY 1532 TO MARCH 1533.) - - -A man who for more than thirty years had had an important voice in the -management of the ecclesiastical affairs of the kingdom now disappeared -from the scene to give place to the most influential of the reformers of -England. Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, a learned canonist, a skilful -politician, a dexterous courtier, and the friend of letters, had made it -his special work to exalt the sacerdotal prerogative, and to that end -had had recourse to the surest means, by fighting against the idleness, -ignorance, and corruption of the priests. He had even hoped for a reform -of the clergy, provided it emanated from episcopal authority. But when -he saw another reformation accomplished in the name of God’s Word, -without priests and against the priests, he turned round and began to -persecute the reformers, and to strengthen the papal authority. Alarmed -at the proceedings of the Commons, he sent for three notaries, on the -24th February, 1532, and protested in their presence against every act -of parliament derogatory to the authority of the Roman pontiff.[221] - -[Sidenote: Death Of Warham.] - -On the 22d August of the same year, just at the very height of the -crisis, ‘the second pope,’ as he was sometimes called, was removed from -his see by death, and the people anxiously wondered who would be -appointed to his vacant place. - -The choice was important, for the nomination might be the symbol of what -the Church of England was to be. Would he be a prelate devoted to the -pope, like Fisher; or a catholic favorable to the divorce, like -Gardiner; or a moderate evangelical attached to the king, like Cranmer; -or a decided reformer, like Latimer? At this moment, when a new era was -beginning for Christendom, it was of consequence to know whom England -would take for her guide; whether she would march at the head of -civilization, like Germany, or bring up the rear, like Spain and Italy. -The king did not favor either extreme, and hesitated between the two -other candidates. All things considered, he had no confidence in such -men as Longland and Gardiner, who might promise and not fulfil. He -wanted somebody less political than the one and less fanatical than the -other,—a man separated from the pope on principle, and not merely for -convenience. - -Cranmer, after passing a few months at Rome, had returned to -England.[222] Then, departing again for Germany on a mission from the -king, he had arrived at Nuremburg, probably in the autumn of 1531. He -examined with interest that ancient city,—its beautiful churches, its -monumental fountains, its old and picturesque castle; but there was -something that attracted him more than all these things. Being present -at the celebration of the sacrament, he noticed that while the priest -was muttering the Gospel in Latin at the altar, the deacon went up into -the pulpit, and read it aloud in German.[223] He saw that, although -there was still some appearance of catholicism in Nuremburg, in reality -the Gospel reigned there. One man’s name often came up in the -conversations he had with the principal persons in the city. They spoke -to him of Osiander as of a man of great eloquence.[224] Cranmer followed -the crowd which poured into the church of St. Lawrence, and was struck -with the minister’s talent and piety. He sought his acquaintance, and -the two doctors had many a conversation together, either in Cranmer’s -house or in Osiander’s study; and the German divine, being gained over -to the cause of Henry VIII., published shortly after a book on unlawful -marriages. - -[Sidenote: Osiander’s Error.] - -Cranmer, who had an affectionate heart, loved to join the simple meals, -the pious devotions, and the friendly conversations at Osiander’s house: -he was soon almost like a member of the family. But, although his -intimacy with the Nuremburg pastor grew stronger every day, he did not -adopt all his opinions. When Osiander told him that he must substitute -the authority of Holy Scripture for that of Rome, Cranmer gave his full -assent; but the Englishman perceived that the German entertained views -different from Luther’s on the justification of the sinner. ‘What -justifies us,’ he said, ‘is not the imputation of the merits of Christ -by faith, but the inward communication of his righteousness.’ ‘Christ,’ -said Cranmer, ‘has paid the price of our redemption by the sacrifice of -his body and the fulfilling of the law; and if we heartily believe in -this work which he has perfected, we are justified. The justified man -must be sanctified, and must work good works; but it is not the works -that justify him.’[225] The conversation of the two friends turned also -upon the Lord’s Supper. Whatever may have been Cranmer’s doctrine -before, he soon came (like Calvin) to place the real presence of Christ -not in the wafer which the priest holds between his fingers, but in the -heart of the believer.[226] - -In June, 1532, the protestant and Roman-catholic delegates arrived at -Nuremburg to arrange the religious peace. The celibacy of the clergy -immediately became one of the points discussed. It appeared to the -chiefs of the papacy impossible to concede that article. ‘Rather abolish -the mass entirely,’ exclaimed the Archbishop of Mayence, ‘than permit -the marriage of priests.’ ‘They must come to that at last,’ said Luther; -‘God is overthrowing the mighty from their seat.’[227] Cranmer was of -his opinion. ‘It is better,’ he said, ‘for a minister to have his own -wife than to have other men’s wives, like the priests.’[228] ‘What -services may not a pious wife do for the pastor her husband,’ added -Osiander, ‘among the poor, the women, and the children?’ - -Cranmer had lost his wife at Cambridge, and his heart yearned for -affection. Osiander’s family presented him a touching picture of -domestic happiness. One of its members was a niece of Osiander’s -wife.[229] Cranmer, charmed with her piety and candor, and hoping to -find in her the virtuous woman who is a crown to her husband, asked her -hand and married her, not heeding the unlawful command of those who -‘forbid to marry.’[230] - -Still Cranmer did not forget his mission. The King of England was -desirous of forming an alliance with the German protestants, and his -agent made overtures to the electoral prince of Saxony. ‘First of all,’ -answered the pious John Frederick, ‘the two kings (of France and -England) must be in harmony with us as to the articles of faith.’[231] -The alliance failed; but at the same moment, affairs took an unexpected -turn. The emperor, who was marching against Solyman, desired the help of -the King of England, and Granvelle had some talk with Cranmer on the -subject. The latter was procuring carriages, horses, boats, tents, and -other things necessary for his journey, with the intention of rejoining -the emperor at Lintz, when a courier suddenly brought him orders to -return to London.[232] It was very vexatious. Just as he was on the -point of concluding an alliance with the nephew of Queen Catherine, in -which the matter of the divorce would consequently be arranged, Henry’s -envoy had to give up everything. He wondered anxiously what could be the -motive of this sudden and extraordinary recall. The letters of his -friends explained it. - -[Sidenote: Cranmer’s Hesitation.] - -Warham was dead, and the king thought of Cranmer to succeed him as -Archbishop of Canterbury and primate of all England. The reformer was -greatly moved: ‘Alas,’ he exclaimed, ‘no man has ever desired a -bishopric less than myself.[233] If I accept it, I must resign the -delights of study and the calm sweetness of an obscure condition.’[234] -Knowing Henry’s domineering character and his peculiar religious -principles, Cranmer thought that with him the reformation of England was -impossible. He saw himself exposed to disputes without end: there would -be no more peace for the most peaceable of men. A brilliant career, an -exalted position—he was terrified. ‘My conscience,’ he said, ‘rebels -against this call. Wretch that I am! I see nothing but troubles and -conflicts and insurmountable dangers in my path.’ - -Upon mature reflection, Cranmer thought he might get out of his -difficulty by gaining time, hoping that the king, who did not like -delays, would doubtless give the see to another.[235] He sent an answer -that important affairs prevented his return to England. Solyman had -retreated before the emperor; the latter had determined to pass through -Italy to Spain, and had appointed a meeting with the pope at Piacenza or -Genoa. Henry’s ambassador thought it his duty to neutralize the fatal -consequences of this interview; and Charles having left Vienna on the -4th of October, Cranmer followed him two days later. The exalted dignity -that awaited him oppressed him like the nightmare. On his road he found -neither inhabitants nor food, and hay was his only bed.[236] Sometimes -he crossed battle-fields covered with the carcasses of Turks and -Christians. A comet appeared in the east foreboding some tragic event. -Many declared they had seen a flaming sword in the heavens. ‘These -strange signs,’ he wrote to Henry,’announce some great mutation.’[237] -Cranmer and his colleagues could not gain the pope to their side. -Several months passed away, during which men’s minds became so excited, -that the cardinals forgot all decorum. ‘Alas!’ says a catholic -historian, ‘all the time this affair continued, they went to the -consistory as if they were going to a play.’[238] Charles V. prevailed -at last. - -Then came that famous interview (October 1532) between the kings of -France and England at Calais and Boulogne, which we have described -elsewhere;[239] and the two princes having come to an understanding, -Henry thought seriously of bringing the matter to an end. Did he marry -Anne Boleyn at that time? Everything seems to point in that direction; -and if we are to believe some of the most trustworthy historians, the -marriage took place in the following month of November.[240] Perhaps it -was quite a private wedding, the legal formalities not being completed. -Contemporary testimony is at variance, and the point has not been -cleared up. In any case, Henry determined to wait before making the -marriage public. The conference the pope was about to hold at Bologna -with the ambassador of Francis I.; the probability of an interview -between the king of France and the pontiff at Marseilles, which might -give a new aspect to the great affair; and perhaps the desire to confer -about it with Cranmer, for whom he destined the see of Canterbury—seem -to have induced the prince to defer the ceremony for a few weeks. He -lost no time, however, in summoning the future primate to London. - -A report having circulated in Italy, that the king was about to place -Cranmer at the head of the English Church, the imperial court treated -him with unusual consideration. Charles V., his ministers, and the -foreign ambassadors, said openly that such a man richly deserved to hold -a high place in the favor and government of the king his master.[241] -About the middle of November, the emperor gave Cranmer his farewell -audience; and the latter arrived in England not long after. Not wishing -to act in opposition to general usage and clerical opinion, he thought -it more prudent to leave his wife for a time with Osiander. He sent for -her somewhat later, but she was never presented at court. It was not -necessary, and it might only have embarrassed the pious German lady. - -[Sidenote: Cranmer And The King.] - -As soon as Cranmer reached London, he waited upon the king, being quite -engrossed in thinking of what was about to take place between his -sovereign and himself. Henry went straight to the point: he told him -that he had nominated him Archbishop of Canterbury. Cranmer objected, -but the king would take no refusal. In vain did the divine urge his -reasons: the monarch was firm. It was no slight matter to contend with -Henry VIII. Cranmer was alarmed at the effect produced by his -resistance. ‘Your Highness,’ he said, ‘I most humbly implore your -Grace’s pardon.’[242] - -When he left the king, he hurried off to his friends, particularly to -Cromwell. The burden which Henry was laying upon him seemed more -insupportable than ever. Knowing how difficult it is to resist a prince -of despotic character, he foresaw conflicts and perhaps compromises, -which would embitter his life, and he could not make up his mind to -sacrifice his happiness to the imperious will of the monarch. ‘Take -care,’ said his friends, ‘it is as dangerous to refuse a favor from so -absolute a prince as to insult him.’ But Cranmer’s conscience was -concerned in his refusal. ‘I feel something within me,’ he said,[243] -‘which rebels against the supremacy of the pope, and all the -superstitions to which I should have to submit as primate of England. -No, I will not be a bishop!’ He might sacrifice his repose and his -happiness, expose himself to painful struggles; but to recognize the -pope and submit to his jurisdiction was an insurmountable obstacle. His -friends shook their heads. ‘Your _nolo episcopari_,’ they said, ‘will -not hold against our master’s _volo te episcopum esse_.[244] And after -all, what is it? Permitting the king to place you at the summit of -honors and power.... You refuse all that men desire.’ ‘I would sooner -forfeit my life,’ answered Cranmer, ‘than do anything against my -conscience to gratify my ambition.’[245] - -Henry vexed at these delays, again summoned Cranmer to the palace, and -bade him speak without fear. ‘If I accept this office,’ replied that -sincere man, ‘I must receive it from the hands of the pope, and this my -conscience will not permit me to do.... Neither the pope nor any other -foreign prince has authority in this realm.’[246] Such a reason as this -had great weight with Henry. He was silent for a little while as if -reflecting,[247] and then said to Cranmer: ‘Can you prove what you have -just said?’ ‘Certainly I can,’ answered the doctor; ‘Holy Scripture and -the Fathers support the supreme authority of kings in their kingdoms, -and thus prove the claims of the pope to be a miserable usurpation.’ - -Such a statement bound Henry to take another step in his reforms. As he -had not yet thought of establishing bishops and archbishops without the -pope, he sent for some learned lawyers, and asked them how he could -confer the episcopal dignity on Cranmer without wounding the conscience -of the future primate. The lawyers proposed, that as Cranmer refused to -submit to the Roman primacy, some one should be sent to Rome to do in -his stead all that the law required. ‘Let another do it if he likes,’ -said Cranmer, ‘but _super animam suam_, at the risk of his soul. As for -me I declare I will not acknowledge the authority of the pope any -further than it agrees with the Word of God; and that I reserve the -right of speaking against him and of attacking his errors.’ - -The lawyers found bad precedents to justify a bad measure. ‘Archbishop -Warham,’ they said, ‘while preserving the advantages he derived from the -state, protested against everything the state did prejudicial to Rome. -If the deceased archbishop preserved the rights of the papacy, why -should not the new one preserve those of the kingdom?... Besides (they -added) the pope knows very well that when they make oath to him, every -bishop does so _salvo ordine meo_, without prejudice to the rights of -his order.’[248] - -It having been conceded that in the act of consecration ‘the rights of -the word of God’ should be reserved, Cranmer consented to become primate -of England. Henry VIII., who was less advanced in practice than in -theory, all the same demanded of Clement VII. the bulls necessary for -the inauguration of the new archbishop. The pontiff only too happy to -have still something to say to England, hastened to dispatch them, -addressing them directly to Cranmer himself. But the latter who would -accept nothing from the pope, sent them to the king, declaring that he -would not receive his appointment from Rome.[249] - -[Sidenote: Cranmer’s Protest.] - -By accepting the call that was addressed to him, Cranmer meant to break -with the order of the Middle Ages, and re-establish, so far as was in -his power, that of the Gospel. But he would not conceal his intentions: -all must be done in the light of day. On the 30th of March, 1533, he -summoned to the chapter-house of Westminster Watkins, the king’s -prothonotary, with other dignitaries of the Church and State. On -entering, he took up a paper, and read aloud and distinctly: ‘I, Thomas, -Archbishop of Canterbury, protest openly, publicly, and expressly,[250] -that I will not bind myself by oath to anything contrary to the law of -God, the rights of the King of England, and the laws of the realm; and -that I will not be bound in aught that concerns liberty of speech, the -government of the Church of England, and the reformation of all things -that may seem to be necessary to be reformed therein. If my -representative with the pope has taken in my name an oath contrary to my -duty, I declare that he has done so without my knowledge, and that the -said oath shall be null. I desire this protest to be repeated at each -period of the present ceremony.’[251] Then turning to the prothonotary: -‘I beg you to prepare as many copies as may be necessary of this my -protest.’ - -Cranmer left the chapter-house and entered the abbey, where the clergy -and a numerous crowd awaited him. He was not satisfied with once -declaring his independence of the papacy; he desired to do it several -times. The greater the antiquity of the Romish power in Britain, the -more he felt the necessity of proclaiming the supremacy of the divine -Word. Having put on his sacerdotal robes, Cranmer stood at the top of -the steps of the high altar, and said, turning towards the assembly: ‘I -declare that I take the oath required of me only under the reserve -contained in the protest I have made this day in the chapter-house.’ -Then bending his knees before the altar, he read it a second time in -presence of the bishops, priests, and people;[252] after which the -bishops of Lincoln, Exeter, and St. Asaph consecrated him to the -episcopate. - -The archbishop, standing before the altar, prepared to receive the -pallium, but first he had a duty to fulfil: if he sacrificed his repose, -he did not intend to sacrifice his convictions. For the third time he -took up the protest, and again read it[253] before the immense crowd -that filled the cathedral.[254] The accustomed order of the ceremony -having been twice interrupted by an extraordinary declaration, all were -at liberty to praise or blame the action of the prelate as they pleased. -Cranmer having thus thrice published his reserves, read at last the oath -which the Archbishops of Canterbury were accustomed to make to St. Peter -and to the holy apostolic Church of Rome, with the usual protest: _salvo -meo ordine_ (without prejudice to my order). - -Cranmer’s triple protest was an act of Christian decision. Some time -afterwards he said: ‘I made that protest in good faith: I always loved -simplicity and hated falseness.’ But it was wrong of him to use after it -the formula ordinarily employed in consecrations. Doubtless it was -nothing more than a form; a form that was imposed by the king, and -Cranmer protested against all the bad it might contain: still ‘it is -necessary to walk consistently in all things,’ as Calvin says;[255] and -we here meet with one of those weaknesses which sometimes appear in the -life of the pious reformer of England. He ought at no price to have made -oath to the pope; that oath was a stain which in some measure tinged the -whole of his episcopate. Yet if we were to condemn him severely, we -should be forgetting that striking truth—_in many things we offend all_. -Cranmer was the first in the breach, and he has claims to the -consideration of those who are comfortably established in a position -gained by him with so much suffering. The energy with which he thrice -proclaimed his independence deserves our admiration. Nevertheless all -weakness is a fault, and when that fault is committed in high station it -may lead to fatal consequences. The sanctity of the oath taken by -churchmen was compromised by Cranmer’s act, and we have seen in later -times other divines secretly communing with Romish doctrines while -appearing to reject popery. There have sometimes been disguised papists -in the protestant Church of England. - -[Sidenote: Cranmer’s Labors.] - -After the ceremony the new archbishop returned to his place at Lambeth. -From that hour this patron of letters, a scholar himself, a truly pious -man, a distinguished preacher, and of indefatigable industry, never -ceased to labor for the good of the Church. He was able to introduce -Christian faith into many hearts, and sometimes to defend it against the -king’s ill-humor. He constantly endeavored to spread around him -moderation, charity, truth, piety, and peace. When Cranmer became -primate of all England, on the 30th of March, 1533, in that cathedral of -Westminster, the burial-place of kings, the papal order was interred, -and it might be foreseen that the apostolic order would be revived. -England preserved episcopacy because it was the form under which she had -received Christianity in the second century, and because she thought it -necessary for the functions of inspection and government in the Church. -But she rejected that Roman superstition which makes bishops the sole -successors of the apostles, and maintains that they are invested with an -indelible character and a spiritual power which no other minister -possesses.[256] ‘Most assuredly,’ said Cranmer, ‘at the beginning of the -religion of Christ, bishops and presbyters (priests) were not two -things, but one only.’[257] He declared that a bishop was not necessary -to make a pastor; that not only presbyters possessed this right, but -‘_the people also by their election_.’ ‘Before there were Christian -princes, it was the people,’ he said, ‘who generally elected the bishops -and priests.’ Cranmer was not the only man who professed these -principles, which make of the episcopalian and the presbyterian -constitution two varieties, having many things in common. The most -venerable fathers of the Anglican Church—Pilkington, Coverdale, -Whitgift, Fulke, Tyndale, Jewel, Bradford, Becon, and others—have -acknowledged the identity of bishops and presbyters. By the Reformation, -England belongs not to the papistical system of episcopacy, but to the -evangelical system. A public act which would bring back that Church to -her holy origin, would be a source of great prosperity to her. - -The great reformers of England did not separate from Rome only, but also -from the semi-catholicism that was intended to be substituted for it. To -them the spirit and the life were in the ministry of the Word of God, -and not in rites and ceremonies. By their noble example they have called -all men of God to follow them. - -Footnote 221: - - ‘Protestamur quod nolumus alicui statuto edito in derogationem Romani - pontificis consentire.’—Wilkins, _Concilia_, iii. p. 746. - -Footnote 222: - - There is a letter of his dated from Hampton Court, 12th June, 1531. - -Footnote 223: - - Cotton Ms., Vitellius, bk. xxi. p. 54. - -Footnote 224: - - ‘Commendatus primoribus civitatis facundia sua.’—Camerarius - _Melanchthonis Vita_, p. 285. - -Footnote 225: - - ‘It excludeth them from the office of justifying.’—_Homily of - Salvation._ Cranmer, _Works_, ii. p. 129 (Parker Soc.). - -Footnote 226: - - ‘Christ is corporally in heaven and spiritually in his lively - members.’—Cranmer, _On the Lord’s Supper_, p. 33. - -Footnote 227: - - Lutheri _Opp._ xxii. p. 1808. - -Footnote 228: - - Cranmer, _Works_, p. 219 (Parker Soc.). - -Footnote 229: - - ‘Hæc erat neptis uxoris Osiandri.’—Godwin, _Annales Angl._ p. 167. - -Footnote 230: - - 1 Timothy iv. 3. - -Footnote 231: - - Seckendorf, _Hist. Lutheranismi_, 1532. - -Footnote 232: - - Cranmer, _Remains_, p. 232. - -Footnote 233: - - Cranmer, _Remains_, p. 332. - -Footnote 234: - - Foxe, _Acts_, viii. p. 65. - -Footnote 235: - - ‘Thinking that he would be forgetful of me in the meantime.’—Cranmer, - _Remains_, p. 216. - -Footnote 236: - - ‘I found in no town, man, woman, nor child, meat, drink, nor - bedding.’—Cranmer, _Remains_, p. 223. - -Footnote 237: - - Ibid, p. 225. - -Footnote 238: - - Le Grand, _Histoire du Divorce_, i. p. 229. - -Footnote 239: - - _History of the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century_, tom. ii. bk. - ii. ch. xxi. - -Footnote 240: - - This is the date given by Hall, _Chronicles_, fol. 209; Holinshed, - _Chronicles_, iii, p. 629; Strype, _Cranmer’s Mem._ p. 16; Collyers, - ii. p. 71. Others hesitate between November and January (1533); - Burnet, i. p. 121; Herbert, p. 369; Benger, p. 336, &c. - -Footnote 241: - - ‘They judge him a man right worthy to be high in favor and authority - with his prince.’—_State Papers_ (Henry VIII.) vii. p. 391. - -Footnote 242: - - Foxe, _Acts_, viii. p. 66. - -Footnote 243: - - ‘Aliquid intus.’ - -Footnote 244: - - ‘I am unwilling to be made a bishop.’ ‘I desire you to be a - bishop.’—Fuller, _Eccl. Hist._ bk. v. p. 184. - -Footnote 245: - - Foxe, _Acts_, viii. p. 66. - -Footnote 246: - - Cranmer, _Remains_, p. 223. - -Footnote 247: - - Ibid. - -Footnote 248: - - Bossuet makes this remark when speaking of Cranmer’s oath.—_Histoire - des Variations_, liv. vii. p. 11. - -Footnote 249: - - ‘Quas bullas obtulit tum regi.’ Lambeth MS. No. 1136. - -Footnote 250: - - ‘Palam et publice et expresse protestor.’—Wilkins, _Concilia_, iii. p. - 757. - -Footnote 251: - - ‘Quas protestationes in omnibus clausulis et sententiis dictorum - juramentorum repetitas et recitatas volo.’—Wilkins, _Concilia_, iii. - p. 757. - -Footnote 252: - - ‘Eandem sedulam perlegit.’—Lambeth MS. No. 2106. - -Footnote 253: - - ‘Qua protestatione per eundem reverendissimum tertio facta.’—Ibid. - -Footnote 254: - - ‘In the presence of so much people as the church could hold.’—Card. - Pole. - -Footnote 255: - - ‘Il faut marcher rondement en toutes choses.’ - -Footnote 256: - - Concilium Tridentinum, Sessio prima. - -Footnote 257: - - Resolutions of certain bishops. Burnet, _Records_, bk. iii. art. 21; - Cranmer, _Remains_, p. 117. - - - - - CHAPTER XVII. -QUEEN CATHERINE DESCENDS FROM THE THRONE, AND QUEEN ANNE BOLEYN ASCENDS - IT. - (NOVEMBER 1532 TO JULY 1553.) - - -Cranmer was on the archiepiscopal throne: if Anne Boleyn were now to -take her seat on the royal throne by the side of Henry, it was the -pope’s opinion that everything would be lost. Clement recurred once more -to his favorite suggestion of bigamy, already advised by him in 1528 and -1530. True, this suggestion could not be acceptable either to Henry or -to Charles V., but that made it all the better in the eyes of the -pontiff: he would then have the appearance of assenting to the king’s -plans without running the least risk of seeing them realized. ‘Rather -than do what his Majesty asks,’ he said to one of the English envoys, ‘I -would prefer granting him the necessary dispensation to have two wives: -that would be a smaller scandal.’[258] - -[Sidenote: Tenacity Of The Pope.] - -The tenacity with which the pope advised Henry again and again to commit -the crime of bigamy has not prevented the most illustrious advocates of -catholicism from exclaiming that ‘to have two wives at once is a mystery -of iniquity, of which there is no example in Christendom.’[259] A -singular assertion after a cardinal and then a pope had on several -occasions advised what they called ‘a mystery of iniquity.’ Again, for -the third time, the king refused a remedy that was worse than the -disease. - -The pope wished at any price to prevent Rome from losing England; and -turning to the other side, he resolved to try to gain over Charles V. -and prevail upon him not to oppose the divorce. In order to succeed, -Clement determined to undertake a journey to Bologna in the worst season -of the year. He started on the 18th of November with six cardinals and a -certain number of attendants, and took twenty days to reach that city by -way of Perugia. Most of his officers had done everything to dissuade him -from this painful expedition, but in vain. The rain fell in torrents; -the rivers were swollen and unfordable; the roads muddy and broken up; -the mules sank of fatigue one after another; the couriers who preceded -him solicited the pope to travel on foot: and at last his Holiness’s -favorite mule broke its leg. It mattered not: he must oppose the -Reformation of England: the poor pontiff, already sick, had but this one -idea. But the discomforts of the journey increased; the pope often -arrived at inns where there was no bed, and had to sleep among the -straw.[260] At last he reached Bologna on the 7th of December, but in -such a plight that, notwithstanding his love for ceremonies, he entered -the city furtively. - -Another disappointment awaited him. The Cardinal of Ancona died, the -most influential member of the Sacred College, and on whom Clement -relied to gain over the emperor, who greatly respected him. But this did -not cool the pontiff’s zeal: ‘I am thoroughly decided to please the king -in this great matter,’[261] he said to Henry’s envoys, and added: ‘To -have universal concord between all the princes of Christendom, I would -give a joint of my hand.’[262] In fact Clement set to work and went so -far as to tell Charles that, according to the theologians, the pope had -no right to grant a dispensation for a marriage between brother and -sister; but the emperor was immovable. The pope then proposed a truce of -three or four years between Henry, Francis, and Charles, during which he -would convoke a general council, to whom he would remit the whole -affair. Francis informed Henry that all this was nothing but a -trick.[263] - -[Sidenote: Henry Marries Anne Boleyn.] - -The king, convinced that the pope was trifling with him, no longer -hesitated to follow the course which the interests of his people and his -own happiness seemed to point out. He determined that Anne Boleyn should -be his wife and Queen of England also. It was now that, according to the -second hypothesis, the marriage took place. Cranmer states in a letter -written on the 17th of June, 1533, that he did not perform the ceremony, -that he did not hear of it until a fortnight after, and that it was -celebrated ‘much about Saint Paul’s day last[264] (25th of January, -1533). Which date must we accept: this, or the 15th of November, given -by Hall, Hollinshed, Burnet, and others? Cranmer’s language is not -precise enough to settle the question. - -Whatever may have been the date of the marriage—November or January—it -became the universal topic of conversation in the beginning of 1533; -people did not speak of it publicly, but in private, some attacking and -others defending it. If the members of the Romish party circulated -ridiculous stories and outrageous calumnies against Anne, the members of -the national party replied that the purity of her life, her moderation, -her chastity, her mildness, her discretion, her noble and exalted -parentage, her pleasing manners, and (they added somewhat later) her -fitness to give a successor to the crown of England, made her worthy of -the royal favor.[265] Men may have gone too far in their reproaches as -well as in their eulogies. - -This important step on the part of Henry VIII. was accompanied with an -explosion of murmurs against Clement VII. ‘The pope,’ he said, ‘wanders -from the path of the Redeemer, who was obedient in this world to -princes. What! must a prince submit to the arrogance of a human being -whom God has put under him? Must a king humble himself before that man -above whom he stands by the will of God? No! that would be a perversion -of the order God has established.’ This is what Henry represented to -Francis through Lord Rochford;[266] but the words did not touch the King -of France, for the emperor was just then making several concessions to -him, and the evangelicals of Paris were annoying him. From that hour the -cordial feeling between the two monarchs gradually decreased. England -turned her eyes more and more towards the Gospel, and France towards -Rome. Just at the time when Anne Boleyn was about to reign in the -palaces of Whitehall and Windsor, Catherine de Medicis was entering -those of St. Germain and Fontainebleau. The contrast between the two -nations became daily more distinct and striking: England was advancing -towards liberty, and France towards the dragonnades. - -[Sidenote: Brief Of Excommunication.] - -The divorce between Rome and Whitehall soon became manifest. A brief of -Clement VII. posted in February on the doors of all the churches in -Flanders, in the states of the king’s enemy, and as near to England as -possible, attracted a great number of readers.[267] ‘What shall we do?’ -said the pontiff to Henry. ‘Shall we neglect thy soul’s safety?... We -exhort thee, our son, under pain of excommunication, to restore Queen -Catherine to the royal honors which are due to her, to cohabit with her, -and to cease to associate publicly with Anne; and that within a month -from the day on which this brief shall be presented to thee. Otherwise, -when the said term shall have elapsed, we pronounce thee and the said -Anne to be _ipso facto_ excommunicate, and command all men to shun and -avoid your presence.’[268] It would appear that this document, demanded -by the imperialists, had been posted throughout Flanders without the -pope’s knowledge.[269] - -A copy was immediately forwarded to the king by his agents. He was -surprised and agitated, but believed at last that it was forged by his -enemies.[270] How could he imagine that the pope, just at the very time -he was showing the king especial marks of his affection,[271] would -(even conditionally) have anathematized and isolated him in the midst of -his people? Henry sent a copy of the document to Benet, his agent at -Rome, and desired him to ascertain carefully whether it did really -proceed from the pope or not. - -Benet presented the document to Clement as a paper forwarded to him by -his friends in Flanders. The latter was ‘ashamed and in great -perplexity,’ wrote the envoy.[272] He then read it again more -attentively, stopped at certain passages, and seemed as if he were -choking. Having come to the end, he expressed his surprise, and -pretended that the copy differed from the original. ‘There is one -mistake in particular which almost chokes the pope every time it is -mentioned,’ wrote Benet to Cromwell. This mistake was the including of -Queen Anne Boleyn in the censure, without giving her previous warning, -which (they said) was contrary to all the commandments of God. -Accordingly Dr. Benet received orders to bring up this mistake -frequently in his audiences with the pope; and he did not fail to do so. -At this moment, in which he was about to lose England, the pope was more -uneasy at having committed an error of form with regard to Anne Boleyn -than with having struck the monarch of a powerful kingdom with an -interdict. There is, besides, no doubt that he dictated the unhappy -phrase himself. - -Benet and his friends took advantage of the pope’s vexation, and even -increased it: they communicated the brief to the dignitaries of the -Church in Clement’s household, and the latter acknowledged that the -document must be offensive to his Majesty of England, and that ‘the pope -was much to blame.’[273] Benet transmitted the pontiff’s _errata_ to the -king, but it was too late: the blow had taken effect. The indignant -Henry was about to proceed ostentatiously to the very acts which Rome -threatened with her thunders. - -Whilst the pope was hesitating, England firmly pursued her emancipation. -Parliament met on the 4th of February, and the boldest language was -uttered. ‘The people of England, in accord with their king,’ said -eloquent speakers, ‘have the right to decide supremely on all things -both temporal and spiritual;[274] and certainly the English possess -intelligence enough for that. And yet, in spite of the prohibitions -issued by so many of our princes, we see bulls arriving every moment -from Rome to regulate wills, marriages, divorces—everything, in short. -We propose that henceforward these matters be decided solely before the -national tribunals.’ The law passed. Appeals, instead of being made to -Rome, were to be made in the first instance to the bishop, then to the -archbishop, and, if the king was interested in the cause, to the Upper -Chamber of the ecclesiastical Convocation. - -The king took immediate advantage of this law to inquire of Convocation -whether the pope could authorize a man to marry his brother’s widow. Out -of sixty-six present, and one hundred and ninety-seven who voted by -proxy, there were only nineteen in the Upper House who voted against the -king. The opposition was stronger in the Lower House; but even this -agreed with the other house in declaring that Pope Julius II. had -exceeded his authority in giving Henry a dispensation, and that the -marriage, was consequently null from the very first. - -[Sidenote: Cranmer’s Letter.] - -Nothing remained now but to proceed to the divorce. On the 11th of -April, two days before Easter, Cranmer, as archbishop, wrote a letter to -the king, in which he set forth, that desiring to fill the office of -Archbishop of Canterbury, ‘according to the laws of God and Holy Church, -for the relief of the grievances and infirmities of the people, God’s -subjects and yours in spiritual causes,’[275] he prayed his Majesty’s -favor for that office.[276] Cranmer did not decline the royal -intervention, but he avoided confounding spiritual with temporal -affairs.[277] - -Henry, who was doubtless waiting impatiently for this letter, was -alarmed as he read the words ‘according to the laws of God and Holy -Church.’ God and the Church.... Well! but what of the king and the royal -supremacy? The primate seemed to assert the right of acting _proprio -motu_, and, while asking the king’s favor, to be doing a simple act of -courtesy.... Did the Church of England claim to take the pontiff’s place -and station, and leave the king aside?... That was not what Henry meant. -Tired of the pretensions of the Pope of Rome, would he suffer a pope on -a small scale at his side? He intended to be master in his own -kingdom—master of everything. The letter must be modified, and this -Henry intimated to Cranmer. - -That day or the next after the one on which this letter had been written -there was a great festival at court in honor of Anne Boleyn. ‘Queen Anne -that evening went in state to her closet openly as queen,’ says Hall. It -was probably during this festival that the king, taking the prelate -aside, desired him to suppress the unwelcome passage. The idea suggested -by an eminent historian, that Cranmer sent both the letters together to -Henry that he might choose which he would prefer, seems to me -inadmissible. Cranmer, as it would appear, submitted, waiting for better -days. On returning to Lambeth, he recopied his letter, omitting the -words which had been pointed out. Not content with asking the king’s -_favor_, he desired his _license_, his authorization to proceed. He -dated his second letter the same day, and sent it to his master, who was -satisfied with it.[278] - -This alone did not satisfy Henry: in his reply to the archbishop, he -marked still more strongly his intention not to have in England a -primate independent of the crown: ‘Ye, therefore, duly recognizing that -it becometh you not, being our subject, to enterprise any part of your -said office _without our license obtained so to do_.... In consideration -of these things, albeit we, being your king and sovereign, do recognize -no superior upon earth but only God; yet, because ye be under us, by -God’s calling and ours, the most principal minister of our spiritual -jurisdiction, we will not refuse your humble request.’ - -This language was clear. Henry VIII. did not, however, claim the -arbitrary authority to which the pope pretended: human and divine laws -were to be the supreme rule in England; but he, the king, was to be -their chief interpreter. Cranmer must understand that. ‘To these laws -we, as a Christian king,’ wrote Henry, ‘have always heretofore -submitted, and shall ever most obediently submit ourselves.’ The -ecclesiastical system which Henry VIII. established in England in 1533 -was not a free Church in a free State, and there is no reason to be -surprised at it. - -Cranmer, having received the royal license, set out for Mortloke manor -to prepare the act which, for six years, had kept England and the -continent in suspense. Taking the Bishops of Lincoln and Winchester and -some lawyers with him, he proceeded quietly and without ostentation to -the priory of Dunstable, five miles from Ampthill, where Queen Catherine -was staying. He wished to avoid the notoriety of a trial held in London. - -[Sidenote: Ecclesiastical Court.] - -The ecclesiastical court being duly formed, Henry and Catherine were -summoned to appear before it on the 10th of May. The king was present by -attorney; but the queen replied: ‘My cause is before the pope; I accept -no other judge.’ A fresh summons was immediately made out for the 12th -of May, and, as the queen appeared neither in person nor by any of her -servants, she was pronounced contumacious,[279] and the trial went -forward. The king was informed every night of each day’s proceedings, -and he was often in great anxiety. Some unexpected event, an appeal from -Catherine, the sudden intervention of the pope or of the emperor might -stop everything. His courtiers were on the watch for news. Anne said -nothing, but her heart beat quick; and the ambitious Cromwell, whose -fortunes depended on the success of the matter, was sometimes in great -alarm. Cranmer rested on the declarations of Scripture, and showed much -equity and uprightness during the trial.[280] ‘I have willingly injured -no human being,’ he said. But he knew the queen had numerous partisans; -they would conjure her, perhaps, to appear before her judges. There -would then be a great stir, and the voice of the people would be -heard.[281] The archbishop could hardly restrain his emotion as he -thought of this. He must indeed expect an inflexible resistance on the -part of the queen; but, in the midst of all the agitation around her, -she alone remained calm and resolute. Her hand had grasped the pope’s -robe, and nothing could make her let it go. ‘I am the king’s lawful -wife,’ she repeated; ‘I am Queen of England. My daughter is the king’s -child: I place her in her father’s hands.’ - -On Wednesday the 23d of May, the primate, attended by all the -archiepiscopal court, proceeded to the church of St. Peter’s priory at -Dunstable, in order to deliver the final judgment of divorce. A few -persons attracted by curiosity were present; but, although Dunstable was -near Ampthill, all of Catherine’s household kept themselves respectfully -aloof from an act which was to deal their mistress such a grievous blow. -The primate, after reciting the decisions of the several universities, -provincial councils, and other premises, continued: ‘Therefore we, -Thomas, archbishop, primate, and legate, having first called upon the -name of Christ, and having God altogether before our eyes, do pronounce -and declare that the marriage between our sovereign lord King Henry and -the most serene Lady Catherine, widow of his brother, having been -contracted contrary to the law of God, is null and void; and therefore -we sentence that it is not lawful for the said most illustrious Prince -Henry and the said most serene Lady Catherine to remain in the said -pretended marriage.’[282] The act, drawn up very carefully by two -notaries, was immediately sent to the king. - -The divorce was pronounced, and Henry was free. Many persons gave way to -feelings of alarm: they thought that all Europe would combine against -England. ‘The pope will excommunicate the English,’ said some; ‘and then -the emperor will destroy them.’ But, on the other hand, the majority of -the nation desired to have done with a subject which had been agitating -their minds during the last seven years. England, getting out of a -labyrinth from which she had never expected to find an issue, began to -breathe again. - -Catherine’s marriage was declared to be null: it only remained now to -recognize Anne Boleyn’s. On the 28th of May, an archiepiscopal court -held at Lambeth, in the primate’s palace, officially declared that Henry -and Anne had been lawfully wedded, and the king had now no thought but -how to seal his union by the pomp of a coronation. It would certainly -have been preferable had the new queen taken her seat quietly on the -throne; but slanderous reports made it necessary for the king to present -his wife to the people in all the splendor of royalty. - -[Sidenote: Anne Presented To The People.] - -At three o’clock in the afternoon of Thursday before Whitsuntide, a -magnificent procession started from Greenwich. Fifty barges, adorned -with rich banners, conveyed the representatives of the different city -companies, and the metropolis joyfully hailed a union that promised to -inaugurate a future of light and faith: it was almost a religious -festival. On the banner of the Fishmongers was the inscription, _All -worship belongs to God alone_; on that of the Haberdashers, _My trust is -in God only_; on that of the Grocers, _God gives grace_; and on that of -the Goldsmiths, _To God alone be all the glory_. The city of London thus -asserted, in the presence of the immense crowd, the principles of the -Reformation. The lord mayor’s barge immediately preceded the galley, all -hung with cloth of gold, in which Anne was seated. Near it floated -another gay barge, on which a little mountain was contrived, planted -with red and white roses, in the midst of which sat a number of young -maidens singing to the accompaniment of sweet music. A hundred richly -ornamented barques, carrying the nobility of England, brought up the -magnificent procession, and a countless number of boats and skiffs -covered the river. The moment Anne set her foot on shore at the Tower, a -thousand trumpets sounded points of triumph, and all the guns of the -fortress fired such a peal as had seldom been heard before.[283] - -Henry, who liked the sound of cannon, met Anne at the gate and kissed -her, and the new queen entered in triumph that vast fortress from which, -three years later, she was to issue, by order of the same prince, to -mount, an innocent victim, the cruel scaffold. She smiled courteously on -all around; and yet, seized with a sudden emotion, she sometimes -trembled, as if, instead of the joyous flowers on which she trod with -light and graceful foot, she saw a deep gulf yawning beneath her. - -The king and queen passed the whole of the next day (Friday) at the -Tower. On Saturday Anne left it for Westminster.[284] The streets were -gay with banners, and the houses were hung with velvet and cloth of -gold. All the orders of the State and Church, the ambassadors of France -and Venice, and the officers of the court, opened the procession. The -queen was carried in a magnificent litter covered with white cloth shot -with gold, her head, which she held modestly inclined, being encircled -with a wreath of precious stones. The people who crowded the streets -were full of enthusiasm, and seemed to triumph more than she did -herself. - -The next day, Whit-Sunday, she proceeded for the coronation to the -ancient abbey of Westminster, where the bishops and the court had been -summoned to meet her. She took her seat in a rich chair, whence she -presently descended to the high altar and knelt down. After the -prescribed prayers she rose, and the archbishop placed the crown of St. -Edward upon her head. She then took the sacrament and retired; the Earl -of Wiltshire, her father, trembling with emotion, took her right hand -... he was at the pinnacle of happiness, and yet he was uneasy. Alas! a -caprice of the man who had raised his daughter to the throne might be -sufficient to hurl her from it! Anne herself, in the midst of all these -pomps, greater than any ever seen before at the coronation of an English -queen, could not entirely forget the princess whose place she had now -taken. Might not she be rejected in her turn?... In such a thought there -was enough to make her shudder. - -[Sidenote: Feelings Of The New Queen.] - -Anne did not find in her marriage with Henry the happiness she had -dreamt, and a cloud was often seen passing across those features once so -radiant. The idol to which this young woman had sacrificed -everything—the splendor of a throne—did not satisfy her longings for -happiness: she looked within herself, and found once more, as queen, -that attraction towards the doctrine of the Gospel which she had felt in -the society of Margaret of Valois, and which, amid her ambitious -pursuits, had been almost extinguished in her heart. She discovered that -for those who have everything, as well as for those who have nothing, -there is only one single good—God himself. She did not probably give -herself up entirely to Him, for her best impressions were often -fugitive; but she took advantage of her power to assist those who she -knew were devoted to the Gospel. She petitioned for the pardon of John -Lambert, who was still in prison, and that faithful confessor of Jesus -Christ settled in London, where he began to teach children Latin and -Greek, without however neglecting the defence of truth.[285] - -Two women had for some time attracted the eyes of all England—the one -who was ascending the throne, and the other who was descending from it. -Nothing awakens the sympathy of generous souls more than misfortune, and -particularly innocence in misfortune; and accordingly Catherine’s fate -will always excite a lively interest, even in the ranks of -protestantism. We must not forget, however, that Catherine’s cause was -that of the old times and of the Roman papacy, and that Anne’s cause was -identified with that light, liberty, and new life which have -distinguished modern times. It is true, Catherine died in disgrace, but -in peace, surrounded by her women, her officers, her faithful servants; -while the youthful Anne, separated from her friends, alone on a -scaffold, praying God to bless the prince who put her to death, had her -head cruelly cut off by the hangman’s sword. If on the one side there -was innocence and divorce, on the other there was innocence and -martyrdom. - -The king, who had informed Catherine through Lord Mountjoy of the -archiepiscopal sentence, officially communicated his divorce and -marriage to the various crowned heads of Europe, and particularly to the -King of France, the emperor, and the pope. The latter on the 11th of -July annulled the sentence of the Archbishop of Canterbury, declared the -king’s marriage with Anne Boleyn unlawful, and threatened to -excommunicate both, unless they separated before the end of September. -Henry angrily commanded his theologians to demonstrate that the bull was -a nullity, recalled his ambassador, the Duke of Norfolk, and said that -the moment was come for all monarchs and all Christian people to -withdraw from under the yoke of the Bishop of Rome. ‘The pope and his -cardinals,’ he wrote to Francis I., ‘pretend to have princes, who are -free persons, at their beck and commandment. Sire, you and I and all the -princes of Christendom must unite for the preservation of our rights, -liberties, and privileges; we must alienate the greatest part of -Christendom from the see of Rome.’[286] - -But Henry had scholastic prejudices, which made him fall into the -strangest contradictions. While he was employing his diplomacy to -isolate the pope, he still prayed him to declare the nullity of his -marriage with Catherine.[287] It is not at the court of this prince that -we must look for the real Reformation: we must go in search of it -elsewhere. - -Footnote 258: - - ‘Multo, minus scandalosum fuisset, dispensare cum Majestate vestra - super duabus uxoribus.’—Record Office MS. - -Footnote 259: - - Bossuet, _Hist. des Variations_, liv. vi. - -Footnote 260: - - ‘Compelled to lie in the straw.’—_State Papers_ (Henry VIII.), part - vii. p. 394. - -Footnote 261: - - ‘Utterly resolve to do pleasure to your Highness.’—Benet to Henry - VIII., _State Papers_, pp. 401, 402. - -Footnote 262: - - ‘He would it had cost him a joint of his hand.’—Ibid. - -Footnote 263: - - ‘Your Grace should give no credence thereto, for it is but - dissimulation.—Ibid. p. 422. - -Footnote 264: - - Cranmer, _Remains_, p. 246. - -Footnote 265: - - ‘The purity of her life, her constant virginity.’—Burnet, _Records_, - iii. p. 64; see, also, Wyatt, _Memoirs of Anne Boleyn_, p. 437. - -Footnote 266: - - Henry’s instructions to the Earl of Rochford are written in French, - probably that they might be shown to Francis.—_State papers_, vii. pp. - 429-431. - -Footnote 267: - - _State Papers_, vii. p. 421. A note mentions that the document cannot - be found. It is evidently the brief given by Le Grand, _Preuves du - Divorce_, p. 558. - -Footnote 268: - - ‘Te et ipsam Annam, excommunicationis pœna, innodatos declaramus.’—Le - Grand, _Preuves_, p. 567. - -Footnote 269: - - ‘Granted by the pope at the suits of the imperials.’—_State Papers_, - vii. p. 454. - -Footnote 270: - - ‘He can hardly believe it to be true rather than to be - counterfeited.’—Ibid. p. 421. - -Footnote 271: - - ‘In derogation both of justice and the affection lately shown by his - Holiness unto us.’—Ibid. - -Footnote 272: - - Ibid. - -Footnote 273: - - _State Papers_, vii. p. 454. - -Footnote 274: - - Statute against appeals, 24 Henry VIII. cap. 12; Collyers, _Ch. - History_, ii. - -Footnote 275: - - Wilkins, _Concilia Mag. Britanniæ_, iii. pp. 756-759. Rymer, Fœdera, - vi. p. 179. - -Footnote 276: - - _State Papers_ (Henry VIII.), i. p. 390. - -Footnote 277: - - ‘Your sufferance and grants.’—_State Papers_ (Henry VIII.), i. p. 390. - -Footnote 278: - - The two letters are in the State Paper Office; they are in Cranmer’s - handwriting, and appear to have been read, both of them, by the king. - Our hypothesis touching these letters differs from that of Mr. Froude - (_Hist. England_, i. p. 440). _State Papers_ (Henry VIII.), i. pp. - 390, 391. - -Footnote 279: - - ‘Vere et manifeste contumacem.’—_State Papers_ (Henry VIII.) i. p. - 394. - -Footnote 280: - - ‘My lord of Canterbury handleth himself very uprightly.’—Ibid. p. 395. - -Footnote 281: - - ‘A great bruit and voice of the people.’—Cranmer, _Remains_, p. 342. - -Footnote 282: - - ‘Non licere in eodem prætenso matrimonio remanere.’—Wilkins, - _Concilia_, iii. p. 759; Rymer, _Fœdera_, vi. p. 182. - -Footnote 283: - - Cranmer, _Remains_, p. 245. - -Footnote 284: - - Mr. Froude says that Anne went to the Tower on the 19th of May, and - that she quitted it for Westminster on the 31st, so that she resided - there for eleven days (_History of England_, i. pp. 450, 451). That - appears hardly probable, and is in contradiction to Cranmer’s - narrative, where we read: ‘Her grace came to the Tower on Thursday at - night.... Friday all day the king and queen tarried there.... The next - day, which was Saturday, the knights rid before the queen’s grace - towards Westminster.’—_Letters_, p. 245. - -Footnote 285: - - ‘Lambert delivered ... by the coming of Queen Anne.’—Foxe, _Acts_, v. - p. 225. - -Footnote 286: - - ‘To the clear alienation of a great part of Christendom from that - see.’—_State Papers_, vii. p. 477. - -Footnote 287: - - ‘That the matrimony was and is naught.’—Ibid. p. 498. - - - - - CHAPTER XVIII. - A REFORMER IN PRISON. - (AUGUST 1532 TO MAY 1533.) - - -[Sidenote: Fryth’s Noble Character.] - -One of the leading scholars of England was about to seal the testimony -of his faith with blood. John Fryth had been one of the most brilliant -stars of the university of Cambridge. ‘It would hardly be possible to -find his equal in learning,’ said many. Accordingly Wolsey had invited -him to his college at Oxford, and Henry VIII. had desired to place him -among the number of his theologians. But the mysteries of the Word of -God had more attraction for Fryth than those of science: the wants of -conscience prevailed in him over those of the intellect, and neglecting -his own glory, he sought only to be useful to mankind.[288] A sincere, -decided, and yet moderate Christian, preaching the Gospel with great -purity and love, this man of thirty seemed destined to become one of the -most influential reformers of England. Nothing could have prevented his -playing the foremost part, if he had had Luther’s enthusiastic energy or -Calvin’s indomitable power. There were less strong, but perhaps more -amiable features in his character; he taught with gentleness those who -were opposed to the truth, and while many, as Foxe says,[289] ‘take the -bellows in hand to blow the fire, but few there are that will seek to -quench it,’ Fryth sought after peace. Controversies between protestants -distressed him. ‘The opinions for which men go to war,’ he said, ‘do not -deserve those great tragedies of which they make us spectators. Let -there be no longer any question among us of Zwinglians or Lutherans, for -neither Zwingle nor Luther died for us, and we must be one in Christ -Jesus.’[290] This servant of Christ, meek and lowly of heart, like his -Master, never disputed even with papists, unless obliged to do so.[291] - -A true catholicism which embraced all Christians was Fryth’s distinctive -feature as a reformer. He was not one of those who imagine that a -national Church ought to think only of its own nation; but of those who -believe that if a Church is the depositary of the truth, she is so for -all the earth; and that a religion is not good, if it has no longing to -extend itself to all the races of mankind. There were some strongly -marked national elements in the English Reformation: the king and the -parliament; but there was also a universal element: a lively faith in -the Saviour of the world. No one in the sixteenth century represented -this truly catholic element better than Fryth. ‘I understand the Church -of God in a wide sense,’ he said. ‘It contains all those whom we regard -as members of Christ. It is a net thrown into the sea.’[292] This -principle, sown at that time as a seed in the English Reformation, was -one day to cover the world with missionaries. - -Fryth, having declined the brilliant offers the king had made to him -through Cromwell and Vaughan, joined Tyndale in translating and -publishing the Holy Scriptures in English. While laboring thus for -England, an irresistible desire came over him to circulate the Gospel -there in person. He therefore quitted the Low Countries, returned to -London, and directed his course to Reading, where the prior had been his -friend. Exile had not used him well, and he entered that town miserably -clothed, and more like a beggar than one whom Henry VIII. had desired to -place near him. This was in August 1532. - -His writings had preceded him. Having received, when in the Netherlands, -three works composed in defence of purgatory by three distinguished -men—Rastell, Sir Thomas More’s brother-in-law, More himself, and Fisher, -Bishop of Rochester—Fryth had replied to them: ‘A purgatory! there is -not _one_ only, there are _two_. The first is the _Word of God_, the -second is the _Cross of Christ_: I do not mean the cross of wood, but -the cross of tribulation. But the lives of the papists are so wicked -that they have invented a third.’[293] - -Sir Thomas, exasperated by Fryth’s reply, said with that humorous tone -he often affected, ‘I propose to answer the good young father Fryth, -whose wisdom is such that three old men like my brother Rastell, the -Bishop of Rochester, and myself are mere babies when confronted with -Father Fryth alone.’[294] The exile having returned to England, More had -now the opportunity of avenging himself more effectually than by his -jokes. - -[Sidenote: Fryth In The Stocks.] - -Fryth, as we have said, had entered Reading. His strange air and his -look as of a foreigner arriving from a distant country attracted -attention, and he was taken up for a vagabond. ‘Who are you?’ asked the -magistrate. Fryth, suspecting that he was in the hands of enemies of the -Gospel, refused to give his name, which increased the suspicion, and the -poor young man was set in the stocks. As they gave him but little to -eat, with the intent of forcing him to tell his name, his hunger soon -became insupportable.[295] Knowing the name of the master of the -grammar-school, he asked to speak with him. Leonard Coxe had scarcely -entered the prison, when the pretended vagabond all in rags addressed -him in correct latinity, and began to deplore his miserable captivity. -Never had words more noble been uttered in a dungeon so vile. The -head-master, astonished at so much eloquence, compassionately drew near -the unhappy man and inquired how it came to pass that such a learned -scholar was in such profound wretchedness. Presently he sat down, and -the two men began to talk in Greek about the universities and languages. -Coxe could not make it out: it was no longer simple pity that he felt, -but love, which turned to admiration when he heard the prisoner recite -with the purest accent those noble lines of the _Iliad_ which were so -applicable to his own case: - - ‘Sing, O Muse, - The vengeance deep and deadly; whence to Greece - Unnumbered ills arose; which many a soul - Of mighty warriors to the viewless shades - Untimely sent.’[296] - -Filled with respect, Coxe hurried off to the mayor, complained bitterly -of the wrong done to so remarkable a man, and obtained his liberation. -Homer saved the life of a reformer. - -Fryth departed for London and hastened to join the worshippers who were -accustomed to meet in Bow Lane. He conversed with them and exclaimed: -‘Oh! what consolation to see such a great number of believers walking in -the way of the Lord!’[297] These Christians asked him to expound the -Scriptures to them, and, delighted with his exhortations, they exclaimed -in their turn: ‘If the rule of St. Paul were followed, this man would -certainly make a better bishop than many of those who wear the -mitre.’[298] Instead of the crosier he was to bear the cross. - -[Sidenote: Fryth’s Eloquence.] - -One of those who listened was in great doubt relative to the doctrine of -the Lord’s Supper; and one day, after Fryth had been setting Christ -before them as the food of the Christian soul through faith, this person -followed him and said: ‘Our prelates think differently; they believe -that the bread transformed by consecration becomes the flesh, blood, and -bones of Christ; that even the wicked eat this flesh with their teeth, -and that we must adore the host.... What you have just said refutes -their errors, but I fear that I cannot remember it. Pray commit it to -writing.’ Fryth, who did not like discussions, was alarmed at the -request, and answered; ‘I do not care to touch that terrible -tragedy;’[299] for so he called the dispute about the Eucharist. The man -having repeated his request, and promised that he would not communicate -the paper to anybody, Fryth wrote an explanation of the doctrine of the -Sacrament and gave it to that London Christian, saying: ‘We must eat and -drink the body and blood of Christ, not with the teeth, but with the -hearing and through faith.’ The brother took the treatise, and, hurrying -home with it, read it carefully. - -In a short time every one at the Bow Lane meeting spoke about this -writing. One man, a false brother, named William Holt, listened -attentively to what was said, and thought he had found an opportunity of -destroying Fryth. Assuming a hypocritical look, he spoke in a pious -strain to the individual who had the manuscript, as if he had desired to -enlighten his faith, and finally asked him for it. Having obtained it, -he hastened to make a copy, which he carried to Sir Thomas More, who was -still chancellor. - -Fryth soon perceived that he had tried in vain to remain unknown; he -called with so much power those who thirsted for righteousness to come -to Christ for the waters of life, that friends and enemies were struck -with his eloquence. Observing that his name began to be talked of in -various places, he quitted the capital and travelled unnoticed through -several counties, where he found some little Christian congregations -whom he tried to strengthen in the faith. - -Tyndale, who remained on the continent, having heard of Fryth’s labors, -began to feel great anxiety about him. He knew but too well the cruel -disposition of the bishops and of More. ‘I will make the serpent come -out of his dark den,’ Sir Thomas had said, speaking of Tyndale, ‘as -Hercules forced Cerberus, the watch-dog of hell, to come out to the -light of day.... I will not leave Tyndale the darkest corner in which to -hide his head.’[300] In Tyndale’s eyes Fryth was the great hope of the -Church in England; he trembled lest the redoubtable Hercules should -seize him. ‘Dearly beloved brother Jacob,’ he wrote,—calling him Jacob -to mislead his enemies,—‘be cold, sober, wise, and circumspect, and keep -you low by the ground, avoiding high questions that pass the common -capacity. But expound the law truly, and open the veil of Moses to -condemn all flesh and prove all men sinners. Then set abroach the mercy -of our Lord Jesus, and let the wounded consciences drink of him.... All -doctrine that casteth a mist on these two to shadow and hide them, -resist with all your power.... Beloved in my heart, there liveth not one -in whom I have so great hope and trust, and in whom my heart rejoiceth, -not so much for your learning and what other gifts else you may have, as -because you walk in those things that the conscience may feel, and not -in the imagination of the brain. Cleave fast to the rock of the help of -God; and if aught be required of you contrary to the glory of God and -his Christ, then stand fast and commit yourself to God. He is our God, -and our redemption is nigh.’[301] - -Tyndale’s fears were but too well founded. Sir Thomas More held Fryth’s -new treatise in his hand: he read it and, gave way by turns to anger and -sarcasm. ‘Whetting his wits, calling his spirits together, and -sharpening his pen,’ to use the words of the chronicler,[302] he -answered Fryth, and described his doctrine under the image of a cancer. -This did not satisfy him. Although he had returned the seals to the king -in May, he continued to hold office until the end of the year. He -ordered search to be made for Fryth, and set all his bloodhounds on the -track. If the reformer was discovered he was lost; when Sir Thomas More -had once caught his man, nothing could save him—nothing but a merry -jest, perhaps. For instance, one day when he was examining a gospeller -named Silver: ‘You know,’ he said, with a smile, ‘that silver must be -tried in the fire.’ ‘Yes,’ retorted the accused instantly, ‘but not -quicksilver.’[303] More delighted with the repartee, set the poor wretch -at liberty. But Fryth was no jester: he could not hope, therefore, to -find favor with the ex-chancellor of England. - -[Sidenote: Fryth Hunted By More.] - -Sir Thomas hunted the reformer by sea and by land, promising a great -reward to any one who should deliver him up. There was no county or town -or village where More did not look for him, no sheriff or justice of the -peace to whom he did not apply, no harbor where he did not post some -officer to catch him.[304] But the answer from every quarter was: ‘He is -not here.’ Indeed, Fryth, having been informed of the great exertions of -his enemy, was fleeing from place to place, often changing his dress, -and finding safety nowhere. Determining to leave England and return to -Tyndale, he went to Milton Shone in Essex with the intention of -embarking. A ship was ready to sail, and quitting his hiding-place he -went down to the shore with all precaution. He had been betrayed. More’s -agents, who were on the watch, seized him as he was stepping on board, -and carried him to the Tower. This occurred in October 1532. - -Sir Thomas More was uneasy and soured. He beheld a new power lifting its -head in England and all Christendom, and he felt that in despite of his -wit and his influence he was unable to check it. That man so amiable, -that writer of a style so pure and elegant, did not so much dread the -anger of the king; what exasperated him was to see the Scriptures -circulating more widely every day, and a continually increasing number -of his fellow-citizens converted to the evangelical faith. These new -men, who seemed to have more piety than himself—he an old follower of -the old papacy!—irritated him sorely. He claimed to have alone—he and -his friends—the privilege of being Christians. The zeal of the partisans -of the Reformation, the sacrifice they made of their repose, their -money, and their lives, confounded him. ‘These diabolical people,’ he -said, ‘print their books at great expense, notwithstanding the great -danger; not looking for any gain, they give them away to everybody, and -even scatter them abroad by night.[305] They fear no labor, no journey, -no expense, no pain, no danger, no blows, no injury. They take a -malicious pleasure in seeking the destruction of others, and these -disciples of the devil think only how they may cast the souls of the -simple into hell-fire.’ In such a strain as this did the elegant utopist -give vent to his anger—the man who had dreamt all his life of the plan -of an imaginary world for the perfect happiness of every one. At last he -had caught the chief of these disciples of Satan, and hoped to put him -to death by fire. - -[Sidenote: Fryth’s Labors In Prison.] - -The news soon spread through London that Fryth was in the tower, and -several priests and bishops immediately went thither to try to bring him -back to the pope. Their great argument was that More had confuted his -treatise on the Lord’s Supper. Fryth asked to see the confutation, but -it was refused him. One day the Bishop of Winchester having called up -the prisoner, showed it to Fryth, and, holding it up, asserted that the -book quite shut his mouth: Fryth put out his hand, but the bishop -hastily withdrew the volume. More himself was ashamed of the apology and -did all he could to prevent its circulation. Fryth could only obtain a -written copy, but he resolved to answer it immediately. There was no one -with whom he could confer, not a book he could consult, and the chains -with which he was loaded scarcely allowed him to sit and write.[306] But -reading in his dungeon by the light of a small candle the insults of -More, and finding himself charged with having collected all the poison -that could be found in the writings of Wickliffe, Luther, Œcolampadius, -Tyndale, and Zwingle, this humble servant of God exclaimed: ‘No! Luther -and his doctrine are not the mark I aim at, but the Scriptures of -God.’[307] ‘He shall pay for his heresy with the best blood in his -body,’ said his enemies; and the pious disciple replied: ‘As the sheep -bound by the hand of the butcher with timid look beseeches that his -blood may soon be shed, even so do I pray my judges that my blood may be -shed _to-morrow_, if by my death the king’s eyes should be opened.’[308] - -Before he died, Fryth desired to save, if it were God’s will, one of his -adversaries. There was one of them who had no obstinacy, no malice: it -was Rastell, More’s brother-in-law. Being unable to speak to him or to -any of the enemies of the Reformation, he formed the design of writing -in prison a treatise which should be called the _Bulwark_. But strict -orders had recently arrived that he should have neither pen, ink, nor -paper.[309] Some evangelical Christians of London, who succeeded in -getting access to him, secretly furnished him with the means of writing, -and Fryth began. He wrote ... but at every moment he listened for fear -the lieutenant of the Tower or the warders should come upon him suddenly -and find the pen in his hand.[310] Often a bright thought would occur to -him, but some sudden alarm drove it out of his mind, and he could not -recall it.[311] He took courage, however: he had been accused of -asserting that good works were of no service: he proceeded to explain -with much eloquence all their utility, and every time he repeated: ‘Is -that nothing? is that still nothing? Truly, Rastell,’ he added, ‘if you -only regard that as useful which justifies us, the sun is not useful, -because it justifieth not.’[312] - -As he was finishing these words he heard the keys rattling at the door, -and, being alarmed, immediately threw paper, ink, and pen into a -hiding-place. However, he was able to complete the treatise and send it -to Rastell. More’s brother-in-law read it; his heart was touched, his -understanding enlightened, his prejudices cleared away; and from that -hour this choice spirit was gained over to the Gospel of Christ. God had -given him new eyes and new ears. A pure joy filled the prisoner’s heart. -‘Rastell now looks upon his natural reason as foolishness,’ he said. -‘Rastell, become a child, drinks the wisdom that cometh from on -high.’[313] - -The conversion of Sir Thomas More’s brother-in-law made a great -sensation, and the visits to Fryth’s cell became every day more -numerous. Although separated from his wife and from Tyndale, whom he had -been forced to leave in the Low Countries, he had never had so many -friends, brothers, mothers, and fathers; he wept for very joy. He took -his pen and paper from their hiding-place, and, always indefatigable, -began to write first the _Looking-glass of Self-knowledge_, and next a -_Letter to the faithful Followers of the Gospel of Christ_. ‘Imitators -of the Lord,’ he said to them, ‘mark yourselves with the sign of the -cross, not as the superstitious crowd does, in order to worship it, but -as a testimony that you are ready to bear that cross as soon as God -shall please to send it. Fear not when you have it, for you will also -have a hundred fathers instead of one, a hundred mothers instead of one, -a hundred mansions already in this life (for I have made the trial), and -after this life, joy everlasting.’[314] - -[Sidenote: Fryth Visits Petit.] - -At the beginning of 1533, Anne Boleyn having been married to the King of -England, Fryth saw his chains fall off: he was allowed to have all he -asked for, and even permitted to leave the Tower at night on parole. He -took advantage of this liberty to visit the friends of the Gospel, and -consult with them about what was to be done. One evening in particular, -after leaving the Tower, Fryth went to Petit’s house, anxious to embrace -once more that great friend of the Reformation, that firm member of -parliament, who had been thrown into prison as we have seen, and at last -set free. Petit, weakened by his long confinement, was near his end; the -persecution agitated and pained him, and it would appear that his -emotion sometimes ended in delirium. As he was groaning over the -captivity of the young and noble reformer, Fryth appeared. Petit was -confused, his mind wandered. Is it Fryth or his ghost? He was like the -apostles, when Rhoda came to tell them that Peter was at the gate -waiting to see them. But gradually recovering himself, Petit said: ‘You -here! how have you escaped the vigilance of the warders?’ ‘God himself,’ -answered Fryth, ‘gave me this liberty by touching their hearts.’[315] -The two friends then conversed about the true Reformation of England, -which in their eyes had nothing to do with the diplomatic proceedings of -the king. In their opinion it was not a matter of overloading the -external Church with new frippery, but ‘to increase that elect, -sanctified, and invisible congregation, elect before the foundation of -the world.’[316] Fryth did not conceal from Petit the conviction he felt -that he would be called upon to die for the Gospel. The night was spent -in such Christian conversation and the day began to dawn before the -prisoner hastened to return to the Tower. - -The evangelist’s friends did not think as he did. Anne Boleyn’s -accession seemed as if it ought to open the doors of Fryth’s prison, and -in imagination they saw him at liberty, and laboring either on the -continent or at home at that real reformation which is accomplished by -the Scriptures of God. - -But it was not to be so. Most of the evangelical men raised up by God in -England during the reign of Henry VIII. found—not the influence which -they should have exercised, but—death. Yet their blood has weighed in -the divine balance; it has sanctified the Reformation of England, and -been a spiritual seed for future ages. If the Church of that rich -country, which possesses such worldly splendor, has nevertheless -witnessed the development of a powerful evangelical life in its bosom, -it must not forget the cause, but understand, with Tertullian, that _the -blood of the martyrs is the seed of the Church_. - -Footnote 288: - - ‘Serving for the common utility.’—Tyndale to Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. - 74. - -Footnote 289: - - Foxe, _Acts_, v. p. 10. - -Footnote 290: - - Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 421. - -Footnote 291: - - ‘He would never seem to strive against the papists.’—Foxe, _Acts_, v. - p. 9. - -Footnote 292: - - Fryth, _A Declaration of Baptism_, p. 287. - -Footnote 293: - - See Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 91. Preface to the Reader. - -Footnote 294: - - Anderson, _Annals of the Bible_, i. p. 338. - -Footnote 295: - - Foxe, _Acts_, v. p. 5. - -Footnote 296: - - Earl of Derby’s Translation. - -Footnote 297: - - He added: ‘Now have I experience of the faith which is in - you.’—Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 257. - -Footnote 298: - - Ibid. p. 324. - -Footnote 299: - - Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 321. - -Footnote 300: - - _Confutation of Tyndale’s Answer_, by Sir Thomas More, lord-chancellor - of England (1532). - -Footnote 301: - - Foxe, _Acts_, v. p. 133. - -Footnote 302: - - Ibid. p. 9. - -Footnote 303: - - Strype. i. p. 316. - -Footnote 304: - - Foxe, _Acts_, v. p. 6. - -Footnote 305: - - Preface to More’s Confutation, _Bible Ann._ i. p. 343. - -Footnote 306: - - ‘He was so loaded with iron that he could scarce sit with any - ease.’—Burnet, i. p. 161. - -Footnote 307: - - Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 342. - -Footnote 308: - - Ibid. p. 338. - -Footnote 309: - - The Subsidy or Bulwark; Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 242. - -Footnote 310: - - ‘I am in continual fear, lest the lieutenant or my keeper should espy - any such thing by me.’—Ibid. - -Footnote 311: - - ‘If any notable thing had been in my mind, it was clean lost.’—Ibid. - -Footnote 312: - - The Subsidy or Bulwark; Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 241. - -Footnote 313: - - The Subsidy or Bulwark; Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 211. - -Footnote 314: - - Ibid. p. 259. - -Footnote 315: - - Strype. - -Footnote 316: - - Tyndale and Fryth; _Works_, iii. p. 288. - - - - - CHAPTER XIX. - A REFORMER CHOOSES RATHER TO LOSE HIS LIFE THAN TO SAVE IT. - (MAY TO JULY 1533.) - - -The enemy was on the watch: the second period of Fryth’s captivity, that -which was to terminate in martyrdom, was beginning. Henry’s bishops, -who, while casting off the pope to please the king, had remained devoted -to scholastic doctrines, feared lest the reformer should escape them: -they therefore undertook to solicit Henry to put him to death. Fryth had -on his side the queen, Cromwell, and Cranmer. This did not discourage -them, and they represented to the king that although the man was shut up -in the Tower of London, he did not cease to write and act in defence of -heresy. It was the season of Lent, and Fryth’s enemies came to an -understanding with Dr. Curwin, the king’s chaplain, who was to preach -before the court. He had no sooner got into the pulpit than he began to -declaim against those who denied the material presence of Christ in the -host. Having struck his hearers with horror, he continued: ‘It is not -surprising that this abominable heresy makes such great progress among -us. A man now in the Tower of London has the audacity to defend it, and -no one thinks of punishing him.’ - -[Sidenote: Fryth Ordered For Trial.] - -When the service was over, the brilliant congregation left the chapel, -and each as he went out asked what was the man’s name. ‘Fryth’ was the -reply, and loud were the exclamations on hearing it. The blow took -effect, the scholastic prejudices of the king were revived, and he sent -for Cromwell and Cranmer. ‘I am very much surprised,’ he said, ‘that -John Fryth has been kept so long in the Tower without examination. I -desire his trial to take place without delay; and if he does not -retract, let him suffer the penalty he deserves.’ He then nominated six -of the chief spiritual and temporal peers of England to examine him: -they were the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of London and -Winchester, the lord chancellor, the Duke of Suffolk, and the Earl of -Wiltshire. This demonstrated the importance which Henry attached to the -affair. Until now, all the martyrs had fallen beneath the blows either -of the bishops or of More; but in this case it was the king himself who -stretched out his strong hand against the servant of God. - -Henry’s order plunged Cranmer into the cruellest anxiety. On the one -hand, Fryth was in his eyes a disciple of the Gospel; but on the other, -he attacked a doctrine which the archbishop then held to be Christian; -for, like Luther and Osiander, he still believed in consubstantiation. -‘Alas!’ he wrote to Archdeacon Hawkins, ‘he professes the doctrine of -Œcolampadius.’[317] He resolved, however, to do everything in his power -to save Fryth. - -The best friends of the young reformer saw that a pile was being raised -to consume the most faithful Christian in England. ‘Dearly beloved,’ -wrote Tyndale from Antwerp, ‘fear not men that threat, nor trust men -that speak fair. Your cause is Christ’s Gospel, a light that must be fed -with the blood of faith. The lamp must be trimmed daily, that the light -go not out.’[318] There was no lack of examples to confirm these words. -‘Two have suffered in Antwerp unto the great glory of the Gospel; four -at Ryselles in Flanders. At Rouen in France they persecute, and at Paris -are five doctors taken for the Gospel. See, you are not alone: follow -the example of all your other dear brethren, who choose to suffer in -hope of a better resurrection. Bear the image of Christ in your mortal -body, and keep your conscience pure and undefiled.... _Una salus victis, -nullam sperare salutem_: the only safety of the conquered is to look for -none. If you could but write and tell us how you are.’ In this letter -from a martyr to a martyr there was one sentence honorable to a -Christian woman: ‘Your wife is well content with the will of God, and -would not for her sake have the glory of God hindered.’ - -[Sidenote: Cranmer Would Save Fryth.] - -If friends were thinking of Fryth on the banks of the Scheldt, they were -equally anxious about him on the banks of the Thames. Worthy citizens of -London asked what was the use of England’s quitting the pope to cling to -Christ, if she burnt the servants of Christ? The little Church had -recourse to prayer. Archbishop Cranmer wished to save Fryth: he loved -the man and admired his piety. If the accused appeared before the -commission appointed by the king, he was lost: some means must be -devised without delay to rescue him from an inevitable death. The -archbishop declared that, before proceeding to trial, he wished to have -a conference with the prisoner, and to endeavor to convince him, which -was very natural. But at the same time the primate appeared to fear that -if the conference took place in London the people would disturb the -public peace, as in the time of Wickliffe.[319] He settled therefore -that it should be held at Croydon, where he had a palace. The primate’s -fear seems rather strange. A riot on account of Fryth, at a time when -king, commons, and people were in harmony, appeared hardly probable. -Cranmer had another motive. - -Among the persons composing his household was a gentleman of benevolent -character, and with a leaning towards the Gospel, who was distressed at -the cruelty of the bishops, and looked upon it as a lawful and Christian -act to rob them, if possible, of their victims. Giving him one of the -porters of Lambeth palace as a companion, Cranmer committed Fryth to his -care to bring him to Croydon. They were to take the prisoner a journey -of four or five hours on foot through fields and woods, without any -constables or soldiers. A strange walk and a strange escort.[320] - -Lord Fitzwilliam, first Earl of Southampton and governor of the Tower, -at that time lay sick in his house at Westminster, suffering such severe -pain as to force loud groans from him. On the 10th of June, at the -desire of my Lord of Canterbury, the archbishop’s gentleman, and the -Lambeth porter, Gallois, surnamed Perlebeane, were introduced into the -nobleman’s bedchamber, where they found him lying upon his bed in -extreme agony. Fitzwilliam, a man of the world, was greatly enraged -against the evangelicals, who were the cause, in his opinion, of all the -difficulties of England. The gentleman respectfully presented to him the -primate’s letter and the king’s ring. ‘What do you want?’ he asked -sharply, without opening the letter. ‘His grace desires your lordship to -deliver Master Fryth to us.’ The impatient Southampton flew into a -passion at the name, and cursed Fryth and all the heretics.[321] He -thought it strange that a gentleman and a porter should have to convey a -prisoner of such importance to the episcopal court: were there no -soldiers in the Tower? Had Fitzwilliam any suspicion, or did he regret -to see the reformer leave the walls within which he had been kept so -safely? We cannot tell: but he must obey, for they brought him the -king’s signet. Accordingly, taking his own hastily from his finger: -‘Fryth,’ he said, ‘Fryth.... Here, show this to the lieutenant of the -Tower, and take away your heretic quickly. I am but too happy to get rid -of him.’ - -A few hours later Fryth, the gentleman, and Perlebeane entered a boat -moored near the Tower, and were rowed speedily to the archbishop’s -palace at Lambeth. At first the three persons preserved a strict -silence, only interrupted from time to time by the deep sighs of the -gentleman. Being charged to begin by trying to induce Fryth to make some -compromise, he broke the silence at last. ‘Master Fryth,’ he said, ‘if -you are not prudent you are lost. What a pity! you that are so learned -in Latin and Greek and in the Holy Scriptures, the ancient doctors, and -all kinds of knowledge, you will perish, and all your admirable gifts -will perish with you, with little profit to the world, and less comfort -to your wife and children, your kinsfolk and friends.’... The gentleman -was silent a minute, and then began again: ‘Your position is dangerous, -Master Fryth, but not desperate: you have many friends who will do all -they can in your favor. On your part do something for them, make some -concession, and you will be safe. Your opinion on the merely spiritual -presence of the body and blood of the Saviour is premature: it is too -soon for us in England; wait until a better time comes!’ - -Fryth did not say a word: no sound was heard but the dash of the water -and the noise of the oars. The gentleman thought he had shaken the young -doctor, and, after a moment’s silence, he resumed: ‘My lord Cromwell and -my lord of Canterbury feel great affection for you: they know that, if -you are young in years, you are old in knowledge, and may become a most -profitable citizen of this realm.... If you will be somewhat advised by -their counsel, they will never permit you to be harmed; but if you stand -stiff to your opinion, it is not possible to save your life, for as you -have good friends so have you mortal enemies.’ - -[Sidenote: Attempt At Conciliation.] - -The gentleman stopped and looked at the prisoner. It was by such -language that Bilney had been seduced; but Fryth kept himself in the -presence of God, ready to lose his life that he might save it. He -thanked the gentleman for his kindness, and said that his conscience -would not permit him to recede, out of respect to man, from the true -doctrine of the Lord’s Supper. ‘If I am questioned on that point, I must -answer according to my conscience, though I should lose twenty lives if -I had so many. I can support it by a great number of passages from the -Holy Scriptures and the ancient doctors, and, if I am fairly tried, I -shall have nothing to fear.’—‘Marry!’ quoth the gentleman, ‘if you be -fairly tried, you would be safe; but that is what I very much doubt. Our -Master Christ was not fairly tried, nor would he be, as I think, if he -were now present again in the world. How, then, should you be, when your -opinions are so little understood and are so odious?’—‘I know,’ answered -Fryth, ‘that the doctrine which I hold is very hard meat to be digested -just now; but listen to me.’ As he spoke, he took the gentleman by the -hand: ‘If you live twenty years more, you will see the whole realm of my -opinion concerning this sacrament of the altar—all, except a certain -class of men. My death, you say, would be sorrowful to my friends, but -it will be only for a short time. But, all things considered, my death -will be better unto me and all mine than life in continual bondage. God -knoweth what he hath to do with his poor servant, whose cause I now -defend. He will help me, and no man shall prevail on me to step -backwards.’ - -The boat reached Lambeth. The travellers landed, entered the -archbishop’s palace, and, after taking some refreshment, started on foot -for Croydon, twelve miles from London. - -The three travellers proceeded over the hills and through the plains of -Surrey. Here and there flocks of sheep were grazing in the scanty -pastures, and to the east stretched vast woods. The gentleman walked -mournfully by the side of Fryth. It was useless to ask him again to -retract; but another idea engrossed Cranmer’s officer,—that of letting -Fryth escape. The country was then thinly inhabited: the woods which -covered it on the east and the chalky hills might serve as a -hiding-place for the fugitive. The difficulty was to persuade -Perlebeane. The gentleman slackened his pace, called to the porter, and -they walked by themselves behind the prisoner. When they were so far off -that he could not hear their conversation, the gentleman said: ‘You have -heard this man, I am sure, and noted his talk since he came from the -Tower.’—‘I never heard so constant a man,’ Perlebeane answered, ‘nor so -eloquent a person.’—‘You have heard nothing,’ resumed the gentleman, ‘in -respect both of his knowledge and his eloquence. If you could hear him -at the university or in the pulpit, you would admire him still more. -England has never had such a one of his age with so much learning. And -yet our bishops treat him as if he were a very dolt or an idiot.... They -abhor him as the devil himself, and want to get rid of him by any -means.’—‘Marry!’ said the porter, ‘if there were nothing else in him but -the consideration of his person both comely and amiable, his disposition -so gentle, meek, and humble, it were pity he should be cast away.’—‘Cast -away,’ interrupted the gentleman, ‘he will certainly be cast away if we -once bring him to Croydon.’ And lowering his voice, he continued: -‘Surely, before God I speak it, if thou, Perlebeane, wert of my mind, we -should never bring him thither.’—‘What do you mean?’ asked the -astonished porter. Then, after a moment’s silence, he added: ‘I know -that you have a great deal more responsibility in this matter than I -have; and therefore, if you can honestly save this man, I will yield to -your proposal with all my heart.’ The gentleman breathed again. - -[Sidenote: Attempt To Save Fryth.] - -Cranmer had desired that all possible efforts should be made to change -Fryth’s sentiments; and these failing, he wished to save him in another -way. It was his desire that the Reformer should go on foot to Croydon; -that he should be accompanied by two only of his servants, selected from -those best disposed towards the new doctrine. The primate’s gentleman -would never have dared to take upon himself, except by his master’s -desire, the responsibility of conniving at the escape of a prisoner who -was to be tried by the first personages of the realm, appointed by the -king himself. Happy at having gained the porter to his enterprise, he -began to discuss with him the ways and means. He knew the country well, -and his plan was arranged. - -‘You see yonder hill before us,’ he said to Perlebeane; ‘it is Brixton -Causeway, two miles from London. There are great woods on both sides. -When we come to the top, we will permit Fryth to escape to the woods on -the left hand, whence he may easily get into Kent, where he was born, -and where he has many friends. We will linger an hour or two on the road -after his flight, to give him time to reach a place of safety, and when -night approaches, we will go to Streatham, which is a mile and a half -off, and make an outcry in the town that our prisoner has escaped into -the woods on the right hand towards Wandsworth; that we followed him for -more than a mile, and at length lost him because we were not many -enough. At the same time we will take with us as many people as we can -to search for him in that direction; if necessary we will be all night -about it; and before we can send the news of what has happened to -Croydon, Fryth will be in safety, and the bishops will be disappointed.’ - -The gentleman, we see, was not very scrupulous about the means of -rescuing a victim from the Roman priests. Perlebeane thought as he did. -‘Your plan pleases me,’ he answered; ‘now go and tell the prisoner, for -we are already at the foot of the hill.’ - -The delighted gentleman hurried forward. ‘Master Fryth,’ he said, ‘let -us talk together a little. I cannot hide from you that the task I have -undertaken, to bring you to Croydon, as a sheep to the slaughter, -grieves me exceedingly, and there is no danger I would not brave to -deliver you out of the lion’s mouth. Yonder good fellow and I have -devised a plan whereby you may escape. Listen to me. The gentleman -having described his plan, Fryth smiled amiably, and said: ‘This, then, -is the result of your long consultation together. You have wasted your -time. If you were both to leave me here and go to Croydon, declaring to -the bishops you had lost me, I should follow after as fast as I could, -and bring them news that I had found and brought Fryth again.’ - -The gentleman had not expected such an answer. A prisoner refuse his -liberty! ‘You are mad,’ he said: ‘do you think your reasoning will -convert the bishops? At Milton Shone you tried to escape beyond the sea, -and now you refuse to save yourself!’—‘The two cases are different,’ -answered Fryth; ‘then I was at liberty, and, according to the advice of -St. Paul, I would fain have enjoyed my liberty for the continuance of my -studies. But now the higher power, as it were by Almighty God’s -permission, has seized me, and my conscience binds me to defend the -doctrine for which I am persecuted, if I would not incur our Lord’s -condemnation. If I should now run away, I should run from my God; if I -should fly, I should fly from the testimony I am bound to bear to his -Holy Word, and I should deserve a thousand hells. I most heartily thank -you both for your good will towards me; but I beseech you to bring me -where I was appointed to be brought, for else I will go thither all -alone.’[322] - -Those who desired to save Fryth had not counted upon so much integrity. -Such were, however, the martyrs of protestantism. The archbishop’s two -servants continued their route along with their strange prisoner. Fryth -had a calm eye and cheerful look, and the rest of the journey was -accomplished in pious and agreeable conversation. When they reached -Croydon, he was delivered to the officers of the episcopal court, and -passed the night in the lodge of the primate’s porter. - -[Sidenote: Fryth On The Real Presence.] - -The next morning he appeared before the bishops and peers appointed to -examine him. Cranmer and Lord Chancellor Audley desired his acquittal; -but some of the other judges were men without pity. - -The examination began: - -‘Do you believe,’ they said, ‘that the sacrament of the altar is or is -not the real body of Christ?’ Fryth answered, simply and firmly: ‘I -believe that the bread is the body of Christ in that it is broken, and -thus teaches us that the body of Christ was to be broken and delivered -unto death to redeem us from our iniquities. I believe the bread is the -body of Christ in that it is _distributed_, and thus teaches us that the -body of Christ and the fruits of his passion are distributed unto all -faithful people. I believe that the bread is the body of Christ so far -as it is _received_, and thus it teaches us that even as the outward man -receiveth the sacrament with his teeth and mouth, so doth the inward man -truly receive through faith the body of Christ and the fruits of his -passion.’ - -The judges were not satisfied: they wanted a formal and complete -retraction. ‘Do you not think,’ asked one of them, ‘that the natural -body of Christ, his flesh, blood, and bones, are contained under the -sacrament and are there present without any figure of speech?’—‘No,’ he -answered; ‘I do not think so;’ adding with much humility and charity: -‘notwithstanding I would not have that any should count my saying to be -an article of faith. For even as I say, that you ought not to make any -necessary article of the faith of your part; so I say again, that we -make no necessary article of the faith of our part, but leave it -indifferent for all men to judge therein, as God shall open their -hearts, and no side to condemn or despise the other, but to nourish in -all things brotherly love, and to bear one another’s infirmities.’[323] - -The commissioners then undertook to convince Fryth of the truth of -transubstantiation; but he quoted Scripture, St. Augustine and -Chrysostom, and eloquently defended the doctrine of the spiritual -eating. The court rose. Cranmer had been moved, although he was still -under the influence of Luther’s teaching.[324] ‘The man spoke -admirably,’ he said to Dr. Heath as they went out, ‘and yet in my -opinion he is wrong.’ Not many years later he devoted one of the most -important of his writings to an explanation of the doctrine now -professed by the young reformer; it may be that Fryth’s words had begun -to shake him. - -Full of love for him, Cranmer desired to save him. Four times during the -course of the examination he sent for Fryth and conversed with him -privately,[325] always asserting the Lutheran opinion. Fryth offered to -maintain his doctrine in a public discussion against any one who was -willing to attack it, but nobody accepted his challenge.[326] Cranmer, -distressed at seeing all his efforts useless, found there was nothing -more for him to do; the cause was transferred to the ordinary, the -Bishop of London, and on the 17th of June the prisoner was once more -committed to the Tower. The bishop selected as his assessors for the -trial, Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, and Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester: -there were no severer judges to be found on the episcopal bench. At -Cambridge, Fryth had been the most distinguished pupil of the clever and -ambitious Gardiner; but this, instead of exciting the compassion of that -hard man, did but increase his anger. ‘Fryth and his friends,’ he said, -‘are villains, blasphemers, and limbs of the devil.’[327] - -[Sidenote: Fryth Sentenced To Death.] - -On the 20th of June, Fryth was taken to St. Paul’s before the three -bishops, and though of a humble disposition and almost timid character, -he answered boldly. A clerk took down all his replies, and Fryth, -snatching up the pen, wrote: ‘I, Fryth think thus. Thus have I spoken, -written, defended, affirmed, and published in my writings.’[328] The -bishops having asked him if he would retract his errors, Fryth replied: -‘Let justice have its course and the sentence be pronounced.’ Stokesley -did not keep him waiting long. ‘Not willing that thou, Fryth, who art -wicked,’ he said, ‘shouldst become more wicked, and infect the Lord’s -flock with thy heresies, we declare thee excommunicate and cast out from -the Church, and leave thee unto the secular powers, most earnestly -requiring them in the truth of our Lord Jesus Christ that thy execution -and punishment be not too extreme, _nor yet the gentleness too much -mitigated_.’[329] - -Fryth was taken to Newgate and shut up in a dark cell, where he was -bound with chains on the hands and feet as heavy as he could bear, and -round his neck was a collar of iron, which fastened him to a post, so -that he could neither stand upright nor sit down. Truly the -‘gentleness’ was not ‘too much mitigated.’ His charity never failed -him. ‘I am going to die,’ he said, ‘but I condemn neither those who -follow Luther nor those who follow Œcolampadius, since both reject -transubstantiation.’[330] A young mechanic of twenty-four, Andrew -Hewet by name, was placed in his cell. Fryth asked him for what crime -he was sent to prison. ‘The bishops,’ he replied, ‘asked me what I -thought of the sacrament, and I answered, “I think as Fryth does.” -Then one of them smiled, and the Bishop of London said: “Why Fryth is -a heretic, and already condemned to be burnt, and if you do not -retract your opinion you shall be burnt with him.” “Very well,” I -answered, “I am content.”[331] So they sent me here to be burnt along -with you.’ - -On the 4th of July they were both taken to Smithfield: the executioners -fastened them to the post, back to back; the torch was applied, the -flame rose in the air, and Fryth, stretching out his hands, embraced it -as if it were a dear friend whom he would welcome. The spectators were -touched, and showed marks of lively sympathy. ‘Of a truth,’ said an -evangelical Christian in after days, ‘he was one of those prophets whom -God, having pity on this realm of England, raised up to call us to -repentance.’[332] His enemies were there. Cooke, a fanatic priest, -observing some persons praying, called out: ‘Do not pray for such folks, -any more than you would for a dog.’[333] At this moment a sweet light -shone on Fryth’s face, and he was heard beseeching the Lord to pardon -his enemies. Hewet died first, and Fryth thanked God that the sufferings -of his young brother were over. Committing his soul into the Lord’s -hands, he expired. ‘Truly,’ exclaimed many, ‘great are the victories -Christ gains in his saints.’ - -So many souls were enlightened by Fryth’s writings, that this reformer -contributed powerfully to the renovation of England. ‘One day, an -Englishman,’ says Thomas Becon, prebendary of Canterbury and chaplain to -Archbishop Cranmer, ‘having taken leave of his mother and friends, -travelled into Derbyshire, and from thence to the Peak, a marvellous -barren country,’ and where there was then ‘neither learning nor yet no -spark of godliness.’ Coming into a little village named Alsop in the -Dale, he chanced upon a certain gentleman also named Alsop, lord of that -village, a man not only ancient in years, but also ripe in the knowledge -of Christ’s doctrine. After they had taken ‘a sufficient repast,’ the -gentleman showed his guest certain books which he called his _jewels_ -and _principal treasures_: these were the New Testament and some books -of Fryth’s. In these godly treatises this ancient gentleman occupied -himself among his rocks and mountains both diligently and virtuously. -‘He did not only love the Gospel,’ adds Cranmer’s chaplain, he ‘_lived -it also_.’[334] - -Fryth’s writings were not destined to be read always with the same -avidity: the truth they contain is, however, good for all times. The -books of the apostles and of the reformers which that gentleman of Alsop -read in the sixteenth century were better calculated to bring joy and -peace to the soul than the light works read with such avidity in the -world. - -Footnote 317: - - Cranmer’s _Letters and Remains_, p. 246. - -Footnote 318: - - Tyndale to Fryth: Foxe, v. p. 132; Anderson, _Annals of Bible_, i. p. - 357. - -Footnote 319: - - ‘For there should be no concourse of citizens.’—Foxe, _Acts_, viii. p. - 696. - -Footnote 320: - - The narrative from which we learn these particulars is given in the - eighth volume of Foxe’s _Acts_, and seems to have been written by the - gentleman himself. The circumstance that it is drawn up so as to - compromise neither himself nor Cranmer is of itself a confirmation. - -Footnote 321: - - Foxe, _Acts_, viii. p. 696. - -Footnote 322: - - Foxe, _Acts_, viii. Appendix. - -Footnote 323: - - Foxe, _Acts_, v. p. 12. - -Footnote 324: - - ‘Mit den Zähnen zu bissen.’—Plank. iii. p. 369. - -Footnote 325: - - ‘And surely I myself sent for him three or four times to persuade - him.’—Cranmer, _Remains_, _Letters_, p. 246. - -Footnote 326: - - ‘There was no man willing to answer him in open disputation.’—Foxe, - _Acts_, viii. p. 699. - -Footnote 327: - - Bishop Hooper, _Early Writings_, p. 245. - -Footnote 328: - - ‘Ego Frythus ita sentio, ita dixi, scripsi, affirmavi, &c.’—Foxe, - _Acts_, v. p. 14. - -Footnote 329: - - Ibid. p. 15. - -Footnote 330: - - ‘All the Germans, both of Luther’s side and also of - Œcolampadius.’—Tyndale and Fryth, _Works_, iii. p. 455. - -Footnote 331: - - Foxe, _Acts_, v. p. 18. - -Footnote 332: - - Becon, _Works_, iii. p. 11. - -Footnote 333: - - Foxe, _Acts_, v. p. 10. - -Footnote 334: - - Becon, _Jewel of Joy_ (Parker Soc.), p. 420. - - - - - CHAPTER XX. - ENGLAND SEPARATES GRADUALLY FROM THE PAPACY. - (1533.) - - -[Sidenote: Anne Boleyn.] - -When Fryth mounted the scaffold, Anne Boleyn had been seated a month on -the throne of England. The salvoes of artillery which had saluted the -new queen had re-echoed all over Europe. There could be no more doubt: -the Earl of Wiltshire’s daughter, radiant with grace and beauty, wore -the Tudor crown; every one, especially the imperial family, must bear -the consequences of the act. One day Sir John Hacket, English envoy at -Brussels, arrived at court just as Mary, regent of the Low Countries, -was about to mount her horse. ‘Have you any news from England?’ she -asked him in French.—‘None,’ he replied. Mary gave him a look of -surprise,[335] and added: ‘Then I have, and not over good methinks.’ She -then told him of the king’s marriage, and Hacket rejoined with an -unembarrassed air: ‘Madam, I know not if it has taken place, but -everybody who considers it coolly and without family prejudice will -agree that it is a lawful and a conscientious marriage.’ Mary, who was -niece of the unhappy Catherine, replied: ‘Mr. Ambassador, God knows I -wish all may go well; but I do not know how the emperor and the king my -brother will take it, for it touches them as well as me.’—‘I think I may -be certain,’ returned Sir John, ‘that they will take it in good -part.’—‘That I do not know, Mr. Ambassador,’ said the regent, who -doubted it much; and then mounting her horse, she rode out for the -chase.[336] - -Charles V. was exasperated: he immediately pressed the pope to -intervene, and on the 12th of May, Clement cited the king to appear at -Rome. The pontiff was greatly embarrassed: having a particular liking -for Benet, Henry’s agent, he took him aside, and said to him -privately:[337] ‘It is an affair of such importance that there has been -none like it for many years. I fear to kindle a fire that neither pope -nor emperor will be able to quench.’ And then he added unaffectedly: -‘Besides, I cannot pronounce the king’s excommunication before the -emperor has an army ready to constrain him.’ Henry being told of this -_aside_ made answer: ‘Having the justice of our cause for us, with the -entire consent of our nobility, commons, and subjects, we do not care -for what the pope may do.’ Accordingly he appealed from the pope to a -general council. - -The pope was now more embarrassed than ever; ‘I cannot stand still and -do nothing,’ he said.[338] On the 12th of July he revoked all the -English proceedings and excommunicated the king, but suspended the -effects of his sentence until the end of September. ‘I hope,’ said Henry -contemptuously, ‘that before then the pope will understand his -folly.’[339] - -He reckoned on Francis I. to help him to understand it; but that prince -was about to receive the pope’s niece into his family, and Henry made -every exertion, but to no effect, to prevent the meeting of Clement and -Francis at Marseilles. The King of England, who had already against him -the Netherlands, the Empire, Rome, and Spain, saw France also slipping -from him. He was isolated in Europe, and that became a serious matter. -Agitated and indignant, he came to an extraordinary resolution, namely, -to turn to the disciples and friends of that very Luther whom he had -formerly so disdainfully treated. - -[Sidenote: Missions Of Vaughan And Mann.] - -Stephen Vaughan and Christopher Mann were despatched, the former to -Saxony, the other to Bavaria.[340] Vaughan reached Weimar on the 1st of -September, where he had to wait five days for the Elector of Saxony, who -was away hunting. On the 5th of September he had an audience of the -prince, and spoke to him first in French and then in Latin. Seeing that -the elector, who spoke neither French, English, nor Latin, answered him -only with nods,[341] he begged the chancellor to be his interpreter. A -written answer was sent to Vaughan at seven in the evening: the Elector -of Saxony turned his back on the powerful King of England. He was -unworthy, he said, to have at his court ambassadors from his royal -majesty; and besides, the emperor, who was his only master, might be -displeased. Vaughan’s annoyance was extreme. ‘Strange rudeness!’ he -exclaimed. ‘A more uncourteous refusal has never been made to such a -gracious proposition. And to my greater misfortune, it is the first -mission of kind with which I have ever been entrusted.’ He left Weimar -determined not to deliver his credentials either to the Landgrave of -Hesse or to the Duke of Lauenberg, whom he was instructed to visit: he -did not wish to run the chance of receiving fresh affronts. - -A strange lot was that of the King of England! the pope excommunicating -him, and the heretics desiring to have nothing to do with him! No more -allies, no more friends! Be it so: if the nation and the monarch are -agreed, what is there to fear? Besides at the very moment this affront -was offered him, his joy was at its height; the hope of soon possessing -that heir, for whom he had longed so many years, quite transported him. -He ordered an official letter to be prepared announcing the birth of a -prince ‘to the great joy of the king,’ it ran, ‘and of all his loving -subjects.’ Only the date of the letter was left blank. - -On the 7th of September, two days after the elector’s refusal, Anne, -then residing in the palace at Greenwich, was brought to bed of a fine -well-formed child, reminding the gossips of the features of both -parents; but alas! it was a girl. Henry, agitated by two strong -affections, love for Anne and desire for a son, had been kept in great -anxiety during the time of labor. When he was told that the child was a -girl, the love he bore for the mother prevailed, and though disappointed -in his fondest wishes, he received the babe with joy. But the famous -letter announcing the birth of a prince ... what must be done with it -now? Henry ordered the queen’s secretary to add an _s_ to the word -_prince_, and despatched the circular without making any change in the -expression of his satisfaction.[342] The christening was celebrated with -great pomp; two hundred torches were carried before the princess, a fit -emblem of the light which her reign would shed abroad. The child was -named Elizabeth, and Henry gave her the title of Princess of Wales, -declaring her his successor, in case he should have no male offspring. -In London the excitement was great; _Te Deums_, bells, and music filled -the air. The adepts of judicial astrology declared that the stars -announced a glorious future. A bright star was indeed rising over -England; and the English people, throwing off the yoke of Rome, were -about to start on a career of freedom, morality, and greatness. The firm -Elizabeth was not destined to shine by the amiability which -distinguished her mother, and the restrictions she placed upon liberty -tend rather to remind us of her father. Yet while on the continent kings -were trampling under foot the independence of their subjects, the -English people, under Anne Boleyn’s daughter, were to develop -themselves, to flourish in letters, and in arts, to extend navigation -and commerce, to reform abuses, to exercise their liberties, to watch -energetically over the public good, and to set up the torch of the -Gospel of Christ. - -[Sidenote: English Envoys At Marseilles.] - -The king of France very adverse to England’s becoming independent of -Rome, at last prevailed upon Henry to send two English agents (Gardiner -and Bryan) to Marseilles. ‘You will keep your eyes open,’ said Henry -VIII. to them, ‘and lend an attentive ear, but you will keep your mouths -shut.’ The English envoys being invited to a conference with Clement and -Francis, and solicited by those great personages to speak, declared that -they had no powers. ‘Why then were you sent?’ exclaimed the king unable -to conceal his vexation. The ambassadors only answered with a -smile.[343] Francis who meant to uphold the authority of the pope in -France, was unwilling that England should be free: he seems to have had -some presentiment of the happy effects that independence would work for -the rival nation. Accordingly he took the ambassadors aside, and prayed -them to enter immediately on business with the pontiff. ‘We are not here -for his Holiness,’ dryly answered Gardiner, ‘or to negotiate anything -with him, but only to do what the King of England commands us.’ The -tricks of the papacy had ruined it in the minds of the English people. -Francis I., displeased at Gardiner’s silence and irritated by his -stiffness, intimated to the King of England that he would be pleased to -see ‘better instruments’ sent.[344] Henry did send another instrument to -Marseilles, but he took care to choose one sharper still. - -Edward Bonner, archdeacon of Leicester, was a clever, active man, but -ambitious, coarse and rude, wanting in delicacy and consideration -towards those with whom he had to deal, violent, and, as he showed -himself later to the protestants, a cruel persecutor. For some time he -had got into Cromwell’s good graces, and as the wind was against popery, -Bonner was against the pope. Henry gave him his appeal to a general -council, and charged him to present it to Clement VII.: it was the ‘bill -of divorcement’ between the pope and England. Bonner, proud of being the -bearer of so important a message, arrived at Marseilles, firmly resolved -to give Henry a proof of his zeal. If Luther had burnt the pope’s bull -at Wittemberg, Bonner would do as much; but while Luther had acted as a -free man, Bonner was only a slave, pushing to fanaticism his submission -to the orders of his despotic master. - -Gardiner was astonished when he heard of Bonner’s arrival. What a -humiliation for him! He hung his head, pinched his lips,[345] and then -lifted up his eyes and hands, as if cursing the day and hour when Bonner -appeared. Never were two men more discordant to one another. Gardiner -could not believe the news. A scheme contrived without him! A bishop to -see one of his inferiors charged with a mission more important than his -own! Bonner, having paid him a visit, Gardiner affected great coldness, -and brought forward every reason calculated to dissuade him from -executing his commission.—‘But I have a letter from the king,’ answered -Bonner, ‘sealed with his seal, and dated from Windsor; here it is.’ And -he took from his satchel the letter in which Henry VIII. intimated that -he had appealed from the sentence of the pope recently delivered against -him.[346] ‘Good,’ answered Gardiner, and taking the letter he read: ‘Our -good pleasure is that if you deem it _good_ and _serviceable_ (Gardiner -dwelt upon those two words) you will give the pope notice of the said -appeal, according to the forms required by law; if not, you will -acquaint us with your opinion in that respect.—‘That is clear,’ said -Gardiner; ‘you should advise the king to abstain, for that notice just -now will be neither good nor serviceable.’—‘And I say that it is both,’ -rejoined Bonner. - -One circumstance brought the two Englishmen into harmony, at least for a -time. Catherine de Medicis, the pope’s niece, had been married to the -son of Francis I., and Clement made four French prelates cardinals. But -not one Englishman, not even Gardiner! That changed the question; there -could be no more doubt. Francis is sacrificing Henry to the pope, and -the pope insults England. Gardiner himself desired Bonner to give the -pontiff notice of the appeal, and the English envoy, fearing refusal if -he asked for an audience of Clement, determined to overleap the usual -formalities, and take the place by assault. - -[Sidenote: Clement And Bonner.] - -On the 7th of November, the Archdeacon of Leicester, accompanied by -Penniston, a gentleman who had brought him the king’s last orders, went -early to the pontifical palace, preparing to let fall from the folds of -his mantle war between England and the papacy. As he was not expected, -the pontifical officers stopped him at the door; but the Englishman -forced his way in, and entered a hall through which the pope must pass -on his way to the consistory. - -Ere long the pontiff appeared, wearing his stole, and walking between -the cardinals of Lorraine and Medicis, his train following behind. His -eyes, which were of remarkable quickness, immediately fell upon the -distant Bonner,[347] and as he advanced he did not take them off the -stranger, as if astonished and uneasy at seeing him. At length he -stopped in the middle of the hall, and Bonner, approaching the datary, -said to him: ‘Be pleased to inform his Holiness that I desire to speak -to him.’ The officer refusing, the intrepid Bonner made as if he would -go towards the pope. Clement, wishing to know the meaning of these -indiscreet proceedings, bade the cardinals stand aside, took off the -stole, and going to a window recess, called Bonner to him. The latter, -without any formality, informed the pope that the King of England -appealed from his decision to a general council, and that he (Bonner), -his Majesty’s envoy, was prepared to hand him the authentic documents of -the said appeal, taking them (as he spoke) from his portfolio. Clement, -who expected nothing like this, was greatly surprised: ‘it was a -terrible breakfast for him,’ says a contemporary document.[348] Not -knowing what to answer, he shrugged his shoulders, ‘after the Italian -fashion;’ and at last, recovering himself a little, he told Bonner that -he was going to the consistory, and desired him to return in the -afternoon. Then beckoning the cardinals, he left the hall. - -Henry’s envoy was punctual to the appointment, but had to wait for an -hour and a half, his Holiness being engaged in giving audience. At -length he and Penniston were conducted to the pope’s closet. Clement -fixed his eyes on the latter, and Bonner having introduced him, the pope -remarked with a mistrustful air: ‘It is well, but I also must have some -members of my council;’ and he ordered Simonetta, Capisuchi, and the -datary to be sent for. While waiting their arrival, Clement leant at the -window, and appeared absorbed in thought. At last, unable to contain -himself any longer, he exclaimed: ‘I am greatly surprised that his -Majesty should behave as he does towards me.’ The intrepid Bonner -replied: ‘His Majesty is not less surprised that your Holiness, who has -received so many services from him, repays him with ingratitude.’ -Clement started, but restrained himself on seeing the datary enter, and -ordered that officer to read the appeal which Bonner had just delivered -to him.[349] - -The datary began: ‘Considering that we have endured from the pope many -wrongs and injuries (_gravaminibus et injuriis_).’... Clasping his hands -and nodding dissent, Clement exclaimed ironically: ‘_O questo è molto -vero!_’ meaning to say that it was false, remarks Bonner.[350] The -datary continued: ‘Considering that his most holy Lordship strikes us -with his spiritual sword, and wishes to separate us from the unity of -the Church; we, desiring to protect with a lawful shield the kingdom -which God has given us,[351] appeal by these presents, for ourselves and -for all our subjects, to a holy universal council.’ - -[Sidenote: A General Council.] - -At these words, the pope burst into a transport of passion,[352] and the -datary stopped. Clement’s gestures and broken words uttered with -vehemence, showed the horror he entertained of a council.... A council -would set itself above the pope; a council might perhaps say that the -Germans and the King of England were right. ‘To speak of a general -council! O good Lord!’ he exclaimed.[353] - -The pope gave way to convulsive movements, folding and unfolding his -handkerchief, which was always a sign of great anger in him. At last, as -if to hide his passion, he said: ‘Continue, I am listening.’ When the -datary had ended, the pope said coldly to his officers: ‘It is well -written! _Questo è bene fatto._’ - -Then turning to Bonner, he asked: ‘Have you anything more to say to me?’ -Bonner was not in the humor to show the least consideration. A man of -the north, he took a pleasure in displaying his roughness and -inflexibility in the elegant, crafty, and corrupt society of Rome. He -boldly repeated the protest, and delivered the king’s ‘provocation’ to -the pope, who broke out into fresh lamentations. ‘Ha!’ he exclaimed -vehemently, ‘his Majesty affects much respect for the Church, but does -not show the least to me.’ He _snarled_[354] as he read the new -document.... Just at this moment, one of his officers announced the King -of France. Francis could not have arrived at a more seasonable moment. -Clement rose and went to the door to meet him. The king respectfully -took off his hat, and holding it in his hand made a low bow,[355] after -which he inquired what his Holiness was doing. ‘These English -gentlemen,’ said the pontiff, ‘are here to notify me of certain -provocations and appeals ... and for other matters,’[356] he added, -displaying much ill-humor. Francis sat down near the table at which the -pope was seated; and turning their backs to Henry’s envoy, who had -retired into an adjoining room, they began a conversation in a low tone, -which Bonner, notwithstanding all his efforts, could not hear. - -That conversation possibly decided the separation between England and -France. The king showed that he was offended at a course of proceeding -which he characterized as unbecoming; and Clement learnt, to his immense -satisfaction, that the English had not spoken to Francis about the -council. ‘If you will leave me and the emperor free to act against -England,’ he said to the king, ‘I will ensure you possession of the -duchy of Milan.’[357] The monarch promised the obedience of his people -to the decrees of the papacy, and the pope in his joy exclaimed: -‘_Questo è per la bontà vostra!_’ Bonner, who had not lost sight of the -two speakers, remarked that at this moment the king and the pope -‘laughed merrily together,’ and appeared to be the best friends in the -world. - -The king having withdrawn, Bonner, again approached the pope, and the -datary finished the reading. The Englishman had not been softened by the -mysterious conversation and laughter of Clement and Francis: he was as -rough and abrupt as the Frenchman had been smooth and amiable. It was -long since the papacy had suffered such insults openly, and even the -German Reformation had not put it to such torture. The Cardinal De -Medicis, chief of the malcontents, who had come in, listened to Bonner, -with head bent down and eyes fixed upon the floor: he was humiliated and -indignant. ‘This is a matter of great importance,’ said Clement; ‘I will -consult the consistory and let you know my answer.’ - -In the afternoon of Monday, 10th of November, Bonner returned to the -palace to learn the pope’s pleasure: but there was a grand reception -that day, the lords and ladies of the court of Francis I. were presented -to Clement, who did nothing for two hours but bless chaplets, bless the -spectators, and put out his foot for the nobles and dames to kiss.[358] - -[Sidenote: Clement’s Answer.] - -At last Bonner was introduced: ‘_Domine doctor, quid vultis?_ Sir -doctor, what do you want?’ said the pope. ‘I desire the answer which -your Holiness promised me.’ Clement, who had had time to recover -himself, replied: ‘A constitution of Pope Pius, my predecessor, condemns -all appeals to a general council. I therefore reject his Majesty’s -appeal as unlawful.’ The pope had pronounced these words with calmness -and dignity, but an incident occurred to put him out of temper. Bonner, -hurt at the little respect paid to his sovereign, bluntly informed the -pope that the Archbishop of Canterbury—that Cranmer—desired also to -appeal to a council. This was going too far: Clement, restraining -himself no longer, rose, and approaching Henry’s envoy, said to him: ‘If -you do not leave the room instantly, I will have you thrown into a -caldron of molten lead.’[359]—‘Truly,’ remarked Bonner, ‘if the pope is -a shepherd, he is, as the king my master says, a violent and cruel -shepherd.’[360] And not caring to take a leaden bath, he departed for -Lyons.[361] - -Clement was delighted not only at the departure, but still more at the -conduct of Bonner: the insolence of the English envoy helped him -wonderfully; and accordingly he made a great noise about it, complaining -to everybody, and particularly to Francis. ‘I am wearied, vexed, -disgusted with all this,’ said that prince to his courtiers. ‘What I do -with great difficulty in a week for my good brother (Henry VIII.), his -own ministers undo in an hour.’ Clement endeavored in secret -interviews[362] to increase this discontent, and he succeeded. The -mysterious understanding was apparent to every one, and Vannes, the -English agent, who never lost sight either of the pope or the king, -informed Cromwell of the close union of their minds.[363] - -When Henry VIII. learnt that the King of France was slipping from him, -he was both irritated and alarmed. Abandoned by that prince, he saw the -pope launching an interdict against his kingdom, the emperor invading -England, and the people in insurrection.[364] He had no repose by night -or day: his anger against the pope continued to increase. Wishing to -prevent at least the revolts which the partisans of the papacy might -excite among his subjects, he dictated a strange proclamation to his -secretary: ‘Let no Englishman forget the most noble and loving prince of -this realm,’ he said, ‘who is most wrongfully judged by the _great -idol_, and most _cruel enemy to Christ’s religion, which calleth himself -Pope_. Princes have two ways to attain right—the general council and the -sword. Now the king, having appealed from the unlawful sentence of the -Bishop of Rome to a general council lawfully congregated, the said -usurper hath rejected the appeal, and is thus outlawed. By holy -Scripture, there is no more jurisdiction granted to the Bishop of Rome -than to any other bishop. Henceforth honor him not as an idol, who is -but a man usurping God’s power and authority; and a man neither in life, -learning, nor conversation like Christ’s minister or disciple.’[365] - -Henry having given vent to his irritation, bethought himself, and judged -it more prudent not to publish the proclamation. - -At Marseilles England and France separated: the first, because she was -withdrawing from the pope; the other, because she was drawing nearer to -him. It is here that was formed that secret understanding between Paris -and Rome which, adopted by the successors of Francis I., and more or -less courted by other sovereigns of Christendom, has for several -centuries filled glorious countries with despotism and persecution, and -often with immorality. The interview at Marseilles between the pope and -the King of France is the dividing point: since that time, governments -and nations in the train of Rome have been seen to decline, while those -who separated from it have begun to rise. - -Footnote 335: - - ‘She gave me a look as to that she should marvell thereof.’—_State - Papers_, vii. p. 451. - -Footnote 336: - - ‘Setting forward to ride out a hunting.’—_State Papers_, vii. p. 451. - -Footnote 337: - - ‘Taking me aside, showed unto me secretly.’—Ibid. p. 457. - -Footnote 338: - - ‘So sore for him to stand still and do nothing.’—Ibid. p. 469. - -Footnote 339: - - _State Papers_ (Henry VIII.), vii. p. 496. - -Footnote 340: - - _State Papers_, (Henry VIII.), vii. p. 501. - -Footnote 341: - - ‘Sed tantum annuit capite.’—Ibid. p. 502. - -Footnote 342: - - This official document is given in the _State Papers_, i. p. 407. An - examination of the manuscript in the Harleian collection, shows that - the _s_ was added afterwards in the two following passages: ‘bringing - forth of a prince_s_’ and ‘preservation of the said prince_s_.’ - -Footnote 343: - - Le Grand, _Hist. du Divorce_, i. p. 269. - -Footnote 344: - - Ibid. p. 587. - -Footnote 345: - - ‘Making a plairemouth with his lip.’—Foxe, _Acts_, v. p. 152. - -Footnote 346: - - Cranmer’s _Memorials_, Appendix, p. 8. - -Footnote 347: - - ‘The pope whose sight is incredulous quick, eyed me.’—Burnet, - _Records_, iii. p. 38. - -Footnote 348: - - Ibid. p. 51. - -Footnote 349: - - ‘His Holiness, delivering it to the datarie, commanded him to read - it.’—Burnet, _Records_, iii. p. 23. - -Footnote 350: - - Burnet, _Records_, iii. pp. 37-46; Rymer, _Acta_, vi. pars ii. p. 188. - -Footnote 351: - - ‘Legitimo defensionis clypeo protegere.’—Rymer, _Acta_, vi. pars ii. - p. 188. - -Footnote 352: - - ‘He fell in a marvellous great choler and rage.’—Burnet, _Records_, - iii. p. 54. - -Footnote 353: - - Ibid. - -Footnote 354: - - ‘Wherein the pope snarling.’—Ibid. p. 42. - -Footnote 355: - - ‘The French king making very low _curtisie_, putting off his bonnet - and keeping it off.’—Burnet, _Records_, iii. p. 42. - -Footnote 356: - - ‘Questi signori Inglesi sono stati quà per intimare certi provocationi - et appellationi. . . . e di fare altre cose.’—Ibid. - -Footnote 357: - - Le Grand, _Histoire du Divorce_, i. p. 268. - -Footnote 358: - - Burnet, _Records_, iii. p. 42. - -Footnote 359: - - Ibid, i. p. 130. - -Footnote 360: - - ‘Immitis et crudelis pastor.’—Rymer, _Acta_, p. 188. - -Footnote 361: - - Cranmer’s appeal was not written till later, except there be some - error in the date. Burnet, _Records_, iii. p. 24. - -Footnote 362: - - ‘Hæc omnia a pontifice cum rege amotis arbitris tractata.’—_State - Papers_ (Henry VIII.), vii. p. 222. - -Footnote 363: - - ‘De summa animorum conjunctione.’—Ibid. p. 523. - -Footnote 364: - - Strype, _Eccles. Mem._ i. p. 22. - -Footnote 365: - - Strype, _Eccles. Mem._ p. 226 (Oxf. 1822). - - - - - CHAPTER XXI. - PARLIAMENT ABOLISHES THE USURPATIONS OF THE POPES IN ENGLAND. - (JANUARY TO MARCH 1534.) - - -[Sidenote: Cry Against The Papacy.] - -While the papacy was intriguing with France and the empire, England was -energetically working at the utter abolition of the Roman -authority.[366] ‘One loud cry must be raised in England against the -papacy,’ said Cromwell to the council. ‘It is time that the question was -laid before the people. Bishops, parsons, curates, priors, abbots, and -preachers of the religious orders should all declare from their pulpits -that the Bishop of Rome, styled the Pope, is subordinate, like the rest -of the bishops, to a general council, and that he has no more rights in -this kingdom than any other foreign bishop.’ - -It was necessary to pursue the same course abroad. Henry resolved to -send ambassadors to Poland, Hungary, Saxony, Bavaria, Pomerania, -Prussia, Hesse, and other German states, to inform them that he was -touched with the zeal they had shown in defence of the Word of God and -the extirpation of ancient errors, and to acquaint all men that he was -himself ‘utterly determined to reduce the pope’s power _ad justos et -legitimos mediocritatis suæ modos_, to the just and lawful bounds of his -mediocrity.’[367] - -He did not stop here. Desiring above all things to withdraw France from -under the influence of Rome, he instructed his ambassadors to tell -Francis I. in his name and in the name of the people: ‘We shall shortly -be able to give unto the pope such a buffet as he never had -before.’[368] This was quite in Henry’s style. ‘Things are going at such -a rate here,’ wrote the Duke of Norfolk to Montmorency, ‘that the pope -will soon lose the obedience of England; and other nations, perceiving -the great fruits, advantage, and profit that will result from it, will -also separate from Rome.’[369] - -All this was serious: there was some chance that Norfolk’s prophecy -would be fulfilled. The poor pontiff could think of nothing else, and -began to believe that the idea of a council was not so unreasonable -after all, since the place and time of meeting and mode of proceeding -would lead to endless discussions; and if the meeting ever took place, -he would thus be relieved of a responsibility which became more -oppressive to him every day. He therefore bade Henry VIII. be informed -that he agreed to call a general council. But events had not stood -still; the position was not the same. ‘It is no longer necessary,’ the -king answered coldly. In his opinion, the Church of England was -sufficient of herself, and could do without the Church of Rome. - -The King of France, growing alarmed, immediately resumed his part of -mediator. Du Bellay, his ambassador at Rome, made indefatigable efforts -to inspire the consistory with an opinion favorable to Henry VIII. -According to that diplomatist, the King of England was ready to -re-establish friendly relations with Clement VII., and it was parliament -alone that desired to break with the papacy forever: it was the people -who wished for reform, it was the king who opposed it. ‘Make your -choice,’ he exclaimed with eloquence.[370] ‘All that the king desires is -peace with Rome; all that the commonalty demands is war. With whom will -you go—with your enemies or with your friend?’ Du Bellay’s assertions, -though strange, were based upon a truth that cannot be denied. It was -the best of the people who wanted protestantism in England, and not the -king. - -[Sidenote: Alarm Of The Court Of Rome.] - -The court of Rome felt that the last hour had come, and determined to -despatch to London the papers necessary to reconcile Henry. It was -believed on the Continent that the King of England was going to gain his -cause at last, and people ascribed it to the ascendency of French policy -at Rome since the marriage of Catherine de Medicis with Henry of -Orleans. But the more the French triumphed, the more indignant became -the Imperialists. To no purpose did the pope say to them: ‘You do not -understand the state of affairs: the thing is done.... The King of -England is married to Anne Boleyn. If I annulled the marriage, who would -undertake to execute my sentence?’—‘Who?’ exclaimed the ambassadors of -Charles V., ‘who?... The emperor.’[371] The weak pontiff knew not which -way to turn: he had but one hope left—if Henry VIII., as he expected, -should re-establish catholicism in his kingdom, a fact so important -would silence Charles V. - -This fact was not to be feared: a movement had begun in the minds of the -people of Great Britain which it was no longer possible to stop. While -many pious souls received the Word of God in their hearts, the king and -the most enlightened part of the nation were agreed to put an end to the -intolerable usurpations of the Roman pontiff. ‘We have looked in the -Holy Scriptures for the rights of the papacy,’ said the members of the -Commons house of parliament, ‘but, instead of finding therein the -institution of popes, we have found that of kings—and, according to -God’s commandments, the priests ought to be subject to them as much as -the laity.’—‘We have reflected upon the wants of the realm,’ said the -royal council, ‘and have come to the conclusion, that the nation ought -to form one body; that one body can have but one head, and that head -must be the king.’ The parliament which met in January, 1534, was to -give the death-blow to the supremacy of the pope. - -This blow came strictly neither from Henry nor from Cranmer, but from -Thomas Cromwell.[372] Without possessing Cranmer’s lively faith, -Cromwell desired that the preachers should open the Word of God and -preach it ‘with pure sincereness’ before the people,[373] and he -afterwards procured from every Englishman the right to read it. Being -pre-eminently a statesman of sure judgment and energetic action, he was -in advance of his generation; and it was his fate, like those generals -who march boldly at the head of the army, to procure victory to the -cause for which he fought; but, persecuted by the traitors concealed -among his soldiers, to be sacrificed by the prince he had served, and to -meet a tragical death before the hour of his triumph. - -The Commons, wishing to put an end to the persecutions practised by the -clergy against the evangelical Christians, summoned—it was a thing -unprecedented[374]—the Lord-bishop of London to appear at their bar to -answer the complaint made against him by Thomas Philips, one of the -disciples of the Reformation. The latter had been lying in prison three -years under a charge of heresy. The parliament, unwilling that a bishop -should be able at his own fancy to transform one of his Majesty’s -subjects into a heretic, brought in a bill for the repression of -doctrines condemned by the Church. They declared that, the authority of -the Bishop of Rome being opposed to Holy Scripture and the laws of the -realm, the words and acts that were contrary to the decisions of the -pontiff could not be regarded as heresies. Then turning to the -particular case which had given rise to the grievance, parliament -declared Philips innocent and discharged him from prison. - -After having thus upheld the cause of religious liberty, the Commons -proceeded to the definitive abolition of the privileges which the -bishops of Rome had successively usurped to the great detriment of both -Church and people. They restored to England the rights of which Rome had -despoiled her. They prohibited all appeals to the pope, of what kind -soever they might be,[375] and substituted for them an appeal to the -king in chancery. They voted that the election of bishops did not -concern the court of Rome, but belonged to the chief ecclesiastical body -in the diocese, to the chapter ... at least in appearance; for it really -appertained to the crown, the king designating the person whom the -chapter was to elect. This strange constitution was abolished under -Edward VI., when the nomination of the bishops was conferred purely and -simply on the king. If this was not better, it was at least more -sincere; but the singular _congé d’élire_ was restored under Elizabeth. - -[Sidenote: Complaint Of Romish Exactions.] - -At the same time new and loud complaints of the Romish exactions were -heard in parliament. ‘For centuries the Roman bishops have been -deceiving us,’ said the eloquent speakers, ‘making us believe that they -have the power of dispensing with everything, even with God’s -commandments. We send to Rome the treasures of England, and Rome sends -us back in return ... a piece of paper. The monster which has fattened -on the substance of our people bears a hundred different names. They -call it reliefs, dues, pensions, provisions, procurations, delegation, -rescript, appeal, abolition, rehabilitation, relaxation of canonical -penalties, licenses, Peter’s pence, and many other names besides. And -after having thus caught our money by all sorts of tricks, the Romans -laugh at us in their sleeves.’ Parliament forbade everybody, even the -king himself,[376] to apply to Rome for any dispensation or delegation -whatsoever, and ordered them, in case of need, to have recourse to the -Archbishop of Canterbury. Then, immediately putting these principles -into practice, they declared the king’s marriage with Catherine to be -null, for ‘no man has power to dispense with God’s laws,’[377] and -ratified the marriage between Henry and Anne, proclaiming their children -heirs to the crown. At the same time, wishing England to become entirely -English, they deprived two Italians, Campeggi and Ghinucci, of the sees -of Salisbury and Worcester, which they held. - -It was during the month of March, 1534—an important date for -England—that the main branches of the tree of popery were thus lopped -off one after another. The trunk indeed remained, although stripped; but -yet a few months, and that too was to strew the earth with its fall. -Still the Commons showed a certain degree of consideration. When Clement -had threatened the king with excommunication, he had given him three -months’ grace; England, desiring to return his politeness, informed the -pope that he might receive some compensation. At the same time she made -an important declaration: ‘We do not separate from the Christian -Church,’ said the Commons, ‘but merely from the usurped authority of the -Pope of Rome; and we preserve the catholic faith, as _it is set forth in -the Holy Scriptures_.’ All these reforms were effected with great -unanimity, at least in appearance. The bishops, even the most -scholastic, such as Stokesley of London, Tonstal of Durham, Gardiner of -Winchester, and Rowland Lee of Coventry, declared the Roman papacy to be -of human invention, and that the pope was, in regard to them, only a -_bishop_, a _brother_, as his predecessors had been to the bishops of -antiquity.[378] Every Sunday during the cessation of parliament a -prelate preached at St. Paul’s Cross ‘that the pope was not the head of -the Church,’ and all the people said AMEN. - -Meanwhile Du Bellay, the French ambassador at Rome, was waiting for the -act by which the King of England was to bind himself once more to the -pope—an act which Francis I. still gave him reason to expect. Every -morning he fancied it would arrive, and every evening his expectations -were disappointed. He called upon the English envoys, and afterwards at -the Roman chancery, to hear if there was any news; but everywhere the -answer was the same—nothing. - -[Sidenote: Henry’s Condemnation.] - -The term fixed by Clement VII. having elapsed, he summoned the -consistory for Monday the 23d of March. Du Bellay attended it, still -hoping to prevent anything being done that might separate England from -the papacy. The cardinals represented to him, that as the submission of -Henry VIII. had not arrived, nothing remained but for the pope to -fulminate the sentence. ‘Do you not know,’ exclaimed Du Bellay, in -alarm, ‘that the courier charged with that prince’s despatches has seas -to cross, and the winds may be contrary? The King of England waited your -decision for six years, and cannot you wait six days?’[379] ‘Delay is -quite useless,’ said a cardinal of the imperial faction; ‘we know what -is taking place in England. Instead of thinking of reparation, the king -is widening the schism every day. He goes so far as to permit the -representation of dramas at his court, in which the holy conclave, and -some of your most illustrious selves in particular, are held up to -ridicule.’ The last blow, although a heavy one, was unnecessary. The -priests could no longer contain their vexation; the rebellious prince -must be punished. Nineteen out of twenty-two cardinals voted against -Henry VIII.; the remaining three only asked for further enquiry. Clement -could not conceal his surprise and annoyance. To no purpose did he -demand another meeting, in conformity with the custom which requires -two, and even three consultations:[380] overwhelmed by an imposing and -unexpected majority, he gave way. - -[Sidenote: The Pope’s Disquietude.] - -Simonetta then handed him the sentence, which the unhappy pope took and -read with the voice of a criminal rather than of a judge. ‘Having -invoked the name of Christ, and sitting on the throne of justice,[381] -we decree that the marriage between Catherine of Aragon and Henry, King -of England was and is valid and canonical; that the said King Henry is -bound to cohabit with the said queen; to pay her royal honors; and that -he must be constrained to discharge these duties.’ After pronouncing -these words the poor pontiff, alarmed at the bold act he had just -performed, turned to the envoys of Charles V. and said to them: ‘I have -done my duty; it is now for the emperor to do his, and to carry the -sentence into execution.’ ‘The emperor will not hold back,’ answered the -ambassadors; but the thing was not so easily done as said. - -Thus the great affair was ended; the King of England was condemned. It -was dark when the pope quitted the consistory; the news so long expected -spread immediately through the city; the emperor’s partisans, -transported with joy, lit bonfires in all the open places, and cannons -fired repeated salvoes. Bands of Ghibelines paraded the streets, -shouting, _Imperio e Espagna_ (the Empire and Spain). The whole city was -in commotion. The pope’s disquietude was still further increased by -these demonstrations. ‘He is tormented,’ wrote Du Bellay to his master. -Clement spent the whole night in conversation with his theologians. -‘What must be done? England is lost to us. Oh! how can I avert the -king’s anger?’ Clement VII. never recovered from this blow; the thought -that under his pontificate Rome lost England made him shudder. The -slightest mention of it renewed his anguish, and sorrow soon brought him -to the tomb. - -Yet he did not know all. The evil with which Rome was threatened was -greater than he had imagined. If in this matter there had been nothing -more than the decision of a prince discontented with the court of Rome, -a contrary decision of one of his successors might again place England -under the dominion of the pontiffs; and these would be sure to spare no -pains to recover the good graces of the English kings. But in despite of -Henry VIII., a pure doctrine, similar to that of the apostolic times, -was spreading over the different parts of the nation; a doctrine which -was not only to wrest England from the pope, but to establish in that -island a true Christianity—a vast evangelical propaganda which should -plant the standard of God’s word even at the ends of the world. The -empire of Christendom was thus to be taken from a church led astray by -pride, and which bade mankind unite with it that they might be saved; -and to be given to those who taught that, according to the divine -declarations, none could be saved except by uniting with Jesus Christ. - -Footnote 366: - - _State Papers_ (Henry VIII.), t. vii. p. 526. - -Footnote 367: - - Burnet, _Records_, iii. p. 69. - -Footnote 368: - - _State Papers_, vol. vii. p. 526. - -Footnote 369: - - Le Grand, _Preuves_, p. 591. - -Footnote 370: - - ‘He eloquently declared our king’s message.’—Lord Herbert, _Life of - Henry VIII._ p. 396, fol. - -Footnote 371: - - ‘That the emperor would be the executor.’—Ibid. p. 553. - -Footnote 372: - - For Cromwell’s early history, see the _History of the Reformation_, - vol. v. bk. xx. ch. xiv. - -Footnote 373: - - Lord Cromwell to Parker. - -Footnote 374: - - ‘Not fit for any of the Peers to appear and answer at the bar of the - House of Commons.’—Collyers, ii. p. 83. - -Footnote 375: - - Collyers, ii. p. 84. - -Footnote 376: - - ‘Neither the king, his successor, nor his subjects to apply to the see - of Rome.’—Collyers, ii. p. 84. - -Footnote 377: - - Ibid. p. 85. - -Footnote 378: - - ‘Solum Romanum episcopum et fratrem, ut primis episcopis mos - erat.’—Wilkins, _Concilia_, iii. p. 782. - -Footnote 379: - - Herbert, _Life of Henry VIII._ p. 396. Burnet, _Hist. Ref._ i. p. 131. - -Footnote 380: - - ‘What could not be done in less than three consistories, was now - despatched in one.’—_Herbert_, p. 397. - -Footnote 381: - - ‘Christi nomine invocato, in throno justitiæ pro tribunali - sedentes.’—Foxe, _Acts_, v. p. 657. - - - - - BOOK VII. -MOVEMENTS OF THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND, AT GENEVA, IN FRANCE, GERMANY, - AND ITALY. - - - CHAPTER I. - THE BISHOP ESCAPES FROM GENEVA, NEVER TO RETURN. - (JULY 1533.) - - -[Sidenote: Spirit Of The Times.] - -We have seen the Reformation advancing in the bosom of a great nation; -we shall now see it making progress in one of the smallest. The fall of -Wolsey in England and the flight of the bishop-prince from Geneva are -two historical dates which bear a certain resemblance. After the -disappearance of these two prelates, there was a forward movement in -men’s minds, and the Reformation advanced with more decided steps. Those -two countries are now, as regards their importance, at the two extreme -points in the line of nations; but in the sixteenth century the humble -city of the Leman played a more important part in the Church of Christ -than the mighty England. Calvin and his school did more than the Tudors, -the Stuarts, and their divines, to check the reaction of the papacy and -secure the triumph of true Christianity. The sixteenth and seventeenth -centuries have proclaimed Geneva the antagonist of Rome; and, in truth, -the petty band which marched under its banner, held their ground for -nearly two centuries against the powerful and well-disciplined army of -the Roman pontiffs. We have not forgotten Wittemberg, we shall not -forget Geneva. The historian is not allowed to pass by the little ones -who have had their share in the developments of the human mind. To those -who repose beneath the healthful shade of the great Gospel oak, and -under its green boughs, we must relate the story of the acorn from which -it sprang. The man who despises humble things cannot understand great -things. ‘The Lord,’ says Calvin, ‘purposely made his kingdom to have -small and lowly beginnings, in order that his divine power should be -better known, when we see a progress that had never been expected.’ - - * * * * * - -On the 1st of July, 1533, the Bishop of Geneva had returned to his city -with the aid of the priests, the catholics, the Friburgers, and the -‘mamelukes,’ with the intention of ‘burying that sect,’ as he called the -Reformation. Many of the most devoted friends of the Gospel were in -exile or in the episcopal prison; hostile bands appeared in the -neighborhood of the city, and all expected a victory of the Roman party. -The tree was about to be violently uptorn before it had given any shade. -But when God has placed a germ of religious, or even of political, life -among a people, that life triumphs despite all the opposition of men. -There are rocks and mountains which seem as if they would stop the -course of the mighty waters, and yet the rivers still run on their way. -The exasperated Pierre de la Baume chafed in Geneva, and beat the earth -as if to crush reform and liberty beneath his feet; but by so doing he -opened a gulf, in which were swallowed up his rights as a prince, his -privileges as a bishop, taxes, revenue, priests, monks, mitres, images, -altars, and all the religion of the Roman pontiffs. - -If the bishop was uneasy, the people were uneasy likewise. It was not -only strong men who spoke against the abuses of the papacy, but even -women extolled the prerogatives of the evangelical faith. One day (in -June or July, 1533) there was a large party at one of their houses, and -two gentlemen of the neighboring district, Sire de Simieux and M. de -Flacien, ‘besides seven or eight of their varlets,’ were invited. In -their presence the wife of Baudichon de la Maisonneuve professed the -evangelical truth. De Simieux having reproved the Genevese lady, ‘It is -very clear you are a good Papist,’ said she. ‘And that you are a good -Lutheran,’ retorted De Simieux. ‘Would to God,’ exclaimed the lady, -‘that we were all so, for it is a good thing and a good law!’[382] The -two gentlemen had had enough; they took leave of the ladies, and their -eight ‘varlets’ followed them. Another incident will still better show -the spirit of the times. - -An evangelical named Curtet had just been murdered. Many huguenots -thought it strange that, while their adversaries struck down a man,—a -real image of God,—they must respect images made of wood, canvas, or -stone. There was a deservedly celebrated place in Geneva, formerly -occupied by the castle of Gondebaud, King of Burgundy, whence his niece -Clotilda, one day escaped to marry and convert Clovis. It was a very -ancient arcade, only pulled down within these few years,[383] and known -as the _Porte du Château_ (the castle gate). Near this place stood an -image of the Virgin, an object of great veneration.[384] On the 12th of -July, 1533, some ‘Lutherans,’ believing it to be blasphemy against God -to regard the Virgin as ‘the salvation of the world,’ went to the gate, -carried away the image, broke it to pieces, and burnt it. - -The bishop, feeling that such men as these were capable of anything, -resolved to put the imprisoned huguenots beyond their reach. A report -soon spread abroad that he was secretly preparing boats to convey the -prisoners during the night to Friburg or the castle of Chillon, ‘there -to do his pleasure on them.’[385] All the huguenot population was in -commotion; each man shouldered his arquebuse and joined his company; -Philip, the captain-general, ordered the approaches to the lake to be -guarded, so as to prevent the captive citizens from being conveyed -elsewhere. - -[Sidenote: Uneasiness In The City.] - -The noble enthusiasm which the Reformation kindles in the soul uplifts a -man; while the philosophic indifference of scholars and priests serves -but to degrade him. The Genevans, filled with love for justice and -liberty, were ready to risk all that they held most dear in order to -prevent innocent citizens from being unjustly condemned, and a prelate -sent by the pope from usurping rights which belonged to the magistrates -elected by the people. An extraordinary agitation prevailed in men’s -minds, and several huguenots proceeded to the shore of the lake. Pierre -Verne, taking advantage of the darkness, got into the boats fastened to -the bank, and cut the mooring-ropes as well as the cords to which the -oars were lashed, so that they were made unserviceable.[386] Numerous -patrols traversed the streets, the armed men being accompanied by -citizens, both young and old, carrying _montres de feu_, that is, rods -tipped with iron, having several lighted matches or port-fires at the -end, which were used at that time to discharge the arquebuses. The -dreaded hour when the evil use which princes make of their power -accelerates their ruin, had arrived at last for the Bishop of Geneva. De -la Baume and his partisans, who watched from their windows the passage -of these excited bands, were surprised at the number of arquebusiers -with which the city was suddenly thronged. ‘They were informed that for -each arquebusier there were three or four match-men, which caused great -alarm to those in the palace.’ A comet that appeared during the month of -July alarmed them still more.[387] As yet the huguenots wanted a man to -lead the way; they were to find him in Baudichon de la Maisonneuve. - -The Lutheranism of that citizen was of old date. He was a great friend -of John Lullin, who possessed, it will be remembered, the hostelry of -the Bear, at that time much frequented by German traders, who were, for -the most part, Lutherans. Some Nuremburg merchants of the name of Toquer -arrived there during the Lent of 1526.[388] De la Maisonneuve, who had -much business with Germany, went often to see them, ‘eating and drinking -with them.’ Their conversation was very animated, and usually turned -upon religion. As early as 1523 the traders of Nuremburg had heard the -Gospel from the mouth of Osiander, and they endeavored to propagate it -wherever they went. Their words struck De la Maisonneuve all the more -‘because at that time there was no mention of Lutheranism in Geneva, or -next to none, at least.’[389] There was at that time in Lullin’s service -a young man of Lyons, named Jean Demai, about twenty-five years of age, -and very attached to the Roman Church. While waiting at table, he -listened attentively to the conversation between Baudichon and the -Germans, and kept it in his memory. The daring Genevese did not restrain -himself, and said, sometimes at dinner, sometimes at supper,[390] ‘God -did not ordain Lent. It is mere folly to confess to the priests, for -they cannot absolve you. It is an abuse to go to mass. All the religious -orders, mendicants, and others, are nonsense.’ ‘What, then, will you do -with the monks?’ asked one of the party. ‘Set them all to till the -earth,’ he replied. ‘If you say such things,’ observed a catholic, ‘the -Church will refuse you burial.’ ‘When I die,’ he answered, ‘I will have -no preaching at my funeral, and no bells tolled; I will be buried -wherever I please.’[391] Baudichon’s remarks were not kept within the -walls of the hostelry of the Bear. Before long they were repeated -throughout the city and neighborhood. ‘That man,’ said many, ‘is one of -the principal Lutherans and in the front rank of those who set them -going.’[392] That is what he was about to do. - -[Sidenote: Baudichon Recovers The Prisoners.] - -On the 12th of July, 1533, Baudichon had passed the day in the country, -making preparations for the harvest. Returning from the fields at night, -he was surprised to see an extraordinary guard at the city gate, and on -asking what it meant, he was told that the episcopalians were going to -convey the prisoners to some place of strength. Immediately he -determined to compel the bishop—but solely through fear—to follow the -course prescribed by the laws. He desired fifty of the most resolute of -his friends to take each an iron-tipped staff and to place five matches -at the end. He then concealed them all in a house not far from the -palace. Ere long darkness covered the city; there was nobody in the -streets except a few patrols. De la Maisonneuve bade the men of his -troop light their matches, and put himself at their head. In their left -hands they held the staff, and the sword in their right. Entering the -palace, and making their way to the prince’s apartment, they appeared -before him, surrounded him with their two hundred and fifty lights; and -Baudichon, acting as spokesman, called upon him to surrender his -prisoners to their lawful judges. The bishop stared with amazement at -this band of men with their swords and flaming torches; the night season -added to his terror, and he thought that if he did not give way he would -be put to death. Baudichon had no such idea; but Pierre de la Baume, -imagining his last hour had come,[393] gave the required order. Upon -which the troop defiled before him with their port-fires, and quitted -the episcopal palace. The huguenot prisoners having been transferred to -the syndics, the latter intrusted them to the gaoler of the same prison -‘to keep them securely under pain of death.’ They had passed from the -arbitrary power of the bishop to the lawful authority of the councils. -Constitutional order was restored.[394] - -The bishop passed a very agitated night. The huguenots and the torches -and the swords with which he had been surrounded would not let him -sleep; and, when daylight came, he, as well as his courtiers, was quite -unmanned. The 13th of July fell on Sunday, and what a Sunday! ‘I shall -leave the city,’ the prelate said to his servants. A rumor of his -approaching departure having got abroad, some of the canons hurried to -the palace to dissuade him. ‘I will go,’ he repeated. To no effect did -his followers represent to him that, if he left, the catholic faith, the -episcopate, the authority of the prince, his revenues, would all be -lost; nothing could shake him. He was determined to go. A Thomas à -Becket would have died on the spot; but Pierre de la Baume, says a -contemporary document, ‘was very warm about his own safety, but more -than cold for the church.’[395] - -One thought, however, disturbed the timid bishop; and the proceedings of -the syndics, Du Crest and Coquet, who came to beg him not to desert the -city and his flock, served but to increase his distress. If the -huguenots knew of his departure, he thought they might possibly stop him -and bring him back to the palace. He dreamt of nothing but persecution; -he saw nothing but prisons, swords, and corpses. He made up his mind to -deceive the syndics, and assured them he would return in six weeks -without fail; but he promised himself that Geneva should never see him -again. He then asked the magistrates for six score of arquebusiers to -protect his departure the next morning. - -The syndics having determined to convene the council, the ushers went -round the city and roused the councillors from their beds. Geneva -desired to keep her bishop, while the bishop wished to desert her. The -council ordered that next morning at daybreak, for fear the prelate -should leave early, the syndics should go and point out the necessity -for his remaining.[396] - -[Sidenote: The Bishop Anxious To Leave.] - -The syndics had scarcely left him when he fell into fresh terrors. He -thought that the mustering of six-score arquebusiers would spread abroad -the news of his departure, that the huguenots would rush to arms, that -he would find himself between two parties armed with spears and -arquebuses.... He must make haste and depart alone, by night or at peep -of day, without any parade, before the syndics could have time to -assemble the council, which, he fancied, could not meet before the -morrow. No one slept in the palace that night; all were busy preparing -for the departure, and they took care that nothing should betray to the -outside the agitation that reigned within. That was a terrible night. -Two spectres appeared to the bishop and dismayed him—the Gospel and -liberty. He saw no means of escaping them but flight. But what would the -duke and the pope say? To quiet his conscience, he wrote, at the last -moment, a letter to the council, in which he enjoined them to oppose the -evangelical meetings, and to maintain the Romish religion ‘_mordicus_, -tooth and nail.’ - -Daylight would soon appear; they were dejected in the palace, but -everything was ready for flight. At that moment there was a knocking at -the gate.... It was the four syndics; the bishop was a few minutes too -late.... The syndics entered, and conjured Pierre de la Baume in the -name of peace, country, and religion. They pointed out to him the -consequences of his departure; the monarchical power crumbling away, the -republic rising upon its ruins, the Church of Rome disappearing, and -that of the innovators taking shape.... - -But nothing could move the bishop; he remained insensible as a statue. -They next entreated him to leave the state affairs in order; to appoint, -during his absence, a vicar, an official, a judge of appeal. Pierre de -la Baume refused everything. One only thought filled his mind—he wanted -to get away. ‘Alas!’ said the moderate catholics, ‘he does not set the -state in order, and as for the church over which he is pastor ... he -abandons his flock.’[397] When the syndics had withdrawn, he gave the -signal for departure. There was not a moment to lose, he thought; it -will soon be broad daylight, and who knows but the magistrates, who set -so much upon his presence, may give orders to stop him. Let every man do -his duty! Let there not be a minute’s delay! The bishop took care not to -leave the palace either by the principal entrance or by the ordinary -gates of the city. In the vaults of the building was a passage which led -to an unfrequented street—the Rue du Boule, now the Rue de la Fontaine. -By following this street, the bishop could reach a secret postern in the -wall of the city, which Froment calls _la fausse porte du sel_. Then -Pierre de la Baume would be outside of Geneva; then he would be safe. -Accordingly the bishop quitted his apartments, descended to the basement -of the palace, and made his escape from that edifice (which is now a -prison) like a malefactor escaping from his dungeon. His officers were -downcast; they would have wished to crush those insolent huguenots, but -were obliged to leave them a clear field. The bishop himself, forced to -quit his palace and his power, felt great vexation.[398] He looked about -him with uneasiness, and trembled lest he should see the huguenots -appear at the corner of the street. The encroachments he had made on the -liberties of the citizens were not of a nature to tranquillize him, and -in his distress he quickened his steps. - -[Sidenote: The Bishop’s Departure.] - -The fugitive band reached the secret postern; the prelate had the key; -he passed through and stood on the shore of the lake. There was no enemy -in sight. He entered a boat which had been got ready for him, and -reached the other bank. He sprang immediately upon the horse that was -waiting for him, and rode off at a gallop. He felt the weight upon his -heart grow lighter the farther he went. Now the fierce huguenots will -trouble him no more, and he will ‘make good cheer.’ ‘He retired to the -Tower of May,’ says the chronicle, ‘and never returned again.’[399] - -Baudichon de la Maisonneuve had succeeded beyond his expectations. Not -only had the prisoners been rescued from the unlawful power of the -bishop, but the prelate himself had disappeared. A few huguenots, waving -their _montres de feu_, had been sufficient to deliver Geneva. Not a -drop of blood had been shed. ‘As at the sound of the trumpets of Gideon, -and at the sight of his lamps,’ said the evangelists, ‘the Amalekites -and the Midianites fled during the night, so did the bishop and his -followers flee away at the sound of the arms and at the sight of the -fire.’[400] - -Early in the morning of the 14th of July, the news of the bishop’s -departure circulated through the city. The catholic members of the -council, deserted by a perjured prince, felt themselves unable -henceforth to oppose the torrent which was advancing with irresistible -power. ‘All the catholics,’ says Sister Jeanne, ‘were sorely grieved.’ -The pope blamed the bishop for abandoning his church, and reproached him -for his cowardice.[401] ‘That miserable city, having lost its prince and -pastor,’ said people in Italy, ‘will become the asylum of every villain -and the throne of heresy.’[402] But what caused so much sorrow to the -papists was the source of immense joy to the evangelicals. They -contended that the prince by running away abdicated his usurped power, -and that the citizens resumed their rights.[403] The sun of Geneva was -setting, according to the old style (that of the Roman court); but -according to the new (that of the Gospel), it was rising; and Geneva, -illumined by its rays, was to communicate that divine light to others. -The 14th of July, 1533, witnessed in Geneva the fall of that hybrid -power[404] which claims to hold two swords in its hand. Since then other -bishop-kings have also disappeared, even in the most catholic countries; -and the last, that of Rome, totters on his pedestal. The people of -Geneva, from the time when they lost sight of that shameless and -pitiless prelate, ceased to care about him, and never asked after him. -They even invented a by-word, in use to this day; and when they wish to -speak of a man for whom they feel a thorough indifference, they say: _Je -ne m’en soucie pas plus que de Baume_ (I do not care a straw about -him).[405] - -Footnote 382: - - ‘Une bonne chose et une bonne loi.’ MS. du procès inquisitionnel de - Lyon (Archives de Berne), pp. 200-202. - -Footnote 383: - - About 1836. - -Footnote 384: - - Registre du Conseil, _ad locum_. - -Footnote 385: - - ‘Et illic en faire à son plaisir.’ - -Footnote 386: - - ‘Ni tirer ni nager’ (neither pull nor steer), alluding to the peculiar - mode of rowing employed on the lake. - -Footnote 387: - - Berne MSS., _Hist. Helvet._ v. p. 125. - -Footnote 388: - - ‘About eight years ago,’ says an authority of 1534 (MS. du procès - inquisitionel de Lyon). The reading of the MS. is _Toquer_, which is - probably not the correct spelling of the German name. - -Footnote 389: - - ‘Ou du moins était-ce comme rien.’ - -Footnote 390: - - ‘Soit en dînant, soit en soupant.’—_MS. de Lyon._ - -Footnote 391: - - MS. du procès de Lyon, pp. 294-297. - -Footnote 392: - - ‘Les mettent en train.’—MS. du procès de Lyon, p. 185. - -Footnote 393: - - Sœur Jeanne. _Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 68. - -Footnote 394: - - Registres du Conseil des 10, 11, 12 Juillet. Froment, _Gestes de - Genève_, pp. 62, 63. Roset MS. - -Footnote 395: - - ‘Fort échauffé pour sa propre personne, plus que froid pour - l’église.’—Registre du Conseil du 13 Juillet; Froment, _Gestes de - Genève_, p. 63, Berne MS. - -Footnote 396: - - Registre du Conseil du 13 Juillet 1533. - -Footnote 397: - - Le Curé Besson: _Mémoires pour l’Histoire Ecclésiastique du Diocèse de - Genève_, p. 63. - -Footnote 398: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 63. - -Footnote 399: - - Roset MS. - -Footnote 400: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, pp. 62, 63. - -Footnote 401: - - Le Curé Besson, _Mémoires pour l’Histoire Ecclésiastique du Diocèse de - Genève_, p. 63. - -Footnote 402: - - Briève Relation de la Révolte de la Ville de Genève. MS. in the - Archives Générales du Royaume d’Italie, paquet 14. - -Footnote 403: - - Letter to Lord Townsend, by the Secretary of State Chouet. Berne MSS. - vi. 57. - -Footnote 404: - - It was also on the 14th of July, two centuries and a half later - (1789), that the reign of the feudal system came to an end. - -Footnote 405: - - ‘I care no more for him than for Baume,’ that is, _not at all_. This - expression owes its origin to the name of La Baume, last bishop of - Geneva. _Glossaires Genevois_ de Gaudy et de J. Humbert. - - - - - CHAPTER II. - TWO REFORMERS AND A DOMINICAN IN GENEVA. - (JULY TO DECEMBER 1533.) - - -The bishop had fallen from his throne, and with him had expired a -despotism which offensively usurped the liberties of the people; the -lawful magistrates once more sat in their curule chairs, with liberty -and justice at their sides. They investigated the cases of the citizens -whom Pierre de la Baume claimed to get rid of without the formality of -trial. The only man who could be accused of Wernly’s death was Pierre -l’Hoste, and he had taken refuge in the Dominican church, where the -bishop had not cared to follow him. The syndics went to the church; the -poor wretch, shaking in every limb, clung vainly to the altar, and cried -out: ‘I claim the privileges accorded to this sanctuary.’ He was -arrested and the inquiry commenced. It proved the innocence of the -imprisoned Huguenots, and showed that the disturbance in which Wernly -fell had been caused by the violence of the canon himself, who was armed -from head to foot, and had taunted his adversaries with loud cries. The -magistrates, however, thought that the blood of the victim called for -the blood of him who had shed it. Pierre l’Hoste, the carman of the -city, denied striking the fatal blow, but confessed that he had struck -Wernly: he was condemned and beheaded. All the other prisoners were -released. - -But there was no relief to Claudine Levet’s sorrow; her husband was -still confined in Castle Gaillard, and the governor refused to release -him. The council entreated the Bernese deputies in Geneva to intercede -in behalf of the prisoner, and on the 4th of September, one of them, -accompanied by J. Lullin and C. Savoye, having gone out to -Ville-la-Grand, about a league from the city, Aimé Levet was surrendered -to them.[406] - -[Sidenote: Froment And Alexander Arrive.] - -While this pious man lay in the Gaillard dungeons, the insults heaped -upon him, the harshness of the prison, and the almost certain death -which threatened him, had given his faith a new life; so that when the -castellan had released him from his bonds, he inwardly vowed that he -would make his deliverance accelerate the triumph of the Gospel. He had -scarcely reached home, when he wrote to Anthony Froment, the evangelist, -whose church had been the market-place, and whose pulpit a fishwife’s -stall, and conjured him to return. The latter did not hesitate, and -knowing that the struggles which awaited him there were beyond the -strength of one man, he invited one of the brethren from Paris, and at -that time in the Pays de Vaud to accompany him. This was Alexander -Canus, called also Dumoulin. One day, therefore, Aimé and Claudine Levet -saw the two evangelists arrive. One lodged with them at St. Gervais on -the right bank, and the other at Claude Salomon’s, near the Molard, on -the left bank; being thus quartered in the two parts into which the city -was divided, they could share the labor. - -Salomon, who shared with Levet the honor and danger of receiving the -evangelists, was as gentle as his friend Maisonneuve was quick and often -violent. One day, shortly after the bishop’s flight, the latter saw in -front of him in the street two of the bishop’s partisans, whom he -suspected to be getting up some conspiracy; his blood boiled at the -sight, and he exclaimed: ‘there are so many traitors here.... My fingers -itch to be at them.’[407] A sense of duty, however, restrained him, and -he did nothing. But Salomon was calm and full of charity and compassion: -he felt none of these passing ebullitions, and thought only of visiting -the sick and the poor, and sheltering strangers whom the Romish -persecutions drove to Geneva. ‘These poor refugees,’ he said, ‘are more -destitute than all the rest.’ His wife, ‘neither dainty nor nice,’[408] -lavished her cares on them. They were the Gaius and Dorcas of Scripture. - -[Sidenote: Order To Preach The Scriptures.] - -Froment and Alexander, quartered on both sides of the Rhone, preached -the Word in private houses with such power that the new faith extended -far and wide, ‘like the layers of a vine;’[409] the old stocks producing -young shoots, which took root and formed other stocks. The priests were -alarmed, and exclaimed that if those doctrines continued to be so -preached, all the country would soon be infested with the sect. They -applied to the bishop, who was at his castle of May—restless, agitated, -and reproaching himself with his disgraceful flight. Wishing to redeem -that fault, he replied on the 24th of October, forbidding any preaching -in Geneva except according to ancient custom. The exulting priests -presented these episcopal letters to the council. The bishop’s cowardly -behavior had estranged the magistrates. ‘_Preach the Gospel_,’ answered -the council, ‘_and say nothing which cannot be proved by Holy -Scripture_.’ These important words, which gave the victory to the -Reformation, may still be read in the official minutes. - -Great was the joy among the reformed. They saw in these words a decree -which made evangelical Christianity a lawful religion[410] at Geneva (as -at Rome in the third and fourth centuries), and authorized them to form -a Church which should be free without being dominant. The same fact has -reappeared at other times and in other countries. From that day, all who -had any leaning towards the Gospel would go to the house of Maisonneuve -or of some other huguenot leader, and sit down in the largest room. -Presently the preacher would enter, take his place before a table, and -usually (as it would seem) under the mantel-piece of the large -projecting fireplace. He would then proclaim the Word of God. These -evangelists ‘_did not fret themselves_,’ they did not speak with -bitterness like some others, and make a great noise; but invited souls -to approach Christ without fear, because he is _meek and lowly in -heart_; and such simple genial preaching attracted all who heard it. The -bishop exclaimed that it was only ‘painted language,’ and ‘sham -tenderness;’ but the number of hearers became so considerable that the -two missionaries were forced to preach in the streets and cross-ways of -the city at the Molard, the foot of Coutance, and other places. As soon -as they appeared anywhere a numerous assembly gathered round them, the -hearers crowded one upon another, and the living words addressed to them -bore more fruit than scholastic or trivial sermons delivered in fine -churches to hearers dozing in comfortable seats. ‘These preachings in -houses, streets, and cross-ways,’ said Froment himself, ‘are not without -danger to life, but are a great advancement to the Word, and detriment -to popery.’[411] - -The catholic party became alarmed; their leaders met, and the -procurator-fiscal with the bishop’s officers and the priests, who were -‘greatly envenomed against the two reformers,’[412] resolved to -apprehend them. Whenever a meeting was formed, the sergeants came upon -it unexpectedly. ‘But as soon as they saw the levelled halberds, the -faithful, greatly increased in number, did their duty, surrounded their -ministers, and helped them to escape.’ In consequence of this, the -episcopal police went more craftily to work: they kept watch upon the -ministers, and came upon them when they were alone, ‘aiming at nothing -less than their lives.’[413] But these efforts of the priests increased -the respect men felt for the evangelists. ‘Such persecutions,’ said the -huguenots, ‘are a sign by which we may know that the ministers are -excellent servants of Christ.’[414] - -The bishop, vexed at having left his episcopal city, could find rest -nowhere. At one time he was at the Tower of May, at another at -Lons-le-Saulnier, now at Arbois, now elsewhere. The thought that two -reformers had come to take his place in Geneva disturbed him; and when -he found that the citizens paid no attention to his strict prohibition -of Gospel preaching sent on the 24th of October, his exasperation was at -its height. ‘We must apply an heroic remedy to the disease,’ he said, -and on the 20th of November he dictated letters patent addressed to the -procurator-fiscal. - -[Sidenote: Gospel Preaching Forbidden.] - -The Great Council met on the 30th of November to hear the letters read. -‘We command,’ said the bishop, ‘that no one in our city of Geneva -preach, expound, or cause to be preached or expounded, secretly or -publicly, or in any manner whatsoever, the _holy page_, the _holy -Gospel_,[415] unless he have received our express permission, under pain -of perpetual excommunication and a fine of one hundred livres.’ The Two -Hundred were astounded, the evangelicals were indignant, and the better -catholics hung their heads. A bishop to forbid the preaching of the -_holy page_, of the _holy Gospel_! ... to forbid it too in the very -season (Advent) when it was usual to proclaim it! To excommunicate all -who preach it! To forbid its being taught _in any manner whatsoever_! To -forbid them to talk of it in courts or gardens, or elsewhere! Not a -room, not a cellar, kitchen, or garret was excepted! The Apostle Paul -declares, however, that _the Gospel of Christ must not be hindered_. The -emotion of the Two Hundred was so great that all deliberation became -impossible; ‘_the whole council rose and went out_,’ we read in the -minutes of the sitting. Such was the mute but energetic reply made by -Geneva to its bishop. - -In the city the emotion was still greater, and vented itself in murmurs -and sighs, and also in ironical jests. ‘Have you heard the news?’ said -the huguenots: ‘the bishop is going to issue an order with sound of -trumpet, forbidding us to speak either good or evil of God and Christ.’ -The silly prohibition was like oil thrown upon the fire: the preachings -became more frequent, and even the indifferent began to read the -Scriptures. Froment and his friends distributed evangelical books in -abundance: first the New Testament, then various treatises recently -composed, such as _La Vérité cachée_, _La Confrérie du Saint-Esprit_, -_La Manière du Baptême_, _La Cène de Jésus-Christ_, and _Le Livre des -Marchands_.[416] De Vingle, the printer, and one of his men, named -Grosne, helped them in this work. But the papists sometimes treated the -colporteurs roughly; a gentleman of the neighborhood, having caught -Grosne on the high road, cut off his ears.[417] This had no effect; the -people thirsted for the truth, and all were eager to hear the Word of -God. - -The leaders of the episcopal party, seeing that nothing could stop these -_prêcheurs de cheminées_ (chimney-preachers) and their hearers, looked -about for a preacher whose energetic eloquence might rekindle the -expiring Roman fervor,—one of those stout champions who can deal heavy -blows in serious contests. For three or four centuries the Dominicans -had played, as inquisitors, the chief parts in the papacy; they were -skilful, eloquent, shrewd in government, persevering in their designs, -inflexible in dogma, prodigal of threats, condemnations, and the stake. -There was much talk in Savoy, and even in Geneva, about one of them,—a -doctor of the Sorbonne, named Guy Furbity,—‘a great theologian,’ they -said, ‘an enthusiastic servant of the pope, a sworn enemy of the -Reformation, daring and violent to the last degree.’[418] Just then he -was preaching at Chambéry and Montmeillan, charming all hearers. The -Genevese catholics petitioned the Sorbonne for this great preacher. Such -a rock, transported to the valley of the Leman, would, they thought, -check the devastating torrent of reform. Their prayer was granted, and -Furbity flattered himself that he was going to win a fairer crown than -all his predecessors. Proud of his order, his reputation, and his -Church, he arrived in Geneva with haughty head, glaring eyes, and -threatening gestures; one might have imagined that he was going to crush -all his adversaries to powder. ‘Ah! those poor Lutherans,’ he said -disdainfully, ‘those poor chimney-preachers!’ ‘He was in a passion,’ -says Froment.[419] The huguenots said, as they pointed him out, ‘Look at -that Atlas, who fancies he carries the tottering Church of the Roman -pontiff on his shoulders.’[420] - -[Sidenote: Furbity Abuses Bible-Readers.] - -A plot had been formed, of which Furbity was to be the chief instrument. -The syndics, Du Crest, Baud, Malbuisson, and many other good Genevans -had been gained over by the priests to the cause of the pope, and by -this means the latter held in their hands the council, the treasury, the -artillery, and, in one word, the city property, besides the ignorant -populace.[421] The Sorbonne doctor had hardly alighted at the convent of -his order when a deputation from the canons came and asked him to preach -in the cathedral and not in the Dominican church. ‘The sermons delivered -at St. Pierre’s, said the monks, ‘will produce a greater -sensation.’—‘Very good,’ said Furbity, ‘I promise you that I will cry -out pretty loudly against the modern heretics.’ It was objected that it -was contrary to the established custom to have such preachings in the -cathedral. ‘We will put him there by force of arms,’ answered the -churchmen, ‘and he shall say what he pleases.’ - -On the morning of Sunday, the 30th of November, a certain number of -priests and laymen armed themselves; and the zealous Furbity, taking his -place in the middle of the band, proceeded to the cathedral. ‘Really,’ -said some of the Genevese with astonishment, ‘he is going to preach by -main force.’ But he restrained himself that day, and he met with no -opposition. The next day, Monday, he went to work in earnest. His sermon -was a continued declamation, full of pompous phrases extolling the -papacy, and of invectives against the preachers. ‘In the pulpit he -behaves like a madman,’ said Froment, who was present; ‘he roars without -rhyme or reason.’ But the bigots were in ecstasies. ‘Have you heard Dr. -Furbity?’ they said in the city. On Wednesday an immense crowd assembled -to hear him. The Dominican went into the pulpit resolved to crush the -heretics, as his patron, St. Dominick had done before him. - -He imagined that his great business was to lower the Bible and then to -exalt the pope, and he set to work accordingly. ‘All who read the -Scriptures in the vulgar tongue,’ he said, ‘are gluttons, drunkards, -debauchees, blasphemers, thieves, and murderers.... Those who support -them are as wicked as they, and God will punish them. All who will not -obey the pope, or the cardinals, or the bishops, or the curates, or the -vicars, or the priests, are the devil’s flock. They are marked by him, -worse than Jews, traitors, murderers, and brigands, and ought to be -hanged on the gallows. All who eat meat on Friday and Saturday, are -worse than Turks and mad dogs.... Beware of these heretics, these -Germans, as you would of lepers and rottenness. Have no dealings with -them in the way of business or otherwise, and do not let them marry your -daughters. You had better give them to the dogs.’[422] - -Among the evangelicals who listened to this string of abuse was one -Janin, a man of small stature, a maker of pikes, halberds, javelins, and -arrows, whence he was usually called the _collonier_, or armorer. His -activity was indefatigable; he was present everywhere; he held -discussions in private and preached ‘to companies, urging with all his -might’ those who listened to him to embrace the faith which Luther had -found in the Holy Scriptures.[423] Having gone to St. Pierre’s, he sat -down near some good catholics, among others Pierre Pennet, whose -brothers were soon to become famous in Geneva for their zeal in behalf -of the Romish faith. Janin, unable to put up with such insulting -language, became restless, and exclaimed that the preacher did not know -what he was saying. The catholics around him, annoyed at being disturbed -in their devotions, said: ‘Begone; one preacher is enough here.’[424] -But they had some trouble to make him hold his tongue. A more telling -interruption was to disturb the orator before long. - -[Sidenote: Furbity Challenges The Lutherans.] - -The Dominican saw clearly that abuse alone would not restore the papacy; -its fundamental doctrines must be established, and this he undertook to -do in other discourses. Continuing to insult the reformers as ‘wretches -who, instead of wearing the _robe_, are dressed like _brigands_,’ he -maintained that priests only, by virtue of the sacramental institution, -could bring souls into communion with God. He even used language that -must have sounded strange to the worshippers of Mary. ‘A priest who -consecrates the elements of the Sacrament,’ he said, ‘is above the Holy -Virgin, for she only gave life to Jesus Christ once, whereas the priest -creates him every day, as often as he likes. If a priest pronounces the -sacramental words over a sack full of bread, or in a cellar full of -wine, all the bread, by that very act, is transformed and becomes the -precious body of Christ, and all the wine is changed into blood—which is -what the Virgin never did.... Ah! the priest! ... you should not merely -salute him, you should kneel and prostrate yourselves before him.’ - -This was not enough; the Dominican thought it his duty to establish the -doctrine of transubstantiation, on which the dignity of the priest is -founded. He exclaimed: ‘We must believe that the body of Jesus Christ is -in the host in flesh and bone. We must believe that he is there as much -as he was in the Blessed Virgin’s womb, or on the wood of the true -cross. We must believe it under pain of damnation, for our holy -theological faculty of Paris at the Sorbonne, and our mother the holy -Church, believe it. Yes; Jesus Christ is in the host, as he was in the -Virgin’s womb, ... but small ... as small as an ant. It is a matter that -admits of no further discussion.’ - -Whereupon the Dominican, satisfied that he had gained a signal victory, -indulged in the impetuosity of his clerical haughtiness, and, pouring -out a torrent of insults, exclaimed: ‘Where are those wretched Lutherans -who preach to the contrary? Where are these heretics, these rascals, -these worse than Jews, Turks and heathens?... Where are these fine -_chimney-preachers_? Let them come forward, and they shall be -answered.... Ha! ha! They will take good care not to show themselves, -except at the chimney-corner, for they are only brave in deceiving poor -women and such as know nothing.’[425] - -Having spoken thus, the monk sat down, proud of his eloquence. A great -agitation prevailed in the congregations; the reformers were challenged -to the combat; the people wondered whether they would reply to the -challenge. There was a momentary pause, when Froment rose, and standing -in the middle of the church, motioned them with his hand to be silent. -‘For the love of God,’ he said, ‘listen to what I have to tell you!’ The -congregation turned their eyes on the person who uttered these words, -and the evangelist, with sonorous voice, exclaimed: ‘Sirs, I offer my -life—yea, I am ready to go the stake if I do not show, by Holy -Scripture, that what Dr. Furbity has just said is false, and the -language of Antichrist.’ He then adduced scriptural authorities against -the Dominican’s assertions. ‘It is the truth,’ exclaimed the reformers; -and some of them looking towards the monk, called out: ‘Let him answer -that.’ Furbity, astonished at hearing himself refuted by such plain -passages, dared not rise, but remained fixed to his seat, hiding his -head in the pulpit. ‘Let him answer,’ shouted the huguenots on all -sides: their shouts were useless. - -[Sidenote: Tumult In The Church.] - -The canons and their friends, finding their oracle was dumb, ventured -upon a controversy which was much more in their line. They drew their -swords (priests often wore swords in those times), and approaching -Froment, exclaimed: ‘Kill him—kill the Lutheran!... Ah! the wretch! he -has dared take our good father to task.’ Nothing but death could expiate -the crime of a layman who had ventured to contradict a priest. There was -only one point on which these churchmen were not agreed: it was whether -they should _burn_ or _drown_ the evangelist. Some shouted: ‘Burn -him—burn him!’ and others: ‘To the Rhone with him!’—‘There was no small -commotion,’ writes Froment. Just as the priests were about to carry him -off, Baudichon de la Maisonneuve, Ami Perrin, Janin le Collonier, and -others rallied round him like a body-guard, wishing to get him out of -the church. This did not calm the tumult; the people ran after him, and -the magistrates would have arrested him. ‘They crowded upon one -another,’ says Froment, ‘either to see him, or to strike him, or to -carry him off.’ The tumultuous crowd made a last effort to lay hold of -the evangelist, just as they reached the great doors of the cathedral. -Baudichon de la Maisonneuve observing this, halted, drew his sword, and, -facing the rioters, cried in a loud voice: ‘I will kill the first man -that touches him. Let the law prevail; and if any one has done wrong, -let him be punished.’ The catholics, intimidated by Maisonneuve’s look, -shrank back; and Froment’s friends, taking advantage of this favorable -moment, dragged him away from his enemies. Then, ‘the women, as if they -were mad, rushed after him with great fury, throwing many stones at -him.’[426] The huguenot Perrin, more politic than evangelical, alarmed -at the tumult, said to Froment: ‘We have spoilt the business; it was -going on very well, and now all is lost.’ _The other_ (by which words -Froment indicates himself), sure of his cause, answered simply: ‘All is -won!’ The future showed that he was right. When Froment arrived at -Baudichon’s house,—the usual asylum of the friends of the Gospel,—Le -Collonier took him up to the hayloft and carefully hid him under the -hay. De la Maisonneuve and Janin had afterwards to pay dearly for their -kind offices. The latter had scarcely quitted the loft when Claude Baud -arrived with his officers and his halberds. ‘They searched the house all -over, and even thrust their spears into the hay, but finding nobody they -withdrew.’[427] - -Alexander, who had not spoken in the church, had accompanied his friend -as far as the great doors. Seeing Froment led away by Janin, and -believing him safe, he halted ‘at the top of the steps in the midst of -the people,’ and, not permitting himself to be intimidated by the -popular fury, he exclaimed: ‘He very properly took him to task. Doctor -Furbity has preached against the holy books; he is a false prophet.’ The -syndics, pleased to catch one at least, carried Alexander off to the -town-hall, and some demanded that he should be sentenced to death. The -sage Balthasar resisted this: ‘It was not this man who caused the -uproar,’ he said. ‘Besides, he is a Frenchman; and the King of France -may perhaps take _some opportunity_ against our city if we put his -subjects to death.’ The two ‘_Mahometists_’ were banished for life from -the city, under pain of death; and, at the same time, it was agreed that -the Advent preachers should be told ‘to preach the Gospel only, in order -to avoid disturbance.’ - -Alexander was conducted by the watch out of the city to a place called -La Monnaye, where, seeing the crowd following him, he turned towards -them and said: ‘I shall not take my rest like a soldier whose time of -service is over.’ He then addressed the crowd for two hours, and many -were won to the Gospel. De la Maisonneuve having returned home, went in -search of Froment in the hayloft; and as soon as it was night, the two -friends quitted Geneva secretly, took up Alexander at La Monnaye, and -then all three set off for Berne. - -Footnote 406: - - Registre du Conseil des 6, 7, 8, 12, 17, Août et 4 Septembre - 1533.—Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 60. Roset MS. liv. iii. ch. xvi. - -Footnote 407: - - ‘La main me fourmille que je n’agisse contre les traîtres!’ - -Footnote 408: - - ‘Nullement délicate ni mignarde.’—Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 68. - Registre du Conseil du 12 Octobre 1535. - -Footnote 409: - - ‘A la façon des provins.’ - -Footnote 410: - - Religio licita. - -Footnote 411: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 66. - -Footnote 412: - - ‘Fort envenimés contre les deux réformateurs.’ - -Footnote 413: - - ‘Ne voulant pas moins que la _jacture_ de leur vie.’ - -Footnote 414: - - Froment, _Gestes_, p. 66. - -Footnote 415: - - ‘Neminem clam, palam, occulte vel publice sacram paginam, sacrum - Evangelium exponere aut alias quomodocumque dicere.’—Gaberel, _Lettres - patentes de l’Evêque. Pièces justificatives_, i. p. 42. - -Footnote 416: - - The Hidden Truth. The Brotherhood of the Holy Ghost. The Manner of - Baptism. The Supper of Jesus Christ. The Tradesmen’s Book. - -Footnote 417: - - MS. du procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, pp. 6 et 7. - -Footnote 418: - - Berne MSS. _Hist. Helv._ v. 12. - -Footnote 419: - - ‘Il était enflambé.’—Froment, _Gestes_. - -Footnote 420: - - ‘Velut alter Atlas qui instanti causæ catholicæ succollaret.’—_Geneva - Restituta_, p. 63. - -Footnote 421: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, pp. 66-68. La Sœur Jeanne, _Levain du - Calvinisme_, p. 70. - -Footnote 422: - - See the documents attached to the trial, in the Registres du Conseil - du 27 Janvier 1534. - -Footnote 423: - - ‘Prêchant à des compagnies induisant de toute sa possibilité, &c.’—MS. - du procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, p. 29. - -Footnote 424: - - Ibid. p. 37. - -Footnote 425: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, pp. 69-71. Gautier MS. - -Footnote 426: - - ‘Les femmes comme enragées . . . de grande furie, lui jetant force - pierres.’—Froment, _Gestes merveilleux de Genève_, pp. 71-74. Sœur - Jeanne, _Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 70. Gautier MS. - -Footnote 427: - - Registre du Conseil du 2 Décembre 1533. - - - - - CHAPTER III. - FAREL, MAISONNEUVE, AND FURBITY IN GENEVA. - (DECEMBER 1533 TO JANUARY 1534.) - - -[Sidenote: Furbity Visited By The Catholics.] - -De la Maisonneuve was determined to uphold the liberty of -Gospel-preaching. ‘We are called Lutherans,’ said Froment; ‘now, -_Luther_ in German means _clear_, and there is nothing clearer than the -Gospel of Jesus Christ. The Lutheran cause is the cause of light.’ And -therefore De la Maisonneuve desired to propagate it. - -The zealous huguenot did not lose a moment after his arrival at Berne. -He told all his friends (of whom he had many) what was going on at -Geneva. Froment and Alexander, who stood by his side, supported his -complaints and repeated the insults of the Dominican. The Bernese were -exasperated by the abuse the monk had heaped upon the protestants, but -they were animated by a nobler motive. They had thought that Geneva, so -famous for the energetic character of its citizens, would be a great -gain for the Reformation; and now people were beginning to say in Savoy, -in the Pays de Vaud, at Freiburg, and in France, that the reforming -movement was crushed in the huguenot city. ‘A great rumor,’ says Farel, -‘spread everywhere touching Geneva, how that Master Furbity had -triumphed in his disputations with the Lutherans.’[428] The Bernese -resolved to assist the threatened Reform by despatching to Geneva ... -not large battalions, but a humble preacher of the Gospel. They sent -William Farel as Maisonneuve’s companion. - -On Sunday, December 21, the feast of St. Thomas of Canterbury, Furbity, -proud at having to eulogize so heroic a saint, was more energetic than -ever. ‘All who follow that cursed sect,’ he cried, ‘are lewd and -gluttonous livers, wanton, ambitious, murderers, and thieves, who live -like beasts, loving their own sensuality, acknowledging neither a God -nor a superior.’ These words raised the enthusiasm of the catholics, the -chief of whom resolved to go in a body to the bishop’s palace to thank -the reverend father. The noble Perceval de Pesmes, _capitaine des bons_, -‘the captain of the good,’ as the nuns called him, was at their head. -‘Most reverend father,’ said the descendant of the Crusaders, ‘we thank -you for preaching such good doctrine, and beg you will fear -nothing.’—‘Hold fast to the sword, captain; on my side I will use the -spirit and the tongue.’ The compact being made, the deputation withdrew. - -They had scarcely quitted the episcopal palace, when a strange report -circulated through the town. ‘De la Maisonneuve has returned from Berne -and brought the notorious William Farel with him!’ Farel having -re-entered Geneva, was not to leave it again until the work of the -Reformation was completed there. ‘What!’ exclaimed the catholics, ‘that -wretch, that devil whom we drove out is come back!’ They were so -exasperated that De Pesmes, Malbuisson, and others, meeting Farel and -Maisonneuve in the street that very day, drew their swords and fell upon -them; they were rescued by some huguenots. The episcopalians consulted -together, and decided to take up arms to expel the reformer. - -[Sidenote: Farel And Baudichon.] - -Not without reason were the catholics alarmed. Farel was a hero. A work -that is beginning requires one of those strong men who, by the energy of -their will, surmount all obstacles, and set in motion all the forces of -their epoch to carry out the plan they have conceived. Calvin and Luther -are the great men of the Reformation in the sixteenth century. Calvin -defended it against dangerous enemies; he gave to the renovated Church a -body of divinity and a simple powerful constitution. The scriptural -faith which he has set forth is making, and will make, the circuit of -the world. But when he arrived at Geneva, the Reform was already -accomplished outwardly. Farel is really the reformer of that city as -well as of other places in Switzerland and France. A noble and simple -evangelist, his genius was less great, his name less illustrious than -his successor’s; but he ceased not to expose his life in fierce combats -for the Saviour, and, in the order of grace, he was in that beautiful -country enclosed between the Alps and the Jura what fire is in the order -of nature—the most powerful of God’s agents. He was not, as is sometimes -imagined, a hot-headed man, liable to fits of violence and temper. With -energy he combined prudence—with zeal, impartiality. ‘Would to God,’ he -said, on the occasion of his discussion with Furbity, ‘that each man -would state each thing without leaning to one side more than to the -other.’