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diff --git a/old/56033-0.txt b/old/56033-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 5366aff..0000000 --- a/old/56033-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,16942 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Old Virginia and Her Neighbours, by John Fiske - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Old Virginia and Her Neighbours - Volume 2 - -Author: John Fiske - -Release Date: November 22, 2017 [EBook #56033] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OLD VIRGINIA AND HER NEIGHBOURS *** - - - - -Produced by Juliet Sutherland, Wayne Hammond and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - -[Illustration: - - - - - WESTWARD GROWTH - OF - OLD VIRGINIA - -THE M.-N. CO., BUFFALO, N. Y.] - - OLD VIRGINIA - AND HER NEIGHBOURS - - BY - - JOHN FISKE - - Οὐ λίθοι, οὐδὲ ξύλα, οὐδὲ - Τέχνη τεκτόνων αἱ πόλεις εἶσιν - Ἀλλ’ ὅπού ποτ’ ἂν ὦσιν ἌΝΔΡΕΣ - Αὑτοὺς σώζειν εἰδότες, - Ἐνταῦθα τείχη καὶ πόλεις. - - _Alcæus_ - -[Illustration: The Riverside Press] - -IN TWO VOLUMES VOLUME II - -BOSTON AND NEW YORK - -HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY - -<f>The Riverside Press Cambridge</f> */ - - -COPYRIGHT 1897 BY JOHN FISKE - -ALL RIGHTS RESERVED - - - - -CONTENTS. - -VOLUME II. - - - CHAPTER X. - - THE COMING OF THE CAVALIERS. - - PAGE - - Virginia depicted by an admirer 1 - - Her domestic animals, game, and song-birds 2 - - Her agriculture 2, 3 - - Her nearness to the Northwest Passage 3 - - Her commercial rivals 3, 4 - - Not so barren a country as New England 4 - - Life of body and soul were preserved in Virginia; Mr. Benjamin - Symes and his school 5 - - Worthy Captain Mathews and his household 5 - - Rapid growth in population 6 - - Historical lessons in names of Virginia counties 7 - - Scarcity of royalist names on the map of New England 8, 9 - - As to the Cavaliers in Virginia; some popular misconceptions 9, 10 - - Some democratic protests 10, 11 - - Sweeping statements are inadmissible 11 - - Difference between Cavaliers and Roundheads was political, - not social 12 - - Popular misconceptions regarding the English nobility; England - has never had a _noblesse_, or upper caste 13 - - Contrast with France in this respect 13, 14 - - Importance of the middle class 14 - - Respect for industry in England 15 - - The Cavalier exodus 16 - - Political complexion of Virginia before 1649 16, 17 - - The great exchange of 1649 17, 18 - - Political moderation shown in Virginia during the Commonwealth - period 18 - - Richard Lee and his family 19 - - How Berkeley was elected governor by the assembly 20 - - Lee’s visit to Brussels 20 - - How Charles II. was proclaimed king in Virginia, but not - before he had been proclaimed in England 21 - - The seal of Virginia 22, 23 - - Significant increase in the size of land grants 23, 24 - - Arrival of well-known Cavalier families 25 - - Ancestry of George Washington 25 - - If the pedigrees of horses, dogs, and fancy pigeons are important, - still more so are the pedigrees of men 26 - - Value of genealogical study to the historian 26 - - The Washington family tree 27 - - How Sir William Jones paraphrased the epigram of Alcæus 28 - - Historical importance of the Cavalier element in Virginia 28 - - Differences between New England and Virginia were due - not to differences in social quality of the settlers, but - partly to ecclesiastical and still more to economical - circumstances 29, 30 - - Settlement of New England by the migration of organized - congregations 30 - - Land grants in Massachusetts 31 - - Township and village 31, 32 - - Social position of settlers in New England 32 - - Some merits of the town meeting 33 - - Its educational value 34 - - Primogeniture and entail in Virginia 35 - - Virginia parishes 35 - - The vestry a close corporation; its extensive powers 36 - - The county was the unit of representation 37 - - The county court was virtually a close corporation 38 - - Powers of the county court 39 - - The sheriff and his extensive powers 40 - - The county lieutenant 41 - - Jefferson’s opinion of government by town meeting 42 - - Court day 42, 43 - - Summary 43 - - Virginia prolific in great leaders 44 - - - CHAPTER XI. - - BACON’S REBELLION. - - How the crude mediæval methods of robbery began to give - place to more ingenious modern methods 45 - - The Navigation Act of 1651 45, 46 - - Second Navigation Act 46 - - John Bland’s remonstrance 47 - - Some direct consequences of the Navigation Act 47 - - Some indirect consequences of the Navigation Act 48 - - Bland’s exposure of the protectionist humbug 49, 50 - - His own proposition 50, 51 - - Effect of the Navigation Act upon Virginia and Maryland; - disasters caused by low price of tobacco 51, 52 - - The Surry protest of 1673 52 - - The Arlington-Culpeper grant 53 - - Some of its effects 54 - - Character of Sir William Berkeley 55 - - Corruption and extortion under his government 56 - - The Long Assembly, 1661-1676 57 - - Berkeley’s violent temper 57 - - Beginning of the Indian war 58 - - Colonel John Washington 59 - - Affair of the five Susquehannock envoys 60 - - The killing of the envoys 61 - - Berkeley’s perverseness in not calling out a military force 62 - - Indian atrocities 62, 63 - - Nathaniel Bacon and his family 64 - - His friends William Drummond and Richard Lawrence 65 - - Bacon’s plantation is attacked by the Indians, May, 1676 65 - - Bacon marches against the Indians and defeats them 66 - - Election of a new House of Burgesses 66 - - Arrest of Bacon 67 - - He is released and goes to lodge at the house of “thoughtful - Mr. Lawrence” 67 - - Bacon is persuaded to make his submission and apologizes to - the governor 68, 69 - - In spite of the governor’s unwillingness, the new assembly - reforms many abuses 70, 71 - - How the “Queen of Pamunkey” appeared before the House - of Burgesses 72-74 - - The chairman’s rudeness 74 - - Bacon’s flight 74 - - His speedy return 75 - - How the governor was intimidated 76 - - Bacon crushes the Susquehannocks while Berkeley flies to - Accomac and proclaims him a rebel 76 - - Bacon’s march to Middle Plantation 77 - - His manifesto 78 - - His arraignment of Berkeley; he specifies nineteen persons - as “wicked counsellors” 80 - - Oath at Middle Plantation 81 - - Bacon defeats the Appomattox Indians 82 - - Startling conversation between Bacon and Goode 82-86 - - Perilous situation of Bacon 86 - - The “White Aprons” at Jamestown 87 - - Bacon’s speech at Green Spring 88 - - Burning of Jamestown 89 - - Persons who suffered at Bacon’s hands 89, 90 - - Bacon and his cousin 90 - - Death of Bacon, Oct. 1, 1676 91 - - Collapse of the rebellion 92 - - Arrival of royal commissioners, January, 1677 92 - - Berkeley’s outrageous conduct 93 - - Execution of Drummond 94 - - Death of Berkeley 95 - - Significance of the rebellion 96 - - How far Bacon represented popular sentiment in Virginia 97 - - Political changes since 1660; close vestries 98, 99 - - Restriction of the suffrage 100, 101 - - How the aristocrats regarded Bacon’s followers 102, 103 - - The real state of the case 104 - - Effect of hard times 104, 105 - - Populist aspect of the rebellion 106 - - Its sound aspects 106 - - Bacon must ever remain a bright and attractive figure 107 - - - CHAPTER XII. - - WILLIAM AND MARY. - - A century of political education 108 - - Robert Beverley, clerk of the House of Burgesses 109 - - His refusal to give up the journals 110 - - Arrival of Lord Culpeper as governor 110, 111 - - The plant-cutters’ riot of 1682 111, 112 - - Contracting the currency with a vengeance 112 - - Culpeper is removed and Lord Howard of Effingham comes - to govern in his stead 113 - - More trouble for Beverley 114 - - For stupid audacity James II., after all, was outdone by - George III. 114, 115 - - Francis Nicholson comes to govern Virginia and exhibits - eccentric manners 115 - - How James Blair founded William and Mary College 116, 117 - - How Sir Edmund Andros came as Nicholson’s successor and - quarrelled with Dr. Blair 118 - - How young Daniel Parke one Sunday pulled Mrs. Blair out - of her pew in church 119 - - Removal of Andros 119 - - The Earl of Orkney draws a salary for governing Virginia - for the next forty years without crossing the ocean, - while the work is done by lieutenant-governors 120 - - The first of these was Nicholson once more 120 - - Who removed the capital from Jamestown to Middle Plantation, - and called it Williamsburg 121 - - How the blustering Nicholson, disappointed in love, behaved - so badly that he was removed from office 122, 123 - - Fortunes of the college 123 - - Indian students 124 - - Instructions to the housekeeper 125 - - Horse-racing prohibited 126 - - Other prohibitions 126 - - The courtship of Parson Camm; a Virginia Priscilla 127, 128 - - Some interesting facts about the college 128, 129 - - Nicholson’s schemes for a union of the colonies 129, 130 - - - CHAPTER XIII. - - MARYLAND’S VICISSITUDES. - - Maryland after the death of Oliver Cromwell 131 - - Fuller and Fendall 132 - - The duty on tobacco 133 - - Fendall’s plot 134 - - Temporary overthrow of Baltimore’s authority 135 - - Superficial resemblance to the action of Virginia 136 - - Profound difference in the situations 137 - - Collapse of Fendall’s rebellion 138 - - Arrival of the Quakers 138, 139 - - The Swedes and Dutch on the Delaware River 139 - - Augustine Herman 140 - - He makes a map of Maryland and is rewarded by the grant - of Bohemia Manor 141 - - How the Labadists took refuge in Bohemia Manor 142, 143 - - How the Duke of York took possession of all the Delaware - settlements 143 - - And granted New Jersey to Lord Berkeley and Sir George - Carteret 144 - - Which resulted in the bringing of William Penn upon the - scene 144 - - Charter of Pennsylvania 145 - - Boundaries between Penn and Baltimore 145, 146 - - Old manors in Maryland 146 - - Life on the manors 147 - - The court leet and court baron 148 - - Changes wrought by slavery 148, 149 - - A fierce spirit of liberty combined with ingrained respect for - law 149 - - Cecilius Calvert and his son Charles 150 - - Sources of discontent in Maryland 150 - - A pleasant little family party 151 - - Conflict between the Council and the Burgesses 151, 152 - - Burgesses claim to be a House of Commons, but the Council - will not admit it 152 - - How Rev. Charles Nichollet was fined for preaching politics 153 - - The Cessation Act of 1666 153 - - Acts concerning the relief of Quakers and the appointment - of sheriffs 153, 154 - - Restriction of suffrage in 1670 154, 155 - - Death of Cecilius, Lord Baltimore 155 - - Rebellion of Davis and Pate, 1676; their execution 156 - - How George Talbot, lord of Susquehanna Manor, slew a - revenue collector and was carried to Virginia for trial 157 - - How his wife took him from jail, and how he was kept hidden - until a pardon was secured 158 - - “A Complaint from Heaven with a Hue and Cry” 159 - - The anti-Catholic panic of 1689 159 - - Causes of the panic 160 - - How John Coode overthrew the palatinate government 161 - - But did not thereby bring the millennium 162 - - How Nicholson removed the capital from St. Mary’s to - Annapolis 162, 163 - - Unpopularity of the establishment of the Church of England 163 - - Episcopal parsons 164 - - Exemption of Protestant dissenters from civil disabilities 165 - - Seymour reprimands the Catholic priests 166 - - Cruel laws against Catholics 167 - - Crown requisitions 168 - - Benedict Calvert, fourth Lord Baltimore, becomes a Protestant - and the palatinate is revived 168, 169 - - Change in the political situation 170 - - Charles Carroll entertains a plan for a migration to the - Mississippi Valley 171 - - How the seeds of revolution were planted in Maryland 171 - - End of the palatinate 172, 173 - - - CHAPTER XIV. - - SOCIETY IN THE OLD DOMINION. - - How the history of tobacco has been connected with the history - of liberty 174 - - Rapid growth of tobacco culture in Virginia 175 - - Legislative attempts to check it 176 - - Need for cheap labour 176 - - Indentured white servants 177 - - How the notion grew up in England that Virginians were - descended from convicts; Defoe’s novels, a comedy by - Mrs. Behn, Postlethwayt’s Dictionary, and Gentleman’s - Magazine 178-180 - - Who were the indentured white servants 181 - - Redemptioners 182 - - Distribution of convicts 183 - - Prisoners of war 184 - - Summary 185 - - Careers of white freedmen 186 - - Representative Virginia families were not descended from - white freedmen 187 - - Some of the freedmen became small proprietors 187 - - Some became “mean whites” 188, 189 - - Development of negro slavery; effect of the treaty of - Utrecht 190 - - Anti-slavery sentiment in Virginia 191 - - Theory that negroes were non-human 192 - - Baptizing a slave did not work his emancipation 193 - - Negroes as real estate 194 - - Tax on slaves 194 - - Treatment of slaves 195, 196 - - Fears of insurrection 196 - - Cruel laws 197, 198 - - Free blacks a source of danger 199 - - Taking slaves to England; did it work their emancipation? 200 - - Lord Mansfield’s famous decision 201 - - Jefferson’s opinion of slavery 201 - - Immoralities incident to the system 202, 203 - - Classes in Virginia society 204 - - Huguenots in Virginia 204, 205 - - Influence of the rivers upon society 206 - - Some exports and imports 207 - - Some domestic industries 208 - - Beverley complains of his countrymen as lazy, but perhaps - his reproachful tone is a little overdone 210 - - Absence of town life 210, 211 - - Futile attempts to make towns by legislation 212 - - The country store and its treasures 213, 214 - - Rivers and roads 215 - - Tobacco as currency 216 - - Effect upon crafts and trades 217 - - Effect upon planters’ accounts 218 - - Universal hospitality 219 - - Visit to a plantation; the negro quarter 220 - - Other appurtenances 221 - - The Great House or Home House 222 - - Brick and wooden houses 222, 223 - - House architecture 223, 224 - - The rooms 224 - - Bedrooms and their furniture 225 - - The dinner table; napkins and forks 226 - - Silver plate; wainscots and tapestry 227 - - The kitchen 228 - - The abundance of wholesome and delicious food 228, 229 - - The beverages, native and imported 229, 230 - - Smyth’s picture of the daily life on a plantation 230, 231 - - Very different picture given by John Mason; the mode of - life at Gunston Hall 232-234 - - A glimpse of Mount Vernon 235 - - Dress of planters and their wives 236 - - Weddings and funerals 237 - - Horses and horse-racing 237-239 - - Fox-hunting 239 - - Gambling 239, 240 - - A rural entertainment of the olden time 240, 241 - - Music and musical instruments 242 - - The theatre and other recreations 243 - - Some interesting libraries 243-245 - - Schools and printing 245, 246 - - Private free schools 246 - - Academies and tutors 247 - - Convicts as tutors 248 - - Virginians at Oxford 249 - - James Madison and his tutors 250 - - Contrast with New England in respect of educational advantages 251 - - Causes of the difference 252, 253 - - Illustrations from the history of American intellect 254 - - Virginia’s historians; Robert Beverley 255 - - William Stith 255, 256 - - William Byrd 256-258 - - Jefferson’s notes on Virginia; McClurg’s Belles of Williamsburg; - Clayton the botanist 259 - - Physicians, their prescriptions and charges 260 - - Washington’s last illness 260 - - Some Virginia parsons, their tricks and manners 261, 263 - - Free thinking; superstition and crime 264 - - Cruel punishments 265 - - Lawyers 266 - - A government of laws 267 - - Some characteristics of Maryland 267-269 - - - CHAPTER XV. - - THE CAROLINA FRONTIER. - - How South Carolina was a frontier against the Spaniards 270 - - How North Carolina was a wilderness frontier 271 - - The grant of Carolina to eight lords proprietors 272 - - John Locke and Lord Shaftesbury 272, 273 - - “Fundamental Constitutions” of Carolina 274 - - The Carolina palatinate different from that of Maryland 275 - - Titles of nobility 276 - - Albemarle colony 276 - - New Englanders at Cape Fear 277 - - Sir John Yeamans and Clarendon colony 277 - - The Ashley River colony and the founding of Charleston 278 - - First legislation in Albemarle 279 - - Troubles caused by the Navigation Act 280 - - The trade between Massachusetts and North Carolina 281 - - Eastchurch and Miller 282 - - Culpeper’s usurpation 283 - - How Culpeper fared in London 284 - - How Charleston was moved from Albemarle Point to Oyster - Point 285 - - Seth Sothel’s tyranny in Albemarle and his banishment 286, 287 - - Troubles in Ashley River colony 287 - - The Scotch at Port Royal 288 - - A state without laws 289 - - Reappearance of Sothel, this time as the people’s friend 289 - - His downfall and death 290 - - Clarendon colony abandoned 290 - - Philip Ludwell’s administration 290, 291 - - Joseph Archdale and his beneficent rule 291 - - Sir Nathaniel Johnson and the dissenters 292 - - Unsuccessful attempt of a French and Spanish fleet upon - Charleston 293 - - Thomas Carey 294 - - Porter’s mission to England 295 - - Edward Hyde comes to govern North Carolina 296 - - Carey’s rebellion 296, 297 - - Expansion of the northern colony; arrival of Baron Graffenried - with Germans and Swiss; founding of New - Berne 297 - - Accusations against Carey and Porter of inciting the Indians - against the colony 297 - - These accusations are highly improbable and not well supported 298 - - Survey of Carolina Indians 298-300 - - Algonquin tribes 298 - - Sioux tribes; Iroquois tribes 299 - - Muscogi tribes 300 - - Algonquin-Iroquois conspiracy against the North Carolina - settlements 300 - - Capture of Lawson and Graffenried by the Tuscaroras; Lawson’s - horrible death 301 - - The massacre of September, 1711 302 - - Aid from Virginia and South Carolina 302, 303 - - Barnwell defeats the Tuscaroras 303 - - Crushing defeat of the Tuscaroras by James Moore; their - migration to New York 304 - - Administration of Charles Eden 304, 305 - - Spanish intrigues with the Yamassees 305 - - Alliance of Indian tribes against the South Carolinians and - nine months’ warfare 306 - - Administration of Robert Johnson 306 - - The revolution of 1719 in South Carolina; end of the proprietary - government in both colonies 308 - - Contrast between the two colonies 308, 309 - - Interior of North Carolina contrasted with the coast 310, 311 - - Unkempt life 311 - - A genre picture by Colonel Byrd 312, 313 - - Industries of North Carolina 313 - - Absence of towns 314, 315 - - A frontier democracy 315 - - Segregation and dispersal of Virginia poor whites 316 - - Spotswood’s account of the matter 317 - - New peopling of North Carolina after 1720; the German - immigration 318 - - Scotch Highlanders and Scotch-Irish 318, 319 - - Further dispersal of poor whites 319, 320 - - Barbarizing effects of isolation 321 - - The settlers of South Carolina, churchmen and dissenters 323 - - The open vestries 323 - - South Carolina parish, purely English in its origin, not - French like the parishes of Louisiana 324 - - Free schools 325 - - Rice and indigo 326 - - Some characteristics of South Carolina slavery 327, 329 - - Negro insurrection of 1740 329 - - Cruelties connected with slavery 330 - - Social life in Charleston 331 - - Contrast between the two Carolinas 332, 333 - - The Spanish frontier and the founding of Georgia 333 - - James Oglethorpe and his philanthropic schemes 334 - - Beginnings of Georgia 335, 336 - - Summary; Cavaliers and Puritans once more 337 - - - CHAPTER XVI. - - THE GOLDEN AGE OF PIRATES. - - The business of piracy has never thriven so greatly as in the - seventeenth century 338 - - Pompey and the pirates 338 - - Chinese and Malay pirates on the Indian Ocean and Mussulman - pirates on the Mediterranean Sea 339 - - The Scandinavian Vikings cannot properly be termed pirates 339, 340 - - Sir William Blackstone’s remarks about piracy 340 - - Character of piracy 341 - - To call the Elizabethan sea-kings pirates is silly and - outrageous 341, 342 - - Features of maritime warfare out of which piracy could - grow 342, 343 - - Privateering 343 - - Fighting without declaring war 344 - - Lack of protection for neutral ships 344 - - Origin of buccaneering; “Brethren of the Coast” 345 - - Illicit traffic in the West Indies 346 - - Buccaneers and filibusters 347 - - The kind of people who became buccaneers 348 - - The honest man who took to buccaneering to satisfy his - creditors 349 - - The deeds of Olonnois and other wretches 349, 350 - - Henry Morgan and his evil deeds 350, 351 - - Alexander Exquemeling and his entertaining book 352 - - How Morgan captured Maracaibo and Gibraltar in Venezuela 353 - - The treaty of America of 1670 for the suppression of buccaneering - and piracy 353 - - Sack of Panama by Morgan and his buccaneers 354 - - How Morgan absconded with most of the booty 355 - - How English and Spanish governors industriously scotched - the snake 355 - - How the chief of pirates became Sir Henry Morgan, deputy-governor - of Jamaica, and hanged his old comrades or - sold them to the Spaniards 356 - - How the treaty of America caused his downfall 357 - - Decline of buccaneering 357 - - Pirates of the South Sea 358, 359 - - Plunder of Peruvian towns 360 - - Effects of the alliance between France and Spain in 1701 360 - - Pirates in the Bahama Islands and on the Carolina coast 361 - - Effect of the navigation laws in stimulating piracy 362, 363 - - Effect of rice culture upon the relations between South - Carolina settlers and the pirates 363 - - Wholesale hanging of pirates at Charleston 364 - - How pirates swarmed on the North Carolina coast 365 - - Until Captain Woodes Rogers captured the Island of New - Providence in 1718 365 - - The North Carolina waters furnished the last lair for the - pirates 365 - - How Blackbeard, the last of the pirates, levied blackmail - upon Charleston 366, 367 - - Epidemic character of piracy; cases of Kidd and Bonnet 368 - - Fate of Bonnet and Blackbeard, and final suppression of - piracy 369 - - - CHAPTER XVII. - - FROM TIDEWATER TO THE MOUNTAINS. - - Family and early career of Alexander Spotswood 370 - - He brings the privilege of _habeas corpus_ to Virginia, but - wrangles much with his burgesses 371 - - His energy and public spirit 372 - - How the Post-Office Act was resisted by the people 373, 375 - - Disputes as to power of appointing parsons 376 - - Beginnings of continental politics in America 376 - - Beginning of the seventy years’ struggle with France 377 - - How the continental situation in America was affected by - the war of the Spanish succession 378, 379 - - Different views of Spotswood and the assembly with regard - to sending aid to Carolina 379, 380 - - How the royal governors became convinced that the thing - most needed in English America was a continental government - that could impose taxes 381 - - Franklin’s plan for a federal union 381, 383 - - It was the failure of the colonies to adopt Franklin’s plan - that led soon afterwards to the Stamp Act 382, 383 - - How Spotswood regarded the unknown West 383 - - Attempts to cross the Blue Ridge 384 - - How the Blue Ridge was crossed by Spotswood 385 - - Knights of the Golden Horseshoe 386 - - Spotswood’s plan for communicating between Virginia and - Lake Erie 387, 388 - - Condition of the postal service in the English colonies under - Spotswood’s administration 389 - - Brief mention of Governors Gooch and Dinwiddie 390 - - Importance of the Scotch-Irish migration to America 390, 391 - - In 1611 James I. began colonizing Ulster with settlers from - Scotland and England 391 - - In Ulster they established flourishing manufactures of woollens - and linens 392 - - Which excited the jealousy of rival manufacturers in England 393 - - Legislation against the Ulster manufacturers 393 - - Civil disabilities inflicted upon Presbyterians in Ulster 393 - - These circumstances caused such a migration to America - that by 1770 it amounted to more than half a million - souls 394 - - Many Scotch-Irish settled in the Shenandoah Valley, and - were closely followed by Germans 395 - - This Shenandoah population exerted a most powerful democratizing - influence upon the colony 396 - - Jefferson found in them his most powerful supporters 396 - - Lord Fairfax’s home at Greenway Court; Fairfax’s affection - for Washington 397 - - How the surveying of Fairfax’s frontier estates led Washington - on to his public career 398 - - The advance of Virginians from tidewater to the mountains - brought on the final struggle with France 398, 399 - - Advance of the French from Lake Erie 399 - - Washington goes to warn them from encroaching upon - English territory 399 - - - MAPS. - - Westward Growth of Old Virginia, _from a sketch by the - author_ _Frontispiece_ - - North Carolina Precincts in 1729, _after a map in Hawks’s - History of North Carolina_ 276 - - A Map of y^e most Improved Part of Carolina, _from Winsor’s - America_, vol. v. p. 351 306 - - - - -OLD VIRGINIA AND HER NEIGHBOURS. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -THE COMING OF THE CAVALIERS. - - -[Sidenote: Virginia depicted.] - -“These things that follow in this ensuing relation are certified by -divers letters from Virginia, by men of worth and credit there, written -to a friend in England, that for his own and others’ satisfaction was -desirous to know these particulars and the present estate of that -country. And let no man doubt of the truth of it. There be many in -England, land and seamen, that can bear witness of it. And if this -plantation be not worth encouragement, let every true Englishman judge.” - -[Sidenote: Animals.] - -Such is the beginning of an enthusiastic little pamphlet, of unknown -authorship, published in London in 1649,[1] the year in which Charles -I. perished on the scaffold. It is entitled “A Perfect Description -of Virginia,” and one of its effects, if not its purpose, must have -been to attract immigrants to that colony from the mother country. -In Virginia “there is nothing wanting” to make people happy; there -are “plenty, health, and wealth.” Of English about 15,000 are settled -there, with 300 negro servants. Of kine, oxen, bulls, and calves, there -are 20,000, and there is plenty of good butter and cheese. There are -200 horses, 50 asses, 3,000 sheep with good wool, 5,000 goats, and -swine and poultry innumerable. Besides these European animals, there -are many deer, with “rackoons, as good meat as lamb,” and “passonnes” -[opossums], otters and beavers, foxes and dogs that “bark not.” In the -waters are “above thirty sorts” of fish “very excellent good in their -kinds.” The wild turkey sometimes weighs sixty pounds, and besides -partridges, ducks, geese, and pigeons, the woods abound in sweet -songsters and “most rare coloured parraketoes, and [we have] one bird -we call the mock-bird; for he will imitate all other birds’ notes and -cries, both day and night birds, yea, the owls and nightingales.” - -[Sidenote: Agriculture.] - -The farmers have under cultivation many hundred acres of excellent -wheat; their maize, or “Virginia corn,” yields an increase of 500 for -1, and makes “good bread and furmity” [porridge]; they have barley in -plenty, and six brew-houses which brew strong and well-flavoured beer. -There are fifteen kinds of fruit that for delicacy rival the fruits -of Italy; in the gardens grow potatoes, turnips, carrots, parsnips, -onions, artichokes, asparagus, beans, and better peas than those of -England, with all manner of herbs and “physick flowers.” The tobacco -is everywhere “much vented and esteemed,” but such immense crops are -raised that the price is but three pence a pound. There is also a hope -that indigo, hemp and flax, vines and silk-worms, can be cultivated -with profit, since it is chiefly hands that are wanted. It surely -would be better to grow silk here, where mulberry trees are so plenty, -than to fetch it as we do from Persia and China “with great charge and -expense and hazard,” thereby enriching “heathen and Mahumetans.” - -[Sidenote: Northwest passage.] - -At the same time they are hoping soon to discover a way to China, -“for Sir Francis Drake was on the back side of Virginia in his voyage -about the world in 37 degrees ... and now all the question is only -how broad the land may be to that place [_i. e._ California] from the -head of James River above the falls.” By prosecuting discovery in -this direction “the planters in Virginia shall gain the rich trade of -the East India, and so cause it to be driven through the continent of -Virginia, part by land and part by water, and in a most gainful way and -safe, and far less expenseful and dangerous, than now it is.” - -[Sidenote: Commercial rivals.] - -It behooves the English, says our pamphlet, to be more vigilant, and -to pay more heed to their colonies; for behold, “the Swedes have come -and crept into a river called Delawar, that is within the limits of -Virginia,” and they are driving “a great and secret trade of furs.” -Moreover, “the Hollanders have stolen into a river called Hudson’s -River, in the limits also of Virginia, ... they have built a strong -fort ... and drive a trade of fur there with the natives for above -£10,000 a year. These two plantations are ... on our side of Cape Cod -which parts us and New England. Thus are the English nosed in all -places, and out-traded by the Dutch. They would not suffer the English -to use them so; but they have vigilant statesmen, and advance all they -can for a common good, and will not spare any encouragements to their -people to discover.” - -[Sidenote: New England.] - -[Sidenote: Health of body and soul.] - -“Concerning New England,” which is but four days’ sail from Virginia, -a trade goes to and fro; but except for the fishing, “there is not -much in that land,” which in respect of frost and snow is as Scotland -compared with England, and so barren withal that, “except a herring -be put into the hole that you set the corn or maize in, it will not -come up.” What a pity that the New England people, “being now about -20,000, did not seat themselves at first to the south of Virginia, in a -warm and rich country, where their industry would have produced sugar, -indigo, ginger, cotton, and the like commodities!” But here in Virginia -the land “produceth, with very great increase, whatsoever is committed -into the bowels of it; ... a fat rich soil everywhere watered with many -fine springs, small rivulets, and wholesome waters.” As to healthiness, -fewer people die in a year proportionately than in England; “since that -men are provided with all necessaries, have plenty of victual, bread, -and good beer, ... all which the Englishman loves full dearly.” Nor is -their spiritual welfare neglected, for there are twenty churches, with -“doctrine and orders after the church of England;” and “the ministers’ -livings are esteemed worth at least £100 per annum; they are paid by -each planter so much tobacco per poll, and so many bushels of corn; -they live all in peace and love.” - -[Sidenote: Schools.] - -[Sidenote: Captain Mathews and his household.] - -“I may not forget to tell you we have a free school, with 200 acres of -land, a fine house upon it, 40 milch kine, and other accommodations; -the benefactor deserves perpetual memory; his name, Mr. Benjamin Symes, -worthy to be chronicled; other petty schools also we have.” Various -details of orchards and vineyards, of Mr. Kinsman’s pure perry and Mr. -Pelton’s strong metheglin, entertain us; and a pleasant tribute is -paid to “worthy Captain Mathews,” the same who fourteen years before -had assisted at the thrusting out of Sir John Harvey. “He hath a fine -house, and all things answerable to it; he sows yearly store of hemp -and flax, and causes it to be spun; he keeps weavers, and hath a tan -house, causes leather to be dressed, hath eight shoemakers employed in -their trade, hath forty negro servants, brings them up to trades in -his house; he yearly sows abundance of wheat, barley, &c., the wheat -he selleth at four shillings the bushel, kills store of beeves, and -sells them to victual the ships when they come thither; hath abundance -of kine, a brave dairy, swine great store, and poultry; he married the -daughter of Sir Thomas Hinton, and, in a word, keeps a good house, -lives bravely, and a true lover of Virginia; he is worthy of much -honour.” - -[Sidenote: Rapid growth of population.] - -It will be observed that Captain Mathews possessed, in his forty black -servants, nearly one seventh part of the negro population. Of the -conditions under which wholesale negro slavery grew up, I shall treat -hereafter. In the third quarter of the seventeenth century it was still -in its beginnings. Between 1650 and 1670, along with an extraordinary -growth in the total population, we observe a marked increase in the -number of black slaves. In the latter year Berkeley estimated the -population at 32,000 free whites, 6,000 indentured white servants, and -2,000 negroes. Large estates, cultivated by wholesale slave labour, -were coming into existence, and a peculiar type of aristocratic or in -some respects patriarchal society was growing up in Virginia. It was -still for the most part confined to the peninsula between the James -and York rivers and the territory to the south of the former, from -Nansemond as far as the Appomattox, although in Gloucester likewise -there was a considerable population, and there were settlements -in Middlesex and Lancaster counties, on opposite banks of the -Rappahannock, and even as far as Northumberland and Westmoreland on the -Potomac. In the course of the disputes over Kent Island, settlements -began upon those shores and increased apace. - -[Sidenote: Names of Virginia counties.] - -Some significant history is fossilized in the names of Virginia -counties. When they are not the old shire names imported from England, -like those just mentioned, they are apt to be personal names indicating -the times when the counties were first settled, or when they acquired -a distinct existence as counties. For a long time such personal names -were chiefly taken from the royal household. Thus, while Charles -City County bears the name of Charles I., bestowed upon the region -before that king ascended the throne, the portion of it south of -James River, set off in 1702 as Prince George County, was named for -George of Denmark, consort of Queen Anne. So King William County on -the south bank of the Mattapony, and King and Queen County on its -north bank, carry us straight to the times of William and Mary, and -indicate the position of the frontier in the days of Charles II.; -while to the west of them the names of Hanover and the two Hanoverian -princesses, Caroline and Louisa, carry us on to the days of the first -two Georges.[2] At the time with which our narrative is now concerned, -all that region to the south of Spottsylvania was unbroken wilderness. -In 1670 a careful estimate was made of the number of Indians comprised -within the immediate neighbourhood of the colony, and there were -counted up 725 warriors, of whom more than 400 were on the Appomattox -and Pamunkey frontiers, and nearly 200 between the Potomac and -Rappahannock. - -[Sidenote: Scarcity of royalist names on the map of New England.] - -The map of Virginia, in the light in which I have here considered it, -shows one remarkable point of contrast with the map of New England. On -the coast of the latter one finds a very few names commemorative of -royalty, such as Charles River, named by Captain John Smith, Cape Anne, -named by Charles I. when Prince of Wales, and the Elizabeth Islands, -named by Captain Gosnold still earlier and in the lifetime of the great -Queen. But when it comes to names given by the settlers themselves, one -cannot find in all New England a county name taken from any English -sovereign or prince, except Dukes for the island of Martha’s Vineyard, -and that simply recalls the fact that the island once formed a part of -the proprietary domain of James, Duke of York, and sent a delegate to -the first legislature that assembled at Manhattan. Except for this one -instance, we should never know from the county names of New England -that such a thing as kingship had ever existed. As for names of towns, -there is in Massachusetts a Lunenburg, which is said to have received -its name at the suggestion of a party of travellers from England in the -year 1726;[3] it was afterward copied in Vermont; and by diligently -searching the map of New England we may find half a dozen Hanovers and -Brunswicks, counting originals and copies. Between this showing and -that of Virginia, where the sequence of royal names is full enough to -preserve a rude record of the country’s expansion, the contrast is -surely striking. The difference between the Puritan temper and that of -the Cavaliers seems to be written ineffaceably upon the map. - -[Sidenote: The Cavaliers in Virginia: some popular misconceptions.] - -[Sidenote: Some democratic protests.] - -We are thus brought to the question as to how far the Cavalier element -predominated in the composition of Old Virginia. It is a subject -concerning which current general statements are apt to be loose and -misleading. It has given rise to much discussion, and, like a good -deal of what passes for historical discussion, it has too often been -conducted under the influence of personal or sectional prejudices. -Half a century ago, in the days when the people of the slave states -and those of the free states found it difficult to think justly or -to speak kindly of one another, one used often to hear sweeping -generalizations. On the one hand, it was said that Southerners were -the descendants of Cavaliers, and therefore presumably of gentle -blood, while Northerners were descendants of Roundheads, and therefore -presumably of ignoble origin. Some such notion may have prompted the -famous remark of Robert Toombs, in 1860: “We [_i. e._ the Southerners] -are the gentlemen of this country.” On the other hand, it was retorted -that the people of the South were in great part descended from -indentured white servants sent from the jails and slums of England.[4] -This point will receive due attention in a future chapter. At present -we may note that descent from Cavaliers has not always been a matter -of pride with Southern speakers and writers. There was a time when the -fierce spirit of democracy was inclined to regard such a connection -as a stigma. The father of President Tyler “used to say that he cared -naught for any other ancestor than Wat Tyler the blacksmith, who had -asserted the rights of oppressed humanity, and that he would have no -other device on his shield than a sledge hammer raised in the act -of striking.”[5] On the subject of Cavaliers a well known Virginian -writer, Hugh Blair Grigsby, once grew very warm. “The Cavalier,” said -he, “was essentially a slave, a compound slave, a slave to the King -and a slave to the Church. I look with contempt on the miserable -figment which seeks to trace the distinguishing points of the Virginia -character to the influence of those butterflies of the British -aristocracy.”[6] Historical questions are often treated in this way. -We grow up with a vague conception of something in the past which -we feel in duty bound to condemn, and then if we are told that our -own forefathers were part and parcel of the hated thing we lose our -tempers. Mr. Grigsby’s remarks are an expression of American feeling -in what may be called its Elijah Pogram period, when the knowledge of -history was too slender and the historic sense too dull to be shocked -at the incongruity of classing such men as Strafford and Falkland with -“butterflies.” The study of history in such a mood is not likely to be -fruitful of much beside rhetoric. - -[Sidenote: Sweeping statements are inadmissible.] - -Before we proceed, a few further words are desirable concerning the -fallacies and misconceptions which abound in the opinions cited in -the foregoing paragraph. It is impossible to make any generalization -concerning the origin of the white people of the South as a whole, or -of the North as a whole, further than to say that their ancestors came -from Europe, and a large majority of them from the British islands. The -facts are too complicated to be embraced in any generalization more -definitely limited than this. When sweeping statements are made about -“the North” and “the South,” it is often apparent that the speaker -has in mind only Massachusetts and tidewater Virginia, making these -parts do duty for the whole. The present book will make it clear that -it is only in connection with tidewater Virginia that the migration of -Cavaliers from England to America has any historical significance. - -[Sidenote: Difference between Cavaliers and Roundheads was political, -not social.] - -It is a mistake to suppose that the contrast between Cavaliers -and Roundheads was in any wise parallel with the contrast between -high-born people and low-born. A majority of the landed gentry, titled -and untitled, supported Charles I., while the chief strength of the -Parliament lay in the smaller landholders and in the merchants of the -cities. But the Roundheads also included a large and powerful minority -of the landed aristocracy, headed by the Earls of Bedford, Warwick, -Manchester, Northumberland, Stamford, and Essex, the Lords Fairfax and -Brooke, and many others. The leaders of the party, Pym and Hampden, -Vane and Cromwell, were of gentle blood; and among the officers of the -New Model were such as Montagues, Pickerings, Fortescues, Sheffields, -and Sidneys. In short, the distinction between Cavalier and Roundhead -was no more a difference in respect of lineage or social rank than the -analogous distinction between Tory and Whig. The mere fact of a man’s -having belonged to the one party or the other raises no presumption as -to his “gentility.” - -[Sidenote: England has never had a _noblesse_, or upper caste.] - -[Sidenote: Contrast with France.] - -[Sidenote: Importance of the middle class.] - -It is worth while here to correct another error which is quite commonly -entertained in the United States. It is the error of supposing that -in Great Britain there are distinct orders of society, or that there -exists anything like a sharp and well defined line between the nobility -and the commonalty. The American reader is apt to imagine a “peerage,” -the members of which have from time immemorial constituted a kind of -caste clearly marked off from the great body of the people, and into -which it has always been very difficult for plain people to rise. -In this crude conception the social differences between England and -America are greatly exaggerated. In point of fact the British islands -are the one part of Europe where the existence of a peerage has not -resulted in creating a distinct upper class of society. The difference -will be most clearly explained by contrasting England with France. -In the latter country, before the Revolution of 1789, there was a -peerage consisting of great landholders, local rulers and magistrates, -and dignitaries of the church, just as in England. But in France -all the sons and brothers of a peer were nobles distinguished by a -title and reckoned among the peerage, and all were exempt from sundry -important political duties, including the payment of taxes. Thus they -constituted a real _noblesse_, or caste apart from the people, until -the Revolution at a single blow destroyed all their privileges. At -the present day French titles of nobility are merely courtesy titles, -and through excessive multiplication have become cheap. On the other -hand, in England, the families of peers have never been exempt from -their share of the public burdens. The “peerage,” or hereditary right -to sit in the House of Lords, belongs only to the head of the family; -all the other members of the family are commoners, though some may be -addressed by courtesy titles. During the formative period of modern -political society, from the fourteenth century onward, the sons of -peers habitually competed for seats in the House of Commons, side by -side with merchants and yeomen. This has prevented anything like a -severance between the interests of the higher and of the lower classes -in England, and has had much to do with the peaceful and healthy -political development which has so eminently characterized our mother -country. England has never had a _noblesse_. As the upper class has -never been sharply distinguished politically, so it has not held -itself separate socially. Families with titles have intermarried with -families that have none, the younger branches of a peer’s family become -untitled gentry, ancient peerages lapse while new ones are created, so -that there is a “circulation of gentle blood” that has thus far proved -eminently wholesome. More than two thirds of the present House of -Lords are the grandsons or great-grandsons of commoners. Of the 450 or -more hereditary peerages now existing, three date from the thirteenth -century and four from the fourteenth; of those existing in the days -of Thomas Becket not one now remains in the same family. It has -always been easy in England for ability and character to raise their -possessor in the social scale; and hence the middle class has long -been recognized as the abiding element in England’s strength. Voltaire -once compared the English people to their ale,--froth at the top and -dregs at the bottom, but sound and bright and strong in the middle. As -to the last he was surely right. - -[Sidenote: Respect paid to industry in England.] - -One further point calls for mention. In mediæval and early modern -England, great respect was paid to incorporated crafts and trades. -The influence and authority wielded by county magnates over the rural -population was paralleled by the power exercised in the cities by the -livery companies or guilds. Since the twelfth century, the municipal -franchise in the principal towns and cities of Great Britain has been -for the most part controlled by the various trade and craft guilds. In -the seventeenth century, when the migrations to America were beginning, -it was customary for members of noble families to enter these guilds as -apprentices in the crafts of the draper, the tailor, the vintner, or -the mason, etc. Many important consequences have flowed from this. Let -it suffice here to note that this fact of the rural aristocracy keeping -in touch with the tradesmen and artisans has been one of the safeguards -of English liberty; it has been one source of the power of the Commons, -one check upon the undue aspirations of the Crown. It indicates a kind -of public sentiment very different from that which afterward grew -up in our southern states under the malignant influence of slavery, -which proclaimed an antagonism between industry and gentility that is -contrary to the whole spirit of English civilization. - -[Sidenote: The Cavalier exodus.] - -With these points clear in our minds, we may understand the true -significance of the arrival of the Cavaliers in Virginia. The date -to be remembered in connection with that event is 1649, and it is -instructive to compare it with the exodus of Puritans to New England. -The little settlement of the Mayflower Pilgrims was merely a herald of -the great Puritan exodus, which really began in 1629, when Charles I. -entered upon his period of eleven years of rule without a parliament, -and continued until about 1642, when the Civil War broke out. During -those thirteen years more than 20,000 Puritans came to New England. -The great Cavalier exodus began with the king’s execution in 1649, and -probably slackened after 1660. It must have been a chief cause of the -remarkable increase of the white population of Virginia from 15,000 in -1649 to 38,000 in 1670. - -[Sidenote: Political complexion of Virginia before 1649.] - -[Sidenote: The great exchange of 1649.] - -The period of the Commonwealth in England thus marks an important -epoch in Virginia, and we must be on our guard against confusing what -came after with what preceded it. As to the political complexion of -Virginia in the earliest time, it would be difficult to make a general -statement, except that there was a widespread feeling in favour of -the Company as managed by Sandys and Southampton. This meant that the -settlers knew when they were well governed. They did not approve of -a party that sent an Argall to fleece them, even though it were the -court party. So, too, in the thrusting out of Sir John Harvey in 1635 -we see the temper of the councillors and burgesses flatly opposed to -the king’s unpopular representative. But such instances do not tell us -much concerning the attitude of the colonists upon questions of English -politics. The fortunes of the Puritan settlers in Virginia afford a -surer indication. At first, as we have seen, when the Puritans as a -body had not yet separated from the Church, there were a good many in -Virginia; and by 1640 they probably formed about seven per cent. of -the population. The legislation against them beginning in 1631 seems -to indicate that public sentiment in Virginia favoured the policy of -Laud; while the slackness with which such legislation was enforced -raises a suspicion that such sentiment was at first not very strong. -It seems probable that as the country party in England came more and -more completely under the control of Puritanism, and as Puritanism -grew more and more radical in temper, the reaction toward the royalist -side grew more and more pronounced in Virginia. If there ever was a -typical Cavalier of the more narrow-minded sort, it was Sir William -Berkeley, who at the same time was by no means the sort of person that -one might properly call a “butterfly.” If the eloquent Mr. Grigsby had -once got into those iron clutches, he would have sought some other term -of comparison. When Berkeley arrived in Virginia, and for a long time -afterward, he was extremely popular. We have seen him acting with so -much energy against the Puritans that in the course of the year 1649 -not less than 1,000 of them left the colony. Upon the news of the -king’s death, Berkeley sent a message to England inviting royalists to -come to Virginia, and within a twelvemonth perhaps as many as 1,000 -had arrived, picked men and women of excellent sort. Thus it curiously -happened that the same moment which saw Virginia lose most of her -Puritan population, also saw it replaced by an equal number of devoted -Cavaliers. - -[Sidenote: Moderation shown in Virginia.] - -From this moment we may date the beginnings of Cavalier ascendency -in Virginia. But for the next ten years that growing ascendency was -qualified by the necessity of submitting to the Puritan government in -England. In 1652 Berkeley was obliged to retire from the governorship, -and the king’s men in Virginia found it prudent to put some restraint -upon the expression of their feelings. But in this change, as we -have seen, there was no violence. It is probable that there was a -considerable body of colonists “comparatively indifferent to the -struggle of parties in England, anxious only to save Virginia from -spoliation and bloodshed, and for that end willing to throw in their -lot with the side whose success held out the speediest hopes of peace. -There is another consideration which helps to explain the moderation -of the combatants. In England each party was exasperated by grievous -wrongs, and hence its hour of triumph was also its hour of revenge. The -struggle in Virginia was embittered by no such recollections.”[7] - -[Sidenote: Colonel Richard Lee.] - -[Sidenote: Election of Berkeley by the assembly.] - -A name inseparably associated with Berkeley is that of Colonel Richard -Lee, who is described as “a man of good stature, comely visage, an -enterprising genius, a sound head, vigorous spirit, and generous -nature,”[8] qualities that may be recognized in many of his famous -descendants. This Richard Lee belonged to an ancient family, the Lees -of Coton Hall, in Shropshire, whom we find from the beginning of -the thirteenth century in positions of honour and trust. He came to -Virginia about 1642, and obtained that year an estate which he called -Paradise, near the head of Poropotank Creek, on the York River. He -was from the first a man of much importance in the colony, serving -as justice, burgess, councillor, and secretary of state. In 1654 we -find him described as “faithful and useful to the interests of the -Commonwealth,” but, as Dr. Edmund Lee says, “it is only fair to observe -that this claim was made for him by a friend in his absence;”[9] or -perhaps it only means that he was not one of the tribe of fanatics who -love to kick against the pricks.[10] Certain it is that Colonel Lee was -no Puritan, though doubtless he submitted loyally to the arrangement -of 1652, as so many others did. There was nothing for the king’s men -to do but possess their souls in quiet until 1659, when news came of -the resignation of Richard Cromwell. “Worthy Captain Mathews,” whom the -assembly had chosen governor, died about the same time. Accordingly, -in March, 1660, the assembly resolved that, since there was then in -England no resident sovereign generally recognized, the supreme power -in Virginia must be regarded as lodged in the assembly, and that all -writs should issue in the name of the Grand Assembly of Virginia until -such a command should come from England as the assembly should judge -to be lawful. Having passed this resolution, the assembly showed its -political complexion by electing Sir William Berkeley for governor: -and in the same breath it revealed its independent spirit by providing -that he must call an assembly at least once in two years, and oftener -if need be; and that he must not dissolve it without the consent of a -majority of the members. On these terms Berkeley accepted office at the -hands of the assembly. - -[Sidenote: Lee’s visit to Brussels.] - -[Sidenote: Charles II. proclaimed king.] - -Before this transaction, perhaps in 1658, Colonel Lee seems to have -visited Charles II. at Brussels, where he handed over to the still -exiled prince the old commission of Berkeley, and may have obtained -from him a new one for future use, reinstating him as governor.[11] -There is a vague tradition that on this occasion he asked how soon -Charles would be likely to be able to protect the colony in case it -should declare its allegiance to him; and from this source may have -arisen the wild statement, recorded by Beverley and promulgated by the -eminent historian Robertson, that Virginia proclaimed Charles II. as -sovereign a year or two before he was proclaimed in England.[12] The -absurdity of this story was long ago pointed out;[13] but since error -has as many lives as a cat, one may still hear it repeated. Charles II. -was proclaimed king in England on the 8th of May, 1660, and in Virginia -on the 20th of September following.[14] In October the royal commission -for Berkeley arrived, and the governor may thus have felt that the -conditions on which he accepted his office from the assembly were no -longer binding. Our next chapter will show how lightly he held them. - -If one may judge from the public accounts of York County in 1660, -expressed in the arithmetic of a tobacco currency, the 20th of -September must have been a joyful occasion:-- - -Att the proclaiming of his sacred Maisty: - - To y^e Ho^{ble} Govn^r p a barrell powd^r, 112 lb. .00996 - To Cap^t ffox six cases of drams .00900 - To Cap^t ffox for his great gunnes .00500 - To M^r Philip Malory .00500 - To y^e trumpeters .00800 - To M^r Hansford 176 Gallons Syd^r at 15 - & 35 gall at 20, caske 264 .03604 - -There can be no doubt that it was an occasion prolific in legend. The -historian Robert Beverley, who was born about fifteen years afterward, -tells us that Governor Berkeley’s proclamation named Charles II. -as “King of England, Scotland, France, Ireland, and Virginia.” The -document itself, however, calls him “our most gratious soveraigne, -Charles the Second, King of England, Scotland, ffrance, & Ireland,” and -makes no mention of Virginia. - -[Sidenote: The seal of Virginia.] - -William Lee tells us that it was “in consequence of this step” that -the motto _En dat Virginia quintam_ was placed upon the seal of the -colony.[15] Since “this step” was never taken, the statement needs some -qualification. The idea of of designating Virginia as an additional -kingdom to those over which the English sovereign ruled in Europe was -already entertained in 1590 by Edmund Spenser, who dedicated his “Faëry -Queene” to Elizabeth as queen of “England, France,[16] and Ireland, -and of Virginia.”[17] As early as 1619 the London Company adopted a -coat-of-arms, upon which was the motto _En dat Virginia quintum_, in -which the unexpressed noun is _regnum_; “Behold, Virginia gives the -fifth [kingdom].” After the restoration of Charles II. a new seal for -Virginia, adopted about 1663, has the same motto, the effect of which -was to rank Virginia by the side of his Majesty’s other four dominions, -England, Scotland, “France,” and Ireland. We are told by the younger -Richard Henry Lee that in these circumstances originated the famous -epithet “Old Dominion.” In 1702, among several alterations in the -seal, the word _quintum_ was changed to _quintam_, to agree with the -unexpressed noun _coronam_; “Behold, Virginia gives the fifth [crown].” -After the legislative union of England with Scotland in 1707, another -seal, adopted in 1714, substituted _quartam_ for _quintam_.[18] - -[Sidenote: Increase in the size of land grants.] - -Just how many members of the royalist party came to Virginia while -their young king was off upon his travels, it would be difficult to -say. But there were unquestionably a great many. We have already -remarked upon the very rapid increase of white population, from about -15,000 in 1649 to 38,000 in 1670. Along with this there was a marked -increase in the size of the land grants, both the average size and the -maximum; and in this coupling of facts there is great significance, for -they show that the increase of population was predominantly an increase -in the numbers of the upper class, of the people who could afford to -have large estates. In these respects the year 1650 marks an abrupt -change,[19] which may best be shown by a tabular view of the figures:-- - - Largest number of acres Average number of - Years. in a single grant. acres in a grant. - - 1632 350 - 1634 5,350 719 - 1635 2,000 380 - 1636 2,000 351 - 1637 5,350 445 - 1638 3,000 423 - 1640 1,300 405 - 1641 872 343 - 1642 3,000 559 - 1643 4,000 595 - 1644 670 370 - 1645 1,090 333 - 1646 1,200 360 - 1647 650 361 - 1648 1,800 412 - 1649 3,500 522 - 1650 5,350 677 - 1651-55 10,000 591 - 1656-66 10,000 671 - 1667-79 20,000 890 - 1680-89 20,000 607 - -Another way of showing the facts is still more striking:-- - - Number of grants exceeding - Years. 5,000 acres. - - 1632-50 3 - 1651-55 3 - 1656-66 20 - 1667-79 37 - 1680-89 19 - -[Sidenote: Cavalier families.] - -[Sidenote: Ancestry of George Washington.] - -[Sidenote: Value of genealogy.] - -The increase in the number of slaves after 1650 is a fact of similar -import with the greater size of the estates. All the circumstances -agree in showing that there was a large influx of eminently well-to-do -people. It is well known, moreover, who these people were. It is in the -reign of Charles II. that the student of Virginian history begins to -meet frequently with the familiar names, such as Randolph, Pendleton, -Madison, Mason, Monroe, Cary, Ludwell, Parke, Robinson, Marshall, -Washington, and so many others that have become eminent. All these -were Cavalier families that came to Virginia after the downfall of -Charles I. Whether President Tyler was right in claiming descent from -the Kentish rebel of 1381 is not clear, but there is no doubt that -his first American ancestor, who came to Virginia after the battle of -Worcester, was a gentleman and a royalist.[20] Until recently there -was some uncertainty as to the pedigree of George Washington, but -the researches of Mr. Fitz Gilbert Waters of Salem have conclusively -proved that he was descended from the Washingtons of Sulgrave, in -Northamptonshire, a family that had for generations worthily occupied -positions of honour and trust. In the Civil War the Washingtons were -distinguished royalists. The commander who surrendered Worcester in -1646 to the famous Edward Whalley was Colonel Henry Washington;[21] and -his cousin John, who came to Virginia in 1657, was great-grandfather -of George Washington. After the fashion that prevailed a hundred years -ago, the most illustrious of Americans felt little interest in his -ancestry; but with the keener historic sense and broader scientific -outlook of the present day, the importance of such matters is better -appreciated. The pedigrees of horses, dogs, and fancy pigeons have -a value that is quotable in terms of hard cash. Far more important, -for the student of human affairs, are the pedigrees of men. By no -possible ingenuity of constitution-making or of legislation can a -society made up of ruffians and boors be raised to the intellectual and -moral level of a society made up of well-bred merchants and yeomen, -parsons and lawyers. One might as well expect to see a dray horse -win the Derby. It is, moreover, only when we habitually bear in mind -the threads of individual relationship that connect one country with -another, that we get a really firm and concrete grasp of history. -Without genealogy the study of history is comparatively lifeless. No -excuse is needed, therefore, for giving in this connection a tabulated -abridgment of the discoveries of Mr. Waters concerning the forefathers -of George Washington.[22] Beside the personal interest attaching to -everything associated with that immortal name, this pedigree has -interest and value as being in large measure typical. It is a fair -sample of good English middle-class pedigrees, and it is typical as -regards the ancestry of leading Cavalier families in Virginia; an -inspection of many genealogies of those who came between 1649 and 1670 -yields about the same general impression. Moreover, this pedigree is -equally typical as regards the ancestry of leading Puritan families -in New England. The genealogies, for example, of Winthrop, Dudley, -Saltonstall, Chauncey, or Baldwin give the same general impression as -those of Randolph, or Cary, or Cabell, or Lee. The settlers of Virginia -and of New England were opposed to each other in politics, but they -belonged to one and the same stratum of society, and in their personal -characteristics they were of the same excellent quality. To quote -the lines of Sir William Jones, written as a paraphrase of the Greek -epigram of Alcæus inscribed upon my title-page:-- - - -ARMS.--_Argent, two bars and in chief three mullets Gules._ - - John Washington, - of Whitfield, Lancashire, time of Henry VI. - | - | - Robert Washington, - of Warton, Lancashire, 2d son. - | - | - John Washington, - of Warton, m. Margaret Kitson, sister of Sir Thomas Kitson, - alderman of London. - | - | - Lawrence Washington, - of Gray’s Inn, mayor of Northampton, obtained grant of - Sulgrave Manor, 1539, d. 1584; m. Anne Pargiter, of Gretworth. - | - +--------------------+---------------------------------+ - | | - Robert Washington, Lawrence Washington, -of Sulgrave, b. 1544; of Gray’s Inn, -m. Elizabeth Light. register of High - | Court of Chancery, - | d. 1619. - | | - | | - Lawrence Washington, Sir Lawrence Washington, - of Sulgrave and Brington, register of High Court of - d. 1616; m. Margaret Butler. Chancery, d. 1643. - | | - +--------+-----+--------------+ | - | | | | -Sir William Sir John Rev. Lawrence Lawrence Washington, -Washington, Washington, Washington, d. 1662; m. Eleanor Gyse. -d. 1643; m. Anne d. 1678. M. A., Fellow | -Villiers, of Brasenose | -half-sister of College, Oxford, | -George Villiers, Rector of Purleigh, | -Duke of d. before 1655. | -Buckingham. | | - | | | - | +-----------------+ | - | | | | -Henry Washington, John Lawrence Washington, Elizabeth Washington, -colonel in the Washington, b.1635, came to heiress, d. 1693; -royalist army, b. 1631, Virginia, 1657. m. Earl Ferrers. -governor of d. 1677; -Worcester, came to -d. 1664. Virginia, - 1657; m. - Anne Pope. - | - Lawrence Washington, - d. 1697; m. Mildred, dau. of Augustine Warner. - | - | - Augustine Washington, - b. 1694, d. 1749; m. Mary Ball. - | - | - GEORGE WASHINGTON, - b. 1732, d. 1799. - _First President of the United States._ - - “What constitutes a State? - Not high-raised battlement or laboured mound, - Thick wall or moated gate; - Not cities proud with spires and turrets crowned; - Not bays and broad-armed ports, - Where, laughing at the storm, rich navies ride; - Not starred and spangled courts - Where low-browed baseness wafts perfume to pride. - No:--MEN, high-minded MEN, - * * * * * - “Men who their duties know, - But know their rights, and, knowing, dare maintain, - Prevent the long-aimed blow, - And crush the tyrant while they rend the chain: - These constitute a State.”[23] - -Such men were the Cavaliers of Virginia and the Puritans of New England. - -[Sidenote: Importance of the Cavalier element in Virginia.] - -There can be little doubt that these Cavaliers were the men who -made the greatness of Virginia. To them it is due that her history -represents ideas and enshrines events which mankind will always find -interesting. It is apt to be the case that men who leave their country -for reasons connected with conscience and principle, men who have once -consecrated themselves to a cause, are picked men for ability and -character. Such men are likely to exert upon any community which they -may enter an influence immeasurably greater than an equal number of men -taken at random. It matters little what side they may have espoused. -Very few of the causes for which brave men have fought one another have -been wholly right or wholly wrong. Our politics may be those of Samuel -Adams, but we must admit that the Thomas Hutchinson type of mind and -character is one which society could ill afford to lose. Of the gallant -Cavaliers who drew the sword for King Charles, there were many who no -more approved of his crooked methods and despotic aims than Hutchinson -approved of the Stamp Act. No better illustration could be found than -Lord Falkland, some of whose kinsmen emigrated to Virginia and played a -conspicuous part there. A proper combination of circumstances was all -that was required to bring the children of these royalists into active -political alliance with the children of the Cromwellians. - -[Sidenote: Differences between New England and Virginia.] - -Both in Virginia and in New England, then, the principal element of -the migration consisted of picked men and women of the same station in -life, and differing only in their views of civil and ecclesiastical -polity. The differences that grew up between the relatively -aristocratic type of society in Virginia and the relatively democratic -type in New England were due not at all to differences in the social -quality of the settlers, but in some degree to their differences in -church politics, and in a far greater degree to the different economic -circumstances of Virginia and New England. It is worth our while to -point out some of these contrasts and to indicate their effect upon the -local government, the nature of which, perhaps more than anything else, -determines the character of the community as aristocratic or democratic. - -[Sidenote: Settlement of New England by congregations.] - -That extreme Puritan theory of ecclesiastical polity, according to -which each congregation was to be a little self-governing republic, -had much to do with the way in which New England was colonized. The -settlers came in congregations, led by their favourite ministers,--such -men, for example, as Higginson and Cotton, Hooker and Davenport. When -such men, famous in England for their bold preaching and imperilled -thereby, decided to move to America, a considerable number of their -parishioners would decide to accompany them, and similarly minded -members of neighbouring churches would leave their own pastor and join -in the migration. Such a group of people, arriving on the coast of -Massachusetts, would naturally select some convenient locality, where -they might build their houses near together and all go to the same -church. - -[Sidenote: Land grants in Massachusetts.] - -This migration, therefore, was a movement, not of individuals or of -separate families, but of church-congregations, and it continued to -be so as the settlers made their way inland and westward. The first -river towns of Connecticut were thus founded by congregations coming -from Dorchester, Cambridge, and Watertown. This kind of settlement -was favoured by the government of Massachusetts, which made grants of -land, not to individuals but to companies of people who wished to live -together and attend the same church. - -[Sidenote: Small farms.] - -It was also favoured by economic circumstances. The soil of New England -was not favourable to the cultivation of great quantities of staple -articles, such as rice or tobacco, so that there was nothing to tempt -people to undertake extensive plantations. Most of the people lived -on small farms, each family raising but little more than enough food -for its own support; and the small size of the farms made it possible -to have a good many in a compact neighbourhood. It appeared also that -towns could be more easily defended against the Indians than scattered -plantations; and this doubtless helped to keep people together, -although if there had been any strong inducement for solitary pioneers -to plunge into the great woods, as in later years so often happened at -the West, it is not likely that any dread of the savages would have -hindered them. - -[Sidenote: Township and village.] - -Thus the early settlers of New England came to live in townships. A -township would consist of about as many farms as could be disposed -within convenient distance from the meeting-house, where all the -inhabitants, young and old, gathered every Sunday, coming on horseback -or afoot. The meeting-house was thus centrally situated, and near -it was the town pasture or “common,” with the school-house and the -blockhouse, or rude fortress for defence against the Indians. For the -latter building some commanding position was apt to be selected, and -hence we so often find the old village streets of New England running -along elevated ridges or climbing over beetling hilltops. Around the -meeting-house and common the dwellings gradually clustered into a -village, and after a while the tavern, store, and town-house made their -appearance. - -[Sidenote: Social position of settlers in New England.] - -Among the people who thus tilled the farms and built up the villages of -New England, the differences in what we should call social position, -though noticeable, were not extreme. While in England some had been -esquires or country magistrates, or “lords of the manor,”--a phrase -which does not mean a member of the peerage, but a landed proprietor -with dependent tenants,--some had been yeomen, or persons holding farms -by some free kind of tenure; some had been artisans or tradesmen in -cities. All had for many generations been more or less accustomed to -self-government and to public meetings for discussing local affairs. -That self-government, especially as far as church matters were -concerned, they were stoutly bent upon maintaining and extending. -Indeed, that was what they had crossed the ocean for. Under these -circumstances they developed a kind of government which has remained -practically unchanged down to the present day. In the town meeting the -government is the entire adult male population. Its merits, from a -genuine democratic point of view, have long been recognized, but in -these days of rampant political quackery they are worth recalling to -mind, even at the cost of a brief digression. - -[Sidenote: Some merits of the town meeting.] - -[Sidenote: The “magic fund” delusion.] - -Within its proper sphere, government by town meeting is the form -of government most effectively under watch and control. Everything -is done in the full daylight of publicity. The specific objects -for which public money is to be appropriated are discussed in the -presence of everybody, and any one who disapproves of any of these -objects, or of the way in which it is proposed to obtain it, has an -opportunity to declare his opinions. Under this form of government -people are not so liable to bewildering delusions as under other -forms. I refer especially to the delusion that “the Government” is a -sort of mysterious power, possessed of a magic inexhaustible fund of -wealth, and able to do all manner of things for the benefit of “the -People.” Some such notion as this, more often implied than expressed, -is very common, and it is inexpressibly dear to demagogues. It is -the prolific root from which springs that luxuriant crop of humbug -upon which political tricksters thrive as pigs fatten upon corn. In -point of fact no such government, armed with a magic fund of its own, -has ever existed upon the earth. No government has ever yet used any -money for public purposes which it did not first take from its own -people,--unless when it may have plundered it from some other people in -victorious warfare. - -The inhabitant of a New England town is perpetually reminded that -“the Government” is “the People.” Although he may think loosely about -the government of his state or the still more remote government at -Washington, he is kept pretty close to the facts where local affairs -are concerned, and in this there is a political training of no small -value. - -[Sidenote: Educational value of the town meeting.] - -In the kind of discussion which it provokes, in the necessity of facing -argument with argument and of keeping one’s temper under control, the -town meeting is the best political training school in existence. Its -educational value is far higher than that of the newspaper, which, in -spite of its many merits as a diffuser of information, is very apt -to do its best to bemuddle and sophisticate plain facts. The period -when town meetings were most important from the wide scope of their -transactions was the period of earnest and sometimes stormy discussion -that ushered in our Revolutionary War. In those days great principles -of government were discussed with a wealth of knowledge and stated with -masterly skill in town meeting. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Primogeniture and entail in Virginia.] - -In Virginia the economic circumstances were very different from those -of New England, and the effects were seen in a different kind of local -institutions. In New England the system of small holdings facilitated -the change from primogeniture to the Kentish custom of gavelkind, -with which many of the settlers were already familiar, in which the -property of an intestate is equally divided among the children.[24] In -Virginia, on the other hand, the large estates, cultivated by servile -labour, were kept together by the combined customs of primogeniture and -entail, which lasted until they were overthrown by Thomas Jefferson in -1776. In this circumstance, more than in anything else, originated the -more aristocratic features in the local institutions of Virginia. To -this should be added the facts that before the eighteenth century there -was a large servile class of whites, to which there was nothing even -remotely analogous in New England; and that the introduction of negro -slavery, which was beginning to assume noticeable dimensions about -1670, served to affix a stigma upon manual labour. - -[Sidenote: Virginia parishes.] - -[Sidenote: The vestry a close corporation.] - -In view of this group of circumstances we need not wonder that in Old -Virginia there were no town meetings. The distances between plantations -coöperated with the distinction between classes to prevent the growth -of such an institution. The English parish, with its churchwardens and -vestry and clerk, was reproduced in Virginia under the same name, but -with some noteworthy peculiarities. If the whole body of ratepayers had -assembled in vestry meeting, to enact by-laws and assess taxes, the -course of development would have been like that of the New England town -meeting. But instead of this the vestry, which exercised the chief -authority in the parish, was composed of twelve chosen men. This was -not government by a primary assembly, it was representative government. -At first the twelve vestrymen were elected by the people of the parish, -and thus resembled the selectmen of New England; but in 1662 “they -obtained the power of filling vacancies in their own number,” so that -they became what is called a “close corporation,” and the people had -nothing to do with choosing them. Strictly speaking, that was not -representative government; it was a step on the road that leads towards -oligarchical or despotic government. It was, as we shall see, one of -the steps ineffectually opposed in Bacon’s rebellion. - -[Sidenote: Powers of the vestry.] - -It was the vestry, thus constituted, that apportioned the parish taxes, -appointed the churchwardens, presented the minister for induction into -office, and acted as overseers of the poor. The minister presided in -all vestry meetings. His salary was paid in tobacco, and in 1696 it -was fixed by law at 16,000 pounds of tobacco yearly. In many parishes -the churchwardens were the collectors of the parish taxes. The other -officers, such as the sexton and the parish clerk, were appointed -either by the minister or by the vestry. - -With the local government thus administered, we see that the larger -part of the people had little directly to do. Nevertheless, in those -small neighbourhoods government could be kept in full sight of the -people, and so long as its proceedings went on in broad daylight and -were sustained by public sentiment, all was well. As Jefferson said, -“The vestrymen are usually the most discreet farmers, so distributed -through the parish that every part of it may be under the immediate -eye of some one of them. They are well acquainted with the details -and economy of private life, and they find sufficient inducements to -execute their charge well, in their philanthropy, in the approbation of -their neighbours, and the distinction which that gives them.”[25] - -[Sidenote: The county was the unit of representation.] - -The difference, however, between the New England township and the -Virginia parish, in respect of self-government, was striking enough. We -have now to note a further difference. In New England, the township was -the unit of representation in the colonial legislature; but in Virginia -the parish was not the unit of representation. The county was that -unit. In the colonial legislature of Virginia the representatives sat, -not for parishes but for counties. The difference is very significant. -As the political life of New England was in a manner built up out of -the political life of the towns, so the political life of Virginia was -built up out of the political life of the counties. This was partly -because the vast plantations were not grouped about a compact village -nucleus like the small farms at the North, and partly because there was -not in Virginia that Puritan theory of the church according to which -each congregation is a self-governing democracy. The conditions which -made the New England town meeting were absent. The only alternative -was some kind of representative government, and for this the county -was a small enough area. The county in Virginia was much smaller -than in Massachusetts or Connecticut. In a few instances the county -consisted of only a single parish; in some cases it was divided into -two parishes, but oftener into three or more. - -[Sidenote: The county court was virtually a close corporation.] - -In Virginia, as in England and in New England, the county was an area -for the administration of justice. There were usually in each county -eight justices of the peace, and their court was the counterpart of the -quarter sessions in England. They were appointed by the governor, but -it was customary for them to nominate candidates for the governor to -appoint, so that practically the court filled its own vacancies and was -a close corporation, like the parish vestry. Such an arrangement tended -to keep the general supervision and control of things in the hands of -a few families. - -[Sidenote: The county seat or Court House.] - -This county court usually met as often as once a month in some -convenient spot answering to the shire town of England or New England. -More often than not, the place originally consisted of the court-house -and very little else, and was named accordingly from the name of -the county, as Hanover Court House or Fairfax Court House; and the -small shire towns that have grown up in such spots often retain these -names to the present day. Such names occur commonly in Virginia, West -Virginia, and South Carolina, and occasionally elsewhere. Their number -has diminished from the tendency to omit the phrase “Court House,” -leaving the name of the county for that of the shire town, as for -example in Culpeper, Va. In New England the process of naming has been -just the reverse; as in Hartford County, Conn., or Worcester County, -Mass., which have taken their names from the shire towns. Here, as in -so many cases, whole chapters of history are wrapped up in geographical -names.[26] - -[Sidenote: Powers of the court.] - -[Sidenote: The sheriff.] - -The county court in Virginia had jurisdiction in criminal actions -not involving peril of life or limb, and in civil suits where the -sum at stake exceeded twenty-five shillings. Smaller suits could be -tried by a single justice. The court also had charge of the probate -and administration of wills. The court appointed its own clerk, who -kept the county records. It superintended the construction and repair -of bridges and highways, and for this purpose divided the county -into “precincts,” and appointed annually for each precinct a highway -surveyor. The court also seems to have appointed constables, one for -each precinct. The justices could themselves act as coroners, but -annually two or more coroners for each parish were appointed by the -governor. As we have seen that the parish taxes--so much for salaries -of minister and clerk, so much for care of church buildings, so much -for the relief of the poor, etc.--were computed and assessed by the -vestry; so the county taxes, for care of court-house and jail, roads -and bridges, coroner’s fees, and allowances to the representatives sent -to the colonial legislature, were computed and assessed by the county -court. The general taxes for the colony were estimated by a committee -of the legislature, as well as the county’s share of the colony tax. -The taxes for the county, and sometimes the taxes for the parish also, -were collected by the sheriff. They were usually paid, not in money, -but in tobacco; and the sheriff was the custodian of this tobacco, -responsible for its proper disposal. The sheriff was thus not only -the officer for executing the judgments of the court, but he was also -county treasurer and collector, and thus exercised powers almost as -great as those of the sheriff in England in the twelfth century. He -also presided over elections for representatives to the legislature. It -is interesting to observe how this very important officer was chosen. -“Each year the court presented the names of three of its members to -the governor, who appointed one, generally the senior justice, to be -the sheriff of the county for the ensuing year.”[27] Here again we see -this close corporation, the county court, keeping the control of things -within its own hands. - -[Sidenote: The county lieutenant.] - -One other important county officer needs to be mentioned. In early -New England each town had its train-band or company of militia, and -the companies in each county united to form the county regiment. In -Virginia it was just the other way. Each county raised a certain number -of troops, and because it was not convenient for the men to go many -miles from home in assembling for purposes of drill, the county was -subdivided into military districts, each with its company, according -to rules laid down by the governor. The military command in each -county was vested in the county lieutenant, an officer answering in -many respects to the lord lieutenant of the English shire at that -period. Usually he was a member of the governor’s council, and as such -exercised sundry judicial functions. He bore the honorary title of -“colonel,” and was to some extent regarded as the governor’s deputy; -but in later times his duties were confined entirely to military -matters.[28] - -If now we sum up the contrasts between local government in Virginia and -that in New England, we observe:-- - -1. That in New England the management of local affairs was mostly in -the hands of town officers, the county being superadded for certain -purposes, chiefly judicial; while in Virginia the management was -chiefly in the hands of county officers, though certain functions, -chiefly ecclesiastical, were reserved to the parish. - -2. That in New England the local magistrates were almost always, with -the exception of justices, chosen by the people; while in Virginia, -though some of them were nominally appointed by the governor, yet in -practice they generally contrived to appoint themselves,--in other -words, the local boards practically filled their own vacancies and were -self-perpetuating. - -[Sidenote: Jefferson’s opinion of township government.] - -These differences are striking and profound. There can be no doubt -that, as Thomas Jefferson clearly saw, in the long run the interests -of political liberty are much safer under the New England system -than under the Virginia system. Jefferson said: “Those wards, called -townships in New England, are the vital principle of their governments, -and have proved themselves the wisest invention ever devised by the -wit of man for the perfect exercise of self-government, and for its -preservation.[29] ... As Cato, then, concluded every speech with -the words _Carthago delenda est_, so do I every opinion with the -injunction: ‘Divide the counties into wards!’”[30] - -[Sidenote: “Court-day.”] - -We must, however, avoid the mistake of making too much of this -contrast. As already hinted, in those rural societies where people -generally knew one another, its effects were not so far-reaching -as they would be in the more complicated society of to-day. Even -though Virginia had not the town meeting, “it had its familiar -court-day,” which “was a holiday for all the countryside, especially -in the fall and spring. From all directions came in the people on -horseback, in wagons, and afoot. On the court-house green assembled, -in indiscriminate confusion, people of all classes,--the hunter from -the backwoods, the owner of a few acres, the grand proprietor, and the -grinning, heedless negro. Old debts were settled, and new ones made; -there were auctions, transfers of property, and, if election times were -near, stump-speaking.”[31] - -[Sidenote: Virginia prolific in great leaders.] - -For seventy years or more before the Declaration of Independence the -matters of general public concern, about which stump speeches were -made on Virginia court-days, were very similar to those that were -discussed in Massachusetts town meetings when representatives were to -be chosen for the legislature. Such questions generally related to -some real or alleged encroachment upon popular liberties by the royal -governor, who, being appointed and sent from beyond sea, was apt to -have ideas and purposes of his own that conflicted with those of the -people. This perpetual antagonism to the governor, who represented -British imperial interference with American local self-government, was -an excellent schooling in political liberty, alike for Virginia and -for Massachusetts. When the stress of the Revolution came, these two -leading colonies cordially supported each other, and their political -characteristics were reflected in the kind of achievements for which -each was especially distinguished. The Virginia system, concentrating -the administration of local affairs in the hands of a few county -families, was eminently favourable for developing skilful and vigorous -leadership. And while in the history of Massachusetts during the -Revolution we are chiefly impressed with the remarkable degree in -which the mass of the people exhibited the kind of political training -that nothing in the world except the habit of parliamentary discussion -can impart; on the other hand, Virginia at that time gave us--in -Washington, Jefferson, Henry, Mason, Madison, and Marshall, to mention -no others--such a group of leaders as has seldom been equalled. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -BACON’S REBELLION. - - -[Sidenote: The Navigation Act of 1651.] - -The rapid development of maritime commerce in the seventeenth century -soon furnished a new occasion for human folly and greed to assert -themselves in acts of legislation. Crude mediæval methods of robbery -began to give place to the ingenious modern methods in which men’s -pockets are picked under the specious guise of public policy. Your -mediæval baron would allow no ship or boat to pass his Rhenish castle -without paying what he saw fit to extort for the privilege, and at the -end of his evil career he was apt to compound with conscience and buy -a ticket to heaven by building a chapel to the Virgin. Your modern -manufacturer obtains legislative aid in fleecing his fellow-countrymen, -while he seeks popularity by bestowing upon the public a part of his -ill-gotten gains in the shape of a new college or a town library. This -change from the more brutal to the more subtle devices for living upon -the fruits of other men’s labour was conspicuous during the seventeenth -century, and one of the most glaring instances of it was the Navigation -Act of 1651, which forbade the importation of goods into England except -in English ships, or ships of the nation that produced the goods. -This foolish act was intended to cripple the Dutch carrying trade, and -speedily led to a lamentable and disgraceful war between England and -Holland. In its application to America it meant that English colonies -could trade only with England in English ships, and it was generally -greeted with indignation. Cromwell, however, did little or nothing to -enforce it in America. Charles II.’s government was more active in the -matter and soon became detested. One of the earliest causes of the -American Revolution was thus set in operation. The policy begun in the -Navigation Act was one of the grievances that kept Massachusetts in a -chronic quarrel with Charles II. during the whole of his reign, and it -was a source of no less irritation in Virginia. - -[Sidenote: The second Navigation Act.] - -A second Navigation Act, passed at the beginning of the reign of -Charles II., prescribed that “no goods or commodities whatsoever shall -be imported into or exported from any of the king’s lands, islands, -plantations, or territories in Asia, Africa, or America, in any other -than English, Irish, or plantation built ships, and whereof the master -and at least three-fourths of the mariners shall be Englishmen, under -forfeiture of ships and goods.” It was further provided that “no -sugar, tobacco, cotton, wool, indigo, ginger, fustic and other dyeing -woods, of the growth or manufacture of our Asian, African, or American -colonies, shall be shipped from the said colonies to any place but to -England, Ireland, or to some other of his Majesty’s said plantations, -there to be landed, under forfeiture of goods and ships.” - -[Sidenote: Bland’s remonstrance.] - -The motive in these restrictions is obvious enough. Their effects were -ably set forth in 1677, in a memorial by John Bland, a sagacious London -merchant, whose grasp of the principles of political economy was very -remarkable for that age.