[429] But it must be acknowledged that he had more force than -circumspection, and an unparalleled activity was the principal feature -of his character. To venture everywhere, to act in all circumstances, to -preach in every place, to brave every danger, were his enjoyment and his -life. His excessive genius ‘delighted in adventure,’ as was said of a -celebrated conqueror, and he was never so truly happy as when he was in -the field. Farel began the work, and Calvin completed it. - -Another man, a layman, was called to play a part not less important in -the Genevan Reformation. It has been remarked[430] that in the great -revolutions of nations, God sometimes gives not a counsellor to be -listened to, but a torrent to be followed. There was indeed in Geneva a -mighty torrent rushing towards Reform, and the man who personified that -popular force was Baudichon de la Maisonneuve. Noble in heart as in -race, at first he had been merely an independent politician and an -opponent of the papacy; but, opening his house and his heart to the -Gospel, he came to love it more and more every day. Certainly he did not -possess all the evangelical graces; he was somewhat of a jester, and -might often be found laughing at the superstitions of his times. -Occasionally, also, he was violent in his acts and words. But the -republican energy that characterized him made him the fittest man to -cope with Rome, the Duke, and the Inquisition. Strong, proud, immovable, -he was on a small stage, what the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of -Hesse were on a larger stage, the patron of evangelical doctrine. -Although of noble descent, he was in trade, and had an extensive -business. Rich and generous, he provided for the wants of the new creed. -The magistrates of the cities with which he had dealings showed him much -consideration; and not only did the puissant republic of Berne intercede -in his favor, but King Francis I. also. De la Maisonneuve had no doubts -about the triumph of the Reformation. One day, as a Lausanne dealer was -buying one of his horses, the confident Genevan said to him: ‘You shall -pay me when no more masses are celebrated at Lausanne.’ Two or three -months later, when settling his accounts at Lyons, he said to one of his -correspondents: ‘You shall pay me when the priests in this city are what -those in Berne are now.’ This made the bigoted catholics exclaim: ‘He is -the cause of the perversion of Geneva. Would to God he had died ten -years ago!’[431] De la Maisonneuve had much affinity with Berthelier: -the latter began the independence of the city, the former introduced the -reform. They were both pioneers; but if Berthelier’s death was the most -heroic, Baudichon’s life was the most exemplary. - -De la Maisonneuve was able, in case of necessity, to unite prudence with -energy. On the 21st December, the Dominican having preached with great -_éclat_ in the cathedral, some of the reformed said, boldly: ‘Why should -not our minister (Farel) preach in the church as well as a popish -doctor?’ and invited the reformers to enter the building. The indignant -catholics exclaimed: ‘It shall cost us our lives sooner!’ De la -Maisonneuve calmed his friends; he wished to try legal means, and ask -the magistrates for a church. - -[Sidenote: The Plot Breaks Out.] - -The next day he appeared before the council, and handed in the letter -from the chiefs of the mighty Bernese republic. ‘What!’ they said, ‘you -expel from your city our servants, people attached to the Holy Word, -whom we commended to you, and at the same time you tolerate men who -blaspheme against God. Your preacher has attacked us; we shall prosecute -him, and call upon you to arrest him. Moreover, we ask for a place in -which Farel may preach the Gospel publicly.’ The larger portion of the -council was astounded at these two requests. They were about to -deliberate on them when a commotion was heard in the street. A plot had -broken out. - -It was near midday. Between eight and nine hundred priests and laymen -were going to the bishop’s palace, where they had appointed a meeting. -In the palace everything was astir; the cellars were open, and the -servants were running about with bottles in their hands. ‘They supplied -wine in profusion, and every man promised to do his duty. They were -respectable-looking people and well dressed.’ Two hundred men were to -stop at St. Pierre’s to attack the heretics in the rear. All the others -were to go down to the Molard, ‘burning for the cause of God,’ and -attack Baudichon’s house, where Farel was to be found.[432] - -De la Maisonneuve, understanding what was going on, hastily quitted the -council-chamber, and ran to defend his home.[433] His first care was to -hide Farel as well as he could, and then, while preparations were making -to storm his house, he took steps for its defence. But the council, -learning what was going on, left the hôtel de ville, and ordered the -bishop’s partisans to lay down their arms. It seemed strange to do so, -after so many protestations and so much zeal; yet they obeyed. ‘The -wicked build triumphs in the air,’ said the huguenots, ‘and all these -reports ended in smoke at last.’[434] - -Farel left his hiding-place and resumed his preachings in the houses; -but his audience had a singular appearance. In front of the minister -might be seen the proud features of the huguenots, with helmets on their -heads, swords by their sides, and some were armed with cuirass, -arquebuse, or halberd; for, since the last catholic resort to arms, they -feared a surprise. Baudichon watched over the assembly. Wearing an -allécret (a sort of light breastplate), and holding a staff in his hand, -he ‘set the people in order,’ assigning them their places, and whenever -he chanced to hear any conversation, ‘bidding them be silent;’ then -Farel would begin to speak and preach the Gospel with boldness.[435] - -The syndics, placed between the reformers and the catholics, could not -tell what to do. If they arrested Furbity, they would exasperate the -catholics and Savoyards; if they allowed him to continue his philippics -against the reformed, they would offend the huguenots and the Bernese. -The Two Hundred therefore resolved to leave the Dominican ostensibly at -large, at the same time treating him in reality as a prisoner. He might -go where he pleased, but attended by six guards, who followed him even -to the foot of the pulpit. ‘Alas!’ exclaimed his friends, ‘they have -placed the reverend father in the keeping of the watch!’ On hearing -which the monk observed, haughtily: ‘I am under restraint on account of -a set of people who are good for nothing.’ - -Christmas day arrived: the Dominican had ‘a very numerous audience, -particularly of women.’ Incense smoked on the altars; the chants -resounded in the choir; the faithful had never shown so much fervor, and -the monk preached with such warmth that, ‘within the memory of man, -there had never been so fine a service.’[436] At the same time, Farel, -plainly dressed, was preaching in a large room. There was no incense, no -tapers, no chanting, but the words of God which stirred men’s -consciences. This irritated Furbity still more, and on the last day of -the year he exclaimed from the pulpit: ‘All who follow the new law are -heretics and the most worthless of men.’[437] Thus ended the year 1533. - -[Sidenote: Furbity Takes Leave.] - -The new year was to make the balance incline to the side of the -Reformation; accordingly the clergy, as if terrified at the future, -resolved to destroy the tree by the roots, and inaugurated the first day -of the year 1534 by an extraordinary proclamation. ‘In the name of -Monseigneur of Geneva and of his vicar,’ said the priests from all the -pulpits, ‘it is ordered that no one shall preach _the Word of God_, -either in public or in private, and that all the books of Holy -Scripture, whether in French or in German, shall be burnt.’[438] The -reformed, who were present in great numbers in the church, were -staggered at the new-year’s gift which the bishop presented to his -people. The Dominican, who was preaching that day for the last time, -outdid the proclamation, and bade farewell of his audience in a paltry -epigram:— - - Je veux vous donner mes étrennes, - Dieu convertisse les luthériens! - S’ils ne se retournent à bien, - Qu’il leur donne fièvres quartaines! - Qui veut _si, prennent ses mitaines_![439] - -Notwithstanding his invocation of the quartan ague, the catholics said, -with tears in their eyes, ‘With what devotion he takes leave of us!’ -All, however, had not been equally touched: just as the monk was -preparing to depart, his guards stopped him, for he had forgotten that -he was a prisoner. - -Meanwhile the episcopal mandate was causing disturbance in the city. -‘Forbid the preaching of the Gospel,’ said some; ‘burn the holy books! -What a horrible notion! The Mahometans never did anything like it with -regard to the Koran, or the Ghebers with the books of Zoroaster. Those -who are charged to preach the Word of God are the very men to condemn it -to the flames!’ Thus catholics and evangelicals took up arms—the former -to destroy the Bible, the others to defend it. - -They remained under arms not only during the night of the first of -January, but also during the second, the third, and a part of the -fourth, bivouacking in the squares, and kindling great fires. The -citizens of Geneva had often taken up arms from other motives. If any -one had now gone to the catholics and asked them: ‘Why are you doing -this?’ they would have answered: ‘Because we desire to drive out the -Bible:’ and if the same question had been put to the reformed, they -would have answered: ‘Because we desire to keep it.’ These poor folks -had often nothing to eat or drink; and when any party sent to a house to -procure provisions, the other party often seized the spoil. They were -obliged to give the purveyors a strong escort.[440] - -It was a strange sight, no doubt, to see a town filled with armed men -because of the Word of peace. It was in this way that great emotions -displayed themselves at that epoch, and it would be ridiculous to -exhibit the men of the sixteenth century with the manners of the -nineteenth. The evangelical Christians believed that, if the Bible were -taken from them, Jesus would also be lost to them; it seemed that if -there were no more Scripture, there would be no more Christ, no more -salvation. The political huguenots, not troubling themselves about that -matter, thought that the Bible was the best means of getting rid of the -bishop. Consequently all alike passed the days and nights under arms -around the watchfires, being unwilling to have the Scriptures taken away -from them. The reformed, desiring to appear pacific, thought it their -duty to yield a little, and prevailed upon Alexander to withdraw, as he -had been lawfully banished. He turned his steps in the direction of -France, where he soon after found a martyr’s death. But the evangelical -cause in Geneva lost nothing, for, as Alexander left on one side, -Froment returned on the other; and almost at the same moment an embassy -from Berne, headed by Sebastian of Diesbach, appeared at the city gates. -These worthy deputies, seeing what was going on,—the bivouacks, the -soldiers, the spears, and arquebuses,—stopped their horses, examined the -groups with an air of astonishment, asked what it all meant, and finally -exhorted the rival parties to withdraw. The Genevese began to understand -the strangeness of their position: the huguenots felt that it was a -different power from that of their arquebuses which should defend the -Bible; the men of both parties, therefore, yielded to the wise -remonstrances of the Bernese, and every man retired to his own -house.[441] - -[Sidenote: Three Reformers In Geneva.] - -Diesbach and his colleagues came with the intent of prosecuting the -Dominican; but while shutting the door against the monk, they desired to -throw it wide open to the Reformation. Farel had been at Geneva some -time; Froment had just arrived; but that was not all. A man of modest -appearance, who formed part of the Bernese retinue, was to be more -formidable to Roman-catholicism than the illustrious ambassadors -themselves. They had with them the young and gentle Viret. Weak and -faint, he was still suffering from a wound inflicted by a priest of -Payerne, but the deputies of Berne had insisted on his accompanying -them. Thus Farel, Viret, and Froment—three men of lively faith and -indefatigable zeal—were going to work together in Geneva. Everything -seemed to indicate that the reformed bands of Switzerland were unmasking -their batteries and preparing to dismantle those of the pope. They were -about to open a sharp fire, which would beat down the thick walls that -for so long had sheltered the oracles and exactions of the papacy. - -Viret immediately asked after his friends Farel and Froment, who had -been forced to hide themselves during the armed crisis; some huguenots -went in search of them and brought them to the Tête-noire, where the -embassy was quartered. ‘You shall stay with us,’ said the Bernese; ‘we -will protect your liberty, and you shall announce the Gospel.’ The three -reformers immediately began to preach in private houses,[442] -proclaiming the authority and the doctrines of those Holy Scriptures -which the clergy had condemned. What a strange contradiction! The bishop -had just interdicted the Bible, and the three most powerful preachers in -the French tongue were now publicly teaching its divine lessons.... So -many and such good workmen had never before been seen in Geneva. ‘And -the papists dared do nothing against them.’[443] - -But the Bernese wanted more: ‘You protect that Dominican who slanders -our good reputation,’ they said to the council; ‘you despise our mode of -living, you condemn the holy Gospel of God, you maltreat those who -desire to understand it, and banish those who preach it: is that -conducting yourselves in conformity with the treaty of alliance? Let the -monk defend what he has taught: we have brought preachers who will show -him the falseness of his doctrine. If you refuse these requests, Berne -will find other means of vindicating her honor.’ The syndics replied to -the Bernese: ‘It is not our business to know what concerns priests; -apply to the prince-bishop.’—‘That is a mere evasion,’ answered Berne. -‘We give you back our letters of alliance.’ At these words the premier -syndic, becoming alarmed, offered to let the Dominican appear before -them. The Bernese accepted, but ‘on condition that the monk should be -obliged to answer the ministers before all the people.’[444] That was -the essential point. - -Footnote 428: - - _Lettres certaines d’aucuns grands troubles et tumultes advenus à - Genève, avec la disputation faite l’an 1534._ This pamphlet is dated - April 1, 1534, and is from the pen of Farel, though the printer - describes it as being by a notary of Geneva. - -Footnote 429: - - _Lettres certaines d’aucuns grands troubles et tumultes advenus à - Genève, avec la disputation faite l’an 1534_, avant-propos. - -Footnote 430: - - Thiers on the Insurrection in Spain. - -Footnote 431: - - MS. du procès inquisitionnel de Lyon. Archives de Berne, pp. 38, 198, - 229, 285. - -Footnote 432: - - Registre du Conseil du 22 Décembre 1533. Froment, _Gestes merveilleux - de Genève_, p. 78. Sœur Jeanne, _Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 71. - _Lettres certaines d’aucuns grands troubles_, &c. - -Footnote 433: - - Recent investigations indicate that this house was situated in the Rue - basse du Marché, in front of the Terraillet. - -Footnote 434: - - ‘Les méchants se bâtissent des triomphes en l’air, et tous ces bruits - ne sont finalement que fumée.’—_Lettres certaines._ Froment, _Gestes - de Genève_, p. 79. Sœur Jeanne, _Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 73. - -Footnote 435: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 79. MS. du procès inquisitionnel de - Lyon, p. 226. - -Footnote 436: - - ‘De vie d’hommes, n’avait été fait si bel office.’ Registre du Conseil - des 23 et 24 Décembre et du 27 Janvier, 1534.—La Sœur Jeanne, _Levain - du Calvinisme_, p. 74. - -Footnote 437: - - Registre du Conseil des 27 et 28 Décembre.—Gautier MSC.—Ruchat, iii. - p. 245. - -Footnote 438: - - MSC. de Roset, liv. iii. ch. xvii.—Registre du 1 Janvier, 1534.—Spon. - i. p. 50.—Ruchat, iii. p. 244.—Roset and Farel, both contemporaries, - and in a position to know the truth, report the fact that the Holy - Scriptures were to be _burnt_. The minutes of the council do not - mention it; but the secretary occasionally toned down what seemed too - strong for a council the majority of which was at that time catholic. - -Footnote 439: - - _Prendre ses mitaines_, a figurative expression for _prendre ses - mesures_.—_Lettres certaines_, &c. - -Footnote 440: - - Froment, _Actes de Genève_, p. 80. - -Footnote 441: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 80. - -Footnote 442: - - Farellus, Fromentius, Viretus intra privatos parietes in prædicando - Dei verbo. _Geneva restituta_, p. 65. - -Footnote 443: - - MSC. de Roset, _Chron._, lib. iii. ch. xviii.—Froment, _Gestes de - Genève_, pp. 80, 81.—Registre du Conseil du 5 Janvier. - -Footnote 444: - - Registre du Conseil des 7 et 8 Janvier, 1534.—Froment, _Gestes de - Genève_, pp. 80, 81.—Ruchat, iii. p. 245. - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - THE TOURNAMENT. - (JANUARY TO FEBRUARY 1534.) - - -[Sidenote: The Three Reformers.] - -The 9th of January was an important date in the history of the -Reformation of Geneva, and perhaps (we might add) in that of Europe. The -laity were about to resume their rights: a priest was to appear before -the Genevese laymen and the Bernese magistrates. As soon as the Council -of Two Hundred had assembled, the ambassadors entered, followed by three -persons who attracted the special attention of all present. The eyes -full of fire, the bold bravery, the indomitable features of one of them -marked him to be Farel. The second, less known, had, although young, the -prudence of a man in years and the sweetness of a St. John; this was -Viret. The third, short in stature and of mean appearance, decided in -his gait, lively, and talkative; this was Froment. They all took their -seats at the right of the premier syndic. The friar of the order of St. -Dominic, entering in his turn, sat on the left on a raised bench. They -had met to attack and defend the papacy. The tournament, at which a -great crowd of gentlemen and citizens was present, resembled one of -those ‘solemn judgments’ to which man had had recourse for ages to -terminate certain controversies. The subject of the dispute was more -important than usual. Truth and tradition, the middle ages and modern -times, independence and slavery, were in the balance. All, therefore, -who were interested in divine and human things, waited with impatience. -Their expectations were disappointed. - -Just as the struggle was about to begin, one of the combatants hung -back. The Dominican rose and said: ‘Messieurs, I am a monk and doctor of -Paris; I cannot appear before laymen without the license of my prelate.’ -He sat down. ‘You offered before all the people,’ said Sebastian of -Diesbach, ‘to defend your position by the Holy Scriptures, and now you -want a licence.’ Farel rose and observed, that the monk and the great -apostle were of contrary opinions; ‘St. Paul refused, in such a case, to -appear before the priests at Jerusalem, and appealed to Cæsar. Now Cæsar -was certainly a layman, and what is more—a heathen.’ The monk forbore to -reply to this invincible argument; but looking with pity on the -individual who had dared speak to him, said, with a gesture of contempt, -‘that he had nothing to do with that man.’ Then, remembering how the -strappado and the stake brought such cavillers to their senses in Paris, -he added: ‘Let him go and speak like that in France!’ ‘Good father,’ -said the premier syndic, ‘since you will not answer when our lords of -Berne accuse you, leave that place and sit on the bench yonder, where -you shall hear the rest.’ The monk of St. Dominic had to quit his place -of honor and go to the bar; but notwithstanding this humiliation, he -again refused to speak. The syndics then sent to ask the grand-vicar to -give him leave to answer; but this dignitary replied: ‘I am ill.’ The -deputies made the same request to the official, M. de Veigy, who -answered: ‘The bishop has forbidden me to do so.’ ‘Shameful!’ exclaimed -many; ‘all these priests refuse to give an account of their faith.’ The -Dominican said to the council: ‘Let my lords the ambassadors select as -judges two doctors from Germany; and we will select two from Paris; then -I will reply not only to Farel, Viret, and Froment, but to a hundred or -two hundred of such preachers.... Alone I will meet them all!’ The -Bernese declared they would trust the matter to those only who were -lawfully authorized. They wanted more. The refusal of the Dominican -served but to increase their desire to see the Reformation freely -preached in Geneva. Not contenting themselves with a theological -discussion, they said to the syndics: ‘The way to pacify the city and to -be just towards all, is to pick out one of the parish churches and -appoint a preacher of the Gospel to it. Those who wish to go to the -sermon, will go to the sermon; those who wish to go to mass, will go to -mass; every man is to remain free in his conscience; no one shall be -constrained, and all will be satisfied.’ ‘We are only laymen,’ answered -the astonished syndics; ‘it is not our business to choose preachers and -assign them churches.’ The council sent a deputation to Berne to soften -the rigor of the chiefs of the state; but it was useless. The greater -the _suppleness_ (to use the language of a manuscript) shown by the -Genevans, the greater the inflexibility displayed by the Bernese. It was -a struggle between the pliant and the rigid; and the pliant, as usual, -were compelled to give way.[445] - -[Sidenote: Reparation Demanded.] - -The Bernese ambassadors pursued their plans with vigor, and demanded -reparation for the insults of the Dominican, and a church for the -preachers of the Gospel. ‘If you refuse,’ added Diesbach, ‘we shall -return you the seals of our alliance; we shall take back ours; we shall -prosecute the monk ... and whomsoever we think fit.’ The Two Hundred -were astounded, involuntary tears escaped from the eyes of some, and -even the people outside were much disturbed (says the Council minute). -Joining deeds to words, Sebastian of Diesbach placed the letters of -alliance on the table. The whole assembly immediately rose up with -indescribable emotion, and with tears begged the ambassadors to take -back their letters. ‘We will do our best to satisfy you!’ exclaimed the -premier-syndic, stout catholic as he was. The stern Bernese noble was -touched. ‘We take them back,’ he said at last; ‘but we protest that we -shall return them if you do not satisfy our demands.’[446] Everything -was then prepared for the trial. Geneva undertook to bear the axe into -the wilderness of church abuses: a priest, accused by laymen, was about -to be tried by laymen. This in itself was a revolution. - -[Sidenote: The Monk On His Trial.] - -On the 27th January, the Two Hundred sitting as a court of justice, -Furbity was brought before them. He had taken courage; his erect head -and confident look showed that he believed himself sure of victory. He -called upon the Bernese to set forth their grievances, but protested -against the inquiry on account of the sacerdotal character with which he -was invested. Then the following colloquy took place:— - -AMBASSADOR.—You preached publicly that four kinds of executioners -divided the robe of our Saviour Jesus Christ at the foot of the cross, -and that the first were Germans. That word concerns us. - -MONK.—I never used such words; and I do not know to what country the -executioners belonged. - -AMBAS.—We will prove this charge presently. You said that those who eat -meat on Friday and Saturday are worse than Jews, Turks, and mad dogs. - -MONK.—I did not mean thereby to offend their Excellencies of Berne; I -was preaching only to the people of this city. - -AMBAS.—You said that all who read the Holy Scriptures in the vulgar -tongue are no better than lewd livers, gluttons, drunkards, blasphemers, -murderers, and robbers. - -MONK.—I affirm that I have not abused my lords of Berne. - -AMBAS.—You spoke in a general manner, and consequently included them in -your accusation. - -MONK.—I was speaking to the Genevese only. - -AMBAS.—You said: ‘Avoid these wicked modern heretics, these Germans, as -you would lepers and unclean persons. Do not let them marry your -daughters, you had better give them to the dogs.’ - -MONK.—I deny having preached that article. - -AMBAS.—You said: ‘That the modern heretics, who will not obey the pope -or the cardinals, bishops, and curates, are on that account the devil’s -flock and worse than mad dogs ... and ought to be hanged on the -gallows.’ - -MONK.—That is an article of faith, and I have not to answer for it -before you. - -PREMIER-SYNDIC.—You are commanded to answer. - -MONK.—I shall not answer. - -PREMIER-SYNDIC.—The charge is confessed. - -AMBAS.—‘Most honored lords, we belong to those who read Scripture in the -vulgar tongue. We belong to those who hold our Lord as _sole head of the -Church_, as its everlasting and sovereign pastor; and, moreover, we are -Germans; and for this reason we believe the said articles have been -uttered against us. If we were what these articles say, we should -deserve corporal punishment; and therefore we demand, in terms of the -_lex talionis_, that the said preacher be visited with a punishment -similar to that which we should have incurred.’ - -The reasoning of the ambassador was not irrefutable. Envoys from Zurich, -Basle, and other Evangelical cantons, even from the landgrave of Hesse -or the elector of Saxony might just as well accuse the monk of having -insulted them. But it is precisely this which explains the conduct of -the Bernese deputies. Protestantism had been abused, its fundamental -principles trampled under foot. The Bernese did not prosecute the monk -in order to avenge a personal affront; what they wanted was to see the -Word of God set in the place of the word of the pope, and the -Reformation established in Geneva. The Gospel was on trial and not my -lords of Berne; but the latter considered themselves the champions of -the Reformation in Switzerland, and when enemies attacked it, they -thought it their duty to defend it. To have kept out of the lists would -have been disobedience to the supreme judge of the combat. The -ambassadors brought up fourteen witnesses ready to swear that the monk -had said what was ascribed to him.[447] - -Furbity seeing no other means of escape, determined to fight for Rome. -On Thursday, 29th January, a rumor spread through the city that the monk -would hold a discussion with the reformers. The Two Hundred, and a -certain number of other citizens, met in the Hotel de Ville to be -present at this important struggle. - -One of the tourneys of the Reformation at Geneva was about to begin; the -two combatants were in the lists. On one side the Dominican, the -champion of Rome, came forward with scholastic learning that was not to -be despised, a front of adamant, lungs strong enough to reduce all his -rivals to silence, and a tongue furnished with an inexhaustible flow of -words.[448] At once violent and skilful, he made use of every weapon, -and possessed a particular art of glozing over his errors and rendering -them less apparent.[449] On the other side was Farel, less experienced -than his rival in the tricks of dialectics, but full of love for the -truth, firm as a warrior advancing to defend it, and ready to confound -the monk’s scholastic arguments by the invincible demonstrations of the -Scriptures of God. Possessing a manly eloquence and sonorous voice, his -clear, energetic, and at times ironical language, did prompt justice -upon the sophisms of his adversaries[450]. - -The reformer rose first and said: ‘This is a serious business; let us -therefore speak with all mildness. Let not one strive to get the better -of the other. We can have no nobler triumph than to see the truth -prevail. So that it be acknowledged by all, I willingly consent to -forfeit my life.’ Touched by his words, the assembly exclaimed: ‘Yes, -yes! that is what we desire.’ - -Furbity began by asserting the authority of the pope. He maintained that -the heads of the Church may ordain things that are not in Scripture, and -to prove it, he quoted Deuteronomy: ‘If there arise a matter too hard -for thee in judgment, thou shalt come unto the priests, and thou shalt -observe to do according to all that they inform thee.’[451] - -Farel, on the contrary, maintained the authority of the Holy Scriptures, -and declared that all doctrine must be founded on them alone. He called -to mind that God, in this very book of Moses, had said: ‘_Ye shall not -add unto the Word which I command you, neither shall you diminish aught -from it_.’[452] ‘What is said of the Levitical priest in the Old -Testament (he added) ought to be applied, not to the Romish priests, but -to Jesus Christ, who is the everlasting high-priest. To him, therefore, -we must go, him we must obey, and not the priest.’[453] ‘Christ,’ -exclaimed Furbity, ‘gave to St. Peter the key of the kingdom of heaven, -and St. Peter transmitted it to the priests, his successors.’ ‘The key -of the heavenly kingdom,’ answered Farel, ‘is the Word of God. If any -one believes in the promises of grace with all his heart, heaven opens -for him. If any one rejects them, heaven is closed against him.’ - -As it was growing late, the discussion was adjourned to the next day, -and Furbity said haughtily that he was ready. A voice from the midst of -the crowd called out: ‘Endeavor to hold more to the Word of God and less -to the teaching of the Sorbonne.’ ‘I shall behave like a man,’ he -answered. ‘If the strength of a man consists in his want of sense, then -you are a true man,’ rudely returned the speaker. - -The next day the discussion entered upon a new phase. - -[Sidenote: Interpretation By The Councils.] - -Farel maintained throughout the right and duty of the Christian people -to read the Scriptures, to understand them, and to submit to them alone. -Furbity, on the contrary, asserted that the Scriptures should be read by -the clergy only, and understood conformably with the interpretation of -the councils. He proved his point by reasons which might have some force -in the eyes of his friends, but they had none for Farel, who maintained -the necessity of the immediate contact of each Christian soul with the -Scriptures of God. It was not from councils (he contended) nor from -popes, but from the Word of God itself that every Christian must receive -by faith the truth which saves. The first assembly at Jerusalem -(ordinarily termed the first council), was it not, according to the -account in the Acts, composed of apostles, elders, and of the _whole -church_, and did it not begin its letter with: ‘The apostles and elders -and _brethren_’? Defending, therefore, the rights of the lay members of -the flock, he declaimed energetically against the institution of all -those dignitaries who, in the Romish Church, are _lords over God’s -heritage_: ‘You invent all sorts of things,’ he said to the -Dominican,[454] ‘you introduce diversities of orders, a countless number -of eminences, bishops, prelates, archbishops, primates, cardinals, -popes, and other superiorities of which Scripture makes no mention. You -do everything to your own fancy, without any regard to God or the right. -The apostles took counsel with the whole assembly of the believers, but -you ... you do everything, you are everything! ... you cut and shape as -you please. The Christian people are no more called by you into council -than dogs and brutes. Your ordinances must be adored, and those of God -be trodden under foot. Your papal monarchy surpasses all others in -pride, pomp, and feasting. You want those who are to teach the people to -be princes with lordships, estates, law-courts, and governments. You -want to have a rich triumphant Jesus, who shall put to death all who -contradict him.... Ah! sirs, the Saviour was not such here below: he was -poor, humble, put to death, and his disciples were banished, imprisoned, -stoned, and killed.... What similarity is there between the Apostolic -Church and yours?... The supreme argument in yours is the -executioner.... The apostles did not, like you, fulminate fierce -excommunications; they did not, like you, imprison and condemn.... No! -Jesus is not in the midst of you. He is in the midst of those who are -expelled, beaten, burnt for the Gospel, as the martyrs were in the time -of the primitive Church.’ - -[Sidenote: Farel’s Thunders.] - -The reformer’s energetic words sounded like a peal of thunder to his -antagonist. Furbity was confounded and bewildered; his ideas became -confused; he lost his presence of mind, and, wishing to establish the -doctrine of the episcopate as it is understood at Rome, he quoted the -verse in which it is said that a bishop ought to be _the husband of one -wife_, which greatly amused the assembly. He did more: desiring to prove -that there had been bishops of the Roman model in the apostolic times, -he mentioned Judas Iscariot. ‘It is written of Judas,’ he said, ‘his -bishopric let another take: _Episcopatum suum accipiat alter_. As Judas -had a bishopric, he must of necessity have been a bishop;’ and he -concluded there was no salvation out of the Roman episcopate. The doctor -had not kept his promise to behave _like a man_. Farel smiled at the -strange argument, and began to lash the Dominican with the scourge of -irony. ‘As you have quoted that good bishop, Judas,’ he said, ‘Judas, -who sold the Saviour of the world; as you have asserted that he had a -diocese, pray tell me in what part of the Roman empire it lay, and how -much it was worth, according to the customary language of Rome. That -bishop, whose name you use, is very like certain prelates who, instead -of preaching the Word of God, _carry the bag_,[455] and instead of -glorifying Jesus Christ, sell him by selling his members, whose souls -they hand over to the devil, receiving money from him in exchange.’[456] - -The monk, astonished at such boldness, again exclaimed in a threatening -manner: ‘Go and repeat what you say at Paris, or any other city of -France.’ So sure was he that the evangelist would be sent to the stake -there that he could not refrain from repeating such a peremptory -argument. It was all that Farel would have desired: ‘Would to God that I -were allowed to explain my faith publicly,’ he said; ‘I should prove it -by Holy Scripture, and if I did not, I would consent to be put to -death.’ - -As the discussion went on, the feelings grew inflamed on both sides—some -defending Furbity, others supporting Farel. - -No one was more assiduous at this verbal tournament than Baudichon de la -Maisonneuve; he accompanied the evangelical champion, both as he went to -the meeting and returned from it, being unwilling to leave to others the -care of protecting his person. The catholics did not fail to notice the -constant goings and comings of the great citizen; it quite shocked them: -his intimacy with the detested heretic seemed to them most disgraceful. -A young man of five-and-twenty, named Delorme, who was born at Fontenay, -a league and a half from the city, and who for upwards of a year had -been following his business with a relative in Geneva, specially watched -Baudichon, and was surprised to see so great a gentleman pay such -frequent visits to the poor preacher, Farel.[457] He made a note of it, -which, on a future day he made use of. - -The disputation went on all through Friday. The market on Saturday, the -services on Sunday, and the Feast of the Purification which fell on -Monday, interrupted it for three days. The three ministers took -advantage of the leisure given them to preach to the people with fervor. -Each day they proclaimed the Gospel in the large hall of their friend’s -house, and Baudichon watched to see that everything went on in an -orderly manner—which was very necessary, for the sensation excited by -the discussion attracted large crowds. In the evening the evangelicals -met in different houses and conversed together until far into the night. -During the daytime they endeavored to attract to their assemblies such -as still hesitated between popery and the Reformation. ‘Ah,’ exclaimed -young Delorme with vexation, ‘see what efforts they are making to -increase their party.’[458] All Geneva was in a ferment. - -[Sidenote: Tales About Farel.] - -But the sensation was not confined to that city: the anger excited by -the discussions manifested itself in violent speeches in the surrounding -districts. The idle, the curious, and the devout would stop and question -travellers ‘to learn the great news from Geneva which they so desired to -know.’[459] Many priests and monks preached in the villages round the -city against _heretics_ and _heresy_; and in Geneva, as well as in other -places through which Farel had passed, there was always some friar or -old woman to tell strange stories about the reformer. ‘He has no whites -to his eyes,’ they would say; ‘his beard is red and stiff, and there is -a devil in every hair of it. He has horns on his head, and his feet are -cloven like a bullock’s.... Lastly—and this seemed more horrible than -all the rest—he is the son of a Jew of Carpentras.’[460] - -All these stories, flying about the city, reached the Tête-Noire inn, -where the Bernese and the three reformers lodged. The domestic life of -this hostelry was not edifying. The landlord (according to the -chronicle) had two wives: his lawful spouse and a servant who acted as -the mistress. The former, an upright person, behaved becomingly to the -preachers of the Gospel, though she did not like them; but the other -woman detested them, and every time they entered the house, both master -and servant scowled at them. They restrained themselves however before -the illustrious lords of Berne, greeting them with forced smiles; but -made up for it when they were alone with the preachers. The latter -usually dined together; and the landlord and servant, while waiting on -them, heard language from the lips of the evangelists which greatly -provoked them. Instead of the idle stories and jests so common at the -dinner-table, the three ministers would exchange words of truth with one -another; and this conversation, so new to the two listeners, caused them -to make wry faces (as Froment records, who saw them). The three guests -had scarcely quitted the room when the servant, who had restrained -herself, would cry out after them: ‘Heretics! traitors! brigands! -huguenots! Germans!’ ... ‘I had rather,’ said the landlord, ‘that they -went away without paying (that was saying a great deal), provided it was -a long way off ... so long that we should never see them again.’ These -two wretched people felt that the doctrine of the Bible condemned their -disorderly lives, and the hatred they felt towards the holiness of God’s -Word was vented on those who proclaimed it. - -‘The adulterous servant, unable to serve the preachers as Herodias -served John the Baptist,’ says Froment, ‘avenged herself in another -manner.’ Addressing one of those women who prate at random about -everything: ‘Only imagine what I have seen,’ said she; ‘one night as the -preachers were going to bed, I stole up softly after them, and, -approaching the door, I peeped through a hole.... What did I see? They -were _feeding devils_!’ The neighbor’s dismay did not hinder the servant -from continuing: ‘These devils were like black cats ... their eyes -flashed fire, their claws were crooked and pointed ... they were under -the table ... moving backwards and forwards.... Yes; I saw them through -the hole.’ In a short time all the gossips of the quarter knew it; ‘at -which there was a great stir in the neighborhood.’[461] - -To this story of the servant, the priests added theirs, and said: ‘There -are three devils in Geneva in the form of men—Farel, Viret, Froment; and -many demoniacs. If ever you listen to those three goblins, they will -spring upon you, enter into your body, and you are done for.’[462] Not -satisfied merely with repeating such absurdities in their conversation, -the priests began to preach to the people upon ‘the three devils.’ Next -a song was written on them; and ere long the catholic mob went up and -down the streets singing these rude rhymes:— - - Farel farera, - Viret virera, - Froment on moudra, - Dieu nous aidera - Et le diable les emportera.[463] - -The popular epigram was mistaken. At the very moment when the catholics -were singing it about the city, tragic events were coming that were to -change everything in Geneva. It was the Roman Church that was about to -_veer_ and popery to depart. - -Footnote 445: - - Registre du Conseil des 10, 11, 12 Janvier, 1534.—Ruchat, iii. p. 251, - 252.—MSC. de Gautier. - -Footnote 446: - - Registre du Conseil des 25 et 26 Janvier, 1534.—MSC. de Roset, liv. - ii. ch. xviii. etc. - -Footnote 447: - - Registre du Conseil du 27 Janvier, 1534.—_Lettres certaines d’aucuns - grands troubles._ - -Footnote 448: - - Furbito homine sinuoso, cui firma latera, frons ferrea.—_Geneva - restituta_, p. 68. - -Footnote 449: - - Pictæ tectoria linguæ.—_Persius._ - -Footnote 450: - - Farello pro veritate strenue stante, etc.—_Geneva restituta._ - -Footnote 451: - - Deuteronomy xvii. 8-10. - -Footnote 452: - - Deuteronomy iv. 2. - -Footnote 453: - - Farel indicated the passages taken from the following chapters: - Hebrews v. to x.; Romans xiv.; Matthew v.; Luke xxiv.; John v. viii. - xii. xiv.; Romans xv.; Galatians i.; Deuteronomy xviii. - -Footnote 454: - - _Lettres certaines_, &c., by Farel. - -Footnote 455: - - Au lieu de porter la Parole de Dieu, portent la bourse. - -Footnote 456: - - _Lettres certaines._ - -Footnote 457: - - MSC. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, p. 80. - -Footnote 458: - - Ibid. p. 81. - -Footnote 459: - - _Lettres certaines d’aucuns grands troubles_, &c. This work, which is - dated Geneva, 1st April 1534, and consequently appeared two months - after the discussion, is the principal source whence we have taken our - account of these discussions. - -Footnote 460: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 86. - -Footnote 461: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 85. - -Footnote 462: - - Ibid. - -Footnote 463: - - Farel shall depart, Viret shall veer (go away); Froment (corn) shall - be ground in the mill; God will help us, and the devil shall run away - with them all. Froment’s _Gestes de Genève_, pp. 84-86. - - - - - CHAPTER V. - THE PLOT. - (JANUARY AND FEBRUARY 1534.) - - -[Sidenote: Christendom In Sixteenth Century.] - -In the sixteenth century a consciousness of justice, truth, and liberty -was awakening throughout Christendom, and men were beginning to protest -everywhere, particularly in Geneva, at the lamentable perversions of -social and religious life imposed by popery in times gone by. But the -expiring Middle Ages rose energetically against this awakening which was -to condemn them to be reckoned among the dead. The object of the -struggle going on was to secure the triumph of the Reformation—or, as -others expressed it, the triumph of progress and civilization. This -struggle is the supreme interest of history. The intrigues of courts, -and even the battles of armies, which are more pleasing to certain -minds, are trifles in comparison with these mighty movements of -humanity. Nevertheless, if they had their grandeur and their necessity, -they had their danger also. To preserve the ship, launched into the open -sea, from striking upon the treacherous shoals of disorder and -libertinage, it was necessary that the Lord should command it. At the -time when mankind were breaking the secular chains of popery and the -fantastic institutions of feudalism, it was necessary they should cleave -to the sovereign Master, who alone gives the breath of life to -individuals and to nations. If England has so long enjoyed the precious -fruits of liberty, and if France has not yet been able to secure them, -it is because the former welcomed the Reformation and the latter -rejected it. One of the great evils springing out of popery was the -blunting of the moral sense; and the revival of the sixteenth century -was a moral revival. In catholicism there were sincere men; but -everything was good in their eyes, provided they attained an end which -they believed to be glorious. And hence, strange to say, pretended -preservers of order easily became assassins. - -[Sidenote: Meditated Coup-D’-État.] - -The Bishop of Geneva watched attentively from his silent priory all that -was passing in his diocese, at that time so strangely agitated. He -desired to reascend his double throne, and still hoped to reëstablish -the authority of the prince and the pope in the city. Many catholics, -especially at the courts of the bishop and the duke, could really see -nothing in this reformation of doctrine but ‘a popular tumult, which -would be of short duration.’ ‘The aspect of affairs will soon change,’ -they said.[464] Perhaps if Calvin had not come, this prophecy might have -been fulfilled; but others saw things in darker colors. The _tempest of -Luther_ would, in their opinion, upset everything; the same wave that -now threatened the power of the pontiff would ere long sweep away the -power of kings. Men did not know how to act that they might prevent such -a misfortune; and the most decided said plainly, that the only means of -saving Geneva was to set up one supreme magistrate. Did not the Romans -create dictators in the hour of extreme peril? All these councils of -Twenty-five, of Sixty, of Two Hundred, and, above all, the General -Council of the people were (the Episcopals thought) both useless and -pernicious. The administration ought to be placed in the hands of one -man, and be given preferably to one of the lords of Friburg. The fervent -catholicism of that canton and its resentment at Wernli’s death -guaranteed the fidelity with which the mission would be fulfilled. It -does not appear that anything was decided about the selection; but the -bishop made up his mind to attempt a bold stroke of policy. Having come -to an understanding with the Duke of Savoy,[465] he signed at Arbois the -instruments which set up in Geneva a _Lieutenant of the prince_ in -temporal matters _with full powers of punishing criminals_. The document -was immediately forwarded to Portier, the episcopal secretary, the -bishop’s confidential man, who was to determine, in accordance with the -heads of the party, the favorable moment and the best means of carrying -it into execution. On his side the duke did not keep them waiting for -assistance. Portier received blank warrants, sealed with the ducal arms, -with authority to use them as he pleased, so as to bring the matter to a -happy issue. The plot was skilfully devised. The court of Turin, the -lords of Friburg, and the mamelukes were all to assist the bishop; but, -according to the received formula, ‘God was there and the republic of -Berne.’[466] - -Indeed, it seemed at first that the instrument was destined to remain -mere waste paper. The episcopal plot existed; the deed had been signed -by the prince-bishop on the 12th of January, but on the first of -February it was still a dead letter. Portier, aware of the spirit with -which the citizens were animated, feared to make the episcopal ordinance -known, either to magistrates or people. Privately, however, he discussed -with some of his confidants the means of putting it into execution; -among them were two brothers named Pennet, one of whom was the episcopal -jailer. The bishop’s partisans at Geneva, as well as at Arbois and -Turin, thought that logical discussions only did harm: that they should -have recourse to more vigorous measures; that force only would constrain -the Genevese to bend their necks to the yoke; and, finally, that a riot -which disturbed the public peace would be, even if it failed, the best -means of justifying the nomination of a lieutenant invested with -absolute power. Some hot-headed episcopals, and particularly the two -Pennets, the _séides_ of the party, resolved to act immediately: ‘They -undertook, with several others, to spill much blood,’ says a document -written a few days after the affair.[467] - -[Sidenote: Two Huguenots Assassinated.] - -On Tuesday, 3d February, the most excitable of the episcopal party met -at the palace: Pennet, the jailer, his brother Claude, Jacques Desel, -and several others. It was after dinner. Inflamed by the desire of -saving the authority of the prince and the pope, excited by the -ordinance which they had hitherto kept by them, and irritated at seeing -Furbity, the Dominican, contradicted by Farel and prosecuted by the -Bernese, perhaps also (as some have believed) acting under positive -orders emanating from the bishop, these men armed themselves and issued -from the palace, ‘proposing to strike and kill the others,’ says the -document which we have just quoted. These fanatics—we believe them to -have been sincere, but unhappily of opinion that to stab a heretic was -one of the most meritorious works to win heaven—these fanatics entered -the court of St. Pierre’s. Just as they came in front of the steps, and -the large platform on which the white marble portal of the cathedral -opens, they met two huguenots, Nicholas Porral, the notary, and Stephen -d’Adda.[468] Their blood boiled at the sight of the two heretics: Pennet -the jailer drew his sword, sprung at Porral, struck him; and, seeing him -fall, impudently continued his way, with his band, by the Rue du Perron -to the Molard, the rallying ground of all rioters. D’Adda, and some -other huguenots who had come up, surrounded the wounded Porral, lifted -him up, and, wishing to stop the commencing riot as soon as possible, -carried him to the hotel-de-ville, and laid him, all pale and bleeding, -before the syndics and the council. - -The magistrates were moved at the sight as of old—if we may compare the -great things of antiquity with the little things that inaugurated modern -times—as of old the corpse of Cæsar, gashed with wounds and carried -through the Forum, excited the indignation and cries of the startled -people. D’Adda informed the syndics of Pennet’s violent attack, and -called for the punishment of the assassin. But he had scarcely ceased -speaking when a great noise was heard from without: the court-yard of -the hotel-de-ville was filled with agitated citizens; tumultuous shouts -were raised, the gates of the hall were dashed open and ‘incontinent -(says the Register) many people rushed in furiously crying out: Justice! -justice!’ An estimable man, a worthy tradesman and zealous huguenot, -Nicholas Berger by name, who lived in the Rue du Perron, happened to be -in his shop just as the band, which had wounded Porral, was passing by. -Attracted by the noise, he had probably moved towards the door: Claude -Pennet observing him, stopped, and, as if jealous of his brother’s -exploit, sprung at the unarmed citizen, and with one blow of his dagger, -laid him dead at his feet. ‘All good men,’ added the citizens, ‘are -filled with horror, and demand that the criminal be punished according -to law.’ - -This event was not without importance. It was a new act in that -obstinate struggle which, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, -took place in a permanent manner in a little city on the shore of the -Leman lake, and was repeated in other shapes in other countries. -Combatants do not cross a frontier without marking their path by their -blood. Those who were then fighting the last battles of what may be -called the iron age, believed they were serving the cause of justice. -Impartial history shrinks from tracing too hideous a picture of these -insolent champions of Rome and feudalism. Even at Geneva, where they -were perhaps more violent than elsewhere, they were not all devoid of -generous sentiments. Undoubtedly many were animated by party-spirit; but -there were some also who desired the good of their country. In their -eyes, both religion and order were compromised by the alliance between -Switzerland and the Reformation, and that sacred cause could only be -upheld, they thought, by the energetic intervention of the episcopal -party. They were mistaken; but their error did not lie essentially in -that. The great evil consisted in the corruption of their moral sense by -the principles of a fanatical bigotry, so that all means appeared good -to attain their end; all—even the dagger. - -While the people were demanding justice for a double murder, there was a -great uproar in the city: the drums beat, and everybody ran to arms. The -citizens, who wanted independence and reform, exclaimed that the -bishop’s followers, unable to vanquish them by words, desired to triumph -over them by the _mandosse_ (a sort of Spanish sword). ‘It is the fifth -riot the priests have got up to save the mass,’ they said, as they took -up their arms, not to attack but to support the established authorities. - -The council was astounded at the news of Berger’s death. All its members -were opposed to such crimes; but three of the four syndics were -catholics: Du Crest, Claude Baud, and Malbuisson, and the councillors -were usually divided in the same proportion as the syndics. Besides -which, Portier, who headed the band, was the accredited agent of the -prince-bishop, whose authority the council desired to maintain. The -syndics were discussing what was to be done, when the ambassadors of -Berne demanded to speak with the council. The noble lords, who usually -maintained such a cold attitude, were much excited: ‘As we were coming -up to the hotel-de-ville,’ they said, ‘all the persons we met were -running to arms. It is to be feared that there will be a great butchery -(_tuerie_); we conjure you to look to it, and offer our services to -appease the disturbance.’ The premier syndic prayed them to do so; and, -when the Bernese had left, the council continued its deliberations. - -Meanwhile, the principle huguenots had met in consultation. Two of their -friends had just fallen beneath the blows of their adversaries: one of -them was dead; their party had taken up arms; Portier and the Pennets -had fled in alarm; the catholic faction was discouraged. In this state -of things it would have been easy for them to fall upon their -adversaries and gain a decisive victory; but sentiments of order and -legality prevailed among them. They had no desire to infringe the law -but to appeal to it; there were judges in Geneva. Blood must be avenged, -not by violence but by justice. ‘No disorder,’ said the huguenot chiefs, -‘no revenge, no attack, no fighting! ... but let us help the magistrates -that they may be able to do their duty.’ Five hundred armed citizens, -the most valiant men in Geneva, arrived in good order and drew up in -front of the hotel-de-ville, while their chiefs—Maisonneuve, Salomon, -Perrin, and Aimé Levet—went into the council-room. ‘Honored lords,’ they -said, ‘we have assembled for no other reason than to preserve order. We -fear lest the priests have prepared a fourth or fifth _émeute_; and -hence we are here in a body to avoid their fury and lend assistance to -the syndics. We pray that the murderers and those who counselled the -riot may be punished.’[469] There was not a moment’s hesitation: all, -catholics and protestants alike, desired the guilty to be punished, and -search was made for them. - -[Sidenote: The Bishop’s Palace Searched.] - -It was thought that they were hiding in the bishop’s palace: it was -probable, indeed, that secretary Portier, who lived there, had gone -thither and given a refuge to his accomplices, as being the safest place -in all Geneva. ‘We will go and take them there,’ said Syndic Du Crest, a -catholic but loyal man. The other syndics rose, and all quitted the -hotel-de-ville followed by their officers. At the imposing sight of the -chief magistrates of the city, demanding an entrance into the palace, -the bishop’s servants opened the doors, and a strict search began -immediately. Not a chamber or a cellar or a garret escaped the -inquisitive eyes of the magistrates and their sergeants; ‘but for all -the pains they took,’ says the ‘Council Register,’ ‘none of the culprits -were found.’ Many believed they had escaped; Perronnette alone, the -episcopal secretary’s wife, seeing the vigor with which the assassins -were hunted after, felt her anguish doubled as to the fate of her -husband. The syndics, wishing to prevent new intrigues, resolved to -leave a few of their officers in the episcopal mansion, with orders to -keep guard during the night. The men stationed themselves in the -vestibule to wait for the morning; but no one in the city knew they were -there. - -These brave men were talking of what was going on in Geneva, when a -little before eight o’clock at night (it had been dark for some time, as -it was the beginning of February), a low, smothered voice was heard in -the street, as if some one was speaking through the key-hole. The guards -listened. The voice was heard again and pronounced several times in a -distinct manner the name of the portress. ‘It was a priest softly -calling to the servant,’ says the ‘Council Register.’ The huguenots, -understanding instantly the advantage they could derive from this -unexpected circumstance, desired a young man who was with them to -imitate a woman’s voice and answer. Disguising his tones, he said: ‘What -do you want?’ The priest having no doubts about the sex and functions of -the speaker, said (still in a low voice) that he wanted certain keys for -Mr. Secretary Portier and Claude Pennet. It is probable they wished to -use them to hide in some safer place, and perhaps leave the city by a -secret gate. The young man, again assuming a female voice, said: ‘What -will you do with them?’ ‘I shall take them to St. Pierre’s church, where -they are hidden,’ answered the priest. It was just what the guard wanted -to know. One of them got up, opened the gate, and the priest, seeing an -armed man instead of a woman, fled in affright. The guard, without -stopping to pursue him, ran to the hotel-de-ville, where the council was -sitting _en permanence_, and told the whole story to the syndics. The -murderers whom they were looking for were hidden in the cathedral. The -magistrates determined to go there immediately. - -[Sidenote: The Search.] - -It was no slight task to seek the assassins in the vast cathedral, all -filled with chapels, altars, and other places where men could hide. The -syndics entered between eight and nine o’clock at night with a certain -number of officers carrying flambeaux. The doors were shut immediately, -so that no one could get out, and a dead silence prevailed in the nave. -Under the flickering light of the torches, this pile, one of the finest -monuments of the twelfth century, displayed all its august majesty. But -that splendor of byzantine and gothic architecture, those graceful -proportions, that admirable unity so well calculated to produce a deep -impression of grandeur and harmony, did not strike My Lords of Geneva, -who were thinking of other matters. Du Crest and his colleagues were not -occupied with architectural decorations and holy images.... They were -hunting for murderers. - -The search began: the magistrates and their officers went over the -chapels of the Holy Cross, the Virgin, St. Martin, St. Maurice, St. -Anthony, and nine others in the interior; they examined carefully the -eighteen altars, so richly adorned with all that the catholic worship -requires. The sergeants took their flambeaux into every corner, they -lifted up the carpets, they stooped to search for the culprits. The -apse, the transept, the sanctuary, they searched them all; they examined -the vestry, the stalls, the aisles, the galleries, the stairs—they found -nothing. They next went into the chapel of the Maccabees, adjoining the -cathedral, and which the cardinal-bishop, Jean de Brogny, had built a -century before, adorning it with magnificent carvings, gorgeous -paintings, and mouldings enriched with beads of gold. They passed by -those tables where might still be seen a young man keeping swine under -an oak, the cardinal desiring in this manner to recall the humble -recollections of his early life; but neither Portier, nor Pennet, nor -any of their accomplices could be found. The search had lasted nearly -three hours, and the magistrates and their officers were beginning to -lose all hope, when the idea occurred to one of them that possibly the -murderers they were looking after might be hidden in one of the three -towers. The syndics and their suite resolved to examine them, beginning -with the south tower, one hundred and fifty feet high. As they climbed -the numerous steps, they thought that, if the evidence of the priest was -true, the criminals must be there, and they might perhaps find not only -Portier and the Pennets, but a band of their friends well armed. The -stairs being very narrow, it would have been easy for the episcopals to -close the passage and even to kill some of those who were looking after -them. The men who executed the syndic’s orders ascended slowly and -steadily, and approached the great steeple with its four gothic windows -surmounted by semi-circular arches. The steps of this numerous party -re-echoed through the winding staircase. The officer of the Council, who -marched at the head of the band, having reached the top of the tower, -carefully put forward his torch and saw arms glittering and eyes -sparkling in one corner. He drew near, followed by his friends, and -discovered the crafty Portier and the violent Pennet, crouching down, -‘armed,’ says the Register, ‘with swords, iron pikes, axes, and daggers, -and covered with coats of mail.’ The two malefactors, although armed to -the teeth, did not think of defending themselves: they were more dead -than alive. The officers of the State seized them and shut them up in -the prison of the hotel-de-ville.[470] - -[Sidenote: The Plot Discovered.] - -While these things were going on at St. Pierre’s, the guard which the -syndics had left at the palace, encouraged by the success of their -stratagem, had resolved to take advantage of the opportunity to get at -the secrets of the house; and, assuming a simple, good-natured air, they -entered into conversation with the servants, questioning them so -skilfully that they soon knew all they wanted. ‘The bishop’s secretary, -alone and without support, is too weak,’ they said, ‘to withstand the -will of the council and people.’ ‘But he is not so _alone_ as you -think,’ answered one; ‘he has with him my lord the bishop, his highness -the Duke of Savoy;’ and then he continued proudly, ‘he has even received -letters from them!’ The independent citizens, affecting incredulity, -exclaimed! ‘What! Portier receive secret messages from such great -personages!’ ... One of the episcopals, piqued by the disdainful sneer, -declared aloud, ‘that the letters were in existence, _in buffeto_ (says -the Council Register, in its classic Latin), in the secretary’s buffet.’ -At these words the sly huguenots started up suddenly, and, hurrying in -great glee to Portier’s room, broke open the cupboard, took out the -papers lying there, and carried them to the syndics. This discovery was -still more important than the other. - -The magistrates hastened to open the packet, and found a bundle of -papers, all having reference to the plot which the bishop had contrived -for the subjugation of Geneva. They examined the contents and were -alarmed. ‘Here is an act signed by the bishop on the 12th of January -last,—only twenty days ago,—appointing a governor for the temporalities, -with power to punish rebels. The prince, of his mere caprice, -establishes an unconstitutional agent, who is to have no other law than -his own will. Here are blank warrants sealed with the arms of the Dukes -of Savoy. It is a downright conspiracy, a crime of high-treason.’ The -date of the act made it sufficiently clear that Pierre de la Baume was -the instigator of the troubles which had been on the point of throwing -the city into confusion. It was determined that Portier, the recognized -agent of this revolutionary intrigue, should be tried before the -syndics; and a public prosecutor, Jean Lambert, a sound huguenot, was -elected to conduct the proceedings.[471] - -However, before commencing this trial, that of Pennet, less complicated -than the other, was to be concluded. The case was clear, provided for by -the law, and not pardonable. Claude Pennet stood forward boldly, like a -man enduring persecution for the Christian religion. He was convicted of -having murdered Nicholas Berger in his shop at the Perron, and Syndic du -Crest, a catholic but a wise man, pronounced the sentence of death. This -made no change in Pennet’s manner. He did not repent the deed he had -done: fanaticism stifled the voice of conscience in him. It was the same -with all his friends, zealots of the Roman party. In them passion took -the place of reason, and they boasted of the murder as an honorable, -holy, and heroic act. Pennet asked to see Furbity, the Dominican, who -was detained in prison for having insulted the adversaries of Rome. The -monk of the order of the Inquisition was conducted to the murderer’s -cell, ‘and when they saw each other they could not forbear from -weeping,’ says the nun of St. Claire.[472] Pennet wished to die piously: -‘therefore this good catholic made his confession.’ ... ‘I am condemned -to the scaffold for the love of Jesus Christ,’ he said to the Dominican, -‘and I entreat your holy prayers.’ The reverend father, moved to tears -by the piety and wretched fate of this precious son of the Church, -kissed him, and said: ‘Sire Claude, go cheerfully and rejoice in your -martyrdom, nothing doubting; for the kingdom of heaven is open and the -angels are waiting for you.’[473] - -[Sidenote: Pennet’s Execution And Miracles.] - -The murder of which Pennet was guilty was, in the Dominican’s eyes, the -work of a saint. Most of the episcopals thought the same; and it was -feared that their party, which had the populace with them, would oppose -the execution of the sentence. De la Maisonneuve, determining to support -the law by force, collected a certain number of armed men in his -house.[474] But their intervention was not necessary. Nothing disturbed -the course of justice, and the executioner cut off the murderer’s head, -and hung his body on a gibbet. Before long, the populace was in -commotion. ‘Have you heard the news?’ people said. ‘Miracles are worked -at the place where Pennet’s body hangs. His face is as ruddy and his -lips as fresh as if he was alive, and a white dove is continually -hovering over his head.’ The devout made pilgrimages to the place of -execution. - -The other Pennet, the jailer who had wounded Porral, and who, says -Sister Jeanne, ‘was not less ardent than his brother in upholding the -holy catholic religion,’ was all this time lying hid in the house of a -poor beggar-woman, where the nuns of St. Claire, who alone were in the -secret, stealthily carried him food. The execution of his brother -alarmed him; so one night, when it froze hard, he left his hiding-place -barefoot, and arrived stealthily at the convent of St. Claire, where the -nuns provided him with a disguise, in which he escaped to Savoy. - -The third delinquent,—the State criminal, Portier,—remained. The matter -appeared so serious to the procurator-general that he desired it should -be communicated to the people. The Council General having met on the 8th -February, Lambert ordered the letters found at the palace, as well as -the duke’s blank warrants, to be read to the assembly. ‘What! a governor -of Geneva invested with the temporalities of the sovereign power, with -authority to punish citizens who maintain their political and religious -rights; the constitution of the State trampled under foot by the -prince-bishop; and the Duke of Savoy, that eternal enemy of Genevan -independence, forcibly aiding this usurpation and violence!’ All this -constituted a guilty plot, even in the eyes of right-minded catholics. -The voice of the people and the voice of justice were in harmony. The -procurator-general demanded that Portier should be brought before his -judges. The trial was much slower than that of the two Pennets had been, -for the Roman-catholics made every effort to save him, and even offered -large sums of money. But the procurator-general and the huguenots -represented continually that ‘there was a conspiracy against the -liberties of the city;’ it was not possible to save the episcopal -secretary. - -Yet Portier and his agents had merely begun to carry out the orders they -had received; the bishop was the real criminal. His quality of prince -covered his person, so that, even had he been in Geneva, not a hair of -his head would have fallen. But Pierre de la Baume was to receive the -punishment, which, by the will of God, falls upon unjust princes. He had -desired to employ his power for the purpose of oppression, and God -shattered that power. When the sealed letters of the bishop which gave -Geneva a dictator were read in the assembly of the people, the citizens -were shocked; a sullen silence betrayed their indignation; they seemed -to hear the funeral knell of an ancient dynasty that had departed. The -Genevese determined to break with the episcopal traditions, and to raise -to the government none but men known by their attachment to the union of -Geneva with Switzerland and to the cause of the Reformation. While, -among the syndics retiring from office, there was only one who belonged -to this category, four friends of independence were called by the people -to the first position in the State. They were Michael Sept, one of the -huguenots who, in 1526, had fled to Berne, and had brought back the -Swiss alliance; Ami de Chapeaurouge, Aimé Curtet, and J. Duvillard. The -executive council thus became a huguenot majority. It was the episcopal -conspiracy that struck the decisive blow, that threw wide open the -hitherto half-open door, and permitted the victorious Reformation to -enter the city.[475] - -Footnote 464: - - Crespin, _Actes des Martyrs_, p. 114. - -Footnote 465: - - MSC. de Roset, liv. iii. ch. xxi.—MSC. de Gautier. - -Footnote 466: - - Registre du Conseil des 8 et 10 Février, 1534. - -Footnote 467: - - _Lettres certaines_, 1534. - -Footnote 468: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 245.—_Chron. msc._ de Roset.—_Hist. - msc._ de Gauthier.—Registre du Conseil. - -Footnote 469: - - Registre du Conseil du 3 Février, 1534.—MSC. de Roset, _Chron._ liv. - iii., ch. xix.—MSC. de Gautier. - -Footnote 470: - - Registre du Conseil du 3 Février, 1534. Spon. i. p. 516. Ruchat, iii. - p. 276. Balvignac, _Mèm. d’Archeologie_, iv. pp. 101-102. - -Footnote 471: - - Registre du Conseil des 3 et 8 Février, 1534. Ruchat, iii. p. 277. - Mém. de Gautier. - -Footnote 472: - - ‘Quand se virent l’un l’autre, ne se purent tenir de pleurer.’—La Sœur - Jeanne, _Levain du Calvinisme_. - -Footnote 473: - - Ibid. pp. 82-83. - -Footnote 474: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, p. 32. - -Footnote 475: - - Registre du Conseil des 8 et 10 Février, 1534. - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - A FINAL EFFORT OF ROMAN CATHOLICISM. - (FEBRUARY 10 TO MARCH 1, 1534.) - - -[Sidenote: Furbity Summoned Before The Council.] - -Unequivocal tokens soon made known the change that had taken place. -Every one knew that the critical moment had arrived; but that it should -be salutary, it was necessary to enlighten the people and set distinctly -before them the end which it was proposed to attain. In all that -concerns religious questions, the first point is to understand them -thoroughly; vagueness always does injury to true religion. The -magistrates determined to make clear the points on which the discussion -turned, and accordingly the new syndics ordered Furbity to appear before -the Council. This body, which had called to their aid the deputies of -Berne and the three reformers, invited the monk to prove by the Holy -Scriptures, as he had promised, the doctrines he advanced. ‘In the first -place,’ they said, ‘you have accused those who eat meat, _which God hath -created to be received_,[476] of being worse than _Turks_.’—‘Sirs,’ -answered the monk, ‘I confess that our Lord did not make the prohibition -of which I spoke; I will, therefore, prove my statement by the decrees -of St. Thomas.’—‘Ho! ho!’ said Farel, ‘you pretended to prove everything -by the Word of God; you even consented, in the opposite case, to be -burnt at the stake, and now ... you give up the Scriptures!’ - -They did not confine themselves to this question; the lords of Berne -proved by fourteen witnesses the other errors preached by Furbity; for -instance: that God will punish those who read the Scriptures in the -vulgar tongue, and that Christ had given the papacy to St. Peter. They -proved, also, the reality of the abuse uttered by the Dominican against -the reformed Christians, except, however, that a _German_ (a Swiss -German) was among the executioners of our Lord: it appeared that some -wag had invented the story to ridicule the monk. The Bernese declared -that, as the monk was, according to his own confession, only ‘a preacher -of the decrees of St. Thomas’ and a story-teller, justice ought to have -its course. - -The Dominican began to be afraid, and offered to apologize in the -cathedral for the outrage to God and the lords of Berne. ‘We accept,’ -said the premier syndic, ‘and you will afterwards quit Geneva and never -return under pain of death.’ The Dominican desired nothing better than -to get away as soon as possible.[477] - -In consequence of this decision, the Dominican attended by his guard, -was led quietly to St. Pierre’s on Sunday, the 15th of February. He was -much agitated, walked hurriedly, and his mind was distracted with -contending emotions. On reaching the foot of the pulpit, he went into it -hastily, and, casting his eyes on the crowd which filled the church, his -confusion and embarrassment increased. He saw himself between two -powers—the horrible Bernese and the terrible Dominicans—and felt himself -unable to satisfy one without offending the other. He tried, however, to -recover himself, made the sign of the cross, said the _Ave Maria_, and -invoked the Virgin.... The Bernese looked surprised; but it was much -worse, when, instead of reading the retractation which the syndics had -given him, he began to skim it over, to wander from it, and finally to -say something quite different. One of the Bernese called to him: ‘Sir -Doctor, you have nothing to do here but to retract,’ and numerous voices -immediately seconded the remark. But the monk rambled wider than ever -from the question, hesitated, and became confused;[478] many of the -huguenots left their places, a great agitation pervaded the church, and -the patience of the congregation was becoming exhausted. ‘You are making -fools of us,’ they cried out to the monk. ‘Do not stuff our ears with -your usual nonsense. Come, a good _peccavi_!’[479] But there was no -retractation. A great uproar then arose; some violent men went up into -the pulpit, seized the disciple of St. Dominic, and dragged him down -roughly.[480] ‘They made the chair fall after him,’ says Sister Jeanne, -‘and he was nearly left dead on the spot’ (the good sister often colors -too highly). The catholics quitted the church in alarm, and the doctor -of the Sorbonne, having broken his promise, was led back to prison.[481] - -The Bernese ambassadors next appeared before the Council, and asked -permission for the Gospel to be publicly preached in one of the -churches. The syndics replied that it was just what they wanted, and -that they would require the Lent preacher to conform his sermons to the -Gospel. - -[Sidenote: Dominicans And Franciscans.] - -The fanatical Dominican, empowered to deliver the Advent lectures, -having compromised catholicism, and the council having declared against -every preacher who should not preach according to God’s Word, the -Genevan clergy determined to make a last effort. They said they must -choose a monk of another sort for the Lent course, and consequently -turned to the Franciscans, who had often dreamt of a transformation of -religious society. There were great differences between these two -mendicant orders: the Dominicans were rich, the Franciscans poor; the -Dominicans aimed at dominion, the Franciscans at humility; the -Dominicans were fossilized in their doctrines and customs, the -Franciscans were flexible and had a taste for innovations. They knew how -to catch the multitude by their enthusiasm and flagellations, by their -insinuating manners and miraculous visions. It is a man of this sort, -said the oldest of the catholics, that we want after the Dominican. If -Geneva had resisted the roughness of the one, it would be captivated by -the flatteries of the other. In this manner the clergy hoped to lead -Geneva insensibly back into the arms of Rome. - -Father Courtelier, superior of the Franciscans of Chambery, renowned for -his eloquence and wit, was invited to come and preach at Geneva during -Lent. He arrived on Saturday, the 14th of February: next morning (it was -the Sunday preceding Shrove Tuesday) he appeared before the Council. The -premier syndic, assuming a duty that was somewhat episcopal, said to -him: ‘Reverend father, you must preach nothing but the pure Gospel of -God.’—‘I undertake to do so,’ replied the monk, who had been well -tutored; ‘you will be satisfied.’ And then desiring to show how -accommodating he was, he presented nine articles, saying: ‘This is what -I desire to preach;’ adding, as if he was before the college of -cardinals: ‘Strike out what you do not approve of.’ The Council, in -great part Lutheran, finding themselves converted by the priest into a -court of doctrine, ordered the paper to be read. _Invocation of the -Virgin Mary_ was one of the articles; _Purgatory_ was another; _Prayer -for the dead_; _Invocation of the Saints_.... The huguenots objected, -and these four points were struck off the list; but he was allowed to -make the sign of the cross in the pulpit, to repeat the salutation of -the angel to Mary, which is recorded in the Gospel of St. Luke, and to -celebrate mass. The priest returned to his convent with the revised -articles.[482] - -[Sidenote: Courtelier’s Sermon.] - -On Ash Wednesday the reverend superior went into the pulpit and labored -skilfully to retain Geneva in the orbit of the papacy. The two chiefs of -the Reformation—the layman Baudichon de la Maisonneuve and the reformer -Farel—with many of their _accomplices_ (as Father Courtelier styles -them),[483] desirous of hearing how the monk would manage to make the -pope and Luther agree, had gone to the Franciscan church at Rive -(Courtelier had not been admitted to the honor of the cathedral). The -monk began by repeating in a sonorous voice the invocation to the -Virgin: _Ave Maria_ ..., at which Farel and the huguenots called out so -that all could hear them: ‘It is a foolish thing to salute the Virgin -Mary!’—‘I do it _by permission of the Council_,’ answered the monk -ingenuously, and all the catholics in the congregation, desiring to -support their champion, began to cry out: _Ave Maria, gratia plena_! -There was such a loud and universal murmur, that Farel, Maisonneuve, and -their friends were obliged to hold their tongues.[484] - -Courtelier continued, endeavoring to speak at once according to the pope -and the Gospel. One sentence contradicted another; what was white one -moment was black the next; his sermon was a muddle of ideas without -issue, a strain of music without harmony. Farel and his friends soon -understood the manœuvre. ‘He is using a cloak to entrap us,’ they said, -‘and will take care not to show his teeth at starting. He gives us drink -... as they did at Babylon, poison in a golden chalice.’ Disgusted with -such trimming, Farel stood up and said: ‘You cannot teach the truth, for -you do not know it.’ The poor friar stopped short: resuming his courage -by degrees and wishing to please the friends of the Gospel, he began to -inveigh against both priests and popes. It was now the turn of the -catholics; and the Franciscan, noticing their anger and desiring to -regain their favor, began once more to vituperate the reformers. Without -doctrine, without opinions, he fluctuated between Rome and Wittemberg, -and instead of satisfying everybody, he exasperated both parties. ‘We -cannot serve God and the devil,’ said Froment with disgust. - -The reverend superior now changed his tactics, knowing, as all good -Franciscans did, that flies are to be caught with honey, and began to -praise the Genevans in extravagant language: ‘Ladies and gentlemen,’ he -said from the pulpit, ‘beware how you suffer yourselves to be seduced by -the people (Farel and his two friends) who teach you that you and your -fathers were idolaters, and that you are being led away to hell. No! you -are a noble and mighty city ... you are of good repute ... and worthy -people.... Ladies and gentlemen, always preserve your glorious title, -and make yourselves worthy of the great name borne by your noble city. -Is it not called _Geneva, Gebenna_,[485] that is to say, _gens bona, -gens benigna, gens sancta, gens præclara, gens devota_? ... a good, -merciful, holy, illustrious, and devout people.... Your name declares -it.’ The monk was inexhaustible in extravagant compliments, although he -knew very well what he ought to think of the ‘holiness’ of the Genevese, -and particularly of the monks and priests. - -This final effort of Roman-catholicism in Geneva did not succeed. On the -contrary, the huguenots, provoked by his fawning, said: ‘We do not -desire to please either gentlemen or ladies,’[486] and moved with firm -steps in the path of Reform. Farel, setting aside the manifold -ceremonies with which Rome had overburdened public worship, desired to -re-establish baptism in conformity with the Gospel institution, as a -sign of regeneration. The news spread, and excited great curiosity even -among the strangers who were in Geneva. On the 22d of February, the -first Sunday in Lent, two Savoyards, Claude Theveron of the mountains of -the Grand-Bornand, and Henry Advreillon of the parish of Thonon, were in -the Molard, where also a number of Genevans, both catholics and -Lutherans, had assembled. ‘Have you heard,’ said one of them, ‘that -there is going to be a baptism at Baudichon’s house?’—‘Let us go and see -what it is like,’ said the Savoyards; and, following some huguenots, -they entered a large hall, which had been contrived by removing the -partitions.[487] Some of the seats were already occupied; the two -strangers were able to find room, but the later arrivals were compelled -to stand near the door. ‘There must be three hundred and more present,’ -said Advreillon to his friend. On a raised chair sat a young man with -mild countenance and sharp eyes: they were told it was Viret of Orbe; -right and left of him were Farel and Froment. A gentleman of the city of -good appearance, who seemed to be between forty and fifty years old, -showed the people to their seats and watched to see that everything was -conducted with propriety. ‘That is Baudichon de la Maisonneuve,’ the -Savoyards were informed, ‘the master of the house, and the greatest -Lutheran in Geneva.’[488] - -[Sidenote: A Reformed Baptism.] - -The service then began. Viret’s gentle eloquence charmed his hearers; -the two strangers, however, would gladly have seen themselves outside of -the assembly into which they had impudently crept; but all the passages -were blocked up: ‘We cannot get out,’ said Advreillon, ‘because of the -great crowd of people;’ so they made up their minds to stay till the -end. As soon as the sermon was over, the two Savoyards were about to -leave, when De la Maisonneuve said aloud: ‘Let no one move, a baptism is -going to be celebrated here.’ The baptism took place, and Viret added: -‘It was with pure, fair water that John baptized Jesus Christ; to -baptize with oil, salt, and spittle as the hypocrites do, is wrong.’ The -two strangers, offended by such language, got away as fast as they -could. - -As many persons had been unable to take part in the service, the -huguenots, whose patience was exhausted, resolved to be no longer -satisfied with narrow halls, which did not permit all who loved the Word -of God to hear it. ‘Jesus Christ commands the Gospel to be preached in -all the world,’ said Farel, ‘it must therefore be preached in Geneva;’ -whereupon he asked for a church. The Bernese ambassadors undertook to -present the petition. ‘Most honored lords,’ they said to the Council, -‘when we and our ministers pass along the streets, people shout after -us: “Holla! heretics, you dare not appear in public, you preach your -heresies in holes and corners like pigsties.”[489] We have long put up -with this, and now we come to ask you for a church. No one will be -constrained to hear our preacher; every man will go to the worship he -prefers, and thus everybody will be satisfied.’ The syndics, greatly -embarrassed, declared they were grieved at the _ignominies_ heaped upon -the Bernese, but said it was not in their jurisdiction to assign a -pulpit to a Lutheran preacher; that it belonged to the prince-bishop and -his vicars. ‘Still,’ they added, ‘if you take of your own accord some -edifice in which you can preach your doctrines ... you are strong ... we -cannot resist you ... we dare not.’ - -[Sidenote: Farel And Courtelier.] - -The refusal of the syndics annoyed the evangelicals; Farel resolved to -have an interview with the father-superior. Did he wish to convince -Courtelier, at times so accommodating, that the evangelical doctrine -ought to be preached in the churches; or else, convinced, like Luther, -that the papacy was a power of Antichrist which resisted the kingdom of -God, did he desire to tell the cordelier his mind? We cannot say: -perhaps it was partly both. Accompanied by the intrepid Maisonneuve and -the wise councillor Balthasar, Farel proceeded to the Franciscan -convent. Courtelier received them in his cell, and the reformer having -complained that the Gospel truth could not be preached, the monk, -instead of making the least concession, took refuge behind the authority -of the pope, extolling his holiness’s infallibility and power. Had not -Alvarus Pelagius, a Franciscan like himself, declared that the -jurisdiction of the pope is universal, embracing the whole world, its -temporalities as well as its spiritualities?[490] Had not another monk -taught that ‘the pope is in the place of God?’[491] But Farel, instead -of seeking his ideas about Rome in the writings of the monks of the -middle ages, derived them from the Holy Scriptures, and particularly -from the Revelation of St. John. ‘Your holy Father,’ he said to the -superior, ‘is the beast whom the ignorant worship. John the Evangelist -tells us of a beast with seven heads,[492] which “devoureth them which -dwell upon the earth,” and makes war upon the saints, and he adds: _the -seven heads are seven hills_, on which it sits. _Seven hills_, do you -hear? Everybody knows that Rome is built on _seven hills_. Therefore the -holy see is not apostolical but diabolical.’ Courtelier was moved. He -remonstrated with Farel ‘as well as he could,’ he says; but the reformer -replied, the conversation grew warm, and at last the evangelists, unable -to convince the monk, took leave of him. Maisonneuve quitted the cell, -annoyed at Courtelier’s blindness, and all three left the convent -together. - -This energetic argument, which applied the prophecies of the Bible -respecting Antichrist to the pope, had already been employed by Luther. -No proof excited more anger among the Romanists or inspired the -evangelicals with more firmness. - -Footnote 476: - - 1 Timothy iv. 3. - -Footnote 477: - - _Lettres certaines_, &c. Registre du Conseil des 11, 12, 13, 15 - Février, 1534. Froment, _Gestes_, p. 87. - -Footnote 478: - - ‘Vagans et vacillans, sententiæ satisfacere neglexit.’—Registre du - Conseil du 15 Février, 1534. - -Footnote 479: - - ‘Nugis solitus plebis aures suspendere satageret.’—_Geneva restituta_, - pp. 6-9. - -Footnote 480: - - ‘Impostor suggestu deturbatus.’—_Geneva restituta_, pp. 6-9. - -Footnote 481: - - Registre du Conseil des 15, 16, 20 Février. Froment, _Gestes de - Genève_, p. 88. La Sœur Jeanne, _Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 78. - -Footnote 482: - - Registre du Conseil des 15 et 16 Février, 1534. - -Footnote 483: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, p. 331. - -Footnote 484: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, pp. 331-332. - -Footnote 485: - - The word _Gebenna_ occurs frequently in ancient documents. - -Footnote 486: - - ‘Nous ne voulons plaire, nous, ni à Monsieur ni à Madame.’—Froment, - _Gestes de Genève_, pp. 83-84. - -Footnote 487: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, pp. 231, 232, 236. - -Footnote 488: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, pp. 233, 234. - -Footnote 489: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, pp. 235, 236. - -Footnote 490: - - ‘Jurisdictionem habet universalem in toto mundo papa, nedum in - spiritualibus sed temporalibus.’—_De planctu ecclesiæ_, lib. i. cap. - xiii. - -Footnote 491: - - ‘Papa vice Dei, est omnium regnorum provisor.’—Aug. Triumphus, _Summa - de potestate ecclesiasticâ_, Qu. xlvi. art. 3. - -Footnote 492: - - Revelation xiii.-xx. - - - - - CHAPTER VII. - FAREL PREACHES IN THE GRAND AUDITORY OF THE CONVENT AT RIVE. - (MARCH 1 TO APRIL 25, 1534.) - - -The interview with the father-superior had been useless; the churches -remained closed. The evangelicals could wait no longer: the majority of -the inhabitants were for the Word of God, but not a church was opened to -them. The walls of St. Pierre, St. Gervais, St. Germain, and the -Madelaine contained merely the external and barren forms of the Roman -worship: life and movement were there no longer; they had passed into -the hearts of the resolute men and pious women who gathered round Farel. -Neither the hall in Maisonneuve’s house, nor any other sufficed for the -_lovers of the Word_. Every day numbers of hearers had to remain in the -street. ‘Alas!’ said they, ‘the Gospel can find nothing in Geneva but -_secret chambers_, and we can only whisper of the grace of Christ. And -yet grace ought to be proclaimed all through the city and spread even to -the ends of the world.’ They were about to take measures accordingly. - -[Sidenote: Farel In The Grand Auditory.] - -On the second Sunday in Lent (1st of March, 1534), after the -evangelicals had heard Farel in one of the usual halls, twenty-nine of -the most notable huguenots remained behind and began to inquire what -ought to be done. ‘The Council,’ reported one of them, ‘told my lords of -Berne to take any place they liked for their preacher ... well, suppose -we take one. It is God’s will to have the Gospel published. But the pope -with his people care no more about it than the priests of Bacchus, -Jupiter, and Venus did of old. Without any further petitioning let us do -what God commands.’ At these words Maisonneuve and the other huguenots -proceeded to the convent at Rive. Father Courtelier was preaching there: -he had just finished his sermon and the crowd were leaving the church. -The daring Baudichon informed the monks, to their great surprise, that -Farel was going to preach there, and also that the bells would be rung, -which did not astonish them less. Two or three huguenots, going into the -belfry, rang three loud peals at intervals during an hour. Meanwhile De -la Maisonneuve took his measures. Instead of taking possession of the -church, he selected a part of the convent named the _grand auditory_, or -the _cloister_. This part of the monastery was constructed in the shape -of a gallery, and had a court in the middle: it was more spacious than -the church, and would hold four or five thousand persons.[493] - -The sound of the bells at an unusual hour was heard all through the -city. Each note, as it rang in the ears of the Genevese, announced to -them that the Gospel, with which all Christendom was then agitated, was -at last about to be publicly proclaimed within their walls. ‘Master -Farel,’ they said, ‘is going to preach in the cloister at Rive,’ and a -crowd collected from all sides. People of every sort had assembled to -hear him: evangelicals, political huguenots, the indifferent and -bigoted. Certain priests gnashed their teeth and even attempted to turn -away some of their parishioners; but it was labor in vain: the number -increased every minute. Some Franciscan monks, who stared at the sight -of such an extraordinary multitude, could not resist the desire of going -to the grand auditory and hearing what was said. - -De la Maisonneuve gave the necessary orders for placing the people. The -assembly, although respectful, was profoundly agitated. In the place -where they had met, men of different parties crowded together: the -opportunity of hearing the famous Farel, and the object which such -meetings were to attain, namely, a change in the religion of Geneva—all -stirred their minds deeply. But if there was any unbecoming movement, -Maisonneuve, from his elevated place, imposed silence by his hand. At -length the reformer appeared. The catholics were astonished when they -saw him: ‘What!’ they said, ‘no sacerdotal ornaments! He is dressed like -a layman, with a Spanish cloak and brimmed cap.’[494] But under that cap -and cloak lay hid what was rarely found beneath the robes of priests—an -ardent soul, a heart overflowing with love, and such eloquence that the -hearers exclaimed, as Calvin did once: ‘Your thunders have caused an -indescribable trouble in my soul.’[495] Farel began to speak: borrowing -his fire from the writings of the prophets and apostles, says one of his -biographers, he enlightened and inflamed the heart.[496] He excited in -many a lively feeling of love for Christ. God, as Calvin says, was at -work in his own through the ministry of the reformer. Some began to -consider and to relish the grace which they had formerly swallowed -without tasting.[497] The assembly was charmed and enraptured; the souls -of many were inflamed by the ardor of the divine spirit. - -Among the Franciscans who listened to Farel was Jacques Bernard, -belonging to one of the best families in Geneva. He was lively, -intelligent, learned, and defiant, and had long been a sincere -worshipper of the Virgin. He had often spoken violently against the -reformers, and a few days before, meeting Farel and Viret, he told them -with a scowl: ‘In times past there were schismatics enough who forbade -men to salute the Virgin and make the sign of the cross.’ Then, without -another word, he rudely turned his back on them. But on this occasion no -one in the grand auditory was more attentive than Jacques. God gave him -_new eyes_ and _new ears_. It has been said that the convent at Rive was -to him as the road to Damascus—that there this new Saul became a new -Paul.[498] This first preaching of Farel’s contributed at least to -Bernard’s conversion, and ere long he maintained courageously the truths -he had once so much attacked. - -But this light, which had enlightened some, blinded others. The wrath of -the men devoted to the papacy knew no bounds; they indulged in terrible -bursts of passion, and their followers spread the flames through the -city. The conflagration broke out the next day. The Two Hundred were -hardly met, when Nicholas du Crest, the three Malbuissons, Girardin, and -Philip de la Rive, with several others, appeared before them and said: A -minister preached the new law yesterday in the cloister at Rive; we wish -to know if it was with your consent. At the same moment the ambassadors -of Berne arrived and held very different language: ‘What we have so long -asked for,’ they said, ‘has been accomplished _by the inspiration of -God_, without our knowing anything of it. The place which you had -refused us has been given by the Lord himself. Yes, God, by the -inspiration of the Holy Ghost, has put it into the hearts of your -citizens to have the Gospel preached in the grand auditory. Permit the -minister to continue his preaching in that place, and give no annoyance -to such as may go to hear him.’ - -[Sidenote: Farel Continues To Preach.] - -Although, to satisfy the catholics, the Council had at first hinted to -the Bernese that as they were returning home, it would be very natural -that they should take their ministers with them, Farel continued to -preach every day to numerous congregations. His hearers were more -convinced than ever of the errors of Rome and of the truth of the -evangelical doctrine—things which appeared to them as clear as the day. -Many threw aside their supineness; their contrite hearts joyfully -received the Saviour’s pardon, and, ‘caring no longer for the frivolous -things so esteemed by the papists,’ devoted themselves to works of true -innocence and charity. There was great cheerfulness in Geneva. Bands of -people paraded the city with songs of joy; groups assembled at the -Molard and conversed of the extraordinary things that were taking place. -The evangelicals no longer doubted of the victory. A young Savoyard, -named Henry Percyn, approaching one of these groups, recognized -Baudichon de la Maisonneuve, who, surrounded by several Lutherans, ‘was -talking to some catholics who were there.’ The latter defended their -Church: ‘Are these three chimney-preachers better than pope, bishop, -canons, priests, and monks?’ Maisonneuve replied: ‘I will bet one -hundred crowns to fifty, that next Easter not a single mass will be -celebrated in Geneva.’ None of the catholics would accept the wager. -Baudichon was mistaken, but by a few months only.[499] - -On Saturday, the 7th of March, the Bernese ambassadors attended the -evangelical assembly for the last time. They were leaving Farel, Viret, -and Froment without protection in the midst of deadly enemies, and -without force to resist them alone. Accordingly, as soon as the service -was ended, they rose and said: ‘Farewell, gentlemen of Geneva, we -commend our preachers to you.’[500]—‘It is not necessary to commend -them,’ answered a Genevese, ‘we know the danger they incur in trying to -rescue the people from the slavery into which they have fallen.’ As he -left the hall, Claude Bernard took the three evangelists home to his -house, where they lived henceforward. - -De la Maisonneuve departed about the same time as the Bernese, on his -way to Frankfort on business. At a date we cannot fix he took Farel and -Viret to Lausanne to ‘similarly seduce’ the inhabitants of that city; -but the Lausannese, the priests and their friends (for the middle-class -was favorable to the Reform), ‘drove the preachers away.’ It is scarcely -probable that the two reformers should have chosen to leave Geneva at -the important epoch of which we are treating; and yet a contemporary -document would lead us to believe so. When De la Maisonneuve reached -Frankfort, he conversed with the Lutherans and communicated, as it would -seem, according to the ritual of Luther.[501] - -Shortly after this, Portier was convicted of having conspired with the -bishop against the liberty of the city, and condemned to lose his head. -The law having punished the guilty, the public conscience was satisfied. -It is necessary that justice should reign among nations; when it is -trampled under foot and the guilty are held to be innocent, there rises -in the breasts of the good a cry of sorrow, we will not say of revenge. -But that condemnation was big with important consequences for Geneva; it -was, says the chronicler, ‘a terror to the creatures of the bishop.’ As -Portier had only carried out the orders of the prince, the condemnation -of the servant was that of the master. The episcopal agents began to -understand that they must obey the laws and pay respect to lay -tribunals. The power of the episcopal faction was broken.[502] - -[Sidenote: Farel’s Progress.] - -Farel became more energetic, while, on the other hand, the Franciscan -preacher did all he could to support the tottering papacy. It was not -only in the same country that these two contrary systems were then in -conflict: it was in the same city, in the same house,—the monastery at -Rive. One day the cordelier taught in the church that ‘the wafer ceases -to be bread, and that the _mouth_ receives the body of Jesus Christ;’ -while Farel said in the cloister: ‘It is true that the life is -_enclosed_ in the body of Christ; but we have no communion with him -except by a true faith. Faith is the mouth of the soul to receive the -Saviour.’ In the church the cordelier encouraged the purchase of -indulgences, the practice of penances and satisfactions; but in the -grand auditory Farel exclaimed: ‘All our sins are pardoned _freely_. How -dare the monks, then, set up their satisfactions, which the Word of God -has shattered to pieces?’[503] Gradually the cordelier lowered his tone: -the powerful voice of Farel was reducing him to silence. ‘You must -know,’ wrote Madame de la Maisonneuve to her husband, who was at -Frankfort, ‘you must know that Master William does his duty bravely in -announcing the Word of God.’ She added: ‘We have had no prohibitions: -nobody contradicts us. Our business increases greatly.’[504] - -Roman-catholicism was falling: Friburg hurried to its support. ‘Alas!’ -replied the syndics to the ambassadors, ‘we do not set Farel to preach: -it is the people. We could sooner stop a torrent than prevent people -going to hear them. So far as we are concerned, we have abolished no -ceremony, pulled down no church.’ Thus, at Geneva, as in mighty England, -it was the nation rather than its leaders who desired the Reform; and it -was the same everywhere. The Friburgers, calm and reserved, then stepped -forward in the midst of the assembly of the people, coldly laid their -letters of alliance before the premier syndic, and asked for those of -Geneva. ‘Keep them! keep them!’ was the cry on all sides; and the -citizens rushed towards the deputation, lavishing on them marks of -affection and prayers. Messieurs of Friburg, sternly shaking off their -embraces, departed, leaving the letters of alliance on the table. - -The alarmed Council now resolved to do all in their power to appease the -catholics and Friburgers. Every year at Easter a grand procession took -place, in which the images and relics of the saints were carried through -the city. The Council ordered the usual honors to be paid them. Aimé -Levet having declared that he would not forsake the living God for that -multitude of _petty gods_, the syndics served him with a special order -through the police. But still the Levets would hang no drapery upon -their house, and kept the shop open as on an ordinary day. For this -offence Aimé was kept three days in prison on bread and water. - -[Sidenote: Farel’s Domestic Troubles.] - -The consideration due to Friburg had led the magistrates to this act of -severity; but the evangelical movement was not checked by it. The -Christian meetings increased in number after Easter. Farel energetically -urged forward the car of Reform, and his voice by turns alarmed like the -thunders of Sinai, or consoled like the Beatitudes of the Gospel. Yet, -in the midst of these numerous works, he was often observed to pause, -overcome with sadness. The persecution continued in France: three -hundred Lutherans were in prison at Paris. ‘What restive horses are -these!’ he exclaimed. ‘They shrink back instead of advancing! What -adversaries are springing up against the Redeemer, who reigns with glory -in heaven! But God will not forsake his work.’[505] He had still keener -sorrows than these: his own brothers, Daniel, Walter, and Claude, had -been seized by the enemy from a desire to avenge upon them the _evil_ -which the reformer was doing. One of the three, who was younger than -himself, had been condemned to imprisonment for life, and his mother, -already a widow, was shedding tears of bitterness. ‘Alas!’ said William -Farel, ‘her son, who was born after me, has long been in prison, and has -greater sorrows to endure than I have.’ The reformer applied to friends -in high station to obtain his brother’s release from the king; but the -strictness of the prison had only been increased. ‘I know not,’ he said, -on the 28th of April, 1534, ‘who has so stirred the fire.... May it -please God that the poor prisoner hold firm and declare fearlessly what -ought to be said of the good Saviour.’[506] Farel possessed that filial -affection which is serious and respectful towards the father, tender and -gentle towards the mother. It made him exclaim in his anguish: ‘Alas! -the poor widow! O my anguish-stricken mother!’ The love he felt for -Christ had increased his natural affections. - -De la Maisonneuve, having returned to Geneva after Easter, was about to -start again for Lyons. Farel, knowing that his friend, De la Forge, the -merchant of Paris, would be going also to that city at this season of -the year, gave Baudichon a letter for his Paris brethren, at that time -so afflicted, directing his letter _to the holy vessel elect of God_. -‘Jesus,’ he wrote to this little flock in the capital, ‘is the rock of -offence against which the world has fought since the beginning of time, -and will always fight; but its efforts are vain. No council can -withstand God, and if the wicked lift their horns, they shall be -broken.’ He then solicited the intercession of the members of the church -in behalf of his brother. ‘I pray you,’ he said, ‘speak of my brother in -that quarter where you know better than myself that it is expedient to -do so. What! a protracted detention, the confiscation of his property, -six hundred crowns which the bishop has extracted from him—is not that -enough? Oh! that the poor fellow could be set at liberty! All here who -fear the Lord entreat you to exert yourselves for him.’[507] The -evangelicals of Geneva were interested in the fate of their reformer’s -brothers. At the same time Farel wrote also to De la Forge, commending -his brother to him, and knowing the perils with which the Parisian -merchant was threatened, he added: ‘If we have Jesus, that heavenly -treasure cannot be taken from us: let us march onwards, though all the -world should rise against Him.’ - -In treating of our reformers, we naturally bestow attention on their -labors, struggles, writings, and trials; it is well, however, to enter -sometimes into the inner sanctuary of their hearts and of their domestic -lives. We are touched and rejoice to find there such abundance of the -most legitimate and tenderest of human affections. They were men as well -as Christians. This fact is a proof of the sincerity of their piety; it -is like a spring of pure water gushing up on a field of battle, -refreshing and reviving those whom so many struggles might have wearied. - -Footnote 493: - - Froment, an eye-witness, says (_Gestes de Genève_, p. 82) that Farel - preached ‘in the grand auditory of the convent of Rive, without - entering the church.’ Father Courtelier, in his evidence at Lyons - (_Procès inquisitionnel_, p. 322), says that Farel preached ‘in the - same church and pulpit as himself.’ But Froment’s evidence is - corroborated by the Register of the Council of Geneva, which says, - that the meeting was held in the cloister or auditory. Courtelier, no - doubt only meant to say that Farel preached in the same edifice as - himself, without strictly designating the place. - -Footnote 494: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, p. 323. - -Footnote 495: - - Sane me, tam vehementer conturbarunt tua illa fulgura.’—Calvini _Epp._ - -Footnote 496: - - Ancillon, _Vie de Farel_. - -Footnote 497: - - ‘Savourer la grâce ... avalée sans la goûter.’ - -Footnote 498: - - M. Archinard: _Edifices religieux de l’ancienne Genève_, p. 108. - -Footnote 499: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, pp. 226-227. - -Footnote 500: - - Registre du Conseil du 6 Mars, 1534. Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. - 91. MS. de Gautier. - -Footnote 501: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, pp. 199, 200, 204. - -Footnote 502: - - Registre du Conseil du 10 Mars, 1534. - -Footnote 503: - - MS. de Gautier. Registre du Conseil du 18 Mars, 1534. - -Footnote 504: - - She dated her letter, _De Genève, trois semaines avant Pâques_, and - signed it: _La toute votre femme chérie, Baudichone_.—MS. du Procès - inquisitionnel, pp. 23-24. - -Footnote 505: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, pp. 11-12. - -Footnote 506: - - ‘Puisse à Dieu seulement que le pauvre prisonnier pousse outre et - déclare sans crainte ce qui doit être dit du bon Sauveur.’—Lettre aux - fidèles de Paris. (MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon.) - -Footnote 507: - - Geneva, April 25, 1534. MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon. - - - - - CHAPTER VIII. - A BOLD PROTESTANT AT LYONS. - (1530 TO 1534.) - - -Farel, who was so distressed by the long captivity of one of the members -of his family, little suspected that a friend, loved by him as a -brother, would ere long be in a dungeon. De la Maisonneuve, who traded -in all sorts of merchandise, but particularly in silk fabrics, -jewellery, and furs, had been in the habit of attending the fairs of -Lyons for twenty years, and went there as often as three or four times a -year. Of late, the frankness with which he maintained the evangelical -doctrines had offended many persons, and thus paved the way for a -catastrophe which now seemed inevitable. Courted by the merchants, -esteemed by the magistrates, he was, on the other hand, in the bad books -of the priests, and the priests were powerful. - -[Sidenote: The Reliquary.] - -One day, in the year 1530, when he was at Nuremberg on business, a rich -merchant of that city, a sound protestant, who had no love for relics, -had given him a valuable reliquary in payment of a debt.[508] As Lyons -was noted for its devotion, Baudichon, who cared little for the object -and looked at it only as an article of merchandise, thought it might -fetch a good price in that city, and happening to go there not long -after, offered the little box to a money-changer. He would have done -better to have refused it at Nuremberg, but Christian wisdom was then -only dawning upon him. The money-changer took up the article and -examined it devoutly. On the top was an image of St. James in silver, -‘carefully wrought,’ and weighing about four marks. Underneath was the -reliquary: a box of silver with a glass allowing the inside to be seen, -and some little parchment labels indicating the names of the saints -whose relics were contained within. The Lyons money-changer looked with -adoration on the precious remains of St. Christopher, St. Syriac, and -another. He took off his cap, made a bow to the relics, and kissed them -devoutly; and as his wife and children had clustered round him with -pious curiosity, he made each of them kiss the sacred remains. Turning -to Maisonneuve, he said: ‘Sir Baudichon, I am surprised that you should -bring me this relic in such a manner.’ Maisonneuve replied: ‘It is very -likely they are the bones of some ordinary body which the priests give -the people to kiss to deceive them.’ At these words, an apprentice, of -the age of eighteen, a very bigoted youth, left the shop indignant, and -sat down on a bench in the street. The changer having paid Baudichon -seventy livres tournois for his merchandise, the huguenot departed. But -as he was passing in front of the bench, the apprentice, unable to -restrain his anger, insulted him. Maisonneuve was content to reply that -if he was in Geneva, ‘he would give him relics for nothing.’ This affair -began to make Baudichon suspected.[509] - -Next year (1531), when Maisonneuve was again at Lyons, and dining at the -table-d’hôte of the Coupe d’Or, he met with some merchants from the -neighboring provinces, and particularly from Auvergne, whose -inhabitants, upright and charitable, but ignorant and vindictive, were -distinguished at that time by a credulous devotion, as excessive as it -was superstitious. The Genevan did not scruple to declare his religious -convictions boldly before them, and the bigoted Auvergnats were much -surprised to hear him speak ‘_after his manner about the Gospel and -faith during all the meal_.’ ‘Hold your tongue,’ they said, angrily, ‘if -you were in our country, _you would be burnt_.’[510] - -[Sidenote: Who Is Petrus?] - -A year later (in 1532), also at fair time, De la Maisonneuve, Bournet, a -broker to whom he had confided an article of jewellery for sale, Humbert -des Oches, and other tradesmen were supping at the table-d’hôte of the -Coupe d’Or. It was one of those days on which the Church forbids the -eating of meat. Bournet had brought some fish, of which they all -partook, and Baudichon among them. This surprised one of the guests, who -asked him whether they eat meat at Geneva on fast days. ‘Certainly they -do,’ he answered, ‘and if I were in a place where it could be got, I -should make no difficulty about it, for God does not forbid it.’—‘The -pope and the Church forbid it,’ returned Bournet, sharply. Baudichon -declared that he did not acknowledge the pope’s power to forbid what God -permits. ‘God said to St. Peter,’ rejoined Bournet, ‘“_Whatsoever thou -shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven_” (Matthew xvi. 19). The -pope is now in the place of St. Peter; therefore’....—‘The pope and the -priests,’ retorted Maisonneuve, ‘are so far from being like St. Peter, -that there are many among them who lead evil lives, and require to be -set in order and reformed. The Word of God alone brings grace to the -sinner.’ He then began to repeat ‘some passages from the Gospels _in the -French language_,’ selecting those which announce Jesus Christ and the -complete pardon he gives. Every Christian who proclaims the Gospel -might, he declared, be God’s instrument to liberate souls from sin and -condemnation; and then, growing bolder, he exclaimed: ‘I am _Petrus_; -you (turning to Bournet) are _Petrus_. Every man is Peter, provided he -is firm in the faith of Jesus Christ.’ All present were much struck with -his observations, and the strange man became still blacker in their -eyes.[511] - -At the feast of the Epiphany in the year 1533, the brother of Lyonnel -Raynaud, priest of the order of St. John of Jerusalem, and Messire Jean -Barbier, of the cathedral of Vienne, arrived at the Coupe d’Or, with a -clerk in attendance upon the latter. They sat down to table with the -company. Everybody was speaking at once. One of the guests, however,—and -he was usually among those who talked the most,—seemed absorbed in -thought. De la Maisonneuve (for it was he) fixed his eyes on the priests -of Vienne, and, after a few moments, said to them, ‘Can you explain to -me why they put a certain cordelier to death at Vienne a few years ago?’ -He alluded to Stephen Renier, of whom we have spoken elsewhere.[512] ‘He -was a heretic,’ said Barbier, ‘and had taught endless errors at Annonay -and elsewhere.’ De la Maisonneuve boldly undertook his defence. ‘You did -wrong to put him to death,’ he said; ‘he was a truly good man, of sound -learning, and one likely to produce great fruits.’ The strife began -immediately. Baudichon affirmed that we were not required to keep the -commandments of the Church, but only those of God; while the priest -tried with all his might to prove that Baudichon was wrong. The Genevan -grew more animated, and spoke with great boldness. This new kind of -tournament absorbed all attention: the guests left off eating and -drinking, fixed their eyes on the two champions, and opened their ears -wide. A merchant of Vienne, one Master Simon de Montverban, an -acquaintance of Baudichon’s, and whom the latter had often soundly -beaten, observed to him: ‘You have found a man at last to answer you.’ -But the Genevan replied so forcibly to the arguments of the Viennese, -and the contest became so animated, that the three priests, suddenly -rising from table, quitted the room hastily, and went into a separate -chamber. ‘If this man were at Vienne,’ said Barbier, ‘I would have him -sent to prison.’ The prison and the stake which followed it were safer -arms than discussion.[513] - -[Sidenote: Hostility To Baudichon.] - -De la Maisonneuve, having returned to Lyons for the fairs of Easter and -of August, met a considerable number of merchants at the Coupe d’Or, and -immediately undertook to enlighten them, feeling that language was given -for such purposes; but, as he feared also that his scattered remarks, if -not followed up, would be insufficient to correct the tardiness of -certain men, he determined to make use of various stimulants. -Accordingly, he spared neither toil nor weariness. Simon de Montverban, -who was there again, was struck with his zeal, and complained of it. -‘Whenever the merchants take their meals,’ he said, ‘whenever he meets -them in the common hall, when they come in or go out, everywhere and -always, Baudichon gets talking and disputing about the Gospel.’ No -longer confining himself to questions of fasting or images, he went -straight to what was essential: he put forward Scripture as the fountain -of truth, and declared that every sinner, even the greatest, was saved -through uniting himself by faith to Jesus Christ. People censured him in -vain. In vain did two merchants, one named Arcon and the other Hugues, -repeat to every body and to Baudichon himself that, if he was in their -country, he would be burnt; the latter, who did not doubt them, -continued his arguments. Lyons was a free city during the fair, and he -took advantage of it to make the pure Gospel known. Simon de Montverban -complained to the Genevan huguenot’s brother-in-law, an ardent papist, -who made answer: ‘I wish that Baudichon had died ten years ago; he is -the cause of all the troubles at Geneva.’[514] - -De la Maisonneuve was again at Lyons at the feasts of All Saints -(November, 1533) and Epiphany (1534). One evening, when a numerous -company was supping at the inn, the conversation turned on the religious -circumstances of the times. After listening a while, he exclaimed: ‘It -is nonsense to pray to the saints, to hear mass, and confess to the -priests!’ and proceeded to quote _the Gospels and the Apostles_ to prove -what he said. ‘In our country,’ again asserted some who heard him, ‘at -Avignon, at Clermont you would be sent to the stake!’ It was the burden -of the old song, and they were only surprised that he was not burnt at -Lyons. De la Maisonneuve, knowing well that it was out of their Roman -piety that they wished to burn him, was content to smile. But his -calmness excited the wrath of his fellow-guests. The merchants of -Auvergne rose from the table in a fit of anger, and, addressing the -hostess, desired she would not receive Maisonneuve in future. ‘If we -find him here when we come again,’ they said, ‘we shall go and lodge -elsewhere.’ The landlady promised the Auvergnats not to receive him in -future.[515] - -The Easter fair of 1534 was drawing near, and as it was the most -considerable in the year, Maisonneuve did not want to miss it. But -circumstances had become more threatening and rendered the journey -dangerous. There were, as we have seen, in the castle of Peney on the -Lyons road, and other strong places, traitors who had fled from Geneva, -and carried off all the Genevans they could lay hands on. Baudichon’s -friends wished him to put off this journey. ‘The fair is free -(_franche_) to every one,’ he answered. ‘Ay!’ said Froment, ‘under the -papacy there are many franchises for thieves, robbers, and murderers; -but for the evangelicals all the liberties, franchises, and promises of -princes are broken.’[516] Maisonneuve knew this well, yet he was not a -man to be frightened. The report of his intentions having gone abroad, -certain _traitors_ (as Froment terms the fanatical partisans of the -bishop and pope) hastened to give their Lyons friends notice of -Baudichon’s approaching arrival, conjuring them to get him put to death. -‘He was spied and _recommended_ to their care.’[517] - -De la Maisonneuve, bearing Farel’s letters, started from Geneva in the -morning of the 25th of April, and arrived at Lyons on the 26th, having -no suspicion that his enemies were waiting for him and preparing his -scaffold. He had with him Janin the armorer, his aide-de-camp in -religious matters, who had supplied himself with evangelical books -printed at Neufchatel to circulate them in Lyons. Baudichon, as usual, -had alighted at the Coupe d’Or near St. Pierre-les-Nonnains, and was -cordially received by the landlady notwithstanding the promise she had -made the Auvergnats some months before. Janin stopped there also, and -stored his evangelical books away in the room that had been assigned -him. - -The next day there was a great disturbance at the inn. The merchants had -arrived from Auvergne, and one of the first persons they saw was the -famous heretic!... The color rushed to their cheeks, and they had words -with the hostess because she did not keep her promise. That they did not -content themselves with mere words, is clear from events which followed. -The bigots of France wished to share with the bigots of Geneva the honor -of putting to death the captain of the Lutherans.[518] - -Maisonneuve immediately began to look after Étienne de la Forge, in -order to hand him the reformer’s letters; but on going to his house in -the Place de l’Herberie, he learnt, to his great disappointment, that -the Parisian merchant had not yet arrived. - -[Sidenote: Baudichon And Janin Arrested.] - -The enemies of the Reformation lost no time. Informations were sworn -against Maisonneuve on the 27th of April, the day after his arrival, and -the following morning, the 28th, the officers of justice arrested him -and his friend Janin ‘by authority of the seneschal’s court of Lyons,’ -and shut him up in the king’s prison. But this was not what the priests -wanted. ‘These two men,’ they said, ‘being charged with offences against -our holy faith, the interest of the king our lord, and the common weal, -we demand that they be sent to the prison of the archiepiscopal see, and -that they be tried before the ecclesiastical judges.’[519] The two -prisoners were accordingly transferred to the archbishop’s prison. The -great huguenot saw that he had fallen into a trap, and prepared to meet -his enemies. - -There was great agitation in the episcopal palace. That church of Lyons -which had been the church of the primate of all the Gauls—of which -thirty bishops had been canonized—which had supplied so many cardinals, -legates, statesmen, and ambassadors—whose chapter, consisting of seventy -canons, had included the sons of emperors, kings, and dukes among their -number, and of which the kings of France were honorary canons—that -church was about to have the glory of trying and putting to death the -layman who was Farel’s right arm, as Jerome of Prague had been that of -John Huss. All its dignitaries—the deans, chamberlains, wardens, -provosts, knights, theologians, and school-men—all were talking of this -fortunate circumstance. The clergy of the metropolitan church of St. -John the Baptist, in particular, took an active part in the business, -and the walls of that vast Gothic building echoed to the oft-repeated -name of the captain of the Lutherans. On the 29th of April the members -of the _inquisitional court_ assembled in the hall of justice of the -episcopal prison, and, wearing their robes of office, took their seats -on the judicial benches. They were Stephen Faye, official of the -primacy, and Benedict Buatier, ordinary official of Lyons,—both of them -vicars-general of the primate of France. The third judge was John -Gauteret, inquisitor of ‘heretical pravity.’ Ami Ponchon, notary public, -was to act as secretary;[520] and Claude Bellièvre, king’s advocate, was -to aid them by his presence. The court being thus formed, they summoned -before them Baudichon de la Maisonneuve, who declared his name, age -(forty-six years), and condition, and the trial began.[521] - -Footnote 508: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, p. 147. - -Footnote 509: - - All those particulars, as well as those which follow, are taken - literally from the depositions of the witnesses, made on oath, before - the court of Lyons, and are to be found in pages 132-147 of the - official manuscript. - -Footnote 510: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, déposition de Pécoud, pp. - 159-163. - -Footnote 511: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, pp. 209, 211, 217, 218. - -Footnote 512: - - Vol. i. p. 576. - -Footnote 513: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon. There are three depositions with - regard to these facts: those of Barbier the priest, pp. 267-270; of - the furrier Simon de Montverban, pp. 274-278; and of friar Lyonnel, - pp. 305-312. - -Footnote 514: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, pp. 282-285. - -Footnote 515: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, pp. 298-300, 413-414. - -Footnote 516: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 241. - -Footnote 517: - - ‘Iceluy fut épié et recommandé.’—Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 241. - -Footnote 518: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon, p. 424. - -Footnote 519: - - Ibid. p. 1. - -Footnote 520: - - All the procès-verbaux or minutes have his signature, with a curious - flourish (_parafe_) exactly alike on each. - -Footnote 521: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 5-6. - - - - - CHAPTER IX. - BAUDICHON DE LA MAISSONNEUVE BEFORE THE INQUISITIONAL COURT OF LYONS. - (FROM 29TH OF APRIL TO 21ST OF MAY, 1534.) - - -[Sidenote: The Examination.] - -The tribunal of priests wished to mark distinctly at the very outset -that the Romish doctrine was in question: it was necessary to proclaim -anew that _in instanti_, at the very moment, at the priest’s word, there -was no longer in the host either bread or wine, but only the body and -blood of the Saviour. ‘What do you think of the sacrament of the altar?’ -was the first question put by the court to Maisonneuve. He rejected the -Roman error; but his protestantism, as we have seen, came from Germany, -and the Lutherans taught that ‘in the sacrament of the altar, in the -bread and wine, were the true body, the true blood of Christ;’[522] and -as, according to the Lutheran doctrine, the presence was spiritual, -supernatural, and heavenly,[523] Maisonneuve, who professed this faith -and had taken the sacrament at Frankfort in the Lutheran church, -answered: ‘I believe that the real body of Christ is in the blessed -host,’[524] but knowing the axiom of jurisprudence, that no accused -person is bound to criminate himself, he would not declare his faith -more precisely. - -If this doctrine interested the court, the connection of the accused -with the chiefs of what they called _heresy_ had also a great importance -in their eyes, and a doctor well known in France had given them great -umbrage. ‘Do you know _Pharellus_?’ they asked Maisonneuve, who calmly -replied: ‘He is from Dauphiny; he was brought to Geneva by my lords of -Berne; and when I hear him, I believe as much of his sermons as seems -right, and no more.’ These two answers might have led some to hope that -they would exercise clemency towards the accused; but such was not the -intention of the canons of St. John. The court declared that the -witnesses would be examined on the following day. They were all to be -for the prosecution; they might invent, add, or exaggerate, and the -prisoner would not have it in his power to produce any witnesses for the -defence. - -The first who gave evidence was a young working-man, twenty-two years of -age, by name Philip Martin, and by trade a weaver. ‘I lived three years -in the city of Geneva,’ he said, ‘and during that time the Lutheran sect -multiplied exceedingly. I witnessed many armed assemblies and riots, -papists against evangelists, by day as well as by night. Among the most -prominent of the Lutheran party was Baudichon, and after him Jean -Philippe, Jean Golaz, Ami Perrin, who commonly were present at the armed -meetings, directing everything and providing for the expenses. About a -year ago a canon named Wernli was run through the body; Baudichon was -there, armed and wearing a cuirass.’[525] De la Maisonneuve calmly -interrupted him: ‘The witness does not speak the truth. When the canon -was wounded, I was in this very city of Lyons. I therefore charge him -with perjury, and desire that he be taken into custody.’ Martin had -borne false witness; this all who knew Maisonneuve at Geneva and Lyons -could declare. It was a bad beginning. - -On the first of May a fanatical youth, named Pierre, brother of the two -Pennets, who had been condemned for assassinating a citizen and -conspiring against the liberties of the city, gave his evidence. -‘Baudichon entirely supports this Lutheran sect,’ he said; ‘he is their -captain. One day last year he assembled all the Lutherans and armed them -to plunder the churches, which ended in the death of four persons sons -and the wounding of many others.’[526] This also was false: Vandel, a -huguenot, had been wounded in a riot got up by the priests; but there -had been no deaths. ‘The witness hates me,’ said Maisonneuve, ‘because -one of his brothers was executed by judicial authority.’—‘Baudichon,’ -continued Pennet, in greater excitement, ‘instead of fearing the -syndics, constrains them to humble themselves before him.’—‘I submit to -lose my head,’ exclaimed Maisonneuve, ‘in case the syndics declare that -I have ever done them any displeasure.’[527] The court rose. - -[Sidenote: Emotion At Geneva.] - -All this time Geneva was greatly agitated: the news of Baudichon’s -arrest had caused uneasiness among his friends. Men spoke about it ‘in -the city and in the fields,’ everywhere, in short. When friends met one -another, they asked: ‘Have you heard that Baudichon has been brought -before the archiepiscopal court of Lyons for being a Lutheran?’ The -devout (if we may use the words of the manuscript) ‘consigned him to -Satan, as being the principal cause of heresy in Geneva;’[528] while the -huguenots, agitated and alarmed at the dangers that threatened their -friend, considered what was to be done. They determined to act -immediately and simultaneously at Lyons, Berne, and even at Paris, if -they could. Thomas, Baudichon’s brother, started for Lyons at once, and -asked for an audience with Monseigneur du Peyrat, the king’s -Lieutenant-general. ‘For what reason,’ he said, ‘and by what authority -has my brother, Baudichon de la Maisonneuve, been sent to prison?’—‘I do -not detain him,’ answered du Peyrat; ‘apply to the vicars general.’ -Thomas, learning that his brother was in the hands of the priests, and -his danger therefore greater, resolved to make every effort to save him. - -Thomas and the Genevans were not the only persons interested in this -matter. Baudichon’s imprisonment was an attack upon the rights of the -foreign merchants, and compromised the fairs at Lyons. What German -Lutheran would come there in future? The inhabitants, especially the -innkeepers, tradespeople, and merchants, foresaw great pecuniary loss, -and the princes of commerce felt the injury done to one of their number. -There was, consequently, a great commotion in the city, and many -merchants, ‘as well of the city as foreigners,’ determining to complain -of it, proceeded to the _consulate_ (or town-council), to whom they -represented, ‘with much grief,’[529] that the imprisonment of Baudichon -de la Maisonneuve was an infringement of the privileges of the fairs; -and that many merchants had to receive from him certain sums which it -was impossible for him to pay now, because he could not collect the -money which other merchants owed him. ‘We pray you, therefore,’ they -said, in conclusion, ‘not to suffer our privileges to be -violated.’—‘Release my brother, _à pur et à plein_, without reserve,’ -added Thomas de la Maisonneuve. Four of the consuls seconded the -remonstrance.[530] The municipality resolved that Jean de la Bessie, -procurator-general of Lyons, and one councillor should demand -Baudichon’s liberation of the inquisitional court. ‘My brother,’ said -Thomas, ‘is a burgess of Berne and of Friburg, and by virtue of the -treaties between the king and the lords of the League, he cannot be made -a prisoner in this kingdom.’[531] The priests were determined to pay no -regard to the request of the magistrates: a serious incident roused them -from their listlessness. - -[Sidenote: Bernese Intervention.] - -A despatch had just arrived, addressed to Monseigneur the king’s -lieutenant-general: it was from the lords of Berne. The -lieutenant-general knew well the value of Swiss intervention. Had not -four hundred of them, at the battle of Sesia, after Bayard’s death, -checked, by their impetuosity and the sacrifice of their lives, the army -of the allies? Monseigneur du Peyrat determined, therefore, to support -the prayer of the Bernese, and gave the city secretary the necessary -instructions. The effect of the despatch was still greater upon Thomas -de la Maisonneuve. Now there could be no more delays! Impatient to see -his brother at liberty, imagining that he would succeed better by -hurrying the affair, he would not wait a day or an hour. He should have -considered that haste increases the chances of failure, and that the -impatient man compromises both his character and his cause; but he could -see nothing but Baudichon’s sufferings and the injury done to the -Genevese reformation by his captivity. He was no longer master of -himself: he wanted that very instant to deliver his brother from the -jaws of the lion. ‘Set him free immediately,’ he said, ‘so that we may -be able to answer the lords of Berne by the courier who is ready to -return.’ The vicars-general answered curtly: ‘We are in course to order -it, as is right.’[532] This cold formula appeared of evil omen to -Thomas, and from that hour his fears increased. - -On the other hand, Baudichon, informed of what was going on, took -courage; and the judges, fully aware that it would not do to condemn on -suspicious evidence a man who had such powerful supporters, determined -to entice Maisonneuve craftily into some heretical declaration. - -On the 5th of May the sergeants once more brought in their prisoner. -‘What are your opinions in regard to faith?’ asked the court. De la -Maisonneuve answered: ‘I am a good Christian; if you do not think so, -deliver me over to my superiors (the magistrates of Geneva) to examine -me.’ But instead of doing so, the vicars-general tried to induce him to -explain his ideas on the subject of transubstantiation, feeling sure of -catching him in an error. The prisoner only replied: ‘I am not bound to -answer you.’ The court tried in vain to induce him to speak: ‘I will not -make any reply,’ he repeated. They read to him Janin’s answer on the -sacrament, which was (it would appear) very shocking to Roman ears, and -asked him what he thought of it; but Baudichon did not fall into the -snare. ‘I am no judge,’ he said, ‘and it is not my business to decide -whether the answer is good or bad.’[533] Then taking the offensive, he -added: ‘If Frenchmen were imprisoned at Geneva for cases analogous to -mine, would you be pleased?’—‘You have Pharellus and other Frenchmen -there,’ answered the judges, ‘and have not surrendered them to the -king.’ The officials of Lyons complained to the man whom they kept in -prison because people were left at liberty in Geneva. Baudichon retorted -proudly: ‘Ours is a free city,’ and withdrew.[534] ‘They set their traps -in vain,’ said a reformer, speaking of the attacks of the papacy. ‘God -has victories abundantly in his hands to triumph over them and their -chief.’[535] - -The judges were greatly embarrassed: they desired, not to release -Maisonneuve, but (as he had often been told) to burn him; and yet, as it -was impossible for them not to reply, at least by some formalities, to -such high and mighty lords as Messieurs of Berne, they gave a certain -solemnity to their answer. On Wednesday, the 6th of May, the officials, -vicars-episcopal, inquisitors, and other ecclesiastical dignitaries, -took their seats in front of the main door of the archiepiscopal palace. -In public and in the open air they were about to hear the demand of the -Swiss, supported by the lieutenant-general of the king. The city clerk, -delegated by the councillors of Lyons, set forth the contents of the -letters from Berne, and at the same time Thomas de la Maisonneuve -presented two substantial merchants of the city as bail for his -brother.[536] The cause of the Genevese prisoner was growing in -importance: a sovereign state, which the king had every reason to treat -courteously, had taken up his defence; the trial was becoming an -international matter. The court knew that Francis I. was susceptible, -and that it was dangerous to thwart him, as he had shown in the case of -Beda. After full examination, therefore, they decreed that they ‘would -amply inform the king _our sire_, in order that he may make known his -good pleasure, and until his answer arrives, the said Baudichon shall -not be liberated; at the same time, he shall be permitted, on account of -his business, to speak with those who have dealings with him, in the -presence of the jailers of the archiepiscopal prison, who are enjoined -to treat him well and discreetly, according to his station.’[537] - -[Sidenote: Baudichon.] - -Two points were gained; Baudichon was to be treated like a prisoner of -mark, and his case was to be laid before the king. The memory of the -_estrapades_ of Paris was too recent for the evangelicals to entertain -very lively hopes: it was, however, a gleam of light. The judges -themselves, feeling that the matter was becoming difficult and success -doubtful, undertook to obtain a recantation from Baudichon, which would, -besides, be more glorious for Rome (they thought) than a sentence of -death. On the 21st of May, therefore, the court having called to their -aid two inquisitors skilful in controversy, Nicholas Morini and Jean -Rapinati, summoned Maisonneuve before them; when Father Morini -endeavored to prove to him out of Scripture the material presence of -Christ in the Sacrament. Baudichon understood the passages quoted -differently from the doctors. Refusing to stop at the material -substance, the flesh (as they did, and also the people of Capernaum who -are blamed in the Gospel), he held to our Saviour’s words: _It is the -spirit that quickeneth; the flesh profiteth nothing; the words that I -speak unto you, they are spirit, and they are life_.[538]—‘I understand -these words as well as you, and better, but I will not enter into any -discussion. I am not bound to answer inquisitors.’[539] The court, -provoked by these refusals, resolved to put the grand question to him: -‘Do you yield obedience to our holy father the pope of Rome?’ To the -great disappointment of the vicars-general and inquisitors, he simply -replied: ‘I am not bound to answer.’—‘We are your judges in this -matter,’ they exclaimed with irritation; ‘we order and summon you to -answer.’[540] But he would not; and then, recovering from their emotion, -they tried to surprise him by an insidious question. - -Alexander, who had preached the Gospel at Lyons with such energy, had -just been thrown into prison. If De la Maisonneuve acknowledged him for -his friend, they might easily class them together. The judges therefore -asked him insidiously, ‘whether Jacques de la Croix, _alias_ Alexander, -had not in former times eaten and drunk at his house?’—‘If he has eaten -and drunk at my house,’ responded Baudichon, ‘I hope it did him good.’ -And that was all. It was impossible to make the prisoner fall into the -trap: his good sense foiled all the plots of his adversaries. - -Thus did the judges hunt down an innocent man. At that time men set -themselves up between God and the soul of man. This was not only an -outrage upon human liberty, it was high-treason against Heaven. Such a -grave consideration imparts a tragic interest to this trial, and -encourages us conscientiously to reproduce all its painful phases. The -judge has no concern with the relations of the soul with its Creator. -‘The dominion of man ends where that of God begins.’[541] God does not -give his glory to another. Whoever desires to exercise authority over -the conscience is a madman; nay, more, he is an atheist. He presumes to -move God from his throne and sit in his place. - -Footnote 522: - - ‘Panam et vinum in cœna esse verum corpus et sanguinem Christi.’ _Ant. - Smalcad. Catech. major_, &c. - -Footnote 523: - - ‘Intelligimus spiritualem, supernaturalem, cœlestem modum.’—_Formula - Concordiæ_. - -Footnote 524: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 6-9. - -Footnote 525: - - ‘Embastonné et muni d’un allécret.’—MS. du Procès inquisitionnel. - -Footnote 526: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 34-41. - -Footnote 527: - - Ibid. p. 46. - -Footnote 528: - - ‘Le donnaient au diable.’—MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 87-88. - -Footnote 529: - - ‘Fort dolosés.’—MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 52, 53. - -Footnote 530: - - Henri Guyot, Benoît Rochefort, Pierre Manicier, and Simon Penet. MS. - du Procès inquisitionnel. - -Footnote 531: - - Ibid. pp. 47-50. - -Footnote 532: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 59-61. - -Footnote 533: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 62-65. - -Footnote 534: - - Ibid. pp. 66, 67. - -Footnote 535: - - Calvin. - -Footnote 536: - - Thomas Javellot and Loys de la Croix. MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, p. - 72. - -Footnote 537: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 69-76. - -Footnote 538: - - St. John vi. 63. - -Footnote 539: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 91-94. - -Footnote 540: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 95-96. - -Footnote 541: - - Said by Napoleon I. to a deputation from the Consistory of Geneva. - - - - - CHAPTER X. - THE TWO WORSHIPS IN GENEVA. - (MAY TO JULY 1534.) - - -[Sidenote: Morality In The Reformation.] - -While they were prosecuting Maisonneuve on the banks of the Rhone and -the Saône, the struggle between catholicism and reform became more -active on the shores of Lake Leman: an evangelical was threatened with -death at Lyons, but Roman-catholicism was on the point of expiring at -Geneva. It was crumbling away beneath its own weight: the religious -orders, and especially the Franciscans, which had been founded to -support it, were now shaking its foundations. Notorious abuses and -scandalous disorders were making the protest against monkery and popery -more necessary every day. At the very moment when the trial was -beginning at Lyons (3d of May), an honorable lady of Geneva, Madam -Jaquemette Matonnier, passing near the Franciscan convent, observed a -woman noted for her disorderly life stealthily entering the building. -‘It would be better for you,’ she said, ‘to stay with your husband.’ At -these words, two monks who were standing at the door rushed violently -upon Madame Matonnier and beat her until the blood came. This incident, -which soon became known, aroused the whole city. The syndics went to the -convent, shut up the two monks in the prison, and took away the key. -‘Men who live in convents,’ said the people, ‘ought not to be stained -with such depravity; and yet it is hard to find one monastery out of ten -that is not a den of wantonness rather than the home of chastity.’ - -Sin begat death. The Romish clergy destroyed themselves by the -abominable manners of a great number of their members. But better times -were beginning; morality was springing, in company with faith, from the -tomb in which they had been buried so long, and were spreading through -Christendom the potent germs of a new life. A sad spectacle was that -presented by the Church at the beginning of the sixteenth century! There -were magnificent cathedrals, wealthy pontiffs, sumptuous rites, -admirable paintings, and harmonious chants; but in the midst of all -these pomps yawned an immense void: faith and life were wanting. -Religion was at that time like those winter trees whose frost-covered -branches glitter with a certain brightness under the rays of the sun, -but are all frozen. A new season was beginning, which, by bringing back -the sap into their sterile branches, would cover them with rich foliage -and make them produce savory fruit. We do not say, as an eminent -Christian has said, that the reaction of morality against formalism is -the great fact of the Reformation, its glory and its appropriate title. -Such an assertion omits one essential element. The grand title of the -Reformation is to have restored to Christendom religion in its entirety, -the truth with the life, doctrine with morality. If one had been -wanting, the other would not have sufficed, and the Reformation would -hot have existed. - -While Roman-catholicism was falling lower through the disorders of the -monks, evangelical Christianity was rising through the zeal of the -reformers. Farel, Viret, and Froment preached every day, either publicly -or in private houses, ‘to the great advancement of the Word of God, -which increased much.’ The Reformation was no longer a mere teaching; it -entered into the manners and worship, and produced life. On the Sunday -after Easter, Farel gave his blessing to the first evangelical marriage. - -[Sidenote: A Savoyard Procession.] - -When sincere catholics, and even those who were not so, saw these -strange contrasts, they imagined that the last hour of the papacy in -Geneva had arrived. A final effort must be made, but unfortunately the -remedies employed were not much better than the disease. One day a -report spread instantaneously through the whole city that the Blessed -Virgin, arrayed in white robes, had appeared to the curate in the church -of St. Leger, and ordered a grand procession of all the surrounding -districts. She added that if this were done, ‘the Lutherans would all -burst in the middle: but if the order was not obeyed, the city would be -swallowed up.’[542] The huguenots smiled, inquired into the matter, and -at the end of authentic investigations, discovered that the fine lady -was the curate’s housemaid. But many catholics in Geneva, and almost all -in Savoy, were convinced of the reality of the apparition. The clergy -mustered their forces. ‘It depends upon you,’ they said in many places, -‘to put all the heretics in Geneva to death.’ The devotees of the -neighboring parishes began to stir in this pious work, and on the 15th -of May a long procession of men, women, and children arrived before the -city. They were heard singing lustily in the Savoyard tongue— - - _Mare de Dy, pryy pou nous!_ - (Mother of God, pray for us!) - -The Council, fearing a disturbance, would not let them enter, and they -had to be content with going to Our Lady of Grace, near the Arve bridge. -As the poor people had eaten nothing on the road, and were exhausted, -the syndics sent them bread; and after taking some refreshments, the -assemblage turned homewards. Many Genevese, anxious to see them close, -went out of the city, and collected on their road, and as the Savoyards -passed before them singing _Mare de Dy, pryy pou nous!_ the bantering -huguenots answered to the same tune: _Frare Farel, pregy toujours!_ -Brother Farel, preach forever![543] - -All was not over: the story of the apparition of the Virgin and of her -commandment having reached as far as the capital of the Chablais, the -heights of Cologny were soon crowned by a numerous and compact -procession, in appearance more formidable than the first: it was the men -of Thonon and the adjoining places, who, carrying banners, crosses, and -relics, were descending the hill with a firm step. The stalwart pilgrims -boldly passed the gates of the city, the huguenots, who were listening -to Farel, not being there to prevent them; and on reaching the Bourg de -Four, halted before the church of St. Claire. The alarm spread -immediately: some citizens entering the auditory where Farel was -preaching, announced this Romish invasion. The reformer did not disturb -himself; but some of his hearers, the fiery Perrin, the energetic -Goulaz, and others, went out, and, charging the head of the procession, -drove back at the point of the sword the Savoyards who had entered -Geneva as if it were a village of the Chablais. The startled pilgrims -threw away their banners with affright, and fled from the city. Froment -supposes that as the enemy from within had not had time to join with -those from without, the plot had failed; but we rather believe that -these devout pilgrims calculated only on their litanies in their war -against the Lutherans. Those processions, those banners of the Virgin, -those paltry relics, inspired the reformed with a still deeper disgust -for Roman-catholicism: even the pomps of St. Pierre’s touched them -little more than the fetichism of the Savoyards. They were beginning to -understand that public worship ought not to be a spectacle, and that to -burden the Church with a multitude of rites is to rob her of the -presence of Christ. - -[Sidenote: The Images Destroyed.] - -The audacity displayed by these catholic bands emboldened some of the -huguenots. If Savoyards came to strengthen their faith in Geneva, ought -they to hesitate to show theirs? Some hot-headed members of the Reform -permitted themselves to be carried away to the committal of -reprehensible acts. Whenever they went to the Franciscan cloister, the -first object that struck their eyes was the image of St. Anthony of -Padua, a miracle-monger of the thirteenth century, having eight other -saints on each side of it. These pious figures, ranged over the convent -gate, irritated the huguenots. It was vain to tell them that pictures -are _the books of the ignorant_: the reformers answered that if the -catholic prelates left the duty of teaching the people to _idols_, they -would prefer remaining at home in their chairs. ‘If you had not taken -the Bible from the Church,’ said the huguenots, ‘you would have had no -necessity to hang up your paintings.’ Accordingly, between eleven and -twelve o’clock one Saturday night, nine men carrying a ladder approached -the convent, raised it silently against the porch, and then, with -hammers and chisels, began to destroy the images. They cut off the head -and limbs of the saint, leaving only his trunk; they did the same to the -others, and threw the fragments into the well of St. Clair. The night -passed without any disturbance, but in the morning there was a great -uproar in the city. ‘What a piteous sight!’ said the devout assembled -before the porch of St. Francis. The iconoclasts, who were discovered -after a little time, were punished, but the images were not restored. - -‘Alas!’ said the Friburgers, ‘Geneva is about to pull down the altars of -the Romish faith!’—‘It is,’ answered the Bernese, ‘because upon these -very altars the bishop desired to burn the venerable charters of her -people, and has sprinkled them with the blood of her most illustrious -citizens.’[544]... Sensuous worship no longer pleased the Genevans. -Those labored pictures, those sculptured angels, those dazzling -decorations, that charm of ceremonies and edifices, those shafts and -pediments, those unintelligible chants, those intoxicating perfumes, -those mechanical performances of the priests, with their gold and -lace—all these things disgusted them exceedingly. Since God is a spirit, -they said, those who worship him must worship him in spirit, by the -inward faith of the heart, by purity of conscience, and by offering -themselves to God to do his will. - -The hour had come when this spiritual worship was to be really -celebrated in Geneva: the Feast of Pentecost had arrived. On that day a -large crowd had assembled in the Great Auditory. It was not only such as -Vandel, Chautemps, Roset, Levet, with their wives and friends, who -resorted thither, but new hearers were added to the old ones. Farel -preached with fervor. He was accustomed to say that ‘God sends rain upon -one city when he pleases, while another city has not a single drop;’ and -therefore he conjured ‘all hearts thirsting with desire for the -preaching of the Gospel’[545] to pray that the Spirit might be given -them. We have not his Whitsunday sermon, he preached extempore; but we -know that he ended it by giving glory _to the Father, Son, and Holy -Ghost, the only true God_, and that his discourse bore good fruit. -Several circumstances had prepared his audience. The plot of the bishop -and the duke which God had frustrated, the nomination of the huguenot -syndics, the rupture with Friburg, Maisonneuve’s imprisonment—all these -events had stirred their hearts, had cleft them as the ploughshare -cleaves the earth, and opened them to the seed from heaven. What now -shone before the eyes of those who filled the Grand Auditory ‘were not -the petty flames of human candles, but Christ, the great sun of -righteousness, as if at noonday.’[546] While the priests were chanting -words that sounded only in the air, the voice of the reformer had -penetrated to the very bottom of men’s hearts. The proof was soon -visible. - -[Sidenote: Bernard’s CONVERSION.] - -When the sermon was over, Farel prepared to celebrate the Lord’s Supper -publicly, according to the Gospel form, and, standing with his brethren -Viret and Froment before a table, he gave thanks, took the bread, broke -it, and said: ‘_Take, eat_;’ and then, lifting up the cup, he added: -‘_This is the blood of the New Testament, which is shed for the -remission of sins_.’ The believers were beginning to draw near to -receive the communion of the Lord,[547] when an unexpected circumstance -fixed their attention. A priest of noble stature, wearing his sacerdotal -robes, left the place where he had been sitting among the congregation, -and approached the table. It was Louis Bernard, one of the twelve -_habilités_ of the cathedral, possessor of a wealthy benefice, and -brother of him who had been touched at the time of Farel’s first -preaching. Was he going to say mass? did he want to dispute with Farel? -or had he been converted? All were anxious to see what would happen. The -priest went up to the table, and then, to the general surprise, he took -off his sacerdotal vestments, flung away cope, alb, and stole, and said -aloud: ‘I throw off the old man, and declare myself a prisoner to the -Gospel of the Lord.’[548] Then, turning to the reformers and their -friends, he said: ‘Brethren, I will live and die with you for Jesus -Christ’s sake.’ All imagined they saw a miracle;[549] their hearts were -touched. Farel received Bernard like a brother; he broke bread with him, -gave him the cup, and, eating of the same morsel, the two adversaries -thus signified that they would in future love one another ‘with a -sincere and pure affection.’ The priest was not the only person who -threw off the foul robes of his ancient life, and put on the white robe -of the Lord. Many Genevans from that day began to think and live -differently from their fathers; but Louis Bernard was a striking type of -that transformation, and the crowd, as they quitted the church, could -not keep their eyes off him. They saw him returning full of peace and -joy to his father’s house, wearing a Spanish cape instead of the usual -priest’s hood. All the evangelicals,—‘men, women, and children,—went -with great joy to greet him and make their reverence.’[550] - -Another circumstance, quite as extraordinary, still further increased -the beauty of this festival. During the rejoicings of that first -evangelical Pentecost, a knight of Rhodes came to Geneva in search of -liberty of faith. A knight of Rhodes was a strange visitor in that city. -It was known confusedly that those warlike monks, instituted to defend -the pilgrims in the Holy Land, had been expelled from Jerusalem by -Soliman, and had finally settled in Malta. But why should this one come -to Geneva? The ex-knight, whose name was Pierre Gaudet, related how, -being born at St. Cloud, near Paris, he had heard the Gospel, and that, -having chosen for his glory the cross of the Son of God, he held the -world in contempt. The scandal he had thus occasioned had forced him to -flee. Having an uncle living about a league from Geneva—the commander of -Compesières—he had taken refuge with him; but feeling the need of -Christian communion, he had come to his brethren that he might enjoy it. -The huguenots received him like a friend. That city which had seen in -Berthelier and Lévrier the martyrs of liberty, was to have in Gaudet the -first martyr of the Gospel.[551] - -[Sidenote: Old And New Manners.] - -While the Word of God was forming new manners, the contrast of the old -manners asserted itself more boldly. The people of the lower classes—men -and women, youths and maidens—danced, according to custom, in the public -square on the evening of Whitsunday. The _tabarins_ played their music -in the streets, and merry-andrews made the people laugh. The women of -St. Gervais, disguised and carrying bunches of box, set the example to -those of the other quarters. The young men united with them, and the -joyous troops paraded the streets in long files, singing, capering, and -sometimes attacking the passers-by. George Marchand, a huguenot no -doubt, who was very ready with his hands, being caught hold of by a -woman who wanted to make him dance with her, gave her a slap on the -face. There was a fierce disturbance; and the Council consequently -forbade these dancing promenades, and ordered that every one should be -content ‘to dance before his own house:’ and this was surely enough. -From that time such idle processions were not repeated. While the -catholic common people were indulging in wanton sports, not perceiving -that they were dancing round the open grave of Roman-catholicism, the -evangelicals increased in zeal and faith to extend the teaching of the -Word of God; and a gentler and more Christian life was about to be -naturalized in that small but important city. The Whitsuntide procession -of 1534, with its coarse jests, was, in Geneva, the funeral procession -of popery.[552] - -Indeed, the laity were then learning better things than those which the -monks had taught them. It was not the ministers alone who labored; -simple believers practiced the ministry of charity. If there chanced to -be in any house a man ‘very rebellious,’ opposing the doctrine of -Scripture, his friends, neighbors, and relations, who had tasted of its -excellence, would go to him, and without offending him, without -returning him evil for evil, ‘admonish him with great mildness.’ The -evangelicals invited certain of their friends, even strangers and -enemies, to their houses to eat and drink, in order that they might -speak more familiarly with them. All their study was ‘to gain some one -to the Word.’[553] - -In the neighboring countries, in Savoy, Gex, Vaud, and the Chablais, not -only did the enemies of Geneva use threats, but made preparations to -attack it. There was much talk in the city of the assaults that were to -be made by the _forains_, the aliens; and accordingly there was always a -number of citizens kept under arms. Farel, Viret, and Froment often -joined these soldiers of the republic during their night-watches, and, -sitting near the gates of the city or on the ramparts, by the glare of -the bivouac fires or the torches, they would converse together about the -truth, questioning and answering one another. ‘Each man familiarly and -freely objected and replied to what the preacher said;’ and sometimes -before they left their posts, the citizens were resolved in heart upon -religious points about which they had hitherto been in doubt. Not -without reason are these ‘conversations of the bivouac’ recorded here. -In later times, one of the evangelists of Geneva, calling to mind the -nocturnal meetings he had held at the military posts, exclaimed: ‘At -these assemblies and watches more people have been won to the Gospel -than by public preaching.’[554] - -Footnote 542: - - ‘Les luthériens crêveraient par le milieu ... la ville - s’abymerait.’—Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, pp. 92, 93. - -Footnote 543: - - Registre du Conseil du 15 Mai, 1534. Froment, _Gestes de Genève_. - -Footnote 544: - - Registre du Conseil des 4, 11, 13, 30 Avril; 5, 14, 15, 17, 24, 26 - Mai, and 12 Juin. Sœur Jeanne, _Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 89. MS. de - Berne, _Hist. Helv._, v. 12. Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, pp. 119, - 120. - -Footnote 545: - - Farel’s words. See p. 242 of the volume recently published in - commemoration of the tercentenary of his death (_Du vrai usage de la - croix de Jesus-Christ_, Neuchatel, 1865). - -Footnote 546: - - _Du vrai usage_, &c. - -Footnote 547: - - ‘Gebennis hac Pentacoste cum innumeri cœnam peragerent - dominicam.’—Haller to Bullinger, 4th June, 1534. MS. Arch. Eccl. - Tigur. - -Footnote 548: - - ‘Veterem hominem exuens et se Evangelii captivum exhibens.’—Haller, - ibid. - -Footnote 549: - - ‘Est in miraculum.’—Haller to Bullinger, 4th June, 1534. MS. Eccl. - Tigur. - -Footnote 550: - - The Spanish cape was a cloak with a hood, in common use at that - time.—La Sœur Jeanne, _Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 89. - -Footnote 551: - - Registre du Conseil du 29 Juin, 1535. Crespin, _Martyrologue_, p. 114. - -Footnote 552: - - Registre du Conseil des 31 Mai et 2 Juin, 1534. - -Footnote 553: - - ‘Gaigner quelqu’un à la Parolle.’—Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 127. - -Footnote 554: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, pp. 126, 127. - - - - - CHAPTER XI. - BOLDNESS OF TWO HUGUENOTS IN PRISON AND BEFORE THE COURT OF LYONS. - (MAY TO JUNE 1534.) - - -[Sidenote: Discussion In The Garden.] - -In the midst of these dangers and struggles the Huguenots were not to be -consoled for the imprisonment of Maisonneuve. So long as the intrepid -captain of the Lutherans was threatened with extreme punishment, the -triumph of the evangelicals could not be complete. They feared generally -a fatal termination, for Baudichon and Janin, far from yielding anything -to their adversaries, were boldly spreading the knowledge of the Gospel -in their prison. Janin was as much at his ease as if he had been in the -streets of Geneva: at the jailer’s table, in the halls and galleries and -elsewhere, the armorer argued about the faith. One day, meeting Jacques -Desvaux, a priest of the diocese of Le Mans, Janin took him to task and -tried to convert him to the Gospel. He spoke to him of the apostles and -the saints, and showed him how they had always taught doctrines opposed -to those of Rome. He did more. A garden was attached to the prison, and -the prisoners were allowed to walk in it at certain hours. One day, -shortly before the festival of the Rogations, Janin went into it, taking -a French Testament with him, and began to read it. When he had done he -left the book, not unintentionally, on a low wall, and went away. A -priest named Delay (there was no lack of ecclesiastics in the -archiepiscopal prison) passing near, observed the book, took it up, and, -opening it, read: _The New Testament_. A Testament in French! Delay -began to examine it: a number of prisoners, priests and others, gathered -round him; he turned over the pages in search of the First Epistle of -St. John, ‘because on that day the Church mentioned it,’ but could not -find it.[555] - -From the place in the garden to which he had retired, Janin saw Delay -looking for something. Going up to him, the Genevese asked what he -wanted. On being told, he took the book, immediately found the epistle -(those laymen of Geneva knew their Bible better than the priests), and -began to read the first chapter aloud, dwelling upon the words: _The -blood of Jesus Christ his Son cleanseth us from all sin_. He stopped, -and addressing the prisoners, explained the words, and drew their -attention to two doctrines which, he said, can never be made to -harmonize: that of the Bible, according to which we are cleansed _by the -blood of Christ_; and that of Rome, according to which we are cleansed -by meritorious works. ‘You explain the passage wrongly,’ exclaimed some -of his hearers: ‘we must not follow the letter, but the moral meaning.’ -It is an argument we have seen revived in more recent times. ‘You cannot -understand that epistle,’ said a priest, ‘since you are obliged to read -it in French.’—‘Surely I must read it in my own language,’ answered -Janin, ‘for I do not understand Latin. God commanded his apostles to -preach the Gospel to all creatures, and therefore in all -languages.’—‘That is true,’ answered the priests: ‘_prædicate Evangelium -omni creaturæ_; but it is also true that all good Christians draw near -our mother, the Holy Church, to hear Scripture explained by the mouths -of priests and doctors who, in this world, hold the place of the -apostles.’ Janin, who, though honoring the special ministry of the Word, -firmly believed in the universal priesthood taught by St. Peter,[556] -exclaimed boldly: ‘I am just as much a priest as any man, and can give -absolution. God has made us all priests. I can pronounce the sacramental -words, like the other priests.’ And, if we are to believe his accusers, -he added: ‘You may even utter them in the house, in the kitchen.’ He -then began to repeat aloud: _Hoc est corpus meum_.[557] Janin was one of -those daring spirits who imagine that the more they startle their -hearers, the more good they do. Still, the ministers, Farel and Viret, -had no warmer friend. - -The prisoners who listened to him, wishing, perhaps, to prolong a -discussion that amused them, started the huguenot again. ‘The Virgin -Mary,’ began one. Janin, interrupting him, said: ‘The Virgin Mary was -the noblest woman that ever existed in the world, inasmuch as she bore -in her bosom Him who has washed us from our sins. But we must not pray -to her or to the saints in paradise.’—‘And prayers for the dead,’ -suggested another.—‘There is no need of them,’ said the armorer, ‘for as -soon as we are dead, we are saved or condemned for everlasting, and -there is no purgatory.’[558] - -[Sidenote: Rogation Festival.] - -On Monday, the 11th of May, the festival of the Rogations afforded the -prisoners a spectacle calculated to break the uniformity of their lives. -They proceeded to the garden, and presently a noisy crowd gave -indications of the grand procession, which was now returning to St. -John’s church, adjoining the archiepiscopal prison, whence it had -started. The priests went first, with crosses and banners, reciting -prayers or singing hymns; after them came the people. De la Maisonneuve -and Janin said that such a ceremony was an abuse, and that it would have -been far better to have given to the poor the money which those fine -banners had cost. The procession having at last reëntered the church of -St. John, the singing, shouting, and noise became insupportable, even in -the garden. Baudichon, according to the evidence of one of his accusers, -withdrew, saying: ‘Those people must be fools and madmen, or do they -imagine that God is deaf?’[559] - -The next day the festival continued, and just as the prisoners were -going to dinner, the noise of singing was heard. It was a new -procession. ‘Where do they come from?’ asked Maisonneuve. The jailer’s -wife answered: ‘From the church of St. Cler.’ ‘And what have they been -doing there?’ said Baudichon; ‘have they been looking for St. Cler? They -will not find him or God either, for they are in Paradise; and it is -great nonsense to look for them elsewhere.’[560] - -On the 28th of May, the depositions made by the prisoners with reference -to the language used on the Rogation days were read. ‘I would sooner be -torn in pieces,’ said De la Maisonneuve, ‘than have uttered the words -contained in that deposition.’[561] The Court having summoned the priest -Delay before them, the latter declared that he adhered to the main -points, _with the exception_ of the words ascribed to Baudichon. ‘He -only said,’ continued Delay, ‘that it would have been better to give the -poor the money paid for the banners. I did not hear him use the other -words.’[562] - -Janin, who had hitherto been the most ardent of the two prisoners, now -began to grow dispirited, as is usual with such temperaments. He looked -upon his condemnation to death as certain; and was quite unmanned by the -thought that he would never see Geneva again. On Whitsunday, a turnkey -having gone to fetch him from his dungeon to hear a mass which the other -prisoners had asked for, Janin, far from refusing, did not betray the -least sign of opposition during the service, but behaved himself -decently, ‘which he had not been accustomed to do before,’ said one who -was present. He quitted the chapel, dejected and silent. Just as he was -about to re-enter his narrow cell, De la Maisonneuve came up: he knew -the state of his friend’s soul and desired to cheer him. Leaning against -the door, he said to Janin, who was already inside: ‘Do not fret -yourself; be firm, and make no answer. I would sooner it cost me five -hundred crowns, than that any harm should come to you or me. My lords of -Berne will not suffer them to do us any mischief.’[563] - -[Sidenote: Opinion Of Baudichon.] - -Janin’s alarm was not, however, without foundation: false evidence -multiplied. Louis Joffrillet accused De la Maisonneuve of having said to -him at the door of his master’s shop: ‘Pshaw! if you were at Geneva I -would give you a horse-load of relics for a dozen _aiguilettes_.... They -sell relics there at the butchers’ stalls.’[564] On hearing the -unbecoming words ascribed to him, Baudichon exclaimed: ‘That witness is -a little brigand, a young thief; he has told a lie. I demand that he be -detained, and (he added in great anger) I will have him hanged!’ -Manicier, Joffrillet’s deposed that he had no recollection of such words -being used by De la Maisonneuve.[565] - -All these depositions, De la Maisonneuve’s courage, and the interest -felt for him in high places, created a greater excitement every day in -the second city of France. ‘There was much noise in Lyons about those -two Lutherans of Geneva.’[566] Some eagerly took their part; others, who -detested them, hoped to see them burnt. But as the two protestants had -powerful protectors, the clergy dared not proceed to extremities without -sufficient proof. The canons of St. John sent M. de Simieux, a gentleman -of Dauphiny, who was related to one of them, to Geneva to try and hunt -up some capital charge against Baudichon. De Simieux alighted at the -Hôtel de la Grue, in the Corraterie, and immediately entered into -conversation with the landlord, who promised to introduce him to some -worthy people, from whom he would receive accurate information about -that wretched Baudichon.[567] - -Meanwhile, the gentleman amused himself by walking up and down in front -of his lodging. Presently he saw fifteen persons, ‘of the most -respectable of the city,’ approaching, who saluted him and said: ‘We -have heard that you are come from Lyons; is it true that Baudichon is -about to be released?’ De Simieux asked the gentlemen what they thought -of the prisoner. ‘If he is discharged,’ said one of them, ‘we and all -the Catholics in Geneva will be totally ruined and lost. His -accomplices, the Lutherans of the city, have prepared their plan, and -the only thing they are waiting for, before putting it into execution, -is Baudichon’s release.’ ‘Yes, yes,’ said all the fifteen, ‘we are sure -of it.’[568] - -De Simieux asked them to specify some overt act. ‘On Corpus Christi -day,’ said one, ‘as the procession was passing Baudichon’s house, his -wife was at the window with her maid, and both were spinning with their -distaffs. When Madame de la Maisonneuve saw the priests marching before -her _all in white_, she exclaimed: “Look what fine _goats_!” ... as if a -flock of those animals had been passing by twos before her.’[569] As -this remark of the wife was not sufficient to burn the husband, De -Simieux asked for something more. ‘It is notorious,’ they told him, -‘that Baudichon is the person most employed in seducing the city of -Geneva to the Lutheran heresies; that it was he who caused the preachers -to come; and that, if he is liberated, everybody will go over to his -faith.’[570] - -While this conversation was going on in a narrow street, an official -interview of far greater importance was taking place not far off. Two -ambassadors from the King of France had just arrived at Geneva, and the -syndics who waited upon them declared they thought it very strange that -messieurs of Lyons should presume to give them the law. The ambassadors -promised to speak to the king on the subject.[571] - -[Sidenote: Baudichon Locked Up.] - -Meantime, matters were looking worse at Lyons. On Thursday, the 18th of -June, Florimond Pécoud, the merchant, seasoned his deposition with some -piquant expressions which he falsely ascribed to Baudichon. ‘Telling him -one day that I had just come from mass,’ said Pécoud, ‘Baudichon made -the remark: “And what did you see there? ... a slice of turnip, ... -nothing more.”’[572] At these words the prisoner rose indignantly, and -said to the judges: ‘I will not make any reply, I have made too many -already,’ and proceeded to leave the hall. ‘We order you to stay,’ said -the judges; but De la Maisonneuve would not stop. ‘Positively,’ said the -judges, looking at each other, ‘he flees our presence.’ To the jailer -who was sent after him to bid him return, he answered haughtily: ‘I am -not disposed at present; let them wait until after dinner.’ Baudichon -reappeared in the afternoon, but his anger had not cooled down. ‘I know -that Pécoud,’ he said; ‘he has cheated the merchants, he has been a -bankrupt, and his wife and he live by the debauchery of others. I -guarantee to prove what I say.’ - -The next day there was a scene quite as lively. Maisonneuve having -contradicted a witness: ‘I command you to sit in the dock,’ said the -president. ‘I will not sit in the dock,’ answered the citizen of Geneva; -‘I have sat there too long.’ This was too much for the judges. The -procurator-fiscal ordered Baudichon to be taken away and put in solitary -confinement: no one was to speak to him. The prisoner was accordingly -removed and locked up.[573] - -The Court immediately increased the number of witnesses for the -prosecution: it is useless to name them. De la Maisonneuve, more -indignant than ever, thought it enough to say: ‘They are false -witnesses, tutored to procure my death.’[574] - -Such was indeed the intention of the Court, and, considering the power -of the ecclesiastical tribunals, it seemed impossible they should fail -to attain their end. De la Maisonneuve was not prepared to die. His -knowledge of the Gospel had stripped death of its terrors in his eyes, -but the work of his life was not terminated: the reformation of Geneva -was not accomplished, there was still many a tough contest to be fought -for liberty. A man of resolution was wanted at Geneva—a man to launch -the bark with energy towards the happy shores it was to reach. That man -was De la Maisonneuve. - -On the 1st of July, seeing the eagerness of his adversaries, he -petitioned the court to grant him an advocate. The judges would not -consent: the prosecution was difficult enough already. ‘The case does -not require it,’ said the procurator-fiscal, ‘the accused must answer by -his own mouth. The said Baudichon is not an ignorant man; he is prudent -and _astute_ enough in his business.’[575] - -De la Maisonneuve could indeed speak freely in the uprightness of his -heart; but a formal defence alarmed him. Anticipating, however, the -unjust refusal of his judges, he had resolved to protest against it. -Producing certain papers, he said, as he pointed to them: ‘This document -was written by my own hand; I desire that it be inserted among the -minutes of the trial, and propose to read it word for word.’ He was -permitted to do so; upon which Baudichon, standing before his judges -with the paper in his hand, reminded them of the fact of his unjust -imprisonment, which had already lasted three months; contended that his -judges had no authority to take cognizance of anything he had done out -of the kingdom, and added: ‘I call upon you to do me speedy justice; if -you refuse, I will prosecute each one of you, and force you to make -compensation and reparation for the injuries I have suffered.... I -appeal to his Majesty.’[576] - -[Sidenote: Treatment Of Baudichon.] - -The vicars-general could not believe their ears. What impudence! The -accused presumes to attack the members of the Court, and his judges are -to be put on their defence. Are they not the representatives of the -Church? ‘You have no cause to complain of your long detention,’ they -said. ‘It proceeds solely from your having refused to answer us. We -cannot send you before the syndics of Geneva, because, as laymen, they -have no cognizance of such matters. Besides, the king understands that -you demur concerning the offences committed by you in the kingdom of -France.’ Then pressing him with questions, they said: ‘Are you a -Christian? What is your faith? Do you believe in the holy catholic -Church? Do you obey our holy father the pope? We are judges of your -faith, and we require you to answer, under pain of excommunication and -other lawful penalties.’ ‘I will not answer,’ returned Maisonneuve, -quite as determined as they, ‘and I appeal from your order to every -court in the kingdom.’ After this answer, Baudichon, in the eyes of the -Court, was nothing but an obstinate heretic. The inquisitor, Morini, -conjured him to return to the catholic faith. It was useless.[577] - -A man who struggled with so much courage against unreasonable judges, -who, in their despotism, claimed the right to forbid him to display -before God the faith, homage, and obedience which his conscience imposed -upon him,—a man who, in the first half of the sixteenth century, bearded -the inquisitors even in sight of the stake, as if his forehead had been -made _of adamant, harder than flint_, deserves some respect from an -easier age, which is no longer called to such combats, and which perhaps -would be unable to sustain them. - -Footnote 555: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon. Déposition Desvaux, pp. 99, 100; - Déposition Delay, pp. 112, 113. - -Footnote 556: - - 1 St. Peter ii. 9. - -Footnote 557: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel de Lyon. Déposition Desvaux, pp. 100-103; - Déposition Delay, pp. 114, 115, 124. - -Footnote 558: - - Ibid. Déposition Desvaux, pp. 104, 105; Déposition Delay, pp. 116, - 117. - -Footnote 559: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel. Déposition Desvaux, pp. 106, 107; - Déposition Delay, pp. 118, 119. - -Footnote 560: - - Ibid. Déposition Galla, pp. 148-151; Déposition de Gynieux dit Nego, - pp. 154-156. - -Footnote 561: - - Ibid. p. 121. - -Footnote 562: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, p. 124. - -Footnote 563: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel. Déposition de Billet, pp. 127-129; - Déposition de Mochon, pp. 130, 131. - -Footnote 564: - - Ibid. Déposition de Joffrillet, pp. 136, 137. - -Footnote 565: - - ‘Recors de tels propos et paroles.’—MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. - 138-140; Déposition de Manicier, p. 144. - -Footnote 566: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 241. - -Footnote 567: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_. The inn of La Grue was, it would seem, - the projecting corner house on the left as you go from the Rhone, - before reaching the museum. - -Footnote 568: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 184-196. - -Footnote 569: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 197, 198. - -Footnote 570: - - Ibid. pp. 198-200. - -Footnote 571: - - Registres du Conseil du 10 Juin, 1534. - -Footnote 572: - - Maisonneuve compared the host to a slice of turnip—one of the - commonest of things.—MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, p. 162. - -Footnote 573: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 189-191. - -Footnote 574: - - Ibid. pp. 222-238. - -Footnote 575: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, p. 246. - -Footnote 576: - - Ibid. pp. 247-250. - -Footnote 577: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 251-259. - - - - - CHAPTER XII. - SENTENCE OF DEATH. - (JULY 1534.) - - -The judges and priests, though determined to free the Church from such a -dangerous enemy by pronouncing the capital sentence upon him, resolved -to make a last effort to obtain a condemnatory confession from him. The -procurator-fiscal, looking at Baudichon, said: ‘Considering the -arrogance and temerity of the accused, considering that he is not -sufficiently attainted by the witnesses, we order that he be -_constrained_ to answer _concerning his faith_, and to that end be put -to the torture.’ The noble-minded citizen was to be exposed to the -horrible torments practiced by the inquisitors, but there were no -instructions as to the kind of torture to be employed.[578] De la -Maisonneuve was imprisoned under the roof. Was the order of the Court -carried out? That is more than we can tell; we have discovered nothing -relative to his punishment; we can only find that he was treated in a -harsh and cruel manner. Appearing before the Court on the 13th of July, -he complained strongly of the indignities to which he had been exposed. -‘They have behaved tyrannously to me,’ he said, ‘and shown me much -rudeness and cruelty.’ The judges answered that he had no grounds of -complaint, and that if he wished any favor he had only to answer -concerning his faith. ‘If I were to remain here a prisoner all my life,’ -said Baudichon, ‘I would never answer you, for you are not my -judges.’[579] - -The Court then resolved to try if they could not obtain from him some -semi-catholic formula which would authorize them to publish his -recantation, or, in default of that, some very heretical declaration -which would justify their burning him. A few words uttered with the lips -were enough for certain judges to give life or death. Evangelical -Christianity prescribes an opposite way; words will not satisfy it: -truth must penetrate into the depths of the heart and abide there by -means of a thorough assimilation which transforms man to the image of -God. But, above all, it protests against constraint; and to those -officials, those inquisitors who imagine they are helping the cause of -truth, it exclaims: ‘Leave to God what belongs to God!’ This was -Maisonneuve’s opinion. - -[Sidenote: Charges Against Baudichon.] - -The Court and the canons of St. John, having failed to obtain any -confession from Baudichon, resolved to call a witness before them who, -they thought, must crush him. At their request, the Bishop of Geneva, -who was then at Chambéry, desired father Cautelier, superior of the -Franciscan convent, to proceed to Lyons and give evidence against the -prisoner. On the 18th of July the monk appeared before the Court, and -declared that ‘he had preached daily at Geneva all through Lent, doing -the best he could; that he had known Baudichon, notoriously reputed as a -favorer of the Lutheran sect, and one Farellus, a very bad man, who -preached that heresy, and others more execrable still, of which he was -the inventor; that one day, being unable to obtain a license for -Farellus to preach, Baudichon came up with his accomplices; that, in the -presence of a very great multitude of people, he declared he would have -Farellus preach; that thereupon some of his party went and rang the bell -three different times, and that in the same monastery where he, -Cautelier, had preached in the morning, the said Farellus preached -publicly, according to his accursed doctrine, which he continued to do -all through Lent, wearing a secular dress.’ Then, speaking of the visit -made him by Maisonneuve and Farel, the father superior continued: ‘They -asserted that the pope is the beast of the apocalypse, and that the holy -see is not apostolical but diabolical; ... and Baudichon was so -transported with rage and anger, that he would have set the monastery on -fire.’[580] - -De la Maisonneuve was then brought in. The two great adversaries met -face to face and kept their eyes fixed on each other. The energetic -huguenot, speaking with calmness, almost with disdain, said: ‘I know -that witness; he is a bad man.... He preached several heresies at -Geneva, and excited much disturbance among the people.’—‘Heresies!’ -exclaimed the astonished judges. ‘What heresies?’ An heretical father -superior! that was strange indeed!—‘If I was at Geneva,’ answered the -accused, ‘I would tell you, but here I shall say no more.’[581] - -At the same time the crafty monk had with him a weapon which, he -thought, must infallibly procure Baudichon’s death. Pierre de la Baume, -in his quality of bishop and prince, had given him a sealed letter -addressed to the judges, praying them to send the culprit to him, or at -least, to treat him with all the rigor of justice. Coutelier handed it -to the Court. The bishop informed his ‘good brothers and friends’ that -Maisonneuve had already been convicted of Lutheran heresy (this was five -or six years back), that he had done penance, and promised him, his -bishop, that he would not go astray again. ‘Cum nemini gremium ecclesia -claudat,’ continued La Baume, ‘as the Church shuts her bosom against no -one, I was content to pardon him, but threatened him with the stake in -case of relapse.’ It is possible that De la Maisonneuve may formerly -have had some conversation of this sort with the bishop, who took -advantage of it. The law threatened very severe penalties against such -as relapsed; they were not allowed a trial, and were delivered up -immediately to the secular arm to be put to death. ‘I beg you to -transfer him to me’ continued the bishop, ‘to execute justice upon him -to the contentment of _God and the world_, and the maintenance of our -holy faith.’ But a rivalry worthy of Rome existed between the Bishop of -Geneva and the primate of France; each wished to have the honor of -burning the Genevan.[582] - -The struggle was natural. The affair had all the more importance in the -eyes of the bishops and priests inasmuch as Maisonneuve was guilty of a -blacker crime in their opinion than that of Luther and of Farel. He was -a _layman_, and yet he presumed to reform the Church. The clergy -believed that the intervention of the laity was the most menacing -circumstance possible. A great transformation was going on: opinion was -changing; as the understanding became enlightened, it condemned abuses -and reformed errors. One of the evils introduced by catholicism, -aggravated still further by the papacy, had been to nullify the faithful -in religious matters. It was endurable that a bishop should go to war; -but for a layman to have anything to say in the Church was inadmissible. -This perversion of the primitive order was pointed out by the reformers: -in their eyes the despotism of priests was still more revolting than the -despotism of kings. A man might, they thought, give up to another man -his house, his fields, his earthly existence; but to give up to him his -soul, his eternal existence, ... impossible! One of the forces of -protestantism was the influence of the laity; one of the weaknesses of -Roman-catholicism was their exclusion from the direction of religious -interests. - -The Bishop of Geneva thought that, by putting that powerful layman, -Maisonneuve, to death, he was dealing the Reformation a heavy blow. The -officials of the archbishop-primate of France thought the same. There -was no doubt what would be the fate of the proud Baudichon: it was only -a question whether the flames of his funeral pile should be kindled at -Lyons or Chambéry. The judges consequently asked him if he desired to be -sent to Chambéry to be tried by the Bishop of Geneva; and the prisoner -declared that he preferred remaining in the kingdom of France. De la -Baume gave way, but insisted that the Court should make haste and punish -such a turbulent man. ‘Chastise him,’ said the bishop, ‘according to the -good pleasure of the king, who has shown in his letters that he is quite -inclined that way. Nay, more, you will do a very meritorious work before -God.’ The Court accordingly began their preparations for offering up the -sacrifice.[583] - -[Sidenote: Proceedings Of The Magistrates.] - -The magistrates of Geneva had not remained inactive. On the 23d of June -the syndics and council of the city wrote three letters: one to the -king’s lieutenant, another to the burgesses of Lyons, and a third to -Diesbach and Schœner, ambassadors of Berne at the Court of Francis I., -declaring they thought it ‘very strange that Messieurs of Lyons should -wish to give the law to Geneva.’[584] The vicars-general were not much -alarmed: they hoped that the intervention of Francis I. would be limited -to forbidding Baudichon de la Maisonneuve to be tried for acts committed -in his own country. Still they judged it prudent to make haste. - -The Court now resorted to its final, solemn, and triple summons.[585] -‘Baudichon de la Maisonneuve,’ said the president, ‘we adjure you to -answer concerning your faith under pain of excommunication.’ The Genevan -was silent. Thrice the same question was put, thrice there was the same -silence. At last, when the president added: ‘Are you a Christian?’ he -replied: ‘You are not my judges, and never will be. If I were before the -syndics of Geneva, I should answer so that every one would be -satisfied.’ He declared, however, that he was ready to enter into -explanations immediately concerning any offence he was accused of -committing in France; thus showing that he desired merely to maintain -the rights of his people and of their magistrates. The Court would not -consent: they no doubt understood that mere table-talk was not -sufficient to cause a man to be burnt. Once more they refused him a -counsel. ‘If you can write,’ they told him, ‘we permit you to set down -with your own hand whatever you please, and we will hear you tomorrow.’ -He declared he could not do it without access to the minutes of the -proceedings; to which the Court answered, that the proceedings must be -well known to him.[586] - -[Sidenote: The Sentence.] - -The inquiry was over; De la Maisonneuve was returned to the care of the -archbishop’s procurator-general, and the next day, the 18th of July, he -was taken before him. That personage rose and said: ‘Baudichon de la -Maisonneuve, being manifestly convicted of the crimes and offences -mentioned in the indictment, is by us pronounced heretical, a great -abettor, defender, and protector of the heretics and heresies which at -present swarm so greatly, and as such he is remitted to the secular -arm.’[587] - -They were in haste to finish. There was a rumor that the king would -deliver the prisoner: they must, therefore, hurry on the sentence and -execution. On the 28th of July the Court held its last sitting. Two -inquisitors were on the bench, and the final sentence was pronounced: - -‘Baudichon de la Maisonneuve,’ said the Court, ‘you have been fully -convicted of having affirmed at Geneva and elsewhere many heretical -propositions of the Lutheran or Œcolampadian faction; - -‘Of having been the chief promoter and defender of that sect; - -‘Of having protected the impure Farel and other persons, propagators of -that perverse doctrine; - -‘Of having refused to answer in our presence concerning your faith; - -‘We therefore declare you to be heretical, and the chief fautor and -defender of heresy and heretics;[588] - -‘Consequently we deliver you over as such to the secular arm.’ - -This was the formula employed by the ecclesiastical tribunals in -pronouncing the capital sentence. De la Maisonneuve appealed to the -king, to the legate, to any proper authority, and was led back to -prison. - -The Church, having a horror of blood, delivered Baudichon to the civil -magistrates that they might take the life of that high-minded man: the -captain of the Lutherans was condemned to death.[589] For a long while -people at Geneva, Lyons, and elsewhere, had been every day expecting -that he would be burnt.[590] Now there could no longer be any doubt -about his fate: the sentence was lawfully pronounced. The priests -triumphed, and the evangelicals awaited a great sorrow. - -Many burning piles had already been erected in France, Germany, and -elsewhere, and Christians more earnest than Maisonneuve, but not freer -or more courageous, had perished on them for their faith. Were the -persecutors always influenced by cruelty and hatred? Were the -vicars-general, the canons of St. John, the archbishop-primate of -France—all of them thirsting for blood? No doubt there were malignant -fanatics among them, but it would be unjust to form so severe a judgment -of all. Some of them were upright and perhaps benevolent men, to whom -the words uttered upon the cross might be justly applied: _Forgive them, -for they know not what they do_. Atrocious as are the deeds of the -persecutors in the sixteenth century, they easily admit of explanation. -A religion convinced of the truth of its dogmas considers it to be its -right and duty to combat the errors which destroy souls (as it -believes); and, if it is allied with the civil power, makes it a virtue -and a law to borrow the secular sword to purify the Church from -contagion. The fault of such judges—and it is a great fault—is to put -themselves in the place of God, to whom alone belongs the dominion over -conscience; to forget that religion, being in its nature spiritual, has -nothing to do with constraint, and can be propagated and received by -moral convictions only. The sword, when religion determines to grasp it, -easily becomes insensate and ruthless in her hands. _Put up thy sword -into the sheath_, said Jesus to Peter; and those who call themselves -Peter’s successors have been always drawing it. The ground is so -slippery, the gulf so near, that, besides the thousands of cases in -which the Church of Rome during the sixteenth century suffered that -great fall, two or three instances may be quoted in which even -protestants have stumbled. - -Three centuries have corrected such lamentable aberrations; we no longer -erect scaffolds, but tribunals, dungeons, and exile still coerce -religious convictions. What must we do to destroy forever such evils in -all their ramifications? The most effectual remedy would seem to be the -separation of the spiritual and temporal power, the destruction of the -links which still unite the ecclesiastical with the civil power. The -doctrine which condemns those fanatical murders has long prevailed all -over evangelical Christendom; at Rome the acts are tempered, but the -principles remain. Modern civilization is waiting for the time when -salutary modifications between the Church and the State will take from -the former, everywhere and forevermore, the possibility of again -grasping the unholy sword which has poured forth such torrents of the -most generous blood. - -Footnote 578: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 260-262. - -Footnote 579: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 303, 304. - -Footnote 580: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 324-327. - -Footnote 581: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 335-338. - -Footnote 582: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 345-349. - -Footnote 583: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, p. 338. - -Footnote 584: - - Registres du Conseil des 10 et 23 Juin et 7 Juillet, 1534. - -Footnote 585: - - Friday, 17th July, 1534. - -Footnote 586: - - MS. du Procès inquisitionnel, pp. 339-343. - -Footnote 587: - - Ibid. pp. 350-354. - -Footnote 588: - - ‘Hæreticæ pravitates et hæreticorum maximum defensorem et - factorem.’—The sentence is in Latin in the MS. du Procès - inquisitionnel, pp. 431-435. - -Footnote 589: - - See the letter of Francis I. to the Council of Geneva in the archives - of that city. - -Footnote 590: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 242. - - - - - CHAPTER XIII. - THE NIGHT OF JULY THIRTY-FIRST AT GENEVA. - (JULY 1534.) - - -[Sidenote: Effect Of Baudichon’s Imprisonment.] - -By imprisoning Maisonneuve, the priests had desired to check the -progress of the Gospel, but it had the contrary effect. The courage of -the accused and the injustice of the accusers increased the -determination of the Genevans. The work of the Reformation was not a -work without fore-thought; it had been long preparing, and advanced step -by step towards the goal by paths which the hand of God had traced for -it. The rich harvests which were to cover the shores of Lake Leman and -to feed so many hungry souls, were not to spring from the earth in a -day; the soil had long been ploughed and dressed, the seed had been -sown, and therefore the crop was so abundant. The Reformation was the -fruit of a long travail: at one time the secret operations of divine -influence, at another, deeds done by men in the light of day, was -transforming by slow degrees a somewhat restless but still energetic and -generous people. - -The festival of Corpus Christi was approaching, and the catholics hoped -by that imposing ceremony to bring back some of those who had left them; -but their expectations were disappointed. The most enlightened and -honorable men of Geneva had no longer any taste for these feasts—not -because of their antiquity, but because they were in their opinion -founded on serious errors, and shocked their enlightened sentiments. The -thought that a wafer, consecrated by a priest, was about to be paraded -through the city to receive divine honors, revolted evangelical -Christians. They determined not to join in the procession, or to shut up -their houses, but to work as on ordinary days. When the priests and -their adherents heard of this, they imagined that the Lutherans intended -attacking them during their progress; but, on being reassured, they took -courage and the devout began to file off. There was not the least act of -violence, but only a silent protest; many houses before which the -procession passed were without hangings, and through the open windows -‘the Lutheran dames were seen in velvet hoods busily spinning with their -distaffs or working with their needles.’ Vainly did the priests sing and -the splendid cortège defile through the streets: the velvet-hooded -ladies remained motionless. Gross insults would not have enraged the -devotees so much. One of them seeing a window open on the ground-floor -and a protestant lady filling her distaff, reached into the room, -snatched away the distaff, struck her violently on the head with it, -threw it into the mud, trampled on it, and disappeared among the crowd. -The startled lady screamed out, and (says Sister Jeanne) nearly died of -fright. Notwithstanding this act of violence, the protestants remained -quiet. Everything helped the cause of Reform: neither the grotesque nor -unseemly dances of the populace, nor the sanctimonious processions of -the clergy, were able to paralyze in Geneva the power of the doctrine -from on high.[591] - -An act of a new convert still further increased the murmurs. When Louis -Bernard threw off the surplice he returned to civil life: he soon became -a member of the Two Hundred, and afterwards of the Executive Council. -Being an upright man and desirous of leading a Christian life, he -married a widow of good family, and Viret blessed their union. The -marriage created a great sensation. ‘What!’ exclaimed the catholics, -‘priests and monks with wives!’ ‘Yes!’ rejoined the reformers, ‘you -think it strange they should have lawful wives, but you were not -surprised when they had unlawful wives, the practice was so general. -What foxy consciences are yours! You confess to brushing off the dew -with your tail as you crossed the meadows, but not of having stolen the -poor man’s poultry!’ Bernard justified by his conduct the step that he -had taken. The men who had been dissolute priests became good -fathers,[592] and society was gainer by the exchange. - -[Sidenote: Discussion Before The Council.] - -But the priests did not think so. Master Jean, the vicar of St. Gervais, -a zealous man and noisy talker, having heard of Bernard’s marriage, -exclaimed from the pulpit: ‘Where is the discipline prescribed by the -church, where are the commandments of the pope? Oh, horror! priests -marry after they have taken the vow of chastity!’ The question of -marriage and celibacy was discussed before the Council; the priest and -Viret, who had given the nuptial benediction, were summoned to the -Hôtel-de-ville. The reformer maintained that marriage is honorable to -all men. St. Paul, when directing that the minister of the Lord should -not have several wives, shows that we must not constrain him to have -none at all, and if the apostle insists that he must be a good father, -it follows evidently that he should be married. ‘Those who issue from -the dens of the solitary and idle life called monkery or celibacy,’ said -one of the reformers, ‘are like savages; while the government of a -household is an apprenticeship for the government of the Church of God.’ -The vicar supported his opinion by bad arguments,’ says the ‘Register,’ -‘and wandered far from the truth.’ ‘Do not corrupt the Gospel, or else -we shall take proceedings against you,’ said the premier-syndic. The -poor dumbfoundered vicar stammered out a few excuses and retired, -promising to teach in future in conformity with their lordships’ -instructions.[593] - -But they had no sooner shut his mouth on the question of marriage, than -he opened it on that of baptism. ‘Do these heretics imagine,’ he -exclaimed, ‘that the Holy Ghost can descend into the heart by other -channels than the priests?... They baptize in rooms, in gardens, without -blowing upon the child to drive away the wicked one.... They are _ipso -facto_ excommunicate.’ - -The independence of Church and State was not understood in the sixteenth -century. Farel complained to the Council, and the priest was about to -yield, when some laymen, irritated by the defeat of Rome, came to his -assistance. ‘Are these heretics already giving us the law in Geneva?’ -they said to the council. ‘Only the other day they were satisfied to -speak, and now they want to hinder us from doing so. We demand that it -be as permissible for Master Jean to preach as it is for Master Farel.’ -The syndic replied frankly:—‘We have not forbidden the vicar to preach: -on the contrary we order him to preach the Gospel.’[594] It was not then -understood that to command a man to preach what he did not believe was -more tyrannical than to silence him. - -Farel, Viret, and the vicar were in attendance; they were led into the -council chamber, and the discussion began immediately. ‘The Holy Ghost,’ -said Farel, ‘can act without the aid of priests. It is faith in the -power of Christ’s blood that cleanseth us from our sins, and baptism is -the evidence of that absolution. But where have you read that it must be -celebrated with oil, salt, and other rubbish?[595] ... I know very well -that this strange trumpery is of ancient origin.... The devil very early -began to indulge in heavy jokes, and all these baubles come from him. -Let us put aside these pomps and shows that dazzle the eyes of the -simple, but brutalize their understanding, and let us celebrate the rite -of baptism simply, according to the Gospel form, with fair water, in the -name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost.’ The embarrassed vicar quoted -the authority of the pope in his defence, and highly extolled the two -swords that are in his hand. ‘That is an idle allegory,’ said the -reformer, ‘and a sorry jest.... There are two powers indeed: one in the -Church, the other in the State. The only power in the Church is the Word -of Christ, and the only power in the State is the sword.’ That -distinction gave much pleasure, and the secretary entered it on the -minutes. An important transformation was going on: the civil power was -lifting its head and beginning to brave that spiritual power which had -humbled it for so long. The syndic kindly entreated Farel ‘to take it -all in good part;’ but turning with severity towards the vicar, ordered -him again ‘to preach in accordance with the truth.’ ‘Do you forbid me to -preach any more?’ asked the priest, abashed. The syndic answered him a -little harshly: ‘You are forbidden nothing, except lying.’ This marks a -new phase of the Reformation in Geneva. The monks who remained faithful -to St. Francis were alarmed in their convent at Rive, and said: ‘Let us -make haste to carry away our altar-ornaments and jewels.’ ... The -Council opposed this, and ordered those precious objects to be kept in -safe custody.[596] - -[Sidenote: Alarming Rumor.] - -While the magistracy of Geneva held back from catholicism, the partisans -of the pope in the surrounding country were preparing to support it. An -alarming rumor had been circulating in the city for some days; and the -vicar and the reformer had scarcely withdrawn, when several members of -the Council expressed their fears. ‘The bishop, in concert with the -duke, has formed the design of invading us,’ they said. ‘At a banquet, -at which two hundred persons were present, a formidable conspiracy was -planned against our liberties. Wherever you go, you hear nothing but -threats against the city. Many of our fellow-citizens have gone out to -join the enemy, and are preparing to attack us, with the gentry of the -neighborhood.’ Captain-General Philippe was ordered ‘to be on the -look-out,’ and many placed their hands and their lives at his disposal. -It was true that Pierre de la Baume, having formed a new plot, had come -to an understanding with the Genevese episcopals and the lords of -Friburg; and quitting, not without reluctance, his delightful residence -at Arbois, he had gone to Chambéry to concert measures with the duke. A -Romish camarilla stimulated the two princes. The most fervid of the -mamelukes, and of the lords of Savoy and of Vaud, had arranged a meeting -for a hunting match at the foot of the Voirons, and there arrangements -had been made for ‘hunting down’ the heresy of Geneva. ‘Every one there -is running after this new word,’ they told the duke. ‘There is but one -means of safety left, and that is, to destroy the city and the heretics -by making war upon them, and then restoring the prelate by force.’ -Forthwith the plan was arranged ‘of the most dangerous treason that had -yet been aimed at Geneva.’ The duke hoped to become master of the city, -and to re-establish the papal power in it. He had no doubt that -catholicity, far from being jealous of his conquest, would be eager to -applaud it. To insure success, he determined to ask the help of France, -and to that end applied to the Cardinal de Tournon. It was proposed that -Pierre de la Baume should resign his see to one of the duke’s sons, the -young Count of Bresse, and a handsome compensation was offered him. -Maisonneuve, the captain of the Lutherans, a man so generally dreaded, -being then in prison at Lyons, it was desirable to take advantage of his -absence, and the last day of July was fixed for the execution of the -enterprise.[597] - -The Councils of Geneva, in great alarm, sent John Lullin and Francis -Favre to Berne to ask the advice and assistance of those powerful -allies. At the same time they ordered the bells of the Convent of St. -Victor and others to be cast into cannon, and directed the captains of -the city to take the necessary measures for putting it into a state of -defence. And, lastly, wishing to deprive the enemies of Geneva of every -pretext, the Council determined to punish those who had ‘ill-advisedly -broken the images of the convent at Rive;’ and declared, that _though -such images ought to be taken down and destroyed, according to God’s -law_, yet ‘those persons’ ought not to have done it without order and -permission, because it was _an act pertaining to the magistracy_. In -consequence of this, six men, of whom little was known, were imprisoned -on the 26th July.[598] - -[Sidenote: Enthusiasm In Geneva.] - -Great was the enthusiasm in Geneva. The citizens were ready to give up -everything ‘to follow the right path,’ and the Reformation still -advanced, notwithstanding the great danger with which it was threatened. -Some even chose this moment to confess their faith. The last Sunday in -July, a few hours before the day when the enemy intended to enter -Geneva, a member of the Dominican order, that pillar of the papacy, -‘after the bell had bidden the people to the sermon,’ appeared before -the congregation, took off his monastic dress, went into the pulpit, and -then, ‘like a madman,’ prayed God to have pity on him. He bewailed -himself, asked pardon of his listeners for having ‘lived so ill in times -past, and so monstrously deceived everybody.’ ‘I have preached -indulgences,’ he continued, ‘I have praised the mass, I have extolled -the sacraments and ceremonies of the Church. Now I renounce them all as -idle things. I desire to find but one thing—the grace of Christ -crucified for me.’ After which he preached an heretical sermon.[599] - -These conversions increased the dangers of Geneva, by exciting the wrath -of the catholics. Four days after the touching confession of the -Dominican the projected plot was to be carried out. The Savoyard troops, -assembling at a little distance from the city, were to approach it under -cover of the darkness. One detachment would arrive by the lake and the -tower guard, bribed by ten crowns, would let the boats pass without -firing on them. Within the city, more than three hundred foreigners had -entered separately and stealthily, and were hidden in catholic houses. -In the middle of the night F. du Crest was to go to the Molard with -fire-arms and hoist a red flag. The firing of a heavy culverine would be -the signal for the priests to come to the support of their friends. -Certain episcopals would mount to the roofs of their houses with lighted -torches to summon the foreign troops to approach. The catholics of -Geneva and their allies would then leave their houses; three of the city -gates were to be forced by a locksmith of their party, the troops would -enter, and Genevans and strangers would advance shouting: ‘Long live our -prince, monseigneur of Geneva!’ The friends of independence and reform, -thus caught between two fires, would be unable to make any resistance. -Then would begin the executing of the judgment of God: if it had been -waited for long, it would only be the more terrible now. The pious -soldiers of the Church would fall upon the Lutherans and put them to -death. The city would be purged of all those seeds of the gospel and -liberty which were choking, within its walls, the ancient and glorious -plants of feudalism and popery. Finally to complete their work, the -conquerors would share the property of the vanquished, which the bishop -had in anticipation confiscated for their benefit, and Geneva, forever -bound to Rome, would thus become its slave and never its rival.[600] - -On the 29th and 30th July all began to move round the city. On the -north, the Marshal of Burgundy, the bishop’s brother, was to descend -into the valley of the Leman, with six thousand men, raised in imperial -Burgundy. On the south, the Duke of Savoy had obtained permission of the -king of France to enlist in Dauphiny, ‘persons experienced in war.’ -Numerous soldiers—some coming by land, others by water—were expected -from Chablais, Faucigny, Gex, and Vaud. A galley and other boats had -been fitted out near Thonon, to which place the artillery of Chillon had -been removed. Several corps were marching on Geneva. The bishop, who was -anything but brave, did not wish to leave Chambéry; but the duke, to -encourage him, gave him a body-guard of two hundred well-armed men, and -Pierre de la Baume quitted, not without alarm, the capital of Savoy -early in the morning of the 30th July, and halted at Lé-luiset, a -village situated about two leagues from Geneva, where he intended to -wait in safety the issue of the affair. - -The corps nearest to Geneva appeared. Savoyard troops under the command -of Mauloz, castellan of Gaillard, reached their station in front of the -St. Antoine Gate. Armed men from Chablais advanced along the Thonon road -as far as Jargonnant, in front of the Rive gate. Other bands prepared to -enter by the gate on the side of Arve and Plainpalais. Barks and boats -filled with soldiers arrived in the waters that bathed the city. The -army that was to cross the Jura, and other corps, did not appear; but -the assembled forces were sufficient for the coup-de-main.[601] - -[Sidenote: Levrat, The Traitor.] - -While these manœuvres were going on without, everything seemed going on -well within. The man entrusted with the care of the artillery, and who -was called Le Bossu (the Hunchback), had been bribed. In the evening -Jean Levrat, ‘one of the most active of the traitors,’ had prowled about -his dwelling, and the keeper, not wishing to be compromised, had handed -him through a loophole the keys of the tower of Rive, where the cannons -had been stored. Levrat and his accomplices spiked several, and Le Bossu -had filled others with hay. The blacksmith had counterfeited the keys of -the city, and made iron implements to break down the gates.[602] The -most lively emotion prevailed in the houses of all the catholics. Party -walls had been broken through, so that they could go from one to another -and concert matters secretly. Michael Guillet, Thomas Moine, Jacques -Malbuisson, De Prato, Jean Levrat, and the Sire de Pesmes, went to and -fro watching that no man shrank back. - -Throughout the whole of the 30th of July the Councils and the reformed -remained in complete ignorance of the blow that was impending. They knew -of the threats, but did not believe there was any danger, so that in the -evening of the 30th they had gone to rest as quietly as usual. In the -early part of the night a stranger desired to speak with the -premier-syndic on urgent business. Michael Sept received him. ‘I am from -Dauphiny,’ said the man: ‘I am a hearer of the Word of God, and should -grieve to see Geneva and the Gospel brought to destruction. The duke’s -army is marching upon your city; a number of soldiers are already -assembled all round you, and very early this morning the bishop left -Chambéry to make his entrance among you.’ It was a fellow-countryman of -Farel and Froment that undertook to save Geneva. But was there still -time? The premier-syndic immediately communicated the intelligence to -his colleagues, and it was resolved to arrest some of those who were -always ready to make common cause with the enemy outside. The syndics -questioned them, confronted them with one another, and gradually saw the -horrible plot unravelled, of which they had until that moment been -ignorant.[603] All the citizens upon whom they could rely were called to -arms. It was not yet midnight. - -The episcopals, who had not gone to bed, waited in excitement for the -appointed hour. A great number of canons and priests had assembled in -the house of the canon of Brentena, Seigneur of Menthon, belonging to an -illustrious family of Savoy. They congratulated one another that the -plot had been so well arranged, and nothing in that assembly of -ecclesiastics was talked of but torches, banners, and artillery. In a -short time, however, one of their party came in, and told them that the -huguenots were arming everywhere. The reverend members of the chapter -ran to the window, and saw with affright a numerous patrol marching by. -The alarm spread; not an episcopal dared venture out: they hid the red -flag, the signal for the murder of the huguenots. One hope only -remained; the troops round Geneva were amply sufficient to secure the -triumph of the bishop.[604] - -[Sidenote: Waiting For The Signal.] - -And indeed the number of soldiers round the city was very great. Playing -on the word _Geneva, gens nova_, the leaders had chosen for their -watchword this cruel phrase: _Nous ferons ici gent nouvelle_,[605] that -is to say, they would extirpate the evangelicals from Geneva and replace -them by catholic Savoyards. They waited for the appointed signal and -turned their eyes to the roofs of the houses from which the torches were -to be waved. They fancied that some had been seen, but had soon -disappeared. While the anxious officers were asking what was to be done, -some of the soldiers noticed a simple-looking boy walking about on the -hill, peering innocently about him, but constantly getting nearer to the -city gates. He was taken before Mauloz the castellan and M. de Simon, -another of the leaders, who asked him what he was doing there at such an -hour of the night. The boy, who seemed greatly embarrassed, answered, ‘I -am looking for the mare I lost.’ It was not the case. - -Three of the best citizens of Geneva, Jean d’Arlod, auditor, the zealous -Étienne d’Adda, and Pontet, happening to be at La Roche, three or four -leagues from Geneva, in the evening, had heard the enterprise talked of, -and had immediately mounted their horses in order to reach the gates -before the enemy.[606] Pushing rapidly along the by-roads, they stopped -at a farm-house a short distance from the city, where they learnt that -the Savoyard troops were already under the walls. D’Arlod directed one -of the farm-servants to go and see if they could enter. M. de Simon and -Mauloz the castellan, impatient to know the cause of the delay, -determined to make use of this poor boy, of whose innocence they felt no -doubts. ‘Hark ye!’ they said to him; ‘go and see whether the Rive and -St. Antoine gates are open.’ The lad, who was very unwilling to serve as -a scout to the Savoyards, replied: ‘Oh! I should be afraid they would -kill me.’ At that instant Mauloz, whose attention was divided between -the youth and the houses on which the torches were to be displayed, -exclaimed, ‘There is one!’ A brilliant light appeared over the city: the -whole force hailed it with joy, and the two captains could not turn away -their eyes. The light appeared and disappeared, returned, and was again -eclipsed, and every time it came in sight, strange to say, it looked -more elevated. Higher and higher it rose; already it overtopped the -tallest chimneys. There was something extraordinary about it, and the -Savoyards began to grow uneasy. ‘Why, can it be so?’ said those who knew -Geneva; ‘the light is ascending the spire of St. Pierre!... Yes, it is -so ... that is where the main watch of the city is stationed in time of -danger.’ At last the light ceased to move; it halted at the top of the -spire, which was built on the crest of the hill. It thus brooded over -the city, and seemed turned upon the Savoyard army, like the glaring eye -of the lion shining through the midnight darkness of the desert. Then a -panic terror seized the soldiers of Charles III.; their features were -disturbed, their hearts quaked. Mauloz, who had kept his eyes fixed on -the threatening apparition, turned in despair towards M. de Simon, who -was already moving off, and exclaimed: ‘We are discovered: we are -betrayed! We shall not enter Geneva to-night.’ The young messenger, -finding that nobody took heed of him, ran off to the farm to tell -D’Arlod and his friends what had taken place.[607] - -[Sidenote: Retreat Of The Savoyards.] - -Yet the lion’s eye still glared above the city. ‘The sugar-plums are all -ready for our supper,’ said the men-at-arms.[608] Every one thought of -retiring: Mauloz and Simon gave orders for the retreat. As day was -beginning to break, the Genevese look-outs stationed on the tower saw -the Savoyards filing off in the direction of Castle Gaillard, with drums -beating and colors flying. - -The Genevan catholics were in suspense no longer: their enterprise had -miscarried. They were stupefied and furious against their allies. One of -them, Francis Regis, said with a great oath: ‘We are ruined and undone: -those gentlemen are not worth a straw. We made the signals, everything -was in good order, but the gentry deceived us.’[609] As for the bishop, -he was more frightened than disappointed. When the terrible beacon shone -out from the temple of St. Pierre’s, some men, commissioned to keep him -informed of what was going on, had started off full gallop, and reported -to him the ominous words of the ferocious Mauloz: ‘We are betrayed!’ -Instantly the poor prelate mounted his horse, and rode hastily away to -join the duke. - -When the sun rose, not an enemy was to be seen about the city. The -Genevans could not believe their eyes: the events of that memorable -night seemed almost miraculous, and they were transported with joy, like -men who have been saved from death. All the morning the streets were -filled with people; they exchanged glances, they shook hands with each -other; many blessed God; some could not believe that their catholic -fellow-citizens were cognizant of the plot. One little incident removed -every doubt. As some citizens happened to be passing the house of the -keeper of the artillery, they heard the shrill voice of a woman -screaming in great emotion: ‘Ha! traitor! you are betraying me as you -betrayed the city!’ ... A man replied with abuse and blows; the screams -of the wretched creature became louder and louder, and the coarse voice -of another woman was mingled with hers. It was the Bossu, his wife, and -servant: the keeper of the artillery had been surprised by his wife in -flagrant infidelity. The huguenots, hearing the uproar, stopped and -entered the house. ‘Yes,’ screamed the wife louder than ever; ‘yes, -traitor, you gave Jean Levrat the keys through the loop-hole.’ Levrat, -the Bossu, and the locksmith were immediately arrested.[610] - -The leaders of the conspiracy remained, as usual, at liberty. Skulking -in their houses, Guillet, De Prato, Perceval de Pesmes, the two Du -Crests, the two Regis, and many others, knew well that they merited -death more than Portier; and, affrighted like the hare in its form, -which pricks up its ears to listen for the pursuing huntsman, they -started at the slightest noise, and fancied every moment that the -syndics or their officers were coming. As no one appeared, they formed a -desperate resolution: disguising themselves in various ways, they left -their houses and escaped; ‘and never returned to the city again,’ says -Froment. The bishop’s conspiracy with Portier and the Pennets had forced -several catholics to leave the council; the project of a night attack -obliged many to leave Geneva. Every effort made by catholicism to rise -helped it to descend, and every blow aimed at the Reformation for its -destruction raised it still higher. The citizens remarked to one -another, reports a contemporary, who has recorded the words: ‘It was God -who brought down the hearts of our enemies, both without and within, so -that they could not make use of their strength.’[611] - -[Sidenote: Vigilance And Meditation.] - -Meanwhile Geneva was not at ease. The Marshal of Burgundy and the -Governor of Chablais had not appeared; and the enemy might have -withdrawn only to wait for these powerful reinforcements. All the -citizens were called to arms. ‘Throughout that week a strong guard was -kept up, and the gates of the city were closed.’ As the episcopals had -often had recourse to the bells to summon their partisans, ‘it was -forbidden to ring the church-bells either day or night.’ A silence, -accompanied with meditation and vigilance, prevailed through the city. -The inhabitants were ready to sacrifice their lives, and showed their -resolution by a deep earnestness, and not by idle boasts. The preachers -would converse with the soldiers, speaking familiarly to them of _the -good fight_, and the soldiers never grew tired of listening to them. -‘What a new way of making war,’ said many. ‘In old times the soldiers -used to have dissolute women with them at their posts, but now they have -preachers, and instead of debauchery and filthy language, every thing is -turned to good.’[612] - -Could such generous zeal save the city from the attacks of Savoy -supported by France, Friburg, Burgundy, and the mamelukes? There were -men who shook their heads with sorrow and ‘lived in fear and -despondency.’ But ‘a friend sticketh closer than a brother.’ On the -morning after the enterprise, a delegate from Lausanne arrived in -Geneva, and although the Duke had given orders that the Estates of Vaud -should make common cause with him, the messenger said: ‘We are ready, -brethren, to send you a hundred arquebusiers if you want them.’ -Neuchâtel made a similar offer. Berne commissioned Francis Nägeli the -treasurer, the banneret Weingarten, and two other citizens, to exhort -the Duke and Marshal of Burgundy to desist from hostilities. The Swiss -cantons, assembled at Baden, forwarded a similar message to Charles III. - -The partisans of the pope and of the bishop saw that as their enterprise -had miscarried, their cause was lost. The leaders had escaped at first: -now the flight became general. Even the friends of the Genevese -franchises began to leave the city; it was, therefore, natural that the -fanatics should depart to swell the ranks of the mamelukes. They took -with them all they could carry, and used various stratagems to get out -of the city, stealing away cautiously by night. Some took refuge on the -left shore of the lake; a greater number in the castle of Peney, on the -right bank of the Rhone, whence they kept the Genevese population -continually on the alert. Their wives and children, left behind in the -city, held secret interviews with them at the foot of the steep cliffs -which line the banks of the river, and told them all the news. No -Genevan citizen could start for Lyons without the refugees at Peney -being informed of it; they were always on the look-out for travellers. -It was a strange phenomenon, of which history presents, however, more -than one example, this opposition of the papists and feudalists to civil -and religious liberty degenerating into brigandage.[613] - -The flight of the episcopalian laity destroyed the power of the clergy, -whose support they were, and made the reformers masters of the -situation. Geneva was resolved to keep within her walls none but those -who were ready to shed their blood for her. One night when the drum -called citizens to arms a timid man bade his wife say he was absent: -some of his neighbors, however, forced their way into his chamber and -found him hidden in bed, pretending to have the fever: he shook, indeed, -but it was with fear. The coward was banished from the city for life, -under pain of being flogged if he returned: a year later, however, he -was indulgently readmitted, ‘because it is not given to every man to -have the courage of a Cæsar,’ says the ‘Register’; but he was always -looked upon as an alien. Courage was at that time one of the -qualifications necessary for Genevese citizenship.[614] - -[Sidenote: Frightened Nuns.] - -While the mamelukes were indulging in highway robbery without the city, -the weaker members of the episcopal party who still remained within it -were living in fear. Their persons, their worship, their convents were -respected: not a hair of their heads was touched; but they trembled lest -the outrages of the refugees at Peney should excite the huguenots to -take their revenge. The nuns especially were in perpetual alarm. One -night, between eleven and twelve o’clock, the sisters of St. Claire were -startled from their slumbers by a loud knocking at the door: scared at -the noise, they listened with beating hearts. Then other knocks were -heard. Faint and trembling, they crept from their beds. The huguenots -are surely coming to avenge on them the perfidious night of the 31st of -July! ‘The heretics,’ they whispered one to another, ‘have broken down -the gates of the convent.’ The nuns ascribing guilty intentions to them, -ran to the abbess in dismay: ‘My dear children,’ said she, ‘fight -valiantly for the love of God.’ They waited, but nobody came. - -The youngest of the nuns, who had been at service overnight with the -rest of the community, and made drowsy by the long prayers, had fallen -into a sound sleep; the under-superior had locked her in the church -without observing her. About eleven o’clock the unlucky sister awoke: -she looked round, and could not make out where she was.... At last she -recognized the chapel; but the darkness, the loneliness, the place -itself—all combined to frighten her. She fancied she could see the dead -taking advantage of that silent hour to quit their graves and wander -through the church.... Her limbs refused to move. At length she summoned -up courage and rushed to the door. It was locked. In her fright, she -gave it a violent blow. It was this which woke the sisters. Then she -listened, and as no one came, she knocked again three times, as loud as -she could. - -While this was going on, the abbess prepared to receive the wolves who -were about to devour her innocent lambs. She first desired to know if -all her flock were present, and to her great anguish discovered that one -was missing. Then another knock, louder than all the rest, was heard. -‘Let us go forth,’ said the abbess, ‘and enter the church, for it will -be better for us to be before God than in the dormitory.’ They descended -the stairs; the abbess put the key into the lock, opened the door ... -and found before her the young nun, who, pale as death fainted away at -her feet.[615] - -The tales that men took pleasure in circulating, and sometimes even -printing, about the reformers and the reformed, about Calvin and Luther -in particular, often had no more reality than the imaginations of the -nuns of St. Claire as to the designs of the huguenots, which had given -the poor girls such a terrible fright; and they were less innocent. - -Footnote 591: - - Registre du Conseil du 2 Juin, 1534.—La sœur Jeanne, _Levain du - Calvinisme_, pp. 89, 90. - -Footnote 592: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, pp. 127-129; MS. de Gautier. - -Footnote 593: - - Registre du Conseil du 8 Juin, 1534.—MS. de Gautier; La sœur Jeanne, - _Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 88. - -Footnote 594: - - Registres du Conseil des 20 et 24 Juillet, 1534.—MS. de Gautier. - -Footnote 595: - - ‘Aliis unguentis.’—Registres du Conseil du 24 Juillet, 1534. - -Footnote 596: - - Registres du Conseil des 30 Juin et 24 Juillet, 1534.—MS. de Gautier. - -Footnote 597: - - Registres du Conseil des 23 Juin et 7 Juillet, 1534.—Froment, _Gestes - de Genève_, p. 123; Ruchat, iii. p. 334.—MS. de Gautier. - -Footnote 598: - - Registres du Conseil des 24, 26 Juin, 17, 26, 27, 28 Juillet, 1534. - -Footnote 599: - - La Sœur Jeanne, _Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 94. - -Footnote 600: - - _Chron._ MS. de Roset, liv. iii. ch. xxvii.—MS. de Gautier.—Froment, - _Gestes de Genève_, pp. 123, 124.—Procès aux Archives.—Gaberel, Pièces - Justificatives.—Papiers Galiffe, communiqués par M. A. Roget, ii. 115. - -Footnote 601: - - _Chron._ de Roset.—Registre du Conseil des 17, 28, 31 Juillet, - 1534.—Ruchat, iii. p. 325.—Vulliemin, _Histoire de la Suisse_, xi. p. - 89.—Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, pp. 123-125. - -Footnote 602: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 123. - -Footnote 603: - - Our account of the manner in which the plot was discovered is founded - on the testimony of many witnesses. Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. - 125; Roset (_Chron._ MS. liv. iii. ch. xxvii.), and the minutes or - Register of the Council which were drawn up by Roset’s father. Other - versions, differing from this narrative, do not appear to us to repose - upon such solid foundations. - -Footnote 604: - - Registre du Conseil du 31 Juillet, 1534.—_Chron._ MS. de Roset. - -Footnote 605: - - ‘Faciemus hic gentem novam.’—_Geneva restituta_, p. 73. ‘We will make - a new people here.’ - -Footnote 606: - - Registre du Conseil _in loco_. - -Footnote 607: - - Registre du Conseil du 25 Janvier, 1537. It was not until then that - D’Arlod related to the Council of Two Hundred what had happened to him - three years before. _Chron._ MS. de Roset, liv. iii. ch. xxvii. - -Footnote 608: - - The soldiers played upon the word _dragée_—which means small-shot as - well as sweetmeats. - -Footnote 609: - - Déposition de Jacques Maguin. Papiers Galiffe. A. Roget, ii. p. 116. - -Footnote 610: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 125. Registre du Conseil du 31 - Juillet, 1534. _Chron._ MS. de Roset. - -Footnote 611: - - Michel Roset, MS. Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, pp. 123-125. Registre - du Conseil du 7 Août, 1534. - -Footnote 612: - - La sœur Jeanne, _Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 92. Froment, _Gestes de - Genève_, p. 126. MS. de Gautier. - -Footnote 613: - - Registre du 30 Septembre, 1534. The ruins of the castle of Peney were - still to be seen a few years ago near Satigny, between the Lyons and - Geneva railway and the Rhone. - -Footnote 614: - - Registres du Conseil des 4, 12, 13 Août, 4 Septembre, 1534: 27 - Janvier, 1535. - -Footnote 615: - - La Sœur Jeanne, _Levain du Calvinisme_, pp. 92-94. - - - - - CHAPTER XIV. - AN HEROIC RESOLUTION AND A HAPPY DELIVERANCE. - (AUGUST AND SEPTEMBER, 1534.) - - -The friends of independence and of the Reformation had better grounded -anxieties than those of the nuns of St. Claire: they understood that the -attack had only been adjourned, and that they must hold themselves ready -for severe struggles. Accordingly, Geneva mustered all her forces. ‘Let -those who are abroad return home,’ said the Council: but alas! two of -the most intrepid were in the prisons of the French primate, and about -to be sent to the stake. The sentence condemning Baudichon de la -Maisonneuve and his friend to death had been pronounced, as we have -seen. They had been delivered by the priests to the secular arm, and -were about to be executed, when a fresh attempt was made in their -behalf. - -[Sidenote: Tales About Parel.] - -There was a patrician family in Berne, illustrious for its ancient -nobility and valor, some of whose members had rendered signal services -to France. In the 15th century, Nicholas of Diesbach, the avoyer, allied -that puissant republic with Louis XI. against Charles the Bold, and had -gained several victories over the Burgundian forces. At Pavia, in 1525, -another of the family, John of Diesbach, commanded the Swiss auxiliary -troops of France. Stationed on the right wing, at the head of 2,000 -Helvetians, at first he drove back the imperialist infantry and cavalry. -Francis I. was on the point of gaining the victory; but meanwhile his -left wing had been annihilated; in that quarter Suffolk, the heir of the -White Rose, the Duke of Lorraine’s brother, Nassau, Schomberg, La -Tremouille, San Severino, and the veteran La Palisse, fell on the field -of battle, and Montmorency was made prisoner. Nevertheless, the Swiss -still held their ground manfully, when Alençon, the king’s -brother-in-law, fleeing shamefully, and carrying after him part of the -French men-at-arms, caused Diesbach’s soldiers, who were fighting at his -side and already shouting victory, to waver. At that moment the -lansquenets, commanded by the redoubtable Freundsberg, fell furiously on -the Swiss and broke them. The Helvetians, seeing the Frenchmen retiring, -believed they were to be sacrificed to the hatred of the Germans. John -of Diesbach conjured and threatened them in vain; nothing could stop -them. Then the valorous captain rushed forward alone against a battalion -of lansquenets and fell dead. Bonnivet, in despair, stretched out his -neck to the spears of the enemy, and was killed: and Francis I. who was -the last to fight, yielded up his sword with a shudder to Lannoy.[616] - -John of Diesbach had married a French lady, Mademoiselle de Refuge, to -whom the king had promised a dowry of 10,000 livres, but had afterwards -given her husband, as an equivalent, the lordship of Langes, which the -latter had bequeathed to his wife. But in 1533 Francis I. had taken back -the estate, without giving the promised dowry. The widow of the hero of -Pavia, finding herself thus deprived of her property by the man for whom -her husband had died, implored the intervention of Berne, and the chiefs -of that republic had commissioned another Diesbach, Rodolph, to proceed -to the court of France to support the just claims of his relation. -Rodolph departed on the 12th of January, 1534, accompanied by George -Schœner. This mission was destined to be of more importance to Geneva -than to Berne.[617] - -Rodolph of Diesbach himself was highly esteemed in France. He had passed -his youth there, had studied at the University of Paris, and from 1507 -to 1515 had taken part in the wars of Louis XII., and honorably -distinguished himself. On his return to Berne, he was one of those who -embraced the evangelical faith, and was often called to defend the -interests of Geneva and the Reformation. While Rodolph was in France -pleading the cause of his cousin, De la Maisonneuve and Janin were -imprisoned at Lyons, and Diesbach received instructions from the lords -of Berne to do all in his power to obtain their liberation from the -king. He set about it with all the energy of a Bernese and a warrior; -went to Blois, where Francis I. was then holding his court, and -earnestly solicited the enlargement of the two evangelicals.[618] He -regarded Baudichon de la Maisonneuve as his co-burgher and -co-religionist, and saw clearly how useful his presence would be in -Geneva. But, on the other hand, the catholic nobles and ultramontane -priests urged the king to suffer the two Genevans to be burnt. How could -Francis I., who had recently become the pope’s friend, and who had -ordered the heretics in his kingdom to be brought to trial[619]—how -could he save the heretics of Geneva? The friends as well as the enemies -of the Reformation were in the keenest suspense. Weeks, and even months -elapsed, without obtaining a decisive answer from the king. - -[Sidenote: A Terrible Necessity.] - -Geneva was greatly agitated during this long delay; but the absence of -the two energetic huguenots did not hinder the work from being pursued -with resolution. The magistrates desired to take and execute promptly -the supreme measures rendered necessary by the danger of the country. A -terrible and inexorable necessity continually rose before their minds. -To save Geneva, a great portion of it must be destroyed. - -The city was at that time composed of two parts: the city proper and the -four suburbs. The suburb of the Temple, or _Aigues Vives_ (Eaux Vives), -stood on the left shore of the lake, and took its name from the church -of St. John of Rhodes, which stood there.[620] The suburb of Palais lay -to the left, on the picturesque banks of the Rhone; that of St. Leger -extended from the city to the bridge thrown over the icy torrent of the -Arve; and that of St. Victor, in which the monastery of that name was -situated, stretched from Malagnou to Champel. This town beyond the walls -not only had as many houses as the one within, but covered a far more -extensive surface, and contained over six thousand inhabitants. - -On the 23d August the Two Hundred members of the Great Council received -a summons, bearing the words: ‘In consequent of urgent affairs of the -city.’[621] Every one understood what they meant. The premier-syndic -proposed to build up some of the gates, and to set a good guard; but -added, that such measures alone were not sufficient; that, as the -suburbs were very extensive, the enemy could establish himself in them; -and that it was necessary unhesitatingly to knock down all the houses, -barns, and walls, beginning with the nearest. Many were struck with -grief when they heard the proposition. What a resolution! what a -disaster! With their own hands the citizens were to destroy those -peaceful homes in which their childhood had played, where they had been -born, and where those whom they loved had died; and a great part of the -population would have no other shelter left them than the vault of -heaven. Yet the Two Hundred did not hesitate. The friends of the -Reformation, in whose eyes the Gospel had shone with all its brightness, -were prepared for the greatest sacrifices so that they might preserve -it. Those who were not touched by religious motives were carried away by -patriotic enthusiasm. ‘It is better to lose the hand than the arm ... -the suburbs than the city,’ exclaimed the citizens. The resolution was -agreed to; and without any delay—for the matter was urgent—the very same -day, after dinner, the four syndics, accompanied by Aimé Levet and five -other captains of the city, ‘went to give orders for the destruction of -the suburbs.’ There were cries and tears here and there, but nearly all -had formed the resolution to lay their goods, although with trembling -hands, upon the altar of their country and their faith. - -It must be done, for every day the danger appeared to draw nearer. The -Genevese ambassadors at Berne wrote to the Council: ‘Be on your guard.’ -Acts of violence and trifling skirmishes announced more serious combats. -On the 14th of August, Richerme, a merchant of Geneva, returning from -Lyons, was seized, dragged successively to three of the bishop’s -castles, and put to the torture. On the 25th, Chabot, another citizen, -was stopped at the Mont de Sion, taken to the castle of Peney, and also -put to the torture; but the judges, wishing to give a proof of their -good nature, added: ‘Do not let his bones be broken or his life -endangered.’ They soon brought in a new prisoner. - -[Sidenote: The Embroiderer Of Avignon.] - -There was an embroiderer at Avignon, ‘so superstitious in fasting,’ that -he had sometimes gone several days without eating or drinking. The poor -artisan, having received the Gospel, had ceased to attend mass, and had -consequently been sent to prison. The churchmen asked him how long it -was since he had been present at the sacrifice of the altar. ‘Three -years,’ he replied; ‘and with my own will neither myself nor any of my -family would ever have gone there.’ When they heard him talk in this -way, the priests did not dare put him to death, for they thought him -mad. Six months afterwards there came a great pestilence; every one -fled, and the prison-doors were left open: ‘seeing which the pious -embroiderer went out.’ He thirsted for the Gospel, and knowing that -there were great preachers at Geneva, he took the road to that city. His -travelling expenses were not great: ‘he had been accustomed to go from -Avignon to Lyons, more than sixty French leagues, for a _sol-de-roi_,’ -says Froment. At last he reached the valley of the Leman, alone and a -fugitive, but joyfully anticipating the words of life that he was soon -to hear. Suddenly he was surrounded by a troop of horsemen, who asked -him roughly: ‘Where are you going?’ ‘To Geneva.’ ‘What to do?’ The -embroiderer answered frankly and courteously, as was his custom, ‘I am -going to hear the Gospel preached; will you not go and hear it also?’ -‘No, indeed,’ answered the men. He began to press them: ‘Go, I entreat -you,’ he said. ‘I am surprised at you: you are so near, and I am come -expressly all the way from Avignon to hear it. I entreat you to come.’ -‘March, rascal!’ they cried, ‘and we will teach you to hear those devils -of Geneva.’ They took him to Peney, and, on reaching the castle, said to -him: ‘We will give you three strappadoes in the name of the three devils -you wished to go and hear preach.’ Having tied his hands behind his -back, they raised him to the top of a long beam of wood, and let him -fall suddenly to within two feet of the ground. ‘That is in the name of -Farel,’ they cried; then came one for Froment, and another for Viret. -The poor fellow, all bruised as he was, getting on his legs as well as -he could, again looked at his tormentors, and, touched with love for -them, repeated, in a persuasive tone: ‘Come along with me and hear the -Gospel.’ The indignant Peneysans answered roughly: ‘March back quickly -to the place from whence you came,’ which he would not do for anything -they could do to him. ‘He is out of his mind,’ they said; and, taking -him for an idiot, they let him go. The poor man reached Geneva at last, -and was lodged for nearly two months, says Froment, ‘with the author of -this book, to whom he related the whole matter.’[622] - -Such deeds of violence showed the Genevans that there was no time to -lose. In the month of August the resolutions of the Council followed one -another rapidly. On the 18th they ordered that the church and priory of -St. Victor should be demolished; on the 23d, that all the houses, barns, -and walls in the suburbs should be pulled down; and that a certain -number of Swiss veteran soldiers should be enrolled who should be fed -and lodged by the rich in turn; on the 24th, that all absentees should -be summoned to return for the defence of the city; on the 1st of -September, that it should be fortified on the side of the lake; on the -11th, that the trees around the walls which might screen the approach of -the enemy should be cut down; and on the 13th, that every man should -begin to pull down his house within two days, that is, by the 15th of -September.[623] - -The calamity then appeared before them as imminent and inexorable, and -with all its coarser and sad realities. The weaker minds were -distressed, the more excitable gave way to anger. In the suburbs there -was much clamor. What! the houses to be levelled to the ground, like -those of traitors, and that too by the very hands of the inhabitants! -The priests shuddered at the thought that the churches of St. Victor, -St. Leger, and of the Knights of Rhodes were to be destroyed. -Discontented citizens pointed coolly to the solidity of the condemned -edifices, and declared that it would not be possible to pull them down. -And, finally, the chiefs of the catholic party, foreseeing that the -measures which were to be the salvation of Reform would be the ruin of -popery, determined to make a vigorous demonstration against them. - -Thirty of the most notable catholics, headed by Anthony Fabri, one of -the family of the celebrated Bishop Waldemar, and Philip de la Rive, -waited upon the council. Fabri, who had been elected spokesman, was -calm, but by his side stood De Muro (du Mur), who was much excited. ‘We -demand that the suburbs be left in their present condition, as being -beautiful, convenient, and more useful to the city than if they were -destroyed.’ The council, whom it pained to impose such a sacrifice, -reserved the power of compensating the greatest sufferers, but held to -their orders. ‘I crave permission to leave the city,’ said De Muro, -‘with eight hundred of my co-burghers, for this demolition is an act of -hostility against us.’[624] - -[Sidenote: Baudichon Liberated.] - -At the very time when certain of the citizens were threatening to leave -Geneva, the friends of independence desired all the more to see the -return of those who were away. There was one in particular whose -decision and courage were appreciated by all. Suddenly, on the 26th of -September, the very day when De Muro had used that threatening language, -a report circulated through the city that Baudichon de la Maisonneuve -and his companion had been set at liberty. - -Rodolph of Diesbach and George Schœner had not ceased to implore the -king’s intervention. Although the prince, who in a few months was to -fill the streets of his capital with strappadoes and burning piles, did -not feel any very sincere compassion for the two heretics, still he -desired to conciliate the favor of the Swiss, and perhaps not being much -inclined to restore her estates to John of Diesbach’s widow, he was not -sorry to give the Bernese some other satisfaction. The cause of justice -triumphed at last. Moved by Diesbach’s earnest solicitations, Francis I. -granted the release of the prisoners. The two Bernese, instead of -‘tarrying to turn from side to side to the helps of this world,’ -acknowledged the protection of God. ‘We have obtained their liberty,’ -said the ambassadors, ‘God having given them to us.’[625] They started -immediately for Lyons, furnished with letters under his Majesty’s seal, -which they presented to the authorities in whose guard the prisoners -were kept ‘until they should be burnt, as was the practice in those -days.’[626] The gates of the prison were opened; De la Maisonneuve and -Janin were given up to the Bernese. At the news of such an unprecedented -act, the officials, inquisitors, and canons of St. John were amazed; all -the priests of Lyons were sorely vexed, and the archbishop of Geneva -still more so; but they were forced to be patient.[627] As for the -prisoners, they knew that if God delivers his servants, it is not with -the intent that they should abandon what they have begun. Instead of -saying, when they were restored to liberty, Let us remain for a time in -the shade, lest we be exposed to new dangers, they desired to work with -greater zeal at the emancipation of their country. They travelled from -Lyons to Geneva with the two lords of Berne, and were once more within -the walls of that ancient city. - -[Sidenote: The Prisoners Restored.] - -There was still so much uneasiness felt about them, that on the 16th of -September, when the news spread that some Bernese gentlemen had arrived -at the hostelry of the Tour Perse[628] with Baudichon and Collonier, -many persons would hardly believe it. God gave the Genevans more than -they hoped for. When friends who have been supposed lost are found -again, those who had sorrowed over their bereavement run to meet them, -and feel an inexpressible satisfaction as they look at them. So it -happened at Geneva when the two prisoners returned. There was great joy -in the city: many gave thanks to God that ‘the violent course of the -wolves who would have devoured the best sheep of the flock had been -frustrated,’ and praised the King of France because he valued the -arquebuses of the Swiss more than the paternosters of the priests. - -Desirous of showing the ambassadors a mark of respectful gratitude, the -four syndics and the councillors, with their ushers and serjeants, -proceeded on the 17th of September to the Tour Perse[629] to hold an -official sitting, at which the transfer of the prisoners was to be made. -The chief magistrates of the republic having taken their seats in one of -the large rooms, according to the usual order, Rodolph of Diesbach and -G. Schœner entered, accompanied by the captives. Those noble gentlemen -explained that they had come from Lyons and the court of France; that -with God’s aid they had obtained the release of the two Genevans; that, -according to rule, they ought to deliver the prisoners into the hands of -the magnificent lords of Berne, to whose intervention their deliverance -was due;[630] that they yielded, however, to the wishes of Baudichon and -Collonier, who preferred to remain in the city of Geneva;[631] and that -they only wanted a guarantee that the Council would be willing to -produce them before Messieurs of Berne, whenever the latter demanded -them.[632] The Genevese magistrates thanked the lords of Berne, and gave -the required guarantee in writing.[633] - -At last De la Maisonneuve was free: he could return to his wife and -children, and converse with his friends. The latter were never tired of -listening to him: the particulars of his imprisonment, his examinations, -and his dangers possessed the liveliest interest for them. Froment -especially, who was fond of a gossip,[634] asked him many questions. ‘As -Baudichon told me,’ we read in his _Gestes_, ‘all that could not be done -without great expense, and his captivity cost him one thousand and fifty -crowns of the sun.’[635] - -A letter from Francis I. completed this episode in the history of the -Reformation. Four days after the prisoners had been restored to their -homes, that prince wrote to the syndics at Geneva:—[636] - - ‘To our very dear and good friends the lords of Geneva: - - ‘Very dear and good friends,—You know how, at your earnest prayer - and request, and also at that of our very dear and great friends, - confederates, allies, and gossips, the lords of the city and canton - of Berne, we have restored and sent back certain prisoners who had, - in this our kingdom, used words respecting the faith, such and of - such consequence, that therefore they had been condemned to death. - This we were right willing to do; for the affection we have to - gratify you and the said lords of Berne, as well in this respect as - in all others that may be possible to us, having perfect confidence - that you are willing to do the like for us. For this cause, having - been advertised that you have detained in prison in your city a monk - our subject, Guy Furbity by name, of the order of Preaching Friars, - for having held certain language and dogmatized things touching the - faith of the Church, which did not seem good to you, and for which - he is about to be brought to trial, we desire to pray you right - affectionately by these presents, that, showing towards us - reciprocal pleasure, you would immediately release the said Furbity - our subject, without further proceedings against him for the reasons - aforesaid. By so doing you will please us very agreeably. Praying - the Creator to guard you, our very dear and good friends, in his - most holy keeping. Written at Blois the xxist day of September, one - thousand v hundred xxxiiij. - - ‘FRANÇOYS. BRETON.’ - -[Sidenote: Furbity Set At Liberty.] - -Francis I. said: I send you back two prisoners, return me one. That -seemed just and natural, yet the petty republic did not yield to the -demand of the puissant king of France. The Council desired to follow -conscientiously the legal course, and the rules of diplomacy. They found -that the two cases were not identical; and as the Dominican had been -imprisoned at the instance of the lords of Berne, it was agreed to ask -their opinion first. The favor of the house of Valois could not make the -magistrates of Geneva yield, even after the extraordinary boon they had -just received: they desired, above all things, to follow the principles -admitted in politics, and act justly towards the Bernese. Furbity was -set at liberty at the beginning of 1536. - -To have imprisoned the Dominican at all for preaching was a fault, and -to keep him in prison was another; but in each case the fault was that -of the age. With this reserve, we may pay to the courage of the weak the -honor that is due to them. It is a noble thing in small states to hold -firm to their principles in the presence of powerful empires, when they -do so without presumption. And not only is it noble, it is salutary -also, and invests them with a moral force which guarantees their -existence. The petty republics of Switzerland and Geneva in particular -have given more signal examples than that which has just been recorded. - -Footnote 616: - - Narrative of Pescara and Freundsberg. _Histoire de la Suisse_, by Jean - de Muller, continued by MM. Gloutz-Blotzheim, J. J. Hottinger, - Monnard, and L. Vulliemin. - -Footnote 617: - - MS. chronicles of the Diesbach family at Berne. - -Footnote 618: - - Registre du Conseil de Genève, 17 September, 1534. - -Footnote 619: - - ‘_Faire et perfaire le procès des hérétiques._’—Letter to the Bishop - of Paris. - -Footnote 620: - - Near the Pré l’Évêque. - -Footnote 621: - - Registre du Conseil _ad diem_. - -Footnote 622: - - Froment, _Actes et Gestes Merveilleux de la Cité de Genève_, pp. 174, - 175. - -Footnote 623: - - Council Registers under the dates mentioned. - -Footnote 624: - - Registre du Conseil du 14 Septembre, 1534. - -Footnote 625: - - ‘Deo dante illorum relaxationem obtinuerunt.’ Registres du Conseil du - 14 Septembre, 1534. - -Footnote 626: - - Note by Flournois on the corresponding passage of the Council - Registers. - -Footnote 627: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 244. - -Footnote 628: - - Registre du Conseil du 17 Septembre, 1534. - -Footnote 629: - - ‘In domo turris Perse.’ Registre du Conseil du 17 Septembre, 1534. - -Footnote 630: - - ’Illos debere magnificis Dominis Bernatibus præsentari.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 631: - - ‘Dicti Baudichon et Collonier optant potius in hac civitate expectare, - quod alibi.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 632: - - ‘Petunt cautionem de repræsentando eosdem.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 633: - - ‘Super quo factum remersiationibus.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 634: - - Bonnet, _Lettres Françaises de Calvin_, ii. p. 575. - -Footnote 635: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 244. - -Footnote 636: - - Archives of Geneva, No. 1054, year 1534. - - - - - CHAPTER XV. - THE SUBURBS OF GENEVA ARE DEMOLISHED AND THE ADVERSARIES MAKE READY. - (SEPTEMBER 1534 TO JANUARY 1535.) - - -Baudichon de la Maisonneuve and Janin re-entered Geneva the day after -that on which the final order to demolish the suburbs was given. The -captain of the Lutherans was restored to his country at the very moment -when the deadliest blows were aimed at it. The coincidence was -remarkable. The return of these two energetic citizens could not but -give a fresh impetus to the resolution to sacrifice one half of the city -in order to save the other. The first walls destined to fall were those -of the monastery of St. Victor, which, as it stood at the gate of the -city, might easily be occupied by the enemy’s army as an advanced -post.[637] There were no tears shed over the destruction of that -building, except such as might have been drawn down by the thought of -its antiquity. Ever since Bonivard the prior had been prisoner at -Chillon, the monks had shaken off every kind of restraint, and the -monastery had become a sty of scandals and disorders. The friars had -been in the habit of frequenting certain houses of ill fame in their -suburbs; but now the convent was the scene of their continual orgies. No -sooner was there a talk of destroying that nest of debauchery than the -reprobates exhibited the most insatiable greediness. The monks and their -mistresses began to pillage the monastery; they tore down and carried -away everything that was of any value; at night, and sometimes even -during the day, they were seen leaving the monastery with bundles, and -hiding their plunder in the adjoining houses. The priory was thus not -only emptied, but almost stripped to the bare walls.[638] What an -ignoble fall was that of these pretended religious orders! -Notwithstanding their robbery, the Council assigned the monks a -residence in the city, and even a chapel, which was more than they -deserved. - -Then every man put his hand to the work. All was life and animation on -those beautiful heights whence the eye takes in the lake, the Alps, the -Jura, and the valley lying between them. First, the church was pulled -down, and then the priory, and nothing was left but rubbish which -encumbered the ground. That building, the most ancient in Geneva, was -founded at the beginning of the sixth century by Queen Sedeleuba, sister -of Queen Clotilda, in memory of the victories of her brother-in-law, -Clovis;[639]—that temple where the body of St. Victor had been deposited -during the night, and which (as it was said) a light from heaven pointed -out to strangers,—that sanctuary to which the great ones of the earth -had gone as pilgrims, was now an undistinguishable ruin. That monument, -erected to commemorate the triumph of orthodoxy defended by Clovis over -Arianism professed by Gondebald, crumbled to the ground, after lasting -more than a thousand years, in the midst of the libertinism of its -monks. A crown had been placed on the cradle of St. Victor—a rod should -have been placed upon its ruins. - -[Sidenote: Lamentations Of The Dead.] - -Yet things that have been great in the eyes of men do not always end -like those that have been vulgar. One day a strange report, set afloat -by the monks and nuns, circulated through the city. During the night, -voices, groans, and lamentations had been heard among the ruins of St. -Victor. The wind, when it blows strong over those heights, often -resembles the human voice. The devotees listened: again the plaintive -tones were heard, and agitated them. ‘Ah!’ they exclaimed, ‘it is the -dead groaning, and not without reason, because their repose has been -disturbed.’ The crowd increased, and ere long ‘the ghosts were plainly -lamenting, not only by night, but by day.’ If the dead lamented over the -fall of St. Victor, the living had reason to weep still more over the -church, whose monks had been its disgrace instead of its glory. - -After the priory, the houses nearest to the city were pulled down one by -one. When the citizens, wearied by their labors, sat down on the ruins -to rest, they asked what was to become of them. ‘Where shall I store my -goods, where shelter my wife and children?’ said Jean Montagnier. ‘And -where shall I go myself?’ A poor mason, an infirm old man, burst into -tears when he saw his wretched home demolished: the Council gave him a -measure of wheat, and promised to pay his rent. But if the magistrates -showed kindness to the wretched, they were inflexible to the rebels. -Magdalen Picot, a widow, having insulted the syndics in a fit of -passion, was sentenced to three days’ imprisonment. If the poor lamented -their hovels, the rich regretted their beautiful houses, the pleasant -gardens round them, the smiling meadows watered by running streams and -overshadowed by majestic trees, the fountains and the temple of the -Crusaders, whose Gothic walls imparted an antique and religious -character to the pleasing picture. A poet gave utterance to their -thoughts in these lines:— - - Urbe fuere mihi majora suburbia quondam, - Templis et domibus nec speciosa minus, - Quinetiam irriguis pratis, hortis et amœnis; - Pascebant oculos hæc animosque magis.[640] - -Amid such lamentations, all good citizens and zealous evangelicals -remained firm; but De Muro with a great number of catholics quitted -Geneva, and passed over to the enemy’s camp. Henceforward they were to -fight no longer against the Reformation with secret conspiracies; they -would attack it in open war: _aperto bello patriam oppugnaturi_.[641] - -[Sidenote: The Affrighted Nuns.] - -At the same time that the houses were demolished, ramparts were built. -Tribolet, captain of Berne, and one of the envoys from that republic, a -man of experience, quick and compassionate at the same time, directed -the construction of the earthworks and masonry intended to fortify the -city. Towards the end of September, he began to plot out the lines in a -garden adjoining the convent of St. Claire. Rich and poor, great and -small, wheeled their barrows filled with earth and stones. When the work -was done, Tribolet decided that it must be continued into the next -garden, that of the nuns; and on the 30th of September, as early as four -in the morning, they were politely requested to remove from the garden -everything they wished to keep. Sorely distressed at this terrible -message, they began to call upon God through the intercession of the -Virgin and the saints. ‘We are secluded from the world for the love of -God,’ said the abbess to the Bernese captain; ‘forbear from breaking -into our holy cloister.’ Tribolet explained to her that the safety of -the city required it, and added that he would do his work, ‘whether they -liked it or not.’ Thereupon the frightened sisters threw open the -convent, and running into the church, fell prostrate to the earth, -weeping bitterly. When the captain opened the door, and saw the poor -women stretched on the pavement, he said kindly to them: ‘Do not be -afraid, we shall do you no harm.’ The sisters were much surprised to -find a heretic could be so good-natured.[642] - -Meanwhile the work of destruction continued, and as the materials were -employed to build the fortification and repair the breaches in the -walls, we may say with Bonivard, ‘_Etiam periere ruinæ_:’ ‘the very -ruins have perished.’ - -But what was to be done with the six thousand citizens expelled from -their homes? Were they to be left to wander about, exposed to the -robbers of the neighborhood? There would have been room for a great -portion of them in the convents, but those buildings were kept closed. -On the other hand, the houses of the huguenots were thrown open, even to -catholics. The citizens had incurred debts through long wars, their -trade was ruined and their fields laid waste.... Nevertheless he that -possessed two rooms gave up one, and he who had a loaf of bread shared -it with his brother. Syndic Duvilard was empowered to lodge -provisionally, either in the state buildings or in private houses, such -as had been deprived of their homes. If any destitute persons were seen -loitering in the streets, benevolent men and pious women would accost -them, take them home, sit them down at the family table, and every place -however small, was fitted up with sleeping accommodation. The Council -even gave aid and comfort to the rich. Butini of Miolans was lodged, -says the Register, in the house of the curate of St. Leger. - -The activity of the Genevese was constantly stimulated by the news which -reached them from without. ‘The Duke of Savoy,’ said letters from Berne, -‘is collecting an army of brigands, and preparing perpetual troubles for -you.’ Towards the end of September, the two Gallatins (John the notary -and his son Pierre), having gone to their estate at Peicy for the -vintage, were on their return summoned before the Council on a charge of -communicating with the people in the castle of Peney, which was half a -league distant. The father said that, while he was in the press-house -pressing the grapes, Nicod de Prato and other Peneysans had called on -him. Did any one ever refuse a visit paid in the press-house? They had -taken a glass of wine together, and that was all. ‘As for me,’ said the -son, ‘I confess that I went to Peney and drank with the episcopal -fugitives there; they told me that ere long we should have a _stout -war_; that it would not be a little one like De Mauloz’ night attack on -the 31st of July; that they would come in great force, and that I should -do well to leave the city. When I returned (continued Pierre) I reported -it all to my captain.’ The two Gallatins were immediately discharged -without any remark.[643] - -The first enemy which the bishop loosed against his flock was famine: he -gave orders to intercept the provisions all round the city. The -market-place was deserted, the stores in the houses were gradually -exhausted, and the episcopals flattered themselves that before long none -but hungry phantoms would be seen in Geneva, instead of valiant -citizens. ‘Oh, insensate shepherd! he robs even his sheep of their food, -when he should feed them,’ said one who was among the number confined -within the city walls. Unhappy bishop! unhappy Geneva![644] - -[Sidenote: Geneva Encircled With Iron.] - -As if starvation was not enough, the unnatural pastor surrounded Geneva -with a circle of iron. His castle of Jussy to the east, at the foot of -the Voirons; that of Peney to the west, on the banks of the Rhone; the -Duke’s castle of Galliad to the south-west, on the heights overlooking -the Arve; and to the north on the lake, the village of Versoix, at that -time well defended: all these fortresses, filled with mamelukes and -soldiers, hemmed in the city, and left no issue but by the lake. ‘In -this way no one can leave Geneva,’ they said, ‘except at the risk of his -life.’ The bishop followed the example given by dispossessed -princes—nay, even by ecclesiastical authorities, and connived more or -less at the brigands. Many gentlemen of those districts, returning with -delight to a trade their fathers had formerly practised, kept watch in -their eyries for the little merchant caravans, to pounce upon them. One -day some devout catholics of Valais, on their way to France with a long -file of well-laden mules, were stripped by these rough episcopals. -Beyond the Fort de l’Ecluse was situated a castle—a thorough den of -robbers—belonging to the Seigneur of Avanchi, ‘the cunningest and -cruellest man ever known.’ Accompanied by a few savage mercenaries, he -would lie in ambush near the high-road, and when travellers appeared, -spring from the rocks like a wild beast, ‘tearing out the eyes of some, -and cutting off the ears of others.’ D’Avanchi treated in this manner a -poor tradesman who had printed some New Testaments;[645] and when the -judge of the castle remonstrated with him for his cruelty, the seigneur -killed him on the spot. He showed no preference, however, so far as -religion was concerned. Having fallen in with some nuns one day, he -graciously invited them to enter his mansion under pretence of giving -them alms, and then maltreated them. The fierce and sensual wild-boar of -the Jura was taken to Dôle, and there put to death by order of a -catholic tribunal.[646] - -The bishop now took another step: he ordered the episcopal see to be -transferred from Geneva to the town of Gex, at the foot of the Jura, and -gave instructions ‘that his council, court, judges, and all other -officers should proceed thither.’ In the night of the 24th of September -the episcopal officers escaped stealthily, and the city was left not -only without prelate, but also without civil judges or courts of appeal. -When the news of this flight got abroad in the morning, De la -Maisonneuve, Levet, Salomon, and their friends felt an immense relief. -At last they were free from that episcopal crew, who had so often caught -the Genevese in their toils ‘by frauds and snares.’[647] The Council -forbade the seals, the symbol of supreme authority, to be taken from -Geneva.[648] The prince bishop assembled at Gex a great number of -priests from the surrounding districts. ‘We must crush that Lutheran -sect,’ he told them, ‘by war or otherwise. It is not enough to remain -entrenched in our camp, we must force the enemy in theirs.’ - -[Sidenote: Thunderbolts Against Geneva.] - -Pierre de la Baume launched his thunderbolts at last. In every parish of -the Chablais, Faucigny, Gex, and Bugey, in every abbey, priory, and -convent, the great excommunication was pronounced in his name, not only -against the councils and citizens of Geneva, but against all who should -hear the preachers or talk with them, and even against any persons who -should enter the city for any purpose whatsoever. Hereafter, the -superstitious rural population looked upon Geneva as a place inhabited -by devils. Some men of Thonon, more curious than the rest, ventured to -pay it a visit, and on their return declared ‘that the preachers were -really men and not demons.’ These rash individuals were arrested and -taken to Gex, where the bishop sent them to prison;[649] and after that -time no one dared go to Geneva. - -The friends of the Reformation were not discouraged by these hostile -acts. ‘By Christmas at the latest,’ they said, ‘all the churches will be -empty, and the whole city of one faith.’[650] ‘It is all for the best,’ -added many. ‘Once upon a time the bishops usurped the franchises of the -city; now they return them to us and go away. Well, then, let us do -without bishops, and govern ourselves.’ The Council did not think fit to -proceed so quickly, and merely resolved ‘that everything should be -written down which the bishop had done against the city, by way of -precaution against him.’[651] When the canons, the representatives of -the prelate, assembled for their usual monthly meeting,[652] the syndics -and council appeared before them: ‘Forsaken by our bishop, who is -exciting cruel soldiers against his flock, what shall we do, reverend -sirs?’ they asked. ‘The see is vacant: we pray you to recognise the -fact, and to elect, as in your privilege, the necessary functionaries -for the city, in the place of those who have deserted their -office.’[653] - -The canons having answered in a dilatory manner, the councils, who were -always rigid observers of precedent, resolved to apply to the only -authority that could decide between them and the bishop. The Genevese -appealed to the pope. It was a strange step, but appeals to the Roman -pontiff as head of the catholic world, partly founded on the forged -decretals of the pseudo Isidore,[654] were then in full vigor. That -petty people followed the path of legality, and by this means attained -their end. The men who have succeeded, remarks an historian, are those -who, in the very midst of a revolution, have neither accepted nor -adopted a revolutionary policy.[655] On the 7th of October, 1534, the -syndics and council entered an appeal at Rome, complaining that their -bishop had deprived them of their franchises and jurisdiction. It was -not a matter of religion, but of policy. The prince of the Vatican was -called upon to fulfil his obligations. It was Rome who broke the bond: -no answer was returned, which greatly delighted the evangelicals.[656] - -[Sidenote: Proceedings Of The Duke.] - -But as the pope laid down the crosier the duke took it up. He succeeded -in gaining over some Bernese ambassadors who had been sent to him, and -these men, enraptured with the prince’s courteous manners, tried to -convince the people of Geneva of his goodness. ‘We know him,’ said the -huguenot, ‘he has an ass’s head and a fox’s tail.’[657] The Bernese -continued: ‘Everything will be forgiven, but on condition that you send -away these new preachers; that you permit such preachings no longer; -that the bishop be restored to his former estate, and finally that you -live in the faith of our holy mother, the Church.’[658] The Genevans -could hardly believe their ears. The Little and the Great Council having -sent for the ambassadors of Berne, told them plainly and curtly: ‘You -ask us to abandon our liberties and the Gospel of Jesus Christ. We would -sooner renounce father and mother, wife and children, we would sooner -lose our goods and our life! Tell the duke we will set fire to the four -corners of the city, before we dismiss the preachers who announce the -Word of God.... Nevertheless, they offer to endure death, if it can be -shown by Scripture that they are wrong.’ The men of Berne were greatly -astonished at such a reply.[659] - -The duke was still more astonished; the measure was full, the insolence -of that handful of friends to the evangelical doctrine must be severely -punished. ‘Seeing this, the duke and all his following (_sequelle_), -more inflamed than ever with anger against Geneva, consulted together to -make war upon it.’ From every quarter the heads of the clergy (and -Bishop du Bellay in particular) conjured him ‘to support the authority -of the holy faith in the city of Geneva.’[660] The persuasion of these -prelates inflamed the prince with such zeal for the maintenance of the -papacy, that, unmindful of every treaty, he sent letters to Valais and -the catholic cantons, demanding their assistance _propter fidem_, in -behalf of the true faith, against the cities of Geneva, Lausanne, and -others.[661] At the same time he despatched orders to his governors, -gentlemen, provosts and other officers, ‘to ruin and destroy -Geneva.’[662] On the 20th of November a diet was held at Thonon to -decide upon the fate of the city; and as the aristocratic influence -prevailed just then at Berne, the Bernese deputies adopted the sinister -resolutions of Savoy. Even Charles V. declared through an ambassador his -support of the duke’s demands, and required that, prior to any other -measure, the bishop should be restored to all his rights. - -Happily the citizens of Geneva were not without timely warning of the -storm that was about to burst upon them. The messengers, commissioned by -Charles III. to carry his rigorous orders to his agents, had to pass -through certain villages, where they would sometimes halt at the inn. -Everybody noticed their embarrassed manner, and in some places there -were well-disposed persons who stopped and searched them, and -discovering their letters took them away and sent them to the syndics. -The latter comprehended the danger impending over the city, and -accordingly took the measures necessary for its defence.[663] The -friends of independence and of the Reformation, instead of being -dejected by such news, felt their courage increased. It was as if a -spark had fallen upon powder; their spirits caught fire. The hour of -sacrifices and energetic resolutions had arrived; there were no more -paltry scruples, evasions or delays, no more timid compromises. For a -thing to succeed, it must be done with decision. The Genevese therefore -boldly grasped the hammer, and with fresh strength began to demolish the -suburbs and popery at the same time. At the Pré l’Evêque, they took down -a stone cross because (as they said) ‘it turned men away from the true -cross of Jesus Christ.’[664] At St. Leger, as the church had been -demolished, they destroyed the images also. Still the Roman worship -remained free; while Rome was attacking Geneva, Geneva protected Rome. -The canons having timidly asked the Council, on the 24th of December, if -they might celebrate the Christmas matins next day, the syndics posted -themselves at the doors of the different churches ‘with men-at-arms to -prevent annoyance,’ until divine service was over.[665] - -[Sidenote: Switzerland Against Geneva.] - -Geneva had still one hope remaining. Would those same Switzers, who had -shaken off the oppression of Austria, permit Savoy to place Geneva under -the yoke? Would the protestant republic of Berne, which had done so much -to sow the good seed in this allied city,—which to this end had brought -thither and protected Farel, Viret, and Froment,—would that republic -turn away, now that the grain was beginning to shoot forth, and the -harvest was at hand? It seemed impossible. A diet was to meet at Lucerne -in January, to deliberate what Switzerland should do in this -conjuncture. All the ideas of the Genevans were concentred on that one -point. Not only did a majority of the cantons, but the Bernese -themselves, consent to the restoration of the duke and the bishop. They -required, indeed, that liberty of conscience should be respected; ‘for,’ -said they, ‘it does not depend upon man to believe what he wishes; faith -is the gift of God.’ But the duke and the bishop had the frankness to -reject such a condition: ‘We claim,’ they said, ‘the right of ordering -everything that concerns religion in our states.’—‘We mean,’ added their -representatives, ‘that the preachers shall be expelled from the city, -and that Berne shall break off her alliance with it.’ At these words -grief and indignation pierced the Genevan deputies like a sword. ‘What!’ -they said; ‘the bishop complains of being robbed of his jurisdiction, -and it is he who is the robber! He has been always wishing to strip -Geneva of her franchises; and not long ago he transferred the officers -of justice, the courts, and the tribunals, to a foreign country.’ The -diet was inexorable. They resolved that the duke and the bishop should -be reinstated in the possession of all their lordships and privileges. -To no purpose did Syndic Claude Savoie and Jean Lullin, who were alarmed -at this decision, hasten to Lucerne and declare that Geneva would never -accept the articles voted. ‘You ought to thank us,’ answered the -Swiss,—was it in irony or in sincerity?—‘instead of which you insult us. -Accept the mandate.’—‘We cannot,’ proudly answered the deputies. ‘In -that case,’ resumed the cantons, ‘we have only to place the matter in -the hands of God.’[666] - -Geneva was abandoned by all, even by Berne. The news filled the citizens -with the liveliest emotion. There was nothing left them but God, and God -is mighty. ‘Yes,’ said they, ‘be it so, let God decide.’ Men worked at -the walls and prepared their arms, the women prayed, and the children in -their games defied Savoy and the bishop. The bells of the demolished -churches were melted down to make cannon. Every night, men on guard -stretched the chains across the streets, and the watchword was to make -‘good ward and sure ward.’ Everything was carried out with order, -calmness, and courage.[667] - -Their enemies smiled at this activity, and asked how it could be -possible for such a small city to resist the numerous forces about to -march against it. But wiser men were not ignorant that in the world -faith often prevails over superstition, wisdom over strength, piety over -anger, and that the great mission falls ultimately to the just and the -calm. Charles V., who aspired to place his sword in the balance, and -other great and ambitious men, have had something gigantic in them; -extraordinary ideas have flashed across their minds like lightning, and -they have often cast a wide and sombre light over history; but they have -founded nothing lasting. All great and solid creations belong to -justice, perseverance, and faith. - -[Sidenote: The Song Of Resurrection.] - -The spirit of self-sacrifice and firmness with which the Genevans -demolished one half of their city was a pledge of victory. At the -beginning of 1535 the work was almost ended. A few, however, of the -remoter buildings did not come down until 1536, and even 1537. -Everything was levelled round the walls, the approaches to the place -were free, the artillery could play without obstruction, the lines -intended to cover the city were formed, the ramparts were built, and -Geneva, witnessing the labors of her children, and her sudden and -marvellous transformation, might well exclaim by the mouth of one of her -poets:— - - . . . . . Incepit tentandi causa pudoris - Alliciens varios hæc mea forma procos; - Qui me cum blandis non possent fallere verbis, - Ecce minas addunt, denique vimque parant. - Tunc ego non volui pulchrum præponere honesto, - Diripui rigida sed mea pulchra manu - Templa, domos, hortos, in propugnacula verti, - Arcerent stolidos quæ procul inde procos. - Diripui pulchrum certe, ut tutarer honestum. - _E pulchra et fortis facta Geneva vocor._[668] - -Geneva was then passing through the arduous ordeal of transformation. -Rough blows assailed her, groans burst from her bosom, and on her -features was the pallor of death. But in the hour when the sacrifice was -thus accomplished on the altar, when riches and beauty were immolated to -save independence and faith, when these proud thoughts agitated men’s -hearts and made their presence known by a cry of agony or by words of -high-mindedness, a mysterious light shone forth, in the midst of the -darkness; liberty, morality, and the Gospel had appeared. Hopeful eyes -had seen a new edifice, radiant with immortal glory, rising above the -ruins of the old. The song then heard was not the song of death, but of -resurrection. - -Footnote 637: - - It was situated nearly on the spot where the Russian church now - stands. - -Footnote 638: - - Registre du Conseil du 18 Août, 1534. The expression in the Register - is much more energetic. - -Footnote 639: - - ‘Ecclesia quam Sedeleuba regina in suburbano Genevensi - construxerat.’—Fredegarius, _Chron._ cap. xxii. La sœur Jeanne, - _Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 94. - -Footnote 640: - - ‘Great suburbs at one time surrounded the city, not less beautiful - with churches and houses than with well-watered meadows and pleasant - gardens; which feasted the eyes and the heart still more.’ The lines - from which our extract is taken are in Gautier’s manuscript. He - ascribes them to an anonymous writer who had seen the suburbs. - -Footnote 641: - - Registre du Conseil des 11, 14, 16, et 19 Septembre, 1534. Gautier, - MS. La sœur Jeanne, _Levain du Calvinisme_, pp. 97, 98. MS. de - Turrettini; Berne, _Hist. Helvet._ - -Footnote 642: - - Registre du Conseil des 21, 25 Septembre, 1534. La sœur Jeanne, - _Levain du Calvinisme_, pp. 97-100. - -Footnote 643: - - Registre du Conseil du 21 Septembre, 1534. The Gallatin family, after - serving this republic, furnished devoted citizens to the United - States. Abraham Albert Alphonse Gallatin, who emigrated to America at - the end of the eighteenth century, became Secretary of State. - -Footnote 644: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 115. Registre du Conseil, 29 - Septembre, 1534. - -Footnote 645: - - Procès Inquisitionnel de Baudichon de la Maisonneuve. MS. de Berne, p. - 7. - -Footnote 646: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, pp. 117, 118, 121, 174. Registre du - Conseil du 25 Septembre, 1534. Roset MS. - -Footnote 647: - - Par fraudes et pipées. - -Footnote 648: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 115. Registre du Conseil du 25 - Septembre, 1534. Gautier MS. - -Footnote 649: - - Froment, _Gestes_, p. 116. - -Footnote 650: - - La sœur de Sainte Claire, _Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 97. - -Footnote 651: - - Registre du 18 Septembre, 1534. - -Footnote 652: - - ‘Die calendæ suæ.’—Registre du Conseil du 1er Octobre, 1534. - -Footnote 653: - - Registre du Conseil du 1er Octobre 1534. MS. de Gautier. MS. de Roset, - liv. iii. ch. xxix. - -Footnote 654: - - ‘Episcoporum judicia et cunctorum majorum negotia causarum eidem - sanctæ sedi reservata esse liquet.’—Canon 12. - -Footnote 655: - - M. Guizot. - -Footnote 656: - - _Chron._ MS. de Roset, liv. iii. ch. xxix. MS. de Gautier. - -Footnote 657: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 110. Registre du Conseil du 1er - Septembre, 1534. - -Footnote 658: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, pp. 110, 111. - -Footnote 659: - - Ibid. p. 112. - -Footnote 660: - - ‘Soutenir l’autorité de la sainte foy dans la ville de - Genève.’—Archives of the kingdom of Italy at Turin, bundle xiii. No. - 19. - -Footnote 661: - - Archives of the kingdom of Italy at Turin, bundle xiii. No. 19. - -Footnote 662: - - ‘Nuire et détruire Genève.’ - -Footnote 663: - - Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 113. Registre du Conseil 1er, 13 - Octobre, 1534. MSC. de Roset, liv. iii. ch. xxx. - -Footnote 664: - - Registre du Conseil des 28 Novembre, 3 Décembre, 1534, et 9 Mars, - 1535. La sœur Jeanne, _Levain du Calvinisme_, pp. 100-104. - -Footnote 665: - - Registre du Conseil du 24 Décembre, 1534. La sœur Jeanne, _Levain du - Calvinisme_, p. 104. - -Footnote 666: - - MS. de Roset, liv. iii. ch. xx. Registre du Conseil des 5, 28 Janvier, - 20 et 21 Février, 1535. MS. de Gautier. - -Footnote 667: - - Registre du Conseil des 29 Décembre, 1534; 8, 12, 15 Janvier, 1535. - -Footnote 668: - - ‘My beauty attracted many suitors who sought to seduce me. When they - saw that their flattering could not make me faithless, they had - recourse to threats, and at last prepared to overcome me by force. - Then I, unwilling to set my beauty above my virtue, destroyed with - inflexible hand my temples, gardens, and houses, and converted them - into ramparts, to keep my insensate suitors at a distance. I destroyed - my beauty to preserve my honor. I was once Geneva the fair; now I am - called Geneva the valiant.’ These lines are preserved in Gautier’s - manuscript history. - - - - - CHAPTER XVI. - THE KING OF FRANCE INVITES MELANCTHON TO RESTORE UNITY AND TRUTH. - (END OF 1534 TO AUGUST 1535.) - - -While the work of the Reformation appeared exposed to great dangers in a -small city of the Alps, it had in the eyes of the optimists chances of -success in two of the greatest countries of Europe—France and Italy. The -two finest geniuses of the reform, Melancthon and Calvin, had been -summoned to those two countries respectively. Luther, their superior by -the movements of his heart and the simplicity of his faith, was inferior -to them as a theologian, and they probably surpassed him in their -capacity to comprehend in their thoughts all nations and all churches. - -The first half of the sixteenth century was the epoch of a great -transformation to the people of Europe; there had been nothing like it -since the introduction of Christianity. During the middle ages, the pope -was the guardian of Christendom, and the people were infants, who, not -having attained the necessary age, could not act for themselves. The -pontificial hierarchy opened or shut the gates of heaven, laid down what -every man ought to believe and do, dominated in the councils of princes, -and exercised a powerful influence over all public institutions. But a -wardship is always provisional. When a man attains his majority, he -enters into the enjoyment of his property and rights, and having to -render an account to none but God, he walks without guardians by the -light which his conscience gives him. There is also a time of majority -for nations, and Christian society attained that age in the sixteenth -century. From that moment it ceased to receive blindly all that the -priests taught; it entered into a higher and more independent sphere. -The teaching of man vanished away; the teaching of God began again. Once -more those words were heard in Christendom which Paul of Tarsus had -uttered in the first century: ‘_I speak as to wise men; judge ye what I -say_.’[669] But it must be carefully observed that it was by throwing -open the Bible to their generation that the reformers realized this -sentence. If they had not restored a heavenly torch to man, if they had -left him to himself in the thick shadows of the night, he would have -remained blind, uneasy, restless, and unsatisfied. The holy emancipation -of the sixteenth century invited those who listened to it to draw freely -from the divine Word all that was necessary to scatter the darkness of -their reason and fill up the void in their hearts. Elevating them above -the goods of the body, above even arts, literature, science, and -philosophy, it offered to their soul eternal treasures—God himself. The -Gospel, then restored to the world, gave an unaccustomed force to the -moral law, and thus conferred on the people who received it two -boons,—order and liberty,—which the Vatican has never possessed within -its precincts. - -[Sidenote: Alarm And Joy.] - -All men, however, did not understand that the majority which each must -necessarily attain individually is at the same time essential to them -collectively, and that the Church in particular must inevitably attain -it. There were many, among those who were interested in the prosperity -of nations, who felt alarm at the abolition of the papal guardianship. -They saw that this stupendous act would work immense changes in the -sphere of the mind; that society as a whole, literature, social life, -politics, the relations of foreign countries with one another, would be -made new. This prospect, which was a subject of joy to the greater -number, excited the liveliest apprehensions in others. Those especially -who had not learnt that man, as a moral being, can only be led by free -convictions, imagined that all society would run wild and be lost if -that power was suppressed which had so long intimidated and restrained -it by the fear of excommunications and the stake. These men, alarmed at -the sight of the free and living waters of reform and wishing at any -cost to save the nations of Europe from the deluge which appeared to -threaten them, thought it their duty to confine them still more, to -restore, strengthen and raise the imperilled dikes, and thus keep the -stagnant waters in the foul canals where they had stood for ages. - -Notwithstanding his liberal tendencies with regard to literature and the -arts, Francis I. was not exempt from these fears, and gave a helping -hand to a restoration,—often a cruel restoration of the Romish -jurisdiction. Henry VIII., of little interest as an individual, though -great as a king, and who was truly the father, predecessor, and -fore-runner of Elizabeth and her reign, even while striving -ineffectually to preserve the catholic doctrines in his realm, separated -it decisively from the papacy, and by so doing laid the foundations of -the liberty and greatness of England. Francis I., on the other hand, -maintained the papal supremacy in his dominions, and labored to restore -it in the countries where it had been abolished. In 1534 and 1535 we see -him making great exertions to that end, and finding numerous helpers to -back him up. - -The idea of restoring unity in the Christian Church of the West, not -only engrossed the attention of those who were actuated by despotic -views, but also of noble-minded and liberal men. ‘By what means can we -succeed?’ they asked. The violent answered, ‘By force;’ but the wise -represented that Christian unity could not be brought about by the -sword. Those who were occupied with this great question determined to -examine whether they could not solve it by means of mutual concessions; -and they set about their task with different motives and in different -tempers. They formed three categories. - -There existed at that time in all parts of Europe men of wit and -learning, children of the Renaissance, who disliked the superstitions -and abuses of Rome, as well as the bold doctrines and severe precepts of -the Reformation. They wanted a religion, but it must be an easy one, and -more in conformity (as they held) with reason. Between Luther and the -pope, they saw Erasmus, and that elegant and judicious writer was their -apostle: hence the Elector of Saxony called them Erasmians.[670] They -thought that by melting popery and protestantism together they might -realize their dreams. - -In like manner, too, there were persons to be found of greater or less -eminence in whom the desire prevailed to maintain Europe in that papal -wardship which had lasted through all the middle ages: they feared the -most terrible convulsions if that supreme authority should come to an -end. At their head in France was the king. Francis I. had also a more -interested object: he desired, from political motives, to unite -protestants and catholics, because he had need of Rome in Italy to -recover his preponderance there, and of the protestants in Germany to -humble Charles V. To this class also belonged, to a greater or less -extent, William du Bellay, the king’s councillor and right hand in -diplomacy. So far as concerns doctrine, both were on the side of -Erasmus; but, in an ecclesiastical point of view, while the prince -inclined to a moderate papal dominion, the minister would have preferred -a still more liberal system. - -[Sidenote: The Moderate Evangelicals.] - -Finally, there were, particularly in Germany, a few evangelical -Christians who consented to accept the episcopalian form, and even the -primacy of a bishop, in the hope of obtaining the transformation of the -doctrine and manners of the universal Church. Melancthon at Wittemberg, -Bucer at Strasburg, and Professor Sturm at Paris, were the most eminent -men of this school. Melancthon went farther than his colleagues. He -believed that the great revolution then going on was salutary and even -necessary; but he would have liked to see it limited and directed. -Former ages had elaborated certain results which ought, in his opinion, -to be handed down to ages to come; and he imagined that if the pope -could be induced to receive the Gospel, that despot of old times might -still be useful to the Church. Another and a still more urgent interest -animated these pious men: it was necessary to rescue the victims of -fanaticism, to extinguish the burning piles. The bloody and solemn -executions which had taken place in Paris on the 21st of January, 1535, -in presence of the king and court, had excited an indescribable horror -everywhere. One might have imagined that those noble-hearted men foresaw -the miseries of France, the battle-fields running with blood, and the -night of St. Bartholomew with its murders ushered in by the death-knell -from the steeple of St. Germain l’Auxerrois; that they saw pass before -them those armies of fugitives whom the revocation of the Edict of -Nantes scattered over the wide world. - -One common feature characterized all three classes. Those who composed -them were in general of an accommodating disposition, an easy manner, -ready to sacrifice some part of what they thought true, in order to -attain their end. But there were in Europe, on the side of Rome many -inflexible papists, and on the side of the Reformation many determined -protestants, who set truth above unity, and were resolved to do -everything ‘so that the talent which God had entrusted to them might not -be lost through their cowardice, or taken from them on account of their -ingratitude.’[671] - -[Sidenote: Effects Of The Placards.] - -The famous placards posted up in the capital and all over France on that -October night of 1534 had carried trouble into the hearts of the -peacemakers. They had seen, as they imagined, the torch suddenly applied -to the house in which they were quietly laboring to reconcile Rome and -the Reformation. ‘Such a seditious act agitates the whole kingdom, and -exposes us to the greatest dangers,’[672] wrote Sturm from Paris to -Melancthon. ‘The authors of those placards are men of a fanatical turn, -rebels who circulate pernicious sentiments, and who deserve -chastisement,’ wrote Melancthon to the Bishop of Paris. But at the same -time the most energetic of the German protestants, revolted by the -cruelty of Francis I., refused to join in union with a prince who burnt -their brethren. The King of France had formed the plan of a congress, -destined to restore peace to Christendom; but an imprudent hand had -applied the match to the mine, and the friends of peace were struck with -terror and confusion. From that moment there was nothing heard but -recriminations, reproaches, and altercations. - -Francis I. saw clearly that, if his project was on the brink of failing, -the fault was due mainly to his own violence; he therefore undertook to -set straight the affairs he had so imprudently damaged. On the 1st -February, 1535, he wrote to the evangelical princes of the empire, -assuring them that there was no similarity between the German -protestants and the French _heretics_, his victims. The contriver of the -strappadoes of the 21st January, assumed a lofty tone, as if he were -innocence itself. ‘I am insulted in Germany,’ he said, ‘in every place -of assembly, and even at public banquets. It is said that people dressed -like Turks can walk freely about the streets of Paris, but that no one -dares appear there in German costume. People say that the Germans are -looked upon here as heretics, and are arrested, tortured, and put to -death. We think it our duty to reply to these calumnies. Just when we -were on the point of coming to an understanding with you, certain -mad-men endeavored to upset our work. I prefer to bury in darkness the -paradoxes they have put forth; I am loth to set them before you, most -illustrious princes, and thus display them in the sight of the -world.[673] I think it sufficient to say that even you would have -devoted them to execration. I wished to prevent the pestilence from -spreading over France, but not a single German was sent to prison.[674] -The men of your nation, princes and nobles, continue to be graciously -received at my court; and as for the German students, merchants, and -artisans who work in my kingdom, I treat them like my other subjects, -and, I may say, like my own children.’ The letter produced some little -effect, and there was a reaction on the other side of the Rhine. -Melancthon resumed his schemes of reunion. - -But a new change then occurred: suddenly, and with greater violence than -ever, new difficulties arose, which threatened to make shipwreck of the -whole business. Francis I. had caused the conciliatory opinions of -Melancthon, Hedio, and Bucer to be circulated in Germany.[675] Some -unwise and by no means upright adherents of catholicism mutilated and -abridged those opinions,[676] and then proclaimed with an air of triumph -that the heretics, with Melancthon at their head, were about to return -into the bosom of the Church!... Excessive was the irritation of the -evangelical flocks, and loud cries arose from every quarter against the -temporizers and their weakness. They called to mind that truth is not a -merchandise which can be cheapened; but a chain, of which if but one -link be broken, all the rest is useless. ‘Melancthon is of opinion,’ -said some, ‘that a single pontiff, residing at Rome, would be very -useful to maintain harmony of faith between the different nations of -Christendom. Bucer adds that we must not overthrow all that exists in -popery, but restore in the protestant churches many of the practices -observed by the ancients. The men who speak thus are deserters and -turncoats. They betray our cause, they commit a crime.’