[32] In order that merchants in England might -buy Virginia tobacco very cheap, the demand for it was restricted by -cutting off the export to foreign markets. In order that they might -sell their goods to Virginia at exorbitant prices, the Virginians were -prohibited from buying anything elsewhere. The shameless rapacity -of these merchants was such as might have been expected under such -fostering circumstances. If the planter shipped his own tobacco to -England, the charges for freight would be put so high as to leave him -scarcely any margin of profit. - -[Sidenote: Some direct consequences.] - -Such restrictions were apt to have other effects than those -contemplated. The “protected” merchants chuckled over their sagacity -in keeping Dutchmen away from Virginia, for thus it would become -possible to make the Dutchmen pay three or four shillings in England -for tobacco that cost a ha’penny in the colony. But the worthy burghers -of the Netherlands took a different view of the matter. They began -planting tobacco for themselves in the East Indies, so that it became -less necessary to buy it of the English. Another somewhat curious -consequence may be stated in Bland’s own words: “Again, if the -Hollanders must not trade to Virginia, how shall the planters dispose -of their tobacco? The English will not buy it [all], for what the -Hollander carried thence was a sort of tobacco not ... used by us in -England, but merely to transport for Holland. Will it not then perish -on the planters’ hands? which undoubtedly is not only an apparent loss -of so much stock and commoditie to the plantations who suffer thereby, -but for want of its employment an infinite prejudice to the commerce in -general.” - -[Sidenote: Some indirect consequences.] - -There was yet another aspect of the matter. “I demand then, in the next -place, which way shall the charge of the governments be maintained, if -the Hollanders be debarred trade in Virginia and Maryland, or anything -raised to defray the constant and yearly levies for the securing the -inhabitants from invasions of the Indians? How shall the forts and -public places be built and repaired, with many other incident charges -daily arising, which must be taken care for, else all will come to -destruction? for when the Hollanders traded thither, they paid upon -every anchor of brandy (which is about 25 gallons) 5 shillings import -brought in by them, and upon every hogshead of tobacco carried thence -10 shillings; and since they were debarred trade, our English, as they -did not, whilst the Hollander traded there, pay anything, neither -would they when they traded not ...; so that all these charges being -taxed on the poor planters, it hath so impoverished them that they -scarce can recover wherewith to cover their nakedness. As foreign -trade makes rich and prosperous any country that hath within it any -staple commodities to invite them thither, so it makes men industrious, -striving with others to gather together into societies, and building of -towns, and nothing doth it sooner than the concourse of shipping, as we -may see before our eyes, Dover and Deal what they are grown into, the -one by the Flanders trade, the other by ships riding in the Downs.” - -[Sidenote: Exposure of the humbug.] - -But if in spite of all these arguments the Navigation Act must stand, -then, says this acute writer, “let me on the behalf of the said -colonies of Virginia and Maryland make these following proposals, which -I hope will appear but equitable:-- - -“_First_, that the traders to Virginia and Maryland from England shall -furnish and supply the planters and inhabitants of those colonies with -all sorts of commodities and necessaries which they may want or desire, -at as cheap rates and prices as the Hollanders used to have when the -Hollander was admitted to trade thither. - -“_Secondly_, that the said traders out of England to those colonies -shall not only buy of the planters such tobacco ... as is fit for -England, but take off all that shall be yearly made by them, at as good -rates and prices as the Hollanders used to give for the same, by bills -of exchange or otherwise.... - -“_Thirdly_, that if any of the inhabitants or planters of the said -colonies shall desire to ship his tobacco or goods for England, that -the traders from England to Virginia and Maryland shall let them have -freight in their ships at as low and cheap rates as they used to have -when the Hollanders and other nations traded thither. - -“_Fourthly_, that for maintenance of the governments, raising of forces -to withstand the invasions of the Indians, building of forts and other -public works needful in such new discovered countries, the traders -from England to pay there in Virginia and Maryland as much yearly as -was received of the Hollanders and strangers as did trade thither, -whereby the country may not have the whole burden to lie on their hard -and painful labour and industry, which ought to be encouraged but not -discouraged. - -“Thus having proposed in my judgment what is both just and equal, to -all such as would not have the Hollanders permitted to trade into -Virginia and Maryland, I hope if they will not agree hereunto, it will -easily appear it is their own profits and interest they seek, not those -colonies’s nor your Majesty’s service, but in contrary the utter ruin -of all the inhabitants and planters there; and if they perish, that -vast territory must be left desolate, to the exceeding disadvantage of -this nation and your Majesty’s honour and revenue.” - -[Sidenote: Bland’s own proposal.] - -After this keen exposure of the protectionist humbug the author -concludes by offering his own proposal. “Let all Hollanders and other -nations whatsoever freely trade into Virginia and Maryland, and -bring thither and carry thence whatever they please,” with only one -qualification. It had been urged that, without legislative aid, English -shipping could not compete successfully with that of other countries. -Insatiableness of commercial greed begets a fidgetty, unreasoning -dread of anything like free competition. Just as the Frenchman puts -tariff duties upon German goods because he knows he cannot compete with -Germans in a free market, while at the same moment the German puts -tariff duties upon French goods because he knows he cannot compete -with Frenchmen in a free market, so it was with men’s arguments two -centuries ago. It was urged that French and Dutch ships could be -built and navigated at smaller expense than English ships; and this -point our author meets by suggesting a differential tonnage-duty “to -counterpoise the cheapness,” only great care must be taken not to make -it prohibitory. - -[Sidenote: Distress caused by low price of tobacco.] - -The principal effect of the Navigation Act upon Virginia and Maryland -was to lower the price of tobacco while it increased the cost of all -articles imported from England. As tobacco was the circulating medium -in these colonies, the effect was practically a depreciation of the -currency with the usual disastrous consequences. There was an inflation -of prices, and all commodities became harder to get. Efforts were -made from time to time to contract the currency by curtailing the -tobacco crop. It was proposed, for example, in 1662, that no tobacco -should be planted in Maryland or Virginia for the following year. Such -proposals recurred from time to time, but it proved impossible to -secure concerted action between the two colonies. In 1664 the whole -tobacco crop of Virginia was worth less than £3 15s. for each person -in the colony. In 1666 so much tobacco was left on the hands of the -planters that a determined effort was made to enforce the cessation of -planting, and after much discussion an agreement was reached between -Maryland, Virginia, and the new settlements in Carolina, but the plan -was defeated by disapproval in Maryland which led to a veto from Lord -Baltimore. In 1667 the price of tobacco fell to a ha’penny a pound, -and Thomas Ludwell, writing to Lord Berkeley in London, “declared that -there were but three influences restraining the smaller landowners of -Virginia from rising in rebellion, namely, faith in the mercy of God, -loyalty to the king, and affection for the government.”[33] - -[Sidenote: The Surry protest, 1673.] - -The discontent sometimes took the form of a disposition to resist the -collection of taxes, as in Surry, in December, 1673, when “a company of -seditious and rude people to y^e number of ffourteene did unlawfully -Assemble at y^e pish church of Lawnes Creeke, w^{th} Intent to declare -they would not pay theire publiq taxes, & y^t they Expected diverse -oth^{rs} to meete them, who faileing they did not put theire wicked -design in Execution.” Nevertheless these persons assembled again, -some three weeks later, in an old field “called y^e Divell’s field,” -where they passed divers lawless resolutions interspersed with heated -harangues. In particular one Roger Delke did say, “we will burne all -before one shall Suffer,” and when brought before the magistrates, “y^e -s^d Delke Acknowledged he said y^e same words, & being asked why they -meet at y^e church he said by reason theire taxes were soe unjust, & -they would not pay it.”[34] The ringleaders in this affair were fined, -but Governor Berkeley remitted the fines, provided “they acknowledged -their faults and pay the court charges.” - -[Sidenote: The Arlington-Culpeper grant, 1673.] - -Another cause of trouble was the king’s recklessness in rewarding -public services or gratifying favourites by extensive grants of wild -land in America. It was an easy way to pay debts, for it cost the king -nothing, and all the labour and expense of making the grant valuable -fell upon the grantee. To many of these grants there could, of course, -be no objection. Those that founded the Carolinas and Pennsylvania and -the Hudson Bay Company were all proper enough. The trouble began when -territory already granted and occupied by Englishmen was given away -again. There were some complicated and obscure instances of this in -New England, but a flagrant and exasperating case occurred in Virginia -in 1673, when Charles made a grant of the whole country to the Earl of -Arlington and Lord Culpeper, to hold for thirty-one years at a yearly -rent of 40 shillings to be paid at Michaelmas. - -[Sidenote: Some of its effects.] - -The practical effect of this grant was to convert Virginia into -something like a proprietary government, with Arlington and Culpeper -for proprietors. It was, of course, not the intention to disturb -individuals in the possession of lands already acquired by a valid -title; but escheated lands were to go to these proprietors instead of -the crown, and there was an opportunity for grievous injustice, for -many escheated lands were occupied by persons who had purchased them -in good faith. The lord proprietors were to receive the revenues of -the colony, to appoint all public officers, and to present pastors -for installation. In short, the entire control of the internal -administration of the colony was to be placed in their hands, and -against such favourites of the king an appeal at any time was likely -to be of little avail. It is needless to add that the grant was made -without consulting the Virginians. For people who had lavished so much -loyalty upon a worthless sovereign, this was a scurvy requital. To -find its match for ingratitude one must go to the story of Inkle and -Yarico. No sooner did the House of Burgesses hear of it than they sent -commissioners to England to make an energetic protest. They found the -king rather surprised to hear that the Virginians cared anything about -such a trifle; he promised to satisfy everybody, and that naturally -took some time, so that the matter was still under discussion when -things came to a blaze in Virginia. - -[Sidenote: Character of Sir William Berkeley.] - -The unprincipled government of Charles II. in England was matched in -some respects by the oppressive administration of Sir William Berkeley -in Virginia. We have already met this gentleman on several occasions; -it is now time to notice him more particularly. He was son of Sir -Maurice Berkeley, who was one of the members of the London Company -when it was first organized in 1606. Several members of the family -were interested in American affairs. Sir William’s elder brother, Lord -Berkeley of Stratton, was a favourite of Charles II., and one of the -group of proprietors to whom that king granted Carolina in 1663. Sir -William was an aristocrat to the ends of his fingers, a man of velvet -and gold lace, a brave soldier, a devoted husband, a chivalrous friend, -and withal as narrow and bigoted and stubborn a creature as one could -find anywhere. He had no sympathy with common people, nor any very -clear sense of duty toward them. When he first arrived in Virginia in -1642, at the age of thirty-four, he was considered very gracious and -affable in manners, and during the ten years of his first governorship -he seems to have been generally popular. From 1652 to 1660 he lived in -retirement on his rural estate of Greenspring near Jamestown, where he -had an orchard of more than 2,000 fruit trees--apples, pears, quinces, -peaches, and apricots--and a stable of seventy fine horses. There he -entertained Cavalier guests and drank healths to King Charles until he -was once more called to Jamestown to be governor. In 1661 he went to -London and stayed for a year, and it was afterwards thought that his -visit with his froward and hot-tempered brother[35] worked a change -in him for the worse. Berkeley’s errand in London was to oppose an -attempt which the old London Company was making to have its charter -restored; the people of Virginia had long ago passed the stage at which -they regretted the overthrow of the Company. During his stay in London, -Berkeley saw one of his own plays performed at the theatre, for this -courtier and Cavalier dabbled in literature. Of this tragi-comedy, “The -Lost Lady,” Pepys tells us in his Diary that at first he did not care -much for it, but liked it better the next time he saw it.[36] - -[Sidenote: Corruption and extortion.] - -[Sidenote: The Long Assembly, 1661-1676.] - -[Sidenote: Berkeley’s violent temper.] - -After Berkeley’s return to Virginia the evils of Charles’s -misgovernment soon began to show themselves. A swarm of place-hunters -beset the king, who carelessly gave them appointments in Virginia, or -recommended them to Berkeley for places. Judges and sheriffs, revenue -collectors and parsons, were thus appointed without reference to -fitness, with the natural results; the law was ill-administered, the -public money embezzled, and the church scandalized. The custom-house -charges on exported tobacco afforded chances for extortion and -blackmailing, of which abundant advantage was taken, and Berkeley was -not the sort of man who was quick to punish the rogues of his own -party. Enemies accused him of profiting by the maladministration of his -officials, and he himself confessed in a rather cynical letter to Lord -Arlington that, while advancing years had taken away his ambition, they -had left him covetous. A little group of wealthy planters, friends -of Berkeley, obtained places on the council, and contrived to have -everything their own way for several years. With their aid the governor -tried to do away with the popular election of representatives. Amid -the blaze of royalist exultation over the restoration of monarchy, -the House of Burgesses elected in 1661 contained a large majority -of members who believed in high prerogative and divine right; and -Berkeley, having thus secured a legislature that was quite to his mind, -kept it alive for fifteen years, until 1676, simply by the ingenious -expedient of _adjourning_ it from year to year, and refusing to issue -writs for a new election. The effect of such things was to carry more -than one staunch Cavalier over into what was by no means a Puritan -but none the less a strong opposition party. As this opposition could -not find adequate voice in the legislature, it became ready for an -explosion. As Berkeley’s old popularity ebbed away he grew arrogant -and cross, and now and then some instance of mean vindictiveness -swelled the rising tide of hatred against him. He became subject to -fits of violent passion. The famous Quaker preacher, William Edmundson, -who visited Virginia in 1672, called on the governor and sought to -intercede with him for the Society of Friends, the members of which -were shamefully treated in that colony. “He was very peevish and -brittle,” says Edmundson, “and I could fasten nothing on him, with all -the soft arguments I could use.... The next day was the men’s meeting -at William Wright’s house [where I met] Major-General Bennett.... -He asked me ‘How I was treated by the governor?’ I told him ‘he was -brittle and peevish.’... He asked me ‘if the governor called me dog, -rogue, etc.’ I said ‘No.’ ‘Then,’ said he, ‘you took him in his best -humour, those being his usual terms when he is angry, for he is an -enemy to every appearance of good.’”[37] - -[Sidenote: Beginning of the Indian war, 1675.] - -Such was the governor of Virginia and such the state of things there, -when to the many troubles that were goading the people to rebellion -the horrors of the tomahawk and scalping-knife were suddenly added. -In 1672, after a fearful struggle of twenty years’ duration, the Five -Nations of New York had completely overthrown and nearly annihilated -their kinsmen the Susquehannocks. The defeated barbarians, slowly -retreating southward, roamed on both sides of the Potomac, while -parties of the victors, mostly from the Seneca tribe, pursued and -harassed them. Early in the summer of 1675 some Algonquins of the -Doeg tribe, dwelling in Stafford County, not far from the site of -Fredericksburg, got into a dispute with one of the settlers and stole -some of his pigs. The thieves were pursued, and in the chase one or two -of them were shot. A few days afterward a herdsman was found mortally -wounded at the door of his cabin, and said with his dying breath that -it was Doegs who had done it. Then the county lieutenant of Stafford -turned out with his militia to punish the offenders. This officer -was Colonel George Mason, whose cavalry troop had gone down before -Cromwell’s resistless blows in the crowning mercy at Worcester. He was -great-grandfather of the George Mason who sat in the Federal Convention -of 1787. One party of Colonel Mason’s men overtook and slew eleven of -the Algonquins, and another party at some distance in the forest had -already shot fourteen red men, when a chief came running up to Colonel -Mason and told him that these latter were friendly Susquehannocks, -and that the murderers of the herdsman were neither Algonquins nor -Susquehannocks, but Senecas. The firing was instantly stopped, but the -unfortunate affair had evil consequences. Murders by Indians along the -Potomac became frequent. The Susquehannocks occupied an old blockhouse -on the Maryland side of the river, and a force of Marylanders, -commanded by Major Thomas Truman, marched out to dislodge them. - -[Sidenote: John Washington.] - -At the request of the Maryland government, Virginia sent a party -to coöperate in this task. Its commander bore a name which his -great-grandson was to make forever illustrious. Colonel John Washington -had come over from England in 1657, with his younger brother Lawrence, -and settled in Westmoreland County. He was now forty-four years old, a -man of wealth and influence, a leading judge, and member of the House -of Burgesses. - -[Sidenote: The five Susquehannock envoys.] - -When the Virginia troops crossed the Potomac they found their Maryland -allies assembled before the blockhouse, with five Susquehannocks in -custody. These Indians were envoys who had come out for a parley, but -had apparently taken alarm and sought to escape, whereupon Major Truman -seized and detained them until the Virginians should arrive. Then -Colonel Washington, with his next in command, Major Isaac Allerton, -proceeded to interrogate the Indians, while Major Truman listened in -silence. Washington demanded satisfaction for the murders and other -outrages committed in Virginia, but the Indians denied everything and -declared that their deadly enemies the Senecas were the sole offenders. -Washington then asked how it happened that several canoe-loads of -beef and pork, stolen from the plantations, had been carried into -the Susquehannock fort; was it their foes the Senecas who were thus -supplying them with food? And how did it happen that a party of -Susquehannocks just captured in Virginia were dressed in the clothes of -Englishmen lately murdered? The falsehood was too palpable. The guilt -of the Susquehannocks was plain, and they must either make amends or -taste the rigours of war. - -There can be little doubt that Colonel Washington was right. Then, -as always until after 1763, the Long House was from end to end the -steadfast ally of the English, and nothing could be more unlikely than -that one of its tribes should have been guilty of these murders. It -is quite clear that the Susquehannocks lied, with the double purpose -of saving themselves and bringing down vengeance upon the Senecas. -The first murders had been committed by Algonquins, and evidently -the Susquehannocks had joined in the work in retaliation for the -unfortunate mistake committed by Colonel Mason’s men. - -[Sidenote: The killing of the envoys.] - -At the close of the conference Major Truman called to Colonel -Washington, asking if these were not impudent rogues to deny the -murders they had done, when at that very moment the corpses of nine of -their own tribe were lying unburied at Hurston’s plantation, where in -a fight the defenders of the place had just slain them. As the envoys -persisted in denying that these dead Indians were Susquehannocks, -Washington suggested that they should be taken to Hurston’s and -confronted with the bodies. So Truman’s men marched away with the five -envoys, and presently put them to death, “w^{ch} was occation,” says -one of the Virginian witnesses, “y^t much amaized & startled us & ou^r -Comanders, being a thing y^t was never imagined or expected.”[38] - -The killing of these envoys was in violation of a rule that holds in -all warfare, whether savage or civilized, and Truman was impeached for -it in the Maryland assembly; but owing to an obstinate disagreement -between the two houses as to the penalty to be inflicted, he escaped -without further punishment than the loss of his seat in the council. - -[Sidenote: Berkeley’s perverseness.] - -[Sidenote: Indian atrocities.] - -Colonel Washington’s force proved too small to hold in check the -infuriated Susquehannocks, who seem to have entered into alliance with -the Algonquins of the country. Soon the whole border, from the Potomac -to the falls of the James, was swarming with painted barbarians, and -day after day renewed the tale of burning homes and slaughtered wives -and children. This sort of thing went on through the fall and winter, -driving people into frenzy, but Berkeley would not call out a military -force for the occasion. He insisted that it was enough to instruct -the county lieutenants, each in his county, to keep his militia in -readiness. It was charged against him that fear of losing his share in -a very lucrative fur trade made him unwilling to engage in war with -the Indians. However this may have been, the spirit of the people had -become so mutinous that he was probably afraid to entrust himself -to the protection of a popular militia. Whatever the motive of his -conduct, its consequences were highly disastrous. On a single day in -January, 1676, within a circle of ten miles’ radius, thirty-six people -were murdered; and when the governor was notified, he coolly answered -that “nothing could be done until the assembly’s regular meeting in -March”![39] Meanwhile the work of firebrand and tomahawk went on. In -Essex County (then known as Rappahannock), sixty plantations were -destroyed within seventeen days. It was thought by some persons that -the Indians were stimulated by reports of the fearful havoc which -their brethren were making in New England, where King Philip’s war -was raging. Surely the wrath of the planters must have been redoubled -when they heard of the stalwart troop led by Josiah Winslow into the -Narragansett country, and noted the stern vengeance it wrought there -on a December day of 1675, and contrasted these things with what they -saw before them. As the Charles City people afterward declared with -bitterness, “we do acknowledge we were so unadvised then ... as to -believe it our duty incumbent on us both by the laws of God and nature, -and our duty to his sacred Majesty, notwithstanding ... Sir William -Berkeley’s prohibition, ... to take up arms ... for the just defence of -ourselves, wives, and children, and this his Majesty’s country.”[40] -At length, in March, the Long Assembly, as people called it, which had -been elected in 1661, was convened for the last time; a force of 500 -men was gathered, and all things were in readiness for a campaign, when -Berkeley by proclamation disbanded the little army, declaring that -the frontier forts, if duly prepared and equipped, afforded all the -protection the country needed. To many people this seemed to be adding -insult to injury; for while no fortress could prevent the skulking -approach of the enemy through the tangled wilderness, it was widely -believed that the repairing of forts was simply a device for enabling -the governor’s friends to embezzle the money granted for the purpose. - -[Sidenote: Nathaniel Bacon.] - -[Sidenote: Drummond and Lawrence.] - -At this time there was a young man of eight-and-twenty living on his -plantation on James River, hard by Curl’s Wharf. His name was Nathaniel -Bacon, son of Thomas Bacon, of Friston Hall, Suffolk, a kinsman of the -great Lord Bacon.[41] His mother was daughter of a Suffolk knight, Sir -Robert Brooke. He had studied law at Gray’s Inn, and after extensive -travel on the continent of Europe had come to Virginia with his young -wife shortly before the beginning of these Indian troubles. His -father’s cousin, Nathaniel Bacon, of King’s Creek, who had dwelt in -the colony since about 1650, was a man of large wealth and influence. -The abilities and character of the young Nathaniel were rated so high -that he already had a seat in the council. He was clearly an impetuous -youth, brave and cordial, fiery at times, and gifted with a persuasive -tongue. He was in person tall and lithe, with swarthy complexion -and melancholy eyes, and a somewhat lofty demeanour. One writer says -that his discourse was “pestilent and prevalent logical,” and that it -“tended to atheism,” which doubtless means that he criticised things -freely. Two other prominent men were much of his way of thinking. -One was a hard-headed and canny Scotchman, William Drummond, who had -been governor of the Albemarle colony in Carolina.[42] The other was -Richard Lawrence, an Oxford graduate of scholarly tastes, whom an old -chronicler has labelled for posterity as “thoughtful Mr. Lawrence.” -Both Drummond and Lawrence were wealthy men, and lived, it is said, in -the two best built and best furnished houses in Jamestown, which, it -should be remembered, had scarcely more than a score of houses all told. - -[Sidenote: Bacon’s plantation attacked, May, 1676.] - -[Sidenote: He defeats the Indians.] - -Beside the estate where Bacon lived, he had another one farther up, on -the site still marked by the name “Bacon Quarter Branch” in the suburbs -of Richmond. “If the redskins meddle with me,” quoth the fiery young -man, “damn my blood but I’ll harry them, commission or no commission!” -One May morning in 1676 news came to Curl’s Wharf that the Indians had -attacked the upper estate, and killed Bacon’s overseer and one of his -servants. A crowd of armed planters on horseback assembled, and offered -to march under Bacon’s lead. He made an eloquent speech, accepted the -command, and sent a courier to the governor to ask for a commission. -Berkeley returned an evasive answer, whereupon Bacon sent him a polite -note, thanking him for the promised commission, and forthwith started -on his campaign. He had not gone many miles when a proclamation from -the governor overtook him, commanding the party to disperse. A few -obeyed; the rest kept on their way and inflicted a severe defeat upon -the Indians. Then Bacon and his volunteers marched homeward.[43] - -[Sidenote: Election of a new House of Burgesses.] - -[Sidenote: Arrest of Bacon.] - -Meanwhile the indignant Berkeley had gathered a troop of horse and -taken the field in person to arrest this refractory young man. But -suddenly came the news that the whole York peninsula was in revolt. The -governor must needs hasten back to Jamestown, where he soon realized -that if he would avoid civil war he must dissolve his moss-grown House -of Burgesses and issue writs for a new election. This was done. In -anticipation of such an emergency, an act had been passed in 1670 -restricting the suffrage by a property qualification, which had -called forth much indignation, since previously universal suffrage had -prevailed. In this excited election of 1676 the restriction was openly -disregarded in many places, and unqualified persons voted illegally. -Bacon offered himself as a candidate for Henrico County and was elected -by a large majority. As he drew near to Jamestown in his sloop with -thirty followers, a war-ship lay at anchor awaiting him, and the high -sheriff arrested him with his whole party. He was taken into the brick -State House and confronted with the governor, who simply said, “Mr. -Bacon, have you forgot to be a gentleman?” “No, may it please your -honour,” said Bacon. “Very well,” said Berkeley, “then I’ll take your -parole.” This was discreet in the governor, since the election had gone -so heavily against him. Bacon was released and went to lodge in the -house of Richard Lawrence. - -[Sidenote: “Thoughtful” Mr. Lawrence.] - -This “thoughtful” gentleman, the Oxford scholar, “for wit, learning, -and sobriety equalled by few,” is said to have “kept an ordinary,” -while his house was one of the best in Jamestown. It should be -remembered that the permanent residents in the town numbered less than -a hundred,[44] while the sessions of the assembly brought a great -influx of temporary sojourners, so that any or every house would be -made to serve as a tavern. Some years before, Mr. Lawrence had been -“partially treated at law, for a considerable estate on behalf of a -corrupt favourite” of Sir William Berkeley; a fact well certified by -the testimony of the governor’s friend, Colonel Lee. For this reason -Lawrence bore the governor a grudge and spoke of him as a treacherous -old villain. It was believed by some people that in the conduct of the -rebellion Lawrence was the Mephistopheles and Bacon simply the Faust -whom he prompted. - -[Sidenote: Bacon’s submission.] - -There seems to have been an understanding that, if Bacon were to -acknowledge his offence in marching without a commission, he should be -received back to his seat in the council, and the governor would give -him a commission to go and finish the Indian war. The old Nathaniel -Bacon, of King’s Creek, being “a very rich politic man and childless,” -and intending to leave his estates to young Nathaniel, succeeded in -persuading him, “not without much pains,” to accept the compromise. The -old gentleman wrote out a formal recantation, which his young kinsman -consented to read in public, and a scene was made of it. The State -House was a two-story building in which the burgesses had lately begun -sitting apart on the second floor, while the governor and council (in -point of dignity the “upper house”) held their session on the first -floor. On the 5th of June, 1676, the burgesses were summoned to attend -in the council chamber while Berkeley opened parliament. In his opening -speech the governor referred to the Indian troubles, and expressed -himself with strong emphasis on the slaying of the five envoys: “If -they had killed my grandfather and grandmother, my father and mother -and all my friends, yet if they had come to treat of peace they ought -to have gone in peace!”[45] Then, changing the subject, the governor -announced: “If there be joy in the presence of the angels over one -sinner that repenteth, there is joy now, for we have a penitent sinner -come before us. Call Mr. Bacon.” The young man knelt at the bar of the -assembly and read aloud the prepared paper in which he confessed that -he had acted illegally, and offered sureties for future good behaviour. -Then said the governor impressively, and thrice repeating the words, -“God forgive you! I forgive you.” “And all that were with him,” -interposed a member of the council. “Yea,” continued Berkeley, “and -all those that were with you.” The sheriff at once released Bacon’s -followers, and he took his old seat in the council, while the burgesses -filed off upstairs. Our informant, the member for Stafford, tells us -that while he was on his way up to the burgesses that afternoon, and -through the open door of the council chamber descried “Mr. Bacon on his -quondam seat,” it seemed “a marvellous indulgence” to one who had so -lately been proscribed as a rebel. - -[Sidenote: Governor _vs._ Burgesses.] - -[Sidenote: Reform of abuses.] - -The governor’s chief dread was the free discussion of affairs in -general by a hostile assembly. Now that the Indian imbroglio had -brought these new burgesses together, he wanted them to confine their -talk to Indian affairs and then go home, but this was not their way -of thinking. They aimed, though feebly, at greater independence than -heretofore, and the governor’s intent was to frustrate this aim. It was -moved by one of his partisans in the House of Burgesses “to entreat -the governor would please to assign two of his council to sit with -and assist us in our debates, as had been usual.” At this the friends -of Bacon scowled, and the member for Stafford ventured to suggest -that such aid might not be necessary, whereat there was an uproar. -The Berkeleyans urged that “it had been customary and ought not to be -omitted,” but a shrewd old assemblyman named Presley replied, “’Tis -true it has been customary, but if we have any bad customs amongst -us, we are come here to mend ’em.”[46] This happy retort was greeted -with laughter, but the Cavalier feeling of loyalty to the king’s -representative was still strong, and Berkeley’s friends had their -way, apparently in a tumultuous fashion. As the member for Stafford -says, the affair “was huddled off without coming to a vote,” so that -the burgesses must “submit to be overawed and have every carped at -expression carried straight to the governor.” Nevertheless, they went -sturdily on to their work of reform, and the acts which they passed -most clearly reveal the nature of the evils from which the people had -been suffering. They restored universal suffrage; they enacted that -vestrymen should be elected by popular vote, and limited their term -of office to three years; they reduced the sheriff’s term to a single -year; they declared that no person should hold at one and the same time -any two of the offices of sheriff, surveyor, escheator, and clerk of -court; and they imposed penalties upon the delay of public business and -the taking of excessive fees. Councillors with their families, and the -families of clergymen, had been exempted from taxation; this odious -privilege was now abolished. Sundry trade monopolies were overthrown; -two magistrates, Edward Hill and John Stith, were disfranchised for -alleged misconduct; and provision was made for a general inspection of -public expenses and the proper auditing of accounts.[47] - -[Sidenote: An Indian “princess.”] - -The Indian troubles were not neglected. Arrangements were made for -raising and maintaining an army of 1,000 men, and the aid of friendly -Indians was solicited. There was a picturesque scene when the -“Queen of Pamunkey” was brought before the House of Burgesses. That -interesting squaw sachem appears to have been a descendant of the -fierce Opekankano. Her tribe was the same that John Smith had visited -on the winter day when he held his pistol to the old warrior’s head, -with the terse mandate, “Corn or your life!” That remnant of the -Powhatan confederacy was still flourishing in Bacon’s time, and indeed -it has survived to the present day, a mongrel compound of Indian and -negro, on two small reservations in King William County.[48] The “Queen -of Pamunkey” in Bacon’s time commanded about 150 warriors, and what -the assembly wanted was to secure their aid in suppressing the hostile -Indians. The dusky princess “entered the chamber with a comportment -graceful to admiration, bringing on her right hand an Englishman -interpreter, and on the left her son, a stripling twenty years of -age, she having round her head a plat of black and white wampum peag -three inches broad in imitation of a crown, and was clothed in a -mantle of dressed deerskins with the hair outwards and the edge cut -round six inches deep, which made strings resembling twisted fringe -from the shoulders to the feet; thus with grave courtlike gestures -and a majestic air in her face she walked up our long room to the -lower end of the table, where after a few entreaties she sat down; the -interpreter and her son standing by her on either side as they had -walked up. Our chairman asked her what men she would lend us for guides -in the wilderness and to assist us against our enemy Indians. She spake -to the interpreter to inform her what the chairman said (though we -believed she understood him). He told us she bid him ask [her] son to -whom the English tongue was familiar (and who was reputed the son of an -English colonel), yet neither would he speak to or seem to understand -the chairman, but, the interpreter told us, he referred all to his -mother, who being again urged, she, after a little musing, with an -earnest passionate countenance as if tears were ready to gush out, and -a fervent sort of expression, made a harangue about a quarter of an -hour, often interlacing (with a high shrill voice and vehement passion) -these words, _Totapotamoy chepiack!_ i. e. _Totapotamoy dead!_ Colonel -Hill, being next me, shook his head. I asked him what was the matter. -He told me all she said was too true, to our shame, and that his father -was general in that battle where divers years before[49] Totapotamoy -her husband had led a hundred of his Indians in help to the English -against our former enemy Indians, and was there slain with most of his -men; for which no compensation at all had been to that day rendered to -her, wherewith she now upbraided us.” - -[Sidenote: The chairman’s rudeness.] - -The candid member for Stafford calls the chairman of the committee -morose and rude for not so much as “advancing one cold word towards -assuaging the anger and grief” of the squaw sachem. Having once -obtained a favour and so ill requited it, the white men in an emergency -were now suppliants for further good offices of the same sort. But -disregarding all this, the chairman imperiously demanded to be informed -how many Indians she would now contribute. A look of angry disdain -passed over the cinnamon face; she turned her head away and “sat mute -till that same question being pressed a third time, she, not returning -her face to the board, answered with a low slighting voice in our own -language, _Six!_ but, being further importuned, she, sitting a little -while sullen, without uttering a word between, said, _Twelve!_ ... and -so rose up and walked gravely away, as not pleased with her treatment.” - -[Sidenote: Bacon’s flight.] - -[Sidenote: His return.] - -Small wisdom was shown in this mean and discourteous treatment of a -useful ally, but men’s thoughts were at once abruptly turned from such -matters. “One morning early a bruit ran about the town, Bacon is fled! -Bacon is fled!” and for the moment Indian alliances and legislative -reforms were alike forgotten. Mr. Lawrence’s house was searched at -daybreak, but his lodger had gone. Not only had the governor withheld -the expected commission, but the air was heavy with suspicion of -treachery. The elder Bacon, of King’s Creek, who was fond of “this -uneasy cousin” without approving his conduct, secretly informed him -that his life was in danger at Jamestown. So the young man slipped -away to his estate at Curl’s, and within a few days marched back upon -Jamestown at the head of 600 men. Berkeley’s utmost efforts could -scarcely muster 100 men, of whom we are told that not half could be -relied on. Early in the warm June afternoon Bacon halted his troops -upon the green before the State House, and walked up toward the -building with a little guard of fusileers. The upper windows were -filled with peering burgesses, and crowds of expectant people stood -about the green. Out from the door came the old white-haired governor, -trembling with fury, and plucking open the rich lace upon his bosom, -shouted to Bacon, “Here I am! Shoot me! ’Fore God, a fair mark, a fair -mark--shoot!” Bacon answered mildly, “No, may it please your honour, we -have not come to hurt a hair of your head or of any man’s. We are come -for a commission to save our lives from the Indians, which you have so -often promised, and now we will have it before we go.” - -[Sidenote: The governor intimidated, June, 1676.] - -But we are told that after the old man had gone in to talk with his -council, Bacon fell into a rage and swore that he would kill them all -if the commission were not granted. The fusileers presented their -pieces at the windows and yelled, “We will have it! we will have it!” -till shortly one of the burgesses shook “a pacifick handkercher” -and called down, “you shall have it.” All was soon quiet again. The -assembly drew up a memorial to the king, setting forth the grievances -of the colony and Bacon’s valuable services; and it made out a -commission for him as general of an army to be sent against the -Indians. Next day the governor was browbeaten into signing both these -papers; but the same ship that carried the memorial to Charles II. -carried also a private letter wherein Berkeley told his own story in -his own way. The assembly was then dissolved. - -[Sidenote: Bacon crushes the Susquehannocks.] - -[Sidenote: Berkeley flies to Accomac, and proclaims Bacon a rebel.] - -[Sidenote: Bacon’s march to Middle Plantation.] - -Bacon was a commander who could move swiftly and strike hard. Within -four weeks the remnant of the Susquehannocks had been pretty nearly -wiped out of existence, when he heard that the governor had proclaimed -him and his followers rebels. It was like a cry of despair from the -old man, who felt his power and dignity gone while this young Cromwell -rode over him rough-shod. He tried to raise the people in Gloucester, -reputed the most loyal of the counties, but his efforts were vain. -Ominous groans and calls of “a Bacon! a Bacon!” greeted him, until in -anticipation of still worse difficulties he fled across Chesapeake Bay -to the Accomac peninsula, launching the proclamation behind him like a -Parthian arrow. This was on July 29, and Richard Lawrence carried the -news up-stream to Bacon, who was probably somewhere about the North -Anna River. The young leader was stung by what he felt to be cruel -injustice. “It vexed him to the heart for to think that while he was -hunting Indian wolves, tigers, and foxes, which daily destroyed our -harmless sheep and lambs, that he and those with him should be pursued -with a full cry, as a more savage or a no less ravenous beast.” He -quickly marched back at the head of his troops to Middle Plantation, -half way between Jamestown and York River, the site where Williamsburg -was afterward built. What had best be done was matter of discussion -between Bacon and his friends, and the affair began to assume a more -questionable and dangerous aspect than before. The Scotch adviser, -William Drummond, was a gentleman who did not believe in half measures. -When some friend warned him of the danger of rebellion he was heard to -reply, “I am in over shoes; I will be over boots!” His wife was equally -bold. It was suggested one day that King Charles might by and by have -something to say about these proceedings, whereupon Sarah Drummond -picked up a stick and broke it in two, exclaiming, “I care no more for -the power of England than for this broken straw!” Bacon was advised -by Drummond to have Berkeley deposed and the more placable Sir Henry -Chicheley put in his place; and as a precedent he cited the thrusting -out of Sir John Harvey, forty-one years before. But Bacon preferred a -different course of action. First, he issued a manifesto in rejoinder -to Berkeley’s proclamation. A few ringing sentences from it will serve -as a sample of his peculiar eloquence. - -[Sidenote: His manifesto.] - -“If virtue be a sin, if piety be guilt, all the principles of morality, -goodness and justice be perverted, we must confess that those who are -now called Rebels may be in danger of those high imputations. Those -loud and several bulls would affright innocents, and render the defence -of our brethren and the inquiry into our sad and heavy oppressions -Treason. But if there be (as sure there is) a just God to appeal to, if -religion and justice be a sanctuary here, if to plead the cause of the -oppressed, if sincerely to aim at his Majesty’s honour and the public -good without any reservation or by-interest, if to stand in the gap -after so much blood of our dear brethren bought and sold, if after the -loss of a great part of his Majesty’s colony deserted and dispeopled -freely with our lives and estates to endeavour to save the remainders, -be treason--God Almighty judge and let guilty die. But since we cannot -in our hearts find one single spot of rebellion or treason, or that -we have in any manner aimed at subverting the settled government or -attempting of the person of any either magistrate or private man, -notwithstanding the several reproaches and threats of some who for -sinister ends were disaffected to us and censured our innocent and -honest designs, and since all people in all places where we have yet -been can attest our civil, quiet, peaceable behaviour, far different -from that of rebellion [rebellious?] and tumultuous persons, let Truth -be bold and all the world know the real foundations of pretended -guilt. We appeal to the country itself, what and of what nature their -oppressions have been, or by what cabal and mystery the designs of many -of those whom we call great men have been transacted and carried on. -But let us trace these men in authority and favour to whose hands the -dispensation of the country’s wealth has been committed.”[50] - -[Sidenote: His arraignment of Berkeley.] - -This is the prose of the seventeenth century, which had not learned -how to smite the reader’s mind with the short incisive sentences to -which we are at the present day accustomed; but there is no mistaking -the writer’s passionate earnestness, his straightforward honesty and -dauntless courage. As we read, we seem to see the gleam of lightning -in those melancholy eyes, and we quite understand how the impetuous -youth was a born leader of men. With strong words tumbling from a full -heart the manifesto goes on to “trace these men in authority,” these -“juggling parasites whose tottering fortunes have been repaired at -the public charge.” He points out at some length the character of the -public grievances, and appeals to the king with a formal indictment of -Sir William Berkeley:-- - -“For having upon specious pretences of public works raised unjust taxes -upon the commonalty for the advancement of private favourites and other -sinister ends, but no visible effects in any measure adequate. - -“For not having, during the long time of his government, in any -measure advanced this hopeful colony either by fortification, towns, or -trade. - -“For having abused and rendered contemptible the majesty of justice, of -advancing to places of judicature scandalous and ignorant favourites. - -“For having wronged his Majesty’s prerogative and interest by assuming -the monopoly of the beaver trade. - -“[For] having in that unjust gain bartered and sold his Majesty’s -country and the lives of his loyal subjects to the barbarous heathen. - -“For having protected, favoured, and emboldened the Indians against -his Majesty’s most loyal subjects, never contriving, requiring or -appointing any due or proper means of satisfaction for their many -invasions, murders, and robberies committed upon us.” - -[Sidenote: “Wicked counsellors.”] - -And so on through several further counts. At the close of the -indictment nineteen persons are mentioned by name as the governor’s -“wicked and pernicious counsellors, aiders and assisters against the -commonalty in these our cruel commotions.” Among these names we read -those of Sir Henry Chicheley, Richard Lee, Robert Beverley, Nicholas -Spencer, and the son of our old friend William Claiborne, who had -once been such a thorn in the side of Maryland. The manifesto ends by -demanding that Berkeley and all the persons on this list be promptly -arrested and confined at Middle Plantation until further orders. Let -no man dare aid or harbour any one of them, under penalty of being -declared a traitor and losing his estates. - -[Sidenote: The oath at Middle Plantation.] - -[Sidenote: Defeat of the Indians.] - -When he had launched this manifesto Bacon called for a meeting of -notables at Middle Plantation, to concert measures for making it -effective. There on August 3, accordingly, were assembled “most of -the prime gentlemen of those parts,” including four members of the -council. The discussion lasted all day, and was kept up by the light -of torches until midnight. There were many who were not willing to go -all lengths with Bacon. All were willing to subscribe an agreement -not to aid Berkeley in molesting Bacon and his men, but all were not -prepared to promise military aid to Bacon in resisting Berkeley. Bacon -insisted upon this and even more. It was not unlikely that the king, -influenced by calumnies and misrepresentations, might send troops to -Virginia to suppress the so-called “rebellion.” In that case all must -unite in opposing the royal forces until his Majesty should be brought -to see these matters in their true light. Many demurred at this. It -was equivalent to armed rebellion. They would sign the first part -of the agreement, but not this. Bacon replied that the governor had -already proclaimed them rebels, and would hang them for signing any -part of the agreement; one might as well be hanged for a sheep as for -a lamb, and as for himself he was not going to be satisfied with half -support. They must choose between Berkeley and himself. It is said that -they might have argued all that summer night but for a sudden Indian -scare which emphasized the need for prompt action. Then the hesitating -gentlemen came forward and signed the entire paper, while the whole -company, and no one more emphatically than Bacon himself, asseverated -that these proceedings in no way impaired their allegiance. In other -words, they were ready if need be to make war on the king for his own -good. It was “We, the inhabitants of Virginia,” that drew up this -remarkable agreement, which Charles II. was presently to read. Writs -were then made out in the king’s name for a new election of burgesses -and signed by the four councilmen. Then Bacon crossed the James River -and defeated the Appomattox Indians near the spot where Petersburg now -stands. After this he moved about the country, capturing and dispersing -the barbarians, until early in September it might be said that every -homestead in the colony was safe. - -[Sidenote: Startling conversation between Bacon and Goode.] - -In the proceedings which attended the taking of the oath at Middle -Plantation it may be plainly seen that Bacon was in danger of -alienating his followers by pursuing too radical a policy. This is -strikingly confirmed by a document which has only lately attracted -attention, a letter from John Goode to Sir William Berkeley, dated -January 30, 1677. This John Goode was a veteran frontiersman of sixty -years, a man of importance in the colony. He seems to have been a -faithful adherent of Bacon from his first march against the Indians -in May until the beginning of September, when there occurred the -conversation which, after all was over, he reported to the governor as -follows. The affair is so important and so little known that I quote -the dialogue entire, with the original spelling and punctuation:[51]-- - -HON’D SR.