[677] If such -protestants as these were heard among the Lutherans, doctors such as -Farel and Calvin spoke out still more plainly against all attempts at a -union with popery. ‘It is wrong,’ wrote Calvin afterwards to some -English friends, ‘to preserve such paltry rubbish, the sad relics of -papal superstition, every recollection of which we ought to strive to -extirpate.’[678] The thought that Francis I. was at the head of these -negotiations filled the Swiss theologians in particular with ineffable -disgust. ‘What good can be expected of that prince,’ said Bullinger, -‘that impure, profane, ambitious man?[679] He is dissembling: Christ and -truth are of no account in his projects. His only thought is how to gain -possession of Naples and Milan. What does this or that matter, so that -he makes himself master of Italy?’ These honest Swiss were not wanting -in common sense. Alarmed at the trap that was preparing for Reform, -Bullinger, Blaarer, Zwyck, and other reformed divines wrote to Bucer: -‘It is of no use your contriving a reunion with the pope; thousands of -protestants would rather forfeit their lives than follow you.’ - -At the same time the Sorbonne and its followers raised their voices -still higher against all assimilation with Lutheran doctrines. The storm -swelled on both sides, and burst upon the moderate party. Poor Bucer, -driven in different directions, succumbed under the weight of his -sorrow. ‘Would to God,’ he exclaimed, ‘that, like the French martyrs, I -were delivered from this life to stand before the face of Jesus -Christ!’[680] - -[Sidenote: Hope Of Union Lost.] - -Every hope of union seemed lost. The ship which the politic King of -France had launched, and to which the hand of the pious Melancthon had -fastened the banners of peace, had been carried upon the breakers; all -attempts to get her out to sea again appeared useless; there was neither -water enough to float her, nor wind enough to move her. She was about to -be abandoned, when a sudden breeze extricated her from the shallows, and -launched her once more upon the wide ocean. - -Clement VII. having died of chagrin, occasioned by the prospect of a -future in which he could see nothing but deception and sorrow,[681] the -King of France considered himself thenceforward liberated from the -promises made to Catherine’s uncle. Ere long the choice of the Sacred -College gave him still greater liberty. Alexander Farnese, who, under -the title of Paul III., succeeded Clement, was a man of the world; he -had studied at Florence in the famous gardens of Lorenzo de’ Medici, and -from his youth had lived an irregular life. On one occasion, being -imprisoned by his mother’s orders in the castle of St. Angelo, he took -advantage of the moment when the attention of his jailers was attracted -by the procession of Corpus Christi to escape through a window by means -of a rope. Although he had two illegitimate children, a son and a -daughter, he was made cardinal, and from that hour kept his eyes -steadily fixed upon the triple crown. He obtained it at last, at the age -of sixty-seven, and declared that in religious matters he would follow -very different principles from those of his predecessors. This man, who -had so much need of reformation for himself and his family, was -engrossed wholly with reforming the Church. We shall find not only a -king of France, but a pope of Rome also, making advances to Melancthon. -Leo X. bequeathed schism to Christendom. Paul III. undertook to restore -unity, and thus hoped to acquire a greater glory than that of the -Medicis. He promised the ambassadors of Charles V. to call a council, -and four days after his election declared his intentions in full -consistory. ‘I desire a reform,’ he said; ‘before we attempt to change -the universal Church, we must first sweep out the court of Rome;’ and he -nominated a congregation to draw up a plan of reform. Proud of his -skill, he thought that everything would be easy to him, and already -triumphed in imagination over the Germans, who were, in his opinion, so -boorish, and the Swiss, who were so barbarous. Francis I., satisfied -with this disposition of the pope, was not unaware, besides, that he had -private means of communicating with him. The first secretary of his -Holiness was Ambrosio, an influential man and by no means averse to -presents. A person who had need of his services having given him sixty -silver basins with as many ewers, ‘How is it,’ said a man one day, ‘that -with all these basins to wash in, his hands are never clean?’[682] - -[Sidenote: Popery In France.] - -But the work of union was not to be so easy as the conjunction of two -such stars as Farnese and Valois seemed to promise. While the Romish -Church was being toned down at Rome, popery became stricter in France. -The fanatical party that was to acquire a horrible celebrity by the -crimes of the Bartholomew massacre and of the League, was beginning to -take shape round the dauphin, the future Henry II. That youth of -eighteen, who had not long returned from Madrid, was far from being -lively, talkative, and independent, like a young Frenchman, but gloomy -and silent, and appeared to live only to obey women. There were two at -his side, admirably calculated to give him a papistical direction: -first, his wife, Catherine de Medicis, and next his mistress, Diana of -Poitiers, a widow, still beautiful in spite of her age, and who would -not (as it has been said) have spoken to a heretic for an empire. The -mistress and the wife, who were on the best of terms, and all of the -dauphin’s party, endeavored to thwart the king’s plans. The most -influential members of that faction were continually repeating to him -that the protestants of Germany were quite as fanatical and seditious as -those of France. At the same time, the emperor’s agents, animated by the -same intentions, told the German protestants that Francis I. was an -infidel in alliance with the Turks. The obstacles opposed in France and -Germany to the reconciliation of Christendom were such that its -realization appeared a matter of difficulty. - -But in the midst of these intrigues the moderate party held firm. The Du -Bellays belonged to one of the oldest families in France; their nobility -could be traced back to the reign of Lothaire,[683] and their mother, -Margaret de la Tour-Landry, reckoned among her ancestors a man who had -occupied himself with laying down the rules of a good education. After a -life of busy warfare, the Chevalier de la Tour-Landry, seignior of -Bourmont and Claremont, who lived in the fourteenth century, wrote two -works on education: one for his sons, the other for his daughters, -copies of which became numerous. The treatise intended for the girls was -printed in 1514, perhaps by the direction of the parents of the Du -Bellays. ‘Out of the great affection I bear to my children,’ wrote the -old cavalier, ‘whom I love as a father ought to love them, my heart will -be filled with perfect joy if they grow up good and honorable, loving -and serving God.’[684] William and John particularly seemed to have -responded to this prayer. William, the elder, was not void of Christian -sentiments. ‘I desire,’ he said, ‘that nothing may happen injurious to -the cause of the Gospel and the glory of Christ;’[685] but he was -specially one of the most distinguished generals and diplomatists of his -epoch. He knew, says Brantome, the most private secrets of the emperor -and of all the princes of Europe, so that people supposed him to have a -familiar spirit. Although maimed in his limbs—the consequence of his -campaigns—he was a man of indefatigable activity. His brother John, -Bishop of Paris, who was also ‘another master-mind,’ professed like him -an enlightened catholicism; and hence it happened that on the accession -of Henry II. he was deprived of his rank by the intrigues of the papist -party, and driven from France. Still, to show that he remained a -catholic, he took up his residence in Rome. - -[Sidenote: Melancthon’s Position.] - -In 1535 the moderate catholic party, at the head of which were these two -brothers, seeing the chances of success at Rome as well as at Paris, -resolved to take a more decided step, and to invite Melancthon to -France. The proposal was made to Francis I., and supported by all the -members of the party. They knew that Melancthon was called ‘the master -of Germany,’ and thought that if he came to France he would conciliate -all parties by the culture of his mind, by his learning, wisdom, piety, -and gentleness. One man, if he appears at the right moment, is sometimes -sufficient to give a new direction to an entire epoch, to a whole -nation. ‘Ah, sire,’ said Barnabas Voré de la Fosse, a learned and -zealous French nobleman, who knew Germany well, and had tasted of the -Gospel, ‘if you knew Melancthon, his uprightness, learning, and modesty! -I am his disciple, and fear not to tell it you. Of all those who in our -days have the reputation of learning, and who deserve it, he is the -foremost.’[686] - -These advances were not useless: Francis I. thought the priests very -arrogant and noisy. His despotism made him incline to the side of the -pope; but his love of letters, and his disgust at the monks, attracted -him the other way. Just now he thought it possible to satisfy both these -inclinations at once. Fully occupied with the effect of the moment, and -inattentive to consequences, he passed rapidly from one extreme to -another. At Marseilles he had thrown himself into the arms of Clement -VII., now he made up his mind to hold out his hand to Melancthon. -‘Well!’ said the king, ‘since he differs so much from our rebels, let -him come: I shall be enchanted to hear him.’ This gave great delight to -the peacemakers. ‘God has seen the affliction of his children and heard -their cries,’ exclaimed Sturm.[687] Francis I. ordered De la Fosse to -proceed to Germany to urge Melancthon in person. - -A king of France inviting a reformer to come and explain his views was -something very new. The two principal obstacles which impeded the -Reformation seemed now to be removed. The first was the character of the -reformers in France, the exclusive firmness of their doctrines, and the -strictness of their morality. Melancthon, the mild, the wise, the -tolerant, the learned scholar, was to attempt the task. The second -obstacle was the fickleness and opposition of Francis I.; but it was -this prince who made the advances. There are hours of grace in the -history of the human race, and one of those hours seemed to have -arrived. ‘God, who rules the tempests,’ exclaimed Sturm, ‘is showing us -a harbor of refuge.’[688] - -[Sidenote: Efforts Of The Mediators.] - -The friends of the Gospel and of light set earnestly to work. It was -necessary to persuade Melancthon, the Elector, and the protestants of -Germany, which might be a task of some difficulty. But the mediators did -not shrink from before obstacles; they raised powerful batteries; they -stretched the strings of their bow, and made a great effort to carry the -fortress. Sturm, in particular, spared no exertions. The free courses he -was giving at the Royal College, his lectures on Cicero, his logic, -which, instead of preparing his disciples (among whom was Peter Ramus) -for barren disputes, developed and adorned their minds—nothing could -stop him. Sturm was not only an enlightened man, a humanist, -appreciating the Beautiful in the productions of genius, but he had a -deep feeling of the divine grandeur of the Gospel. Men of letters in -those times, especially in Italy, were often negative in regard to the -things of God, light in their conduct, without moral force, and -consequently incapable of exercising a salutary influence over their -contemporaries. Such was not Sturm: and while those _beaux-esprits_, -those wits were making a useless display of their brilliant intelligence -in drawing-rooms, that eminent man exhibited a Christian faith and life: -he busied himself in the cultivation of all that is most exalted, and -during his long career, never ceased from enlightening his -contemporaries.[689] ‘The future of French protestantism is in your -hands,’ he wrote to Bucer; ‘Melancthon’s answer and yours will decide -whether the evangelicals are to enjoy liberty, or undergo the most cruel -persecutions. When I see Francis I. meditating the revival of the -Church, I recognize God, who inclines the hearts of princes. I do not -doubt his sincerity; I see no hidden designs, no political motives; -although a German by birth, I do not share my fellow-countrymen’s -suspicions about him. The king, I am convinced, wishes to do all he can -to reform the Church, and to give liberty of conscience to the -French.’[690] Such was, then, the hope of the most generous spirits—such -the aim of their labors. - -Sturm, wishing to do everything in his power to give France that liberty -and reformation, wrote personally to Melancthon. He was the man to be -gained, and the professor set his heart upon gaining him. ‘How delighted -I am at the thought that you will come to France!’ he said. ‘The king -talks much about you; he praises your integrity, learning, and modesty; -he ranks you above all the scholars of our time, and has declared that -he is _your disciple_.[691] I shed tears when I think of the devouring -flames that have consumed so many noble lives; but when I learn that the -king invites you to advise with him as to the means of extinguishing -those fires, then I feel that God is turning his eyes with love upon the -souls who are threatened with unutterable calamities. What a strange -thing! France appeals to you at the very time when our cause is so -fiercely attacked. The king, who is of a good disposition at bottom, -perceives so many defects in the old cause, and such imprudence in those -who adhere to the truth, that he applies to you to find a remedy for -these evils. O Melancthon! to see your face will be our salvation. Come -into the midst of our violent tempests, and show us the haven. A refusal -from you would keep our brethren suspended above the flames. Trouble -yourself neither about emperors nor kings: those who invite you are men -who are fighting against death. But they are not alone: the voice of -Christ, nay, the voice of God himself calls you.’[692] The letter is -dated from Paris, 4th March, 1535. - -The Holy Scriptures, which were read wherever the Reform had penetrated, -had revived in men’s hearts feelings of real unity and Christian -charity. Such cries of distress could not fail to touch the protestants -of Germany; Bucer, who had also been invited, made preparations for his -departure. ‘The French, Germans, Italians, Spaniards, and other nations, -who are they?’[693] he asked. ‘All our brethren in Jesus Christ. It is -not this nation or that nation only, but all nations that the Father has -given to the Son. I am ready,’ he wrote to Melancthon; ‘prepare for your -departure.’ - -[Sidenote: Importance Of France.] - -What could Melancthon do? that was the great question. Many persons, -even in Germany, had hoped that France would put herself at the head of -the great revival of the Church. Had not her kings, and especially Louis -XII., often resisted Rome? Had not the university of Paris been the -rival of the Vatican? Was it not a Frenchman who, cross in hand, had -roused the West to march to the conquest of Jerusalem? Many believed -that if France were transformed, all Christendom would be transformed -with her. To a certain point, Melancthon had shared these ideas, but he -was less eager than Bucer. The outspoken language of the placards had -shocked him; but the burning piles erected in Paris had afterwards -revolted him; he feared that the king’s plans were a mere trick, and his -reform a phantom. Nevertheless, after reflecting upon the matter, he -concluded that the conquest of such a mighty nation was a thing of -supreme importance. His adhesion to the regenerating movement then -accomplishing might decide its success, just as his hostility might -destroy it. He must do something more than open his arms to France, he -must go to meet her. - -Melancthon understood the position and set to work. First, he wrote to -the Bishop of Paris, in order to gain him over to the proposed union, by -representing to him that the episcopal order ought to be maintained. The -German doctor did not doubt that even under that form, the increasing -consciousness of truth and justice, the living force of the Gospel, -which was seen opening and increasing everywhere, would gain over to the -Reformation the fellow-countrymen of St. Bernard and St. Louis. ‘France -is, so to speak, the head of the Christian world,’ he wrote to the -Bishop of Paris.[694] ‘The example of the most eminent people may -exercise a great influence over others. If France is resolved to defend -energetically the existing vices of the Church, good men of all -countries will see their fondest desires vanish. But I have better -hopes; the French nation possesses, I know, a remarkable zeal for -piety.[695] All men turn their eyes to us; all conjure us, not only by -their words, but by their tears, to prevent sound learning from being -stifled, and Christ’s glory from being buried.’ - -On the same day, 9th of May, 1535, Melancthon wrote to Sturm: ‘I will -not suffer myself to be prevented either by domestic ties or the fear of -danger. There is no human grandeur which I can prefer to the glory of -Christ. Only one thought checks me: I doubt of my ability to do any -good; I fear it will be impossible to obtain from the king what I -consider necessary to the glory of the Lord and the peace of -France.[696] If you can dispel these apprehensions, I shall hasten to -France, and no prison shall affright me. We must seek only for what is -fitting for the Church and France. You know that kingdom. Speak. If you -think I should do well to undertake the journey, I will start.’ - -Melancthon’s letter to the Bishop of Paris was not without effect. That -prelate had just been made a cardinal; but the new dignity in nowise -diminished his desire for the restoration of truth and unity in the -Church; on the contrary, it gave him more power to realize the great -project. The Reformation was approaching. Delighted with the sentiments -expressed to him by the _master_ of Germany, he communicated his letter -to such as might feel an interest in it, and among others, no doubt, to -the king. ‘There is not one of our friends here,’ he said, ‘to whom -Melancthon’s mode of seeing things is not agreeable. As for myself, it -is pleasant far beyond what I can express.’[697] It was the same with -his brother William. While the new cardinal especially desired a union -with Melancthon in the hope of obtaining a wise and pious reform, the -councillor of Francis I. desired, while leaving to the pope his -spiritual authority, to make France politically independent of Rome. The -two brothers united in entreating the king to send for Luther’s friend. -De la Fosse joined them, and all the friends of peace, in conjuring the -king to give the German doctor some proof of his good-will. ‘He will -come if you write to him,’ they said. - -[Sidenote: Letter Of The King.] - -Francis I. made up his mind, and instead of addressing the sovereign -whose subject Melancthon was, the proud king of France wrote to the -plain doctor of Wittemberg. This was not quite regular; had the monarch -written to the elector, such a step might have produced very beneficial -results; not so much because the susceptibility of the latter prince -would not have been wounded, as because the reasons which Francis, with -Du Bellay’s help, might have given him, would perhaps have convinced a -ruler so friendly to the Gospel and to peace as John Frederick. It is -sometimes useful to observe the rules of diplomacy. This is the letter -from the King of France to the learned doctor, dated 23d of June, 1535. - - ‘Francis, by the grace of God King of the French, to our dear Philip - Melancthon, greeting: - - ‘I have long since been informed by William du Bellay, my - chamberlain and councillor, of the zeal with which you are - endeavoring to appease the dissensions to which the Christian - doctrine has given rise. I now learn from the letter which you have - written to him, and from Voré de la Fosse, that you are much - inclined to come to us, to confer with some of our most - distinguished doctors on the means of restoring in the Church that - divine harmony which is the first of all my desires.[698] Come then, - either in an official character, or in your own name; you will be - very acceptable to me, and you will learn, in either case, the - interest I feel in the glory of your Germany and the peace of the - universe.’ - -These declarations from the King of France forwarded the enterprise; -before taking such a step, he must have been very clear in his -intentions. We may well ask, however, if the letter was sincere. In -history, as in nature, there are striking contrasts. While these things -were passing in the upper regions of society, scenes were occurring in -the lower regions which ran counter to those fine projects of princes -and scholars. The Swiss divines maintained that the whole affair was a -comedy in which the king and his ministers played the chief parts. That -may be questionable, but the interlude was a blood-stained tragedy. In -the very month when Francis I. wrote to Melancthon, a poor husbandman of -La Bresse, John Cornon, was arrested while at work in the fields, and -taken to Macon. The judges, who expected to see an idiot appear before -them, were astonished when they heard that poor peasant proving to them, -in his simple _patois_, the truth of his faith, and displaying an -extensive knowledge of Holy Scripture. As the pious husbandman remained -unshaken in his attachment to the all-sufficient grace of Jesus Christ, -he was condemned to death, dragged on a hurdle to the place of -execution, and there burnt alive.[699] - -In the following month of July, Dennis Brion, a humble barber of -Sancerre, near Paris, and a reputed heretic, was taken in his shop. He -had often expounded the Scriptures, not only to those who visited him, -but also to a number of persons who assembled to hear him. Nothing -annoyed the priests so much as these meetings, where simple Christians, -speaking in succession, bore testimony to the light and consolation they -had found in the Bible. Brion was condemned, as the husbandman of La -Bresse had been, and his death was made a great show. It was the time of -the _grands jours_ at Angers; and there he was burnt alive, in the midst -of an immense concourse of people from every quarter.[700] It is -probable that those executions were not the result of any new orders, -but a mere sequel to the cruelties of the 21st of January, the influence -of which had only then reached the provinces. - -These two executions, however, made the necessity of laboring to restore -peace and unity still more keenly felt. Those engaged in the task saw -but one means: to admit on one side the evangelical doctrine, and on the -other the episcopal form with a bishop _primus inter pares_. Western -Christendom would thus have a protestant body with a Roman dress. The -Church of the Reformation (it was said) holds to doctrine before all -things, and the Church of Rome to its government; let us unite the two -elements. The Wittemberg doctors hoped that the substance would prevail -over the form; the Roman doctors that the form would prevail over the -substance; but many on both sides honestly believed that the proposed -combination would succeed and be perpetual. - -[Sidenote: Du Bellay Goes To Rome.] - -At the same time as De la Fosse started for Wittemberg, the new -cardinal, Du Bellay, departed for Rome: two French embassies were to be -simultaneously in the two rival cities. The ostensible object of the -cardinal’s journey was not the great matter which the king had at heart, -but to thank the pope for the dignity conferred upon him; still it was -the intention and the charge of the Bishop of Paris to do all in his -power to induce the catholic Church to come to an understanding with the -protestants. Before quitting France, he wrote to Melancthon: ‘There is -nothing I desire more earnestly than to put an end to the divisions -which are shaking the Church of Christ. My dear Melancthon, do all you -can to bring about this happy pacification.[701] If you come here, you -will have all good men with you, and especially the king, who is not -only in name, but in reality, _most Christian_. When you have conferred -with him thoroughly, which will be soon, I trust, there is nothing that -we may not hope for. God grant that at Rome, whither I am going with all -speed, I may obtain, in behalf of the work I meditate, all the success -that I desire.’[702] - -The cardinal’s journey was of great importance. The party to which he -belonged, which desired one sole Catholic Church, in which evangelical -doctrines and Romish forms should be skilfully combined, was acquiring -favor in the metropolis of catholicism. The new pope raised to the -cardinalate Contarini and several other prelates who were known for -their evangelical sentiments and the purity of their lives. He left them -entire liberty; he permitted them to contradict him in the consistory, -and even encouraged them to do so. The hope of a reform grew greater day -by day in Italy.[703] It thus happened that Cardinal du Bellay found -himself in a very favorable atmosphere at Rome: he would be backed by -the influence of France, and to a certain point by the imperial -influence also, for no one desired more strongly than Charles V. an -arrangement between catholics and protestants. The Bishop of Paris, an -enlightened and skilful diplomatist and pious man, had a noble -appearance, and displayed in every act the mark of a great soul.[704] He -thus won men’s hearts, and might, in concert with Melancthon, be the -chosen instrument to establish the so much desired unity in the Church. - -[Sidenote: Du Bellay To Melancthon.] - -While he was on his way to confer with the pope and cardinals, others -were canvassing Melancthon and the protestants. De la Fosse left for -Wittemberg, bearing the king’s letter, and William du Bellay, an -intelligent statesman, who was determined to spare no pains to bring the -great scheme to a successful issue, wrote to the German doctor, -explaining motives and removing objections. In his eyes the cause in -question was the greatest of all: it was the cause of religion and of -France. ‘Let us beware,’ wrote the councillor of Francis I. to -Melancthon, ‘let us beware of irritating the king, whose favor you will -confess is necessary to us. If, after he has written to you with his own -hand, after you have almost given your consent, after he has sent you a -deputation, in whose company you could make the journey without -danger,—if you finally refuse to come to France, I much fear that the -monarch will not look upon it with a favorable eye. It is necessary both -to France and religion that you comply with the king’s request.[705] -Fear not the influence of the wicked, who cannot endure to be deprived -of anything in order that the glory of Jesus Christ should be -increased.[706] The king is skilful, prudent, yielding, and allows -himself to be convinced by sound reasons. If you have an interview with -him, if you talk with him, if you set your motives before him, you will -inflame him with an admirable zeal for your cause.[707] Do not think you -will have to dissemble or give way.... No; the king will praise your -courage in such serious matters more than he would praise your weakness. -I therefore exhort and conjure you in Christ’s name not to miss the -opportunity of doing the noblest of all the works which it is possible -to perform among men.’ - -As we read these important letters, these touching solicitations, and -the firm opinions of the councillor of Francis I., we are tempted to -inquire what is their date. Is it in reality only five months after the -strappadoes? One circumstance explains the startling contrast. France -might say: ‘I feel two natures in me.’ Which of them shall prevail? That -is the question. Will it be the intelligence, frankness, love of -liberty, and presentiment of the moral responsibility of man, which are -often found in the French people; or the incredulity, superstition, -sensuality, cruelty, and despotism, of which Catherine de Medicis, her -husband, and her sons were the types? Shall we see a people, eager for -liberty, submitting in religious things to the yoke of a Church which -never allows any independence to individual thought? Strange to say, the -solution of this important question seemed to depend upon a reformer. -Should Melancthon come to France, he would, in the opinion of the Du -Bellays and the best intellects of the age, inaugurate with God’s help -in that illustrious country the reign of the Gospel and liberty, and put -an end to the usurpations of Rome. - -If the great enterprise at which some of the greatest and most powerful -personages were then working succeeded, if the tendency of Catherine and -her sons (continued unfortunately by the Bourbons) were overcome, France -was saved. It was a solemn opportunity. Never, perhaps, had that great -nation been nearer the most important transformation. - -In addition to the appeals of Du Bellay, no means were spared to -persuade Germany. Sturm wrote another letter to the Wittemberg doctor, -telling him that the king was not very far from sharing the religious -ideas of the protestants, and that, if his views were laid clearly and -fearlessly before him, the reformer would find that the sovereign agreed -with him on many important points. And more than this, Claude Baduel, -who, after studying at Wittemberg, was in succession professor at Paris, -rector at Nismes, and pastor at Geneva, was intrusted by the Queen of -Navarre with a mission to Melancthon. Francis I., wishing to pass from -words to deeds, published an amnesty on the 16th July, 1535, in which he -declared that ‘the anger of our Lord being appeased, persons accused or -suspected should not be molested, that all prisoners should be set at -liberty, their confiscated goods restored, and the fugitives permitted -to re-enter the kingdom, provided they lived as good catholic -Christians.’[708] - -As Francis I. did not wish to alarm the court of Rome, and desired to -prevent it from interfering and seeking to disturb and thwart his plans, -he called Cardinal du Bellay to him a short time before his departure, -and said: ‘You will give the Holy Father to understand that I am sending -your brother to the protestants of Germany to get what he can from them; -at the very least to prevail on them to acknowledge the power of the -pope as head of the Church universal. With regard to faith, religion, -ceremonies, institutions, and doctrines, he will preserve such as it -will be proper to preserve,—at least, what may reasonably be tolerated, -while waiting the decision of the council.... Matters being thus -arranged, our Holy Father will then be able earnestly and joyfully to -summon a council to meet at Rome, and his authority will remain sure and -flourishing; for, if the enemies of the Holy See once draw in their -horns in Germany, they will do the same in France, Italy, England, -Scotland, and Denmark.’[709] - -The opinions of Francis I. come out clearly in these instructions. The -only thing he cared about was the preservation of the pope’s temporal -power. As for religion, ceremonies, and doctrines, he would try to come -to an understanding,—he would get what he could; but the protestants -must pull in their horns,—must renounce their independent bearing. The -king declared himself satisfied, provided the people of Europe continued -to walk beneath the Caudine forks of Romish power. - -[Sidenote: Conference With The Reformers.] - -It was not long before the king showed what were his real intentions, -and towards what kind of reconciliation a council would have to labor, -if one should ever be assembled, which was very doubtful. On the 20th -July, the Bishop of Senlis, his confessor, requested the Sorbonne to -nominate ten or twelve of its theologians to confer with the reformers. -If a bombshell had fallen in the midst of the Faculty, it could not have -caused greater alarm. ‘What an unprecedented proposal!’ exclaimed the -doctors; ‘is it a jest or an insult?’ For two days they remained in -deliberation. ‘We will nominate deputies,’ said the assembly, ‘but for -the purpose of remonstrating with the king.’ ‘Sire,’ boldly said these -delegates, ‘your proposal is quite useless and supremely dangerous. -Useless, for the heretics will hear of nothing but Holy Scripture; -dangerous, for the catholics, who are weak in faith, may be perverted by -the objections of the heretic.... Let the Germans communicate to us the -articles on which they have need of instruction, we will give it them -willingly; but there can be no discussion with heretics. If we meet -them, it can only be as their judges. It is a divine and a human law to -cut off the corrupted members from the body. If such is the duty of the -State against assassins, much more is it their duty against schismatics -who destroy souls by their rebellion.’[710] - -These different movements did not take place in secret; they were talked -about all over the city, and far beyond it. Enlightened minds were much -amused by the fear which the doctors of the Sorbonne had of speaking. -There was no lack of remarks on that subject. ‘We must not chatter and -babble overmuch about the Gospel; but it is absurd that, when anybody -inquires into our faith, we should say nothing in defence of it. Let us -discourse about the mysteries of God peaceably and mildly: to be silent -is a supineness and cowardice worthy of the sneers of unbelievers.’[711] -When Marot the poet heard of the answer of the Sorbonne, he said:— - - Je ne dis pas que Mélancthon - Ne déclare au roi son advis; - Mais de disputer vis-à-vis ... - Nos maîtres n’y veulent entendre. - -The politicians were not silent. The prospect of an agreement with the -protestants deeply moved the chiefs of the Roman party, who resolved to -do all in their power to oppose the attempt. Montmorency, the grand -master, the Cardinal de Tournon, the Bishop of Soissons, de -Chateaubriand, and others exerted all their influence to prevent -Melancthon from coming to France, Cardinal du Bellay from succeeding at -Rome, and catholics and protestants from shaking hands together under -the auspices of Francis I. - -This fanatical party, which was to make common cause with the Jesuits, -already forestalled them in cunning. ‘One morning,’, say Roman-catholic -historians,[712] ‘Cardinal de Tournon appeared at the king’s _levée_, -reading a book magnificently bound.’ ‘Cardinal, what a handsome book you -have there!’ said the king. ‘Sire,’ replied De Tournon, ‘it is the work -of an illustrious martyr, Saint Irenæus, who presided over the Church of -Lyons in the second century. I was reading the passage which says that -John the Evangelist, being about to enter some public baths, and -learning that the heretic Cerinthus was inside, hastily retired, -exclaiming: “Let us fly, my children, lest we be swallowed up with the -enemies of the Lord.” That is what the apostles thought of heretics; and -yet you, Sire, the eldest son of the Church, intend inviting to your -court the most celebrated disciple of that arch-heretic Luther.’ De -Tournon added that an alliance with the Lutherans would not only cause -Milan to be lost to France, but would throw all the catholic powers into -the arms of the emperor.[713] Francis I., though persisting in his -scheme, saw that he could not force those to speak who had made up their -minds to be silent; and wishing to give De Tournon some little -satisfaction he let the Faculty know that he would not ask them to -confer with the reformers. The king intended to hear both parties; he -sought to place himself between the two stormy seas, like a quiet -channel, which communicates with both oceans, and in which it was -possible to manœuvre undisturbed by tempests. - -[Sidenote: Is A Mixed Congress Possible?] - -The refusal of the Sorbonne, at that time more papistical than the pope -himself, does not imply that a conference between protestant and -catholic theologians was impossible; for six years later such a -conference really did take place at Ratisbon, and nearly succeeded. A -committee, half protestant, half Romanist, in which Melancthon and Bucer -sat, and in which the pious Cardinal Contarini took part as papal -legate, admitted the evangelical faith in all essential points, and -declared in particular that man is justified not by his own merits, but -by faith alone in the merits of Christ, pointing out, however, as the -protestants had always done, that the faith which justifies must _work -by love_. That meeting of Ratisbon came to nothing: it could come to -nothing. A gleam of light shone forth, but a breath from Rome -extinguished the torch, and Contarini submitted in silence. The -conference, however, remains in history as a solemn homage, paid by the -most believing members of the Roman-catholic Church to the Christian -doctrines of the Reformation.[714] - -Footnote 669: - - 1 Corinth. x. 15. - -Footnote 670: - - ‘Die Leute die die Sache fordern, mehr Erasmich als Evangelisch - sind.’—Bretschneider, _Corpus Reformatorum_, ii. p. 909. - -Footnote 671: - - Calvin. - -Footnote 672: - - ‘Stultissimis et seditiosissimis rationibus regna et gentes - perturbarunt.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 855. - -Footnote 673: - - ‘Quorum ego paradoxa malo iisdem sepelire tenebris, unde subito - emerserant, quam apud vos, amplissimi ordines, hoc est, in orbis - terrarum luce memorari.’ In the _Corpus Reformatorum_, ii. pp. - 828-835, Bretschneider gives only the German translation of this - letter. The original Latin, whose existence we were ignorant of when - our third volume was published, will be found in Freheri _Script. - Rerum German._ iii. p. 295. - -Footnote 674: - - It appears certain that some Germans were imprisoned; but they were - afterwards released and sent back to Germany by the king’s - order.—_Corpus Reformatorum_, ii. p. 857. - -Footnote 675: - - For these opinions see _supra_, vol. ii. p. 353. - -Footnote 676: - - ‘Mutilati et excerpti . . . . . . mala fide decerpti.’—_Corpus - Reformatorum_, ii. p. 976. - -Footnote 677: - - ‘Vocor transfuga, desertor . . . . me totam causam - prodidisse.’—Melancthon to Du Bellay. _Corpus Reform._ ii. p. 915. - -Footnote 678: - - ‘C’est un vice d’entretenir des menus fatras.’—Calvin, _Lettres - Françaises_, i. p. 420. - -Footnote 679: - - ‘De Gallo, homine impuro, profano et ambitioso.’—Bullinger to - Myconius, 12 March, 1534. _Corp. Ref._ p. 122. - -Footnote 680: - - ‘Ego velim . . . . cum Gallis martyribus Christum adire.’—Bucer, - _Zeitschrift für Hist. Theol._ 1850, p. 44. - -Footnote 681: - - ‘E fu questo dolore ed affanno che lo condusse alla morte.’—Soriano, - in Ranke, i. p. 127. - -Footnote 682: - - Warchi, _Istorie Fiorentine_, p. 636. Ranke. - -Footnote 683: - - Moreri, art. _Du Bellay_. - -Footnote 684: - - _Livre du Chevalier de la Tour-Landry qui fut fait pour l’enseignement - des femmes mariées et à marier._ It was reprinted in 1854 by Jannet, - in the ‘Bibliothèque Elzevirienne.’ There are seven manuscript copies - in the Bibliothèque Impériale. See also Burnier, _Histoire Littéraire - de l’Education_, i. p. 11. - -Footnote 685: - - ‘Quod Evangelii causam et Christi gloriam perturbaret.’—_Corp. Ref._ - ii. p. 887. - -Footnote 686: - - ‘Cum rege diu de te locutus est, ita ut te omnibus, qui nostris - temporibus docti et habentur et sunt, prætulerit.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. - 857. - -Footnote 687: - - ‘Sentio respici a Deo calamitatibus affectas et afflictas hominum - conditiones.’—_Corpus Reformatorum_, ii. p. 858. - -Footnote 688: - - ‘Deus portum aliquem profugium ostendit.’—_Ibid._ p. 856. - -Footnote 689: - - See Schmidt’s _Vie de Jean Sturm, premier recteur de Strasbourg_. - -Footnote 690: - - ‘Da Franz i. aüf Erneürung der Kirche sinne . . . . bereit sei zur - Kirchenverbesserung, das seine zu thun, und die Gevissen frei zu - lassen.’—Sturm to Bucer. Schmidt, _Zeitschrift für die Hist. Theol._ - 1850, i. p. 46. Strobel, _Hist. du Gymnase de Strasbourg_, p. 111 &c. - -Footnote 691: - - ‘Non rogatus se discipulum tuum esse dixit.’—_Corpus Reformatorum_, - ii. p. 857. - -Footnote 692: - - ‘Sed advocari te Dei Christique voce.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 859. - -Footnote 693: - - ‘Qui sunt Germani, qui Itali, qui Hispani et alii?’—Schmidt, - _Zeitschr. für Hist. Theol._ 1850, p. 47. - -Footnote 694: - - ‘Cum regnum gallicum, si licet dicere, caput christiani orbis - sit.’—_Corpus Reformatorum_, ii. p. 869. - -Footnote 695: - - ‘Gallica natio eximium habet pietatis studium.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 696: - - ‘Vereor ut impetrari ea possint quæ ad gloriam Christi et - tranquillitatem Galliæ et Ecclesiæ necessaria esse duco.’—_Corpus - Reformatorum_, ii. p. 876. - -Footnote 697: - - ‘Mihi vero etiam supra quam dici potest jucundum.’—_Ibid._ p. 880. - -Footnote 698: - - ‘Quo resarciri possit pulcherrima illa ecclesiasticæ politiæ harmonia, - qua una re cum ego mihi nihil unquam quicquam majori cura, studio - complectendum esse duxerim.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 880. - -Footnote 699: - - Crespin, _Actes des Martyres_, p. 116. - -Footnote 700: - - Ibid. p. 126. - -Footnote 701: - - ‘In hanc pacificationem, mi Melancthon, per Deum quantum potes - incumbe.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 881. - -Footnote 702: - - The letter is dated: ‘Ex fano Quintini (St. Quentin) in Viromanduis, - die 27 Jun. anno 1535.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 703: - - ‘Molti anni inanzi, li prelati non erano stati in quelle riforma di - vita; li cardinali havevono libertà maggiore di dire l’ opinione loro, - in consistorio .... Si poteva sperare di giorno in giorno maggiore - riforma.’—_Tre libri delli Commentarj delli Guerra_, 1537. Ranke. - -Footnote 704: - - De Thou; Sainte-Marthe. - -Footnote 705: - - ‘Necessarium esse religioni et Galliæ ut regiæ exspectationi - satisfacias.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 888. - -Footnote 706: - - ‘Non enim est quod metuas iniquorum potentiam.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 707: - - ‘Mirabiliter eum inflammares.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 708: - - Isambert, xii. p. 405; Sismondi, xvi. p. 459. - -Footnote 709: - - Instructions des rois très chrétiens et de leurs ambassadeurs (Paris - 1654), p. 7. - -Footnote 710: - - Ballue et Bouchigny. Crevier, _Hist. de l’Université_, v. pp. 2-4. - -Footnote 711: - - Calvin. - -Footnote 712: - - Pallavicini, Maimbourg, Varillas, &c. - -Footnote 713: - - Maimbourg, _Calvinisme_, p. 28. Varillas, ii. p. 449. - -Footnote 714: - - ‘Acta in conventu Ratisbonensi, 1541,’ by Melancthon and Bucer. - - - - - CHAPTER XVII. - WILL THE ATTEMPT TO ESTABLISH UNITY AND TRUTH SUCCEED? - (AUGUST TO NOVEMBER 1535.) - - -[Sidenote: Individuality And Community.] - -Was the union desired by so many eminent men to be for good or for evil? -On this question different opinions may be, and have been, entertained. -Certain minds like to isolate themselves, and look with mistrust and -disdain upon human associations. It is true that man exists first as an -individual, and that before all things he must be himself; but he does -not exist alone: he is a member of a body, and this forms the second -part of his existence. Human life is both a monologue and a dialogue. -Before the era of Christianity, these two essential modes of being had -but an imperfect existence: on the one hand, social institutions -absorbed the individual, and on the other, each nation was encamped -apart. Christianity aggrandized individuality by calling men to unite -with God, and at the same time it proclaimed the great unity of the -human race, and undertook to make into one family all the families of -the earth, by giving the same heavenly Father to all. It imparts a fresh -intensity to individuality by teaching man that a single soul is in -God’s eyes of more value than the whole universe; but this, far from -doing society an injury, becomes the source of great prosperity to it. -The more an individual is developed in a Christian sense, the more -useful a member he becomes of the nation and of the human race. -Individuality and community are the two poles of life; and it is -necessary to maintain both, in order that humanity may fulfil its -mission in revolving ages. The mischief lies in giving an unjust -pre-eminence to either of the two elements. Romish unity, which -encroaches upon individuality, is an obstacle to real Christian -civilization; while an extreme individuality, which isolates man, is -full of peril both to society and to the individual himself. It would -therefore be unreasonable to condemn or to approve absolutely the -eminent men who in 1535 endeavored to restore unity to the Church. The -question is to know whether, by reconstructing catholicity, they -intended or not to sacrifice individual liberty. If they desired a real -Christian union, their work was good; if, on the contrary, they aimed at -restoring unity with a hierarchical object, with a despotic spirit, -their work was bad. - -There was another question on which men were not more agreed. Would the -great undertaking succeed? France continued to ask for Melancthon; would -Germany reply to her advances? We must briefly glance at the events -which had taken place in the empire since the agreement between the -catholics and protestants concluded, as we have seen, in July, -1532.[715] These events may help us to solve the question. - -It had been stipulated in the religious peace that all Germans should -show to one another a sincere and Christian friendship. In the treaty of -Cadan (29th June, 1534), Ferdinand, who had been recognized as King of -the Romans, had undertaken, both for himself and for Charles V., to -protect the protestants against the proceedings of the imperial court. -Somewhat later, the city of Münster, in Westphalia, had become the -theatre of the extravagances of fanaticism. John Bockhold, a tailor of -Leyden, setting himself up for a prophet, had made himself master of the -city, and been proclaimed king of Zion. He had also established a -community of goods, and attempted, like other sectarians, to restore -polygamy. He used to parade the city, wearing a golden crown; to sit in -judgment in the market-place, and would often cut off the head of a -condemned person. A pulpit was erected at the side of the throne, and -after the sermon the whole congregation would sometimes begin to dance. -The Landgrave, Philip of Hesse, one of the leaders of the protestant -cause, marched against these madmen, took Münster on the 24th June, -1535, and put an end to the pretended kingdom of Zion.[716] These -extravagances did not injure the protestant cause, which was not -confounded with a brutal communism, reeking with cruelty and debauchery; -besides, it was the protestants, and not the catholics, who had put them -down. But from that hour, the evangelicals felt more strongly than ever -the necessity of resisting the sectarian spirit: this they had done at -Wittemberg as early as 1522. At last it appeared clearer every day that -the free and Christian general council, which they had so often -demanded, would be granted them. All the events, which we have -indicated, seemed to have prepared protestant Germany to accept the -proposals of France. - -[Sidenote: An Important Mission.] - -Voré de la Fosse, bearing letters from Francis I., William du Bellay, -and other friends of the union, was going to Germany to try and bring it -to a successful issue. De la Fosse was not such a distinguished -ambassador as those who figured at London and at Rome, and the power to -which he was accredited was a professor in a petty town of Saxony. But -Germany called this professor her ‘master,’ and De la Fosse considered -his mission a more important one than any that had been confided to -dukes and cardinals. Christendom was weakened by being severed into two -parts; he was going to re-establish unity, and revive and purify the old -member by the life of the new one. The Christian Church thus -strengthened would be made capable of the greatest conquests. On the -success of the steps that were about to be taken depended, in the -opinion of De la Fosse and his friends, the destiny of the world. - -The envoy of Francis I. arrived at Wittemberg on the 4th of August, -1535, and immediately paid Melancthon a visit, at which he delivered the -letters intrusted to him, and warmly explained the motives which ought -to induce the reformer to proceed to France. De la Fosse’s candor, his -love for the Gospel, and his zeal gained the heart of Luther’s friend. -By degrees a sincere friendship grew up between them; and when -Melancthon afterwards wanted to justify himself in the eyes of the -French, he appealed to the testimony of the ‘very good and very -excellent Voré.’[717] But if the messenger pleased him, the message -filled his heart with trouble: the perusal of the letters from the king, -Du Bellay, and Sturm brought the doubts of this man of peace to a -climax. He saw powerful reasons for going to France and equally powerful -reasons for staying in Germany. To use the expression of a reformer, -there were two batteries firing upon him by turns from opposite -quarters, now driving him to the right, now to the left. What would -Charles V. say, if a German should go to the court of his great -adversary? Besides, what was to be expected from the Sorbonne, the -clergy, and the court? Contempt.... He would not go. On the other hand, -Melancthon had before him a letter from the king, pressing him to come -to Paris. An influential nation might be gained to the Gospel, and carry -all the West along with it. When the Lord calls, must we allow ourselves -to be stopped by fear?... He hesitated no longer: he would depart. Voré -de la Fosse was delighted. But erelong other thoughts sprang up to -torment the doctor’s imagination. What was there not to be feared from a -prince who had sworn, standing before the stake at which he was burning -his subjects, that to stop heresy he would, if necessary, cut off his -own arm and cast it into the fire?... In that terrible day of the -strappadoes, a deep gulf had opened in the midst of the church. Was it -his business to throw himself, Curtius-like, into the abyss, in order -that the gulf should close over him?... Melancthon would willingly leave -to the young Roman the glory of devoting himself to the infernal gods. - -De la Fosse visited the illustrious professor daily, and employed every -means to induce him to cross the Rhine.[718] ‘We will do whatever you -desire,’ he said. ‘Do you wish for royal letters to secure to you full -liberty of going to France and returning? You shall have them. Do you -ask for hostages as guarantees for your return? You shall have them -also. Do you want an armed guard of honor to escort you and bring you -back? It shall be given you.[719] We will spare nothing. On your -interview with the king depends not only the fate of France, but (so to -speak) of the whole world.[720] Hearken to the friends of the Gospel who -dwell in Paris. Threatening waves surround us, they say by my mouth; -furious tempests assail us; but the moment you come, we shall find -ourselves, as it were, miraculously transported into the safest of -havens.[721] If, on the contrary, you despise the king’s invitation, all -hope is lost for us. The fires now slumbering will instantly shoot forth -their flames, and there will be a cruel return of the most frightful -tortures.[722] It is not only Sturm, Du Bellay, and other friends like -them who invite you, but all the pious Christians of France. They are -silent, no doubt—those whom the cruellest of punishments have laid among -the dead, and even those who, immured in dungeons, are separated from us -by doors of iron; but, if their voices cannot reach you, listen at least -to one mighty voice, the voice of God himself, the voice of Jesus -Christ.’[723] - -[Sidenote: Melancthon A Man Of God.] - -When Melancthon heard this appeal, he was agitated and overpowered.[724] -What an immense task! These Frenchmen are placing the world on his -shoulders! Can such a poor Atlas as he is bear it? How must he decide? -What must he do? In a short time his perplexity was again increased. The -French gentleman had hardly left the room when his wife, Catherine -daughter of the Burgomaster of Wittemberg, her relations, her young -children, and some of his best friends surrounded him and entreated him -not to leave them. They were convinced that, if Melancthon once set foot -in that city ‘which killeth the prophets,’ they would never see him -again. They described the traps laid for him; they reminded him that no -safe-conduct had been given him; they shed tears, they clung to him, and -yet he did not give way. - -Melancthon was a man of God, and prayed his heavenly Father to show him -the road he ought to take; he thoroughly weighed the arguments for and -against his going. ‘The thought of myself and of mine,’ he said, ‘the -remoteness of the place to which I am invited, and fear of the dangers -that await me ought not to stop me.[725] Nothing should be more sacred -to me than the glory of the Son of God, the deliverance of so many pious -men, and the peace of the Church troubled by such great tempests. Upon -that all my thoughts ought to be concentred; but this is what disturbs -me: I fear to act imprudently in a matter of such great importance, and -to make the disease still more incurable through my precipitancy. Will -not the French, while giving way on some trivial points which they must -necessarily renounce, retain the most important articles in which -falsehood and impiety are especially found?[726] Alas! such patchwork -would produce more harm than good.’ - -There was much truth in these fears; but De la Fosse, returning to his -friend, sought to banish his apprehensions, and assured him that the -disposition of Francis I. was excellent at bottom. ‘Yes,’ replied -Luther’s friend, ‘but is he in a position to act upon it?’[727] He -expected nothing from a conference with fanatical doctors. Besides, the -Sorbonne refused all discussion. ‘The king,’ he said, ‘is not the -Church. A council alone has power to reform it; and therefore the prince -ought to set his heart upon hastening its convocation. All other means -of succoring afflicted Christendom are useless and dangerous.’ - -De la Fosse turned Melancthon’s objection against him. ‘At least we must -prepare the way for the council,’ he said; ‘and it is just on that -account that the King of France wishes to converse with you.’ Then, -desiring to strike home, the envoy of Francis I. continued: ‘The king -never had anything more at heart than to heal the wounds of the Church: -he has never shown so much care, anxiety, and zeal.[728] If you comply -with his wishes, you will be received with more joy in France than any -stranger before you. Will you withhold from the afflicted Church the -hand that can save her? Let nothing in the world, I conjure you, turn -you aside from so pure and sacred an enterprise.’[729] De la Fosse was -agitated. The idea of returning to Paris without Melancthon—that is to -say, without the salvation he expected—was insupportable. ‘Depart,’ he -exclaimed, ‘if you do not come to France!... I shall never return -there.’[730] - -[Sidenote: Melancthon’s Character.] - -Melancthon was touched by these supplications. He thought he heard (as -they had told him) the voice of God himself. ‘Well, then,’ he said, ‘I -will go. My friends in France have entertained great expectations and -apply to me to fulfil them: I will not disappoint their hopes.’ -Melancthon was resolved to maintain the essential truths of -Christianity, and hoped to see them accepted by the catholic world. -Francis I. and his friends had not rejected Luther’s fundamental -article,—justification solely by faith in the merits of Christ, by a -living faith, which produces holiness and works. According to the most -eminent and most Christian orator of the Roman Church, Melancthon -combined learning, gentleness, and elegance of style, with singular -moderation, so that he was regarded as the only man fitted to succeed in -literature to the reputation of Erasmus.[731] But he was more than that: -his convictions were not to be shaken; _he knew where he was_, and, far -from seeking all his life for his religion—as Bossuet asserts—he had -found it and admirably explained it in his _Theological -Commonplaces_.[732] Still he constantly said to his friends: ‘We must -contend only for what is great and necessary.’[733] - -Melancthon, who was full of meekness, was always ready to do what might -be agreeable to others. Sincere, open, and exceedingly fond of children, -he liked to play with them and tell them little tales. But with all this -amiability he had a horror of ambiguous language, especially in matters -of faith; and although a man of extreme gentleness, he felt strongly, -his anguish could be very bitter, and when his soul was stirred, he -would break out with sudden impetuosity, which, however, he would soon -repress. His error, in the present case, was in believing that the pope -could be received without receiving his doctrines: every true -Roman-catholic could have told him that this was impossible. At all -events De la Fosse had decided him. For the triumph of unity and truth, -this simple-hearted bashful man was resolved to brave the dangers of -France and the bitter reproaches of Germany. ‘I will go,’ he said to the -envoy of Francis I. It was the language of a Christian ready to -sacrifice himself. In history we sometimes meet with characters who -enlarge our ideas of moral greatness: Melancthon was one of them. - -But would his prince allow him to go? The prejudices of Germany against -France, besides numerous political and religious considerations, might -influence the elector. These were difficulties that might cause the -enterprise to fail. Still the noble-minded professor resolved to do all -in his power to overcome them. The university had just removed from -Wittemberg to Jena on account of the plague. Melancthon, quitting -Thuringia, directed his course hastily towards the banks of the Elbe, -and arriving at Torgau, where the court was staying, at the old castle -outside the city, was admitted on Sunday, the 15th of August, after -divine service to present his respects to the elector. - -John Frederick was attended by many of his councillors and courtiers, -and notwithstanding the esteem he felt for Melancthon, an air of -dissatisfaction and reserve was visible in his face. The elector was -offended because the King of France, instead of applying to him, had -written direct to one of his subjects; but graver motives caused him to -regard the Wittemberg doctor’s project with displeasure. - -[Sidenote: Letter To The Elector.] - -It was no slight thing for Melancthon, who was naturally timid and -bashful, to ask his sovereign for anything likely to displease him. -Without alluding to the letter he had received from Francis I., which he -thought it wiser not to mention, he said: ‘Your Electoral Grace is aware -that eighteen Christians have been burnt in Paris, and many others -thrown into prison or compelled to fly. The brother of the Bishop of -Paris has endeavored to soften the king, and has written to me that that -prince has put an end to the executions, and desires to come to an -understanding with us in regard to religious matters. Du Bellay invites -me to mount my horse and go to France.[734] If I refuse, I appear to -despise the invitation or to be afraid. For this reason I am ready in -God’s name to go to Paris, as a private individual, if your Highness -permits. It is right that we should teach great potentates and foreign -nations the importance and beauty of our evangelical cause. It is right -that they should learn what our doctrine is and not confound us with -fanatics, as our enemies endeavor to do. I do not deceive myself as to -my personal unimportance and incapacity; but I also know, that if I do -not go to Paris, I shall appear to be ashamed of our cause, and to -distrust the words of the King of France, and the good men who are -endeavoring to put an end to the persecution will be exposed to the -displeasure of the master. I know the weight of the task imposed upon me -... it overwhelms me ... but I will do my duty all the same, and with -that intent I conjure your Grace to grant me two or three months’ leave -of absence.’ - -Melancthon, according to custom, handed in a written petition.[735] John -Frederick was content to answer coldly that he would make his pleasure -known through the members of his council. - -The ice was broken. France and Germany were face to face in that castle -on the banks of the Elbe. The opposition immediately showed itself. The -audience given to Melancthon set all the court in motion. The Germanic -spirit prevailed there more than the evangelical spirit, and the -knowledge that Germans could be found who were willing to hold out their -hands to Francis I. irritated the courtiers. They met in secret -conference, looked coldly upon Melancthon, and addressed him rudely. -Gifted with the tenderest feelings, the noble-hearted man was deeply -wounded. ‘Alas!’ he wrote to Jonas, ‘the court is full of mysteries, or -rather of hatreds!... I will tell you all about it when I see you.’[736] - -He awaited with anxiety the official communication from the elector. The -next day, 16th of August, he was informed that John Frederick’s -councillors had a communication to make to him on the part of their -master. If the interview with the Elector had been cold, this was icy. -Chancellor Bruck—better known as Pontanus, according to the fashion of -latinizing names—had been intrusted with this mission. Bruck, who at the -famous diet of Augsburg had presented the Evangelical Confession to -Charles V. in the presence of all the princes of Germany, was an -excellent man, more decided than Melancthon, and in some respects more -enlightened; he saw that it was dangerous to accept the pope, if they -desired to reject his doctrines. He received the doctor with a severe -look, and said to him in a harsh tone: ‘His Highness informs you that -the business you have submitted to him is of such importance, that you -ought not to have engaged yourself in it without his consent. As your -intentions were good, he will overlook it; but as to permitting you to -make a hasty and perilous journey to France, all sorts of reasons are -against it. Not only his Highness cannot expose your safety; but as he -is on the point of discussing with the emperor several questions which -concern religion, he fears that if he sent a deputy to Paris, his -Imperial Majesty, and the other princes of Germany, would imagine that -he was charged with negotiations opposed to the declarations we have -made to them. That journey might be the cause of divisions, quarrels, -and irreparable evils.[737] You are consequently desired to excuse -yourself to the King of France in the best way you can, and the elector -promises you he will write to him on the subject.’ - -[Sidenote: Melancthon’s Sorrow.] - -Melancthon withdrew in sorrow. What a position was his! His conscience -bade him go to Paris, and his prince forbade him. Do what he would, he -must fail in one of his most important duties. If he departs in defiance -of the elector’s prohibition, he will not only offend his prince, but -set Germany against himself, and sacrifice the circle of activity which -God has given him. If he remains, all hope is lost of bringing France to -the light of the Gospel. Hesitating and heart-broken, he went first to -Wittemberg, desiring to confer with Luther, and did not conceal from his -friend the deep indignation with which he was filled.[738] He was called -to raise the standard of the Gospel in an illustrious kingdom, and the -elector opposed it on account of certain diplomatic negotiations. He -declared to Luther that he would not renounce the important mission, and -he was fortified in this opinion by the sentiments which that reformer -entertained. The two friends could speak of nothing but France, the -king, and Du Bellay. ‘As you have consulted me,’ said Luther, ‘I declare -that I should see you depart with pleasure.’[739] He also made a -communication to Melancthon which gave the latter some hope. - -Having been informed of the audience of the 15th, the reformer had just -written to the elector. The cries of his brethren in France, delivered -to the flames, moved Luther at Wittemberg, as they moved Calvin at -Basle. The French reformer addressed an admirable letter to Francis I., -and the German reformer endeavored to send Melancthon to him. The two -men were thus unsuspectingly ‘conjoint together in opinion and desires.’ -‘I entreat your Grace,’ wrote Luther to John Frederick, in the most -pressing manner, ‘to authorize Master Philip to go to France. I am moved -by the tearful prayers made to him by pious men, hardly rescued from the -stake, entreating him to go and confer with the king, and thus put an -end to the murders and burnings. If this consolation be refused them, -their enemies, thirsting for blood,[740] will begin to slay and burn -with redoubled fury.... Francis I. had written Melancthon an exceedingly -kind letter, and envoys have come to solicit him on his behalf.... For -the love of God, grant him three months’ leave. Who can tell what God -means to do? His thoughts are always higher and better than ours. I -should be greatly distressed if so many pious souls, who invite -Melancthon with cries of pain, and reckon upon him, should be -disappointed and conceive untoward prejudices against us. May God lead -your Grace by his Holy Spirit!’ - -Such was Luther’s affection for his brethren in France. He did more than -write. The reformer was not in good health just then; he complained of -losing his strength, and of being so _decrepit_ that he was compelled to -remain idle half the day.[741] Notwithstanding this, he made the journey -from Wittemberg to Torgau, where he had an interview with the -prince.[742] Perhaps this journey was anterior to Melancthon’s. - -[Sidenote: German Prejudices.] - -The simultaneous efforts of these two great reformers ought to have -produced a favorable effect upon a prince like the elector. John -Frederick, who had succeeded his father John in August, 1532, was true -and high-minded, a good husband and a good prince. A disciple of -Spalatin and the friend of Luther, he venerated the Word of God, and was -full of zeal for the cause of the Reformation. Less phlegmatic than his -father, he united judgment and prudence with an enterprising spirit. -Such qualities must have led him to favor Melancthon’s journey to -France. But he was susceptible and rather obstinate; so that if a -project, not originating with him, but with another, displeased him in -any way, the probability of its success was not great. And hence -Luther’s letter did not make a great impression upon him: it merely -increased the excitement. The prejudices of Germany rendered -Melancthon’s journey less popular every day; at the court of Torgau, in -Saxony, and in the other protestant countries, it was regarded as -madness. ‘We at Augsburg,’ wrote Sailer, the deputy of that city, ‘know -the King of France well: he cares very little, as everybody knows, about -religion, and even morality. He is playing the hypocrite with the pope, -and cajoling the Germans, thinking only how he can disappoint the -expectations he raises in them. His sole thought is to crush the -emperor.’[743] Some even of the best disposed were full of horrible -apprehensions, and fancied that they saw an immense pile constructing on -which to burn the _master of Germany_. Passions were roused; a violent -tempest stirred men’s minds; the most gloomy opinions arrived at Torgau -every day from all quarters. Others did not look upon the matter so -tragically, but employed the weapons of ridicule. German susceptibility -was wounded because Francis I. had not selected some great personage for -this mission. They looked down upon Barnabas Voré called De la Fosse: ‘A -fine ambassador!’ they said; ‘all the pawnbrokers in France would not -advance twenty crowns upon his head.’—‘Even the Jews,’ said another, -‘would not have such a Barnabas, if they could buy him for a -penny.’[744] - -Before long the people grew tired of jests and suppositions, and -circulated extraordinary stories. Many prophesied that Melancthon would -be assassinated, even before he had crossed the Rhine. It was reported -that the papists had killed the real ambassador on the road, that they -had substituted De la Fosse for him, and given him forged letters with a -view to influence Melancthon, for whom they had prepared an ambuscade. -‘If he departs, he is a dead man.’[745] Albert of Mayence, the -ecclesiastical elector, in particular gave umbrage to the protestants. -When these rumors reached Luther, he said: ‘In this I clearly recognize -that bishop and his colleagues; of all the devil’s instruments, they are -the worst; my fears for Philip increase. Alas! the world belongs to -Satan, and Satan to the world.’ Then, remembering an anecdote, he -continued: ‘The Archbishop of Mayence, after reading Melancthon’s -commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, exclaimed: “The man is -possessed!” and throwing the volume on the ground, trampled upon it.’ If -the prince, through whose states Melancthon would probably have to pass, -treated the book thus, what would he do to the author? Luther was -shaken. In 1527, George Winckler, the pious pastor of Halle, having been -summoned before this very Archbishop Albert, had been murdered by some -horsemen as he was returning by the road Melancthon must take. The great -reformer began to change his mind. - -The elector, perceiving this, put more solid arguments before him: ‘I -fear,’ he said, ‘that if Melancthon goes to France, he will concede to -the papists far more than what you, doctor, and the other theologians -would grant, and hence there would arise a disunion between you and him -that would scandalize Christians and injure the Gospel. Those who invite -him are more the disciples of Erasmus than of the Bible. Melancthon will -infallibly incur the greatest danger at Paris—danger both to body and -soul. I would rather see God take him to himself than permit him to go -to France. That is my firm resolve.’[746] - -These communications seriously affected Luther: the elector attacked him -on his weakest side. The reformer venerated Melancthon, but he knew to -what sacrifices his desire for union had more than once been on the -point of leading him. If Melancthon was the champion of unity, Luther -was the champion of truth: to guard the whole truth with a holy jealousy -was his principle. The Reformation, he thought, must triumph by fidelity -to the Word of God, and not by the negotiations of kings. Recovering -from his first impressions, he said to Melancthon: ‘I begin to suspect -these ambassadors.’[747] From that moment he never uttered a word in -favor of the journey. Still the dangers of the protestants of France -were never out of his thoughts. ‘Must we abandon our brethren?’ he asked -himself perpetually. A luminous idea occurred to him: Suppose the -evangelicals were to leave France, and come to Germany in search of -liberty.[748] He engaged to receive them well. Luther anticipated _the -Refuge_ by a century and a half. - -[Sidenote: Harsh Letter To Melancthon.] - -By degrees the elector gained ground, and the extraordinary adventure -proposed to Melancthon became more doubtful every day. From the first -the prince had had the politicians and courtiers with him; then the men -of letters and citizens, alarmed by the sinister reports, had gone over -to his side; and now Luther himself was convinced. Melancthon remained -almost alone. His sympathetic heart longed to remove the sword hanging -over the heads of the French evangelicals, and it seemed as if nothing -could stop him. John Frederick endeavored to convince him. Beyond a -doubt, the French reformation, driven at this moment by contrary winds, -must reach the haven; but the task must be left to its own crew. Every -ship must have its own pilot. John Frederick, therefore, wrote a severe -letter to Melancthon, and the tender-hearted divine had to drink the cup -to the dregs. ‘You declared that you were ready to undertake a journey -to France,’ said the elector, ‘without consulting us. You should, -however, have thought of your duty to us, whom God has established as -your superior. We were greatly displeased to see that you had gone so -far in the matter. You know the relations existing between the King of -France and the emperor, and you are not ignorant that we are obliged to -respect them. We desire that foreign nations should be brought to the -Gospel; but must we go to them to effect their conversion?[749] The -undertaking is of great extent, and the success very doubtful. The -letters we receive from France are well calculated to make us despair of -seeing the evangelical seed bear fruit there. _Do you desire to disturb -the public peace of the German nation, and while we have a right to -expect that you will second us, do you presume on the contrary to vex us -and thwart our plans?_’ - -This was too much. Melancthon stopped; the arrow, aimed by the elector, -had pierced his heart. His decision was soon made: ‘Because of these -words,’ he said ‘I will not go.’ He afterwards underlined the passage, -and wrote in the margin the words we have just quoted.[750] The elector -had been still more severe, when he dictated the despatch. ‘Go,’ were -his words, ‘go and do as you please; engage in this adventure. But we -leave all the responsibility with you. Consider it well.’ He suppressed -this paragraph at the chancellor’s desire.[751] - -Melancthon’s simple and tender heart was crushed by his sovereign’s -dissatisfaction. Surmounting his natural shyness, he had determined to -brave danger, in the hope of seeing the Reformation triumph, and now -disgrace was his only reward. The courtiers maintained that he and the -other theologians were obstinate and almost imbecile, and would do much -better to be content with their schools and leave the government of the -Church to others. Melancthon lightened his grief by sharing it with his -friends; he wrote to Camerarius, to Sturm, and even to William du -Bellay. The great hellenist, who had lived much among the ancient -republics of Greece, imagined that Europe was already overrun by the -evils under which those states had perished. ‘I have never known a more -cruel prince,’ he said to them: ‘with what harshness he treats me![752] -He not only does not permit me to depart, but he insults me besides. My -fault is in being less obstinate than others. I confess that peace is so -precious in my eyes that it ought not to be broken except for matters -really great and necessary. Oh! if the elector did but know those who -take advantage of this proposed journey to sow discord! It is not the -learned who do it, but the ignorant and the fools. They call me deserter -and runaway.... O my friend, we live under the _régime_ of the -democracy, that is to say, under the tyranny of the unlearned,[753] of -people who quarrel about old wives’ stories, and think of nothing but -gratifying their passions. How great is the hatred with which they are -inflamed against me!... They slander me and say that I am betraying my -prince.’ Theramenes was condemned to drink hemlock because he had -substituted an aristocracy or government of the worthiest for a -democracy, and governed the state with wisdom. ‘I do not deceive -myself,’ he exclaimed; ‘the fate of Theramenes awaits me.’[754] - -Melancthon was not the only sufferer; his faithful friend, Luther, did -not fail him. Although he was now opposed to the French journey, John -Frederick’s letter disturbed him seriously; it appeared to him that -great changes were necessary, and a stormy future loomed before him. ‘My -heart is sad,’ he wrote to Jonas, ‘for I know that such a severe letter -will cause Philip the keenest anguish.... All this awakens thoughts -which I would rather not have.[755] Another time I will tell you more -... at present I am overwhelmed with sorrow.’ Then, feeling uneasy about -Melancthon, he wrote to him: ‘Have you _swallowed_ our prince’s -letter?[756] I was exceedingly agitated by it from love to you. Tell me -how you are.’ ... - -What were the thoughts that occurred to Luther involuntarily? There is -some difficulty in deciding. Perhaps the reformer thought that this -business might occasion a difference between Church and State. ‘Admire -the wisdom of the court,’ he said; ‘see how it boasts of being an actor -in this adventure! As for us, we much prefer being merely spectators, -and I begin to congratulate myself that the court despises and excludes -us.[757] It all happens through the goodness of God, so that we should -not be mixed up with these disturbances, which we might perchance have -to lament hereafter very sorely. Now we are safe, for whatever is done -is done without us. What Demosthenes desired too late, we obtain -early—namely, not to be concerned in the government.[758] May God -strengthen us therein! Amen.’ Luther appeared to foresee a time when the -evangelical Church would have no other support but God, and rejoiced at -the prospect. - -[Sidenote: Melancthon’s Letter To The King.] - -As John Frederick had not yet despatched his letter to Francis I., his -councillors delicately advised him to suppress it. ‘Since the king has -not written to the elector about the proposed journey,’ said Luther, ‘it -would be better for the elector also not to write. A letter from him -would perhaps give the king an opportunity of answering, and that should -be avoided.’[759] John Frederick still hesitated, for although his -letter was written on the 18th of August, it was not despatched until -the 28th. ‘Most serene and illustrious king,’ he said, ‘we should have -been willing to do your majesty a pleasure, by permitting Melancthon to -go to France, especially as it was for an extraordinary propagation of -the Gospel, so as to make it yield the most abundant and the richest -fruit.[760] But we had to take into consideration the difficulties of -the present times.’ Then, as a final reason, the elector added: ‘Lastly, -we do not remember for certain ... that your Majesty has written to us -about Melancthon. If in any future contingency you should write to us -for him,’ continued John Frederick, ‘and should assure us that he will -be restored safe and sound, we will permit him to proceed to you. Be -assured that we shall always readily do whatever we can to propagate the -Gospel of Christ in every place, to favor the temporal and spiritual -interests of your Majesty, your kingdom, and its church, and to hasten -the deliverance of the Christian commonwealth.’ - -Melancthon, to whom the elector communicated this letter,[761] feared -that instead of quieting the King of France, it would only irritate him -still more. He could not bear the idea of answering ungratefully a -powerful monarch who had shown such kindness towards him. This thought -engrossed him from morning to night. On the very day when the Elector -Frederick’s letter was despatched, Melancthon sent off three, the first -of which was for the king. He feared, above all things, that Francis I. -would relinquish the great enterprise that was to restore unity and -truth to the Church. He therefore wrote to him, suppressing the -indignation he felt at the elector’s refusal. ‘Most Christian and most -mighty king,’ he said, ‘France infinitely excels all the kingdoms of the -world, in that it has continually been a vigilant sentinel for the -defence of the Christian religion.[762] Wherefore, I humbly congratulate -your Majesty for having undertaken to reform the doctrine of the Church, -not by violent remedies but by reasonable means;[763] and I beseech your -Majesty not to cease bestowing all your thoughts and all your care upon -this matter. Sire, do not allow yourself to be stopped by the harsh -judgments and rude writings of certain men. Do not suffer their -imprudence to nullify a project so useful to the Church. After receiving -your letter, I made every effort to hasten to your Majesty; for there is -nothing I desire more than to aid the Church according to my poverty. I -had conceived the best hopes, but great obstacles keep me back.... Voré -de la Fosse will inform you of them.’ - -If the doctor of Germany was reserved when writing to the king, he -allowed the emotions of his heart to be seen in the letters he wrote the -same day to Du Bellay and Sturm: ‘Could anything be more distressing,’ -he said to Du Bellay, ‘than to be exposed at one and the same time to -the anger of the most Christian king, the harsh treatment of the -elector, and the calumnies of the people?... But the injustice of men -shall not rob me of moderation of spirit or zeal for religion. Touching -the journey, I have promised Voré de la Fosse to go to Frankfort -shortly, whence, if it be desired, I will hasten to you.’ He had not, -therefore, entirely given up France. ‘I hope,’ he said in conclusion, -‘that the king’s mind will be so guided by your advice and by that of -your brother the cardinal, that he will henceforward employ all his -powers in setting forth the glory of Christ.’[764] - -The work of union to which Francis I. invited Melancthon, had struck -deep root in the doctor’s mind. Sadolet, Bishop of Carpentras (who was -raised to the cardinalate the year after), having published a treatise -on the matter under discussion, the reformer wrote to Sturm that Sadolet -advocated the very points he was resolved to defend, but he regretted to -see him indulge in such bitter attacks upon the protestants.[765] A -little later, when the illustrious Budæus, on whom he had counted, -praised Francis for his zeal in expiating and punishing the assaults of -the heretics,[766] Melancthon was hurt, but not disconcerted. ‘I have -read his treatise,’ he said to Sturm, ‘but what does it matter? All -these things inflame rather than cool me; they fan my desire to go to -you, to make my ideas known to all those learned men, those friends of -what is good, and to learn theirs. Let us unite all our forces to save -the Church: no injustice of man shall check my zeal.’[767] - -[Sidenote: Motives Of Francis.] - -In this respect Melancthon did not stand alone: Francis I. showed no -less energy, and was careful not to be offended at the elector’s -refusal. The alliance of the protestants became more necessary to him -every day. The prince who did so much in France for the arts, and who, -as the patron of scholars, received the title of _Father of Letters_, -desired a reform after Erasmus’s pattern. There was a very marked -distinction, which it is impossible to overlook, between Francis I. and -his son Henry II.; but the love of knowledge was not the king’s chief -motive: he entertained certain political designs which greatly increased -his eagerness for an alliance with the protestants. The Duke of Milan -was just dead, and the ambitious Francis desired to conquer the duchy -for his second son. Moreover, the evangelical party was not without -influence at court: Margaret, Queen of Navarre, Admiral Chabot, and many -noblemen favored the Gospel; and they were supported by the Du Bellays -and others of the moderate party. The men of the Romish faction rallied -round Diana of Poitiers and Catherine of Medicis. - -The king had discovered that John Frederick had felt hurt at seeing a -foreign monarch address one of his subjects on a matter touching the -cause of which the elector was regarded as the head. Francis probably -thought the prince’s susceptibility to be very natural, and therefore, -instead of breaking with him, determined to profit by the lesson he had -received. He would resume his plans, but he would write no more to -Melancthon: he would address the elector in person, or rather all the -protestant princes united, according to the usual forms; and to avoid -reminding them of his first fault, the name of Melancthon should not be -mentioned. The zeal of the learned professor and of the powerful monarch -came, we may be sure, from different sources; one proceeded from on -high, the other from below; but the same desire animated both of them. - -The Romish party were greatly agitated when they heard of the king’s -intentions, and again attempted to thwart a project they regarded as -highly pernicious. The Sorbonne represented to Francis I. that no -concession ought to be made, and proceeded to demonstrate, after an -extraordinary fashion, the articles rejected by the Lutherans. ‘They -deny the power of the saints to heal the sick,’ said the theologians; -‘but is not this miraculous power proved by the virtue the kings of -France possess of healing the _evil_ by a touch?’ Francis I. was an -extraordinary saint, and such an argument probably amused him more than -it convinced him. The Cardinal De Tournon proceeded more wisely, by -reiterating to the monarch that he could not have Milan without the help -of the pope. But even this argument did not shake Francis I.: he highly -appreciated the pope’s friendship, but he valued still more highly the -spears of the lansquenets. - -[Sidenote: Mission Of Du Bellay.] - -The protestants were about to assemble at Smalcalde; two powerful -princes, the Dukes of Wurtemberg and Pomerania, had joined the -evangelical alliance, and steps had been taken by the confederates to -have a large army constantly on foot. When he heard of this, the King of -France felt new hopes, and began a second campaign, which he planned -better than the first. Instead of employing an obscure gentleman like -Voré de la Fosse, he selected the most illustrious of his diplomatists, -and ordered William du Bellay to start for Germany. The latter was still -more zealous than his master, and fearing he should arrive too late, -wrote from Lorraine (where he happened to be staying) to the Elector of -Saxony, praying him to prolong the meeting for a few days, ‘as the King -of France had intrusted him with certain propositions touching the peace -of Christendom.’[768] The news of such a mission delighted the friends -of the Reformation, and filled the Roman party with indignation. -‘Never,’ said Sturm, ‘never before now has the cause of the Gospel been -in such a favorable position in France.’[769] The elector, Melancthon, -and Du Bellay arrived at Smalcalde in the middle of December. - -The ambassador of Francis I. immediately demanded a private audience of -the elector, and on the 16th December handed him the letters in which -the king, with many professions of zeal for the pacification of the -Christian Church, besought the elector to co-operate earnestly ‘in so -pious and holy a work.’[770] John Frederick was not convinced; he always -set religion before policy, but he knew that Francis I. adopted the -contrary order. Fearing, accordingly, that behind this _pious work_, the -king concealed war with the emperor, he immediately pointed to the -insurmountable barrier which separated them: ‘Our alliance,’ he said, -‘has been formed solely to maintain the pure Word of God, and propagate -the holy doctrine of faith.’ The diplomatist was not to be baffled: -there were two pockets in his portfolio—one containing religious, the -other political matters. Opening the former, he said: ‘We ask you to -send us doctors to deliberate on the union of the Churches.’ Germany -spoke of the _Word_ and _doctrine_: France of _union_ and of the -_Church_: this was characteristic. John Frederick replied that he would -consult his allies. The audience came to an end, and the 19th December -was appointed by the princes and deputies of the cities to receive the -ambassador of France. - -[Sidenote: Intercession.] - -To gain this assembly was the essential thing, and this the king had -felt. Accordingly, in the letter he addressed to that body, he made use -of every plea, and spoke ‘of the ancient, sacred, and unbroken -friendship which united France and Germany, and of the unalterable -affection and good-will he entertained towards the princes.’[771] -Francis I. hoped that these worthy Germans would allow themselves to be -caught by his words; but they were more clear-sighted than he imagined. -Du Bellay had observed this; he had ascertained the unfavorable -prepossessions of Germany, and when he rose to speak, he described the -pious and peaceable evangelicals put to death by Francis as seditious -persons who desired to stir up the people. ‘Most illustrious and most -excellent princes,’ he continued, ‘certain persons, moved by hatred, -pretend that the states of the empire ought to be on their guard when -foreign kings send them embassies, seeing that those monarchs speak in -one way and act in another.[772] The French have not been named, I must -confess; but they are clearly pointed at. Who has been more strictly -faithful to his friendships than the King of France? Who has been more -prompt to brave danger for the good of Germany? What nations have ever -been more united than the Germans and the French? The king is convinced -that you think very soundly on many things; but he could have desired a -little more moderation in some of them. Like yourselves, he feels that -the negligence and superstition of men have introduced many useless -ceremonies into the Church; but he does not approve of their suppression -without a public decree.[773] He fears lest a diversity of rites should -engender dissension of minds, and be the cause of civil strife -throughout Christendom. Reconciliation is the dearest of his wishes. If -you are willing to receive him into your association, you will find him -a sure friend. Diversity of opinion has separated you from him hitherto, -but similitude of doctrine will henceforward unite him.’[774] In -conclusion, Du Bellay renewed his demand for a congress of French and -German doctors, to confer on the matters in dispute. - -This clever oration did not convince the protestants; they had remained -cold, while Du Bellay was pleading his cause so warmly. The point on -which Francis I. and his ambassador wished to touch lightly was that -which the Germans had most at heart. They could not forget what they had -heard about Du Bourg and the cripple and other martyrs, prisoners, and -fugitives. They were shocked at the idea of entering into alliance with -the man who had shed the blood of their brethren. They determined to -‘open their mouths for the dumb, and to support the cause of all such as -were appointed to destruction.’ ‘We will not suffer in our states,’ they -answered, ‘any stirrers-up of sedition, and we cannot, therefore, -condemn the King of France for putting them down in his kingdom. But we -beseech him not to punish all without distinction. We ask him to spare -those who, having been convinced of the errors with which religion is -infected, have embraced the pure doctrine of the Gospel, which we -ourselves possess. Merciless men, who wish to save their interests and -their power, have cruelly defended their impious opinions, and, in order -to exasperate the king’s mind, have supposed false crimes, which they -impute to innocent and pious Christians. It is the duty of princes to -seek God’s glory, to cleanse the Church from error, and to stop -iniquitous cruelties; and we earnestly beseech the mighty King of France -to give his most serious attention to this great duty only.’[775] - -This noble answer was not encouraging. The ambassador was not -disconcerted, but, dexterously eluding the subject, merely assured the -assembly once more of his master’s firm resolution to labor at the -reformation of the Church. The great point was to know what would be the -nature of this reformation. Why assemble a congress of learned men to -discuss it, if it was certain beforehand that they could not come to an -understanding? The protestants present did not all think alike. The -religious men, who were very incredulous on the subject of the king’s -evangelical piety, thought that nothing ought to be done; on the other -hand, the men of expediency said it was worth looking into; and, the -proposition having been made to hold a preliminary consultation (at -Smalcalde), it was resolved that next day (20th of December) there -should be a meeting between Du Bellay, Bruck the electoral chancellor, -Melancthon, John Sturm, deputy from Strasburg,[776] the delegates of the -Landgrave of Hesse,—in whose states the conference was held,—and -Spalatin, the elector’s chaplain, who was appointed secretary. The -opposing parties were now to try if they could come to some arrangement. -It was no slight task assumed by the minister of Francis I., who came -forward, according to his master’s instructions, as the representative -of the catholic party; but no one knew better than Du Bellay how far, in -the king’s opinion, France could then be reformed, if the protestants -consented to enter into alliance with her. This explanation is -important: it is worth our while to learn the plan conceived by the -French government. - -[Sidenote: Du Bellay’s Propositions.] - -At daybreak[777] on the 20th of December the members of the conference -assembled. They had chosen that early hour, probably, because important -business still demanded their attention. An ambassador from the pope, -the famous legate Vergerio, who afterwards came over to the side of the -reformers, was then in the town. He had been sent to propose a council, -and was to receive the answer of the protestants on the following -morning. The delegates having taken their seats, the French ambassador -explained what was the nature of the reform to which the kingdom of -France would lend a helping hand. ‘Firstly,’ he said, ‘with regard to -the primacy of the Roman pontiff, the King of France thinks, as you do, -that he possesses it by human, and not by divine, right. We are not -inclined to loose the rein too much in this respect. Hitherto the popes -have employed the power they claim in making and unmaking kings, which -is certainly going too far. True, some of our theologians maintain that -the papacy is of divine right; but, when the king asked for proofs, they -could not give him any.’ Melancthon was satisfied; the chancellor less -so; Bruck shared the opinion of the King of England, who, says Du -Bellay, ‘would not concede any authority to the pope, whether coming -from God or from man.’ - -‘As for the sacrament of the Eucharist,’ continued the ambassador, ‘your -opinions on the matter please the king, but not his theologians, who -support transubstantiation with all their might. His Majesty seeks for -arguments to justify your way of thinking, and is ready to profess it, -if you will give him sound ones. Now you know that the king is the only -person who commands in his realm.’[778] - -‘As for the mass,’ continued Du Bellay, a little uneasy, like a man -walking over a quicksand, ‘there are great disputes about it. The king -is of opinion that many prayers and silly, impious legends have been -foisted into that portion of divine worship, and that those absurd and -ridiculous passages must be expurgated, and the primitive order -restored.’[779] As Francis I. was particularly averse to masses -celebrated in honor of the saints to obtain their intercession with God, -Du Bellay repeated one or two of the king’s expressions on that point. -‘One day the king said: “I have a prayer-book, written many years ago, -in which there is no mention of the intercession of saints. I am assured -that Bessarion[780] himself said: ‘As for me, I am more concerned about -live saints than dead ones.’”’ - -‘The king thinks, however,’ added Du Bellay, ‘that we preserve the -celebration of mass; only there must not be more than three a day in -every parish church; one before daybreak, for working men and servants; -the second and third for the other worshippers,’ If transubstantiation -and the _silly legends_ were rejected, the moderate protestants were -ready to concede the daily celebration of the Eucharist. Du Bellay -continued:— - -‘As for the images of the saints, the king thinks, with you, that they -are not set up to be worshipped, but to remind us of the faith and works -of those whom they represent; and that is what the people ought to be -taught. - -‘His Majesty is also pleased with your opinions on free-will.’ - -The discussion—the great struggle in France—turned on purgatory; the -ambassador slyly pointed out the reason: ‘Our divines obstinately defend -it,’ he said, ‘for upon that doctrine depends the payment of masses, -indulgences, and pious gifts. Put down purgatory, and you take away from -them all opportunity of acquiring wealth and honor;[781] you cut off the -limbs that supply their very life-blood! The king gave them some months -to prove their doctrine by Scripture; they accepted the terms, but made -no answer, and when the king pressed them, they exclaimed: “Ah, Sire, do -not furnish our adversaries with weapons that they will afterwards turn -against us.” It therefore appears to me that it would be proper for one -of your doctors to write a treatise on the subject and present it to his -Majesty. - -‘As for good works, our theologians stoutly maintain their opinion; -namely, that they are necessary. I told them that you thought the same, -and that all you assert is, that the necessity of works cannot be -affirmed so as to mean that we are justified and saved by them. An -inquisitor of the faith has declared his agreement with Melancthon on -this point.[782] I think, therefore, that we may come to an -understanding on that matter. - -[Sidenote: Monasteries And Celibacy.] - -‘You do not like monasteries: well! The king hopes to obtain from the -Roman party that no one shall be at liberty to take monastic vows before -the age of thirty or forty; and that the monks shall be free henceforth -to leave their convents and marry, if opportunity offers. The king -thinks that not only the good of the Church requires it, but also the -good of the State, for there are many capable men in the cloisters who -might be usefully employed in divers functions and duties. His Majesty -is therefore of opinion, not that monasteries should be destroyed, but -that vows should be no longer obligatory. It is by taking one step after -another that we shall come to an understanding.... It is not convenient -to pluck off a horse’s tail at one pull.[783] Monasteries ought to be -places of study, set apart for the instruction of those who are to teach -the young. It is useful and even necessary to proceed with -moderation.... His Majesty hopes to bring the Roman pontiff himself -gradually to this idea. - -‘As for the marriage of priests, the French theologians do not approve -of it; but here the king holds a certain medium. He desires the -toleration of those of your ecclesiastics who have wives; as for the -others, he wishes they should remain in celibacy. If, however, there are -any priests who desire to be married, let them marry; only they must at -the same time quit holy orders. - -‘As for the communion, the king hopes to obtain from the pope permission -for every man to take the sacrament under one or both kinds, as his -conscience may dictate. He declares that he has heard old men say that -both kinds used to be given to the laity in France a hundred and twenty -years ago; not indeed in the churches but in private chapels. And even -to this day, the kings of France communicate under both kinds.’ - -This explanation of the reform projected for France, and the exchange of -ideas which it had occasioned, occupied some time. The day was already -advanced, and the protestant delegates were making ready to depart.[784] -The ambassador hastened to add a few words to prove the sincerity of his -proposals. ‘Cardinal Santa Croce,’ he said, ‘has already substituted -psalms for the silly and ungodly hymns in the liturgy. True, the -theologians of Paris have condemned the change. You see the Sorbonne -claims such authority that it not only calls you heretics, but does not -fear to condemn the cardinals and the pope himself.’