--In obedient submission to your honours command directed -to me by Capt. Wm. Bird[52] I have written the full substance of a -discourse Nath: Bacon, deceased, propos’d to me on or about the 2d day -of September last, both in order and words as followeth:-- - -BACON.--There is a report Sir Wm. Berkeley hath sent to the king -for 2,000 Red Coates, and I doe believe it may be true, tell me -your opinion, may not 500 Virginians beat them, wee having the same -advantages against them the Indians have against us. - -GOODE.--I rather conceive 500 Red Coats may either Subject or ruine -Virginia. - -B.--You talk strangely, are not wee acquainted with the Country, can -lay Ambussadoes, and take Trees and putt them by, the use of their -discipline, and are doubtlesse as good or better shott than they. - -G.--But they can accomplish what I have sayd without hazard or coming -into such disadvantages, by taking Opportunities of landing where -there shall bee noe opposition, firing out [our?] houses and Fences, -destroying our Stocks and preventing all Trade and supplyes to the -Country. - -B.--There may bee such prevention that they shall not bee able to -make any great Progresse in Mischeifes, and the Country or Clime not -agreeing with their Constitutions, great mortality will happen amongst -them, in their Seasoning which will weare and weary them out. - -G.--You see Sir that in a manner all the principall Men in the Countrey -dislike your manner of proceedings, they, you may bee sure will joine -with the Red Coates. - -B.--But there shall none of them bee [permitted?]. - -G.--Sir, you speake as though you design’d a totall defection from -Majestie, and our native Country. - -B.--Why (smiling) have not many Princes lost their Dominions soe. - -G.--They have been such people as have been able to subsist without -their Prince. The poverty of Virginia is such, that the Major part of -the Inhabitants can scarce supply their wants from hand to mouth, and -many there are besides can hardly shift, without Supply one yeare, -and you may bee sure that this people which soe fondly follow you, -when they come to feele the miserable wants of food and rayment, will -bee in greater heate to leave you, then [than] they were to come -after you, besides here are many people in Virginia that receive -considerable benefitts, comforts, and advantages by Parents, Friends -and Correspondents in England, and many which expect patrimonyes and -Inheritances which they will by no meanes decline. - -B.--For supply I know nothing: the Country will be able to provide it -selfe withall, in a little time, save Amunition and Iron, and I believe -the King of France or States of Holland would either of them entertaine -a Trade with us. - -G.--Sir, our King is a great Prince, and his Amity is infinitely more -valuable to them, then [than] any advantage they can reape by Virginia, -they will not therefore provoke his displeasure by supporting his -Rebells here; besides I conceive that your followers do not think -themselves ingaged against the King’s Authority, but against the -Indians. - -B.--But I think otherwise, and am confident of it, that it is the mind -of this country, and of Mary Land, and Carolina also, to cast off their -Governor and the Governors of Carolina have taken no notice of the -People, nor the People of them, a long time;[53] and the people are -resolv’d to own their Governour further; And if wee cannot prevaile by -Armes to make our Conditions for Peace, or obtaine the Priviledge to -elect our own Governour, we may retire to Roanoke. - -And here hee fell into a discourse of seating a Plantation in a great -Island in the River, as a fitt place to retire to for Refuge. - -G.--Sir, the prosecuting what you have discoursed will unavoidably -produce utter ruine and destruction to the people and Countrey, & I -dread the thoughts of putting my hand to the promoting a designe of -such miserable consequence, therefore hope you will not expect from me. - -B.--I am glad I know your mind, but this proceeds from meer -Cowardlynesse. - -G.--And I desire you should know my mind, for I desire to harbour noe -such thoughts, which I should fear to impart to any man. - -B.--Then what should a Gentleman engaged as I am, doe, you doe as good -as tell me, I must fly or hang for it. - -G.--I conceive a seasonable Submission to the Authority you have your -Commission from, acknowledging such Errors and Excesse, as are yett -past, there may bee hope of remission. - -I perceived his cogitations were much on this discourse, hee nominated, -Carolina, for the watch word. - -Three days after I asked his leave to goe home, hee sullenly Answered, -you may goe, and since that time, I thank God, I never saw or heard -from him. - -[Sidenote: Bacon’s perilous situation.] - -This interesting dialogue reveals the nature of the situation into -which Bacon had drifted. As the days went by, he could hardly fail to -see that the king was more likely to take Berkeley’s view of the case -than his. According to that view the deliverer of Virginia from the -Indians was a proscribed rebel who must “fly or hang for it.” There was -little hope for Bacon in “seasonable submission.” He would, therefore, -consider it safer and better for Virginia to hold out until the king -could be induced to take Bacon’s view of the case; or failing this, -it might still be possible to wear out the king’s troops and achieve -independence for Virginia, with the aid of the discontented people in -the neighbouring colonies. These were the speculations of a man whom -circumstances were making desperate, and the effect which they wrought -upon John Goode was likely to be repeated with many who had hitherto -loyally followed his fortunes. - -[Sidenote: Berkeley takes the offensive.] - -Thus far Bacon’s fighting had been against Indians. His quarrel with -the governor had been confined to fulminations. Now the two men were -to come into armed collision and give Virginia a brief taste of civil -war. Bacon sent Giles Bland, “a gentleman of an active and stirring -disposition,” with four armed vessels, to arrest Berkeley in Accomac, -but Colonel Philip Ludwell, aided by treachery, succeeded in capturing -Bland with his flotilla. Bland was put in irons, and one ship’s captain -was hanged for an example. Meanwhile Berkeley was enlisting troops by -promising as rewards the estates of all the gentlemen who had taken the -oath at Middle Plantation. He also sought to win over the indentured -servants of gentlemen fighting under Bacon by promising to give them -the estates of their masters. Many longshoremen also were enrolled. -Having in these ways scraped together about 1,000 men, the governor -sailed up the river to Jamestown and took possession of the place, from -which Lawrence and Drummond fled in the nick of time. - -[Sidenote: The white aprons.] - -When this news reached Bacon it found him at West Point, with the work -of subduing the red men practically finished. Not four months had yet -elapsed since the first attack on his plantation. It was clearly no -ordinary young man that had done that summer’s arduous work. Now he -advanced upon Jamestown, and made his headquarters in his adversary’s -comfortable mansion at Green Spring. Sir William had thrown an -earthwork across the neck of the promontory, and Bacon began building -a parallel. It is said that he compelled a number of ladies in white -aprons--wives of leading Berkeleyans--to stand upon the works, and -sent a message to the governor not to fire upon these guardian angels. -“The poor gentlewomen were mightily astonished,” says the chronicle, -“and neither were their bands void of amazement at this subtle -invention.”[54] The incident is an ugly spot in that brief career. One -would gladly disbelieve the story, but our contemporary authority for -it seems unimpeachable, and is friendly withal to Bacon. - -[Sidenote: Bacon’s speech.] - -The speech made by the young commander to his men at Green Spring -before the final assault is a good specimen of his eloquence: -“Gentlemen and Fellow Soldiers, how I am transported with gladness to -find you thus unanimous, bold and daring, brave and gallant. You have -the victory before the fight, the conquest before the battle.... Your -hardiness will invite all the country along as we march to come in -and second you.... The ignoring of their actions cannot but so much -reflect upon their spirit, as they will have no courage left to fight -you. I know you have the prayers and well wishes of all the people -in Virginia, while the others are loaded with their curses. Come -on, my hearts of gold; he that dies in the field lies in the bed of -honour!”[55] - -[Sidenote: Burning of Jamestown.] - -[Sidenote: Sufferers at Bacon’s hands.] - -The governor’s motley force was indeed no match for these determined -men. In the desultory fighting that ensued about Jamestown he was -badly defeated and at last fled again to Accomac. Jamestown remained -at Bacon’s mercy, and he burned it to the ground, that it might no -longer “harbour the rogues.” We are told that Lawrence and Drummond -took the lead in this work by applying the torch to their own houses -with their own hands. At Green Spring an “oath of fidelity” was drawn -up, which was taken voluntarily by many people and forced upon others. -Bacon seems now to have shown more severity than formerly in sending -men to prison and seizing their property. One deserter he shot, but -from bloodthirstiness he was notably free. Among the gentlemen who -suffered most at his hands were Richard Lee and Sir Henry Chichely, who -were kept several weeks in prison, Philip and Thomas Ludwell, Nicholas -Spencer and Daniel Parke, Robert Beverley and Philip Lightfoot, whose -estates were at various times plundered. John Washington and others -who were denounced as “delinquents” saw their corn and tobacco, cattle -and horses, impressed and carried away. Colonel Augustine Warner, -another great-grandfather of George Washington, “was plundered as much -as any, and yet speaks little of his losses, though they were very -great.”[56] Among the sufferers appears “the good Queen of Pamunkey,” -who was “driven, out into the wild woods and there almost famished, -plundered of all she had, her people taken prisoners and sold; the -queen was also robbed of her rich watchcoat for which she had great -value, and offered to redeem at any rate.” The next paragraph in the -commissioners’ report is delightful: “We could not but present her case -to his Majesty, who, though he may not at present so well or readily -provide remedies or rewards for the other worthy sufferers, yet since a -present of small price may highly oblige and gratify this poor Indian -Queen, we humbly supplicate his Majesty to bestow it on her.” - -[Sidenote: Bacon and his cousin.] - -One of the accusations against Bacon was that to him a good Indian -meant a dead Indian, so that he did not take the trouble to -discriminate between friends and foes. But what shall we say when we -find him plundering his own kinsman, the affectionate cousin whose -timely warning had once perhaps saved his life? The commissioners -report the losses of Nathaniel Bacon the elder, at the hands of his -“unnatural kinsman,” as at least £1,000 sterling. The old gentleman -was “said to have been a person soe desirous and Industrious to divert -the evil consequences of his Rebell kinsman’s proceedings, that at -the beginning hee freely proposed and promised to invest him in a -considerable part of his Estate in present, and to leave him the -Remainder in Reversion after his and his wife’s death, offering him -other advantages upon condicion hee would lay downe his Armes, and -become a good subject to his Majestie, that that colony might not be -disturbed or destroyed, nor his owne ffamily stained with soe foule a -Blott.” - -[Sidenote: Death of Bacon, Oct. 1, 1676.] - -At the burning of Jamestown the end of Bacon and of his rebellion -was not far off. “This Prosperous Rebell, concluding now the day his -owne, marcheth with his army into Gloster County, intending to visit -all the northern part of Virginia ... and to settle affairs after his -own measures.... But before he could arrive to the Perfection of his -designes (w^{ch} none but the eye of omniscience could Penetrate) -Providence did that which noe other hand durst (or at least did) doe -and cut him off.” Malarious Jamestown wreaked its own vengeance upon -its destroyer. When Bacon marched away from it he was already ill -with fever, and on the first day of October, at the house of a friend -in Gloucester, he “surrendered up that fort he was no longer able to -keep, into the hands of the grim and all-conquering Captain, Death.” -Accusations of poison were raised, but it is not likely that any other -poison was concerned than impure water and marsh gases. The funeral -was conducted with extraordinary secrecy. If a sudden turn of fortune -should put Berkeley in possession of the body, he would surely hang it -on a gibbet; so thoughtful Mr. Lawrence took measures to prevent any -such indignity. One chronicler darkly hints that Bacon’s remains were -buried in some very secret place in the woods, but another mentions -stones laid in the coffin, which suggests that it was sunk beneath the -waves of York River, as Soto was buried in the Mississippi and mighty -Alaric in the Busento. - -[Sidenote: Collapse of the Rebellion.] - -[Sidenote: Arrival of royal commissioners, January, 1677.] - -[Sidenote: Outrageous conduct of Berkeley.] - -A strange meteoric career was that of young Bacon, begun and ended as -it was in the space of about twenty weeks. On the news of his death -the rebellion collapsed with surprising suddenness. His followers soon -began giving in their submissions to the governor; the few that held -out were dispersed or captured. Although it was not until January -that the work of suppression was regarded as complete, yet that work -consisted chiefly in catching fugitives. In January an English fleet -arrived, with a regiment of troops, and a commission for investigating -the affairs of Virginia. The commissioners were Sir John Berry, Sir -Herbert Jeffries, and Colonel Francis Morison, three worthy and -fair-minded gentlemen. They found nothing left for soldiers to do. They -had authority for trying rebels, but in that business Berkeley had been -beforehand. Soon after Bacon’s death one of his best officers, Colonel -Thomas Hansford, was captured by Robert Beverley, and carried over to -Accomac. He asked no favour save that he might be “shot like a soldier -and not hanged like a dog,” but this was not granted. Hansford has -been called “the first native martyr to American liberty.”[57] Soon -afterward two captains were hanged, and the affair of Major Edward -Cheesman seems to have occurred while Berkeley was still at Accomac. It -is the foulest incident recorded in Berkeley’s career. When Cheesman -was brought before him, the governor fiercely demanded, “Why did you -engage in Bacon’s designs?” Before the prisoner could answer, his -young wife stepped forward and said, “It was my provocations that made -my husband join the cause; but for me he had never done what he has -done.” Then falling on her knees before the governor, she implored him -that she might be hanged as the guilty one instead of her husband.[58] -The old wretch’s answer was an insult so atrocious that the royalist -chronicler can hardly abide it. “His Honour” must have been beside -himself with anger and could not have meant what he said; for no woman -could have “so small an affection for her husband as to dishonour him -by her dishonesty, and yet retain such a degree of love, that rather -than he should be hanged she will be content to submit her own life -to the sentence.” Perhaps the governor’s thirst for vengeance was -satisfied by his ruffian speech, for Major Cheesman was not put to -death, but remanded to jail, where he died of illness. - -[Sidenote: Execution of Drummond.] - -After Berkeley had occupied the York peninsula little work remained for -him but that of the hangman. Not all the leaders were easy to find. -Richard Lawrence, thoughtful as always, escaped from the scene. “The -last account of him,” says T. M., “was from an uppermost plantation, -whence he and four other desperadoes, with horses, pistols, etc., -marched away in a snow ankle-deep.” Here the scholarly rebel vanishes -from our sight, and whether he perished in the wilderness or made his -way to some safer country, we do not know. On a cold day in January -his friend Drummond, hiding in White Oak Swamp was found and taken -to the governor. “Aha!” cried the old man, with a low bow, “you are -very welcome. I would rather see you just now than any other man in -Virginia. Mr. Drummond, you shall be hanged in half an hour!” “What -your honour pleases,” said the undaunted Scotchman. He was strung up -that afternoon, but not until his wife’s ring had been pulled from -his finger, for rapacity vied with ferocity in the governor’s breast. -Before the end of January some twenty more had been hanged. An election -was then going on, and the newly-elected assembly called upon Berkeley -to desist from this carnival of blood. “If we had let him alone,” said -Presley, the venerable member for Northampton, to T. M., the member for -Stafford, “he would have hanged half the country!” - -[Sidenote: Death of Berkeley.] - -The governor’s rage had carried him too far. His conduct did not -meet with the approval of the commissioners, whose report on the -disturbances is written in a fair and impartial spirit. He treated the -commissioners with crazy rudeness. It is said that when they had called -on him at Green Spring and were about to return to their boat on the -river, he offered them his state-coach with the hangman for driver! -whereupon they preferred to walk to the landing-place. Fresh seeds -of contention were sown, to bear fruit in the future. The complaints -of Drummond’s widow and others found their way to the throne. “As I -live,” quoth the king, “the old fool has put to death more people in -that naked country than I did here for the murder of my father.” In the -spring the royal order for Berkeley’s removal arrived, and on April 27 -he sailed for England, apparently expecting to return, for he left his -wife at Green Spring. Sir Herbert Jeffries, one of the commissioners, -succeeded him with a special commission as lieutenant governor. -Berkeley’s departure was joyfully celebrated with bonfires and salutes -of cannon. He cherished hopes of justifying himself in a personal -interview with the king, but the interview was delayed until, about the -middle of July, the old man fell sick and died. It was believed that -his death was caused by vexation and chagrin. A few weeks afterward the -other two commissioners, Sir John Berry and Colonel Morison, returned -to England; and we are told that one day the late governor’s brother, -Lord Berkeley, meeting Sir John Berry in the council chamber, told him -“with an angry voice and a Berkeleyan look,” that he and Morison had -murdered his brother.[59] In October a royal order for the relief of -Sarah Drummond declared that her husband “had been sentenced and put to -death contrary to the laws of the kingdom.” - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Significance of the rebellion.] - -Thus ended the first serious and ominous tragedy in the history of -the United States, a story preserved for us in many of its details -with striking vividness, yet concerning the innermost significance of -which we would fain know more than we do. It may fairly be pronounced -the most interesting episode in our early history, surpassing in this -regard the Leisler affair at New York, which alone can be compared with -it for intensity of human interest. As ordinarily told, however, the -story of Bacon presents some features that are unintelligible. It is -customary to liken the little rebellion of 1676 to the great rebellion -of 1776, and we are thus led to contemplate Bacon and Virginia as -arrayed against Berkeley and England. In such a view the facts are -unduly simplified and strangely distorted. If it were possible thus -fully to identify Bacon’s cause with the cause of Virginia, it would -become impossible to explain the ease with which his followers were -suppressed by Virginians, without any aid from England. But when all -the facts are considered, we can see at once that such a result was -inevitable. - -Careful inspection of the relevant facts will show us that Bacon was -contending against four things:-- - -1. The Indian depredations. - -2. The misrule of Sir William Berkeley. - -3. The English navigation laws. - -4. The tendency toward oligarchical government which had been rapidly -growing since the beginning of the great influx of Cavaliers in 1649. - -[Sidenote: How far Bacon represented public sentiment in Virginia.] - -Under the first three heads little need be said. The facts have been -generally recognized. It was by Bacon’s zeal and success in suppressing -the Indian power that he acquired public favour. As for the peculation -and extortion practised or permitted by Berkeley, it cannot for a -moment be supposed that such men as John Washington, Richard Lee, etc., -were inclined to tolerate or connive at it. As for the navigation laws, -it was a common remark, after the oath at Middle Plantation, that now -Virginians might look forward hopefully to trading with all countries. -It is therefore altogether probable that on all these grounds the -public sentiment of Virginia was overwhelmingly on the side of Bacon. - -[Sidenote: The leading families were in general opposed to him.] - -Under the fourth head some explanation is needed, for historians have -generally overlooked or disregarded it. One of the most conspicuous -facts in the story of Bacon’s rebellion is the fact that a great -majority of the wealthiest and most important men in the colony were -opposed to him from first to last. The list of those who were pillaged -by his followers is largely a list of the names most honoured in -Virginia, the great-grandfathers of the illustrious men who were among -the foremost in winning independence for the United States and in -building up our federal government. It is also largely a list of the -names of Cavaliers who had come from England to Virginia since 1649. -The political ideas of these men were surely not democratic. If they -were devout disbelievers in popular government, the fact is in nowise -to their discredit. Popular government is still on its trial in the -world, and the last word on the subject has not yet been said. In -our day the men who do the most to throw discredit upon it are often -those who prate most loudly in its favour; political blatherskites, -like the famous “Colonel Yell of Yellville,” whose accounts were -sadly delinquent though his heart beat with fervour for his native -land. The Cavaliers who came to Virginia were staunch and honourable -men who believed--with John Winthrop and Edmund Burke and Alexander -Hamilton--that society is most prosperous when a select portion of -the community governs the whole. Such a doctrine seems to me less -defensible than the democratic views of Samuel Adams and Thomas -Jefferson and Herbert Spencer, but it is still entitled to all the -courtesies of debate. Two centuries ago it was of course the prevailing -doctrine. - -[Sidenote: Political changes since 1660; the close vestry.] - -[Sidenote: Restriction of the suffrage.] - -In the preceding chapter I pointed out that the period of Cavalier -immigration, between 1650 and 1670, was characterized by a rapid -increase in the dimensions of landed estates and in the employment of -servile labour. The same period witnessed a change of an eminently -symptomatic kind in local government. In any state the local -institutions are the most vitally important part of the whole political -structure. Now, as I have already mentioned,[60] the English parish -was at an early time reproduced in Virginia, and its authority was -exercised by a few chosen men, usually twelve, who constituted a -vestry. At first, and until after 1645,[61] the vestrymen were elected -by the people of the parish, so that they were analogous to the -selectmen of New England. A vestry thus elected is called an open -vestry. Now soon after the Long Assembly had begun its sessions in -1661, in the fall tide of royalist reaction, we find on its records -a statute which transformed the open vestry into a close vestry. -In March, 1662, it was enacted that “in case of the death of any -vestryman, or his departure out of the parish, ... the minister and -vestry make choice of another to supply his room.”[62] The speedy -effect of this was to dispense with the popular election and to convert -the vestry into a self-perpetuating close corporation. When we consider -the great powers wielded by the vestry, we realize the importance -of this step. The vestry made up the parish budget, apportioned the -taxes, and elected the churchwardens, who were in many places the -tax-collectors. By its “processioning of the bounds of every person’s -land,” the vestry exercised control over the record of land-titles. Its -supervision of the counting of tobacco was also a function of no mean -importance. The vestry also presented the minister for induction. All -the local government not in the hands of the vestry was administered by -the county court, which consisted of eight justices appointed by the -governor. So that when the people lost the power of electing vestrymen -they parted with the only share they had in the local government.[63] -Nothing was left them except the right to vote for burgesses, and not -only was this curtailed in 1670 by a property qualification, but it was -of no avail while the Long Assembly lasted, since during those fifteen -years there were no elections. That political power should thus rapidly -become concentrated in the hands of the leading families was under the -circumstances but natural. That the deprivation of suffrage was by -many people felt to be a grievance is unquestionable.[64] No testimony -can outweigh that of the statute book, and two of the notable acts of -Bacon’s assembly in June, 1676, were those which restored universal -suffrage and the popular election of vestrymen, and limited the terms -of service of vestrymen to three years. The first assembly after the -rebellion, which met at Green Spring in February, 1677, with Augustine -Warner as speaker, declared all the acts of Bacon’s assembly null and -void. Then in the course of that year and the three years following -several of those wholesome acts were reënacted, especially those which -related to exorbitant fees and the misuse of public money. Great pains -were taken to guard against extortion and corruption,[65] but the -provisions concerning vestrymen were not reënacted. A law was passed -allowing the freeholders and housekeepers in each parish to elect six -“sober and discreet” representatives to sit with the vestry and have -equal votes with the vestrymen in assessing the parish taxes; in case -the parish should neglect to choose such representatives, or in case -they should fail to appear at the time appointed, the vestry was to -proceed without them.[66] This act seems to have had little effect, and -the law of 1662, which created the close vestry, still remained law -after more than a century had passed.[67] As for the right to vote for -burgesses, the royal instructions received from Charles II. in January, -1677, restricted it to “ffreeholders, as being more agreeable to the -custome of England, to which you are as nigh as you conveniently can -to conforme yourselves.”[68] According to the same instructions the -assembly was to be called together only once in two years, “unlesse -some emergent occasion shall make it necessary;” and it was to sit -“ffourteene days ... and noe longer, unlesse you find goode cause to -continue it beyond that tyme;” qualifications which could easily be -made to defeat the restriction. - -[Sidenote: How the aristocrats regarded Bacon’s followers.] - -The legislation of Bacon’s assembly concerning the suffrage and -the vestries proves that the people whom he represented were not -in sympathy with the political and social changes which had been -growing up since the middle of the century. These enactments were a -protest against the increasing tendency toward a more aristocratic -type of society. It was, therefore, natural that a large majority -of the aristocrats should have been opposed to Bacon. Doubtless -they sympathized with his protests against legislative oppression -and official corruption, but they did not approve of his levelling -schemes. Their language concerning Bacon’s followers shows how they -felt about them and toward them. William Sherwood calls them “y^e scum -of the Country.”[69] According to Philip Ludwell, deputy secretary and -member of the council, Bacon “gathers about him a Rabble of the basest -sort of People, whose Condicion was such, as by a chaunge could not -admitt of worse, w^{th} these he begins to stand at Defyance ag’t the -Governm’t.”[70] Again, “Mr. Bacon had Gotten at severall places about -500 men, whose fortune and Inclinations being equally desperate, were -ffit for y^e purpose there being not 20 in y^e whole Route, but what -were Idle & will not worke, or such whose Debaucherie or Ill Husbandry -has brought in Debt beyond hopes or thought of payment these are the -men that are sett up ffor the Good of ye Countrey; who for ye ease of -the poore will have noe taxes paied, though for ye most p^t of them, -they pay none themselves, would have all magistracie & Governm’nt -taken away & sett up one themselves, & to make their Good Intentions -more manifest _stick not to talk openly of shareing mens Estates among -themselves_,[71] with these (being Drawne together) Mr. Bacon marches -speedly toward the towne, etc.”[72] Governor Berkeley’s testimony -should not be omitted; he wrote to the king in June, “I have above -thirty-five years governed the most flourishing country the sun ever -shone over, but am now encompassed with rebellion like waters in every -respect like to that of Masaniello except their leader.”[73] In other -words, the rebels were a mere rabble, except their leader, who was not -a humble fisherman like the Italian, but a gentleman of high birth and -breeding. According to the careful and fair-minded commissioners, Bacon -“seduced the Vulgar and most ignorant People (two-thirds of each county -being of that Sort) Soe that theire whole hearts and hopes were set now -upon” him.[74] - -[Sidenote: The real state of the case.] - -Allowance for prejudice must of course be made in considering the -general statements of hostile witnesses, such as Berkeley and Sherwood -and Philip Ludwell. It is quite clear that Bacon’s followers were -by no means all of the baser sort. This is distinctly recognized in -a letter to the king by Thomas Ludwell and Robert Smith, containing -proposals for reducing the rebels. In a certain event, they say, “there -will be a speedy separation of the sound parts from the rabble.”[75] -Here we have an explicit admission that there was a “sound part.” -It will be remembered that Drummond had been a colonial governor, -and that his house and Lawrence’s were the best in Jamestown. The -officers we have met in the story, Hansford and Bland and Cheesman, -were men of good family; and among the foremost men in the colony we -are told that Colonel George Mason was inclined to sympathize with the -insurgents.[76] In this he was clearly by no means alone. On the whole, -however, there can be no doubt that Bacon’s cause was to a considerable -extent the cause of the poor against the rich, of the humble folk -against the grandees. - -[Sidenote: Effect of hard times.] - -[Sidenote: Populist aspects of the rebellion.] - -[Sidenote: Its sound aspects.] - -When we take into account this aspect of the case, which has never -received the attention it deserves, the whole story becomes consistent -and intelligible. The years preceding the rebellion were such as are -commonly called “hard times.” People felt poor and saw fortunes made -by corrupt officials; the fault was with the Navigation Act and with -the debauched civil service of Charles II. and Berkeley. Besides these -troubles, which were common to all, the poorer people felt oppressed by -taxation in regard to which they were not consulted and for which they -seemed to get no service in return.[77] The distribution of taxation -by polls, equal amounts for rich and for poor, was resented as a cruel -injustice.[78] The subject of taxation was closely connected with the -Indian troubles, for people paid large sums for military defence and -nevertheless saw their houses burned and their families massacred. -Under these circumstances the sudden appearance of the brave and -eloquent Bacon seemed to open the way of salvation. The indomitable -queller of Indians could also curb the tyrant. Naturally, along with -a more respectable element, the rabble gathered under his standard; -it is always the case in revolutions with the men who have little or -nothing to lose. It is likewise usual for men with much property at -stake to be conservative on such occasions. Philip Ludwell’s statement, -that some of the rebels entertained communistic notions, is just -what one might have expected. There is always more or less socialist -tomfoolery at such times. In some of its aspects there is a resemblance -between Bacon’s rebellion and that of Daniel Shays in Massachusetts one -hundred and ten years later. But the Massachusetts leader was a weak -and silly creature, and his resistance to government had nothing to -justify it, though there were palliating circumstances. The course of -Bacon, on the other hand, was in the main a justifiable protest against -misgovernment, and until after the oath at Middle Plantation a great -deal of the sound sentiment in Virginia must have sympathized with him. -In the unwillingness of some of the gentlemen present to take the oath, -we seem to see the first ebbing of the tide. Evidently there began to -be, as Thomas Ludwell had predicted, “a separation of the sound parts -from the rabble;” and this appears very distinctly in the defection of -Goode about four weeks later. - -In the intention of resisting the king’s troops, which thus weakened -Bacon’s position, he certainly showed more zeal than judgment. It has -the look of the courage that comes from desperation. Had he lived to -persist in this course, the policy most likely to strengthen him would -have been to make his foremost demand the repeal of the Navigation Act -which all Virginians detested and even Berkeley disapproved. But it -is not likely that anything could have saved him from defeat and the -scaffold. Death seems to have intervened in kindness to him and to -Virginia.[79] - -In the early history of our country Bacon must ever remain one of the -bright and attractive figures. Our heart is always with the man who -boldly stands out against corruption and oppression. To many persons -the name of rebel seems fraught with blame and reproach; but the career -of mankind so abounds in examples of heroic resistance to intolerable -wrongs that to any one familiar with history the name of rebel is often -a title of honour. Bacon’s brief career was an episode in the perennial -fight against taxation without representation, the ancient abuse of -living on other men’s labour. We cannot fail to admire his quick -incisiveness, his cool head, his determined courage; and the spectacle -of this young Cavalier taking the lead, like Tiberius Gracchus, in a -movement for justice and liberty will always make a pleasing picture. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -WILLIAM AND MARY. - - -[Sidenote: Political education.] - -Between the breaking out of Bacon’s rebellion in the summer of 1676 -and the Declaration of Independence, the interval was exactly a -hundred years. It was for Virginia a century of political education. -It prepared her for the great work to come, and it brought her -into sympathy more or less effective with other colonies that -were struggling with similar political questions, especially with -Massachusetts. It was in that same year, 1676, that Charles II. sent -Edward Randolph to Boston, to enforce the Navigation Act and to report -upon New England affairs in general. This mission of Randolph led -to quarrels which resulted in the overthrow of the charter and the -sending of royal governors to Massachusetts. From that time forth -the legislatures of Massachusetts and Virginia had to contend with -similar questions concerning the powers and prerogatives of the -royal governors, so that the two colonies kept a close watch upon -each other’s proceedings, while both received a thorough training -in constitutional politics. Amid such circumstances came into -existence the necessary conditions for the establishment of political -independence and the formation of our Federal Union. - -[Sidenote: Robert Beverley.] - -[Sidenote: His refusal to give up the journals.] - -The suppression of Bacon’s rebellion was far from equivalent to a -surrender to Charles II. or his representatives. Questions of privilege -soon arose, and it was not long before Berkeley’s most efficient -officer came himself to be regarded almost in the light of a rebel. -Major Robert Beverley, of Beverley in Yorkshire, an ardent royalist, -had come to Virginia in 1663. He was elected clerk of the House of -Burgesses in 1670, and held that office for many years. No one was -more active in stamping out rebellion in the autumn of 1677, but after -the arrival of the royal commissioners he was soon at feud with them. -As the disturbances had been quieted without the aid of their troops, -there was a disposition to resent their coming as an interference, -especially as they seemed to lend too ready an ear to the complaints -of the malcontents. In the list of grievances of Gloucester County we -find “a complaint against Major Robert Beverley that when the country -had (according to Order) raised 60 armed men to be an Out-guard for the -Governor--who not finding the Governor nor their appointed Comander -they were by Beverly comanded to goe to work, fall trees and maule -and toate railes, which many of them refusing to doe, he presently -disbanded them & sent them home at a tyme when the countrey were -infested by the Indians, who had a little before cut off six persons -in one family, and attempted others.” Upon this the commissioners -remarked, “Wee conceive this dealing of Beverly’s to be a notorious -abuse and Grievance, to take away the peoples armes while ther famlies -were cutt off by the Indians, and they deserve just reparation here.” -But Berkeley declared that what Beverley had done was by his orders, -and the newly elected House of Burgesses stood by its clerk. After -Berkeley had sailed for England, in April, 1677, the commissioners -called upon the House of Burgesses to give up its journals for their -inspection, and Beverley refused to comply with the demand. No king -in England, said the burgesses, would venture to make such a demand -of the House of Commons. Then the commissioners seized the journals, -and the burgesses indignantly voted that such an act was a violation -of privilege. This enraged the king, and in February, 1679, the privy -council ordered that Beverley should be removed from office. - -[Sidenote: Lord Culpeper.] - -A change of governors, however, altered the situation. After Jeffries -and Chichely, who served but a year each, came Lord Culpeper, whom -Charles II. had undertaken to make co-proprietor of Virginia, along -with the Earl of Arlington. Culpeper was an average specimen of -the public officials of the time, fairly agreeable and easy-going, -but rapacious and utterly unprincipled. In one respect he might be -contrasted unfavourably with all the governors since Harvey. Such men -as Bennett and Mathews and Berkeley looked upon Virginia as home. After -his own fashion the tyrannical Berkeley had the interest of Virginia -at heart. But Culpeper regarded the Virginians simply as people to be -fleeced. Through four years of chronic brawl he kept coming and going, -coming to manage the assembly and returning to consult with the king. -Charles wished to have the power of initiating legislation taken away -from the burgesses. All laws were to be drafted by the governor and -council, and then sent to England for the royal approval, before being -submitted to the burgesses. With such an arduous task before him, it -was wise for Culpeper to avoid giving needless offence; and seeing the -high regard in which Beverley was held, he caused the order for his -removal to be revoked. - -[Sidenote: The Plant-cutter’s Riot, 1682.] - -The evil effects of the Navigation Act still continued. In 1679 the -tobacco crop was so large that a considerable surplus was left over -till the next year unsold. In 1680 the surplus was still greater, so -that there was evidently more than enough to supply the English market -for two years. The assembly therefore proposed to order a cessation -of planting for the year 1681, but on account of the customs revenue -it was necessary to obtain the king’s assent to such an order. By the -same token the assent was refused, and great was the indignation in -Virginia. The price of tobacco had fallen so low that, according to -Nicholas Spencer, a whole year’s crop would not so much as buy the -clothes which people needed.[80] The distress was like that which was -caused in the War of Independence by the Continental currency and the -rag money issued by the several states. It was the kind of sickness -that has always come and always will come with “cheap money.” Culpeper -insisted that the only chance of relief was in exporting beef, pork, -and grain to the West Indies. A more effective measure would have -been the repeal of the Navigation Act. In the spring of 1682, on the -petition of several counties, the assembly was convened for the purpose -of ordering a cessation of planting. Amid great popular excitement the -assembly adjourned without taking any decisive action. Then a fury -for destroying the young plants seized upon the people. “The growing -tobacco of one plantation was no sooner destroyed than the owner, -having been deprived either with or without his consent of his crop, -was seized with the same frenzy and ran with the crowd as it marched to -destroy the crop of his neighbour.”[81] The contagion spread until ten -thousand hogsheads of tobacco had been destroyed. In Gloucester, where -the most damage was done, two hundred plantations were laid waste. The -riot was suppressed by the militia, three ringleaders were hung, and -the rest pardoned. One, we are told, received pardon on condition that -he should build a bridge.[82] - -[Sidenote: Culpeper’s removal.] - -This was contracting the currency with a vengeance, but it produced -the desired effect. In 1683 the purchasing power of tobacco was -greatly increased, and a feeling of contentment returned. But the -destruction of the plants served to heighten the king’s indignation -at Culpeper’s ill success in curtailing the power of the burgesses. -Culpeper tried to play a double part and appear complaisant to the -assembly without offending the king. Consequently he pleased nobody, -and early in 1684 he was removed. Shortly afterward the king confirmed -him in the possession of the territory known as the Northern Neck, and -he relinquished all proprietary claims upon the rest of Virginia, in -exchange for a pension of £600 yearly for twenty years. - -[Sidenote: Lord Howard of Effingham.] - -Culpeper’s successor was Lord Howard of Effingham, an unworthy -descendant of Elizabeth’s gallant admiral. He was as greedy and -dishonest as Culpeper, without his conciliatory temper. The difference -between the two has been aptly compared to the difference between -Charles II. and his brother. Howard was indeed as domineering and -wrong-headed as James II., and rapacious besides. He treated public -opinion with contempt. His administration was noted for corruption and -tyranny. No accounts were rendered of the use of public funds, and -men were arbitrarily sent to jail. Howard went so far as to claim the -right to repeal the acts of the assembly, and over this point there was -hot contention. The subject of “plant-cutting,” or the destruction of -growing tobacco, came up again, and the crown was enabled in one and -the same act to wreak its vengeance upon an eminent victim and to aim -a blow at the independence of the House of Burgesses. - -[Sidenote: More trouble for Beverley.] - -Robert Beverley, as we have seen, had incurred the royal displeasure -by refusing to hand over to the commissioners the journals of the -House of Burgesses. In 1682 he was strongly in favour of a cessation -of planting, and accordingly it suited the purposes of his enemies -to point to him as the prime instigator of the plant-cutting riots. -On this accusation he was turned out of office and several times -imprisoned. At last, just after Lord Howard’s arrival, he was set free -after asking pardon on his bended knees and giving security for future -good behaviour. A statute passed about this time made plant-cutting -high treason, punishable with death and confiscation.[83] - -As soon as Beverley was set free the House of Burgesses again chose him -for its clerk. But presently Lord Howard tried to get the burgesses -to allow him to levy a tax, and in the course of the quarrel sundry -trumped-up charges were brought against Beverley, so that in 1686 James -II. instructed Howard to declare him incapable of holding any office of -public trust. The same letter ordered that henceforth the clerk of the -House of Burgesses should be appointed by the governor.