[785] Thus, -according to Du Bellay, protestants, king, cardinals, and pope were on -one side, and the Sorbonne on the other. The Lutherans, being in such -good company, had nothing to fear. To encourage them still more, he -informed them that Francis I. admitted the point which they put forward -as the very life-spring of their doctrine. ‘The king,’ he continued, -‘thinks highly of the doctrine of justification, as you explain it. It -would please him much, if two or three of your learned men were sent to -France to discuss these several points in his presence. We must take -precautions that the best and soundest part of the Church be not -conquered and crushed by numbers.[786] Lastly, it would be very -beneficial,’ Du Bellay adroitly added, as he finished his speech, ‘if -the princes and deputies of the cities here assembled were to intercede -in behalf of those who are exiled on account of religion, and to ask -that no one should hereafter suffer any injury for what he thinks, says, -or does with respect to his faith.’[787] How could the protestants, -after such a compassionate solicitation, speak any more of the scaffolds -of the 21st of January? - -[Sidenote: Reformation Of Francis I.] - -Such was the Reformation which Francis I. declared him-self willing to -give France. As concerns doctrine, it was much more complete than the -hybrid system which Henry VIII. was at that time endeavoring to set up -in England. The protestants found these propositions acceptable enough -in general, with some modifications, doubtless, which could not fail to -be introduced: the imperfect reform of the French king would be -completed by degrees. Had not his ambassador just said that it was -dangerous to pull out a horse’s tail at once, giving them to understand -that it would be pulled out hair by hair? The Reformation proclaimed, -the evangelical doctrine professed, the frivolities of public worship -put away, the Sorbonne placed under ban, the sounder part of Christendom -preponderating over the more numerous part,—the cardinals and the pope -himself (as Du Bellay hinted) aiding in this transformation,—what -important advantages! One thing, however, was still wanting: many asked -not only whether the catholics would carry out the Reformation to an -end, as they hinted, but even whether they would maintain the -concessions they had made. - -This thought engrossed the attention of the protestant delegates. They -made their report, however, to their principals, and amid the doubts by -which they were agitated one thing only appeared urgent to the men of -the Augsburg Confession—the duty of interceding in favor of their -brethren in France. They commissioned Melancthon to draw up the answer -to Du Bellay, and on the 22d of December, the French envoy having been -once more admitted into the assembly of the princes and deputies, the -vice-chancellor said to him: ‘That the most puissant king of France by -sending them an ambassador as illustrious by his virtues as eminent by -his rank, and the duty imposed on him to treat concerning matters of -faith, the importance of which was paramount in their eyes, manifestly -showed them the Christian zeal with which the king was animated—a zeal -most worthy of so good a prince: that the reports circulated with -respect to certain punishments that had taken place in France could not -in truth authorize the States of Germany to form a judgment on the -puissant monarch of that kingdom; however, they besought him not to -allow himself to be carried away by the cruelty of men who, ignorant of -the truth, desire to act severely against good and bad without -distinction; that idle opinions having crept into the Church, it was -necessary to apply a remedy, but those who endeavored to do so became -objects of the bitterest hatred—the papists, who clung to their abuses, -striving by a thousand artifices to inflame the hearts of kings and to -arm them against the innocent.[788] For this reason the States assembled -at Smalcalde conjured his Majesty to prohibit such iniquitous cruelty, -and to advance the good of the Church and the glory of God.’ - -The evangelicals having discharged this duty passed rapidly over the -rest. They represented to the ambassador that the proposal to send -learned men into France was of such importance, that it was impossible -to give him an immediate answer, but that the deputies would report -thereon to the chiefs as soon as they returned home. ‘We assure you, -however,’ they said in conclusion, ‘that nothing would please us more -than to see the doctrine of piety and the concord of nations propagated -more and more by means in conformity with the Word of God.’[789] - -After a postponement, which seemed almost a refusal, Du Bellay felt -embarrassed, for he had still to discharge the principal mission that -his master had entrusted to him. He could not, however, leave Smalcalde -without fulfilling it. He did not make it known distinctly in his public -speeches, but solicited the protestants in private conversations to make -an alliance with the king his master. The latter answered that the first -condition of such a union would be that the allies should undertake -nothing against the emperor, the head of the Germanic Confederation. Now -it was precisely for the purpose of acting against Charles V. that -Francis I. sought the friendship of evangelical Germany. Du Bellay left -Smalcalde dissatisfied. - -[Sidenote: Francis Plays Two Parts.] - -The distrust of the Lutheran princes was not unreasonable. While the -king was acting the protestant beyond the Rhine, he was acting the -papist beyond the Alps; if the emperor would consent to yield Milan to -him, Francis I. would bind himself to reduce Germany under the yoke of -the house of Austria. ‘I will spare nothing,’ he said, ‘for the -greatness of the said emperor and his brother the king of the -Romans.’[790] He went further than this: ‘Let the pope say the word, and -I will constrain England by force of arms to submit to the Church.’ The -cruel paw peeped out from beneath the skin of the lamb, and the lion -suddenly appeared, ready to attack, seize, and devour, as a delicate -morsel, those whom he treated as friends and companions. - -The cause of truth and unity was not to triumph by means of a congress -at Smalcalde, by diplomatic negotiations, or by the instrumentality of -Francis I. He who said, _My kingdom is not of this world_, did not -choose men of the world to establish his kingdom, and will not permit a -monotonous uniformity to take the place of unity in his empire. -Treaties, constitutions, and forms prescribed by monarchs are human -elements which the kingdom of heaven repudiates. True unity does not -proceed from an identical administration, a clerical organization, or a -pompous hierarchy: it is essentially moral and spiritual, and consists -in community of thoughts, faith, affections, works, and hopes. Diversity -of forms, far from injuring it, gives it more intensity. In the -sixteenth century the world was far, and is still far, from seeing the -realization of this divine unity. Some steps, however, have been taken, -and the time no doubt will come when, according to the scriptural -prophecy, all the families of the earth will be blessed in Christ -Jesus.[791] But there will be no real, free, evangelical catholicity -until Christians understand and realize those elementary words of the -primitive Church: _I believe in the communion of saints_. - -Footnote 715: - - _Supra_, vol. ii. ch. xxi. bk. 2. - -Footnote 716: - - _Historia belli Anabaptistarum monasteriensis_, by H. von - Kerssenbroeck. - -Footnote 717: - - ‘Viri optimi et fidelissimi Voræi testimonium.’—Melancthon G. Bellaio, - _Corp. Ref._ ii. 315. - -Footnote 718: - - ‘Cum eo locutus de profectione ad Regem.’,—Camerarius, _Vita - Melancthonis_, p. 148. Camerarius was an intimate friend of - Melancthon’s. - -Footnote 719: - - ‘Obsides qui darentur dum abesset..... Præsidia quibus - deduceretur.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 720: - - ‘Pæne orbis terrarum fortunam esse positam.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 721: - - ‘In illis fluctibus et sævissimis tempestatibus, jam portum et - tutissimam stationem.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 722: - - ‘Sopiti ignes rursum suscitarentur, et suppliciorum immanitas - recrudesceret.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 723: - - ‘Advocari ipsum Dei Christique Jesu voce.’—Camerarius, _Vita - Melancthonis_, p. 148. - -Footnote 724: - - ‘Afficiebatur atque perturbabatur.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 725: - - ‘Non respectus ad se aut suos, non longiquitas loci, non periculorum - metus.’—_Ibid._ p. 149. - -Footnote 726: - - ‘In quibus potissimum falsitas impietatis resideret.’—Camerarius, - _Vita Melancthonis_, p. 150. - -Footnote 727: - - ‘Quid ipse tamen rex posset efficere—non sine causa - dubitabat.’—_Ibid._ p. 150. - -Footnote 728: - - ‘Nullam enim rem unquam majore Regem cura, studio, sollicitudine animi - complectendam duxisse.’—Camerarius, _Vita Melancthonis_, p. 151. - -Footnote 729: - - ‘Neque se abduci ullius persuasione sineret ex tam pio sanctoque - instituto.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 730: - - ‘Er wollte nicht in Frankreich wiederkommen, so ich nicht mit - zöge.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 905. - -Footnote 731: - - Bossuet, _Hist. des Variations_, t. i. liv. v. ch. ii. et xix. - -Footnote 732: - - _Loci communes theologici._ They went through sixty-seven editions, - and were translated into several languages. - -Footnote 733: - - ‘Non puto contendendum esse, nisi de magnis et necessariis - rebus.’—Melancthon Sturmio, _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 917. - -Footnote 734: - - ‘Ich wollte einen Ritt in Frankreich thun.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 904. - -Footnote 735: - - _Ibid._ ii. pp. 903-905. - -Footnote 736: - - ‘Aulica quædam μυοτήρια vel potius odia sunt.’—_Corp. Reform._ ii. p. - 903. - -Footnote 737: - - ‘Zerrüttung, unwiederbringlicher Nachtheil, Beschwerung und Schade zu - erfolgen.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 908. - -Footnote 738: - - ‘Subindignabundus hinc discessit,’ said Luther. _Ep._ iv. p. 621. - -Footnote 739: - - ‘Philippus . . . . me consule libens proficisceretur.’—Lutheri _Ep._ - iv. p. 621. - -Footnote 740: - - ‘Bluthünde,’ bloodhounds. _Ibid._ p. 620. - -Footnote 741: - - ‘Ego non annis, sed viribus, decrepitus fio, ad labores antemeridianos - pene totus inutilis factus.’—Lutheri _Ep._ iv. p. 623 (23d August, - 1535). - -Footnote 742: - - ‘Nachdem aber Dr. Martinus bey uns zu Torgau auch gewest, so haben wir - Ihm solches ungefährlich vermeldet.’ This declaration of the elector - incontestably proves the fact of Luther’s journey to Torgau with this - object. The time cannot be fixed, but the elector speaks of it in a - paper addressed to Bruck on the 19th of August. _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. - 908. - -Footnote 743: - - Seckendorf, _Historie des Lutherthums_, p. 1497. - -Footnote 744: - - _Ibid._ p. 1498. - -Footnote 745: - - Luther to Jonas, 1 Sept. 1535. _Ep._ iv. p. 628. - -Footnote 746: - - _Corpus Reformat._ ii. p. 909. Seckendorf, _Historie des Lutherthums_, - p. 1458. - -Footnote 747: - - ‘Ego suspectos cœpi habere istos legatos tuos.’—Lutheri _Ep._ iv. p. - 627. - -Footnote 748: - - ‘Invenirent loca in quibus viverent.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 749: - - ‘Wir viel mehr fördern wollten dasz fremde _nationes zu_ dem Evangelio - gebracht wurden.’—_Corpus Reform._ ii. p. 911. - -Footnote 750: - - ‘Propter hæc verba nolui proficisci.’—_Corpus Ref._ ii. p. 911, in - note. The italics in the text indicate the lines underscored by - Melancthon. - -Footnote 751: - - The passage is found in Bruck’s copy (Weimar Archives), but not in - Melancthon’s. - -Footnote 752: - - ‘Nunquam sensi asperiorem principem.’—_Corpus Reform._ ii. p. 915. - -Footnote 753: - - ‘Nunc autem est democratia aut tyrannis indoctorum.’—_Ibid._ p. 917. - -Footnote 754: - - ‘Plane fatum mihi Theramenis impendere videtur.’—_Ibid._ p. 918. - -Footnote 755: - - ‘Cogito varia, quæ utinam non cogitarem.’—Lutheri _Ep._ iv. p. 626. - -Footnote 756: - - ‘An devoraveris litteras istas principis.’—_Ibid._ p. 627. - -Footnote 757: - - ‘Incipio enim unice gaudere, nos ab aula contemni et excludi.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 758: - - ‘Scilicet ne ad rempublicam adhibeamur.’—_Ibid._ p. 628. - -Footnote 759: - - Lutheri _Ep._ iv. p. 627. - -Footnote 760: - - ‘Ad insignem propagationem, uberrimum et amplissimum fructum - Evangelii.’—Johannes Fredericus ad Franciscum regem Galliæ. _Corpus - Reform._ ii. p. 906. - -Footnote 761: - - _Corpus Reform._ ii. p. 903. - -Footnote 762: - - ‘Pro religionis christianæ defensione præcipue velut in statione - perpetuo fuit.’—_Ibid._ p. 913. - -Footnote 763: - - ‘Suscipit curam sanandæ doctrinæ christianæ; non tamen violentis - remediis, sed vera ratione.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 764: - - ‘Ut potius (rex) det operam, ut illustretur gloria Christi.’—_Corpus - Reform._ ii. p. 916. - -Footnote 765: - - ‘Sadoleti scriptum . . . . . eadem dicit quæ nos defendimus.’—_Ibid._ - p. 917. - -Footnote 766: - - See his treatise: _De transitu Hellenismi ad Christianismum_, - dedicated to the king in 1535. - -Footnote 767: - - ‘Hoc studium nulla mihi eripiet hominum iniquitas.’—_Corp. Ref._ - -Footnote 768: - - ‘Ad publicam christianæ, reipublicæ pacem spectantibus.’ 2d Dec., - 1535. _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 1015. - -Footnote 769: - - ‘Nunquam in meliori loco fuit res Evangelii, quam sit hoc tempore in - Gallia.’ Sturm to Bucer. - -Footnote 770: - - ‘Maximopere obtestantes ut pro virili nobiscum incumbatis in tam pium - sanctumque opus.’ _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 1010. Seckendorf says (_Hist. - Luth._ p. 1146) that this letter had been sent to the Elector - beforehand; but in the documents of the State Paper Office at Weimar - we read: ‘Hæc locutus reddidit principi litteras quas vocant - credentiales.’ And the _Corpus_ gives in a note the letter we have - just quoted. - -Footnote 771: - - ‘Quæ voluntas, quam amica, quam benevola, quam constans.’—_Corp. Ref._ - ii. p. 1010. - -Footnote 772: - - ‘Ut aliud agentibus et aliud significantibus.’ Bellaii ad principes - Oratio.—_Ibid._ p. 1012. - -Footnote 773: - - Sleidan, _Mémoires sur l’État de la Religion et de la République_, i. - p. 389. - -Footnote 774: - - ‘Ut quos diversitas opinionum sejunxerit, similitudo doctrinæ - conjungat.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 1013. - -Footnote 775: - - Sleidan, i. p. 392. - -Footnote 776: - - He must not be confounded with Professor Sturm, who was then in Paris. - -Footnote 777: - - ‘Sub diluculum.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 1014. - -Footnote 778: - - ‘Esse enim solum qui in suo regno imperet.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 1015. - -Footnote 779: - - ‘Orationes et legendas multas ut ineptas et impias abrogandas, aut - saltem emendandas; multa enim in his absurda, multa ridicula.’—_Ibid._ - p. 1015. - -Footnote 780: - - Bessarion, born at Trebizond in 1395, Greek bishop of Nicæa, and - afterwards Cardinal of the Roman Church, endeavored to unite the two - Churches, and was on the point of being elected pope. - -Footnote 781: - - ‘Videre enim eos, alioqui sibi tolli omnes occasiones acquirendi opes, - honores, et omnia.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 1015. - -Footnote 782: - - ‘De fide quoque inquisitorem fidei recte sentire.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. - 1016. - -Footnote 783: - - ‘Sicut etiam cauda equina non statim et commode tota evelli - possit.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 1016. - -Footnote 784: - - ‘Nobis jam abituris.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 1017. - -Footnote 785: - - ‘Sed etiam cardinales, papam quoque ipsum, condemnare non - dubitant.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 1017. - -Footnote 786: - - ‘Melior et sanior pars a majore vincatur et opprimatur.’—_Corp. Ref._ - ii. p. 1018. - -Footnote 787: - - ‘Nequid fraudi sit, quod quisque senserit, dixerit, egerit.’—_Corp. - Ref._ ii. p. 1018. - -Footnote 788: - - ‘Variis artificiis regum animos incendunt atque armant adversus eos.’ - _Corp. Ref_. ii. p. 1024. - -Footnote 789: - - ‘Nihil enim optatius quam ut latissime propagetur pia doctrina et - multarum gentium concordia.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 1026. - -Footnote 790: - - Mémoires de Du Bellay, p. 243. - -Footnote 791: - - Genesis xii. 3. - - - - - CHAPTER XVIII. - THE GOSPEL IN THE NORTH OF ITALY. - (1519 TO 1536.) - - -[Sidenote: Condition Of Italy.] - -The Reformation had also commenced in Italy. - -As the knowledge of the ancient languages, literary pursuits, and -cultivation of the intellect flourished more in that country than -elsewhere, it seemed natural that it should be among the first to open -itself to the light of the Gospel. In the midst of superstition, many -elevated minds were to be found whom the formalism of the Roman Church -could not satisfy. The corruption of the clergy and of religion had sunk -deeper in Italy than in the rest of Christendom, so that the magnitude -of the evil made the necessity of a remedy more keenly felt. -Accordingly, although many obstacles appeared to close the peninsula -against the entrance of evangelical doctrine; although national pride, -the interest which the Italians of every class seemed to have in the -continuance of the papacy, the hostility of the governments, and above -all the overwhelming power of the pontifical hierarchy, erected barriers -everywhere, which seemed more insurmountable than the Alps, there was at -that time an electric current between Italy and the reformed countries -that nothing could stop. The Reformation had hardly sent forth its first -beams of light, the flame had hardly risen over Germany and Switzerland, -when, in the regions beyond the mountains, from Venice and Turin to -Naples, isolated spots of light gleamed out amidst the darkness. The -evangelical doctrine, in general not much appreciated by the people, -found an easy access to the hearts of many cultivated men. Italy was a -vast plain, in which were numerous uncultivated fields and barren -heaths: but a liberal hand having been opened over it, the seeds of life -which fell from it found here and there good soil, and, at the breath of -spring, the blade and the ear sprang forth. A fierce storm, mingled with -thunder and lightning, afterwards burst upon those fields; the light of -day was hidden, and the obscurity of darkness once more covered the -country. But the light had been beautiful, and its appearance, although -fugitive, deserves to be remembered, if only as a pledge to make us hope -for better days. The positive results of the Italian Reformation seem to -escape us entirely; and yet it possesses quite as many of those -characteristics which charm the mind, captivate the imagination, and -touch the heart, as other Reformations do. The new and varied plants -which that ancient land began to produce, the brilliant flames which for -a moment shed such beautiful light, the men of God at that time -scattered all over Italy, deserve to be known, and we must now turn to -them. - -At Pavia, on the Ticino, there lived a bookseller named Calvi, ‘who -cultivated the muses.’ Frobenius, the celebrated printer of Basle, -having as early as 1519 sent him Erasmus’s Testament and the early -writings of Luther, he began to study the Gospel more than the poets. -Wishing to help, in proportion to his ability, in ‘the revival of -piety,’[792] he undertook to circulate the writings of the reformers not -only in his immediate neighborhood, but through all the cities of -Italy.[793] Pavia possessed a celebrated university, and the precious -volumes were first distributed among its professors and their pupils. -The students might often be seen reading these absorbing pages under the -porticos of the university and beneath the walls of the cathedral or of -the old castle. Other printers and booksellers joined with Calvi in the -work of dissemination, and before long a book entitled _Il principii -della Theologia di Ippolito di Terranigra_ was read all over Italy, even -in Rome. _Terranigra_ was Melancthon, and these _Principles of Divinity_ -were his _Theological Commonplaces_. This admirable book was to be found -even in the Vatican, along with the works of _Coricius Cogelius_ -(Zwingle) and _Aretius Felinus_ (Bucer). Bishops and cardinals pompously -extolled them; none of them suspecting that the breath of evangelical -piety which animated those writings must necessarily dissipate the false -piety of the confessional. _Terranigra’s_ book was read with such -eagerness at Rome, that it soon became necessary to ask for a fresh -supply. A learned Franciscan of the metropolis, who possessed the Latin -edition, struck with the unknown name _Terranigra_,[794] desired to -procure the Italian work so much talked of. It soon began to call up -certain recollections: he fancied he had seen the work before. He rose -from his seat, took down his Latin _Melancthon_, compared it with the -Italian, and to his great horror found the two works were the same. -Without delay he made known the stratagem of the booksellers, and the -volume, which the cardinals had extolled to the skies one day, was -condemned to the flames on the next. - -[Sidenote: Enthusiasm For Luther.] - -But the propaganda did not cease. The young Germans who came to study -law and medicine at Bologna, Padua, and other universities of the -peninsula, the young Italians who began to frequent the schools of -Germany and Switzerland, helped alike to diffuse evangelical faith -beyond the Alps. Many of the Lutheran lansquenets whom Charles V. -marched into Italy, and of the Swiss soldiers whom Francis I. drew -thither, professed in the houses where they lodged the doctrines of the -Reformation, and did so with thorough military frankness. Some praised -Luther, others Zwingle, and all contrasted the purity of the reformers’ -lives and the simplicity of their manners with the irregularities, -luxury, and pride of the Roman prelates. - -The Italians have an open and quick understanding, precision in their -ideas, clearness of expression, an instinct of the beautiful, and great -independence of character; and hence they were tired of living in -ignoble subjection to ignorant, lazy, and dissolute priests. -Conscientious men of eminent mind joyfully welcomed a doctrine which put -God’s Word in the place of papal bulls, briefs, and decretals, and -substituted the spirit and the life for the ecclesiastical mechanism of -the Latin ritual. Italy was charmed with Luther’s character and work. In -1521 a voice from Milan exclaimed: ‘O mighty Luther! who can paint thy -features so full of animation, the godlike qualities of thy mind, thy -soul inspired with a will so pure? Thy voice, which rings through the -universe and utters unaccustomed sounds, terrifies the vile hearts of -the wicked,[795] and bears an unexpected balm to diseases which appeared -beyond remedy. Take courage, then, venerable father, whose mouth makes -salvation known to all, and whose word destroys more monsters than ever -Hercules rent in pieces.’ - -The dignitaries of Rome were alarmed at this enthusiasm. At the diet of -Nuremberg in 1524, Cardinal Campeggi exclaimed: ‘The Germans take up a -new opinion quickly, but they soon abandon it; while the Italians -obstinately persist in what they have once adopted.’[796] It was rather -the contrary that was to take place. The Italians showed themselves -still more prompt than the Germans: the number of Lutherans increased -every day.[797] The converted catholics began by degrees to explain the -Gospel and to refute the errors of the Roman Church in private houses: -this was done even in the Papal States. Before long, several priests and -monks were enlightened, and the Reformation took a new step: its -principles were taught in the churches. Clement VII. felt great alarm, -when all of a sudden the doctrine, attacked by him and his legates in -distant countries, broke out all over his dear Italy and threatened the -walls of the papacy. He uttered a cry of terror: ‘To our exceeding -sorrow,’ he said, ‘Luther’s pestilential heresy has been spread among -us, not only among the laity, but also among the priests and monks.[798] -Heresy is increasing, and in every place the catholic faith has to -suffer the cruellest assaults.’ The cry was useless. In that very year -(1530) the New Testament was translated by Bruccioli, printed at Venice, -and the much dreaded contagion thenceforward made still more rapid -progress. - -[Sidenote: Rosselli To Melancthon.] - -It was in this latter city, on the hundred islets and amid the lagunes -of the queen of the Adriatic, that the doctrine of the Gospel first -raised its standard. There was no power in Europe more jealous of its -independence and authority than Venice; the winged lion of St. Mark -braved the priest of Rome; the senate rejected the Inquisition, -practised freedom of inquiry, and did not license the pope’s edicts -until after serious study and strict examination. Protestants were soon -to be found at Venice who, strange to say, were more protestant than -those of Augsburg. ‘I am delighted,’ said Luther, on the 7th of March, -1528, ‘to hear that they have received the Word of God at Venice.’[799] -A report having got abroad that Melancthon appeared inclined, at the -diet of 1530, to recognize the primacy of the Bishop of Rome, the new -evangelicals of Venice were troubled and alarmed: one of them, Lucio -Paolo Rosselli, although only a beginner in the Christian doctrine, -determined to write, respectfully but frankly, to the illustrious doctor -of Germany: ‘There are no books by any author,’ he said to Melancthon, -‘which please me more than those you have published. But if the reports -which the papists circulate about you are true, the cause of the Gospel -and those who, taught by the writings of yourself and Luther, have -embraced it, are in great danger. All Italy awaits the result of your -meeting at Augsburg.[800] O Melancthon! let neither threats, nor fears, -nor prayers, nor promises make you desert the standard of Jesus Christ! -Even if you must suffer death to maintain his glory, do not hesitate. It -is better to die with honor than to live with ignominy.’ - -It was much worse when the Venetian ambassador at the court of Charles -V. forwarded to the senate the letter which Melancthon had written on -the 6th of July to Cardinal Campeggi, and in which he went so far as to -say that the protestants did not differ from the Roman Church in any -important dogma, and were disposed to acknowledge the papal -jurisdiction.[801] The evangelical Christians of Venice, who wanted a -decided position, were dismayed. Most of them denied that the letter was -Melancthon’s; Rosselli, in particular, with generous enthusiasm, took up -the doctor’s defence, and on the 1st of August sent him a copy of the -letter, ‘to the end that he might carefully scrutinize the wickedness of -those who ascribed to him words calculated to disgrace the true -defenders of the cause of Christ and Christ himself.[802] Now that we -have discovered their malice,’ added the Venetian, ‘resist their -iniquity with greater zeal, and let the emperor and all Christian -princes know the shameless practices of the enemy.’ - -What seemed impossible to the Italians was but too true: Melancthon had -carried his concessions too far. When he declared, however, that he -would not recognize the Bishop of Rome until he became evangelical, he -had put a stipulation to his compact which rendered it impossible. - -From Venice we pass to Turin. The Italian revival did not present that -simple historical and continuous advance which we meet with in other -European countries. It was not like a single river whose deep and mighty -waters, as they flowed along, ran calmly in the same channel; but like -little streams, issuing from the earth in various places, whose bright -and limpid waters glittered in the sunbeam and fertilized the soil -around them. They disappeared; they were lost in the ground, oftentimes, -alas! imparting to it a sanguine hue, and the earth returned to its -former barrenness. Yet many a plant had been revived by them, and their -sweet remembrance may still cause joy to others. - -[Sidenote: Celio Curione.] - -The works of the reformers had reached Turin. Piedmont, from its -vicinity to Switzerland, France, and Germany, was among the first to -receive a glimpse of the sun which had just risen beyond the Alps. The -Reformation had already appeared in one of its cities,—at Aosta,—and -most of its doctrines had for ages been current among the Waldensian -valleys. Monks of the Augustine convent at Turin, Hieronimo Nigro -Foscianeo in particular, were among the number of those who first became -familiar with the evangelical writings. Celio Secundo Curione, a young -man still at college, received them from their hands in 1520. - -About three leagues and a half from Turin, and at the foot of the Alps, -was situated the town of Cirié, with its two parochial churches and an -Augustine monastery. Higher up there stood an old castle named Cuori, -and the family to which it belonged was called from it Curione or -Curioni.[803] One of its members, Giacomino Curione, who lived at Cirié, -had married Charlotte de Montrotier, lady of honor to Blanche, Duchess -of Savoy, and sister to the chief equerry of the reigning duke. On the -1st of May, 1503, a son was born to them at Cirié; he was named Celio -Secundo,[804] and was their twenty-third child.[805] He lost his mother -as he came into the world, and his father, who had removed to Turin, and -afterwards to Moncaglieri, where he had property, died when Celio was -only nine years old. - -The elder Curione possessed a Bible, which in the hour of death he put -into his son’s hands. That act was perhaps the cause of the love for -Scripture by which the heir of the Curiones was afterwards -distinguished: the depth of his filial piety made him look upon the book -as a treasure before he knew the value of its contents. Celio having -begun his education at Moncaglieri, went to Turin, where his maternal -grandmother, Maddalena, lived. She received him into her house, where -the anxious love of the venerable lady surrounded him with the tenderest -care.[806] He is said to have dwelt on that pleasant hill which -overlooks Turin, whence the summits of the Alps are visible, and whose -base is washed by the slow and majestic waters of the Po.[807] Celio had -applied with his whole heart to the study of the classical orators, -poets, historians, and philosophers; when he reached his twentieth year -he felt deeper longings, which literature was incapable of satisfying. -The old Bible of his father could do this: a new world, superior to that -of letters and philosophy,—the world of the spirit,—opened before his -soul. - -There was much talk just then, both in university and city, of the -Reformation and the reformers. Curione had often heard certain priests -and their partisans bitterly complaining of the ‘false doctrines’ of -those _heretics_, and making use of the harshest language against Luther -and Zwingle. He listened to their abuse, but was not convinced. He -possessed a nobler soul than the majority of the people around him, and -his generous independent spirit was more disposed in favor of the -accused than of the accusers. Instead of joining in this almost -unanimous censure, Celio said to himself: ‘I will not condemn those -doctors before I have read their works.’[808] It would appear that he -was already known in the Augustine convent, in which, as in that of -Wittemberg, some truly pious men were to be found. The grace of his -person, the quickness of his intellect, and his ardent thirst for -religious knowledge, interested the monks. Knowing that they possessed -some of the writings of the reformers, Curione asked for them, and -Father Hieronimo lent him Luther’s _Babylonian Captivity_, translated -into Italian under a different title. The young man carried it away -eagerly to his study. He read those vigorous pages in which the Saxon -doctor speaks of the lively faith with which the Christian ought to -cling to the promises of God’s Word; and those in which he asserts that -neither bishop nor pope has any right to command despotically the -believer who has received Christian liberty from God. But Celio had not -yet obtained light enough; he carried the book back to the convent, and -asked for another. Melancthon’s _Principles of Theology_ and Zwingle’s -_True and False Religion_ were devoured by him in turn. - -[Sidenote: Curione’s Spiritual Wants.] - -A work was then going on in his soul. The truths he had read in his -Bible grew clearer and sank deeper into his mind; his spirit thrilled -with joy when he found his faith confirmed by that of these great -doctors, and his heart was filled with love for Luther and Melancthon. -‘When I was still young,’ he said to the latter afterwards, ‘when first -I read your writings, I felt such love for you that it seemed hardly -capable of increase.’[809] - -Curione was not satisfied with the writings merely of these men of God: -his admiration for them was such that he longed to hear them: an ardent -desire to start immediately for Germany was kindled in his heart.[810] -He talked about it with his friends, especially with Giovanni and -Francesco Guarino, whom the Gospel had also touched, and who declared -their readiness to depart with him. - -The three young Italians, enthusiastic admirers of Luther and -Melancthon, quitted Turin and started for Wittemberg. They turned their -steps towards the valley of Aosta, intending to cross the St. -Bernard,[811] where for more than five centuries a house of the -Augustine order had existed for the reception of the travellers who made -use of that then very frequented pass. They conversed about their -journey, their feelings, and their hopes; and not content with this, -they spoke of the truth with simple-hearted earnestness to the people -they met with on the road or at the inns. In the ardor of their youthful -zeal, they even allowed themselves to enter into imprudent discussions -upon the Romish doctrines.[812] They were ‘bursting to speak’—they could -not wait until they had crossed the Alps: the spirit with which they -were filled carried them away. They had been cautioned, and had resolved -to be circumspect; but ‘however deep the hiding-places in the hearts of -men,’ said a reformer, ‘their tongues betray their hidden -affections.’[813] One of those with whom these Piedmontese youths had -debated went and denounced them to Boniface, Cardinal-bishop of Ivrea, -and pointed out the road they were to take. The prelate gave the -necessary orders, and just as the three students were entering the -valley of Aosta,[814] the cardinal’s satellites, who were waiting for -them, laid hold of them and carried them to prison. - -What a disappointment! At the very time they were anticipating the -delights of an unrestrained intercourse with Melancthon and Luther, they -found themselves in chains and solitary imprisonment. Curione possessed -friends in that district who belonged to the higher nobility; and -contriving to inform them of his fate, they exerted themselves in his -behalf. The cardinal having sent for him, soon discovered that his -prisoner was not an ordinary man. Struck with the extent of his -knowledge and the elegance of his mind, he resolved to do all he could -to attach him to the Roman Church. He loaded him with attentions, -promised to bear the necessary expenses for the continuation of his -studies, and with that intent placed him in the priory of St. Benignus. -It is probable that Cornelio and Guarino were soon released: although -less celebrated than their fellow-traveller, they afterwards became -distinguished by their evangelical zeal. - -[Sidenote: Relics And The Bible.] - -Although shut up in a monastery, Curione’s soul burnt with zeal for the -Word of God. He regretted that Germany on which he had so much reckoned, -and unable to increase his light at the altar of Wittemberg, he wished -at least to make use of what he had for the benefit of the monks -commissioned to convert him. He was grieved at the superstitious -practices of their worship, and would have desired to enfranchise those -about him. A shrine, put in a prominent place on the altar, enclosed a -skull and other bones reported to be those of St. Agapetus and St. Tibur -the martyr, and which during certain solemnities were presented to the -adoration of the people. Why set dry bones in the place which should be -occupied by the living Word of God? Are not their writings the only -authentic remains of the apostles and prophets? Curione refused to pay -the slightest honor to these relics, and in his private conversation he -went so far as to speak to some of the monks against such idolatrous -worship, instructing them in the true faith.[815] He resolved to do -something more. In the convent library he had found a Bible, to which no -one paid any attention; he had, moreover, noticed the place where the -monks kept the key of the shrine they held so dear.[816] One -day—probably in 1530—taking advantage of a favorable opportunity when -the monks were occupied elsewhere,[817] he went into the library, took -down the holy Word of which David said it was _more to be desired than -gold_, carried it into the church, opened the mysterious coffer, removed -the relics, put the Bible in their place, and laid this inscription upon -it: ‘_This is the ark of the covenant, wherein a man can inquire of the -true oracles of God, and in which are contained the true relics of the -saints_.’ Curione, with emotion and joy, closed the shrine and left the -church without being observed. The act, rash as it was, had a deep and -evangelical meaning: it expressed the greatest principles of the -Reformation. Some time after, at one of the festivals when the relics -were to be presented to the adoration of the worshippers, the monks -opened the shrine. Their surprise, emotion, and rage were boundless, and -they at once accused their young companion of sacrilege. Being on the -watch, he made his escape, and, quitting Piedmont, took refuge at Milan. - -In that city Curione zealously devoted himself to lecturing; but, being -at the same time disgusted with the unmeaning practices of the monks, he -gave himself with his whole heart to works of Christian charity. As -famine and pestilence were wasting the country, he soon after occupied -himself wholly in succoring the poor and the sick; he solicited the -donations of the nobility, prevailed on the priests to sell for the -relief of the wretched the precious objects which adorned their -churches, consoled the dying, and even buried the dead.[818] In the -convent, he had appeared to be struggling for faith only; in the midst -of the pestilence, he seemed to be living for works only. He remembered -that Jesus had come _to serve_, and following his Master’s example, he -was eager to console every misery. ‘Christ having become the living root -of his soul, had made it a fruitful tree.’ As soon as the scourge -abated, every one was eager to testify a proper gratitude to Celio, and -the Isacios, one of the best families in the province, gave him the hand -of one of their daughters, Margarita Bianca, a young woman of great -beauty, who became the faithful and brave companion of his life.[819] - -[Sidenote: Papal Preachers.] - -Some time after this, Curione, believing that he had nothing more to -fear, and desiring to receive his patrimony, to revisit his native -country, and to devote his strength and faith to her service, returned -to Piedmont. His hopes were disappointed. Cruel family vexations and -clerical persecutions assailed a life that was never free from -agitation. He had lost all but one sister, whose husband, learning that -he intended claiming his inheritance, determined to ruin him. A -Dominican monk was making a great noise by his sermons in a neighboring -city.[820] Celio took a book from his library, and went with some -friends to hear him. He expected that the monk, according to the custom -of his class, would draw a frightful picture of the reformers. Curione -knew that the essence of the preaching of the evangelical ministry was -Christ, justification by faith in his atoning work, the new life which -He imparts, and the new commandments which He gives. According to him, -the task of the servant of God, now that all things were made new, was -to exalt, not the Church, but the Saviour; and to make known all the -preciousness of Christ rather than to stun his hearers by furious -declamations against their adversaries. Such were not the opinions -entertained at that time—we will not say by the great doctors of the -Romish Church, but by the vulgar preachers of the papacy. Laying down as -a fundamental principle that _there was no salvation out of the Church_, -they naturally believed themselves called to urge the necessity of -union—not with Christ, but—with Rome; to extol the beauties of its -hierarchy, its worship, and its devout institutions. Instead of feeding -the sheep, by giving them the spiritual nourishment of faith, they -thought only of pronouncing declamatory eulogies of the fold and drawing -horrible pictures of the devouring wolves that were prowling about it. -If there had been no protestants to combat, no Luther or Calvin to -calumniate, many popish preachers would have found the sermon a -superfluous part of the service, as had been the case in the Middle -Ages. - -The _good monk_, whom Curione and his friends had gone to hear, preached -according to the oratorical rules of vulgar preachers. ‘Do you know,’ he -exclaimed, ‘why Luther pleases the Germans?... Because, under the name -of Christian liberty, he permits them to indulge in all kinds of -excess.[821] He teaches, moreover, that Christ is not God, and that He -was not born of a virgin.’ And continuing this monkish philippic with -great vehemence, he inflamed the animosity of his hearers. - -When the sermon was over, Curione asked the prelate who was present for -permission to say a few words. Having obtained it, and the congregation -being silent and expectant, he said: ‘Reverend father, you have brought -serious charges against Luther: can you tell me the book or the place in -which he teaches the things with which you reproach him?’ The monk -replied that he could not do so then, but if Curione would accompany him -to Turin, he would show him the passages. The young man rejoined with -indignation: ‘Then I will tell you at once the page and book where the -Wittemberg doctor has said the very contrary.’ And opening Luther’s -_Commentary on the Galatians_, he read aloud several passages which -completely demonstrated the falseness of the monk’s calumnies. The -persons of rank present at the service were disgusted; the people went -still further; some violent men, exasperated by the Dominican’s having -told them such impudent lies, rushed upon him and struck him. The more -reasonable had some trouble to rescue him and send him home safe and -sound.[822] - -[Sidenote: Curione Again Imprisoned.] - -This scene made a great noise. The bishop and the inquisitors looked -upon it as a revolt against the papacy. Curione was a firebrand flung by -Satan into the midst of the Church, and they felt that if they did not -quench it instantly, the impetuous wind which, crossing the Alps, was -beginning to blow in the peninsula, would scatter the sparks far and -wide, and spread the conflagration everywhere. The valiant evangelist -was seized, taken to Turin, thrown into prison, and in a moment, as soon -as the news circulated, all his old enemies set to work. His covetous -brother, and even his sister, as it would appear, made common cause with -the priests to destroy him.[823] Fanaticism and avarice joined together; -one party wished to deprive him of his property only, but the others -wanted his life. It was not the first time Curione had been in prison -for speaking according to the truth: he did not lose courage, he -preserved all the serenity of his mind, and remained master of himself. -The ecclesiastic charged with the examination overwhelmed him with -questions.[824] He was reminded of the relics taken away from the -monastery of St. Benignus, the journey he had wished to take to Germany, -and the conversations he had held on the road, and was threatened with -the stake.[825] - -The bishop, knowing that Curione had protectors among the first people -in the city, started for Rome, in order to obtain from the pope in -person his condemnation to death. Before leaving, he transferred the -prisoner to his coadjutor David, brother of the influential cardinal -Cibo. David, wishing to make sure of his man, and to prevent its being -known where he was detained, removed him by night from the prison in -which he had been placed, took him to one of those mansions, not very -unlike castles, that are often to be found in Italy, and locked him up -in a room enclosed by very thick walls.[826] His officers attached heavy -chains to poor Celio’s feet, riveted them roughly, and fastened them -into the wall; and finally, two sentries were placed inside the door of -the house. When that was done, David felt at ease, sure of being able to -produce his prisoner when the condemnation arrived from Rome. There was -no hope left the wretched man of being saved. Curione felt that his -death could not be far off; but though in great distress he still -remained full of courage. - -The different operations by which David had secured his prisoner had -been carried on during the night; when the day came, Curione looked -round him: the place seemed to bring to his memory certain half-effaced -recollections. He began to examine everything about him more carefully, -and by degrees remembered that once upon a time, when a boy, he had been -in that house, in that very room—it had probably been the house of some -friend. He called to remembrance exactly the arrangement of the -building, the galleries, the staircase, the door, and the windows.[827] -But ere long he was recalled from these thoughts by a feeling of pain: -his jailers had riveted the fetters so tightly that his feet began to -swell and the anguish became intolerable. When his keeper came as usual -to bring him food, Curione spoke to him of his pain, and begged him to -leave one of his feet at liberty, adding that, when that was healed, the -jailer could chain it up again and set the other free. The man -consented, and some days passed in this way, during which the prisoner -experienced by turns severe pain and occasional relief. - -This circumstance did not prevent him from making the most serious -reflections. He should never see his wife, his children, or his friends -again; he could no longer take part in that great work of revival which -God was then carrying on in the Church. He knew what sentence would be -delivered at Rome. When St. John saw the woman seated on the seven -hills, he exclaimed: ‘_Babylon! ... drunken with the blood of the saints -and martyrs of Jesus_.’ Death awaited Curione on the bishop’s return: of -that he had not a doubt. But was it not lawful to defend one’s life -against the violence of murderers? An idea suddenly crossed his -inventive mind; the hope of escaping, of seeing his dear ones again, of -again serving the cause of the Gospel, flashed upon him. He reflected -and planned; the expedient which occurred to his mind was singular: -possibly it might not succeed, but it might also be the means of saving -him from the hands of his persecutors. When Peter was in prison the -angel of the Lord opened the door and led him out. Celio did not expect -a miracle; but he thought it was man’s duty to do all in his power to -thwart the counsels of the ungodly. He was not, however, very sanguine -of success. God holds the lives of his children in his hand; the Lord -will restore him to liberty or send him to the scaffold, as He shall -judge best. - -[Sidenote: Curione’s Escape.] - -Curione delayed no longer: he proceeded at once to carry out the curious -and yet simple expedient which had occurred to his lively imagination. -He took the boot off his free leg and stuffed it with rags;[828] he then -broke off the leg of a stool that was within his reach, fastened the -sham foot to it, and contrived a wooden leg which he fixed to his knee, -in such a way that he could move it as if it were a real leg. His -Spanish robe, reaching down to his heels, covered everything, and made -the matter easier. Presently he heard the footsteps of his jailers: -luckily, everything was ready. They entered, did what they were -accustomed to do every day, loosed the chained foot, and then, without -examining too closely—for they had no suspicions—they put the fetters on -the sham leg, and went away. - -Celio was free; he rose, he walked; surprised at a deliverance so little -expected, he was almost beside himself ... he was rescued from death. -But all was not over; he had still to get out of that strong mansion, -where so close a watch was kept over him. He waited until night, and -when darkness brooded over the city and his keepers were sunk in sleep, -he approached the door of the chamber. The jailers, knowing that the -prisoner was chained to the wall, and that sentinels were posted at the -outer gate, had only pushed it to without locking it. Curione opened it, -and moved along with slow and cautious steps, avoiding the slightest -noise for fear of giving the alarm. Although it was quite dark, he -easily found his way by the help of his memory: he groped his course -along the galleries, descended the stairs; but on reaching the door of -the house, he found it closely shut. What was to be done now? The -_sbirri_ were asleep, but he dared not make any noise lest he should -wake them. Recollecting that there was a window placed rather high on -one side of the door, he contrived to reach it, leapt into the -court-yard, scaled the outer wall, fell into the street, and began to -seek for a hiding-place as fast as his wounded feet would permit -him.[829] When the morning came, there was great surprise and agitation -in the house. The fidelity of the jailers was not suspected: and as no -one could explain the prisoner’s flight, his enemies circulated the -report that he had had recourse to magic to save himself from death. - -Curione himself was surprised. The thought that he had escaped not only -from the hands of his guards, but also from the terrible condemnation of -the sovereign pontiff, whose support the bishop had gone to solicit, -still further magnified in his eyes the greatness of his deliverance. He -had felt, and severely too, the power of his enemies; but he saw that -however keen the hatred of the world, a breath of heaven was sufficient -to frustrate its plots. He hastened to leave Turin, and took refuge in a -secluded village in the duchy of Milan, where his family joined him. His -reputation as a man of letters had spread through that country, and -certain Milanese gentlemen who came to pass the summer in the villas -near the lonely house which he inhabited, entertained a high opinion of -him. One of them, happening to meet him, recognized him; he spoke of him -to others of his friends, who made his acquaintance, and all of them, -delighted with his amiable character and cultivated mind, were unwilling -that such fine talents should remain buried in a sequestered village. -They got him invited to the university of Pavia, where he was soon -surrounded by an admiring audience. The inquisition, for a time at -fault, discovered at last that the daring heretic who had escaped from -his prison at Turin was teaching quietly at Pavia; it issued an arrest -against him, being determined to put an end to the harassing warfare -which this independent man was waging against the darkness of the Middle -Ages. The familiars of the Holy Office lay in ambush with the intention -of seizing the Piedmontese professor as he was leaving his house to go -to the lecture-room. But the plot got wind; the students, who were very -numerous, supported by some of the chief people of the town, formed a -battalion which surrounded Curione as he left his house, conducted him -to the Academy, and when the lecture was over, escorted him home -again.[830] Public opinion declared itself so strongly in favor of -liberty of teaching and against Romish tyranny, that three years elapsed -without the inquisitors being able to seize the professor, which caused -great joy all over the city. The pope, irritated at such resistance, -threatened to excommunicate the senate of Pavia; and Curione, unwilling -to imperil his friends, quitted that town for Venice, whence he -proceeded to Ferrara to live under that enlightened protection which the -Duchess Renée extended to all who loved the Gospel. - -[Sidenote: Renée Of France.] - -Ferrara was in truth a centre where the Gospel found a firm support. -Renée, who was daughter of Louis XII., and would have succeeded him if -(as she used to say) ‘she had had a beard on her chin,’ had inherited, -not the catholic ardor of her mother, Anne of Brittany, but the -reforming and anti-popish spirit of her father, who had taken for his -device: _Perdam Babylonis nomen_. Deprived of the throne by ‘that -accursed Salic law’—to use her own words—but brought up at the court of -Francis I., she was closely attached to her cousin Margaret, and -although her junior by eighteen years, had eagerly embraced the Gospel -which that ‘elder sister’ had preached to her with so much earnestness. -Renée was not one of those people who are simply the disciples of -others. Less beautiful than Margaret, she resembled her in possessing a -great soul, a generous heart, and, more than that, a sound judgment and -firm will. While clouds gathered round the mild and brilliant luminary -which presided over the destinies of Navarre and obscured the end of its -course, hardly a passing vapor dimmed for an instant the pure star of -Ferrara and Montargis. - -There had been a talk of marrying Renée, as there had been of marrying -Margaret, to Charles V., and also to Henry VIII.; but the politic -Francis had preferred giving his predecessor’s daughter to a prince who -would cause him no umbrage. She was therefore married to Hercules of -Este, Duke of Ferrara, grandson of pope Alexander VI. by Lucrezia -Borgia, and vassal of the Holy See. Such gloomy antecedents did not -promise a sympathetic union to the friend of Margaret of Valois. - -Although surrounded at Ferrara with all the splendors of a court, Renée -delighted in the associations of literature and art, and loved above -everything to retire to her closet and seek ‘the one thing needful.’ -There was in her piety at this period of her life a slight trace of -Margaret’s mystical spirit. A contemplative life, however, was not in -keeping with her active character; she had rather a practical turn; she -loved to attract to her small court the learned men of Italy, and -particularly welcomed the evangelicals who had been driven out of -France. She was thus beginning to be the object of the most opposite -remarks. All were agreed as to her extreme beneficence; but the -adherents of the papacy complained that her intellect, which enabled her -to excel in philosophy, inclined her, unfortunately, to investigate -religious questions; they added, however, that if she came to the aid of -certain persons in bad odor among Roman catholics, it was because her -inexhaustible goodness filled her with compassion for those whom she -thought unjustly treated.[831] ‘She desires to do good to everybody,’ it -was said; ‘in one year she assisted ten thousand of her -fellow-countrymen. And when the stewards of her household represented to -her the excessive expense of this, she only answered: “What would you -have?—they are poor people of my own country, all of whom would be my -subjects but for that wicked Salic law!”’[832] She was at once a Mæcenas -and a Dorcas. - -[Sidenote: Resurrection Of Christianity.] - -The time had gone by in Italy when the fanaticism of pagan antiquity had -misled the mind, and preachers were to be heard speaking from the pulpit -of Minerva, Christ, and Jupiter in the same breath. At the very moment -when celebrated professors, commissioned to teach philosophy even at the -university of Ferrara, were exclaiming, as Voltaire and others did after -him: ‘Christianity is dying out, and its end is near!’ Christianity on -the contrary was reviving at Wittemberg, Zurich, Cambridge, and even in -France, and the cry which it uttered as it issued from the tomb, -re-echoed through Italy and awoke many souls there. In 1528, and perhaps -earlier, the evangelical doctrines had been professed at Ferrara. In -1530, the inquisition of that city wrote to the pope, that there were -many Lutherans, both laymen and ecclesiastics, within its walls.[833] In -fact, the duchess was calling round her, either for the education of her -children, or simply for love of learning and the Gospel, professors -skilled in the study of the classics, among whom were men enlightened -about the superstitions of the Roman Church, and often sincerely -attached to the Gospel. Of their number were Celio Calcagnini, Lilio -Giraldi Bartholomeo Riccio, Marzello Palingenio, and the two brothers -Sinapi. Giovanni Sinapi in particular was full of zeal to spread around -him the doctrine of the Scriptures. Many of the most eminent men of -Italy, such as Curione, Occhino, Peter Martyr, and the famous poet -Flaminio, lived for a time at Ferrara. From that centre evangelical -doctrines were propagated in the neighbouring cities; and particularly -in Modena, where they spread so widely in the university and among the -townspeople, that it was soon called _the Lutheran city_.[834] - -Footnote 792: - - ‘Cupit renascenti pietati suppetias ferre.’—Frobenius to Luther, - February 14, 1519. - -Footnote 793: - - ‘Per omnes civitates sparsum.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 794: - - Gerdesius, _Specimen Ital. Ref._ ii. p. 11. The words _Schwarzerd_, - _Melancthon_, and _Terranigra_ have the same meaning in German, Greek, - and Italian, namely, _black earth_. - -Footnote 795: - - ‘Vocis, quæ totum penitus diffusa per orbem, - Terruit insolito pectora tetra sono.’ - - These verses have been preserved by Schelhorn in his _Amœnitates - Eccl._ ii. p. 624. - -Footnote 796: - - Seckendorf, _Hist. du Luthéranisme_, p. 613. - -Footnote 797: - - Sarpi, _Hist. du Concile de Trente_, i. p. 85. - -Footnote 798: - - ‘Pestifera hæresis Lutheri non tantum apud sæculares personas, sed - etiam ecclesiasticas et regulares, tam mendicantes quam non - mendicantes.’ _Brief to the Inquisitors_, Raynald _ad annum_. - -Footnote 799: - - ‘Læte audio de Venetis quod Verbum Dei receperint.’—Luther, _Ep._ iii. - p. 289. - -Footnote 800: - - ‘Scias igitur Italos omnes expectare Augustensis hujus vestri - decreta.’ Venetiis, 3 calend. Aug. anno 1530. _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 227. - -Footnote 801: - - _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 170. - -Footnote 802: - - ‘Tibi ea adscribent, quæ Christo, verisque Christi defensoribus, - dedecori sunt.’—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 243. - -Footnote 803: - - Celio Secundo writes his name both ways, but more frequently - _Curioni_. - -Footnote 804: - - ‘Natus anno MDIII. calendis Maii, Cyriaci Taurinorum.’—_Curionis - Historia_ a Professore Stupano, 1570, in Schelhorn, _Amœnitates - Litterariæ_, xiii. p. 330. - -Footnote 805: - - ‘Vicenos ternosque liberos suscepit, ex quibus Cœlius ultimus natus - fuit.’—_Curionis Historia_, p. 329. - -Footnote 806: - - ‘Taurinum se contulit, ubi per aliquos annos apud Magdalenam proavam - suam agens.’—_Curionis Historia_, p. 330. - -Footnote 807: - - Bonnet, _Récits du seizième Siècle_, p. 248. - -Footnote 808: - - ‘Non esse sibi damnandos hosce, priusquam illorum horos - legisset.’—_Curionis Historia_, p. 331. - -Footnote 809: - - ‘Adolescens adhuc, cum prima tua monimenta legissem, te ita amavi ut - vix ulterius progredi meus in te amor posse videretur.’—_C. S. - Curionis, Epist._ i. p. 71. - -Footnote 810: - - ‘Ita est illa (opera) admiratus ut statim decreverit in Germaniam - transire.’—_Curionis Historia_, p. 331. - -Footnote 811: - - ‘Institutum iter per Salassorum regionem ingreditur.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 812: - - ‘Cum juvenes in itinere, minus caute, de rebus ad religionem - pertinentibus disputarent.’—_Ibid._ p. 332. - -Footnote 813: - - Calvin. - -Footnote 814: - - ‘Cum essent vallem prætoriam ingressuri.’—_Curionis Historia_, p. 332. - -Footnote 815: - - ‘Privatim multos contraria hisce docebat et in vera fide - erudiebat.’—_Curionis Historia_, p. 332. - -Footnote 816: - - ‘Itaque, observato clavium loco, capsam aperit.’—_Ibid._ p. 333. - -Footnote 817: - - ‘Cum cæteri aliis rebus intenti essent.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 818: - - ‘Ipse omnibus aderat, consolabatur, atque etiam mortuos ipsos - sepeliebat.’—_Curionis Historia_, p. 335. - -Footnote 819: - - ‘Ei uxorem dederunt Margaritam Biancam, puellam - elegantissimam.’—_Curionis Historia_, p. 335. - -Footnote 820: - - ‘In vicinum locum, Castelleviolonem nomine.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 821: - - ‘Lutherum Germanis placere, quod sub libertate christiana omnis - generis libidines concederet.’—_Curionis Historia._ - -Footnote 822: - - ‘Ut vix intercedente Præfecto, vivus Taurinum redire - potuerit.’—_Curionis Historia_, p. 339. - -Footnote 823: - - ‘In causa propemodum ipsi fuerunt (soror et maritus) quod captus - fuerit, vitam quoque fere amiserit.’—_Curionis Historia_, p. 336. - -Footnote 824: - - ‘Hic examinatur, quæstiones adhibentur.’—_Ibid._ p. 339. - -Footnote 825: - - ‘Ignem flammasque minantur.’—_Ibid._ p. 339. - -Footnote 826: - - ‘Ex prioribus carceribus noctu deducit, et in conclavi quodam - fortissimis parietibus munito ... asservari curat.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 827: - - ‘Recreatque in memoriam singularum domus partium situm.’—_Curionis - Historia._ - -Footnote 828: - - ‘Extrahit caligam pedis liberi, eamdem lineis quibusdam pannis - infarcit.’—_Curionis Historia_, p. 341. - -Footnote 829: - - His feet never recovered their strength. - -Footnote 830: - - ‘Magna studiosorum caterva, eum a sua domo in auditorium deducebat, et - ex eo iterum domum comitabatur.’—_Curionis Historia_, p. 343. - -Footnote 831: - - Maimbourg, _Histoire du Calvinisme_, liv. i. p. 61. - -Footnote 832: - - Varillas, _Histoire des Hérésies_, ii. p. 499. Brantôme, _Dames - Illustres_. - -Footnote 833: - - _P. Martyr Vermigli_, par C. Schmidt, p. 11. - -Footnote 834: - - ‘Città lutherana.’—Poli, _Epist._ iii. p. 84. - - - - - CHAPTER XIX. - THE GOSPEL IN THE CENTRE OF ITALY. - (1520 TO 1536). - - -While Venice, Turin, Milan, Ferrara, Modena, and other cities of Upper -Italy were listening to the voice of the Gospel, the centre and south of -the peninsula had also their witnesses to the truth. - -[Sidenote: Character Of Occhino.] - -Bernardino Occhino, born at Sienna in 1487, four years younger than -Luther and Zwingle, and twenty-one years older than Calvin, was the most -famous preacher of the age. In his sermons were to be found that -elegance, that choice of words and those turns of expression which -produce clearness, grace, and facility of style; but at the same time he -was not void of imagination or enthusiasm, and possessed a boldness of -language which surprises and carries away those who listen to it. -Without being one of those firm, solid spirits who search into all -knowledge, and weigh and measure all thoughts, he had strong religious -cravings, and as he was moved himself, he moved his hearers. ‘From the -very beginning of my life,’ he said, ‘I had a great longing for the -heavenly paradise.’ He determined to win it, but went astray on the -road. His studies were imperfect; he knew little Greek and no Hebrew: -his knowledge of Christian doctrine was neither deep nor extensive; he -sometimes allowed himself to descend to trifles and even to -contradictions; and without denying the essential doctrines of faith, he -was found in the latter part of his life employing obscure and equivocal -expressions concerning them. He inopportunely defended customs tolerated -under the old covenant, but manifestly forbidden under the new, and thus -drew down much affliction on his old age. Occhino was a great orator, -but not a great divine. - -Sienna, the rival of Florence in the Middle Ages, still possessed -sufficient attractions to induce a young man to follow the career of -letters or of honors; but Occhino’s mind took another direction. From -his earliest youth, his religious feelings had inclined him to an -ascetic life, and he sought peace for his soul in exercises of devotion. -‘I believe in salvation through works,’ he said, ‘through fasting, -prayer, mortifications, and vigils. With the help of God’s grace we can, -by means of these practices, satisfy the justice of God, obtain pardon -for our sins, and merit heaven.’[835] Erelong his private macerations -proved insufficient for him, and he became a monk. Every religious -society approved of by Rome was holy in his eyes; but he joined the -Observantine Franciscans, because that order was reputed to be stricter -than the others. The youthful Bernardino soon found, like Luther, that -the life of the cloister could not satisfy his need of holiness. He was -discouraged, and, renouncing the pursuit of an object which he seemed -unable to attain, he turned to the study of medicine, without however, -leaving the convent. Some Franciscans, having separated from the order -with the intention of forming a still stricter rule, under the name of -Capuchins, Occhino thought he had found what he wanted, and, having -joined them, gave himself up with all his strength to voluntary -humiliation and the mortification of the senses. _Eat not, touch not, -taste not._ If any new and stricter laws were drawn up by the chiefs of -the order, he hastened to conform to them. He threw himself blindfold -into a complicated labyrinth of traditions, disciplines, fastings, -mortifications, austerities, and ecstasies. And when they were over, he -would ask himself whether he had gained anything? Remaining ill at ease -and motionless in his cell, he would exclaim: ‘O Christ! if I am not -saved now, I know not what I can do more!’ The moment was approaching -when he would feel that all these macerations were but ‘running knots, -which bind at first and strangle at last.’[836] - -This was in 1534, when Occhino was forty-seven years old. The agitations -of his soul often inspired him, during his sermons, with those pathetic -impulses which touch the heart; his superiors, wishing to turn his gifts -to account, called him to the functions of the pulpit, and as he thus -entered upon a new phase of life, a revolution was also effected in his -thoughts. He turned away from the superstitious practices and paltry -bonds of the monks and devotees, and approached the Holy Scriptures. -Monastic discipline had increased his darkness: the Word was to bring -him light. He felt the necessity of conscientiously preparing his -sermons, and began to study the Bible. But, strange to say, Scripture, -instead of making his work easier, embarrassed him at the very outset, -made him uneasy, and even paralyzed him. A striking contrast presented -itself to his mind. ‘I believe,’ he said, ‘that we must merit heaven by -our works, while Scripture tells me that heaven is given by grace, -because of the redemption through Jesus Christ.’ He tried for some time -to reconcile these contradictory views; but, do what he would, Rome and -the Bible remained diametrically opposed to each other; he determined in -favour of Rome. To doubt that the pope’s teaching was divine would have -been a crime. ‘The authority of the Church,’ he said in after years, -‘silenced my scruples.’ He applied again to his mortifications. It was -all in vain: peace was a stranger to his soul. - -Then he turned once more to what he had abandoned. He said to himself -that, according to the universal opinion of Christendom, the Scriptures -were given by God to show the path to heaven; and that if there was -anywhere a remedy for the disease under which he felt himself suffering, -it must be in God’s Book. He read its holy pages with entire confidence, -and made every exertion to understand them. Erelong a new light broke -upon him; a heavenly brightness was poured upon the mystery of Golgotha, -and he was filled with unutterable joy. ‘Certainly,’ he said, ‘Christ by -his obedience and death has fully satisfied the law of God and merited -heaven for his elect. That is true righteousness, that is the true -salvation.’[837] He did not advance any farther just then; for some time -longer the Roman-Catholic Church was in his eyes the true Church, and -the religious orders were holy institutions. He had found that peace -which he had sought so long, and was satisfied. - -[Sidenote: Occhino’s Popularity.] - -The activity of his life increased, the fervor of his zeal augmented, -his preaching became more spiritual and more earnest. He continued his -itinerant ministry, and attracted still more the attention of the people -of Italy. He always went on foot, though weak in body. His name filled -the peninsula, and when he was expected in any city a multitude of -people and even nobles and princes would go out to meet him. The -principal men of the city would display a deep affection for him, pay -him every honor, and not permit him to go and lodge in the wretched cell -of a monastery, but force him to accept the brilliant hospitality of -their mansions. The magnificence of these dwellings, the costly dresses -of their inhabitants, and ‘all the pomp of the age,’ made no change in -his humble and austere life. Sitting at the luxurious banquets of the -great ones of this world, he would drink no wine and eat but of one -dish, and that the plainest. Being conducted to the best chamber, and -invited to repose in a soft and richly-furnished bed, in order to -recruit himself after the fatigue of his journey, he would smile, -stretch his threadbare mantle on the floor, and lie down upon it. - -As soon as the news of his arrival became known, crowds of people would -throng round him from all parts. ‘Whole cities went to hear him,’ says -the Bishop of Amelia, ‘and there was no church large enough to contain -the multitude of hearers.’[838] All eyes were fixed on him as soon as he -entered the pulpit. His age, his thin pale face, his beard falling below -the waist, his gray hair and coarse robe, and all that was known of his -life, made the people regard him as an extraordinary man, indeed as a -saint. Was there any affectation in these strange manners? Probably -there was, for though a new creation had begun in him, the old nature -was still very strong. He was not insensible to the glory that comes -from man, and perhaps did not seek alone that which comes from God. - -At length the great orator began to speak, and all the congregation hung -upon his lips. He explained his ideas with such ease and grace, that -even from the very beginning of his ministry, he charmed all who heard -him. But after he had studied Scripture, there was more elegance, -originality, and talent in his discourses. He made use of evangelical -language, which penetrated the heart; and yet no one, unless he were a -very subtle theologian, would dare ascribe new doctrines to him. The -inward power which he had received touched their hearts; the movements -of his eloquence carried away his hearers, and he led them where he -pleased.[839] At Perugia, enemies embraced one another as they left the -church, and renounced the family feuds which had been handed down -through several generations. At Naples, when he preached for some work -of charity, every purse was opened: one day he collected five thousand -crowns—an enormous sum for those times. Even princes of the Church, such -as Cardinal Sadolet and Cardinal Bembo, adjudged him the palm of popular -eloquence: all voices hailed him as the first preacher of Italy.[840] We -shall see him presently producing a religious revival at Naples. He was -preceded and aided in that work by men who, although inferior to him in -eloquence, were his superiors in knowledge and faith. - -[Sidenote: Character Of Peter Martyr.] - -At the time when the Word was thus sown, and was everywhere bearing -fruit more or less, Florence, the land of the Medici, so illustrious -from its attachment to letters and liberty, was not to be a barren soil. -In the year 1500, the year in which Charles V. was born, a rich -patrician named Stephen Vermigli had a son whom he named Peter Martyr in -honor of Peter of Milan whom the Arians are said to have put to death -for maintaining the orthodox faith, and to whom a church was dedicated -near the house in which the child was born.[841] His mother, Maria -Fumantina, an educated woman of meek and tranquil piety, devoted herself -to her only son, taught him Latin in his earliest years, and poured into -his heart that incorruptible spirit, which is of such great value before -God. The boy early attended the public schools established for the -Florentine youth, and was distinguished for the quickness of his -understanding, the extent of his powers, the strength of his memory, and -above all by such a thirst for learning that no difficulties could stop -him. If Occhino possessed liveliness of feeling and imagination, Peter -Martyr possessed solidity of judgment and depth of mind. - -Before long the youth was involved in a painful struggle. His -father,—either because he disapproved of a monastic life, the abuses of -which, even at Florence, had been exposed by Dante and afterwards by -Savonarola; or because he was ambitious and desired to see his son -attain a brilliant position—intended giving him an education calculated -to advance him in the service of the State. Peter Martyr, on the -contrary, inspired by the pious feelings which he had inherited from his -mother, wished to dedicate himself to God. His greatest ambition was to -learn; his glory was to know; knowledge, and especially the knowledge of -divine things, was in his eyes superior to all the world besides. His -father commanded in vain and disinherited him in vain; in 1516 the young -man entered the monastery of regular canons of St. Augustine at Fiesole, -near Florence. After a certain interval of time Peter Martyr felt that -he did not learn much in the cloister. He was penetrated with the -thought that man ought to make it his object to propagate around him -solid knowledge and true light, especially in all that relates to the -immortal soul; but to propagate them, he must first possess them. He -obtained permission to visit Padua, the seat of a celebrated university. -Quiet, steady, diligent, affectionate, and respectful, he was loved and -esteemed by all. He venerated the aged as if they were his fathers, and -displayed such modesty, affection, and eagerness to do what was pleasing -to his comrades, that he always found them, in times of trial, his -surest friends.[842] Although he was in the age of passions, and lived -in cities where temptations were numerous, he was able to preserve that -chastity of thought and that purity of conduct so necessary to the -happiness and real success of a young man. He studied philosophy, and in -the public disputations acquired a singular dialectic skill, of which he -afterwards gave striking proofs. But he was in search of something -better, namely, divine truth; and therefore began to attend the lectures -of the theological professors. He was soon disgusted with them, for they -taught nothing but scholastics, and he resolved to seek the road by -himself. He frequently spent the greater part of the night in the -library of his monastery; he read the Greek authors, and then took up -the Fathers of the Church, Tertullian, Athanasius, and Augustine, and -began to have a perception that the theology of primitive catholicism -was quite different from that of the papacy. - -In 1526, his superiors, struck with his talents, called him to the -ministry. Peter Martyr preached at Rome, Bologna, Pisa, Venice, Mantua, -Bergamo, and other cities. At the same time he gave public lessons in -literature and philosophy, particularly on Homer. But he determined to -go farther, and, no longer contenting himself with the poets, -philosophers, and Fathers of the Church, he desired to know the Holy -Scriptures. He was enraptured with them; as the Latin text was not -sufficient for him, he read the New Testament in Greek; he next resolved -to read the Old Testament also in the original, and meeting with a -Jewish doctor named Isaac, at Bologna, he learnt Hebrew of him. Then it -was that a new light illumined his fine genius. While he was studying -the letter of the Holy Scriptures, _the Spirit of God opened his -understanding_, and displayed before him the mysteries concealed within -them.[843] His learning, labors, and administrative ability had already -attracted general consideration; and the pious sentiments he now -displayed helped to increase it. He was appointed Abbot of Spoleto, and -in 1530 was summoned to a larger theatre, to Naples, as Prior of St. -Peter’s _ad Aram_, where we shall meet him erelong. - -[Sidenote: Aonio Paleario.] - -In 1534 there lived in Sienna a friend of Greek and Latin literature, an -enthusiast for Cicero, whose elegant and harmonious periods he -translated better than any other scholar, and who was particularly -distinguished among the professors of the university for his elevation -of soul, love of truth, boldness of thought, and the courage with which -he attacked false doctors and sham ascetics. He made a sensation in the -world of schools, and, though he had no official post, the students -crowded to his lectures. His name was Antonio della Paglia, which he -latinized, according to the fashion of the age, into Aonius Palearius. -This, again, was Italianized into Aonio Paleario. Among the hills which -bound the Roman Campagna, near the source of the Garigliano, stands the -ancient city of Veroli; here he was born in 1503, of an old patrician -house according to some, of the family of an artisan according to -others. In 1520 he went to Rome, where the love of art and antiquity was -then much cultivated, and, from the lessons of illustrious teachers, he -learnt to admire Demosthenes, Homer, and Virgil. A rumor of war -disturbed his peaceful labors. In 1527 the imperial army descended the -Alps, and, like an avalanche which, slipping from the icy mountain-tops, -rushes down into the valley, it overthrew and destroyed everything in -its course. Milan had been crushed, and, when the news reached Rome at -the same time with the furious threats uttered by the imperialists -against the city of the pontiffs, the young student exclaimed, ‘If they -come near us, we are lost!’ Paleario hastily took refuge in the valley -where he was born; but even there the spray of the avalanche reached -him. When he returned to the papal city, alas! the houses were in ruins, -the men of letters had fled. He turned his eyes towards Tuscany, quitted -Rome in the latter part of 1529, and after spending some time at -Perugia, went on to Sienna, where he arrived in the autumn of 1530. - -That ancient city of the Etruscans, transformed into a city of the -Middle Ages, at first delighted the friend of letters. Its position in -the midst of smiling hills,[844] the fertility of its fields, the -abundance of everything, the beauty of the buildings, the cultivated -minds of its inhabitants—all enraptured him. But erelong he discovered a -wound which wrung his heart: the State was torn by factions; an -ignorant, impetuous, turbulent democracy had the upper hand; the -strength of a people who might have done great things was wasted in idle -and barren disputes. The most eminent men wept over the sorrows of their -country, and fled with their wives and children from the desolated land. -‘Alas!’ exclaimed Paleario, ‘the city wants nothing but concord between -the citizens.’[845] He met, however, with an affectionate welcome in the -families of a few nobles; and, after visiting Florence, Ferrara, Padua, -and Bologna, he returned in 1532 to Sienna, to which his friends had -invited him. - -[Sidenote: Poem On Immortality.] - -Paleario was a poet: his fancy was at work wherever he went; and, either -during his travels or on his return to the Ghibeline city, he composed a -Latin poem on the immortality of the soul.[846] We find traces of the -Roman doctrine in it, especially of purgatory[847] and of the queenship -of the Virgin.[848] His eyes, however, were already turned towards the -Reformation. He desired to have readers like Sadolet, and also the -sympathy of Germany.[849] The poem evidences a soul which, without -having yet found God and the peace he gives, sighs after a new earth, a -rejuvenated humanity, and a happiness which consists in contemplating -the Almighty, the King of men, as the eternal and absolute goodness and -supreme happiness.[850] - -Ere long Paleario took another step. The religious questions by which -Italy was so deeply agitated engrossed that eminent mind. He commenced -reading not only Saint Augustine but the Reformers and the Holy -Scriptures, and began to speak in his lectures with a liberty that -enraptured his hearers, but so exasperated the priests that his friend -and patron Sadolet recommended him to be more prudent. Paleario, -however, boldly crossed the threshold which separates the literary from -the Christian world. He received thoroughly the doctrine of -justification by faith, and found in it a peace which was to him a -warrant of its truth. ‘Since he in whom the Godhead dwells,’ he said, -‘has so lovingly poured out his blood for our salvation, we must not -doubt of the favor of Heaven. All who turn their souls towards Jesus -crucified, and bind themselves to him with thorough confidence, are -delivered from evil and receive forgiveness of their sins.’ - -Paleario loved the country. Having noticed a villa which had belonged to -Aulus Cecina, the friend of Cicero, situated between Colle and Volterra, -at the summit of a plateau, whence flowed a stream, watering the slopes, -and where a pure air and the tranquility of the fields could be -enjoyed,[851] the Christian poet bought it, and there, in his beloved -_Cecignana_, on the terrace before the house or among the forest oaks, -he passed many a peaceful day, consecrated to serious meditation. He -knew that the world on which he fixed his eyes was the creation of the -Supreme, the free will of God; that an inward and uninterrupted bond -existed between the Creator and his creatures; and rejoiced that, owing -to the redemption of Jesus Christ, there would be formed out of its -inhabitants a kingdom of God, from which evil would be forever banished. - -[Sidenote: Paleario’s Love Of Nature.] - -Paleario’s tender soul needed domestic affections, and at Sienna he was -alone. He married Marietta Guidotti, a young person of respectable -parentage, who had been brought up with holy modesty.[852] She bore him -two sons, Lampridius and Phædrus, and two daughters, Aspasia and -Sophonisba, whom he loved tenderly, and who were, after God, the -consolation of a life agitated by the injustice of his enemies. Family -affections and a love for the beauties of nature were in Paleario, as -they often are, the marks of an elevated soul. At a later period, when -his life had become still more bitter; when he had lost his health, and -his faith had made him an object of horror to the fanatical; when he -exclaimed, ‘All men are full of hatred and ill-will toward me;’[853] -when he foresaw that he must ere long succumb beneath the blows of his -adversaries; even then he sighed after the country, and wrote to one of -his friends, with a simplicity reminding us of ancient times:—‘I am -weary of study; fain would I fly to you and pass my days under the warm -bright sky of your fields. At early morn, or when the day begins to -wane, we will wander through the country, around the cottages, with -Lampridius and Phædrus my darling boys, and with your wife and -mine.[854] Get ready the garden, that we may live on herbs, for I am -utterly disgusted with the luxurious tables of our cities. The farm -shall supply us with eggs and poultry, the river with fish. Oh! how -sweet are the repasts at which we eat the fruit we gather from our own -garden, the fowls fed by our own hands, the birds caught in our -nets,—sweeter far than those where you see nothing on the table but -provisions bought in the market! We will work in the fields; we will -tire ourselves. Make your preparations; get ready a saw, a hatchet, a -wedge to cleave the wood, pruning-shears, a harrow, and a hoe. If these -implements fail us, we will be content with planting trees, that shall -serve for ages yet to come.’ It is pleasing to see the disciple of -Cicero and especially of the Bible, at a time when he was tormented by -sickness and the hatred of the wicked, rejoicing like a child at the -thought of planting trees that should give a cool shade and welcome -fruit to coming generations. We shall now describe the end of his stay -at Sienna, and what brought his great sorrow upon him, although it will -lead us beyond the limits of time we have prescribed for ourselves. - -The best friend Paleario possessed was Antonio Bellantes, president of -the Council of Nine, a grave and benevolent man, generally loved and -respected; in a time of difficulty he had assisted the State by the gift -of two million golden crowns. Bellantes esteemed Paleario very highly, -and Paleario loved him above all other men. In the course of the popular -disturbances, the members of the Council of Nine had been banished; but -the senate and people had entreated Bellantes to remain at Sienna—a -circumstance which had greatly enraged his enemies. Ruffians broke into -his house one night and plundered it. Somewhat later Bellantes died, -leaving all his ready money to his mother, that she might deliver it to -his sons when they came of age. The good lady was a great friend of the -monks; every day the capuchins used to visit her,[855] and when she felt -sick they crowded round her bed. After her death, no property could be -found in her house, except some torn bags which appeared to have held -money. The sons of Bellantes accused the monks of having stolen their -inheritance, and Paleario supported them with his eloquence. The monks -denied the fact, and were acquitted upon their solemn oath. Inflamed -with anger against Paleario, they resolved upon his destruction. - -[Sidenote: Plot Against Paleario.] - -At the head of his adversaries was the senator Otto Melio Cotta, a rich, -powerful, and ambitious man of a domineering spirit. At first he had -been mixed up in political affairs, but he afterwards enlisted under the -banners of the clergy, and made common cause with the monks. A plot was -formed in the Observantine convent, situated about a mile from Sienna, -in the midst of woods, grottos, and holy places. Three hundred members -of the Joanelli, a brotherhood formed for certain exercises of piety, -swore upon the altar to destroy Paleario. Not confining themselves to -attacks upon his teaching, Cotta and his other adversaries began to pry -into his private life, to watch all his movements, and to catch up every -word. They soon found fresh subjects of complaint against him. Paleario -had ridiculed a wealthy priest, who was to be seen every morning -devoutly kneeling before the shrine of a saint, but who refused to pay -his debts; and the keen irony with which he had spoken of him had -occasioned a great scandal among the clergy. That however, was not -enough; they must have a palpable mark of heresy. His adversaries -endeavored, therefore, to entrap him, and some of them, presenting -themselves as if they wanted to be instructed, put questions to him -calculated to lead him into the snare. ‘What,’ they asked, ‘is the first -means of salvation given by God to man?’ He answered ‘_Christ_.’ That -might pass; but, continuing their questions, Paleario’s enemies added: -‘What is the second?’ In their opinion, he should have indicated -meritorious works; but Paleario replied: ‘_Christ_.’ Continuing their -inquiry, they said: ‘And what is the third?’ They thought that Paleario -should answer, The Church; out of the Church there is no salvation; but -he still replied, ‘_Christ_.’[856] From that moment he was a lost man. -The monks and their friends reported to Cotta the answer which they -deemed so heretical. - -Paleario had no suspicion of danger. Cardinal Sadolet and some other -friends invited him to come and see them at Rome, and he went. He had -not been there long before he received a very excited letter from -Faustus Bellantes. ‘There is a great agitation in the city,’ he said; -‘an astounding conspiracy has been formed against you by the most -criminal of men.[857] We do not know upon what the accusation is -founded; we are ignorant of the names of your adversaries. The report -runs that the chiefs of the state have been excited against you in -consequence of calumnious charges concerning religion. It is said that -some wretched monks have sworn your ruin; but the plot must have deeper -roots. I shall go to Sienna to-morrow, and shall speak to my friends and -relations about it. I am ready for everything, even to lose my life in -your defence. Mean-time I conjure you, let your mind be at peace.’ - -Bellantes was not deceived. Cotta, without loss of time, appeared in the -senate and reported to his colleagues the monstrous language of -Paleario, and exclaimed, that if they suffered him to live, ‘there would -be no vestige of religion left in the city.’[858] Every man was silent: -such was the alarm caused by a charge of heresy, that no one dared take -up the defence of that courageous Christian. - -Paleario heard of this, and was distressed but not surprised. One truth -was deeply engraved in his heart: All power of salvation is given to -Jesus Christ; He is the only source whence the new life can be drawn. It -seemed to him that the priests had forged so many means of acquiring -pardon, that they hardly left Christ the hundredth part. He could well -understand how irritated the clergy must be against a man who set so -little store by all their paltry contrivances; but although he saw -clearly the danger that threatened him, he remained firm. ‘The power of -the conspirators is immense,’ he said; ‘the more fiercely a man attacks -me, the more pious he is reckoned. But what matters it? Jesus Christ, -whom I have always sincerely and religiously adored, is my hope.[859]... -I despise the cabals of men, and my heart is full of courage.’[860] -Christ was his king. He knew that that great Sovereign, who is achieving -the conquest of the world, preserves at the same time all those who have -found reconciliation with God through him. - -His wife was not so calm. Marietta, his virtuous and devoted partner, so -ardent in her affection, was filled with uneasiness and trouble; her -imagination called up before her not only the misfortunes of the moment; -but also those of the future; she was the most unhappy of women.[861] -Her agony was greater than her strength; she passed whole days in -tears.[862] Distressed and exhausted, she lost her health; and every one -might see in her face the sorrow which was consuming her. When her -husband heard of this at Rome, he was heart-broken, and conjured his -mother and Bellantes to visit Marietta, in order to distract the -afflicted wife from her sorrow. - -Paleario would have desired to hasten to her in person and confront his -accusers; but his friends at Sienna and at Rome alike dissuaded him. The -citizens who were then at the head of the state were violent men, of no -morality, and as ready to condemn the innocent as to acquit the guilty. -It was hoped that a new election would bring upright men into power: -they conjured Paleario to wait, and he did so. But there was no change: -the denunciations, charges, and murmurs only increased. The enemies of -the Gospel attacked not merely Paleario, but the reformers, the -_Germans_, as they said: they tried to involve all the friends of the -Bible, both German and Italian, in the same condemnation. At last, what -had been hoped for came to pass; an important change took place in the -government of the republic; order and liberty were restored. Paleario -thought he could no longer remain away; he left Rome and joined his -family at his country-house near Colle. - -[Sidenote: Paleario Accused Of Heresy.] - -As soon as his adversaries were informed of his return, they laid a -charge of heresy before the senate of Sienna and the court of Rome. -Determined to employ all means to destroy Paleario, they resolved to -constrain the ecclesiastical authority to go along with them by the -strong pressure they would bring to bear upon it. With this intent -twelve of them met, and, bent on prevailing upon the archbishop to -demand that Paleario should be put upon his trial, they marched through -the streets of the city to the prelate’s palace. In this excited band -there was the senator Cotta with five others, distinguished among whom -was Alexis Lucrinas, an impetuous and foolish man; then three priests, -people of little importance, but very violent, grossly ignorant, and -untiring babblers;[863] and lastly, three monks. The archbishop happened -just then to be at his villa in the suburbs, for the sake of the purer -air; the delegates went there after him, accompanying their march with -such shouting, threats, and disputes, that the women, attracted by the -unusual noise, ran to the windows, fancying they were taking some -criminal to punishment. Some of the conspirators said: ‘The witnesses -will be heard, the motives of his condemnation will be declared, and -then Paleario will be thrown into the fire;’ but others wanted to -proceed more quickly, so that the punishment should follow immediately -upon the statement of the offence without any form of trial and without -permitting the accused to be heard.[864] Archbishop Francesco Bandini, -of the illustrious house of Piccolomini, was a friend of letters and -consequently of Paleario. It was afternoon; the prelate who was taking -his siesta, being awoke by the noise, called a servant, and asked him -who were vociferating in that manner. Being informed that they were men -of consideration, he ordered them to be admitted. He rose from his -couch, took his seat and waited for the strange deputation. They -entered: Lucrinas, who had been sometimes invited to his lordship’s -table, was full of confidence in himself, and accordingly had begged -that they would allow him to speak. Looking round him with a satisfied -and boasting air, he began to pour out against Paleario a long string of -insults and maledictions in a passionate tone. The bishop, a wise and -grave man, had some difficulty to contain himself, and said that the -whole proceeding appeared to him full of levity. ‘There can be no -question of levity,’ impudently exclaimed Lucrinas, ‘when three hundred -citizens are ready to sign the accusation.’ ‘And I could produce six -hundred witnesses,’ rejoined the prelate, ‘who have sworn that you are a -merciless usurer. I did not, however, give effect to their denunciation. -Did I do well or ill? tell me.’ ... The poor wretch was silent; the fact -was too notorious to be denied, and too scandalous to be confessed. But -his companions were not to be put out by such a trifle; they explained -the motives of their prosecution, threw themselves at the prelate’s -feet, and conjured him in the name of religion to support the charge -against Paleario. The archbishop, considering that it was a question of -heresy, thought that it was a matter for the courts to decide, and -consented to their prayer. - -[Sidenote: Paleario’s Enemies.] - -Paleario’s enemies set to work immediately; they endeavored to prejudice -the most notable persons in Sienna against him; and picked out -individuals from among the populace, who were without light and without -conscience, whom they induced to testify before the court to things of -which they knew nothing.[865] It was in vain that the famous Sadolet, -summoned to Rome by the pope, stopped at Sienna, and undertook -Paleario’s defence. It was in vain that the cardinal, the archbishop, -and Paleario had a consultation in which Sadolet commended the accused -to the archbishop, and gave touching proofs of his esteem and affection -for him; the conspirators were able to turn the interview against the -man whom they had sworn to sacrifice to their hatred. A number of people -who had assembled in the public square began to talk about the -conference: ‘When Paleario was accused by the prelate,’ said some, ‘he -was silent through shame.’ ‘No,’ said the others, ‘he answered, but was -sharply reprimanded by Sadolet.’[866] Impatient to see their victim -handed over to death, happy at having already caused doubt in the mind -of the archbishop, and imagining they had convinced Sfondrati the -president of the republic, and Crasso the prætor, the twelve obtained an -order for Paleario to be summoned before the senate on a charge of -heresy. - -That innocent and just man was not blind to the danger and difficulty of -his position. He felt that the calumnies of his enemies would check the -good he hoped to do, would break up old friendships, and destroy the -peace that the city was beginning to enjoy. Ere long, perhaps, his wife -would be a widow and his children orphans: a veil of sadness covered his -face. Oh! how bitter was such a trial! He knew full well that -afflictions awaken heavenly life in the Christian; that it is a -privilege of the child of God; but he was for some time without comfort, -and his soul was bowed down. ‘My adversaries,’ he said, ‘heap wrong upon -wrong, hatred upon hatred:[867] they have done nothing else these six -months. Has there ever been a man saintly enough not to give way under -the attacks of such a perverse zeal? I will not speak of Socrates, -Scipio, Rutilius, or Metellus; certain failings might have laid them -open to the attacks of their enemies. But even He than whom none was so -good, none so holy, even the all-innocent Jesus Christ himself, was -assailed on every side.[868] Alas! where can the righteous man turn? -whom can he implore?’ - -[Sidenote: Trial Of Paleario.] - -Paleario soon learnt to answer this. When he found himself summoned to -appear before the senate, his courage revived. He was not only strong in -his innocence, but the faith which inspired his heart told him that God -loves his servants, and that with Him they are free from every danger. -He went to the palace of the Signiory, and entered the hall, leaning on -the arm of the youthful Faustus Bellantes, son of his old friend, -accompanied by some faithful men who were unwilling to forsake him in -the day of his distress. He stood in the presence of those who held his -life in their hands. Sfondrati the president, Crasso the prætor, the -senate, and the Nine were seated in their judicial chairs. His -adversaries were there also; Cotta especially, full of presumptuous -assurance, and feeling certain that the time had come at last when he -could fall upon his prey. Paleario recognized him; he was agitated and -indignant at seeing him quietly taking his seat in the senate, at the -very time he was bent on carrying out an infamous plot. He contained -himself, however; and, first addressing the senators, to whom he gave -the title employed in ancient Rome, he said:[869] ‘Conscript fathers, -when there was a talk about me in former years, I was not seriously -moved by it: the times were times of desolation; all human and divine -rights were confounded in the same disorder. But now, when, by the -goodness of God, men of wisdom have been placed at the head of the -republic, when the sap and the blood circulate afresh through the -state,[870] why should I not lift up my head?’ - -By degrees Paleario grew warm; his eyes fell again upon his insolent -enemy whom he apostrophized as Cicero did Catiline: ‘Cotta, you wicked, -arrogant, and factious man,’ he said, ‘who practise not that religion in -which God is worshipped in spirit and in truth, but that which plunges -into every superstition, because it is the best adapted to impose upon -mankind: Cotta, you imagine you are a Christian, because you bear the -image of Christ upon your purple robe; while by your calumnies you are -crushing an innocent man, who is also an image, a living image, of Jesus -Christ. When you accused me falsely of a crime, did you obey Jesus -Christ? When you went to the house of the Nine to utter falsehoods -against me, did you think, Cotta, you were making a pilgrimage to -Jerusalem? I am surprised that you do not crucify innocent persons.... -You would do it—yes, you would do it, if you could do all that your -pride suggests.’