[84] - -[Sidenote: For stupid audacity James II. was outdone by George III.] - -It is worthy of note that the most despicable and lawless of modern -English kings did not venture to deny the right of Virginians to tax -themselves by their own representatives. Howard’s instructions merely -authorized him to “recommend” certain measures to the assembly. His -attempt to get permission to levy a tax independently of the burgesses -was such a recommendation. However arrogant and illegal in spirit, it -still conceded to the colonists the constitutional principle over which -the fatuous George III. and his rotten-borough parliaments were to try -to ride rough-shod. - -[Sidenote: Francis Nicholson.] - -By 1688 Howard concluded that it would be pleasant and comfortable -for him to live on his governor’s salary in England and send out a -deputy-governor to deal with refractory burgesses. When he arrived in -England he found William and Mary on the throne, but they showed no -disposition to interfere with his plans. Just the right sort of man -for deputy-governor appeared at the right moment. Francis Nicholson -had held that position in New York under the viceroy of united New -York and New England, Sir Edmund Andros. When that unpopular viceroy -was deposed and cast into jail in Boston, Nicholson was deposed in New -York by Jacob Leisler, and went to England with the tale of his woes, -which King William sought to assuage by sending him to Virginia as -deputy-governor. - -[Sidenote: His manners.] - -Nicholson was a man of integrity and fair ability, though highly -eccentric and cantankerous. “Laws of Virginia,” he cried one day, -seizing the attorney-general by the lapel of his silk robe, “I know -no laws of Virginia! I know my commands are going to be obeyed here!” -At another time he told the council that they were “mere brutes who -understood not manners, ... that he would beat them into better -manners and make them feel that he was governor of Virginia.”[85] - -[Sidenote: James Blair, founder of William and Mary College.] - -In spite of his queer peppery ways, the rule of Nicholson was a decided -relief after such worthless creatures as Culpeper and Howard. It is -chiefly memorable for the founding of the second American college, a -work which encountered such obstacles on both sides of the ocean as -only an iron will could vanquish. Such was found in the person of James -Blair, a Scotch clergyman, who in 1689 was appointed commissioner of -the Church in Virginia. The need for a bishop was felt, and a little -later there was some talk of sending out the famous Jonathan Swift in -that capacity, but no Episcopal bishopric was created in America until -after the War of Independence. Dr. Blair had a seat in the colonial -council, presided at ecclesiastical trials, and exercised many of -the powers of a bishop. Since the old scheme of Nicholas Ferrar and -his friends for a college in Virginia had been extinguished amid -lurid scenes of Indian massacre, nearly seventy years had elapsed[86] -when Blair in 1691 revived it. He began by collecting some £2,500 by -subscription, and then went to England to get more money and obtain -a charter. He was aided by two famous divines, Tillotson, Archbishop -of Canterbury, and Stillingfleet, Bishop of Worcester, but from the -treasury commissioner, Sir Edward Seymour, he received a coarse -rebuff, which shows the frankly materialistic view at that time -entertained by the British official mind regarding England’s colonies. -When Blair urged that a college was needed for training up clergymen, -Seymour thought it was no time to be sending money to America for -such purposes; every penny was wanted in Europe for carrying on the -necessary and righteous war against Louis XIV. Blair could not deny -that it was an eminently righteous war, but he was not thus to be -turned from his purpose. “You must not forget,” said he, “that people -in Virginia have souls to save, as well as people in England.” “Souls!” -cried Seymour, “damn your souls! Grow tobacco!” In spite of this -discouraging view of the case, the good doctor persevered until he -obtained from William and Mary the charter that founded the college -ever since known by their names. - -[Sidenote: Nicholson succeeded by Sir Edmund Andros.] - -The college was established in 1693, with Blair for its president.[87] -Governor Nicholson, with seventeen other persons appointed by the -assembly, formed the board of trustees. From the outset Nicholson -was warmly in sympathy with the enterprise, but now this friend was -called away for a time. In the anti-Catholic fervour which attended the -accession of King William and Queen Mary, the palatinate government in -Maryland had been overturned, and the new royal governor, Sir Lionel -Copley, died in 1693. Nicholson was then promoted from deputy-governor -of Virginia to be governor of Maryland. About the same time Lord -Howard of Effingham resigned or was removed, and Sir Edmund Andros was -sent out to Virginia as governor. It may seem a strange appointment in -view of the obloquy which Andros had incurred at the north. But in all -these appointments William III. seems to have acted upon a consistent -policy of not disturbing, except in cases of necessity, the state of -things which he found. As a rule he retained in his service the old -officials against whom no grave charges were brought; and while the -personality of Andros was not prepossessing, there can be no doubt as -to his integrity. - -[Sidenote: Andros quarrels with Blair.] - -Nicholson’s career as royal governor of Maryland lasted until 1698, -while Andros was having a hard time in Virginia trying to enforce with -rigour the Navigation Act and to make life miserable for Dr. Blair. -His conduct was far more moderate than it had been in New England, -but he had his full share of trouble in Virginia. The moving cause of -his hostility to the college of William and Mary is not distinctly -assigned, but he is not unlikely to have believed, like many a dullard -of his stripe, that education is apt to encourage a seditious and -froward spirit. He did everything he could think of to thwart and -annoy President Blair. At the election of burgesses he predicted that -the establishment of a college would be sure to result in a terrible -increase of taxes. He tried to persuade subscribers to withhold the -payment of their subscriptions. He sought to arouse an absurd prejudice -against Scotchmen, for which it was rather late in the day. Finally he -connived at gross insults to the president and friends of the college. -Among the young men to whom Andros showed especial favour was Daniel -Parke, whose grandson, Daniel Parke Custis, is now remembered as the -first husband of Martha Washington. This young Daniel did some things -to which posterity could hardly point with pride. He is described as -a “sparkish gentleman,” or as some would say a slashing blade. He was -an expert with the rapier and anxious to thrust it between the ribs of -people who supported the college. His challenges were numerous, but -clergymen could not be reached in such a way. So “he set up a claim to -the pew in church in which Mrs. Blair sat, and one Sunday,” as we are -told, “with fury and violence he pulled her out of it in the presence -of the minister and congregation, who were greatly scandalized at this -ruffian and profane action.”[88] - -[Sidenote: Removal of Andros.] - -This was going too far. The stout Scotchman had powerful friends in -London; the outrage was discussed in Lambeth Palace; and Sir Edmund -Andros, for winking at such behaviour, was removed. He was evidently a -slow-witted official. His experiences in Boston, with Parson Willard -of the Old South, ought to have cured him of his propensity to quarrel -with aggressive and resolute clergymen. For two or three years after -going home, Sir Edmund governed the little channel island of Jersey, -and the rest of his days were spent in retirement, until his death in -1714. - -[Sidenote: Earl of Orkney.] - -The system of absentee governors, occasionally exemplified in such -cases as those of Lord Delaware and Lord Howard, was now to be -permanently adopted. A great favourite with William III. was George -Hamilton Douglas, whose distinguished gallantry at the battle of the -Boyne and other occasions had been rewarded with the earldom of Orkney. -In 1697 he was appointed governor-in-chief of Virginia, and for the -next forty years he drew his annual salary of £1,200 without ever -crossing the ocean. Henceforth the official who represented him in -Virginia was entitled lieutenant-governor, and the first was Francis -Nicholson, who was brought back from Maryland in 1698. - -[Sidenote: Return of Nicholson.] - -[Sidenote: Founding of Williamsburg.] - -One of Nicholson’s achievements in Maryland, as we shall see in the -next chapter, had been the change of the seat of government from St. -Mary’s to Annapolis. He now proceeded to make a similar change in -Virginia. After perishing in Bacon’s rebellion, Jamestown was rebuilt -by Lord Culpeper, but in the last decade of the century it was again -destroyed by an accidental fire, and has never since risen from its -ashes. Of that sacred spot, the first abiding-place of Englishmen in -America, nothing now is left but the ivy-mantled ruins of the church -tower and a few cracked and crumbling tombstones. The site of the -hamlet is more than half submerged, and unless some kind of sea-wall -is built to protect it, the unresting tides will soon wash everything -away.[89] Jamestown had always a bad reputation for malaria, and after -its second burning people were not eager to restore it. Plans for -moving the government elsewhere had been considered on more than one -occasion. In 1699 the choice fell upon the site of Middle Plantation, -half way between James and York rivers, with its salubrious air and -wholesome water. It had already, in 1693, been selected as the site of -the new college.[90] Nicholson called the place Williamsburg, and began -building a town there with streets so laid out as to make W and M, the -initials of the king and queen, a plan soon abandoned as inconvenient. -The town thus founded by Nicholson remained the capital of Virginia -until 1780, when it was superseded by Richmond. - -[Sidenote: Nicholson and Blair.] - -Nicholson was in full sympathy with President Blair as regarded the -college, but occasions for disagreement between them were at hand. On -the lieutenant-governor’s arrival the wise parson read him a lesson -upon the need for moderation in the display of his powers. The career -of his predecessor Andros, in more than one colony, furnished abundant -examples of the need for such moderation. Blair offered him some good -advice tendered by the Bishop of London, whereupon Nicholson exclaimed, -with a big round oath, “I know how to govern Virginia and Maryland -better than all the bishops in England. If I had not hampered them in -Maryland and kept them under, I should never have been able to govern -them.” The doctor replied: “Sir, I do not pretend to [speak for] -Maryland, but if I know anything of Virginia, they are a good-natured -[and] tractable people as any in the world, and you may do anything -with them by way of civility, but you will never be able to manage them -in that way you speak of, by hampering and keeping them under.”[91] The -eccentric governor did not profit by this advice. Of actual tyranny -there was not much in his administration, but his blustering tongue -would give utterance to extravagant speeches whereat company would sit -“amazed and silent.” - -[Sidenote: scolding swain.] - -[Sidenote: Removal of Nicholson.] - -At last in a laughable way this blustering habit proved his ruin. -Not far from Williamsburg lived Major Lewis Burwell, who had married -a cousin of the rebel Bacon and had a whole houseful of blooming -daughters. With one of these young ladies the worshipful governor -fell madly in love, but to his unspeakable chagrin she promptly and -decisively refused him. Poor Nicholson could not keep the matter to -himself, but raved about it in public. He suspected that Dr. Blair’s -brother was a favoured rival and threatened the whole family with -dire vengeance. He swore that if Miss Burwell should undertake to -marry anybody but himself, he would “cut the throats of three men: the -bridegroom, the minister, and the justice who issued the license.” -This truculent speech got reported in London, and one of Nicholson’s -friends wrote him a letter counselling him not to be so unreasonable, -but to remember that English women were the freest in the world, and -that Virginia was not like those heathen Turkish countries where tender -ladies were dragged into the arms of some pasha still reeking with the -blood of their nearest relatives. But nothing could quiet the fury -of a “governor scorned;” and one day when he suspected the minister -of Hampton parish of being his rival, he went up to him and knocked -his hat off. This sort of thing came to be too much for Dr. Blair; a -memorial was sent to Queen Anne, and Nicholson was recalled to England -in 1705. Afterwards we find him commanding the expedition which in -1710 captured the Acadian Port Royal from the French. He then served -as governor of the newly conquered Nova Scotia and afterwards of South -Carolina, was knighted, rose to the rank of lieutenant-general, and -died in 1728. - -[Sidenote: The college.] - -Meanwhile the college of William and Mary, in which Nicholson felt so -much interest, was flourishing. Unfortunately its first hall, designed -by Sir Christopher Wren, was destroyed by fire in 1705, but it was -before long replaced by another. Until 1712 the faculty consisted of -the president, a grammar master, writing master, and an usher; in -that year a professor of mathematics was added. By 1729 there were six -professors. Fifty years later the departments of law and medicine were -added, and the name “College” was replaced by “University.”[92] - -[Sidenote: Indian students.] - -As in the case of Harvard, it was hoped that this college might prove -effective in converting and educating Indians. In 1723 Brafferton Hall -was built for their use, from a fund given by Robert Boyle, the famous -chemist. It is still standing and used as a dormitory. We are told that -the “Queen of Pamunkey” sent her son to college with a boy to wait upon -him, and likewise two chiefs’ sons, “all handsomely cloathed after the -Indian fashion;”[93] but as to any effects wrought upon the barbarian -mind by this Christian institution of learning, there is nothing to -which we can point. - -[Sidenote: Instructions to the housekeeper.] - -The first Commencement exercises were held in the year 1700, and it is -said that not only were Virginians and Indians present on that gala -day, but so great was the fame of it that people came in sloops from -Maryland and Pennsylvania, and even from New York.[94] The journals of -what we may call the “faculty meetings” throw light upon the manner of -living at the college. There is a matron, or housekeeper, who is thus -carefully instructed: “1. That you never concern yourself with any -of the Boys only when you have a Complaint against any of them, and -then that you make it to his or their proper Master.--2. That there -be always both fresh and salt Meat for Dinner; and twice in the Week, -as well as on Sunday in particular, that there be either Puddings or -Pies besides; that there be always Plenty of Victuals; that Breakfast, -Dinner, and Supper be serv’d up in the cleanest and neatest manner -possible; and for this Reason the Society not only allow but desire -you to get a Cook; that the Boys Suppers be not as usual made up of -different Scraps, but that there be at each Table the same Sor^t: and -when there is cold fresh Meat enough, that it be often hashed for -them; that when they are sick, you yourself see their Victuals before -it be carry’d to them, that it be clean, decent, and fit for them; -that the Person appointed to take Care of them be constantly with -them, and give their Medicine regularly. The general Complaints of the -Visitors, and other Gentlemen throughout the whole Colony, plainly -shew the Necessity of a strict and regular Compliance with the above -Directions.... 4. That a proper Stocking-mender be procured to live in -or near the college, and as both Masters and Boys complain of losing -their Stockings, you are desired to look over their Notes given with -their Linnen to the Wash, both at the Delivery and Return of them.... -5. That the Negroes be trusted with no keys; ... that fresh Butter be -look’d out for in Time, that the Boys may not be forced to eat salt in -Summer.--6. As we all know that Negroes will not perform their Duties -without the Mistress’ constant Eye, especially in so large a Family as -the College, and as we all observe You going abroad more frequently -then even the Mistress of a private Family can do without the affairs -of her province greatly suffering, We particularly request it of you, -that your visits for the future in Town and Country may not be so -frequent, by which Means we doubt not but Complaints will be greatly -lessened.”[95] - -[Sidenote: Horse-racing prohibited.] - -At another meeting it is ordered “y^t no scholar belonging to any -school in the College, of w^t Age, Rank, or Quality, soever, do keep -any race Horse at y^e College, in y^e Town--or any where in the -neighbourhood--y^t they be not anyway concerned in making races, or in -backing, or abetting, those made by others, and y^t all Race Horses, -kept in y^e neighbourhood of y^e College & belonging to any of y^e -scholars, be immediately dispatched & sent off, & never again brought -back, and all of this under Pain of y^e severest Animadversion and -Punishment.” - -[Sidenote: Other prohibitions.] - -There is a stress in the wording of this order which makes one -suspect that the faculty had encountered difficulty in suppressing -horse-racing. Similar orders forbid students to take part in -cock-fighting, to frequent “y^e Ordinaries,” to bet, to play at -billiards, or to bring cards or dice into the college. Punishment is -most emphatically threatened for any student who may “presume to go -out of y^e Bounds of y^e College, particularly towards the mill pond” -without express leave; but why the mill pond was to be so sedulously -shunned, we are left to conjecture. Finally, “to y^e End y^t no Person -may pretend Ignorance of y^e foregoing ... Regulations, ... it is -Ordered ... y^t a clear & legible copy of y^m be posted up in every -School of y^e College.”[96] - -[Sidenote: The story of Parson Camm.] - -One of the brightest traditions in the history of the college is that -which tells of the wooing and wedding of Parson Camm, a gentleman -famous once, whose fame deserves to be revived. John Camm was born in -1718 and educated at Trinity College, Cambridge. He was a man of good -scholarship and sturdy character, an uncompromising Tory, one of the -leaders in that “Parsons’ Cause” which made Patrick Henry famous.[97] -He lived to be the last president of William and Mary before the -Revolution. After he had attained middle age, but while he was as yet -only a preacher and professor, and like all professors in those days -at William and Mary a bachelor, there came to him the romance which -brightened his life. Among those who listened to his preaching was Miss -Betsy Hansford, of the family of Hansford the rebel and martyr. A young -friend, who had wooed Miss Betsy without success, persuaded the worthy -parson to aid him with his eloquence. But it was in vain that Mr. Camm -besieged the young lady with texts from the Bible enjoining matrimony -as a duty. She proved herself able to beat him at his own game when -she suggested that if the parson would go home and look at 2 Samuel -xii. 7, he might be able to divine the reason of her obduracy. When Mr. -Camm proceeded to search the Scriptures he found these significant -words staring him in the face: “And Nathan said to David, _Thou art -the man!_” The sequel is told in an item of the Virginia Gazette, -announcing the marriage of Rev. John Camm and Miss Betsy Hansford.[98] - -So, Virginia, too, had its Priscilla! In the words of the sweet -mediæval poem:-- - - El fait que dame, et si fait bien, - Car sos ciel n’a si france rien - Com est dame qui violt amer, - Quant Deus la violt à ço torner: - Deus totes dames beneie.[99] - -But this marriage was an infringement of the customs of the college, -and was rebuked in an order that _hereafter_ the marriage of a -professor should _ipso facto_ vacate his office. - -[Sidenote: Some interesting facts about the college.] - -The college founded by James Blair was a most valuable centre for -culture for Virginia, and has been remarkable in many ways. It was -the first college in America to introduce teaching by lectures, and -the elective system of study; it was the first to unite a group -of faculties into a university; it was the second in the English -world to have a chair of Municipal Law, George Wythe coming to such -a professorship a few years after Sir William Blackstone; it was -the first in America to establish a chair of History and Political -Science; and it was one of the first to pursue a thoroughly secular -and unsectarian policy. Though until lately its number of students -at any one time had never reached one hundred and fifty, it has -given to our country fifteen senators and seventy representatives in -congress; seventeen governors of states, and thirty-seven judges; three -presidents of the United States,--Jefferson, Monroe, and Tyler; and the -great Chief Justice Marshall.[100] It was a noble work for America that -was done by the Scotch parson, James Blair. - -[Sidenote: Nicholson’s schemes for a union of the colonies.] - -As for Governor Nicholson, who was so deeply interested in that work, -he played a memorable part in the history of the United States, which -deserves mention before we leave the subject of his connection with -Virginia. When he was first transferred from the governorship of New -York to that of the Old Dominion, with his head full of experiences -gained in New York, he proposed a grand Union of the English colonies -for mutual defence against the encroachments of the French. King -William approved the scheme and recommended it to the favourable -consideration of the colonial assemblies. But a desire for union was -not strong in any of these bodies, and as for Virginia, she was too -remote from the Canadian border to feel warmly interested in it. The -act of 1695, authorizing the governor to apply £500 from the liquor -excise to the relief of New York, shows a notably generous spirit in -the Virginia burgesses, but the pressure which was to drive people into -a Federal Union was still in the hidden future. The attitude of the -several colonies so exasperated Nicholson as to lead him to recommend -that they should all be placed under a single viceroy and taxed for -the support of a standing army. When this plan was submitted to Queen -Anne and her ministers, it was rejected as unwise, and no British -ministry ever ventured to try any part of such a policy until the reign -of George III. Francis Nicholson should be remembered as one of the -very first to conceive and suggest the policy that afterward drove the -colonies into their Declaration of Independence. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -MARYLAND’S VICISSITUDES. - - -[Sidenote: Virginia and Maryland.] - -The accession of William and Mary, which wrought so little change in -Virginia, furnished the occasion for a revolution in the palatinate of -Maryland. To trace the causes of this revolution, we must return to -1658, the year which witnessed the death of Oliver Cromwell and saw -Lord Baltimore’s government firmly set upon its feet through the favour -of that mighty potentate. The compromises which were then adopted -put an end to the conflict between Virginia and Maryland, and from -that time forth the relations between the two colonies were nearly -always cordial. For the next century the constitutional development of -Maryland proceeded without interference from Virginia, although on many -occasions the smaller colony was profoundly influenced by what went on -in its larger neighbour, as well as by those currents of feeling that -from time to time pervaded the English world and swayed both colonies -alike. We shall presently see, for example, that marked effects were -wrought in Maryland by Bacon’s rebellion, and we shall observe what -various echoes of the political situation in England were heard in all -the colonies, from the wild scare of the Popish Plot in 1678 down to -the assured triumph of William III. in 1691, and even later. - -[Sidenote: Fuller and Fendall.] - -It will be remembered that when the Puritans of Providence, in March, -1658, gave in their assent to the compromises by which Lord Baltimore’s -authority was securely established in Maryland, only three years had -elapsed since their victory at the Severn had given them supreme -control over the country. While the defeated Governor Stone languished -in jail, the victorious leader, William Fuller, exercised complete sway -and for a moment could afford to laugh at the pretensions of Josias -Fendall, the new governor whom Baltimore appointed in 1656. But this -state of things came abruptly to an end when it was discovered that -Lord Baltimore was upheld by Cromwell. Virginia, with her Puritan -rulers, Bennett and Claiborne and Mathews, was thus at once detached -from the support of Fuller, so that nothing was left for him but to -come to terms. Fendall’s policy toward his late antagonists was pacific -and generous, so much so that in the assembly of 1659 we find the names -of Fuller and other Puritan leaders enrolled among the burgesses. -Associated with Fendall, and second to him in authority, was the -secretary and receiver-general, Philip Calvert, younger brother of -Cecilius, Lord Baltimore. - -[Sidenote: The duty on tobacco.] - -After the fires of civil dudgeon had briskly burned for so many years, -it was not strange that their smouldering embers should send forth a -few fitful gleams before dying. Apart from questions of religion or -of loyalty, there were difficulties in regard to taxation that can -hardly have been without their effect. There seems to have been more -or less widely diffused a feeling of uneasiness upon which agitators -could play. In 1647 the assembly had granted to the lord proprietor a -duty of ten shillings per hogshead on all tobacco exported from the -colony. This grant called forth remonstrances which seem to have had -their effect, as in 1649 the act was replaced by another which granted -to the proprietor for seven years a similar duty upon all tobacco -exported on Dutch vessels if not bound to some English port.[101] This -act seemed to carry with it the repeal of that of 1647, concerning -which it was silent; if the first act continued in force, the second -was meaningless. During the turbulence that ensued after 1650 it -is not likely that the revenue laws were rigidly enforced. In 1659 -Baltimore directed Fendall to have the act of 1647 explicitly repealed -on condition that the assembly should grant him two shillings per -hogshead on tobacco when shipped to British ports and ten shillings -when shipped to foreign ports. Whether this demand was popular or not, -we may gather from dates that are more eloquent than words. The act of -1647 was repealed by the assembly in 1660, but no grant in return was -made to the proprietor until 1671, and then it was a uniform duty of -two shillings. Unless the demand had been unpopular it would not have -been resisted for eleven years. - -[Sidenote: Fendall’s plot.] - -When the assembly met on the last day of February, 1660, to consider -this and other questions, memorable changes had occurred in England. -The death of mighty Oliver, in September, 1658, threatened the realm -with anarchy; and the prospect for a moment grew darker when in May, -1659, his gentle son Richard dropped the burden which he had not -strength to carry. For nine months England seemed drifting without -compass or helm. When our assembly met, one notable thing had just -happened, early in February, when George Monk, “honest old George,” -entered London at the head of his army, and assumed control of affairs. -The news of this event had not yet crossed the ocean, and even if it -had, our Marylanders would not have understood what it portended. To -some of them it seemed as if in this season of chaos whoever should -seize upon the government of their little world would be likely to keep -it. So Governor Fendall seems to have thought, and with him Thomas -Gerrard, a member of the council and a Catholic, but disloyal to -Baltimore. Why should not the government be held independently of the -lord proprietor and all fees and duties to him be avoided? In this view -of the case Fendall had two or three sympathizers in the council, and -probably a good many in the House of Burgesses, especially among the -Puritan members, who were in number three fourths of the whole. - -[Sidenote: Temporary overthrow of Baltimore’s authority.] - -In the course of the discussion over the tobacco duty the burgesses -sent a message to Governor Fendall and the council, saying that they -judged themselves to be a lawful assembly without dependence upon any -other power now existing within the province, and if anybody had any -objections to this view of the case they should like to hear them. -The upper house answered by asking the lower house if they meant that -they were a complete assembly without the upper house, and also that -they were independent of the lord proprietor. These questions led to -a conference, in which, among other things, Fendall declared it to be -his opinion that laws passed by the assembly and published in the lord -proprietor’s name should at once be in full force. Two of the council, -Gerrard and Utie, agreed with this view, while the secretary, Philip -Calvert, and all the rest, dissented. In these proceedings the governor -was plainly in league with the lower house, and this vote demonstrated -the necessity of getting rid of the upper house. Accordingly the -burgesses sent word to the governor and council, that they would not -acknowledge them as an upper house, but they might come and take -seats in the lower house if they liked. Secretary Calvert observed -that in that case the governor would become president of the joint -assembly, and the speaker of the burgesses must give place to him. -A compromise was presently reached, according to which the governor -should preside, with a casting vote, but the right of adjourning or -dissolving the assembly should be exercised by the speaker. Hereupon -Calvert protested, and demanded that his protest be put on record, -but Fendall refused. Then Calvert and his most staunch adherent, -Councillor Brooke, requested permission to leave the room. “You may if -you please,” quoth Fendall, “we shall not force you to go or stay.” -With the departure of these gentlemen the upper house was virtually -abolished, and now Fendall quite threw off the mask by surrendering -his commission from Lord Baltimore and accepting a new one from the -assembly. Thus the palatinate government was overthrown, and it only -remained for Fendall and his assembly to declare it felony for anybody -in Maryland to acknowledge Lord Baltimore’s authority. - -[Sidenote: Superficial resemblance to the action of Virginia.] - -These proceedings in Maryland become perfectly intelligible if we -compare them with what was going on at the very same moment in -Virginia. In March, 1660, the assembly at Jamestown, in view of the -fact that there was no acknowledged supreme authority then resident -in England, declared that the supreme power in Virginia was in the -assembly, and that all writs should issue in its name, until such -command should come from England as the assembly should judge to -be lawful. This assembly then elected Sir William Berkeley to the -governorship, and he accepted from it provisionally his commission.[102] - -[Sidenote: Profound difference in the situations.] - -[Sidenote: Fendall’s error.] - -[Sidenote: Collapse of the rebellion.] - -Now in Maryland there was a superficial resemblance to these -proceedings, in so far as the supreme power was lodged in the assembly -and the governor accepted his commission from it. But there was a -profound difference in the two situations, and while the people of -Virginia read their own situation correctly, Fendall and his abettors -did not. The assembly at Jamestown was predominantly Cavalier in its -composition and in full sympathy with the expected restoration of the -monarchy; and its proceedings were promptly sanctioned by Charles -II., whose royal commission to Sir William Berkeley came in October -of the same year. On the other hand, the assembly at St. Mary’s -was predominantly Puritan in its composition, and one of its most -influential members was that William Fuller who five years before had -defeated Lord Baltimore’s governor in the battle of the Severn, and -executed drumhead justice upon several of his adherents. The election -had been managed in the interest of the Puritans, as is shown by -Fuller’s county, Anne Arundel, returning seven delegates, whereas it -was only entitled to four. The collusion between Fuller and Fendall -is unmistakable. For two years the Puritans had acquiesced in Lord -Baltimore’s rule, because they had not dared resist Cromwell. Now -if Puritanism were to remain uppermost in England, they might once -more hope to overthrow him; if the monarchy were to be restored, the -prospect was also good, for it did not seem likely that Charles II. -would befriend the man whom Cromwell had befriended. Here was the fatal -error of Fendall and his people. Charles II. had long ago recovered -from his little tiff with Cecilius for appointing a Parliamentarian -governor, and as a Romanist at heart he was more than ready to show -favour to Catholics. Thus with rare good fortune--defended in turn by -a king and a lord protector, and by another king, and aided at every -turn by his own consummate tact, did Cecilius triumphantly weather -all the storms. When the news of Fendall’s treachery reached London -it found Charles II. seated firmly on the throne. All persons were at -once instructed to respect Lord Baltimore’s authority over Maryland, -and Sir William Berkeley was ordered to bring the force of Virginia -to his aid if necessary; Cecilius appointed his brother Philip to the -governorship; the rebellion instantly collapsed, and its ringleaders -were seized. Vengeance was denounced against Fendall and Fuller and -all who had been concerned in the execution of Baltimore’s men after -the battle of the Severn. Philip Calvert was instructed to hang them -all, and to proclaim martial law if necessary, but on second thought -so much severity was deemed impolitic. Such punishments were inflicted -as banishment, confiscation, and loss of civil rights, but nobody was -put to death. Such was the end of Fendall’s rebellion. In the course of -the year 1661, Cecilius sent over his only son, Charles Calvert, to be -governor of the palatinate, while Philip remained as chancellor; and -this arrangement continued for many years. - -[Sidenote: The Quakers.] - -Fendall’s administration had witnessed two events of especial interest, -in the arrival of Quakers in the colony and of Dutchmen in a part of -its territory. Quakers came from Massachusetts and Virginia, where they -suffered so much ill usage, into Maryland, where they also got into -trouble, though it does not appear that the objections against them -were of a religious nature. The peculiar notions of the Quakers often -brought them into conflict with governments on purely civil grounds, -as when they refused to be enrolled in the militia, or to serve on -juries, or give testimony under oath. For such reasons, two zealous -Quaker preachers, Thurston and Cole, were arrested and tried in 1658, -but it does not appear that they were treated with harshness or that at -any time there was anything like persecution of Quakers in Maryland. -When George Fox visited the country in 1672, his followers there were -numerous and held regular meetings. - -[Sidenote: The Swedes and Dutch.] - -[Sidenote: Augustine Herman.] - -[Sidenote: Bohemia Manor.] - -With the arrival of Quakers there appeared on the northeastern horizon -a menace from the Dutch, and incidents occurred that curiously -affected the future growth of Lord Baltimore’s princely domain. -Since 1638 parties of Swedes had been establishing themselves on the -western bank of the Delaware River, on and about the present sites -of Newcastle and Wilmington. This region they called New Sweden, -but in 1655 Peter Stuyvesant despatched from Manhattan a force of -Dutchmen which speedily overcame the little colony. Stuyvesant then -divided his conquest into two provinces, which he called New Amstel -and Altona, and appointed a governor over each. It was now Maryland’s -turn to be aroused. The governor of New Netherland had no business to -be setting up jurisdictions west of Delaware River. That whole region -was expressly included in Lord Baltimore’s charter. Accordingly the -Dutch governors of New Amstel and Altona were politely informed that -they must either acknowledge Baltimore’s jurisdiction or leave the -country. This led to Stuyvesant’s sending an envoy to St. Mary’s, to -discuss the proprietorship of the territory in question. The person -selected for this business was a man of no ordinary mould, a native -of Prague, with the German name of Augustine Herman. He came to New -Amsterdam at some time before 1647, in which year he was appointed one -of the Nine Men whose business it was to advise the governor. This -Herman was a man of broad intelligence, rare executive ability, and -perfect courage. He was by profession a land surveyor and draughtsman, -but in the course of his life he accumulated a great fortune by trade. -His portrait, painted from life, shows us a masterful face, clean -shaven, with powerful jaw, firm-set lips, imperious eyes, and long hair -flowing upon his shoulders over a red coat richly ruffled.[103] Such -was the man whom Stuyvesant chose to dispute Lord Baltimore’s title to -the smiling fields of New Amstel and Altona. He well understood the -wisdom of claiming everything, and when the discovery of North America -by John Cabot was cited against him, he boldly set up the priority -of Christopher Columbus as giving the Spaniards a claim upon the -whole hemisphere. To the Dutch, he said, as victors over their wicked -stepmother Spain, her claims had naturally passed! One is inclined -to wonder if such an argument was announced without something like a -twinkle in those piercing eyes. At all events, it was not long before -the astute ambassador abandoned his logic and changed his allegiance. -Romantic tradition has assigned various grounds for Herman’s leaving -New Amsterdam. Whether it was because of a quarrel with Stuyvesant, and -whether the quarrel had its source in love of woman or love of pelf, -we know not; but in 1660 Herman wrote to Lord Baltimore, asking for -the grant of a manor, and offering to pay for it by making a map of -Maryland. The proposal was accepted. The map, which was completed after -careful surveys extending over ten years and was engraved in London in -1673, with a portrait of Herman attached, is still preserved in the -British Museum. For this important service the enterprising surveyor -received an estate on the Elk River, which by successive accretions -came to include more than 20,000 acres.[104] It is still called by -the name which Herman gave it, Bohemia Manor. There he grew immensely -rich by trade with the Indians along the very routes which Claiborne -had hoped to monopolize, and there in his great manor house, in spite -of matrimonial infelicities like those of Socrates and the elder Mr. -Weller, he lived to a good old age and dispensed a regal hospitality, -in which the items of rum and brandy, strong beer, sound wines, and -“best cider out of the orchard” were not forgotten. Herman’s tomb is -still to be seen hard by the vestiges of his house and his deer park. -Six of his descendants succeeded him as lords of Bohemia Manor, until -its legal existence came to an end in 1789. The fact is not without -interest that Margaret Shippen, wife of Benedict Arnold, counted among -her ancestors the sturdy Augustine Herman. - -[Sidenote: The Labadists.] - -A noteworthy episode in the history of Bohemia Manor is the settlement -of a small sect of Mystics, known as Labadists, from the name of their -French founder, Jean de Labadie. Their professed aim was to restore the -simplicity of life and doctrine attributed to the primitive Christians. -Their views of spiritual things were brightened by an inward light, -their drift of thought was toward antinomianism, they held all goods -in common, and their notions about marriage were such as to render -them liable to be molested on civil grounds. The persistent recurrence -of such little communities, age after age, each one ignorant of the -existence of its predecessors and supremely innocent of all knowledge -of the world, is one of the interesting freaks in religious history. -Even in the tolerant atmosphere of Holland these Labadists led an -uneasy life, and in 1679 two of their brethren, Sluyter and Dankers, -came over to New York, to make fresh converts and find a new home. One -of their first converts was Ephraim, the weak-minded son of Augustine -Herman, and it may have been through the son’s persuasion that the -father was induced to grant nearly 4,000 acres of his manor to the -community. A company settled there in 1683 and were joined by persons -from New York. As often happens in such communities the affair ended -in a despotism, in which the people were ruled with a rod of iron by -Brother Sluyter and his wife, who set themselves up as a kind of abbot -and abbess. On Sluyter’s death in 1722 the sect seems to have come to -an end, but to this day the land is known as “the Labadie tract.” - -[Sidenote: The Duke of York takes possession of the Delaware -settlements.] - -Long before Augustine Herman’s death, Lord Baltimore had granted him a -second estate, called the manor of St. Augustine, extending eastward -from Bohemia Manor to the shore of Delaware Bay; but to the greater -part of it the Herman family never succeeded in making good their -title, for the territory passed out of Lord Baltimore’s domain. Once -more the heedlessness and bad faith of the Stuart kings, in their -grants of American lands, was exhibited, and as Baltimore’s patent had -once encroached upon the Virginians, so now he was encroached upon by -the Duke of York and presently by William Penn. The province of New -Netherland, which Charles II. took from the Dutch in 1664 and bestowed -upon his brother as lord proprietor, extended from the upper waters -of the Hudson down to Cape May at the entrance to Delaware Bay, but -did not include a square foot of land on the west shore of the bay, -since all that was expressly included in the Maryland charter. It was -not to be expected that Swedes or Dutchmen would pay any heed to that -English charter; but it might have been supposed that Charles II. and -his brother James would have shown some respect for a contract made by -their father. Not so, however. The little Swedish and Dutch settlements -on the west shore were at once taken in charge by officers of the Duke -of York, as if they had belonged to his domain of New Netherland, while -the southern part of that domain was granted by him, under the name of -New Jersey, to his friends, Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret. - -[Sidenote: Charter of Pennsylvania.] - -Nothing more of consequence occurred for several years, in the course -of which interval, in 1675, Cecilius Calvert died and was succeeded -by his son Charles, third Lord Baltimore. Not long afterward William -Penn appeared on the scene, at first as trustee of certain Quaker -estates in New Jersey, but presently as ruler over a princely domain -of his own. The Quakers had been ill treated in many of the colonies; -why not found a colony in which they should be the leaders? The -suggestion offered to Charles II. an easy way of paying an old debt -of £16,000 owed by the crown to the estate of the late Admiral Penn, -and accordingly William was made lord proprietor of a spacious country -lying west of the Delaware River and between Maryland to the south and -the Five Nations to the north. His charter created a government very -similar to Lord Baltimore’s but far less independent, for laws passed -in Pennsylvania must be sent to England for the royal assent, and the -British government, which fifty years before had expressly renounced -the right to lay taxes upon Marylanders, now expressly asserted the -right to lay taxes upon Pennsylvanians. This change marks the growth -of the imperial and anti-feudal sentiment in England, the feeling that -privileges like those accorded to the Calverts were too extensive to be -enjoyed by subjects. - -[Sidenote: Boundaries between Penn and Baltimore.] - -According to Lord Baltimore’s charter his northern boundary was the -fortieth parallel of latitude, which runs a little north of the -site of Philadelphia. The latitude was marked by a fort erected on -the Susquehanna River, and when the crown lawyers consulted with -Baltimore’s attorneys, they were informed that all questions of -encroachment would be avoided if the line were to be run just north -of this fort, so as to leave it on the Maryland side.[105] Penn made -no objection to this, but when the charter was drawn up no allusion -was made to the Susquehanna fort. Penn’s southern boundary was made to -begin twelve miles north of Newcastle, thence to curve northwestward to -the fortieth parallel and follow that parallel. Measurement soon showed -that such a boundary would give Penn’s province inadequate access to -the sea. His position as a royal favourite enabled him to push the -whole line twenty miles to the south. Even then he was disappointed in -not gaining the head of Chesapeake Bay, and, being bent upon securing -somewhere a bit of seacoast, he persuaded the Duke of York to give -him the land on the west shore of Delaware Bay which the Dutch had -once taken from the Swedes. By further enlargement the area of this -grant became that of the present state of Delaware, the whole of which -was thus, in spite of vehement protest, carved out of the original -Maryland. In such matters there was not much profit in contending -against princes. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Old manors in Maryland.] - -In the course of this narrative we have had occasion to mention the -grants of Bohemia and other manors. In order that we should understand -the course of Maryland history before and after the Revolution of 1689, -some description of the manorial system is desirable. One of the most -interesting features in the early history of English America is the way -in which different phases of English institutions were reproduced in -the different colonies. As the ancient English town meeting reached a -high development in New England, as the system of close vestries was -very thoroughly worked out in Virginia, so the old English manor was -best preserved in Maryland. In 1636 Lord Baltimore issued instructions -that every grant of 2,000 acres or more should be erected into a manor, -with court baron and court leet. “The manor was the land on which the -lord and his tenants lived, and bound up with the land were also the -rights of government which the lord possessed over the tenants, and -they over one another.”[106] Such manors were scattered all over -tidewater Maryland. Mr. Johnson, in his excellent essay on the subject, -cites at random the names of “George Evelin, lord of the manor of -Evelinton, in St. Mary’s county; Marmaduke Tilden, lord of Great Oak -Manor, and Major James Ringgold, lord of the manor on Eastern Neck, -both in Kent; Giles Brent, lord of Kent Fort, on Kent Island; George -Talbot, lord of Susquehanna Manor, in Cecil county,” and he mentions a -sale, in 1767, of “twenty-seven manors, embracing 100,000 acres.” - -[Sidenote: Life in the manors.] - -In the life upon these manors there was a kind of patriarchal -completeness; each was a little world in itself. There was the great -house with its generous dining-hall, its panelled wainscoat, and -its family portraits; there was the chapel, with the graves of the -lord’s family beneath its pavement and the graves of common folk out -in the churchyard; there were the smoke-houses, and the cabins of -negro slaves; and here and there one might come upon the dwellings of -white freehold tenants, with ample land about them held on leases of -one-and-twenty years. In establishing these manors, Lord Baltimore had -an eye to the military defence of his colony. It was enacted in 1641 -that the grant of a manor should be the reward for every settler who -should bring with him from England twenty able-bodied men, each armed -with a musket, a sword and belt, a bandelier and flask, ten pounds of -powder, and forty pounds of bullets and shot. - -[Sidenote: The court leet.] - -These manors were little self-governing communities. The court leet was -like a town meeting. All freemen could take part in it. It enacted -by-laws, elected constables, bailiffs, and other local officers, set -up stocks and pillory, and sentenced offenders to stand there, for -judicial and legislative functions were united in this court leet. It -empanelled its jury, and with the steward of the manor presiding as -judge, it visited with fine or imprisonment the thief, the vagrant, the -poacher, the fraudulent dealer. - -[Sidenote: The court baron.] - -Side by side with the court leet was the court baron, an equally free -institution in which all the freehold tenants sat as judges determining -questions of law and of fact. This court decided all disputes between -the lord and his tenants concerning such matters as rents, or trespass, -or escheats. Here actions for debt were tried, and transfers of land -were made with the ancient formalities. - -[Sidenote: Changes wrought by slavery.] - -These admirable manorial institutions were brought to Maryland in -precisely the same shape in which they had long existed in England. -They were well adapted for preserving liberty and securing order in -rural communities before the days of denser population and more rapid -communication. In our progress away from those earlier times we have -gained vastly, but it is by no means sure that we have not also lost -something. In the decadence of the Maryland manors there was clearly an -element of loss, for that decadence was chiefly brought about by the -growth of negro slavery, which made it more profitable for the lord of -the manor to cultivate the whole of it himself, instead of leasing -the whole or parts of it to tenants. Slavery also affixed a stigma -upon free labour and drove it off the field, very much as a debased -currency invariably drives out a sound currency. From these causes the -class of freehold tenants gradually disappeared, “the feudal society -of the manor” was transformed into “the patriarchal society of the -plantation,”[107] and the arbitrary fiat of a master was substituted -for the argued judgments of the court leet. - -[Sidenote: A fierce spirit of liberty.] - -Among the people of Lord Baltimore’s colony, as among English-speaking -people in general, one might observe a fierce spirit of political -liberty coupled with engrained respect for law and a disposition to -achieve results by argument rather than by violence. Such a temper -leads to interminable parliamentary discussion, and in the reign of -Charles II. the tongues of the Maryland assembly were seldom quiet. -As compared with the stormy period before 1660, the later career of -Cecilius and that of his son Charles down to the Revolution of 1689 -seem peaceful, and there are writers who would persuade us that when -the catastrophe arrived, it came quite unheralded, like lightning -from a cloudless sky. A perusal of the transactions in the Maryland -assembly, however, shows that the happy period was not so serene as we -have been told, but there were fleecy specks on the horizon, with now -and then a faint growl of distant thunder. - -[Sidenote: Cecilius and Charles.] - -That the proprietary government had many devoted friends is not -to be denied, and it is clear that some of the opposition to it -was merely factious. There is no doubt as to the lofty personal -qualities of the second Lord Baltimore, his courage and sagacity, his -disinterested public spirit, his devotion to the noble ideal which he -had inherited. As for Charles, the third lord, he seems to have been -a paler reflection of his father, like him for good intentions, but -far inferior in force. The period of eight-and-twenty years which we -are considering, from 1661 to 1689, is divided exactly in the middle -by the death of Cecilius in 1675. Before that date we have Charles -administering the affairs of Maryland subject to the approval of his -father in London; after that date Charles is supreme. - -[Sidenote: Sources of discontent.] - -[Sidenote: The family party] - -Now the circumstances were such that father and son would have had -to be more than human to carry on the government without serious -opposition. In the first place, they were Catholics, ruling a -population in which about one twelfth part were Catholics, while -one sixth belonged to the Church of England, and three fourths were -dissenting Puritans. To most of the people the enforced toleration of -Papists must have seemed like keeping on terms of polite familiarity -with the devil. In the second place, the proprietor was apt to appoint -his own relatives and trusted friends to the highest offices, and such -persons were usually Catholics. As these high officers composed the -council, or upper house of the assembly, the proprietor had a permanent -and irreversible majority in that body. When we read the minutes of a -council composed of Governor Charles Calvert, his uncle Philip, his -cousin William, Mr. Baker Brooke, who had married cousin William’s -sister, Mr. William Talbot, who was another cousin, and Mr. Henry -Coursey, who was uncle Philip’s bosom friend, we seem to be assisting -at a pleasant little family party. Again, when the governor marries -a widow, and each of his five stepchildren marries, and we are told -that “every one who became related to the family soon obtained an -office,”[108] we begin to realize that there was coming to be quite a -clan to be supported from the revenues of a small province. Nepotism -may not be the blackest of crimes, but it is pretty certain to breed -trouble. - -[Sidenote: Conflict in the assembly.] - -The governing power opposed to this family party was the House of -Burgesses, or lower house of assembly. Those freeholding tenants -and small proprietors who had brought with them from England their -time-honoured habits of self-government in court leet and court baron, -represented the democratic element in the constitution of Maryland, -as the upper house represented the oligarchical element. The history -of the period we are considering is the history of a constitutional -struggle between the two houses. We have seen that it was not a part -of the proprietor’s original scheme that the assembly should take -an initiative in legislation, and that on this ground he refused -his assent to the first group of laws sent to him in 1635 for his -signature. Apparently it was his idea that his burgesses should simply -comment on acts passed by their betters, as on old Merovingian fields -of March the magnates legislated while the listening warriors clashed -their shields in token of approval. If such was the first notion of -Cecilius he promptly relinquished it and gracefully conceded the -claim of the assembly to take the initiative in legislation. But the -veto power, without any limitation of time, was a prerogative which -he would not give up. At any moment he could use this veto power to -repeal a law, and this was felt by the colonists to be a grievance. -On such constitutional matters, when we read of antagonism between -the proprietor and the assembly, it is the burgesses that we are to -understand as in opposition, since the council was almost sure to -uphold the proprietor. - -[Sidenote: Rights of the burgesses.] - -One point upon which the upper house always insisted was that the -burgesses were not a house of commons with inherent rights of -legislation, but that they owed their existence to the charter, with -powers that must be limited as strictly as possible. But this point the -burgesses would never concede. They were Englishmen, with the rights -and privileges of Englishmen, and it was an inherent right in English -representatives to make laws for their constituents; accordingly -they insisted that they were, to all intents and purposes, a house -of commons for Maryland.[109] On one occasion a clergyman, Charles -Nichollet, preached a sermon, in which he warned the burgesses not to -forget that they had no real liberty unless they could pass laws that -were agreeable to their conscience; as a house of commons they must -keep their hand upon the purse strings and consider if the taxes were -not too heavy. The family party of the upper house called such talk -seditious, and the parson was roundly fined for preaching politics. - -[Sidenote: Cessation Act of 1668.] - -But it would be grossly unfair to the proprietor to overlook the fact -that on some important occasions he took sides with the representatives -of the people against his own little family party. As an instance may -be cited the act of 1666 concerning the “Cessation of Tobacco.” As the -fees of public officials were paid in tobacco, a large crop was liable -to diminish their value, and accordingly the upper house wished to -contract the currency by an act stopping all planting of tobacco for -one year. The lower house objected to this, but after a long dispute -was induced to give consent, provided Virginia should pass a similar -act. The speaker, however, wrote to Cecilius urging him to veto the -act, and he did so.[110] - -[Sidenote: Sheriffs.] - -The occasions of difference between the two houses were many and -various. One concerned the relief of Quakers. In Rhode Island, New -Jersey, and Jamaica, they were allowed to make affirmations instead of -taking oaths. When the Quakers of Maryland petitioned for a similar -relief, the burgesses granted it, but the council refused to concur. A -more important matter was the appointment of sheriffs. In addition to -the ordinary functions of the sheriff, with which we are familiar in -more modern times, these officers collected all taxes, superintended -all elections, and made out the returns. These were formidable powers, -for a dishonest or intriguing sheriff might alter the composition of -the House of Burgesses. Sheriffs were appointed by the governor, and -were in no way responsible to the county courts. The burgesses tried to -establish a check upon them by enacting that the county court should -recommend three persons out of whom the governor should choose one, and -that the sheriff thus selected should serve for one year; but the upper -house declared that such an act infringed the proprietor’s prerogative. -No check upon the sheriffs, therefore, was left to the people except -the regulating of their fees, and upon this point the burgesses were -stiff. - -[Sidenote: Restriction of suffrage, 1670.] - -In 1669 the disputes between the houses were more stormy than usual, -and in the election of the next year the suffrage was restricted to -freemen owning plantations of fifty acres or more, or possessed of -personal property to the amount of £50 sterling. This restriction -was not accomplished by legislation; it must have been a sheer -assertion of prerogative, either by Cecilius or by Charles acting -on his own responsibility. All that is positively known is that the -sheriffs were instructed to that effect in their writs. It is worthy -of note that a similar restriction of suffrage had just occurred in -Virginia. Perhaps Charles Calvert was imprudently taking a lesson from -Berkeley. But still worse, in summoning to the assembly the members -who had been elected, he omitted a few names, presumably those of -persons whose opposition was likely to prove inconvenient. When the -burgesses demanded the reason for this omission, Charles made a -shuffling explanation which they saw fit to accept for the moment, -and thus a precedent was created of which he was not slow to avail -himself, and from which endless bickering ensued. For the present -a house of burgesses was obtained which was much to the governor’s -liking; accordingly, instead of allowing its term to expire at the -end of a year, he simply adjourned it, and thus kept it alive until -1676,--another lesson learned from Berkeley. - -[Sidenote: Death of Cecilius, 1675.] - -[Sidenote: Rebellion of Davis and Pate, 1676.] - -[Sidenote: Execution of Davis and Pate.] - -It was this comparatively submissive assembly that in 1671 passed -the act which for eleven years had been resisted, granting to the -proprietor a royalty of two shillings on every hogshead of tobacco -exported. In return for this grant, however, the lower house obtained -some concessions. With the death of Cecilius, in 1675, the situation -was certainly changed for the worse. Now for the first time the -people of Maryland had their lord proprietor dwelling among them and -not in England; but Charles was narrower and less public-spirited -than his father, his measures were more arbitrary, and the feeling -that the country was governed in the interests of a small coterie of -Papists rapidly increased. In 1676 Maryland seemed on the point of -following Virginia into rebellion. Lord Baltimore went to England in -the spring, and by midsummer it had become evident that Bacon had able -sympathizers in Maryland. A set of manuscript archives, recently -recovered from long oblivion,[111] make it probable that but for -Bacon’s sudden death in October and the collapse of the movement in -Virginia, there would have been bloodshed in the sister colony. In -August a seditious paper was circulated, alleging grievances similar -to those of Virginia, and threatening the proprietor’s government. -Two gentlemen named Davis and Pate, with others, gathered an armed -force in Calvert county with the design of intimidating the governor -and council, and extorting from them sundry concessions. When the -governor, Thomas Notley, ordered them to disband, promising that their -demands should be duly considered at the next assembly, they refused -on the ground that the assembly had been tampered with and no longer -represented the people. As Notley afterward wrote to Lord Baltimore, -never was there a people “more replete with malignancy and frenzy than -our people were about August last, and they wanted but a monstrous head -to their monstrous body.” But this incipient Davis and Pate rebellion -derived its strength from the Bacon rebellion, and the collapse of the -one extinguished the other. Davis and Pate were hanged, at which Notley -tells us the people were “terrified,” and so peace was preserved. - -[Sidenote: George Talbot.] - -An episode which occurred before the final catastrophe throws some -light upon the relations of parties at the time. An Irish kinsman of -Lord Baltimore’s, by name George Talbot, obtained in 1680 an extensive -grant of land on the Susquehanna River, where he lived in feudal -style, with a force of Irish retainers at his beck and call, hunting -venison, drinking strong waters, browbeating Indians, and picking -quarrels with William Penn’s newly arrived followers. In 1684 Lord -Baltimore went again to England, leaving his son, Benedict Calvert, in -the governorship; and as Benedict was a mere boy, there was a little -regency of which George Talbot was the head. Now the exemption of -Maryland from king’s taxes did not extend to custom-house duties. These -were collected by crown officers and paid into the royal treasury; -and the collectors were apt to behave themselves, as in all ages -and countries, like enemies of the human race. Between them and the -proprietary government there was deep-seated antipathy. They accused -Lord Baltimore of hindering them in their work, and this complaint -led the king to pounce upon him with a claim for £2,500 alleged to -have been lost to the revenue through his interferences. One of these -collectors, Christopher Rousby, was especially overbearing, and some -called him a rascal. Late in 1684 a small ship of the royal navy -was lying at St. Mary’s, and one day, while Rousby was in the cabin -drinking toddies with the captain, Talbot came on board, and a quarrel -ensued, in the course of which Talbot drew a dagger and plunged it into -Rousby’s heart. The captain refused to allow Talbot to go ashore to -be tried by a council of his relatives; he carried him to Virginia and -handed him over to the governor, Lord Howard of Effingham. Talbot was -imprisoned not far from the site where once had stood the red man’s -village, Werowocomoco, where he was in imminent danger of the gallows, -or perhaps of having to pay his whole fortune as a bribe to the greedy -Howard. But Talbot’s brave wife, with two trusty followers, sailed down -the whole length of Chesapeake Bay and up York River in a boat. On a -dark winter’s night they succeeded in freeing Talbot from his jail, -and returning as they came, carried him off exulting to Susquehanna -Manor. For the sake of appearances his friends in the Maryland council -thought it necessary to proclaim the hue and cry after him, and there -is a local tradition that he was for a while obliged to hide in a cave, -where a couple of his trained hawks kept him alive by fetching him -game--canvas-back ducks, perhaps, and terrapin--from the river! It is -not likely, however, that the search for him was zealous or thorough. -For some time he staid unmolested in his manor house, but presently -deemed it prudent to go and surrender himself. The council refused to -bring him to trial in any court held in the king’s name, until a royal -order came from England to send him over there for trial, but before -this was done Lord Baltimore interceded with James II. and secured a -pardon. - -[Sidenote: A “Complaint from Heaven.”] - -The general effect of this Talbot affair was to weaken the palatinate -government by making it appear lukewarm in its allegiance and remiss -in its duties to the crown. The custom-house became a subject of -hot discussion, and the charges of defrauding the royal revenue were -reiterated with effect. Some time before this, a remarkable pamphlet -had appeared with the title, “Complaint from Heaven with a Huy and Crye -and a petition out of Virginia and Maryland.” It was evidently written -by some Puritan friend of Fendall’s. After a bitter denunciation of the -palatinate administration some measures of relief were suggested, one -of which was that the king should assume the government of Maryland and -appoint the governors. The time was now at hand when this suggestion -was to bear fruit. - -[Sidenote: The anti-Catholic panic.] - -The forced abdication of James II. in 1688, with his flight to France, -was the occasion of an anti-Catholic panic throughout the greater part -of English America. It was as certain as anything future could be that -the antagonism between Louis XIV. and William of Orange would at once -break out in a great war, in which French armies from Canada would -invade the English colonies. There was a widespread fear that Papists -in these colonies would turn traitors and assist the enemy. It was in -this scare that Leisler’s rebellion in New York originated, although -there too a conflict between democracy and oligarchy was concerned, -somewhat as in Maryland. Everywhere the ordinary dread of Papists -became more acute. It was soon after this time that the clause of an -act depriving Roman Catholics of the franchise found its way into the -Rhode Island statutes, the only instance in which that commonwealth -ever allowed itself to depart from the noble principles of Roger -Williams.[112] - -[Sidenote: Causes of the panic.] - -While there were absurdities in this anti-Catholic panic, it contained -an element that was not unreasonable. Throughout the century the -Papist counter-reformation had made alarming progress. In France, the -strongest nation in the world, it had just scored a final victory in -the expulsion of the Huguenots. In Germany the Thirty Years’ War had -left Protestantism weaker than it had been at the death of Martin -Luther. England had barely escaped from having a Papist dynasty -settled upon her; nor was it yet sure that she had escaped. A caprice -of fortune might drive King William out as suddenly as he had come. -Ireland still held out for the Stuarts, and there in May, 1689, -James II. landed with French troops, in the hope of winning back his -crown. The officer who held Ireland for James was Richard Talbot, -Duke of Tyrconnel, a distant relative and intimate friend of Lord -Baltimore. Under these circumstances a panic was natural. There were -absurd rumours of a plot between Catholics and Indians to massacre -Protestants. More reasonable was the jealous eagerness with which men -watched the council to see what it would do about proclaiming William -and Mary. Lord Baltimore was prompt in sending from London directions -to the council to proclaim them; whatever his political leanings might -have been, he could in prudence hardly do less. But the messenger died -on the voyage, and a second messenger was too late. - -[Sidenote: Coode’s _coup d’état_, 1689.] - -[Sidenote: Overthrow of the palatinate, 1691.] - -Meanwhile, in April, 1689, there was formed “An Association in arms for -the defense of the Protestant Religion, and for asserting the right of -King William and Queen Mary to the Province of Maryland and all the -English Dominions.” The president of this association was John Coode, -who had married a daughter of that Thomas Gerrard who took a part in -Fendall’s rebellion. Another leader, who had married another daughter -of Gerrard, was Nehemiah Blackiston, collector of customs, who had -been foremost in accusing the Calverts of obstructing his work. Others -were Kenelm Cheseldyn, speaker of the house, and Henry Jowles, colonel -of the militia. As the weeks passed by, and news of the proclaiming -of William and Mary by one colony after another arrived, and still -the council took no action in the matter, people grew impatient and -the association kept winning recruits. At last, toward the end of -July, Coode appeared before St. Mary’s at the head of 700 armed men. -No resistance was offered. The council fled to a fort on the Patuxent -River, where they were besieged and in a few days surrendered. Coode -detained all outward-bound ships until he had prepared an account of -these proceedings to send to King William in the name of the Protestant -inhabitants of Maryland. Like the insurrection in Boston, three months -earlier, which overthrew Sir Edmund Andros, this bold stroke wore the -aspect of a rising against the deposed king in favour of the king -actually reigning. William was asked to undertake the government of -Maryland, and the whole affair met with his approval. He issued a -_scire facias_ against the Baltimore charter, and before a decision had -been reached in the court of chancery he sent out Sir Lionel Copley in -1691, to be royal governor of Maryland. In such wise was the palatinate -overturned. - -[Sidenote: Oppressive enactments.] - -[Sidenote: Removal of the capital to Annapolis, 1694.] - -If any party in Maryland expected the millennium to follow this -revolution, they were disappointed. Taxes were straightway levied -for the support of the Church of England, the further immigration -of Catholics was prohibited under heavy penalties, and the public -celebration of the mass was strictly forbidden within the limits of the -colony. When Governor Nicholson arrived upon the scene, in 1694, he -summoned his first assembly to meet at the Anne Arundel town formerly -known as Providence; and in the course of that session it was decided -to move the seat of government thither from St. Mary’s. The purpose -was to deal a blow at the old capital, the social and political centre -of Catholicism in Maryland. Bitter indignation was felt at St. Mary’s, -and a petition signed by the mayor and other municipal officers, -with a number of the freemen, was sent to the assembly, praying that -the change might be reconsidered. The House of Burgesses returned an -answer, brutal and vulgar in tone, which shows the wellnigh incredible -virulence of political passion in those days.[113] The blow was final, -so far as St. Mary’s was concerned. Her civic life had evidently -depended upon the presence of the government. At one time, with its -fifty or sixty houses, the little city founded by Leonard Calvert was -much larger than Jamestown; but after the removal it dwindled till -little was left save a memory. The name of the new capital on the -Severn was doubtless felt to be cumbrous, for it was presently changed -to Annapolis,[114] the first of a set of queer hybrid compounds with -which the map of the United States is besprinkled. Nicholson wished to -crown the work of founding a new capital by establishing a school or -college there, and accordingly in 1696 King William School was founded. -For many years the income for supporting this and other free schools -was derived from an export duty on furs.[115] - -[Sidenote: Unpopularity of the establishment of the Episcopal church.] - -[Sidenote: Episcopal parsons.] - -The change of the capital was perhaps bewailed only by the Catholics -and others who were most strongly attached to the proprietary -government. But the change in ecclesiastical policy disgusted -everybody. Taxation for the support of the Episcopal church, of which -only a small part of the population were members, was as unpopular with -Puritans as with Papists. The Puritans, who had worked so zealously -to undermine the proprietary government, had not bargained for such a -result as this. The manner in which the church revenue was raised was -also extremely irritating. The rate was forty pounds of tobacco per -poll, so that rich and poor paid alike. A more inequitable and odious -measure could hardly have been devised. The statute, however, with the -dullness that usually characterizes the work of legislative bodies, -forgot to specify the quality of tobacco in which the rates should be -paid. Naturally, therefore, they were paid in the vilest unmarketable -stuff that could be found, and the Episcopal clergymen found it hard -to keep the wolf from the door. There was thus no inducement for -competent ministers to come to Maryland, and those that were sent from -England were of the poorest sort which the English Church in that -period of its degradation could provide. Dr. Thomas Chandler, of New -Jersey, who visited the eastern shore of Maryland in 1753, wrote to -the Bishop of London as follows: “The general character of the clergy -... is wretchedly bad.... It would really, my lord, make the ears of -a sober heathen tingle to hear the stories that were told me by many -serious persons of several clergymen in the neighbourhood of the parish -where I visited; but I still hope that some abatement may be fairly -made on account of the prejudices of those who related them.”[116] The -Swedish botanist, Peter Kalm, who visited Maryland about the same time, -tells us that it was a common trick with a parson, when performing -the marriage service for a poor couple, to halt midway and refuse to -go on till a good round fee had been handed over to him.[117] On such -occasions it may be presumed that the tobacco was of unimpeachable -quality. - -[Sidenote: Exemption of Protestant Dissenters from civil disabilities.] - -The last decade of the seventeenth century was a period of ceaseless -wrangling over church matters. Almost every year saw some new act -passed from which its opponents succeeded in causing the assent of -the crown to be withheld. The government of William III. was not -ill-disposed toward a policy of toleration, except toward Papists. -Accordingly, although the act of 1692 remained substantially in force -until the American Revolution, it was so qualified in 1702 as to exempt -Quakers and other Protestant Dissenters from civil disabilities, and to -allow them the free exercise of public worship in their own churches or -meeting-houses. They were not exempted, however, from the poll tax for -the maintenance of the Episcopal church. - -[Sidenote: Seymour’s reprimand to the Catholic priests.] - -For the Catholics there was neither exemption nor privilege; they were -shamefully insulted and vexed. In the autumn of 1704 two priests were -summoned before the council: the one, William Hunter, was accused -of consecrating a chapel, which he answered with a plea that was -in part denial and in part “confession and avoidance;” the other, -Robert Brooke, acknowledged the truth of the charge that he had said -mass at the chapel of St. Mary’s. The request of these gentlemen -for legal counsel was refused. As the complaint against them was a -first complaint, they were let off with a reprimand, which the newly -installed governor, John Seymour, thus politely administered: “It is -the unhappy temper of you and all your tribe to grow insolent upon -civility and never know how to use it, and yet of all people you have -the least reason for considering that, if the necessary laws that are -made were let loose, they are sufficient to crush you, and which (if -your arrogant principles have not blinded you) you must need to dread. -You might, methinks, be content to live quietly as you may, and let -the exercise of your superstitious vanities be confined to yourselves, -without proclaiming them at public times and in public places, unless -you expect by your gaudy shows and serpentine policy to amuse the -multitude and beguile the unthinking, ... an act of deceit well known -to be amongst you. But, gentlemen, be not deceived.... In plain and -few words, if you intend to live here, let me hear no more of these -things; for if I do, and they are made good against you, be assured -I’ll chastise you.... I’ll remove the evil by sending you where you may -be dealt with as you deserve.... Pray take notice that I am an English -Protestant gentleman, and can never equivocate.” After this fulmination -the governor ordered the sheriff of St. Mary’s county to lock up -the Catholic chapel and “keep the key thereof;” and for all these -proceedings the House of Burgesses declared themselves “cheerfully -thankful” to his excellency, whom they found “so generously bent to -protect her majesty’s Protestant subjects here against insolence and -growth of Popery.”[118] - -[Sidenote: Cruel laws against Catholics.] - -From 1704 to 1718 several ferocious acts were passed against Catholics. -A reward of £100 was offered to any informer who should “apprehend -and take” a priest and convict him of saying mass, or performing any -of a priest’s duties; and the penalty for the priest so convicted -was perpetual imprisonment. Any Catholic found guilty of keeping a -school, or taking youth to educate, was to spend the rest of his life -in prison. Any person sending his child abroad to be educated as a -Catholic was to be fined £100. No Catholic could become a purchaser of -real estate. Certain impossible test oaths were to be administered to -every Papist youth within six months after his attaining majority, and -if he should refuse to take them he was to be declared incapable of -inheriting land, and his nearest kin of Protestant faith could supplant -him. The children of a Protestant father might be forcibly taken away -from their widowed mother and placed in charge of Protestant guardians. -When extra taxes were levied for emergencies, Catholics were assessed -at double rates.[119] - -[Sidenote: Crown requisitions.] - -These atrocities of the statute book were a symptom of the -inflammatory effect wrought upon the English mind by the gigantic war -against Louis XIV., and immediately afterward by the wild attempt of -the so-called James III. to seize the crown of Great Britain. From the -accession of William and Mary to the end of the reign of Anne, war -against France was perpetual except for the breathing spell after the -Peace of Ryswick. This state of things brought a fresh burden upon -Maryland. War between France and Great Britain meant war between the -Algonquin tribes and the English colonies aided by the Five Nations. -The new situation was heralded in the Congress which met at New York -in 1690, at Leisler’s invitation, when Maryland was called upon to -contribute men and money toward the invasion of Canada. With the advent -of the royal government came royal requisitions for military purposes; -and although this new burden was due to the new continental situation -rather than to the change in the provincial government, it was one -thing the more to make Marylanders look back with regret to the days of -the proprietary rule. - -[Sidenote: Benedict Calvert becomes a Protestant.] - -[Sidenote: Revival of the palatinate, 1715.] - -For four-and-twenty years after 1691 the third Lord Baltimore lived -in England in the full enjoyment of his private rights and revenues, -though deprived of his government. His son, Benedict Leonard Calvert, -was a prince who took secular views of public policy, like the great -Henry of Navarre. He preferred his palatinate to his church, and -abjured the Catholic faith, much to the wrath and disgust of his aged -father, who at once withdrew his annual allowance of £450. Benedict -was obliged to apply to the crown for a pension, which was granted -by Anne and continued by George I. until on February 20, 1715, the -situation was completely changed by the father’s death. On the petition -of Benedict, fourth Lord Baltimore, the proprietary government of -Maryland was revived in his behalf. But Benedict survived his father -only six weeks, and on April 5 his son Charles Calvert became fifth -Lord Baltimore. As Charles was a lad of sixteen, whose Romanist faith -had been forsworn with his father’s, he was forthwith proclaimed Lord -Proprietor of Maryland, and royal governors no more vexed that colony. - -[Sidenote: Change in the political situation.] - -Despite all troubles it had thriven under their administration. The -population had doubled within less than twenty years, and on Charles’s -accession it was reckoned at 40,700 whites and 9,500 negroes.[120] -Oppressive statutes had not prevented the Catholics from increasing -in numbers and the influence which ability and character always wield. -They were preëminently the picked men of the colony. Entire suppression -of their forms of worship had been recognized as impracticable. An act -of 1704 had allowed priests to perform religious services in Roman -Catholic families, though not in public. From this permission advantage -was taken to build chapels as part of private mansions, so that the -family with their guests might worship God after their manner, relying -upon the principle that an Englishman’s house is his castle. By some of -these people it was hoped that the restoration of the palatinate would -revive their political rights and privileges. But this renewal of the -palatinate was far from restoring the old state of things. The position -of the fifth Lord Baltimore was very different from that of the second -and third. They were Catholic princes, and were steadily supported by -two Catholic kings of England. The new proprietor was a Protestant, -dependent upon the favour of a Protestant king. The features of the old -palatinate government, therefore, which lend the chief interest to its -history, were never restored. Catholic citizens remained disfranchised, -and continued to be taxed for the support of a church which they -disapproved. - -[Sidenote: Charles Carroll.] - -An interesting project was entertained about this time, by Charles -Carroll and other Catholic gentlemen, of leading a migration to the -Mississippi valley, thus transferring their allegiance from Great -Britain to France. Mr. Carroll, a descendant of the famous Irish -sept of O’Carrolls, and one of the foremost citizens of Maryland, had -long been agent and receiver of rents for the third Lord Baltimore. -The scheme which he was now contemplating might have led to curious -results, but it was soon abandoned. A grant of territory by the -Arkansas River was sought from the French government,[121] but it -proved impossible to agree upon terms, and that region remained a -wilderness until several questions of world-wide importance had been -settled. - -[Sidenote: Seeds of revolution.] - -Though the accession of the fifth Lord Baltimore did not reinstate -the Catholics in their civil rights, it nevertheless did much to -mitigate the operation of the oppressive statutes against them. An -early symptom of Charles’s temper was shown by his reappointment of -Carroll as his agent. He went on to do such justice to Catholics as -was in his power, and under his mild and equitable rule the fierceness -of political passion was much abated. The proprietary government -retained its popularity until it came to an end with the Declaration -of Independence. But the interval of crown government from 1691 to -1715 had for the first time made the connection with Great Britain -seem oppressive, and had planted the seeds of future sympathy with the -revolutionary party in Massachusetts and Virginia. As the long struggle -with France increased in dimensions, the political questions at issue -in the several colonies became more and more continental in character. -All were more or less assimilated one to another, and thus the way -toward federation was prepared. Thus the discussions in Maryland came -more and more to deal with the rights of the colonial legislature -and British interference with them. At the same time Maryland had a -grievance of her own in the poll tax for maintaining a foreign and -hated church. In 1772 an assault upon that tax was the occasion of one -of the most remarkable legal controversies in American annals; and -the leader in that assault, Charles Carroll’s grandson and namesake, -Charles Carroll of Carrollton, soon afterward signed his name to the -Declaration of Independence. - -[Sidenote: End of the palatinate.] - -In 1751, after a tranquil reign, only two years of which were spent in -Maryland, Charles Calvert died in London, and was succeeded by his son -Frederick, sixth and last Lord Baltimore. After a series of Antonines, -at last came the Commodus. Frederick was a miserable debauchee, -unworthy scion of a noble race. For Maryland he cared nothing except -to spend its revenues in riotous living in London. One adventure of -his, for which he was tried and acquitted on a mere technicality, fills -one of the most loathsome chapters of the Newgate Calendar.[122] But -this villain was represented in Maryland by two excellent governors, -Horatio Sharpe from 1753 to 1768, and then Sir Robert Eden, who had -married Frederick’s younger sister. Eden remained in authority until -June 24, 1776, when he embarked for England with the good wishes of -the people. The wretched Frederick died in 1771, without legitimate -children, and the barony of Baltimore became extinct. By the will -of Charles, the fifth baron, the proprietorship of Maryland was now -vested in Frederick’s elder sister, Louisa, wife of John Browning. But -Frederick had also left a will, in which he devised the province to -an illegitimate son, called Henry Harford. This young man laid claim -to the proprietorship, but before the chancery suit was ended the -Palatinate of Maryland had become one of the thirteen United States. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -SOCIETY IN THE OLD DOMINION. - - -[Sidenote: Tobacco and liberty.] - -A learned son of Old Virginia, who is fond of wrapping up a bookful of -meaning in a single pithy sentence, has declared that “a true history -of tobacco would be the history of English and American liberty.” -This remark occurs near the beginning of Mr. Moncure Conway’s dainty -volume printed for the Grolier Club, entitled “Barons of the Potomack -and the Rappahannock.” When construed liberally, as all such sweeping -statements need to be, it contains a kernel of truth. It was tobacco -that planted an English nation in Virginia, and made a corporation -in London so rich and powerful as to become a formidable seminary -of sedition: it was the desire to monopolize the tobacco trade that -induced Charles I. to recognize the House of Burgesses; discontent with -the Navigation Act and its effect upon the tobacco trade was potent -among the causes of Bacon’s Rebellion; and so on down to the eve of -Independence, when Patrick Henry won his first triumph in the famous -Parson’s Cause, in which the price of tobacco furnished the bone of -contention, the Indian weed has been strangely implicated with the -history of political freedom. - -Furthermore, when we reflect upon the splendid part played by Virginia -in winning American independence and bringing into existence the -political framework of our Federal Republic; when we recollect that -of the five founders of this nation who were foremost in constructive -work--Washington, Hamilton, Madison, Jefferson, and Marshall--four were -Virginians,--it becomes interesting to go back and study the social -features of the community in which such leaders of men were produced. -The economic basis of that community was the cultivation of tobacco on -large plantations, and from that single economic circumstance resulted -most of the social features which we have now to pass in review. - -[Sidenote: Rapid growth of tobacco culture.] - -[Sidenote: Attempts to check it.] - -We have seen in a previous chapter how important was the cultivation -of tobacco in setting the infant colony at Jamestown upon its feet in -1614 and the following years. In the rapid development of the colony -during the reign of Charles I. other kinds of agriculture thrived, -there were good crops of wheat, and Indian corn was exported. But -tobacco culture increased rapidly and steadily until in the latter part -of the century it nearly extinguished all other kinds of activity, -except the raising of domestic animals and vegetables needed for food. -Long before this result was reached, the tendency was deplored by the -colonists themselves. To use a modern political phrase, it was “viewed -with alarm.” This is quite intelligible. “We know now that tobacco, -though not strictly a necessary of life, is one of those articles -whose consumption may be looked on as certain and permanent. In the -seventeenth century, men could hardly be blamed if they regarded the -use of tobacco as a precarious fashion.”[123] It was also felt that -in case of war it would be dangerous for Virginia to be forced to -rely upon importing the manufactured necessaries of life. Moreover, -the absorption of the colony’s industry in the production of a single -staple made it especially easy for the home government to depress -that industry by stupid legislation, as in the reign of Charles -II., when the Navigation Act so seriously diminished the purchasing -power of tobacco. For these various reasons many attempts were made -to check the cultivation of the Indian weed. The legislation of -the seventeenth century was full of instances. It was attempted to -establish rival industries and to produce silk, cotton, and iron; laws -were made forbidding any planter to raise more than 2,000 plants in one -year’s crop, and so on. All such attempts proved futile; in spite of -everything that could be done, tobacco drove all competitors from the -field. - -[Sidenote: Need for cheap labour.] - - -[Sidenote: Indented white servants.] - -This tobacco was generally cultivated upon large estates. The policy -of making extensive grants of land as an inducement to settlers was -begun at an early date, and all that was needed to develop the system -was an abundance of cheap labour. English yeomanry, such as came to -New England, was too intelligent and enterprising to furnish the right -sort. English yeomanry, coming to Virginia, came to own estates for -itself, not to work them for others. It soon became necessary to have -recourse to servile labour. We have seen negro slaves first brought -into the colony from Africa in 1619, but their numbers increased very -slowly, and it was only toward the end of the century that they began -to be numerous. In the early period the demand for servile labour was -supplied from other sources. Convicted criminals were sent over in -great numbers from the mother country, as in later times they were -sent to Botany Bay. On their arrival they were indented as servants -for a term of years. Kidnapping was also at that time in England an -extensive and lucrative business. Young boys and girls, usually but not -always of the lowest class of society, were seized by press-gangs on -the streets of London and Bristol and other English seaports, hurried -on board ship, and carried over to Virginia to work on the plantations -or as house servants. These poor wretches were not, indeed, sold into -hopeless slavery, but they passed into a state of servitude which might -be prolonged indefinitely by avaricious or cruel masters. The period -of their indenture was short,--usually not more than four years; but -the ordinary penalty for serious offences, such as were very likely to -be committed, was a lengthening of the time during which they were to -serve. Among such offences the most serious were insubordination or -attempts to escape, while of a more venial character were thievery, -or unchaste conduct,[124] or attempts to make money on their own -account. Their lives were in theory protected by law, but where an -indented servant came to his death from prolonged ill-usage, or from -excessive punishment, or even from sudden violence, it was not easy to -get a verdict against the master. In those days of frequent flogging, -the lash was inflicted upon the indented servant with scarcely less -compunction than upon the purchased slave; and in general the condition -of the former seems to have been nearly as miserable as that of the -latter, save that the servitude of the negro was perpetual, while that -of the white man was pretty sure to come to an end. For him, Pandora’s -box had not quite spilled out the last of its contents. - -[Sidenote: Notion that Virginians are descended from convicts.] - -In England the notion presently grew up that the aristocracy of -Virginia was recruited from the ranks of these kidnapped paupers and -convicts. This impression may have originated in statements, based -upon real but misconstrued facts, such as we find in Defoe’s widely -read stories, “Moll Flanders”[125] and “Colonel Jack.” So, too, in -Mrs. Aphra Behn’s comedy, “The Widow Ranter, or, The History of Bacon -in Virginia,” one of the personages, named Hazard, sails to Virginia, -and on arriving at Jamestown suddenly meets an old acquaintance, named -Friendly, whereupon the following conversation ensues:-- - -_Hazard._ This unexpected happiness o’erjoys me. Who could have -imagined to have found thee in Virginia?... - -_Friendly._ My uncle dying here left me a considerable plantation.... -But prithee what chance (fortunate to me) drove thee to this part of -the New World? - -_Hazard._ Why, ’faith, ill company and that common vice of the town, -gaming.... I had rather starve abroad than live pitied and despised at -home. - -_Friendly._ Would [the new governor] were landed; we hear he is a noble -gentleman. - -_Hazard._ He has all the qualities of a gallant man. Besides, he is -nobly born. - -_Friendly._ This country wants nothing but to be peopled with a -well-born race to make it one of the best colonies in the world; but -for want of a governor we are ruled by a council, some of whom have -been perhaps transported criminals, who having acquired great estates -are now become Your Honour and Right Worshipful, and possess all places -of authority.[126] - -[Sidenote: Malachy Postlethwayt.] - -[Sidenote: Dr. Johnson.] - -It is not only in novels and plays, however, that we encounter such -statements. Malachy Postlethwayt, author of several valuable and -scholarly treatises on commerce, tells us: “Even your transported -felons, sent to Virginia instead of Tyburn, thousands of them, if we -are not misinformed, have, by turning their hands to industry and -improvement, and (which is best of all) to honesty, become rich, -substantial planters and merchants, settled large families, and been -famous in the country; nay, we have seen many of them made magistrates, -officers of militia, captains of good ships, and masters of good -estates.”