[871] - -Paleario then passed on to a more important subject. In attacking him, -his adversaries really attacked the Gospel, the Reformation, and those -excellent men whom God was making use of to transform Christian society. -Paleario defended the reformers in the presence of all Italy. - -[Sidenote: Paleario’s Defence.] - -‘You bring impudent reproaches against me, Cotta,’ he continued; ‘you -assert that I think wrongly on religious matters, that I am falling into -heresy, and you accuse me of having adopted the opinions of the -_Germans_. What a paltry accusation! Do you pretend to bind all the -Germans in the same bundle? Are all the Germans bad? Do you not know -that the august emperor is a German? Will you say that you mean only the -theologians? What noble theologians there are in Germany! But though -your accusations are unmeaning in appearance, there is a sting lying -under them. I know the venom they contain.... The _Germans_ that you -mean are Œcolampadius, Erasmus, Melancthon, Luther, Pomeranus, Bucer, -and their friends. But is there a single theologian in Italy so stupid -as not to know that there are many things worthy of praise in the works -of those doctors?... Exact, sincere, earnest, they have professed the -truths which we find set forth by the early fathers. To accuse the -Germans is to accuse Origen, Chrysostom, Cyrillus, Irenæus, Hilary, -Augustin, and Jerome. If I purpose imitating those illustrious doctors -of Christian antiquity, why repeat perpetually that I think like the -Germans? What! because the learned professors of the German schools have -followed the footsteps of those holy men of the first centuries, may not -I follow them also? You would like me to imitate the folly of those who, -to obtain good preferments, fight against even that which is good in -Germany.... Ah! conscript fathers, rather than strive after those -delights which lead many astray, I prefer to live honestly. My -circumstances may be narrow, but my conscience is at liberty.[872] Let -those vile flatterers sit on the doctor’s seat or the bishop’s throne, -let them put mitres or tiaras on their heads, let them wear the -purple.[873]... Not so for me, I will remain in my library, sitting on a -wooden stool, wearing a woollen garment against the cold, a linen -garment in the heat, and with only a little bed on which to taste the -repose of sleep. - -‘But, Cotta, you still continue your attacks; you reproach me for -praising all the Germans say and do. No! there are some things I approve -of in them and others that I do not. When I meet with thoughts which for -ages have been obscured by a barbarous style, hidden under the brambles -of scholasticism, and sunk into the deepest darkness—when I see these -brought into the full light of day, placed within the reach of all, and -expressed in the choicest Latinity, I not only praise the Germans, but I -heartily thank them. Sacred studies had fallen asleep in convent cells, -where the idle men who should have cultivated them had hidden themselves -as if in gloomy forests, under the pretence of applying to work. But -what happened? They snored so loud that we could hear them in our cities -and towns.[874] Now, learning has been restored to us; Latin, Greek, and -Chaldee libraries have been formed; assistance has been honorably -extended to the theologians; precious books have been multiplied by -means of the wonderful invention of printing. Can there be anything more -striking, more glorious, or more deserving our eternal gratitude?’ - -After this defence of the literary and reforming movement of Germany, -Paleario came to what is grander than all—to Christ: ‘Are they not -insufferable men,’ he said, ‘nay, wicked men, before whom we dare not -praise the God of our salvation, Jesus Christ, the King of all nations, -by whose death such precious boons have been conferred upon the human -race? And yet for this, conscript fathers, yes, for this I am reproached -in the accusation brought against me. On the authority of the most -ancient and most faithful documents, I had declared that the end of all -evils had arrived, that all condemnation was done away with for those -who, being converted to Christ crucified, trust in him with perfect -confidence. These are the things that appeared detestable to those -twelve ... shall I say to those twelve men or twelve wild beasts, who -desire that the man who wrote these things should be thrown into the -fire! If I must suffer that penalty for the testimony I have borne to -the Son of God, believe me that no happier fate could befall me; in -truth, I do not think that a Christian in our times ought to die in his -bed. Ah! conscript fathers, to be accused and cast into prison is a -trifle; to be scourged, to be hanged, to be sewn up in a sack, to be -thrown to wild beasts, to be consumed by fire,—all these are trifles, if -only by such punishments truth is brought into the light of day.’[875] - -Aonio Paleario did not speak as a rhetorician; he was no maker of -Ciceronian periods. The man who at this time professed so energetically -the supreme importance of truth and did so again in his _Beneficio di -Gesù Christo crocifisso_,[876] gave his life for it. If he _spoke_ at -Sienna, he was to _act_ at Rome. In each of these phases we recognize -the noble victim of 1570. - -After speaking like a martyr, he spoke like a man. He looked round -him: some of the most eminent citizens, the Tancredis, the Placidis, -the Malevoltas were near him full of emotion. Egidio, superior of -the Augustines, and his monks—men abounding in piety and -modesty—strengthened him by their approbation and their prayers. His -two young friends, Faustus and Evander Bellantes, keeping their eyes -fixed upon him, could not restrain their tears. Presently a more -moving sight met his eyes: he beheld Marietta, pale and weeping. -‘What do I see?’ he exclaimed. ‘Thou also, my wife, art thou come -dressed in mourning weeds, accompanied by the noblest and most pious -of women—art thou come with thy children, to throw thyself at the -feet of the senators? O my light, my life, my soul! return home, -train up our children; do not be afraid, Christ who is thy spouse -will be their father.[877]... Alas! she is half killed with -grief.[878] O mother, support her, take her away; take her to your -own home, if you can ... and let your love dry up her tears.’ - -[Sidenote: Paleario Acquitted.] - -The impression produced by this address was so profound, that the senate -declared Paleario innocent. But such a striking triumph served only to -enrage his enemies the more: he saw that he could not remain at Sienna, -and therefore took leave of his friends. Bellantes, on his death-bed, -had commended his children to him, and Paleario exhorted them to aspire -to something great. It is probable that he went to Rome for a short -time, where his friends had got the proceedings set aside which his -enemies had commenced against him; and afterwards to Lucca, where the -chair of eloquence was given him. He left a great void at Sienna, and -his friends were grieved. Faustus Bellantes seemed to express the -feelings of all when he wrote: ‘Since you left, such a torpor has come -over me that I am scarcely able to write.’[879] - -[Sidenote: Evangelicals Of Bologna.] - -Besides these lights—a Curione or a Paleario, scattered here and there -over Italy—there were societies of Christian men in several cities who -courageously professed evangelical truth. Bologna in particular—a city -in the neighborhood of Ferrara, and whose university was, along with -that of Paris, the first of the great schools of Europe—counted a large -number of laymen and ecclesiastics who, like those of Venice, showed -much zeal and decision for the great principles of the Reformation. When -John of Planitz, ambassador from Saxony to the emperor, crossed the Alps -in 1533, the evangelical Christians of Bologna addressed him with -thorough Italian ardor. ‘We know,’ they said, ‘that the Germans have -thrown off the yoke of antichrist and have attained to the liberty of -the children of God. We know that they are but little troubled because -the hateful name of heretics has been given them, and that, on the -contrary, they rejoice because they are thought worthy of enduring -shame, imprisonment, fire and sword for the cause of Christ. We know -that if they demand a council, it is not in their own interest, but with -a view to the salvation of other people. For this reason all the nations -of Christendom owe a deep debt of gratitude both to them and to you, -most honored lord; but there is no nation more indebted to you than our -own. Of all countries subject to the tyrant, Italy, being the nearest to -him, as it is his seat,[880] experiences the liveliest joy and special -gratitude, because, through the goodness of God, redemption has drawn -nigh to her at last. We entreat you to employ every means for the -convocation of a council. In all the towns of the peninsula, and in Rome -itself, as the emperor knows, a great number of pious, wise, and -distinguished men desire it, are waiting for it, and loudly demanding -it. If the pope should summon a council, he will easily remedy the -abuses that have crept into the Church through the neglect of his -predecessors; and for that excellent work he will receive appropriate -honor from men, and from Jesus Christ life eternal. Let every one be at -liberty to read the books in which learned doctors (the reformers) have -explained their faith. At least let priests, monks, and laity be at -liberty to possess the Bible without incurring the reproach of heresy, -and even to quote the words of Christ and of St. Paul without being -reviled as sectarians. If, on the contrary, Rome tramples under foot the -commandments of the Lord, his grace, his doctrine, his peace, and the -liberty which he gives—has not the reign of Antichrist begun?... If you -need our help, speak! we are ready. If necessary, we will sacrifice our -fortunes and our lives in the Redeemer’s cause; and as long as we live -we will commend it daily to God by fervent prayer.’[881] Such was the -decision of the Christians of Italy, even in the cities subject to the -pope. - -About the time when this eloquent address reached the lord of Planitz, -John Mollio, a Franciscan from the neighborhood of Sienna, arrived at -Bologna as professor in the university. Convinced by the teaching of the -Holy Scriptures and of the reformers, he professed with great freedom -the Christian truth according to the writings of St. Paul; but the pope -forbade him to lecture on the epistles of that Apostle. Mollio then took -up the other books of the New Testament; but he drew from them the same -doctrine, and his hearers, delighted at seeing the pope’s prohibition -thus evaded, enthusiastically applauded him. The Court of Rome, finding -that there was no means of turning grace out of the Bible, gave orders -to turn Mollio out of the university—which was much easier. However, the -number of evangelical Christians in Bologna continued to increase.[882] - -Footnote 835: - - B. Occhino, ‘Responsio qua rationem reddit discessus ex Italia.’ - -Footnote 836: - - Calvin. - -Footnote 837: - - B. Occhino, ‘Responsio qua rationem reddit discessus ex Italia.’ - -Footnote 838: - - Ant. M. Gratiani, Bishop of Amelia: see _Hist. du Cardinal Commendon_, - liv. ii. ch. ix. - -Footnote 839: - - ‘Ut auditorum animos quocumque vellet raperet.’—Bzovius, ad annum - 1542. - -Footnote 840: - - ‘Ut unus optimus totius Italiæ concionator haberetur.’—Bzovius, ad - annum 1542. - -Footnote 841: - - ‘Ex voto quodam quod fuerunt Petro Martyri Mediolanensi, qui quondam - ab Arianis occisus est.’—Simler, _Vita Petri M. Vermilii_, Tiguri, - 1569. - -Footnote 842: - - ‘Æquales suos quamvis plerosque ingenio excelleret, ita tamen amabat, - ita modestia sua sibi devinciebat, ut . . . amicissimos semper - habuerit.’—Simler, _Vita Petri M. Vermilii_, Tiguri, 1569. - -Footnote 843: - - ‘Dum litteram aliquandiu sectatur, patefaciente Spiritu Dei, abdita et - spiritualia mysteria salutariter cognovit.’—Simler, _Vita Petri M. - Vermilii_, Tiguri, 1569. - -Footnote 844: - - ‘Urbs situ, natura, et ingeniis nobilis, inter amœnos colles conclusa, - fertilis et copiosa.’—_Oratio de Concordia Civium_, p. 380. (_Palearii - Opera_, Wetstein, Amsterdam.) - -Footnote 845: - - ‘Nihil unquam enim civitati defuit nisi concordia civilis.’—_Oratio de - Concordia Civium._ - -Footnote 846: - - De Immortalitate Animarum. The poem was published by Gryphius, at - Lyons, in 1536, through the instrumentality of Cardinal Sadolet, - Bishop of Carpentras. - -Footnote 847: - - ‘Tres igitur sedes statuit pater optimus ipse.’ - -Footnote 848: - - ‘Teque, optima Virgo, - Victricem, præclare acto _Regina_ triumpho.’ - -Footnote 849: - - ‘Quales nunc habet ingeniis Germania florens.’ - -Footnote 850: - - ‘Oculos defigite in unum, - Unus ego omnipotens, ego Rex hominumque Deumque, - Æternumque bonum simplexque, et summa voluptas.’ - (_Ad finem._) - -Footnote 851: - - The villa is now the property of Count Guicciardini. - -Footnote 852: - - ‘Adolescentulam optimis parentibus bene et pudice educatam ducam in - uxorem.’—Palearii _Epist._ p. 61. - -Footnote 853: - - ‘Malevolorum et invidorum plena sunt omnia.’—_Ibid._ p. 209. - -Footnote 854: - - ‘Mane aut inclinato in pomeridianum tempus die, cum Lampridio et - Phædro, suavissimis pueris, et cum mulieribus nostris circum villulas - errabimus.’—_Ibid._ p. 209. - -Footnote 855: - - ‘Lignipodas, qui in aviæ conclave quotidie cursabant.’—Faustus - Bellantes to Paleario, _Epist._ p. 97. - -Footnote 856: - - ‘Rogatus quid primum esset generi hominum a Deo datum, in quo salutem - collocare mortales possent? Responderim CHRISTUM. Quid secundum? - CHRISTUM. Quid _tertium_? CHRISTUM.’—Palearii _Epist._ p. 99. - -Footnote 857: - - ‘Incredibilem conspirationem scelestissimorum hominum contra te esse - factam.’—Palearii _Epist._ p. 97. - -Footnote 858: - - ‘Cotta asserebat, me salvo, vestigium religionis in civitate reliquum - esse nullum.’—_Ibid._ p. 99. - -Footnote 859: - - ‘Christus tamen meus mihi spem facit, quem sancte et auguste semper - colui.’—Palearii _Epist._ p. 100. - -Footnote 860: - - ‘Sed ego jam humana contemno, fortissimo animo sum.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 861: - - ‘Miserrima est omnium mulierum.’—_Ibid._ p. 103. - -Footnote 862: - - ‘In lacrymis jacet totos dies et mærore conficitur.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 863: - - ‘Tenues homines sed arrogantes, imperiti, loquacissimi.’—Palearii - _Opera_, p. 86. - -Footnote 864: - - ‘Alii . . . auditis testibus, mox in ignem conjiciendum censebant, - indicata causa. Alii, causa dicta pœnam sequi oportere - putabant.’—Palearii _Opera_. - -Footnote 865: - - ‘Testes partim e plebecula tenues, rerum de quibus testimonium - dixerunt imperiti.’—Palearii _Epist._ p. 116. - -Footnote 866: - - ‘Alii respondentem graviter objurgatum a Sadoleto.’—Palearii _Epist._ - p. 118. - -Footnote 867: - - ‘Injuriam augere injuria, et odio cumulare odium.’—_Ibid._ p. 119. - -Footnote 868: - - ‘Quo nemo melior, nemo sanctior circumventus est innocentissimus - Christus.’—Palearii _Epist._ p. 116. - -Footnote 869: - - _Oratio tertia pro se ipso._ This is the speech which the - ecclesiastical authorities of Naples cut out of all the copies of - Paleario’s works that fell into their hands, but which we have found - complete in the edition of Amsterdam, pp. 73-97. - -Footnote 870: - - ‘Cum succus et sanguis Reipublicæ sit restitutus.’—Palearii _Opera_, - edit. Amsterdam, p. 73. - -Footnote 871: - - ‘Homines innocentes in crucem tollas. . . . Tolleres, tolleres quidem - si quantum furor iste, superbia, iracundia affert, tantum tibi - liceret.’—_Ibid._ p. 80. - -Footnote 872: - - ‘Res domi angusta est; at conscientia in animi penetralibus augusta, - læta, alacris.’—Palearii _Opera_, edit. Amsterdam, p. 84. - -Footnote 873: - - ‘Sedeant illi in cathedra, diademata imponunt, dibaphum - vestiant.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 874: - - ‘Jacebant divina studia, strata in cellulis hominum otiosorum, qui - licet in sylvas se abstrusissent, ut in hæc incumberent; ita - stertebant tamen, ut nos in urbibus et vicis audiremus.’—Palearii - _Opera_, edit. Amsterdam, pp. 81-85. - -Footnote 875: - - ‘Parum est accusari et deduci in carcerem, virgis cædi, reste - suspendi, insui in culeum, feris objici, ad ignem torreri nos decet, - si his suppliciis veritas in lucem est proferenda.’—Palearii _Opera_, - edit. Amsterdam, p. 91. - -Footnote 876: - - The fact that Paleario was the author of this book seems clearly - established by Mr. Babington, as well as by M. J. Bonnet and Mrs. - Young. - -Footnote 877: - - ‘Nunquam iis sponsore Christo deerit pater.’—Palearii _Opera_, p. 97. - -Footnote 878: - - ‘Præ dolore misere exanimatam.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 879: - - ‘Postquam in urbem profectus es, ita nescio quomodo animus meus - torpuit, ut difficillimum mihi fuerit scribere epistolam - hanc.’—Palearii _Epist._ p. 93. - -Footnote 880: - - ‘Besonders Italien, welches dem Tyrannus am nähesten unterworfen; ja, - dessen Sitz sey.’—Seckendorff’s translation, p. 1366. - -Footnote 881: - - The Italian original, which is dated 5th January, 1533, is preserved - in the archives of Weimar. Seckendorff gives a German translation in - his ‘History of Lutheranism,’ pp. 1365-1367. - -Footnote 882: - - Mac Crie, _History of the Reformation in Italy_, p. 88. - - - - - CHAPTER XX. - THE GOSPEL AT NAPLES AND ROME. - (1520-1536.) - - -The Gospel had made noble conquests in the north and centre of the -peninsula: it did the same at Naples, and even at Rome. - -It was not the Italians alone who spread the Gospel in Italy. Among the -contemporaries and acquaintances of Paleario, Peter Martyr, and Occhino, -were two twin brothers, descended from one of the oldest families of -Leon in Spain, Juan and Alfonso di Valdez. They were so much alike, that -Erasmus, who knew Alfonso, wrote to Juan: ‘They tell me you are so like -your brother, both in figure and in talent, that when people see you, -they do not take you for twins, but for the same person. I shall regard -you, then, as one, and not two individuals.’[883] And, indeed, some -historians, understanding literally what Erasmus merely intended for a -pleasant jest, have converted the two brothers into one person. One of -them disappears, and it is usually Alfonso: his actions are recorded, -but they are ascribed to Juan. The two Valdez were born in 1500, at -Cuença, in New Castile, of which their father was corregidor in 1520. -Charles V. made Alfonso his secretary,[884] and took him with him when -he left Spain in 1520, to receive the imperial crown at Aix-la-Chapelle. -In the following year the young Spaniard was among the gentlemen who -attended the emperor at Worms, when Luther made his famous appearance -before the Diet. Luther’s writings having been condemned by imperial -decree to be burnt, Alfonso, whom all these events interested in the -highest degree, desired to be present at the execution of the sentence. -When the monks, who surrounded and fed the fire saw all the heretical -paper converted into black ashes, as thin as a spider’s web, and blown -to and fro by the wind, they exclaimed: ‘There is nothing more to fear -now: it is all over;’ and then went away. But such was not Alfonso’s -opinion. ‘They call it the end of the tragedy,’ he wrote to his friend -Peter Martyr of Anghiera (who must not be confounded with Vermigli), -‘but I believe we are only at the beginning of it.’ Valdez, whom -everybody looked upon as a youth of great expectation,[885] became -intimate with Erasmus; perhaps at the suggestion of the emperor, who, -like Francis I., would willingly have united with the prince of the -schools, in order to become master of Luther and the pope, and if -possible to reconcile them. Alfonso, who was a great admirer of Erasmus, -was considered to be more Erasmian than Erasmus himself; but the -disciple went further and higher than the teacher. Erasmus was the -bridge by which Alfonso crossed the river, and passed from Rome to the -Gospel. - -[Sidenote: A Dialogue By Valdez.] - -In May, 1527, the emperor and his court were at Valladolid, where the -empress awaited her confinement. Valdez was there also. On a sudden the -news arrived of the famous sack of Rome by the troops of Charles V. The -indignation of the clergy, the agitation of the people, and the emotion -of the courtiers were extreme. Although grieved by the excess of which -the capital of Romanism had been the theatre, Alfonso believed it was -the season to say what he thought of the papacy, and consequently he -wrote and published a ‘Dialogue on the Things which happened at -Rome.’[886] The afflictions of the metropolis of catholicism, he says, -have dispersed a great number of its inhabitants; a Roman archbishop, -escaping from the disaster, arrives at Valladolid, and in the town where -a prince (the future Philip II.) had just been born, he meets one of the -emperor’s knights, by name Lactontio. The guilt of these disasters, says -the knight, lies with the pope, who, as instigator of the war and -unfaithful to his oaths, has dishonored his holy calling. Lactontio -draws one of those contrasts of light and darkness, between Christ and -the pontiff, which Luther’s pen could describe so well, but which were -quite new in the ‘most catholic’ kingdom. He goes even further, and -declares for the separation of the spiritual from the temporal power. -‘Is it useful, is it advantageous,’ he asks, ‘for the high priests of -Christendom to possess temporal power? We believe they could occupy -themselves much more freely with spiritual interests if they had not -this great burden of secular things. In all Christendom there is not a -state worse governed than the States of the Church. Erasmus pointed out -the faults of the Court of Rome, but his gentle remonstrances did not -touch you. Then God permitted Martin Luther unsparingly to expose all -your vices in broad daylight, and to detach many churches from their -obedience to you. It was all of no use; neither the respectful advice of -Erasmus nor the irreverent language of Luther could convince Rome of its -errors. God, therefore, had recourse to other appeals, and permitted the -calamities of war to fall upon your impenitent city.’ Here the -archdeacon, much more sensitive about the punishment of Rome than about -its faults, exclaims with mingled sorrow and naïveté: ‘Alas! the sacking -of the city has occasioned a loss of fifteen millions of ducats. Rome -will never become Rome again, even in half a century. The holy church of -St. Peter has been turned into a stable. For forty days not a single -mass has been said in the metropolis of Christendom. Even the bones of -the Apostles were scattered about.’ ‘The relics of the saints should be -honored,’ remarks the knight. ‘Let us understand one another, however; I -do not speak of those which require believers to solve some very thorny -problems—to decide, for instance, whether the mother of the Virgin had -two heads or the Virgin had two mothers.... We should place all our hope -in Jesus Christ alone. Honor images, if you like, but do not dishonor -Jesus Christ, and do not let Paradise be shut against the man who has no -money in his purse.’[887] - -This sharp attack, levelled at the papacy, was the more important, as -before the dialogue was published and circulated in Spain, Italy, and -Germany, it had been submitted by Valdez to several men of mark: to Don -Juan Manuel, formerly ambassador of the emperor at Rome, to the -celebrated imperial chancellor Gattinara, to Doctor Carrasco, and -several other theologians, who with a few unimportant observations, had -approved it. Count Castiglione, the papal nuncio, was not to be -deceived; he made a violent attack upon the imperial secretary, called -him a Lutheran, and declared that he could already see him wearing the -ignominious costume of the _autos da fé_. - -[Sidenote: Mercury And Charon.] - -Alfonso was silent; but a voice was raised in his defence—it was that of -his twin brother. In 1528[888] Juan published a _Dialogue_, half serious -and half in jest, _between Mercury and Charon_, which bears the mark of -a young writer. While the ferryman of Hades is busy taking over the -souls which come to him on the banks of the Styx, he is accosted by the -messenger of heaven, who makes use of strong language about the papacy. -‘So great is the corruption of those who call themselves Christians,’ he -says, ‘that I should consider it a great insult if they wanted to change -their name and be called _Mercurians_. One day,’ he continues, ‘seeing a -number of people approaching the altar to receive the host, I followed -them, with the pious design of partaking one of the wafers the priests -were distributing. But I was refused; and why? Solely because I would -not pay for it.’ Then, turning to the relics, whose dispersion was -considered to be the greatest outrage in the sack of Rome, Juan -introduces St. Peter, and puts wiser words into his mouth on this -subject than those of Mercury. According to the fervent apostle, the -plunder of Rome teaches Christians that they ought to set more value -upon one of the epistles of St. Paul or of himself than upon all the -_relics_ of their bodies. ‘The homage hitherto paid to our bones,’ he -continues, ‘must now be paid to the spirit which, for the good of -Christians, we have enshrined in our writings.’ But the satire -immediately begins again. At the thought of the sack of Rome, Mercury -bursts out into an ‘Olympian laugh.’ ‘Behold the judgment of God!’ he -says; ‘the sellers have been sold, the robbers have been robbed, and the -ill-doers ill-done!’ And when Charon complains that the pretended vicars -of heaven often forget to keep their word, ‘It is quite the rule,’ -answers Mercury, ‘that at the place where the best wine grows you drink -the worst; that the cobbler is always ill-shod, and the barber never -shaved.’ The dialogues of the twin brothers, so full of wit and yet of -Christian truth, excited loud recriminations; for the moment, however, -persecution did not touch them. It is true, the priests raised a violent -storm against them; but they were protected by the name of Charles V. In -March, 1529, Erasmus wrote to Juan, congratulating him on having escaped -safe and sound from the tempest.[889] - -When the emperor returned to Germany, Alfonso accompanied him. At -Augsburg, in 1530, as we have said in another place,[890] he played the -part of mediator between Charles V. and the protestants, and immediately -translated the celebrated evangelical confession into Spanish. But in -April, 1533, when Charles V. embarked at Genoa on his return to Spain, -Valdez remained in Italy. If he had accompanied his master, even that -powerful monarch, it was said, could not have preserved him from the -death the monks were preparing for him. From this period Alfonso seems -to have shared his time between Germany and Italy: henceforward his -brother occupies the foremost place. He was converted to the Gospel -after Alfonso, but eventually outstripped him. - -[Sidenote: Juan Valdez At Naples.] - -Juan had been forced to leave his native country.[891] He did not go to -Germany, as some have said, confounding him with his brother; but -henceforward he occupies an important position in Italy. In 1531 he went -to Naples, thence he proceeded to Rome, returning again to Naples in -1534, where he spent the remainder of his days. Some zealous -protestants, who formed part of the German army, and had been sent, in -1528, to drive off the French, who were besieging that city, were the -first to propagate the knowledge of the Gospel in that district. ‘But -when Juan Valdez arrived,’ says the Roman-catholic Caracciolo, ‘he alone -committed greater ravages among souls than many thousands of heretic -soldiers had done.’[892] Some have thought that he occupied the post of -secretary to the viceroy of Naples. But if he had an office at court, he -soon resigned it to enjoy his independence. ‘He did not frequent the -court very much,’ says Curione, ‘after Christ was revealed to him.’[893] - -Persecution had made Juan more serious; the experiences of his inner -life had matured him; he was still busy with literature and -languages,[894] but he loved the Gospel above everything, and sought to -make it known by his conversation as well as by his writings. There was -such grace in his mind, such peace and innocence in his features, such -attraction in his character, that he exercised an irresistible charm -over all who came near him. He soon gathered a circle of scholars and -gentlemen about him; he strove to extricate them from their worldliness, -to convince them of the nothingness of their own righteousness, and to -lead them to the salvation that is in Christ Jesus. He was even a torch -to enlighten some of the most celebrated preachers of Italy. ‘I know -it,’ says Curione, ‘for I have heard it from their own mouths.’ But at -the same time he had so much love in his heart and so much simplicity in -his manners, that he put the poor at their ease, and won the confidence -even of the rudest men, the lazzaroni of that day. He became all things -to all men to bring souls to Christ.[895] Valdez was not robust; he was -thin, and his limbs were weak; and it would appear that the state of his -health induced him to settle at Naples. ‘But,’ said his friends, ‘one -part of his soul served to animate his delicate and puny nature, while -the greater part of that clear, bright spirit was devoted to the -contemplation of truth.’ He generally collected his friends together at -Chiaja, near Pausilippo and Virgil’s tomb, in a villa whose gardens -looked over the wide sea, in front of the island of Nisida. In that -delightful country ‘where Nature exults in her magnificence and smiles -on all who behold her,’ Juan Valdez, and such as were attracted by the -loveliness of his doctrine and the holiness of his life, passed hours -and days never to be forgotten. He was not content to admire with them -the magnificence of nature; he introduced them to the magnificence of -grace. ‘An honored and brilliant knight of the emperor,’ says Curione, -‘he was a still more honored and brilliant knight of Jesus Christ.’[896] - -[Sidenote: Peter Martyr Vermigli.] - -Among the eminently gifted men who gathered round him was Peter Martyr -Vermigli, abbot of St. Peter’s _ad aram_. Peter Martyr, as we have said, -had gone from Spoleto to Naples in 1530, where he had made great -progress in the knowledge of the Gospel. Nothing could divert him from -the search after truth; neither fear of the world, nor the great income -he possessed, nor the high dignity with which he was invested. That -earnest soul, that profound mind, pursued after the knowledge of God -with indefatigable zeal. Being called to give drink to the sheep which, -attracted by his voice, crowded to the sheepfold, he was thirsty -himself, and alas! he had no water. He experienced that tormenting, that -bitter, that violent thirst under which the strongest men sometimes give -way. It was then he heard those words of Christ: _If any man thirst, let -him come unto me and drink_. He knew that man _comes_ to Christ by -faith,—by believing in his holiness, in his love, in his promises, and -in his almighty power to save. Putting scholasticism aside, and no -longer contenting himself with the Fathers of the Church, he hastened to -the fountain of Scripture and drank of the cup of salvation.[897] He -knew the fulness of grace which is in the Redeemer, and understood how -those who seek consolation elsewhere labor in vain. Growing more -enlightened every day by the Spirit of God, he discovered the grievous -errors of the Church and the simple grandeur of the Gospel. It was at -Naples that the light of the divine Word shone into his soul with -increasing glory and splendor.[898] Vermigli admired the beauties of -creation,[899] the sea glittering in the sunshine, and the graceful -promontories of the bay; but he loved still better to plunge into the -mysterious splendors of grace. He did not confine himself to the -writings of the Apostles, but added those of the reformers,—of Bucer, -Zwingle, Luther, and Melancthon. Zwingle’s treatise on _False and True -Religion_ showed him the necessity of returning to the simplicity and -primitive customs of the Church. Almost every day he conversed upon Holy -Scripture with friends who, like himself, loved religion pure and -undefiled, and principally with Flaminio and Valdez.[900] But above all -things he sought to impart by preaching the light which he had received. - -[Sidenote: Purgatorial Fire.] - -To this end Vermigli undertook to preach on the First Epistle to the -Corinthians, which he did in the presence of a large audience, including -even bishops. When he came to the third chapter,[901] he first showed -what was the foundation upon which the whole of Christian doctrine must -be built: _For other foundation can no man lay than that is laid, which -is Jesus Christ_, says the Apostle. But what is built on that stone? -When the architect has laid the foundations of the edifice he intends to -raise, he employs various materials to complete the work. Marble, -porphyry, and jasper shall form the pillars, the mantel-pieces, the -pavement, and the statues; gold and silver will serve for the internal -decorations; but there will also be wood and paper, stubble and other -coarse materials employed in the structure. It is so with the edifice of -God. On the foundation, which is Christ, we must build sound doctrines -which flow from Christ himself, from his divinity, truth, grace, and -spirit. If false doctrines are substituted for them,—doctrines -proceeding from man’s own righteousness and from the darkness with which -sin has overshadowed his understanding, what will happen? When a -conflagration breaks out, the fire makes manifest the divers materials -with which the house was built: the flame consumes the wood and stubble; -but it attacks in vain the marble and the jasper, the silver and gold: -these it cannot destroy. So it will be with the doctrines taught in the -Church. ‘False teachings cannot eternally pass for true,’ said Peter -Martyr. ‘There is nothing hidden which shall not be revealed; if the -falsehood of the dogmas put forth is not detected at the first, time -will make it known.[902] The day will come when every error hidden under -an appearance of truth shall be declared to be error in the most -striking manner; all darkness shall be scattered, everything will be -valued in conformity with its strict reality.[903] The eternal judgment -of God is the _fire that shall try every man’s work_. It is not enough -that the doctrines should be approved by the judgment of men, they must -be able to stand before the fire of God’s trial.[904] The day and the -fire of which the Apostle speaks are the piercing investigation, the -sure touchstone, which will enable us at last to distinguish between -true doctrines and false.[905] _Gold, stubble, fire_—they are all -metaphors.’ - -Peter Martyr’s audience, and especially the ecclesiastics, were unable -to conceal their surprise. The passage which he thus explained was that -on which the Romish Church based the doctrine of purgatorial fire; but -the learned doctor found something quite different in it. The priests -and monks not only saw that precious fire taken away from which they had -derived so much profit, but saw another fire substituted for it, which -threatened to consume their traditions and practices, _their hay and -stubble_. And hence the sermon aroused a storm in the hitherto calm -waters of Naples. The monks accused the prior of St. Peter’s _ad aram_, -and his friends of Chiaja defended him. His enemies succeeded in closing -the pulpit against him; but on the intervention of the powerful -protectors he possessed at Rome, his liberty of preaching was restored. - -[Sidenote: Illustrious Women At Chiaja.] - -This petty persecution was salutary to the Christian circle at Chiaja. -It grew wider, and its meetings were attended by nobles and scholars, -among others by Benedetto Gusano de Verceil, and a Neapolitan nobleman, -Giovanni Francesco Caserta.[906] The latter had a young relative, at -that time living in the midst of the splendors of the world. The Marquis -Caraccioli, one of the grandees of Naples, had an only son, Galeazzo. -Ardently desiring to perpetuate his name, he married him early to a -wealthy heiress, Vittoria, daughter of the Duke of Nocera, who bore him -four sons and two daughters. As soon as the old marquis saw that his -desire for posterity would be satisfied, he turned his ambition in -another direction, and sent his son to the court of the emperor, who -invested him with one of the great offices of his household. As Galeazzo -was not always on service, he returned from time to time to Naples, -where he gave himself up entirely to the vanities of the world, to the -pleasures of the earth, and to projects of ambition. A close friendship, -however, bound him to the pious Caserta. The Christian, taking advantage -of this intimacy, spoke to the worldling about the Word of God and the -only way of salvation which is Christ Jesus; but after these -conversations, the youthful chamberlain of Charles V. would hurry off to -theatre or ball. Caserta took him to hear Peter Martyr; and then -thinking that a society so cultivated as that which met at Chiaja might -perhaps win over his friend, he introduced him to Valdez. For some time -longer the seed continued to fall among thorns; but a little later the -young marquis received with joy the salvation of the Gospel, and, -desiring to remain faithful to it, he took refuge in Geneva. Calvin, who -welcomed him like a son, dedicated one of his writings to him, to show -his respect for the firmness of his faith. Although Caraccioli ‘did not -court the applause of men, and was content to have God alone for a -witness,’ the reformer, when he saw the illustrious Neapolitan refugee, -exclaimed with emotion: ‘Here is a man of ancient house and great -parentage, flourishing in honors and in goods, having a noble and -virtuous wife, a family of children, quiet and peace in his house, in -short, happy in everything that concerns the state of this life, but who -has voluntarily abandoned the place of his birth to stand beneath the -banner of Christ. He made no difficulty in leaving his lordship, a -fertile and pleasant country, a great and rich patrimony, a convenient, -comfortable, and cheerful palace; he broke up his household, he left -father, wife, children, relations, and friends, and after abandoning so -many allurements of the world, he is content with our littleness, and -lives frugally according to the habits of the commonalty—neither more -nor less than any one of us.’[907] - -In the select society which gathered round Valdez, there were also, as -at Thessalonica in the days of St. Paul, _of the chief women not a few_. -Among these high-born dames was Vittoria Colonna, widow of that famous -general the Marquis of Pescara, a woman illustrious for her beauty, and -her talent, whose poems were much admired at the time, and in whose -society, the poet Bernardo Tasso, father of him who wrote the ‘Jerusalem -Delivered,’ and Cardinal Bembo, learned some of the truths of the -Gospel. There also might be seen Isabella di Bresegna, to whom Curione -dedicated the works of Olympia Morata; but above all Guilia di Gonzaga, -widow of Vespasiano Colonna, Duke of Trajetto,[908] the most beautiful -woman in Italy. So great was the reputation of her beauty in Europe, and -even beyond it, that Barbarossa the corsair determined to carry her off. -Having undertaken in 1534 to terrify Naples, he suddenly appeared before -that city with a hundred sail, and landing near Fondi, between Gaeta and -Terracina, where the duchess was living on her estate, he tried to -surprise her; but she escaped the bird of prey, though not without -difficulty. This attempt was one of the motives which determined Charles -to undertake the expedition to Tunis. It is thus that men and women, of -whom the 16th century is proud, adorned the evangelical circle of -Chiaja. - -While Valdez reposed on the beautiful hills of Pausilippo, in the midst -of orange and fig trees, and in front of the wide sea, he loved to -indulge peacefully in religious meditations, and not unfrequently the -thoughts with which he was busy formed the subject of interesting -conversations with his friends. Certain topics—_Considerazioni_, as he -called them—occupied a mind at once eminently original and Christian. -Virgil’s tomb, which was situated a few paces off, might have suggested -other thoughts: the dying poet had ordered the following words to be -carved on his sepulchre: - - _Parthenope, cecini pascua, rura, duces._ - -The country life and the warlike exploits which the prince of Latin -poets sang have great attractions to many minds; but the visitors at -Pausilippo, whose history we are relating, had higher aspirations, and -conversed on topics which it is our duty to record. - -‘In what do the sons of God differ,’ they asked, ‘from the sons of -Adam?—Why is the state of a Christian who believes with difficulty -better than that of him who believes with ease?—Why does God give a -child to a Christian and suddenly take it away?—The man from whom God -takes away the love of the world, and to whom He gives the love of God, -experiences nearly the same thing as he who ceases to love one woman and -becomes enamored of another.[909]—To believe with difficulty is the sign -of a call from God.—Those who tread the Christian path without the -inward light of the Holy Spirit, are like those who walk by night -without the light of the sun.—How can God make himself _felt_, and how -can he permit himself to be _seen_?—The evils of curiosity, and how we -ought to read the Scriptures without curiosity.—Why are the -superstitious severe, while true Christians are merciful?—How God reigns -by Christ, and Christ is the head of the Church.—The three kinds of -conscience: that of the natural law, that of the written law, and that -of the Gospel.—Is justification the fruit of piety, or piety the fruit -of justification?—How does it happen that the wicked cannot believe, -that the superstitious believe easily, and that pious men believe with -difficulty?—How to resist the imaginations which confuse our Christian -faith.’—Such are some of the thoughts with which the noblest minds were -then busy on the enchanting shores of the bay of Naples.[910] - -[Sidenote: The Sermons Of Occhino.] - -The sermons of the celebrated Occhino helped to give a wider circulation -to the thoughts which engrossed the evangelicals of Chiaja. In the early -part of 1536, the great orator of Italy was invited to Naples to preach -the Lent course. Valdez immediately felt the living faith by which the -orator was animated: he became intimate with him, and introduced him to -the Christian circle around him. The well-known name of Occhino, his -strange appearance, his coarse dress, and reputation for holiness, -attracted an immense crowd to the church of S. Giovanni Maggiore. He -seemed called to scatter among the people the religious ideas which -Valdez and Peter Martyr were propagating among the noble and the -learned. De Vio, Cardinal of Gaeta, before whom Luther had appeared, was -a man of singular perspicacity, and he immediately suspected -heresy.[911] Struck with the power of the three doctors, he fancied he -saw the formation of a league, one of those triumvirates which destroyed -the Roman republic. ‘These triumvirs of the republic of Satan,’[912] he -said, ‘are circulating doctrines of startling novelty, and even of -detestable impiety about purgatory, the power of the sovereign pontiff, -freewill, and the justification of the sinner.’ The cardinal protested -in vain: not only the Christian society of Naples, but a great crowd of -the nobility and people, attended Occhino’s sermons. - -[Sidenote: Struggles Of Giulia.] - -The beautiful Duchess of Trajetto did not miss one of them. She was at -that time suffering under great domestic trouble: her brother Luigi, -wishing to recover a castle that had been taken from his sister, -perished in the assault, and Luigi’s widow, Isabella Colonna, who was -also the duchess’s daughter-in-law, went to law with her for a portion -of her inheritance. Giulia, roused by her vexations from the worldly -indifference in which she had lived, sought consolation in God, and -hoped to find in Occhino’s words a relief from her sorrow. An event -which at this time gave splendor to Naples might have diverted her from -these thoughts: the emperor arrived, and held a brilliant court. It was -natural that the monarch and the daughter of Gonzaga should meet, for he -had desired to avenge her when he gave up Tunis to be pillaged; but -Giulia would willingly have dispensed with the honor done to her in -Africa. Besides, her troubles and the awakening of her mind estranged -her from the court; the great lady, the ornament of every fête, did not -appear at those which were given to Charles V. If they did not meet at -court or ball, they probably met at church. The emperor having heard -much of the great orator of Italy, went like the rest to the church of -S. Giovanni Maggiore. He was surprised and struck by Occhino’s -eloquence, and said as he went out: ‘That monk would make the very -stones weep.’[913] - -It was easier to draw tears from Giulia Gonzaga’s eyes. That young -woman, whose heart was wrung by sorrow, was agitated more and more every -day by the powerful words of the great preacher; and it was at this time -that the Christian life truly began in her. One day, as she was leaving -the church of S. Giovanni Maggiore, Juan Valdez observed her emotion, -and accompanied her to her palace. The stricken and agitated widow -begged him to stay and enlighten her, and made known to him the -distress, the hopes, and the struggles of her soul. Valdez felt that he -was called to disperse the darkness in the midst of which Giulia was -struggling, and the conversation lasted till evening. The Duchess of -Trajetto desired to have nothing more to do with the world, but as yet -she had not tasted the peace of God. ‘Ah!’ she exclaimed to Valdez, -‘there is a combat within me. The monk’s words fill me with fear of -hell, but I fear evil tongues also. Occhino inspires me with love for -paradise, but I feel at the same time a love for the world and its -glory. How can I escape from the contest under which I am sinking? Is it -by harmonizing these two tendencies, or by rejecting one of them? Pray -show me the way; I promise to follow it.’ Valdez replied that the -agitation she felt was occasioned by the renewing of the image of God in -her. ‘The law has wounded you,’ he said, ‘the Gospel will heal you; for -if the Law gives death, the Gospel gives life.[914] What I fear,’ he -continued, ‘is lest you should attempt to regulate your Christian life -in such a manner that those about you should not remark any change in -you.’ The duchess confessing that such was her secret wish, Valdez told -her to choose between God and the world, adding: ‘I will show you the -path of perfection: Love God above everything, and your neighbor as -yourself.’—‘Your words surprise me,’ she said; ‘I have heard all my life -that monastic vows alone lead to perfection.’—‘Let them say on,’ replied -Valdez firmly; ‘the monks have no Christian perfection except so far as -they possess the love of God, and not an atom more.’ Valdez then tried -to make her understand the only means by which that charity, which is -perfection, is produced in the heart. ‘Our works are good,’ he said, -‘only when they are done by a justified person. Fire is needed to give -warmth; a living faith to produce charity. Faith is the tree, charity -the fruit. But when I speak of faith, Madam, I mean that which lives in -the soul, that which proceeds from God’s grace, and which clings with -boundless confidence to every word of God. When Christ says: _He that -believes shall be saved_, the disciple who believes must not have the -slightest doubt of his salvation.’[915]—‘Ah!’ exclaimed the duchess, ‘I -will yield to no one in faith.’—‘Take care,’ rejoined Valdez; ‘if you -were asked whether you believed in the articles of the faith, you would -reply, Yes! but if you were asked whether you believed God had pardoned -all your sins, you would say that you think so ... that you are not -quite sure, however.... Ah! Madam, if you accept with full faith the -words of Christ, then, even while suffering under the pain caused by -your sins, you would not hesitate to say with perfect assurance: _Yes, -God himself has pardoned all my sins_.’[916] - -Such evangelical sentiments, uttered by a Spaniard in a palace at -Naples, and received with humility by a Gonzaga, are a feature of the -Reformation. We must humble ourselves before we can be exalted. -Conscience spoke in Giulia. We have here a woman whose family had given -many sovereigns to Italy and princesses to royal houses, the widow of a -Colonna, the chief of the most ancient family in the peninsula, which -has counted among its members cardinals, illustrious generals, and the -celebrated Pope Martin V.; and this Gonzaga, touched by grace, lent an -ear to the truth with more humility than her own servants: she had -become a little child. If the Acts of the Apostles remark more than once -that among the persons converted to Christ in Asia and in Greece, where -St. Paul preached, were women of distinction, history will also remark -that at the epoch of the Reformation of the sixteenth century the wave -mounted from the lowest levels of the shore to the highest peaks. Or -rather, _the hills did bow_ before it. Valdez having spoken of a -‘_path_,’ the duchess manifested a desire to know it. ‘There are three -paths,’ he answered, ‘which lead to the knowledge of God: the natural -light which teaches us the omnipotence of God; the Old Testament, which -shows us the Creator as hating iniquity; and lastly, Christ, the sure, -clear, and royal way. Christ is love; and accordingly, when we know God -through him, we know him as a God of love. Christ has made satisfaction -for sin. An infinite God alone could pay an infinite debt. But it is not -sufficient to believe it, we must experience it also.’[917] - -[Sidenote: Meditation And Preaching.] - -‘Devote some time every day,’ continued Valdez, ‘to meditation on the -world, on yourself, on God, and on Jesus Christ, without binding -yourself to it in a superstitious manner; do it in liberty of spirit, -selecting any of your rooms that may seem most convenient, perhaps even -as you lie awake in bed. Two images should be continually before your -eyes: that of Christian perfection and that of your own imperfection. -These books will cause you to make greater progress in a day than any -others would in ten years. Even the Holy Scriptures, if you do not read -them with that humility which I point out to you, might become poison to -your soul.’[918] - -‘Listen to preaching with a humble mind,’ continued Valdez.—‘But,’ said -Giulia, ‘if the preacher is one of those who, instead of preaching -Christ, give utterance to vain and foolish things, drawn from philosophy -or some empty theology—one of those who tell us dreams and fables—would -you have me follow him?’—‘In that case, do what seems best. The worst -moments of all the year are to me those which I waste in listening to -preachers such as you have described; and hence it rarely happens to -me.’[919] - -The day was coming to an end when Valdez rose: the duchess was like a -person who has discovered the road to happiness, and fears to go astray -in the new path. Valdez desired to leave, but she detained him: ‘Only -two words more before you go,’ she said; ‘what use must I make of -Christian liberty?’—‘The true Christian,’ replied the Spanish gentleman, -‘is free from the tyranny of sin and death; he is the absolute master of -his affections; but at the same time he is the servant of all.... -Farewell, madam, from this very moment pray follow my advice, and -to-morrow I will ask how you have found yourself after it.’ He -withdrew.[920] - -It was during these solemn hours, when Valdez traced out for her the -order of salvation, that the daughter of the Gonzagas sat in spirit at -her Saviour’s feet, and gave herself to him with all her soul. It is -possible that in the instructions given by this pious layman we may here -and there discover some slight shades not strictly evangelical, tinged -either with a mystic or a Roman color; and possibly the Holy Scriptures -do not occupy a place sufficiently prominent; yet the two great -Christian facts—the work of Christ on the cross, and that which He -accomplishes in the heart—were clearly laid down by the Spanish -gentleman, and that was the essential thing. - -The religious awakening then going on in the Duchess of Trajetto and in -many others at Naples, happened at a difficult moment. Some days before, -Charles V., excited by the priests who were growing alarmed at a -movement which they could not understand, had published an edict -forbidding all intercourse with those infected with or only suspected of -Lutheranism. When the emperor left Naples shortly after (22 March, -1536), the viceroy, driven onwards by the same influence, and ascribing -to Occhino’s eloquence a religious agitation which was so novel in the -Parthenopean city, interdicted the preaching of that great orator; but -his eloquence and energy, backed by his numerous friends and the -protests of those who so liked to hear him, prevailed. He was able to -continue the course of his sermons, and did not end them until Easter -(April 16). The Duchess of Trajetto, without leaving the church, -endeavored more and more to walk in that new path which Valdez had shown -her; the latter zealously directed her, and not long after dedicated to -her a translation of the Psalms from the Hebrew, with a practical -explanation. Somewhat later he published _Commentaries_ on the Epistles -of Paul to the Romans and to the Corinthians.[921] - -[Sidenote: Pietro Carnesecchi.] - -In this charming circle at Chiaja, and among the habitual guests of -Valdez, Vittoria Colonna, and Giulia Gonzaga, was a patrician of -Florence, as distinguished by his person as by the important offices he -had filled: he was Pietro Carnesecchi.[922] Although for a long time -placed as near as possible to the pontifical throne, he found a strange -and indefinable charm in the conversations of Valdez, attended with -pleasure the sermons of Occhino, drew light from the lamp of Peter -Martyr, formed a close friendship with Galeazzo Caraccioli, and was -touched by that mixture of grace, intelligence, humility, faith, and -good works then to be found in some of the most distinguished women of -Italy. As soon as Charles V. arrived at Naples, he desired Carnesecchi -to come and see him. The noble Florentine was surprised at the order, -but the emperor’s motive was this. Carnesecchi, a native of the city of -the Medicis,[923] was early distinguished by his knowledge of polite -literature, by his talent in the art of writing, and particularly by -that penetrating mind which can discern the secret springs of events and -see clear in the obscurest matters. From his early youth he had felt a -desire for great things,[924] and had placed himself in connection with -the most eminent men, with the view of running a more useful career. His -fine countenance struck observers all the more because with nobility of -features he combined modesty, purity, sobriety, and admirable mildness -tempered by imposing gravity. By these qualities he gained the favor of -the Medicis, and when Julius became pope, under the name of Clement -VII., Carnesecchi received a message appointing him secretary to the new -pontiff. Having at that time no evangelical convictions, he thought that -the invitation would open a noble career before him; he therefore -accepted it, and soon found himself in possession of great influence. -Clement, who had so much to do with politics, with Charles V., Francis -I., and Henry VIII., committed the direction of the Church to -Carnesecchi, and it was generally said that ‘the pontificate was at that -time filled by Pietro Carnesecchi rather than by Clement.’[925] The pope -several times offered him a cardinal’s hat, which he always refused. -This is surprising, for he was naturally ambitious; but after he had -seen the papacy closely, he probably feared to ally himself too -intimately with it; possibly, also, the first beams of evangelical light -were dawning upon his soul. - -[Sidenote: Carnesecchi And Charles V.] - -The death of Clement VII. broke the golden chains which were beginning -to oppress Carnesecchi. He quitted Rome, and, attracted by the mild -light which was shining over the hills of Chiaja, he went to Naples with -the desire of remaining for a time in the society of those men of God -who were so much talked about in Italy.[926] The treasures of truth and -life which he found there surpassed his expectations. But suddenly the -command of Charles V. disturbed him in the midst of the Christian joy by -which his soul was filled. What did the puissant emperor want with him? -Did he design to open once more that career of politics and glory which -he, Carnesecchi, had renounced forever? Was there some political scheme -brewing, or did Charles V. desire to become a disciple of the Gospel? -Carnesecchi could not make it out, but he went to the palace all the -same. The emperor had a very different object: knowing full well that -the Florentine had been initiated into all the thoughts of Clement VII., -he desired to learn what schemes that pope had formed with Francis I. at -Marseilles.[927] In that interview Carnesecchi did not forfeit the -confidence which Clement had reposed in him; he did not violate the -fidelity he had sworn,[928] but answered the emperor with a nobleness -and respect which quite won the esteem of that prince. Francis I., -however, when he heard of this conference at Naples, was exasperated; it -seemed to him that the kindness he had shown Carnesecchi during the -famous interview at Marseilles should have led him to refuse his rival’s -invitation, and he confiscated the revenues of an abbey which -Carnesecchi possessed in France. The Medicis, however, and even -Catherine, having known this excellent man well, never withdrew their -esteem from him, although he was everywhere decried as a heretic. - -However great was the honor of a conference with Charles V., Carnesecchi -much preferred those he had with Valdez, Peter Martyr, and Occhino. -These pious men were not content with _vain babbling_: they read the -Holy Scriptures together, enlightened each other on their meaning, and -carefully compared one passage with another.[929] Carnesecchi had that -love of truth and that boldness of thought which make rapid progress in -the knowledge of Christ. A gleam of light shone into his heart. He did -not oscillate for years in doubt between light and darkness; he was one -of those noble spirits who attain their end at a bound. Ere long, the -influential secretary of Clement VII., by turns the object of the -attentions of the two greatest monarchs in Europe, sat humbly at the -foot of the cross. He believed in those truths which he afterwards -confessed before the college of cardinals, and on account of which he -was put to death by the pope. Looking unto Christ, he could say: -‘Certainly justification proceeds from faith alone in the work and love -of a crucified Saviour. We can have the assurance of salvation, because -it was purchased for us by the Son of God at so great a price. We must -submit to no authority except the Word of God, which has been handed -down to us in Holy Scripture.’[930] These doctrines formed from that -hour the happiness of his eminent spirit, and filled with sweetness the -intercourse he enjoyed at Naples with Valdez and Peter Martyr. - -[Sidenote: Marco Antonio Flaminio.] - -Two groups of pious men took part at this time in the revival of Italy: -the independent Christians, all of whom ended their lives in exile or at -the stake; and men of a hierarchical tendency, who, though religious, -still remained in Romanism, some of them even rising to the highest -posts in the Church. Carnesecchi and Paleario belonged to the first -group, and no doubt Valdez also; and if his life had been much -prolonged, it is probable that he also would have come to a tragic end. -As for the second group, it included many of those who had belonged to -the oratory of _Divine Love_, the most distinguished of whom (Contarini) -we shall mention presently. One of them, Caraffa, who became pope under -the name of Paul IV., fell lower than all the others, and became a -persecutor. These two groups, however, did not include all the Italians -who were touched by the Reformation. Between them were many truly -Christian people, who, as regards faith, were with the evangelicals, but -as regards the Church, clung to Rome through dread of falling into what -they called schism. Of this number was Flaminio, one of Valdez’ best -friends. He was born between Ferrara and Florence, but we meet with him -in the south. Political disturbances having broken out at Imola in the -early part of the sixteenth century, one of the burgesses of that city, -named Flaminio, who had acquired a reputation in literature, fled -hastily, carrying with him a very young child, and took refuge in a -castle in the Venetian territory.[931] That child was Marco Antonio -Flaminio, and his flight was almost a type of what his whole life would -be—one of anguish, and often of pressing want. When he grew older, he -went to study at Padua, where he displayed very remarkable poetic -talents. ‘His poems,’ it was afterwards said, ‘possess all the -simplicity and grace of Catullus, but untainted with his license. They -penetrate into the soul with their wonderful sweetness.’ With the gifts, -Flaminio also shared the adversities of the poet. He was often greatly -straitened during his studentship, and his university friends had to -subscribe to supply him with clothes.[932] Whatever were the hardships -of his position and the weakness of his health, he worked assiduously -and made great progress in philosophy and the study of languages, and -attained a thorough knowledge of the poets and orators. At the same -time, trial was telling upon his soul: his literary and philosophical -studies could not satisfy him. Shut up in his little room, he said to -himself ‘that there was a science higher than that of Cicero and Plato, -the science of the sacred writings, the knowledge of divine things -handed down to us by the everlasting Word.’[933] Such was the only -treasure he longed for in the midst of his poverty. ‘The study of -heavenly truth is the goal I set before me,’ he said. ‘I desire to adore -the eternal God with fervor, and devote my life to the salvation of -souls.’[934] He might have received considerable sums for his writings; -but he could not bear the idea of making a trade of his books, as if -they were merchandise. He might, as he grew older, have attained high -ecclesiastical dignity and earthly distinction; but he loved the -spiritual heights of faith more than the elevations of the world, and, -disdaining empty decorations, preferred a life hidden with Christ in -God. He visited in succession Rome, Venice, and Verona, and was received -in the last city by the Bishop Giovanni Matteo Giberto, who esteemed -learning, had published the _Homilies of Chrysostom on St. Paul_, and -‘thus revived the doctrine of the Greek fathers in Europe.’ This -prelate, perhaps from devotion, but perhaps also because he wished to be -made a cardinal, had adopted an exceedingly austere life; Flaminio, who -cared nothing for the hat with its red cords, followed, however, the -rough paths by which Giberto hoped to attain his end. The bishop, -combining labor with ascetic practices, desired his guest to make a -translation and commentary of the Psalms. The latter applied zealously -to his work, and endeavored to make the labor attractive;[935] but his -constitution being too weak to bear up against the severities of the -ascetic prelate, he fell ill and nearly died.[936] - -[Sidenote: The Way Of Peace.] - -Flaminio went into the Venetian campagna to recover his strength, and -entered, as soon as he was well, the household of another future -cardinal, Giovanni Pietro Caraffa, Bishop of Chieti. Caraffa, a violent -and impetuous man, and afterwards, when pope, under the name of Paul -IV., the restorer of the inquisition and of the strictest -Roman-catholicism, had had his seasons of struggle and even of faith in -the truth. Oppressed by the agitation caused within him by his ardent -and fanatical nature, he often felt that he would never find peace -except by sacrificing his will to that of God; and this it was that -bound him to Flaminio. Unhappily, his evil nature afterwards prevailed. -Caraffa being made cardinal, went to Rome, and Flaminio to Naples, at -the time when Valdez, Peter Martyr, Carnesecchi, and their friends were -there. - -Association with these pious men was of great use to Flaminio: he had -been prepared to seek God by adversity, by sickness, and by the approach -of death; in his intercourse with the Christians of Pausilippo he learnt -the way of peace. ‘God,’ he said, ‘does not call those happy who are -clear from every stain; alas! there is not one! but those whom his mercy -pardons, because they believe with all their heart that the blood of our -Lord Jesus Christ is the atonement for all sin. If our conscience -accuses us before the tribunal of God, if death is imminent, let us -still be full of hope, for the mercy of the Supreme Ruler infinitely -exceeds the wickedness of the whole human race.’ Flaminio having -dedicated his book on the _Psalms_ to the famous cardinal Farnese, he -boldly confessed his faith before that grandson of Paul III. ‘Herein -will be found,’ he said, ‘many things about Christ, our Lord and our -God; his bitter death and his everlasting kingship;—his death, by which, -sacrificing himself on the cross and blotting out all our sins by his -most precious blood, he has reconciled us with God—his kingship, by -which He defends us against the eternal enemy of the human race, and, -governing us by his Spirit, leads us to a blessed and immortal -life.’[937] - -Valdez, charmed by the simplicity of Flaminio’s character, the beauty of -his genius, and the liveliness of his faith, was accustomed to say: ‘Of -all men, Flaminio is the one for whom I feel the greatest love and -admiration.’[938] Carnesecchi also appreciated Flaminio, but without -being so enthusiastic in his affection as Valdez. He had a less glowing -imagination than the poet of Imola, and perhaps his feelings were less -quick, but his understanding was clearer, more logical, and more -practical. While Flaminio desired to remain in the Roman Church, -Carnesecchi was still more resolved to walk in the paths of the Gospel. -These two eminent men had serious discussions about universal consent -(_catholicus consensus_) and the sacrifice of the mass, which Flaminio -defended, but to which Carnesecchi opposed the sacrifice offered once -for all at Golgotha, as the only real one. Still, it was not until later -that these two Christians entered into a correspondence on the subject -which shows us the diversity of their faith.[939] Notwithstanding their -differences, they remained united in close affection; and when they were -forced to separate, Flaminio addressed his friend in a graceful little -poem, the very first lines of which indicate the charms of the sweet and -serious conversations of the Chiaja.[940] ‘Although I must now depart -far from thee, O dear Carnesecchi,’ he said in conclusion, ‘neither -time, nor distance, nor death itself, shall deprive me of the sweetness -of thy friendship. I shall remain with thee; I shall be ever with thee; -I shall leave thee always the greater half of my soul.’ - -Flaminio returned to Rome, and Reginald Pole, cousin to Henry VIII., who -was then in the city, endeavored to gain for the papacy a man whose -value he appreciated. The intercourse of Flaminio with Caraffa and Pole -had an unfortunate influence upon him. Somewhat later he said to -Carnesecchi: ‘O my friend, if we do not wish to be wrecked in the midst -of the dangerous breakers that surround us, let us bend humbly before -God, and permit no motive, however lawful it may appear, to separate us -from the catholic Church.’[941] Since that time, Romish and evangelical -writers have continually disputed possession of him, each affirming that -he belonged to them: he belonged entirely to neither. He was able to -keep himself evenly balanced between the two powers that then disputed -the sovereignty of Christendom, and did not fall into the abyss. But, -whatever men may say, if the reformers had desired to follow that middle -path which pleases certain minds, it would assuredly have been fatal to -truth and liberty. Christendom would have fallen back into the servility -of the middle ages; and if the yoke had appeared too heavy, it would -have plunged into the license of incredulity. The narrow path of -evangelical truth runs between these two gulfs: it is a refuge to those -whom they threaten to swallow up. - -[Sidenote: Oratory Of Divine Love.] - -Among the Italians affected by the religious movement there were many -who clung to the papacy still more than Flaminio did. The scepticism -which had been fashionable at the pontifical court had brought about a -reaction, to which, no doubt, the writings of the reformers contributed. -The wave, uplifted at Wittemberg, Zurich, and Cambridge, descending -gradually towards the south, reached as far as Rome, and touched the -gates of the Vatican. The men who there received the doctrine of grace -in their hearts, seeing religion weakened and public worship decayed, -united to found in the Trastevere—in the very spot where it was said the -first Christians had assembled, and where St. Peter had dwelt—that -_Oratory of Divine Love_ which was to be a kind of citadel in which they -could rally their forces to preserve the divine law in its purity.[942] -They were between fifty and sixty in number, ecclesiastics and laymen, -and Julio Bathi, rector of the church of St. Silvester, in which their -meetings were held, was the centre of that Christian association. They -were not all alike. In some the hierarchical tendency ultimately stifled -the evangelical spirit; but there were others whose living piety endured -unto the end. On certain days they might be seen crossing the Tiber and -ascending the Trastevere. Among them were two priests, who were -afterwards Flaminio’s patrons—Giberto and Caraffa; Gaetano di Thiene, -who founded in 1524 the order of regular Clerks or Theatines, and was -canonized; Sadolet, born at Modena, secretary to Leo X., who made him -Bishop of Carpentras in 1517, and Lippomano, who attained a high -reputation by his writings. They were afterwards joined by a number of -eminent men, among whom were Reginald Pole, whose opposition to the work -of Henry VIII. had forced him to leave England; Pietro Bembo, whose -house at Padua was the resort of men of letters; Gregorio Cortesi, Abbot -of San Giorgio Maggiore, near Venice, and many more, among whom was one -whom we must soon speak of at greater length. - -[Sidenote: Members Of The Oratory.] - -These men, most of whom were called to play important parts, were not -the only persons who felt the influence of the revival; many a monk shut -up in his convent shared in it. These were to be found particularly in -the Benedictine monasteries, and among their number was Marco of Padua, -who appears to have been the monk from whom Pole says he had drawn the -spiritual milk of the Word. But the most striking example of this -semi-evangelical, semi-monastic life was Giovanni-Battista Folengo. In -his cell in the cloister of St. Benedict, he passed days and nights in -the study of Scripture, and plainly ascribed the justification of the -sinner to grace alone. The good Benedictine was punctual in attending -matins, in fasting, in singing mass, and in confessing; but he earnestly -exhorted the faithful not to put their trust in fasts, or in the -mechanical repetition of the prayers prescribed by the church, or in -confession, or in the mass. He was a monk and a priest, in subjection to -the dignities of the Church; but, like a prophet, he hurled the flashes -of his burning eloquence against the priesthood, the tonsure, and the -mitre. He called for the reform of the Church; he loved evangelical -Christians; he would have wished, in his profound charity, to reunite -them _with the flock_. He published commentaries on the Epistles of St. -Peter, St. James, and St. John; and his noble style, as well as the -elevation of his Christian thoughts, caused them to be read with -eagerness; but the Court of Rome, irritated by the liberty with which he -expressed his faith, put his book in the Index Expurgatorius. The truth -of the Latin saying—_habent sua fata libelli_ was then manifested. -Folengo having written a commentary on the Psalms, expressed in it his -evangelical views with great decision, especially in his remarks on the -sixty-eighth Psalm. Strange to say, while his first work had been put in -the Index by one pope, the second was reprinted by another pope (Gregory -XIII.), with some corrections indeed, but with nothing that changed the -general spirit of the work. More than one infallible pontiff has -condemned what another infallible pontiff has approved of. The pious -Folengo died at the age of sixty, in the same convent where he had taken -the vows in his youth.[943] A man of piety less lively than Folengo’s -was destined to play a more important part in the affairs of the Church -at the epoch of the Reformation. - -[Sidenote: Contarini, The Venetian.] - -At that famous sitting of the Diet of Worms in 1521, before which Martin -Luther appeared, there was present among the ambassadors from the -different states of Europe, who had come to congratulate the young -emperor, a senator of Venice, by name Gasper Contarini. Eldest son of -one of the noble families of the republic, possessing an elevated mind -formed by the study of philosophy and literature, delicate taste, -exquisite judgment, elegant in his life and manners, Contarini was not -favorably impressed with the celebrated reformer. These two men, who -held many principles of religion and morality in common, were widely -separated from each other as regards cultivation, character, and mode of -life. Luther was displeasing to Contarini, and the Reformation of -Germany itself, stamped with the character of the nation, did not suit -the Venetian’s taste. Noble impulses acted on the reformer, order -prevailed with the diplomatist. Contarini devoted three hours every day -to study, never more, never less, and each time began by repeating what -he had done the day before. He never abandoned the study of a science -until he had mastered it.[944] One of his first writings was directed -against his master the celebrated Pomponatius, who passed for an -atheist. That philosopher having affirmed the impossibility of proving -the immortality of the soul by reason, Contarini established it by -philosophical arguments. His birth called him to the first offices of -the republic, and while still young he became a member of the Venetian -senate. At first he sat and listened to the deliberations of his -colleagues: his modesty, and perhaps his timidity, prevented him from -speaking. At length he took courage, and though he did not speak with -much wit, grace, or animation, he expressed himself with such simplicity -and showed such thorough knowledge of the questions under discussion, -that he soon acquired great consideration. His mission to Charles V. was -not limited to the embassy of Worms; he accompanied the emperor to -Spain, and was there when the ship _Vittoria_ returned from the first -voyage ever made round the world. People were surprised that the hardy -sailors arrived a day later than the one marked in their log; it was -Contarini, as it would appear, who discovered the cause. Being sent as -ambassador to the pope, after the sack of Rome, he effected a -reconciliation between the pontiff and Charles V., and officiated at the -coronation of the emperor by Clement VII.[945] - -Every one present at these pomps took notice of the Venetian ambassador, -and a brilliant career seemed to lie before him. Men admired the rich -gifts of his mind, the firmness and mildness of his character, the moral -dignity and gravity which challenged respect. This was not all: a deep -religious feeling had been developed early in his soul. At Rome he had -joined the pious men who assembled at the Oratory of Divine Love on the -Trastevere: he was fond of the meetings which so reminded him of those -held by the disciples at Jerusalem in Mary’s house. - -One day, in the year 1535, when the senate of Venice had assembled for -the elections, Contarini, at that time invested with one of the most -important offices of the republic, was sitting near the balloting urn. -On a sudden he was told that the pope had appointed him cardinal. The -news surprised him exceedingly, and at first he would not believe it: -he, a layman, the magistrate of a republic, and not known to the -sovereign pontiff ... to be nominated a cardinal, a prince of the -Church! It appeared like a dream, and yet it was a reality. Paul III., -having undertaken the task of bringing the protestants back to the -Church, saw that he must employ for that purpose, not worldly prelates -of the school of Leo X., but men of sincere piety; besides, Contarini -had rendered services to the papacy, and hence he was invited to Rome. -The report of his nomination circulated in a moment through the -assembly, and his colleagues, leaving their places, gathered round to -congratulate him. Even the senator who was at the head of the party -opposed to him, his every-day antagonist, exclaimed, ‘The republic has -lost her best citizen.’ - -But in the midst of these congratulations Contarini remained undecided -and silent. There was a struggle in his soul. He felt it difficult to -leave his friends, the country of his fathers, a free city, where he was -among equals, and where he might aspire to the highest dignity, that of -doge—an honor enjoyed by seven of his family; he shrank from putting -himself at the service of an autocrat, often the slave of passion, of -living in the midst of a corrupt clergy, in a world of simony and -intrigue. However, he believed he could see the finger of God in his -appointment. The Church was exposed to unprecedented danger. Could he, -in such a critical hour, refuse his services and his life to that -militant assembly which then claimed the support of all the servants of -God? He accepted the offer.[946] Such catholics as desired to see the -Church animated by a new spirit were filled with joy, which they -expressed to Contarini: ‘I congratulate you,’ wrote Sadolet, ‘because -you can now employ your genius and wisdom more profitably for the -necessities and advantage of the Christian republic.’[947] - -In becoming a cardinal, he did not intend that the golden chain should -bind him to the foot of the pontifical throne: he desired to preserve -his independence. Ready to devote to the catholic Church all the powers -he had hitherto employed in the service of his country, he was -determined to remain himself; to obey the voice of God in his conscience -more than the varying caprices of the Vatican. He desired to be faithful -to that internal truth which gave him sweet and constant peace. One day, -when he opposed the nomination of a certain ecclesiastic to the -cardinalate, the pope, who was of a contrary opinion, exclaimed: ‘Yes, -yes! we know how men sail in these waters; the cardinals do not like to -see another made equal to them in dignity.’ Contarini turned to the -pontiff, and observed calmly: ‘I do not think the cardinal’s hat -constitutes my highest honor.’[948] - -[Sidenote: Contarini’s Principles.] - -Opposed to the deplorable elections which were customary at Rome, the -Venetian ardently desired to bring men of sound morals, learning, and -piety into the sacred college. The pope, therefore, following his -advice, gave the purple in succession to Sadolet, Caraffa, Giberto -Bishop of Verona, Fregoso Archbishop of Salerno, and Reginald Pole. -These new and strange elections seemed as if they would be favorable to -the Gospel, but, on the contrary, they became the principle of a -restoration of Romanism, and of a serious and ere long cruel resistance -to the Reformation. - -Contarini, the Melancthon of the papacy, set to work at once: he -sincerely wished to reform the doctrines and morals of the Church, but -to maintain it still under a sole chief. Like the reformers he laid -great stress in religious matters on the positive side, but remained -faithful to Roman-catholicism, by extenuating the negative side. -‘Assuredly, the sinner is justified by grace through faith,’ he would -say to the evangelicals. ‘But why pronounce so harshly against -meritorious works?’—‘A frank opposition to those practices,’ they -replied, ‘can alone destroy the numberless abuses of popular -superstition.’—‘Predestination,’ said the cardinal again, ‘belongs -undoubtedly to God’s mercy; by his grace He prevents all our movements, -but at the same time the will must oppose no resistance. God has known -from all eternity the predestined and the reprobate, but that knowledge -does not take away either contingency or liberty.’[949]—‘We recognize -man’s responsibility,’ answered the reformers; ‘we believe that man must -will to be saved, and yet we say with St. Paul: _God worketh in us both -to will and to do_.’[950] - -Contarini followed the same principle in his conversations with the -champions of the papacy. ‘The unity of the Church is necessary,’ he -said; ‘to separate from it is the wildest error; but the cause of the -sufferings of Christendom, the root of all the evil, is the unlimited -authority ascribed by its adulators to the pontifical legislation. A -pope ought not to govern just as he pleases, but only in accordance with -God’s commandments, the rules of reason, and the laws of charity.’ -Convinced that unity of faith would gradually be restored, he devoted -all his efforts to remove from the Church everything that shocked the -moral sentiment; he resolutely fought against simony, and advocated the -marriage of priests. He entertained no doubt that success would crown -the holy work he had commenced. We shall see hereafter what became of -it. - -At the dawn of the Reformation, when the first gleams heralding the -rising of the sun began to appear, they were probably nowhere more -brilliant than in Italy, and nowhere foretokened a brighter day. Men’s -souls were moved by a spirit from on high, and a new life sanctified -their hearts: the primitive relation of man to God, and his personal -relation to Him, which sin had destroyed, were restored. It was in the -very stronghold of formalism that the adoration of God was manifested -with most liberty and grace. From the Alps to Sicily, burning lights had -everywhere appeared, and many rejoiced in their brightness. - -[Sidenote: The Two Camps.] - -Rome still remained seated on her seven hills—with her excommunications -and her burning piles; but it seemed as if a new invasion—that of the -Gospel and of liberty—would repair all the mischiefs committed by the -inroads of the barbarians and the papacy. Two camps were formed, one to -the north, the other to the south of that ancient city. On one side was -Naples and the camp of Pausilippo, where a small but gallant army was -assembled. A gentle light gilded the hills of Chiaja: no formidable -enemy appeared in sight, and everything led to the hope that a final and -successful victory would ere long be gained. - -The other camp was to the north. It could not boast of such eminent men -as those who watched in the ancient city of Parthenope. The throne of -Ferrara was occupied by an earnest woman and devoted Christian, the -daughter of Louis XII., who gave a welcome to all the fugitive soldiers -of Christ; and who had made it her business to build up the city of God -in Italy, and thus to work out, in a Christian manner, her father’s -device: _Perdam Babylonis nomen_. About this time she was expecting at -her court a young divine, who had confessed Jesus Christ in France with -energy, who had just written to Francis I. an eloquent and forcible -letter, and published a book in which he had set forth the great -doctrines of the faith in admirable order and in language of unequalled -beauty. What would be the effect of his presence beyond the Alps? No one -could say; but if the duchess had influence enough over her husband to -make religious liberty prevail at Ferrara; if Calvin should settle in -the birthplace of Savonarola, his faith, his talents, and his activity -among a people already moved by the power of God, might gain a glorious -victory for the truth. - -Thus two great forces met face to face—Rome and the Gospel. Curione, -Paleario, Peter Martyr, and many others, asked themselves what would be -the issue of the struggle then preparing in Italy. Experiencing in -themselves the power of God’s Word, and seeing its marvellous effects -around them, they doubted not that the Gospel would triumph in their -country, as it had triumphed in other countries more to the north, and -where, perhaps, less of light and life were to be found. The Reformation -in Italy would doubtless present peculiar features, which, without -disturbing Christian unity, would manifest national individuality. -Episcopacy existed in England; the primate, Archbishop of Canterbury, -remained on his throne, while submitting to the Word of God. Why might -not a similar reform be effected in Rome itself? Not only evangelicals, -such as Curione and Carnesecchi, but pious catholics were full of hope. -‘Ah!’ they said; ‘at the beginning of his reign the pope wonderfully -excited all our expectations.[951] Putting aside institutions -established by preceding popes, he resolved to conduct the supreme -pontificate in a holier manner;[952] and to accomplish that task, he -gathered round him men whom fame had pointed out as doctors excellent in -wisdom and integrity.’ Contarini believed in a reformation which, -beginning with the head, would purify all the members. ‘God,’ he said, -‘will not permit the gates of hell to prevail against his Holy Spirit. -He is about to accomplish something great in the Church.’[953] The -flames which he had kindled in the peninsula, and which rose higher and -higher every day, appeared as if they would soon reduce to ashes the -scaffolding of dead works which the papacy had set up, and to purify the -temple of God. - -[Sidenote: Glory To The Martyrs.] - -But the times of Rome were not accomplished. The malady, with which the -body of the Church was affected in Italy, was (to use the words of -Cardinal Sadolet) one of those which incline the sick man to reject the -remedies prescribed for him.[954] Pope Paul III., who consulted the -stars more than he did the Gospel, finding at last that his attempts -ended in nothing; that the Reformation was advancing, and threatening to -regenerate and deliver the Church, suddenly turned upon it and -endeavored to crush it. Those men who would have been the regenerators -of Italy, with minds of such activity, with such varied learning and -exquisite cultivation, who held converse in the finest parts of the -world with the best and most illustrious of their time,—those men, the -flower of their nation, soon found themselves constrained to escape -beyond the Alps, or saw themselves condemned by cruel pontiffs, insulted -by ignorant priests, and conducted ignominiously to some public square -in Rome, there to be beheaded and have their bodies cast into the -fire.... The heart shrinks at the thought, and an inner voice seems to -say: ‘If Carnesecchi, Paleario, and all the noble army of martyrs were -disowned by their contemporaries; if coarse monks jeered at them, if -they were covered with opprobrium; there are now thousands of Christians -in the world who love them as fathers, honor them as victorious heroes -of the Gospel of peace, and preserve a grateful remembrance of them in -their hearts. - -Footnote 883: - - ‘Tu vero, ut audio, sic illum (Alfonsum) refers et corporis specie et - ingenii dexteritate, ut non duo gemelli, sed idem prorsus homo videri - possitis.’—Erasmi _Epist._ 938 et 1030. - -Footnote 884: - - ‘Fue secretario de la Magestad del Emperador.’—_Hist. de la Ciudad de - Cuenza_, quoted by E. Bœhmer. - -Footnote 885: - - ‘Ab Alfonso Valdesio, magnæ spei juvene.’—Petri Martyris Anghierii - _Epist._ p. 689. - -Footnote 886: - - _Dialogo sulle Coso accadute in Roma._ - -Footnote 887: - - Mr. Bœhmer, of the university of Halle, has done good service to - literature and to the history of religion by reprinting at Halle, in - 1860, the _Cento e dieci divine Considerazioni di Giovanni Valdesso_, - and by carefully studying the history of the two brothers. He has - communicated the result of his researches in his _Cenni Biografici_, - and in the conscientious paper he has contributed to the Encyclopædia - of our learned friend M. Herzog. - -Footnote 888: - - It has been stated that this dialogue was written in 1521; but it - begins with the history of the challenge sent by Francis I. to Charles - V., which occurred at the beginning of 1528. - -Footnote 889: - - These two dialogues, which have been recently reprinted in Spanish, - were translated into Italian and German, and the last (_Charon and - Mercury_) into French. - -Footnote 890: - - History of the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century, vol. iv. bk. xiv. - ch. v. - -Footnote 891: - - ‘In disciplina fraterna præclare institutus, in Hispania vivere non - potuit.’—_Francisco Enzinas to Melancthon._ - -Footnote 892: - - ‘Longe majorem mentium stragem dedit, quam multa illa hæreticorum - militum millia.’—Ant. Caracciolo, _de Vita Pauli IV._ p. 239. - -Footnote 893: - - ‘Non però ha egli seguito molto la corte dopo che gli fu rivelato - Christo.’—_Epist. de Curione_ at the end of the _Cento e dieci divine - Considerazioni_ of J. Valdez, p. 433. - -Footnote 894: - - His _Dialogo de la Lengua_ was first printed at Madrid in 1737, and - again in 1860. - -Footnote 895: - - ‘Era di tanta benignità e carità, che a ogni piccola e bassa e rozza - persona si rendeva debitore.’—Curione, _Epist._ p. 433. - -Footnote 896: - - ‘Ma più onorato e splendido cavaliere di Cristo.’—Curione, _Epist._ p. - 433. - -Footnote 897: - - ‘Ad ipsos fontes se totum contulit.’—Simler, _Vita Vermilii_. - -Footnote 898: - - ‘In hac urbe gratia divinæ illuminationis illustrius ac clarius illi - effulgere.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 899: - - ‘Loci amœnitatem.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 900: - - ‘Quotidie pæne cum amicis qui puræ religionis studiosi erant aliquid - ex sanis litteris commentabatur.’—Simler, _Vita Vermilii_. - -Footnote 901: - - 1 Corinth. iii. 13-15. - -Footnote 902: - - ‘Quod si e vestigio prava dogmata non patefiant, accessione temporis - declarantur.’—Petri Martyris _Loci Communes; de Purgatorio Igne_, p. - 440. - -Footnote 903: - - ‘Dies ergo accipitur, cum tenebræ depellentur, ut de re, prout ipsa - est, judicium feratur.’—_Ibid._ p. 441. - -Footnote 904: - - ‘Ad ignem divini examinis perstare illas oportet.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 905: - - ‘Est itaque ignis et dies, clara inspectio, certa probatio, perspicua - revelatio, qua tandem cognoscemus doctrinarum veritatem, earum denique - fallaciam.’—Petri Martyris _Loci Communes: de Purgatorio Igne_. These - may not be the exact words used by Peter Martyr in his sermon, but the - sense was the same. - -Footnote 906: - - This is the person whom Flaminio mentions in a letter to Galeazzo, - printed in Schelhorn’s _Amœnit. Eccles._ ii. p. 132: ‘Johannes - Franciscus magna lætitia affecit me,’ &c. - -Footnote 907: - - Calvin to Signor Galeazzo Caraccioli, a man of noble birth, and still - more renowned for the excellence of his virtues than for the nobility - of his family, the only son and lawful heir to the Marquis of - Vico.—Dèdicace de la 1ére Epître aux Corinthiens: _Commentaires_. - -Footnote 908: - - Trajetto, the ancient Minturnæ, where Marius hid himself. - -Footnote 909: - - ‘Che a colui, il quale Dio disinnamora del mondo ed innamora di se, - avvengano quasi tutte le medesime cose che a colui che si disinnamora - d’ una donna e s’innamora d’ un’ altra.’—23 _Considerazione: Valdez - Cento e dieci divine Considerazioni_. - -Footnote 910: - - The _Cento e dieci divine Considerarioni_ of Giovanni Valdesso (Juan - Valdez) were published at Halle in Saxony in 1860 by Edward Bœhmer. - Each of the meditations occupies from two to ten pages. They have been - reprinted recently at Madrid in Spanish. - -Footnote 911: - - ‘Cajetanus, perspicaci vir ingenio, rem odorari cœpit.’—Caracciolo. - _Vita Pauli IV._ - -Footnote 912: - - ‘Illi Satanicæ reipublicæ triumviri.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 913: - - Sadoleti _Epist._ p. 558. Schrœk, _Kirchengeschichte_, ii. p. 780. - -Footnote 914: - - _Abecedario espiritual_, fols. 11-12. Valdez gives a full report of - this conversation in his _Spiritual Abecedary_, which he so called - because it was intended to teach the elements of Christian perfection. - There is no doubt as to the genuineness of the dialogues he reports, - for the duchess asked him to commit what he had said to her to paper. - Did Valdez, when doing so, complete any of his answers? It is very - possible. In Herzog’s _Encyclopædia_, M. Bœhmer has given an extract - from this dialogue, much longer than the limits of this history will - permit us to do. - -Footnote 915: - - _Abecedario espiritual_ fol. 26. On this point Valdez is quite in - harmony with the reformers. - -Footnote 916: - - _Ibid._, fol. 27. - -Footnote 917: - - _Abecedario espiritual_, fols. 36, 37, 38. - -Footnote 918: - - _Ibid._, fols. 44, 45, 47, 50, 52, 53. - -Footnote 919: - - _Abecedario espiritual_, fols. 57, 58. - -Footnote 920: - - _Ibid._, fol. 68. - -Footnote 921: - - These _Commentaries_ have recently been reprinted in Spain. - -Footnote 922: - - ‘Convictus quod in Italia, cum Victoria Colonna Marchionis Piscarii - vidua et Julia Gonzaga, lectissimis alioquin feminis, de pravitate - sectaria suspectis, amicitiam coluisset, tandem ad ignem damnatus.’—De - Thou, _ad annum_ 1567. Schelhorn, _Amænitates Ecclesiasticæ_, ii. p. - 187. - -Footnote 923: - - The name of Carnesecchi still exists in Florence; the Latin documents - which we use give it under the form of Carneseca. - -Footnote 924: - - ‘Literarum bonarum scientia . . . ad perspiciendum acerrimi sensus - . . . cupiditas verum magnarum.’—Notice of _Camerarius_, the friend of - Melancthon, in Schelhornii _Amœnit. Literar._ x. p. 1201. - -Footnote 925: - - ‘Pontificatum illius temporis magis a Petro Carneseca geri quam a - Clemente.’—_Camerarius_ in Schelhorn, _Amœnit. Literar._ x. p. 1202. - -Footnote 926: - - ‘Carneseca commoratus aliquantulum in regno Neapolitano.’—_Camerarius_ - in Schelhorn, _Amœnit. Literar._ x. p. 1203. - -Footnote 927: - - ‘Carolum V. accercisse Carnesecam, ut ex ipso eliceret arcana consilia - pontificis Clementis, quæ hic credebatur cum Francisco rege Galliarum - Massiliæ inivisse.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 928: - - ‘Tunc etiam boni viri officium neutiquam violavit.’—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 929: - - ‘Cum quibus de sacrarum literarum lectione et intelligentia disserere - conferreque accurate solebat.’—Schelhorn, _Amœnit. Literar._ x. p. - 1204. - -Footnote 930: - - ‘Justificatio per solam fidem . . . Gratiæ et salutis certitudo - habetur . . . Nulli credendum, nisi Verbo Dei, in Sacris Scripturis - tradito.’—Schelhorn, _Amœnit. Eccles._ ii. pp. 197-205. - -Footnote 931: - - ‘Puerum parvulum cum patre fugiente turbulentam dissentionem civium - suorum.’—_Camerarius_ in Schelhorn, _Amœnit. Literar._ x. p. 1149. - -Footnote 932: - - ‘Adolescentem tueamur, in vestiario tantum laboramus.’—Longoli - _Epist._ lib. iv. fol. 271. - -Footnote 933: - - ‘Veram et salutarem sapientiam esse statuisset cognitionem - sacrarum literarum, id est, rerum divinarum Verbo Dei æterno - proditarum.’—_Camerarius_ in Schelhorn, _Amœnit. Literar._ x. p. - 1150. - -Footnote 934: - - _Ibid._ p. 1152. - -Footnote 935: - - ‘Cum Gibertus pontifex Veronensis, homo literarum divinarum - amantissimus, a me summo studio contenderet, ut hymnos Davidis - breviter ac dilucide interpretarer, studiose istum laborem - suscepi.’—Flaminii _Psalmorum Explanatio_, Lugduni, 1576, præf. 12. - -Footnote 936: - - ‘Et tum factum est ut in periculosum morbum incideret.’—_Camerarius_ - in Schelhorn, _Amœnit. Literar._ x. p. 1158. - -Footnote 937: - - ‘Nos Deo reconciliavit, se ipsum in cruce immolans, et omnia peccata - nostra suo purissimo sanguine delens.’—Flaminii _Psalmorum Explicatio_ - (Epistola nuncupatoria Alex. Farnesio, Cardinali amplissimo), p. 9. - -Footnote 938: - - ‘Hunc enim, præ cæteris omnibus, magnopere dilexit et admiratus - est.’—_De religione_ Flaminii. Schelhorn, _Amœnit. Eccles._ p. 50. - -Footnote 939: - - This correspondence took place in the year 1543, and is found in - Schelhorn’s _Amœnitates Ecclesiasticæ_, ii. pp. 146-179. - -Footnote 940: - - ‘O dulce hospitium! O lares beati! - O mores faciles! O Atticorum - Conditæ sale collocutiones! - Quam vos ægro animo et laborioso - Quantis cum lacrymis miser relinquo!’ - - Schelhorn, _Amœnit. Literar._ x. p. 1199. - -Footnote 941: - - ‘Protonotario Carnesecæ.’—Schelhorn _Amœnit. Eccles._ p. 154. - -Footnote 942: - - ‘Cosi maltrato il culto divino, si unirono in un’ oratorio chiamato - del _Divino Amore_.’—Caracciolo, _Vita di Paolo IV._ _Vita Cajetani - Thienæi_, i. pp. 7-10. - -Footnote 943: - - De Thou, _Histoire_, liv. xxiii. _Le Mire de Scriptor. sæculi_ xvi., - &c. - -Footnote 944: - - Joannis Casæ _Vita Gasparis Contarini_, p. 88. Ranke, _Römische - Päpste_, i. p. 152. Herzog, _Encyclopédie Théologique_. - -Footnote 945: - - Beccatello, _Vita del Contarini_, p. 103. Ranke, _Römische Päpste_, i. - p. 153. - -Footnote 946: - - Jean de la Case, _Vie du Cardinal Contarini_, Lettere Volgari, i. 73. - Moreri, art. _Contarini_. - -Footnote 947: - - ‘Gratulor tibi quod habiturus sis locum tui et ingenii et animi - in Christianæ reipublicæ utilitate et commodis uberius - explicandi.’—Sadoletus Contareno, 3 Novemb. 1535, _Epist._ p. - 330. - -Footnote 948: - - Ranke, _Die Römische Päpste_, i. p. 155. - -Footnote 949: - - Contarini, _De Prædestinatione_. _De Libero Arbitrio._ Contarini’s - theological, philosophical, and political treatises were printed at - Paris in 1571. - -Footnote 950: - - Philippians ii. 13. - -Footnote 951: - - ‘Is Paulus [tertius], sui pontificatus initio, spem atque - expectationem omnium mirabiliter erexit.’—Florebelli _vita Sadoleti - cardinalis_, p. 708. - -Footnote 952: - - ‘Sublatis eis quæ a superioribus pontificibus Romanis instituta, - sanctiorem gerendi summi pontificatus rationem instituere.’—_Ibid._ p. - 709. - -Footnote 953: - - Contarini, Weizsæcker, _Theol. Encyclop._ - -Footnote 954: - - ‘Ægrotat enim corpus reipublicæ, et eo morbi genere ægrotat quod - præscriptam medicinam respuit.’—_Sadolet to Contarini_ March, 1536. - Sadoleti _Epist._ p. 342. - - - - - ● Transcriber’s Notes: - ○ Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected. - ○ Typographical errors were silently corrected. - ○ Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only - when a predominant form was found in this book. - ○ Text that was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_). - ○ Footnotes have been moved to follow the chapters in which they are - referenced. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of History of the Reformation in Europe -in the Time of Calvin, Vol. 4 of 8, by J. H. 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