[127] Either from the study of Postlethwayt, or perhaps simply -from reading “Moll Flanders,” we may suppose that Dr. Johnson got the -notion to which he gave vent in 1769 when quite out of patience because -the ministry seemed ready to make some concessions to the Americans. -“Why, they are a race of convicts,” cried the irate doctor, “and ought -to be thankful for anything we allow them short of hanging!”[128] -Thus we witness the progress of generalization: first it is some -Virginians that are jail-birds, or offspring of jail-birds, then it is -all Virginians, finally it is all Americans. A few years ago, in the -time of our Civil War, one used to find this grotesque notion still -surviving in occasional polite statements of European newspapers, -informing their readers that the citizens of the United States are the -“offspring of the vagabonds and felons of Europe.”[129] - -[Sidenote: The real question.] - -The statement of the worthy Postlethwayt seems based partly on -observation, partly on information, and has unquestionably been the -source of inferences much more sweeping than facts will sustain. In -order to arrive at clear views of the subject, we must distinguish -between two questions:-- - -1. What sort of people, on the whole, were the indented white servants -in Virginia? - -2. How far did they ever succeed, as freedmen, in attaining to high -social position in the colony? - -[Sidenote: Redemptioners.] - -In answering the first question, a mere reference to “felons” and -“convicts” will carry us but little way. A considerable proportion -of the indented white servants were poor but honest persons who sold -themselves into slavery for a brief term to defray the cost of the -voyage from England. The ship-owner received from the planter the -passage-money in the shape of tobacco, and in exchange he handed over -the passenger to be the planter’s servant until the debt was wiped out. -Indented servants of this class were known as “redemptioners,” and -many of them were eminently industrious and of excellent character. -Such redemptioners came in large numbers to Virginia, Maryland, and the -middle colonies, and much more rarely to New England, where the demand -for any kind of servile labour was but small. - -[Sidenote: Punishments for crime.] - -Again, among the transported convicts were many who had been sentenced -to death for what would now be considered trivial offences; the poor -woman who stole a joint of meat to relieve her starving children was -not necessarily a hardened criminal, yet if the price of the joint were -more than a shilling she incurred the death penalty. For counterfeiting -a lottery ticket, or for personating the holder of a stock and -receiving the dividends due upon it, the punishment was the same as -for wilful murder.[130] The favourite remedy prescribed in law was -the gallows, as in medicine the lancet. Yet many judges and officers -of state were conscious of the excessive severity of the system, and -welcomed the device of sending the less hardened offenders out of the -kingdom instead of putting them to death. There is reason for believing -that murderers, burglars, and highwaymen continued to be summarily -sent to Tyburn, while for offences of a lighter sort and in cases with -extenuating circumstances the death penalty was often commuted to -transportation. As a rule it was not the worst sort of offenders who -were sent to the colonies. - -[Sidenote: Number and distribution of convicts.] - -The practice of sending rogues beyond sea began soon after the -founding of Virginia, and continued until it was cut short in America -by the War of Independence; thereafter the Australasian colonies were -made a receptacle for them until the practice came to an end soon -after the middle of the nineteenth century. It has been estimated that -between 1717 and 1775 not less than 10,000 “involuntary emigrants” were -sent from the Old Bailey alone;[131] and possibly the total number sent -to America from the British islands in the seventeenth and eighteenth -centuries may have been as high as 50,000.[132] In the lists of such -offenders their particular destinations are apt to be very loosely and -carelessly indicated; the name Virginia, for example, is often used -so vaguely as to include the West Indies.[133] The destinations most -commonly specified are Virginia, Maryland, Barbadoes, and Jamaica, but -it is certain that all English colonies outside of New England received -considerable numbers of convicts. Very few were brought to New England, -because the demand for such labour was less than elsewhere, and -therefore the prisoners would not fetch so high a price.[134] Stringent -laws were made against bringing in such people. In 1700 Massachusetts -enacted that every master of a ship arriving with passengers must -hand to the custom-house officer a written certificate of the “name, -character, and circumstances” of each passenger, under penalty of a -fine of £5 for every name omitted; and the custom-house officer was -obliged to deliver to the town clerk the full list of names with -the accompanying certificates.[135] The existence of this wholesome -statute indicates that undesirable persons had been brought into the -colony; and the reënactment of it in 1722, with the fine raised from -£5 to £100, is clear proof that the nuisance was not yet abated. -Nevertheless, partly because of such vigilant measures of prevention, -but much more because of the economic reason above alleged, the four -New England colonies received but few convicts. - -[Sidenote: Prisoners of war.] - -A very different class of transported persons consisted of those who -were not criminals at all, but merely political offenders, or even -prisoners of war. For example, of the Scotch prisoners taken at Dunbar -in 1650, Cromwell sent about 150 to Boston. The next year orders were -issued for sending 1,610 of the Worcester captives to Virginia, but -very few of them seem to have arrived there.[136] In 1652 a party -of 272 men captured at Worcester were landed in Boston, but so -small was the demand for their labour that they were soon exported -southward,--perhaps to the West Indies in exchange for sugar or rum. -After the restoration of the monarchy so many non-conformists were -sold into servitude in Virginia as to lead to an insurrection in 1663, -followed by legislation designed to keep all convicts out of the -colony.[137] On the whole, the number of political offenders brought to -those colonies that have since become the United States was certainly -much smaller than the number of criminal convicts, while the latter -were in all probability much less numerous than the redemptioners. -During the seventeenth century the demand for wholesale servile white -labour was much greater in Virginia and Maryland than elsewhere, -and there are many indications that they received more convicts and -redemptioners than the other colonies. In the eighteenth century, -however, the middle colonies, especially Pennsylvania, probably -received at least as large a share. - -[Sidenote: Careers of white freedmen.] - -[Sidenote: Representative Virginia families are not descended from -white freedmen.] - -Our survey shows that in the class of indented white servants there was -a wide range of gradation, from thrifty redemptioners[138] and gallant -rebels at the one extreme down to ruffians and pickpockets at the -other. Bearing this in mind, we come to our second question, How far -did white freedmen succeed in attaining to high social position in such -a colony as Virginia? There is no doubt that, as Postlethwayt declares, -some of the best of them did work their way up to the ownership of -plantations. In the seventeenth century they were occasionally elected -to the House of Burgesses. The composition of that assembly for 1654 -affords an interesting example. One of the two members for Warwick -was the worthy Samuel Mathews, soon to be elected governor; and one -of the four members for Charles City was Major Abraham Wood, who, as -a child of ten years, had been brought from England in 1620, and had -been a servant of Mathews. John Trussel, the member for Northumberland, -and William Worlidge, one of the two members for Elizabeth City, -had been servants brought over in 1622, aged respectively nineteen -and eighteen.[139] Whether these lads had been offenders against -the law does not appear, nor do we know whether the child had come -with parents not mentioned, or as the victim of kidnappers. We only -know that all three were servants,[140] and, if the word is to be -understood in the ordinary sense, it was much to their credit that -they rose to be burgesses. Cases of ordinary indented servants thus -rising were certainly exceptional in the seventeenth century, and -still more so in the eighteenth. Nothing can be more certain than -that the representative families of Virginia were not descended from -convicts, or from indented servants of any sort. Although family -records were until of late less carefully preserved than in New -England, yet the registered facts abundantly prove that the leading -families had precisely the same sort of origin as the leading families -in New England. For the most part they were either country squires, or -prosperous yeomen, or craftsmen from the numerous urban guilds; and -alike in Virginia and in New England there was a similar proportion of -persons connected with English families ennobled or otherwise eminent -for public service. - -[Sidenote: Some white freedmen became small proprietors.] - -As for the white freedmen, those of the better sort often acquired -small estates, while some became overseers of white servants and -black slaves. The kind of life which they led is described in -Defoe’s “Colonel Jack” with that great writer’s customary minuteness -of information. The class of small proprietors always remained in -Virginia, and included many other persons beside freedmen. With the -increasing tendency toward the predominance of great estates in -tidewater Virginia, there was a tendency for the smaller proprietors -to move westward into the Piedmont region or southward into North -Carolina, as will appear in the next chapter. - -[Sidenote: Some became “mean whites.”] - -While it was true that “the convicts ... sometimes prove very worthy -creatures and entirely forsake their former follies,”[141] it was -also true that many of them “have been and are the poorest, idlest, -and worst of mankind, the refuse of Great Britain and Ireland, and -the outcast of the people.”[142] These degraded freedmen were apt to -be irreclaimable vagabonds. According to Bishop Meade, they gave the -vestrymen a great deal of trouble. “The number of illegitimate children -born of them and thrown upon the parish led to much action on the part -of the vestries and the legislature. The lower order of persons in -Virginia in a great measure sprang from those apprenticed servants and -from poor exiled culprits. It is not wonderful that there should have -been much debasement of character among the poorest population, and -that the negroes of the first families should always have considered -themselves a more respectable class. To this day [1857] there are many -who look upon poor white folks (for so they call them) as much beneath -themselves; and, in truth, they are so in many respects.”[143] Indeed, -the fact that manual labour was a badge of servitude, while the white -freedmen of degraded type were by nature and experience unfitted to -perform any work of a higher sort, was of itself enough to keep them -from doing any work at all, unless driven by impending starvation. -As manual labour came to be more and more entirely relegated to men -of black and brown skins, this wretched position of the mean whites -grew worse and worse. The negro slave might take a certain sort of -pride in belonging to the grand establishment of a powerful or wealthy -master, and from this point of view society might be said to have a -place for him, even though he possessed no legal rights. There was no -such haven of security for the mean whites. If the negro was like a -Sudra, they were simply Pariahs. Crimes against person and property -were usually committed by persons of this class. They were loungers in -taverns and at horse-races, earning a precarious livelihood, or violent -death by gambling and thieving; or else they withdrew from the haunts -of civilization to lead half-savage lives in the backwoods. In these -people we may recognize a strain of the English race which has not yet -on American soil become extinct or absorbed. There can be little doubt -that the white freedmen of degraded type were the progenitors of a -considerable portion of what is often called the “white trash” of the -South. Originating in Virginia and Maryland, the greater part of it -seems to have been gradually sifted out by migration to wilder regions -westward and southward, much to the relief of those colonies. As to the -probable manner of its distribution, something will be said in the next -chapter. - -[Sidenote: Development of negro slavery; treaty of Utrecht.] - -[Sidenote: Anti-slavery sentiment in Virginia.] - -Long before the end of the seventeenth century, Virginia and Maryland -had begun to protest against the policy of sending criminals from -England,[144] and as negro slaves became more numerous white servitude -was greatly diminished. The rapid increase of negroes began toward -the end of the century, and an immense impetus was given it by -the _asiento_ clause of the treaty of Utrecht in 1713. By way of -indemnifying herself for the cost of the War of the Spanish Succession, -victorious England bade Spain and France keep their hands off from -Africa, while she monopolized for herself the slave-trade. We are -reminded by Mr. Lecky that this was the one clause in the treaty that -seemed to give the most general satisfaction; and while an eminent -prelate affixed his name to the treaty and a magnificent _Te Deum_ by -Handel was sung in the churches, it occurred to nobody to denounce as -unchristian a national scheme for kidnapping thousands of black men -and selling them into slavery.[145] Before 1713 the part which English -ships had taken in the slave-trade was comparatively small; and it -is curious now to look back and think how Marlborough and Eugene at -Blenheim were unconsciously cutting out work for Grant and Sherman -at Vicksburg. In 1700 there were probably 60,000 Englishmen and 6,000 -negroes in Virginia; by 1750 there were probably 250,000 whites and -250,000 blacks, while during that same half century the peopling of the -Carolinas was rapidly going on.[146] This portentous increase of the -slave population presently began to awaken serious alarm in Virginia. -Attempts were made to restrict the importation of negroes, and at the -time of the Revolutionary War the humanitarian spirit of the eighteenth -century showed itself in the rise of a party in favour of emancipation. -In 1784 Thomas Jefferson announced the principle upon which Abraham -Lincoln was elected to the presidency in 1860, the prohibition of -slavery in the national domain; Jefferson attempted to embody this -principle in an ordinance for establishing territorial government -west of the Alleghanies. In 1787 George Mason denounced the “infernal -traffic” in flesh and blood with phrases quite like those which his -grandchildren were to resent when they fell from the lips of Wendell -Phillips. The life of the anti-slavery party in Virginia was short. -After the abolition of the African slave-trade in 1808 had increased -the demand for Virginia-bred slaves in the states farther south, the -very idea of emancipation faded out of memory. - -[Sidenote: Theory that negroes were non-human.] - -I have already remarked upon the approval with which negro slavery -was by many people regarded in the days of Queen Elizabeth. To -bring black heathen within the pale of Christian civilization was -deemed a meritorious business.[147] But there were people who took -a lower and coarser view of the matter. They denied that the negro -was strictly human; it was therefore useless to try to make him a -Christian, but it was right to make him a beast of burden, like asses -and oxen.[148] This point of view was illustrated in the remark made -by a lady of Barbadoes, noted for her exemplary piety, to Godwyn, -the able author of “The Negro’s and Indian’s Advocate;” she told him -that “he might as well baptize puppies as negroes.”[149] This line of -thought was pursued to all sorts of grotesque conclusions. Some held -that mulattoes were made half human by the infusion of white blood, -and might accordingly be baptized. Others deemed it poor economy to -baptize the slave, since it would be incumbent on the master to feed -Christians better than heathen, and so flog them less. And there were -yet others who had heard the doctrine that Christians ought not to be -held in bondage, and feared lest baptism should be judged equivalent to -emancipation.[150] This notion was at first so prevalent in Virginia -that in 1667 it was enacted: “Whereas some doubts have risen whether -children that are slaves by birth, and by the charity and piety of -their owners made partakers of the blessed sacrament of baptisme, -should by vertue of their baptisme be made ffree; It is enacted and -declared by this grand assembly and the authority thereof, that the -conferringe of baptisme doth not alter the condition of the person as -to his bondage or ffreedom; that diverse masters, ffreed from this -doubt, may more carefully endeavour the propagation of christianity -by permitting children, though, slaves, or those of greater growth if -capable, to be admitted to that sacrament.”[151] - -[Sidenote: Negroes as real estate.] - -During the seventeenth century the slave was regarded as personal -property, but a curious statute of 1705 declared him to be for most -purposes a kind of real estate. He could be sold, however, without the -registry of a deed; he could be recovered by an action of trover; and -he was not reckoned a part of the property qualification which entitled -his master to the political privileges of a freeholder.[152] - -[Sidenote: Taxes on slaves.] - -In the system of taxation white servants and negro slaves played an -important part. The primary tax upon all landholders was the quit-rent -of a shilling for every fifty acres, payable at Michaelmas. This -quit-rent was at first collected in the name of the Company, but after -1624 in the King’s name; and the proceeds were devoted to various -public uses. It was always an unpopular tax, inasmuch as there was -no feasible way (as now-a-days with our blessed tariffs) of making -dullards believe that “the foreigner paid it,” and there were frequent -complaints of delinquency. Another tax was the duty of two shillings -upon every hogshead of tobacco exported. A third was the tax upon -slaves and servants. At the close of the seventeenth century adult -negroes were valued at from £25 to £40, and children at £10 or £12; -there seems to have been little if any difference between the prices -of men and women.[153] The taxation of slave property was equitable, -inasmuch as it bore most heavily upon those best able to pay. - -[Sidenote: Treatment of slaves.] - -It is generally admitted that the treatment of slaves by their masters -was mild and humane. There were instances of cruelty, of course. -Cruelty forever lurks as a hideous possibility in the mildest system of -slavery; it is part of its innermost essence. In every community there -are brutes unfit to have the custody of their fellow-creatures. Such a -ruffian was the Rev. Samuel Gray, who had his runaway black boy tied -to a tree and flogged to death. Separation of families also occurred, -though much less frequently than in later times. But cases of cruelty -were on the whole rare. The cultivation of tobacco was not such a drain -upon human life as the cultivation of sugar in the West Indies, or the -raising of indigo and rice in South Carolina. It created a kind of -patriarchal society in which the master felt a genuine interest in the -welfare of his slaves. “The solicitude exhibited by John Page of York -was not uncommon: in his will he instructed his heirs to provide for -the old age of all the negroes who descended to them from him, with as -much care in point of food, clothing, and other necessaries as if they -were still capable of the most profitable labour.”[154] The historian, -Robert Beverley, writing in 1705, tells us that “the male servants and -the slaves of both sexes are employed together in tilling and manuring -the ground, in sowing and planting corn, tobacco, etc. Some distinction -indeed is made between them in their clothes and food; but the work of -both is no other than what the overseers, the freemen, and the planters -themselves do.... And I can assure you with a great deal of truth that -generally their slaves are not worked near so hard, nor so many hours -in a day, as the husbandmen and day-labourers in England.” As for -cruelty, he exclaims, with honest fervour, “no people more abhor the -thoughts of such usage than the Virginians, nor take more precaution to -prevent it.”[155] - -[Sidenote: Fears of insurrection.] - -[Sidenote: Cruel laws.] - -Nevertheless, a state of enforced servitude is something which -human nature does not willingly endure. A slave-holding community -must provide for catching runaways and suppressing or preventing -insurrections. It is one of the remarkable facts in American history -that there have been so few insurrections of negroes. There have been, -however, occasional instances and symptoms which have kept slave-owners -in dread and given rise to harsh legislation. In 1687 a conspiracy -among the blacks on the Northern Neck was detected just in time to -prevent the explosion.[156] In 1710 a similar plot in Surry County -was betrayed by one of the conspirators, whom the assembly proceeded -to reward by giving him his freedom with permission to remain in the -colony.[157] The fears engendered by such discoveries are revealed -in the statute book. Slaves were not allowed to be absent from their -plantations without a ticket-of-leave signed by their master. The negro -who could not show such a passport must receive twenty lashes, and was -liable to be treated as a fugitive or “outlying” slave. Such runaways -were formally outlawed; a proclamation issued by two justices of the -peace was read on the next Sunday by the parish clerk from the door -of every church in the county, after which anybody might seize the -fugitive and bring him home, or kill him if he made any resistance. In -the latter event the master was indemnified from the public funds. At -the discretion of the county court, such mutilation might be inflicted -upon the outlying negro as to protect white women against the horrible -crime which then as now he was prone to commit.[158] In 1701 we find -an act of the assembly directed against “one negro man named Billy,” -who “has severall years unlawfully absented himselfe from his masters -services, lying out and lurking in obscure places, ... devouring and -destroying stocks and crops, robing the houses of and committing and -threatening other injuryes to severall of his majestye’s good and leige -people.” It was enacted that whosoever should bring in the said Billy -alive or dead should receive a thousand pounds of tobacco in reward, -and if dead, his master’s loss should be repaired with four thousand -pounds. Anybody who should aid or harbour Billy was to be adjudged -guilty of felony.[159] No penalty was attached to the murder of a slave -by his master; but if he were killed by any one else, the master could -recover his value, just as in case of damage done to a dog or a horse. -Slaves were not allowed to have fire-arms or other weapons in their -possession; “and whereas many negroes, under pretence of practising -physic, have prepared and exhibited poisonous medicines, by which -many persons have been murdered, and others have languished under -long and tedious indispositions, and it will be difficult to detect -such pernicious and dangerous practices if they should be permitted -to exhibit any sort of medicine,” it was enacted that any slave who -should prepare or administer any medicine whatsoever, save with the -full knowledge and consent of the master or mistress, should suffer -death.[160] The testimony of a slave could not be received in court -except when one of his own race was on trial for life; then, if he -should be found to testify falsely, he was to stand for an hour with -one ear nailed to the pillory, and then be released by slicing off the -ear; the same process was then repeated with the other ear, after which -the ceremony was finished at the whipping-post with nine-and-thirty -lashes on the bare back, “well laid on.”[161] Stealing a slave from -a plantation was a capital offence.[162] No master was allowed to -emancipate one of his slaves, except for meritorious services, in -which case he must obtain a license from the governor and council. -If a slave were set free without such a license, the church-wardens -could forthwith arrest him and sell him at auction, appropriating the -proceeds for the parish funds, and thereby lightening the taxes.[163] -When a license was granted, the master received the usual indemnity, -and by an act of 1699 the freedman was required to quit the colony -within six months;[164] for obviously the presence of a large number -of free blacks in the same community with their enslaved brethren -was a source of danger. They were apt, moreover, to become receivers -of stolen goods, and their shiftless habits made them paupers.[165] -Nevertheless there were some free negroes in the colony, and at one -time they even appear to have had the privilege of voting, for an act -of 1723 deprived them of it; but no free negroes, whether men or women, -were exempt from taxation.[166] - -[Sidenote: Taking slaves to England.] - -[Sidenote: Lord Mansfield’s decision.] - -Since gentlemen from the North American colonies and from the West -Indies not unfrequently visited England, and sometimes remained -there for months or years, it was quite natural that they should -take with them household slaves to whose personal attendance they -were accustomed. In course of time the question thus arose whether -the arrival of a slave upon the free soil of England worked his -emancipation. According to Virginia law it did not.[167] The opinion -expressed in 1729 by Lord Talbot, the attorney-general, and supported -by Lord Hardwicke, agreed with the Virginia theory. These eminent -lawyers held that mere arrival in England was not enough to free a -slave without some specific act of emancipation, but Chief Justice -Holt expressed a contrary opinion. Meanwhile masters kept carrying -negroes to London until in 1764 the “Gentleman’s Magazine” asserted -(surely with wild exaggeration) that no less than 20,000 were domiciled -there. Escape was so easy for them that their owners felt obliged to -put collars on them, duly inscribed with name and address. In 1685 -the “London Gazette” advertised Colonel Kirke’s runaway black boy, -upon whose silver collar the colonel’s arms and cipher were engraved; -in 1728 the “Daily Journal” informs us that a stray negro has on -his collar the inscription, “My Lady Bromfield’s black in Lincoln’s -Inn Fields;” and in the “London Advertiser,” 1756, a goldsmith in -Westminster announces that he makes “silver padlocks for Blacks’ or -Dogs’ collars.” Colonel Kirke and Lady Bromfield were not American -visitors, but residents in London, and there is evidence, not abundant -but sufficient, that negroes were now and then bought and sold there -for household service. When the forger John Rice was hanged at Tyburn -in 1763, his effects were sold at auction, and a black boy brought -£32. A similar sale at Richmond in 1771 was mentioned in terms of -severe condemnation by the “Stamford Mercury.”[168] However the English -people may have sanctioned the establishment of slavery beyond sea, -they were not disposed to tolerate it at home; and in the sixty years -withal since the treaty of Utrecht, the public conscience had grown -tender on the subject. The days of Clarkson and Wilberforce were at -hand. A cry was raised by the press, a test case was brought before -the King’s Bench, and in 1772 Lord Mansfield pronounced the immortal -decision that “as soon as a slave sets foot on the soil of the British -islands he becomes free.” - -[Sidenote: Jefferson on slavery.] - -It is not long after this that we find Thomas Jefferson--himself the -kindest of masters, and familiar with slavery in its mild Virginia -form--thus writing about it: “The whole commerce between master and -slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most -unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submissions on the -other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it.... The man must -be a prodigy who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such -circumstances.... With the morals of the people their industry also is -destroyed. For in a warm climate no man will labour for himself who can -make another labour for him. This is so true that of the proprietors -of slaves a very small proportion, indeed, are ever seen to labour. -And can the liberties of the nation be thought secure when we have -removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people -that these liberties are of the gift of God? that they are not to be -violated but with his wrath? Indeed, I tremble for my country when I -reflect that God is just.”[169] - -[Sidenote: Sexual immoralities.] - -In no respect was the system of slavery more reprehensible than in -the illicit sexual relations that grew out of it. The extent of the -evil may be realized when we simply reflect that the numerous race -of mulattoes and quadroons did not originate from wedlock. In 1691 -it was enacted that any white man or woman, whether bond or free, -intermarrying with a negro, mulatto, or Indian, should be banished -for life. In 1705 the penalty was changed to fine and imprisonment, -and for any minister who should dare to perform the ceremony there -was prescribed a fine nearly equal to his whole year’s salary.[170] -Yet the “abominable mixture and spurious issue,” against which these -statutes were aimed, went on, unsanctioned by law and unblessed by -the church. Usually mulattoes were the children of negresses by white -fathers, but it was not always so. Some of the wretched women from -English jails seem to have had fancies as unaccountable as those of the -frail sultanas of the Arabian Nights. In such cases the white mother, -if free, was fined £15, or in default thereof was sold into servitude -for five years; if she were a bondwoman, the church-wardens waited for -her term of service to expire, and then sold her for five years; her -child was bound to service until thirty years of age.[171] The case of -the bastards of negresses was very simply disposed of by enacting that -the legal status of children was the same as that of their mother.[172] -This made them all slaves, from the prognathous and platyrrhine -creature with woolly hair to the handsome and stately octoroon, and -secured their labour to the master. At first the illicit relations -between masters and their female slaves were frowned at, and in some -instances visited with church discipline or punished by fines.[173] But -public opinion seems to have lost its sensitiveness in the presence -of a custom which lasted until slavery was abolished.[174] With the -signal advance in refinement which the nineteenth century ushered in, -there is reason to believe that in many a southern home there were -earnest hearts that deplored the dreadful evil, and welcomed at last -the downfall of the system that sustained it. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Classes in Virginia society.] - -Some writers divide Old Virginia society into four classes,--the great -planters, the small planters, the white servants and freedmen, and the -negro slaves. The division is sound, provided we remember that between -the two upper classes no hard and fast line can be drawn. Already -in England the classes of rural gentry and yeomen shaded into one -another; in Virginia both alike became land-holders and slave-owners, -they mingled together in society, and their families intermarried. -A typical instance is that of the parents of Thomas Jefferson. His -paternal ancestors were yeomanry who in Virginia developed into country -squires. The first Jefferson in Virginia was a member of the first -House of Burgesses in 1619; Thomas’s father, who was also a burgess and -county lieutenant, owned about thirty slaves. Thomas’s mother, Jane -Randolph, whose grandfather migrated to Virginia in 1674, belonged to a -family that had been eminent in England since the thirteenth century, -including among its members a baron of the exchequer, a number of -knights, a foreign ambassador, a head of one of the colleges at Oxford, -etc. - -[Sidenote: Huguenots in tidewater Virginia.] - -There can be no doubt that the white blood of tidewater Virginia was -English almost without admixture until the end of the seventeenth -century, and of the very slight admixture nearly all was from the -British islands. There was a desultory sprinkling of Protestant -Frenchmen, Walloons, and Dutch, scarcely appreciable in the mass of -the population. But after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, in -1685, Virginia received a small part of the Huguenot exodus from -France. The largest company, more than seven hundred in number, led by -the Breton nobleman, Olivier, Marquis de la Muce, arrived in the year -1700, and settled in various places, more particularly at Monacan -Town in Henrico County. A part of this company were Waldenses from -Piedmont, who had taken refuge in Switzerland, and thence made their -way through Alsace and the Low Countries to England.[175] Other parties -came from time to time, adding to Virginia many estimable citizens -whom France could ill afford to lose. Among the Huguenot names in -Virginia, the reader will recognize Maury, Flournoy, Jouet, Moncure, -Fontaine, Marye, Bertrand, and others.[176] Dabneys (_D’Aubigné_) and -Bowdoins (_Baudouin_) came to Virginia as well as to Boston. Such was -the principal foreign admixture while Virginia was still tidewater -Virginia, before the crossing of the Blue Ridge. The advent of Germans -and Scotch-Irish will be treated in a future chapter. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Influence of the rivers upon society.] - -[Sidenote: Some exports and imports.] - -Having thus considered the composition of society in its different -strata, as connected with wholesale tobacco culture, let us observe -one of the most conspicuous results of this industry as influenced -by the physical geography of the country. One might suppose that the -necessity for exporting the enormous crops of tobacco would have -called into existence a large class of thriving merchants, who would -naturally congregate at points favourable for shipping, and thus give -rise to towns. In most countries that is what would have happened. -But the manner in which the Virginia planter disposed of his crops was -peculiar. Most of the large plantations lay on or near the wide and -deep rivers of that tidewater country;[177] and each planter would have -his own wharf, from which his own slaves might load the tobacco on to -the vessels that were to carry it to England. If the plantation lay at -some distance from a navigable river, the tobacco was conveyed to the -nearest creek and tied down upon a raft of canoes, and so floated and -paddled down stream until some head of navigation was reached, where a -warehouse was ready to receive it. The vessels which carried away this -tobacco usually paid for it in all sorts of manufactured articles that -might be needed upon the plantations. Every manufactured article that -required skill or nicety of workmanship was brought from England, in -ships of which the owners, masters, and crews were for the most part -either natives of the British islands or of New England. Such a ship -would unload upon the planter’s wharf some part of its motley cargo of -mahogany tables, chairs covered with russia leather, wines in great -variety from the Azores and Madeira,[178] brandy, Gloucester cheeses, -linens and cottons, silks and dimity, quilts and featherbeds, carpets, -shoes, axes and hoes, hammers and nails, rope and canvas, painters’ -white lead and colours, saddles, demijohns, mirrors, books,--pretty -much everything.[179] If she came from a New England port she was -likely to bring salted cod and mackerel, with fragrant rum, either -out of the distilleries at Newport and Boston,[180] or imported from -Antigua or Jamaica. Sometimes the rum came from Barbadoes, along with -sugar and molasses, and occasionally ginger and lime-juice, in return -for which the ship often carried away some of the planter’s live hogs -or packed pork, as well as butter, and corn, and tanned leather. The -landing of rum was sometimes private and confidential, for there were -duties on it which lent a charm to evasion. - -[Sidenote: Some domestic industries.] - -It would be too much to say that there was no manufacturing done -in colonial Virginia. There were probably few if any plantations -where the spinning-wheel and hand-loom were not busy. Female slaves -and white servants wove coarse cloth and made it up into suits of -clothes[181] for people of their sort, and doubtless for some of the -small planters. Such artisans as blacksmiths, carpenters, and coopers, -shipwrights, tailors, tanners, and shoemakers were often to be found -among the indentured servants. Boys of this class were sometimes upon -their arrival made apprentices in these crafts. Occasionally negro -slaves became more or less skilled as workmen, especially as coopers -and joiners. There must always have been some demand for the labour -of white freedmen acquainted with any of the mechanical arts, and in -fact instances of free labourers in these departments are found. There -can be no doubt, however, that the style of work thus attained was apt -to be unsatisfactory; for we find such planters as Colonel Byrd and -Colonel Fitzhugh, late in the seventeenth century, sending to England -for skilled workmen, and offering to pay very high wages, on the ground -that it was wasting money to employ such workmen as were to be had in -the colony.[182] - -[Sidenote: Beverley’s complaint against his countrymen.] - -The historian Beverley, who sometimes indulged himself (like the late -Matthew Arnold) in upbraiding his fellow-countrymen for their own good, -says of the Virginians in 1705: “They have their Cloathing of all -sorts from _England_, as Linnen, Woollen, Silk, Hats, and Leather. -Yet Flax and Hemp grow no where in the World, better than there; their -Sheep yield a mighty Increase, and bear good Fleeces, but they shear -them only to cool them. The Mulberry-Tree, whose Leaf is the proper -Food of the Silk-worm, grows there like a Weed, and Silk-worms have -been observ’d to thrive extreamly, and without any hazard. The very -Furrs that their Hats are made of, perhaps go first from thence; and -most of their Hides lie and rot, or are made use of, only for covering -dry Goods, in a leaky House. Indeed some few Hides with much adoe -are tann’d, and made into Servants Shoes; but at so careless a rate, -that the Planters don’t care to buy them, if they can get others; and -sometimes perhaps a better manager than ordinary, will vouchsafe to -make a pair of Breeches of a Deer-Skin. Nay, they are such abominable -Ill-husbands, that tho’ their Country be over-run with Wood, yet they -have all their Wooden Ware from _England_; their Cabinets, Chairs, -Tables, Stools, Chests, Boxes, Cart-wheels, and all other things, even -so much as their Bowls, and Birchen Brooms, to the Eternal Reproach of -their Laziness.... Thus they depend altogether upon the Liberality of -Nature, without endeavoring to improve its Gifts, by Art or Industry. -They spunge upon the Blessings of a warm Sun, and a fruitful Soil, and -almost grutch the Pains of gathering in the Bounties of the Earth. I -should be asham’d to publish this slothful Indolence of my Countrymen, -but that I hope it will rouse them out of their Lethargy, and excite -them to make the most of all those happy Advantages which Nature has -given them; and if it does this, I am sure they will have the Goodness -to forgive me.”[183] - -[Sidenote: True state of the case.] - -It was not, however, as Mr. Bruce reminds us, from any “inherent -repugnance” that Englishmen in Virginia did not take kindly to -manufactures, and perhaps the good Beverley’s reproachful tone is a -trifle overdone. When the planter could get sharp knives, well-made -boots, and fine blankets at his own wharf, simply by handing over -to the skipper a few hogsheads of tobacco, he was not greatly to be -blamed for preferring them to such dull knives, clumsy boots, and -coarse blankets as could be made by the workmen within reach. Many -inconveniences, however, grew out of the absence of local means for -supplying local needs, and I have little doubt that sundry trades and -crafts could have been made to flourish much better than they did, had -it not been for the baneful effects of a tobacco currency, which we -shall presently have to consider. - -[Sidenote: Absence of town life.] - -The most conspicuous result of the absorption of all activities in -tobacco-planting, and the absence of developed arts and trades, was the -non-existence of town life. At the beginning of the eighteenth century -there was hardly so much as a village in Virginia, unless we make an -exception in honour of Williamsburg, the new seat of government and of -the college. By the middle of the century Williamsburg contained about -200 houses, chiefly wooden, and its streets were unpaved. Richmond, -founded in 1737, had a population of 3,761 in the census of 1790. -The growth of Norfolk, founded in 1705, was exceptional. The trade -with the West Indies, for sugar, molasses, and rum, tended to become -concentrated there, and the proximity of North Carolina made it a mart -for lumber at a time when Virginia forests in the lower tidewater -region had been largely cleared away. Colonel Byrd in 1728 says of the -Norfolk people: “They have a pretty deal of lumber from the borderers -on the Dismal, who make bold with the king’s land thereabouts, without -the least ceremony.” Besides boards and shingles, they sent beef -and pork to the West Indies, and it was not unusual to see a score -of sloops and brigantines riding in the noble harbour. Under these -favourable circumstances the population of Norfolk had come by 1776 to -be about 6,000. At that time Philadelphia had some 35,000 inhabitants, -and New York 25,000, though the population of their two states taken -together scarcely equalled that of Virginia. - -[Sidenote: Futile attempts to make towns by legislation.] - -The lack of urban life was deplored by the legislators at Jamestown -and Williamsburg, and assiduous efforts were made to correct the -evil; but neither bounties nor orders to build were of avail. To make -towns on paper was as easy as to make a promissory note, but nobody -would go and settle in the towns. Most of the county seats consisted -simply of the court-house, flanked by the jail, the dismal country -inn, and the nondescript country “store,” where the roving peddler -sometimes replenished his pack on his route through the plantations. -Among the legislative acts designed to encourage the building of -towns, three were especially important. The act of 1662 ordered that -thirty-two brick houses should be erected at Jamestown, and forbade -the building or repairing of wooden houses there; all tobacco grown in -the three counties of James City, Charles City, and Surry was to be -sent to Jamestown and stored there for shipping, and the penalty for -disobedience of this order was a fine of 1,000 lbs. of tobacco; every -ship, moreover, ascending the river above Mulberry Island, must land -its cargo at Jamestown and nowhere else, under penalty of forfeiting -the cargo. Half of these fines was to be paid to the town, the other -half to the informer.[184] The statute of 1680, commonly known as the -Cohabitation Act, undertook in somewhat similar fashion to establish -a town in every county; and the attempt was renewed on a larger scale -in 1691.[185] But all these acts were either disregarded or suspended. -When the Surry planter could effect an exchange at his own wharf, -without incidental expense or risk, it was useless to command him to -load his crop on shallops and send it to Jamestown, with a charge for -freight, a chance of capsizing, and warehouse dues at the end of the -journey. The skipper withal had no wish to be saddled with port dues, -or to be hindered from stopping and trading wherever a customer hove -in sight. So skipper and planter had their way, and towns refused to -grow.[186] When Thomas Jefferson entered William and Mary College in -1760, a lad of seventeen years, he had never seen so many as a dozen -houses grouped together. - -[Sidenote: The country store.] - -The country store was an important institution in Old Virginia. -Under some conditions it would have formed a nucleus around which a -town would have been developed, but in Virginia the store seems to -have been regarded as a kind of rival against which the town could -not compete.[187] It furnished a number of petty centres which did -away with the need for larger centres. The store was apt to be an -appendage to a plantation, unless its size became such as to reverse -the relationship, after the manner of Dundreary’s dog. It might be a -room in a planter’s house, or it might be a detached barn like building -on the estate. Mr. Bruce tells us that to enumerate its contents would -be to mention pretty much every article for which Virginians had any -use. For example, the inventory of the Hubbard store in York County, -taken in 1667, “contained lockram, canvas, dowlas, Scotch cloth, -blue linen, oznaburg, cotton, holland, serge, kersey, and flannel in -bales, full suits for adults and youths, bodices, bonnets, and laces -for women, shoes, ... gloves, hose, cloaks, cravats, handkerchiefs, -hats, and other articles of dress, ... hammers, hatchets, chisels, -augers, locks, staples, nails, sickles, bellows, froes,[188] saws, -axes, files, bed-cords, dishes, knives, flesh-forks, porringers, -sauce-pans, frying-pans, gridirons, tongs, shovels, hoes, iron posts, -tables, physic, wool-cards, gimlets, compasses, needles, stirrups, -looking-glasses, candlesticks, candles, funnels, 25 pounds of raisins, -100 gallons of brandy, 20 gallons of wine, and 10 gallons of aqua vitæ. -The contents of the Hubbard store were valued at £614 sterling, a sum -which represented about $15,000 in our present currency.”[189] One can -imagine how dazzling to youthful eyes must have been the miscellaneous -variety of desirable things. Not only were the manufactured articles -pretty sure to have come from England, but everything else, to be -salable, must be labelled English, “insomuch that fanciers used to sell -the songsters unknown to England, if they sang particularly well, as -_English mocking-birds_.”[190] - -[Sidenote: Roads] - -We have seen how the rivers and creeks were used as highways of -traffic; for a long time they were the only highways, and the sloop -or the canoe was the only kind of vehicle, public or private, in -which it was possible to get about with ease and safety.[191] Until -after the middle of the eighteenth century there were but few roads -save bridle-paths, and such as there were became impassable in rainy -weather. There were also but few bridges, and these were very likely -to be unsound, while the ferry-boats were apt to be leaky. It was -often necessary for the traveller to swim across the stream, with a -fair chance of getting drowned, and more than a fair chance of losing -his horse. The course of the bridle-path often became so obscure that -it was necessary to blaze the trees. It was not uncommon for people -to lose their way and find themselves obliged to stay overnight in -the woods, perhaps with the howls of the wolf and panther sounding in -their ears. The highway robber was even a more uncomfortable customer -to meet than such beasts of prey; and in those days, when banking was -in its infancy and travellers used to carry gold coins sewed under the -lining of their waistcoats, the highwayman enjoyed opportunities which -in this age of railways and check-books are denied him. Nevertheless -crime was far less common than in England or France, and travelling -was much safer than one might suppose. This was true of the whole -colonial period. In 1777 a young Rhode Island merchant, Elkanah Watson, -armed with a sabre and pair of pistols, journeyed from Providence to -Charleston in South Carolina, with several hundred pounds sterling -in gold quilted into his coat. In seventy days he accomplished the -distance of 1,243 miles, partly on horseback and partly in a sulky, -without encountering any more serious mishaps than being arrested -for a British spy in Pennsylvania, and meeting a large bear in North -Carolina; and he has left us a narrative of his journey, which is as -full of instruction as of interest.[192] - -[Sidenote: Tobacco as currency.] - -The traveller in Old Virginia, however, was not likely to carry large -sums of money concealed on his person, for he dealt in a circulating -medium too bulky for that. In the course of this book we have had -frequent occasions to observe that the Virginian’s current money was -tobacco. The prices of all articles of merchandise were quoted in -pounds of tobacco. In tobacco taxes were assessed and all wages and -salaries were paid. This use of tobacco as a circulating medium and -as a standard of values was begun in the earliest days of the colony, -when coin was scarce, and the structure of society was simple enough -to permit a temporary return toward the primitive practice of barter. -Under such circumstances tobacco was obviously the article most sure to -be used as money. It was exchangeable for whatever anybody wanted in -the shape of service or merchandise, and it was easily procured from -the bountiful earth. But as time went on this ease of attainment made -it an extremely vicious currency. In the course of our narrative we -have encountered some of the disastrous financial and social results -that flowed from the use of so cheap a substitute for money. Many -reasons have been alleged for the scarcity of coin throughout the whole -colonial period in Virginia;[193] but assuredly the chief reason was -the fact that tobacco was currency. The bad money drove away the good -money, as it always does. There are indications that there was always a -small stock of coin in the colony, but it was hoarded or sent to other -colonies or to England in the settlement of trade balances. Yet it was -not easy to demonetize tobacco without a radical revolution in the -industrial system and in the commercial relations of the colony. - -[Sidenote: Effect upon crafts and trades.] - -The nature of the currency evidently had much to do with the ill -success of the attempts to encourage manufactures. The carpenter or -shoemaker, after doing his work, must wait for his pay until the year’s -crop of tobacco was gathered and cured. Meanwhile he had nothing to -live on unless he raised it for himself; he might either plant grain -and rear cattle, or else grow tobacco wherewith to buy things. But the -time consumed in these agricultural operations was time taken from his -handicraft. The evil was attacked by legislation. “In 1633 brickmakers, -carpenters, joiners, sawyers, and turners were expressly forbidden to -take part in any form of tillage.” In 1662 tradesmen and artisans were -exempted from all taxes except church-rates, on condition that they -should abstain from all interest, direct or indirect, in the growing of -tobacco. But the evil was not cured.[194] - -[Sidenote: Effect upon planters’ accounts.] - -Further disaster came from the fact that tobacco was a highly -speculative crop. The fluctuations in its value were liable to be great -and sudden, and they affected the price of every article that was -bought and sold throughout the colony. No one could estimate from one -year to another, with any approach to accuracy, what the purchasing -power of his income was going to be. The inevitable results of this -were extravagance in living and chronic debt. The planter was drawn -into a situation from which it was almost impossible to extricate -himself. “The system of keeping open accounts in London was calculated -to encourage extravagance; and these accounts were habitually -overdrawn. Many of the merchants even made it a rule to encourage this -indebtedness, so as to assure the continuance of their customers. -It gave them a certain advantage in all their dealings with the -planters.”[195] They charged nearly twice as much for their goods sent -to Norfolk or Williamsburg as for the same goods sent to New York.[196] -In all this they were aided by the Navigation Act. - -[Sidenote: Hospitality.] - -Extravagance in living was further stimulated by the regal hospitality -for which the great planters early became famous. Although the life -upon their estates was much more busy than some writers seem to -suppose, yet the drudgery of business did not consume all their time; -and in their rural isolation, with none of the diversions of town -life, the entertainment of guests by the month together was regarded -both as a duty and as a privilege; and the example set by the large -plantations was followed by the smaller. Even the keeper of an inn, if -he wished to make a charge for food and shelter, must notify the guest -upon his arrival, for a statute of 1663 declared that in the absence of -such preliminary understanding not a penny could be recovered from the -guest, however long he might have staid in the house.[197] As a rule, -no person whose company was at all desirable was allowed to stop at an -inn, for the neighbours vied with one another in offering hospitality. -Every planter kept open house, and provided for his visitors with -unstinted hand. - -[Sidenote: Visit to a plantation; the negro quarter.] - -Let us put ourselves into the position of one of these visitors, -and get some glimpses of life upon the old plantation. Our host we -may suppose to be a vestryman, justice of the peace, and burgess, -dwelling upon a plantation of five or six thousand acres, with his -next neighbours at a distance of two or three miles.[198] The space is -in great part cleared for the planting of vast fields of tobacco, but -here and there are extensive stretches of woodland and coppice, with -noble forest trees and luxuriant undergrowth, much rougher and wilder -than an English park. The cabins for slaves present the appearance of -a hamlet. These are wooden structures of the humblest sort, built of -logs or undressed planks, and afflicted with chronic dilapidation. An -inventory of 1697 shows us that the cabin might contain a bed and a -few chairs, two or three pots and kettles, “a pair of pot-racks, a -pot-hook, a frying-pan, and a beer barrel;” and advertisements for -runaways describe Cuffy and Pompey as clad in red cotton, with canvas -drawers, waistcoat, and wide-brimmed black hat. Their victuals, of -“hog and hominy” with potatoes and green vegetables, were wholesome -and palatable. If there were white servants on the estate, they were -commonly but not necessarily somewhat better housed and clothed. - -[Sidenote: Other appurtenances.] - -[Sidenote: The Great House.] - -Leaving the negro quarters, with their grinning mammies and swarms of -woolly pickaninnies, one would presently come upon other outbuildings; -the ample barns for tobacco and granaries for corn, the stable, the -cattle-pens, a hen-coop and a dove-cot, a dairy, and in some cases a -malt-house, or perhaps, as we have seen, a country store. There were -brick ovens for curing hams and bacon; and the kitchen likewise stood -apart from the mansion, which was thus free from kitchen odours and -from undue heating in summer time. There was a vegetable garden, with -“all the culinary plants that grow in England, and in far greater -perfection,” besides “roots, herbs, vine-fruits, and salad-flowers -peculiar to themselves,” and excellent for a relish with meat.[199] -Nearer to the house, among redolent flower-beds gay with varied -colours, some vine-clad arbour afforded shelter from the sun. A short -walk across the mown space shaded by large trees, called, as in New -England, the yard, would bring us to the mansion, very commonly known -as the Great House. From this epithet no sure inference can be drawn -as to the size of the building, for it simply served to contrast it -with its dependent cabins and outhouses. It was often called the Home -House. It was apt to stand upon a rising ground, and from its porch -you might look down at the blue river and the little wharf, known as -“the landing,” with pinnaces moored hard by and canoes lying lazily -on the bank or suddenly darting out upon the water. Turning away from -the river, the eye would rest upon an orchard bearing fruits in great -variety, and a pasture devoted to horses of some special breed. - -[Sidenote: Brick and wooden houses.] - -The planter’s mansion might be built of wood or brick, but was -comparatively seldom of stone. In tidewater Virginia, good stone for -building purposes was not readily found, but there was an abundance of -red clay from which excellent and durable brick could be made. A number -of brick houses were built in the seventeenth century, but wood was -much more commonly used, since the work of clearing away the forests -furnished great quantities of timber of the finest quality. Among -the many articles that were imported from England, bricks are not to -be reckoned.[200] Brickmaking went on from the earliest days of the -colony, and much of this work was done by white servants and freedmen. -In course of time there came to be many brick houses, and chimneys were -regularly of this material. For roofs the strong and durable cypress -shingle was the material most commonly used. Partition walls, covered -first with a tenacious clay and then white-washed, were very firm and -solid. The glass windows, for protection against storms of a violence -to which Englishmen had not been accustomed, had stout wooden shutters -outside, which gave the house somewhat the look of a stronghold. - -[Sidenote: House architecture.] - -During the seventeenth century not much architectural beauty was -attained. To any criticisms on this score the planters would have -replied, as the early settlers did to Captain Butler, that their houses -were for use and not for ornament.[201] During the eighteenth century -some progress was made in this respect, but for the architectural -effect of the mansions not much is to be said, though they were often -highly picturesque. The earliest type, the house of greater width than -depth, with an outside chimney at each end, is familiar to every one, -at least in pictures. It was as characteristic of Old Virginia as -the house of huge central chimney and small entryway with transverse -staircase was characteristic of early New England. Both are slightly -modified types of the smaller English manor houses of the Tudor -period. A more picturesque style, and somewhat more stately, is that of -Gunston Hall, the homestead of the Mason family; while scarcely less -attractive, and still more capacious, is that of Stratford Hall, the -home of the Lees. The well-known Mount Vernon shows a further departure -from English models; while in Monticello both the name and the house -present symptoms of the beginning of that so-called classical revival -when children were baptized Cyrus and Marcellus, and dwelt in the shade -of porticoes that simulated those of Greek temples.[202] - -[Sidenote: The rooms.] - -[Sidenote: Bedrooms and their furniture.] - -The differentiation of rooms for specific uses had by no means -proceeded so far as in modern houses. One mediæval English feature -which was retained was the predominance of the Hall, or Great Room, -used for meals and for general purposes. Along with the hall, there -might be as few as five or six rooms, or as many as eighteen or twenty, -upstairs and down. Stratford Hall, built about 1725-30, contained -eighteen large rooms, exclusive of the central hall,[203] whereas -Governor Berkeley’s house at Green Spring, built three quarters of -a century earlier, had but six rooms altogether. Beside the central -hall, there might be a hall parlour, equivalent to reception room and -family sitting-room combined, and in this there might be chests and a -bed; the others were simply bedrooms. Beds were such as we are still -familiar with; their ticking might be stuffed with feathers or hair or -straw, but leathers were much more commonly used than now, as they are -now more commonly used in chilly England than in the fiery summers and -hot-house winters of America. With sheets, blankets, and counterpane, -pillows, curtains, and valances, the bed was dressed as at present, -save that curtains are now departing along with the brass warming-pans, -bequests from higher latitudes. Already the Virginia bed often had a -protection for which England could have no use, the mosquito net. For -such members of the household as were lazily inclined in the daytime -there was a couch, which might be plainly covered with calico, or more -expensively with russia leather or embroidered stuffs. The chairs might -be upholstered likewise, or be seated with cane, wicker, or rushwork. -In every bedroom was a chest for storing clothes not in immediate -use. There were also the ewer and basin, and the case of drawers with -looking-glass. If one of the big chimneys was accessible, there was a -fireplace for wooden logs, supported on andirons of iron or brass, and -guarded by iron or tin fenders; otherwise there was an open brazier, -such as we see to-day in Italy. Floors were usually ill-made in those -days, and woollen carpets faithfully accumulated dirt; so that the -sunbeam straggling through the dimity or printed calico window-curtains -would often gild long dusty rays. - -[Sidenote: The dinner-table.] - -[Sidenote: Napkins and forks.] - -[Sidenote: Silver plate.] - -[Sidenote: Wainscots and tapestry.] - -In the Hall, or Great Room, the principal feature was the long -dining-table of walnut or oak or cedar, flanked either by benches or -by chairs. For daily use it was covered with a cloth of unbleached -linen, known as holland, while on extra occasions a damask cloth was -used. Napkins were abundant, and often of a fine fabric delicately -embroidered. Forks, on the other hand, were in the earlier days scarce. -Before the seventeenth century, forks were nowhere in general use, save -in Italy. Queen Elizabeth ate with her fingers. A satirical pamphlet, -aimed at certain luxurious favourites of Henry III. of France, derides -them for conveying bits of meat to their mouths on a little pronged -implement, rather than do it in the natural way.[204] Forks are nowhere -mentioned in Shakespeare. In 1608, while travelling in Italy, one -Thomas Coryat took a liking to them and introduced the fashion into -England, for which he was jocosely nicknamed _Furcifer_.[205] Naturally -the use of forks narrowed the functions of napkins.[206] Spoons were -in much more common use, and, in the New World as in the Old, were of -iron or pewter in the poor man’s house, and of silver in the rich -man’s. The dishes and plates were of earthenware or pewter, but in the -eighteenth century the use of chinaware increased. Pewter cups and -mugs were everywhere to be seen, and now and then a drinking-horn. -Well-to-do planters had silver tankards, sometimes marked with the -family arms, as well as silver salt-cellars, candlesticks, and -snuffers. A cupboard with glass doors, or light drapery, displayed the -store of cups and dishes; while about the walls sometimes hung family -portraits, and more rarely paintings of other sorts. This central hall -retained many marks of its mediæval miscellaneousness of use; capacious -linen-chests, guns and pistols, powder-horns, swords, saddles, bridles, -and riding-whips, in picturesque and cosy confusion. In the eighteenth -century a luxurious elegance was developed quite similar to that of -the “colonial mansions” at the North, such as the Philipse manor house -on the Hudson River, or Colonel Vassall’s house in Cambridge, where -Washington dwelt for a few months, and Longfellow for many years. -Panelled wainscots of oak and carved oaken chimney-pieces were common; -the walls were hung with tapestry; and artistic cabinets, screens, and -clocks adorned the spacious room. In the Lee homestead at Stratford the -hall added to its other functions that of library. The ceiling was very -high and vaulted, and parts of the panelled walls had bookshelves set -into them.[207] Such rooms were warmed by huge logs of hickory or oak, -burning in open fireplaces. They were lighted by candles, which might -be made of beef tallow or deer suet, but the favourite material was a -wax obtained by boiling the berries of a myrtle that grew profusely -in marshy land. It was extremely cheap and burned with a pleasant -fragrance, giving a brilliant light. - -[Sidenote: The kitchen.] - -The central object in the kitchen was, of course, the fireplace, which -was sometimes very large. At Stratford it was “twelve feet wide, -six high, and five deep, evidently capable of roasting a fair-sized -ox.”[208] In the days when pains were taken not to spoil good meat -with bad cooking, your haunch of venison, saddle of mutton, or stuffed -turkey was not baked to insipidity in an oven meant for better uses, -but was carefully turned about on an iron spit, catching rich aroma -from the caressing flame, while the basting was judiciously poured from -ladles, and dripping-pans caught the savoury juices. Then there was the -great copper boiler imbedded in brick and heated from underneath; there -were the kettles and sauce-pans, the swinging iron pot, the gridirons -and frying-pans, and the wooden trays for carrying the cooked dishes to -the dining-hall. - -[Sidenote: Abundance of food.] - -The settlers in the strange wilderness of the Powhatans had once had -their Starving Time, but it would be hard to point to any part of the -earth more bountifully supplied with wholesome and delicious food -than civilized Old Virginia. Venison, beef, and dairy products were -excellent and cheap. Mutton was less common, and was highly prized. The -pork in its various forms was pronounced equal to that of Yorkshire -or Westphalia. Succulent vegetables and toothsome fruits were grown -in bewildering variety. Good Henry of Navarre’s peasant, had he lived -in this favoured country, might have had every day a fowl in his pot; -while, as for game and fish, the fame of Chesapeake Bay is world-wide -for its canvas-backs, mallards, and red-heads, its terrapin, its soles, -bass, and shad, and, last not least, its oysters. The various cakes -which the cooks of the Old Dominion could make from their maize and -other grains have also won celebrity. - -[Sidenote: Beverages, native and imported.] - -To wash down these native viands the Virginian had divers drinks, -whereof all the best were imported. Englishmen could not in a -moment leave off beer-drinking, but the generous, full-bodied -and delicate-flavoured ale of the mother country has never been -successfully imitated on this side of the Atlantic, and indeed seems -hardly adapted to our sweltering summers. Concerning the beer brewed -in Old Virginia opinions varied; but since barley soon ceased to be -cultivated, and attempts were made to supply its place with maize or -pumpkins or persimmons, we need not greatly regret that we were not -there to be regaled with it. Cider, with its kindred beverages, was -abundant,[209] and doubtless of much better quality. Apple-jack and -peach brandy were distilled. Other beverages were imported, most -commonly sack, of which Falstaff was so fond; the name was applied to -such dry (Spanish _seco_) and strong wines as sherry and madeira. In -the cellars of wealthy planters were often found choice brands of red -wine from Bordeaux and white wine from the Rhineland. Cognacs were also -imported, and of rum we have already spoken. Evidently our friends, the -planters, had sturdy tipplers among them.[210] Fortunately for them, -the manufacture of coarse whiskey from maize and rye had not yet come -into vogue, while of the less harmful peaty “mountain dew” from Ireland -or Scotland we hear nothing. - -[Sidenote: Smyth’s picture of a planter.] - -Of the daily life of a rich planter we have a graphic account from John -Ferdinand Smyth, a British soldier who travelled through Virginia and -other colonies, and sojourned for some years in Maryland, about the -middle of the eighteenth century. I cite the description, because so -much has been made of it: “The gentleman of fortune rises about nine -o’clock; he may perhaps make an excursion to walk as far as his stable -to see his horses, which is seldom more than fifty yards from his -house; he returns to breakfast between nine and ten, which is generally -tea or coffee, bread-and-butter, and very thin slices of venison, -ham, or hung beef. He then lies down on a pallet on the floor, in the -coolest room in the house, in his shirt and trousers only, with a negro -at his head and another at his feet, to fan him and keep off the -flies; between twelve and one he takes a draught of bombo, or toddy, a -liquor composed of water, sugar, rum, and nutmeg, which is made weak -and kept cool; he dines between two and three, and at every table, -whatever else there may be, a ham and greens, or cabbage, is always a -standing dish. At dinner he drinks cider, toddy, punch, port, claret, -and madeira, which is generally excellent here; having drank [_sic_] -some few glasses of wine after dinner, he returns to his pallet, with -his two blacks to fan him, and continues to drink toddy, or sangaree, -all the afternoon; he does not always drink tea. Between nine and ten -in the evening he eats a light supper of milk and fruit, or wine, -sugar, and fruit, etc., and almost immediately retires to bed for the -night. This is his general way of living in his family, when he has no -company. No doubt many differ from it, some in one respect, some in -another; but more follow it than do not.”[211] - -This extract seems to show that Rev. Samuel Peters was not the only -writer who liked to entertain his trustful British friends with queer -tales about their American cousins.[212] No doubt Mr. Smyth wrote it -with his tongue in his cheek; but if he meant what he said, we must -remember that the besetting sin of travellers is hasty generalization. -We will take Mr. Smyth’s word for it that one or more gentlemen were -in the habit of passing their days in the way he describes, and we may -freely admit that a good many gentlemen might thus make shift to keep -alive through some furious attack of the weather fiend in August; but -his concluding statement, that this way of living was customary, is not -to be taken seriously. An extract from the manuscript recollections -of General John Mason, son of the illustrious George Mason, gives a -different picture:-- - -[Sidenote: The mode of life at Gunston.] - -“It was very much the practice with gentlemen of landed and slave -estates ... so to organize them as to have considerable resources -within themselves; to employ and pay but few tradesmen, and to buy -little or none of the coarse stuffs and materials used by them.... -Thus my father had among his slaves carpenters, coopers, sawyers, -blacksmiths, tanners, curriers, shoemakers, spinners, weavers, and -knitters, and even a distiller. His woods furnished timber and plank -for the carpenters and coopers, and charcoal for the blacksmith; his -cattle killed for his own consumption and for sale supplied skins for -the tanners, curriers, and shoemakers; and his sheep gave wool and his -fields produced cotton and flax for the weavers and spinners, and his -orchards fruit for the distiller. His carpenters and sawyers built -and kept in repair all the dwelling-houses, barns, stables, ploughs, -harrows, gates, etc., on the plantations, and the outhouses at the -house. His coopers made the hogsheads the tobacco was prized in, and -the tight casks to hold the cider and other liquors. The tanners and -curriers, with the proper vats, etc., tanned and dressed the skins -as well for upper as for lower leather to the full amount of the -consumption of the estate, and the shoemakers made them into shoes -for the negroes. A professed shoemaker was hired for three or four -months in the year to come and make up the shoes for the white part -of the family. The blacksmiths did all the ironwork required by the -establishment, as making and repairing ploughs, harrows, teeth, chains, -bolts, etc. The spinners, weavers, and knitters made all the coarse -cloths and stockings used by the negroes, and some of finer texture -worn by the white family, nearly all worn by the children of it. The -distiller made every fall a good deal of apple, peach, and persimmon -brandy. The art of distilling from grain was not then among us, and -but few public distilleries. All these operations were carried on at -the home house, and their results distributed as occasion required -to the different plantations. Moreover, all the beeves and hogs for -consumption or sale were driven up and slaughtered there at the proper -seasons, and whatever was to be preserved was salted and packed away -for after distribution. - -“My father kept no steward or clerk about him. He kept his own books -and superintended, with the assistance of a trusty slave or two, and -occasionally of some of his sons, all the operations at or about -the home house above described.... To carry on these operations to -the extent required, it will be seen that a considerable force was -necessary, besides the house servants, who for such a household, -a large family and entertaining a great deal of company, must be -numerous; and such a force was constantly kept there, independently -of any of the plantations, and besides occasional drafts from them of -labour for particular occasions. As I had during my youth constant -intercourse with all these people, I remember them all, and their -several employments as if it was yesterday.”[213] - -Now when we consider that Colonel Mason had some 500 persons on his -estate, and was known to have sent from his private wharf as many as -23,000 bushels of wheat in a single shipment, it is clear that no -gentleman who spent the day lolling on a couch and sipping toddy could -have superintended the details of business which his son describes. -George Mason was, no doubt, a fair specimen of his class, and their -existence was clearly not an idle one. With the public interests of -parish, county, and commonwealth to look after besides, they surely -earned the leisure hours that were spent in social entertainments or in -field sports. - -[Sidenote: A glimpse of Mount Vernon.] - -A glimpse of the life of a planter’s wife, which Bishop Meade declares -to be typical, is given in a letter from Mrs. Edward Carrington to her -sister, about 1798. Colonel Carrington and his wife were visiting -at Mount Vernon. After telling how Washington and the Colonel sat -up together until midnight, absorbed in reminiscences of bivouac -and hard-fought field, she comes to Mrs. Washington, who alluded -to her days of public pomp and fashion as “her lost days.” Then -Mrs. Carrington continues: “Let us repair to the old lady’s [Mrs. -Washington’s] room, which is precisely in the style of our good old -aunt’s,--that is to say, nicely fixed for all sorts of work. On one -side sits the chambermaid, with her knitting; on the other, a little -coloured pet, learning to sew. An old, decent woman is there, with -her table and shears, cutting out the negroes’ winter clothes, while -the good old lady directs them all, incessantly knitting herself. She -points out to me several pairs of nice coloured stockings and gloves -she had just finished, and presents me with a pair half done, which she -begs I will finish and wear for her sake.” At this domestic picture -Bishop Meade exclaims: “If the wife of General Washington, having her -own and his wealth at command, should thus choose to live, how much -more the wives and mothers of Virginia with moderate fortunes and -numerous children! How often have I seen, added to the above-mentioned -scenes of the chamber, the instruction of several sons and daughters -going on, the churn, the reel, and other domestic operations all -in progress at the same time, and the mistress, too, lying on a -sick-bed!”[214] - -[Sidenote: Dress of planters and their wives.] - -Although Mrs. Carrington may have finished and worn the pair of knit -gloves, yet most articles of dress for well-to-do men and women were -imported. London fashions were strictly followed. In the time of -Bacon’s rebellion, your host would have appeared, perhaps, in a coat -and breeches of olive plush or dark red broadcloth, with embroidered -waistcoat, shirt of blue holland, long silk stockings, silver buttons -and shoe-buckles, lace ruffles about neck and wrists, and his head -encumbered with a flowing wig; while the lady of the house might have -worn a crimson satin bodice trimmed with point lace, a black tabby[215] -petticoat and silk hose, with shoes of fine leather gallooned; her lace -headdress would be secured with a gold bodkin, and she would be apt -to wear earrings, a pearl necklace, and finger-rings with rubies or -diamonds, and to carry a fan.[216] - -[Sidenote: Weddings and funerals.] - -[Sidenote: Horse-racing.] - -The ordinary chances for the ladies to exhibit their garments of -flowered tabby, and beaux their new plush suits, were furnished by the -Sunday services at the parish church, and by the frequent gatherings -of friends at home. Weddings, of course, were high times, as everywhere -and always; and the gloom of funerals was relieved by feasting the -guests, who were likely to have come long distances over which they -must return.[217] These journeys, like the journeys to church and to -the court-house, might be made in boats; on land they were made on -horseback. Carriages were very rare in the seventeenth century, but -became much more common before the Revolution. In their fondness for -horses the Virginians were true children of England. In the stables of -wealthy planters were to be found specimens of the finest breeds, and -the interest in racing was universal. Common folk, however, were not -allowed to take part in the sport, except as lookers-on. One of the -earliest references to horse-racing is an order of the county court -of York in 1674: “James Bullocke, a Taylor, haveing made a race for -his mare to runn w’th a horse belonging to Mr. Mathew Slader for twoe -thousand pounds of tobacco and caske, it being contrary to Law for a -Labourer to make a race, being a sport only for Gentlemen, is fined -for the same one hundred pounds of tobacco and caske.”[218] Half a -century later, Hugh Jones tells us that the Virginians “are such lovers -of riding that almost every ordinary person keeps a horse; and I have -known some spend the morning in ranging several miles in the woods to -find and catch their horses only to ride two or three miles to church, -to the court-house, or to a horse-race.”[219] After 1740 there was a -systematic breeding from imported English thoroughbreds.[220] Thirty -years later, we are told that “there are races at Williamsburg twice a -year; that is, every spring and fall, or autumn. Adjoining to the town -is a very excellent course for either two, three, or four mile heats. -Their purses are generally raised by subscription, and are gained by -the horse that wins two four-mile heats out of three; they amount to -an hundred pounds each for the first day’s running, and fifty pounds -each every day after, the races commonly continuing for a week. There -are also matches and sweepstakes very often for considerable sums. -Besides ... there are races established annually almost at every town -and considerable place in Virginia; and frequent matches on which large -sums of money depend.... Very capital horses are started here, such -as would make no despicable figure at Newmarket; nor is their speed, -bottom, or blood inferior to their appearance.... Indeed, nothing can -be more elegant and beautiful than the horses here, either for the -turf, the field, the road, or the coach; ... but their carriage horses -seldom are possessed of that weight and power which distinguish those -of the same kind in England.”[221] - -[Sidenote: Fox-hunting.] - -[Sidenote: Gambling.] - -Since the Virginians were excellent horsemen, it was but natural that -they should enjoy hunting. No sport was more dear than chasing the fox. -Washington’s extreme delight in riding to the hounds is well known; -he kept it up until his sixty-third year, when a slight injury to his -back made such exercise uncomfortable. Washington was a true Virginian -in his love for his dogs, to whom he gave such pretty names as Mopsey, -Truelove, Jupiter, Juno, Rover, Music, Sweetlips, Countess, Lady, and -Singer. Shooting and fishing were favourite diversions with Washington; -when he was President of the United States, the newspapers used to tell -of his great catches of blackfish and sea-bass.[222] In these tastes -his neighbours were like him. Less wholesome sports were cock-fighting, -and gambling with cards. The passion for gambling was far too strong -among the Virginians. Laws were enacted against it; gambling debts were -not recoverable; innkeepers who permitted any game of cards or dice, -except backgammon, were subject to a heavy fine besides forfeiting -their licenses.[223] - -[Sidenote: A rural entertainment.] - -An interesting newspaper notice, in the year 1737, shows that some of -the innocent open-air sports of mediæval England still survived: “We -have advice from Hanover County, that on St. Andrew’s Day there are -to be Horse Races and several other Diversions, for the entertainment -of the Gentlemen and Ladies, at the Old Field, near Captain John -Bickerton’s, in that county (if permitted by the Hon. Wm. Byrd, -Esquire, Proprietor of said land), the substance of which is as -follows, viz.: It is proposed that 20 Horses or Mares do run round a -three miles’ course for a prize of five pounds. - -“That a Hat of the value of 20s be cudgelled for, and that after the -first challenge made the Drums are to beat every Quarter of an hour for -three challenges round the Ring, and none to play with their Left hand. - -“That a violin be played for by 20 Fiddlers; no person to have the -liberty of playing unless he bring a fiddle with him. After the prize -is won they are all to play together, and each a different tune, and to -be treated by the company. - -“That 12 Boys of 12 years of age do run 112 yards for a Hat of the cost -of 12 shillings. - -“That a Flag be flying on said Day 30 feet high. - -“That a handsome entertainment be provided for the subscribers and -their wives; and such of them as are not so happy as to have wives may -treat any other lady. - -“That Drums, Trumpets, Hautboys, &c., be provided to play at said -entertainment. - -“That after dinner the Royal Health, His Honour the Governor’s, &c., -are to be drunk. - -“That a Quire of ballads be sung for by a number of Songsters, all of -them to have liquor sufficient to clear their Wind Pipes. - -“That a pair of Silver Buckles be wrestled for by a number of brisk -young men. - -“That a pair of handsome Shoes be danced for. - -“That a pair of handsome silk Stockings of one Pistole[224] value be -given to the handsomest young country maid that appears in the Field. -With many other Whimsical and Comical Diversions too numerous to -mention. - -“And as this mirth is designed to be purely innocent and void of -offence, all persons resorting there are desired to behave themselves -with decency and sobriety; the subscribers being resolved to -discountenance all immorality with the utmost rigour.”[225] - -[Sidenote: Music.] - -The part played by violins in this quaint programme reminds us that -fiddling was an accomplishment highly esteemed in the Old Dominion. As -an accompaniment for dancing it was very useful in the home parties on -the plantations. The philosophic Thomas Jefferson, as a dead shot with -the rifle, a skilful horseman, and a clever violinist, was a typical -son of Virginia. As boys learned to play the violin, and sometimes -the violoncello, girls were taught to play the virginal, which was an -ancestral form of the piano. Virginals, and afterward harpsichords, -were commonly to be found in the houses of the gentry, and not -unfrequently hautboys, flutes, and recorders.[226] The music most -often played with these instruments was probably some form of dance or -the setting of a popular ballad; but what is called “classical music” -was not unknown. Among the effects of Cuthbert Ogle, a musician at -Williamsburg, who died in 1755, we find Handel’s “Acis and Galatea” and -“Apollo’s Feast,” four books of instrumental scores of his oratorios, -and ten books of his songs; also a manuscript score of Corelli’s -sonatas, and concertos by the English composers, William Felton and -Charles Avison, now wellnigh forgotten.[227] - -[Sidenote: Other recreations.] - -After 1716 there was a theatre at Williamsburg, and during the sessions -of the assembly, when planters with their families came from far and -wide, there was much gayety. At other seasons the monotony of rural -life was varied by the recreations above described, with an occasional -picnic in the woods, or a grand barbecue in honour of some English -victory or the accession of a new king. - -[Sidenote: Wormeley’s library.] - -Some time was found for reading. The inventories of personal estates -almost always include books, in some instances few and of little -worth, in others numerous and valuable. The library of Ralph Wormeley, -of Rosegill, contained about four hundred titles. Wormeley, who had -been educated at Oriel College, Oxford, was president of the council, -secretary of state, and a trustee of William and Mary College; he died -in 1701. Among his books were Burnet’s “History of the Reformation,” a -folio history of Spain, an ecclesiastical history in Latin, Camden’s -“Britannia,” Lord Bacon’s “History of Henry VII.,” and his “Natural -History,” histories of Scotland, Ireland, France, the Netherlands, and -the West Indies, biographies of Richard III., Charles I., and George -Castriot, Plutarch’s Lives, Burnet’s “Theory of the Earth,” Willis’s -“Practice of Physick,” Heylin’s “Cosmography,” “a chirurgical old -book,” “the Chyrurgans mate,” Galen’s “Art of Physick,” treatises on -gout, pancreatic juice, pharmacy, scurvy, and many other medical works, -Coke’s Reports and his “Institutes,” collections of Virginia and New -England laws, a history of tithes, “The Office of Justice of the -Peace,” a Latin treatise on maritime law, and many other law books, -Usher’s “Body of Divinity,” Hooker’s “Ecclesiastical Polity,” Poole’s -“Annotations to the Bible,” “A Reply to the Jesuits,” Fuller’s “Holy -State” and his “Worthies,” a concordance to the Bible, Jeremy Taylor’s -“Holy Living and Dying,” “The Whole Duty of Man,” a biography of St. -Augustine, Baxter’s “Confession of Faith,” and many books of divinity, -a liberal assortment of dictionaries and grammars of English, French, -Spanish, Latin, and Greek, the essays of Montaigne and other French -books, Cæsar, Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Thucydides, Josephus, Quintus -Curtius, Seneca, Terence, “Æsop’s Fables,” “Don Quixote,” “Hudibras,” -Quarles’s poems, George Herbert’s poems, Howell’s “Familiar Letters,” -Waller’s poems, the plays of Sir William Davenant, “ffifty Comodys -& tragedies in folio,” “The Displaying of Supposed Witchcraft,” “An -Embersee from y^e East India Comp^a to y^e Grand Tartar,” “The Negro’s -and Indian’s Advocate,” “A Looking Glass for the Times,” and so -on.[228] Though not the library of a scholar, it indicates that its -owner was a thoughtful man and fairly well informed. - -[Sidenote: Libraries of Byrd and Lee.] - -A more remarkable library was that of William Byrd, of Westover. It -contained 3,625 volumes, classified nearly as follows: History, 700; -Classics, etc., 650; French, 550; Law, 350; Divinity, 300; Medicine, -200; Scientific, 225; Entertaining, etc., 650.[229] This must have -been one of the largest collections of books made in the colonial -period. That of the second Richard Lee, who died in 1715, contained -about 300 titles, among which we notice many more Greek and Latin -writers than in Wormeley’s, especially such names as Epictetus, -Aristotle de Anima, Diogenes Laertius, Lucian, Heliodorus, Claudian, -Arrian, and Orosius, besides such mediæval authors as Albertus Magnus -and Laurentius Valla.[230] - -[Sidenote: Schools and printing.] - -Such libraries were of course exceptional. In most planters’ houses -you would probably have found a few English classics, with perhaps -“Don Quixote” and “Gil Blas,” and an assortment of books on divinity, -manuals for magistrates, and helps in farming. Virginia was not -eminent as a literary or bookish community. There was no newspaper -until the establishment of the “Virginia Gazette” in 1736. As for -schools, the Lords Commissioners of Plantations sent over a series -of interrogatories to Sir William Berkeley in 1671, and asked him, -among other things, what provision was made for public instruction. -His reply was characteristic: “I thank God there are no free schools -nor printing, and I hope we shall not have these hundred years; for -learning has brought disobedience and heresy and sects into the world, -and printing has divulged them, and libels against the best government. -God keep us from both!”[231] Lord Culpeper seems to have been much -of Berkeley’s way of thinking, for we read that, “February 21, 1682, -John Buckner [was] called before the Lord Culpeper and his council -for printing the laws of 1680 without his excellency’s license, and -he and the printer [were] ordered to enter into bond in £100 _not to -print anything_ thereafter until his majesty’s pleasure should be -known.”[232] The pleasure of Charles II. was, that nobody should use -a printing-press in Virginia, and so he instructed the next governor, -Lord Howard, in 1684. - -[Sidenote: Private free schools.] - -[Sidenote: Academies and tutors.] - -The establishment of a system of schools such as flourished in New -England was prevented by the absence of town life and the long -distances between plantations. When Berkeley said there were no free -schools in Virginia, he may have had in mind the contrast with New -England. No such schools were founded in Virginia by the assembly, -but there were instances of free schools founded by individuals; as, -for example, the Symms school in 1636, Captain Moon’s school in 1655, -Richard Russell’s in 1667, Mr. King’s in 1669, the Eaton school some -time before 1689, and Edward Moseley’s in 1721.[233] Indeed, there was -after 1646[234] a considerable amount of compulsory primary education -in Virginia, much more than has been generally supposed, since the -records of it have been buried in the parish vestry-books. In the -eighteenth century we find evidences that pains were taken to educate -coloured people.[235] It was not unusual for the plantation to have -among its numerous outbuildings a school conducted by some rustic -dignitary of the neighbourhood. In the “old field schools” little more -was taught than “the three Rs,” but these humble institutions are not -to be despised; for it was in one of them, kept by “Hobby, the sexton,” -that George Washington learned to read, write, and cipher. His father -and his elder brother Lawrence had been educated at Appleby School, -in England; George himself, after an interval with a Mr. Williams, -near Wakefield, finished his school-days at an excellent academy in -Fredericksburg, of which Rev. James Marye was master. The sons of -George Mason studied two years at an academy in Stafford County kept -by a Scotch parson named Buchan, “a pious man and profound classical -scholar.” Afterwards John Mason was sent to study mathematics with -an expert named Hunter, “a Scotchman also and quite a recluse, who -kept a small school in a retired place in Calvert County, Maryland.” -Much teaching was also done by private tutors. In the Mason household -these were three Scotchmen in succession, of whom “the two last were -especially engaged [in Scotland] to come to America (as was the -practice in those times with families who had means) by my father -to live in his house and educate the children.... The tutoress of -my sisters was a Mrs. Newman. She remained in the family for some -time.”[236] - -[Sidenote: Convicts as tutors.] - -Sometimes the schoolmaster or private tutor was an indented white -servant who had come out as a redemptioner, or even as a convict. -Among the criminals there might be persons of rank, as Sir Charles -Burton, a Lincolnshire baronet, who was transported to America in -1722 for “stealing a cornelian ring set in gold;” or scholars, like -Henry Justice, Esq., of the Middle Temple, Barrister, who in 1736 was -convicted of stealing from the library of Trinity College, Cambridge, -“a Field’s Bible with cuts, and Common-prayer, value £25, Newcastle’s -Horsemanship, value £10, several other books of great value, several -Tracts cut out of books, etc.” For this larceny, although Mr. -Justice begged hard to be allowed to stay in England for the sake of -his clients, “with several of whom he had great concerns,” he was -nevertheless sent to America for seven years, under penalty of death -if he were to return within that time.[237] From such examples we -see that, while the convict ships may not have brought many Eugene -Arams, they certainly brought men more likely to find employment in -teaching than in manual labour. Jonathan Boucher, rector at Annapolis -in 1768, declares that “not a ship arrives with either redemptioners -or convicts, in which schoolmasters are not as regularly advertised -for sale as weavers, tailors, or any other trade; with little other -difference that I can hear of, except perhaps that the former do not -usually fetch so good a price as the latter.”[238] - -[Sidenote: Virginians at Oxford.] - -Sometimes, as we have seen in the case of Augustine Washington -and his son Lawrence, the young Virginians were sent to school in -England. Oftener, perhaps, the education begun at the country school -or with private tutors was “finished” (as the phrase goes) at one of -the English universities. Oxford seems to have been the favourite -Alma Mater, doubtless for the same reason that caused Cambridge to -be chiefly represented among the founders of New England; Oxford -was ultra-royalist in sentiment, while Cambridge was deeply tinged -with Puritanism. This difference would readily establish habits and -associations among the early Virginians which would be followed.[239] - -[Sidenote: James Madison.] - -It was not in all cases necessary to go to England to obtain a thorough -education. James Madison’s tutors were the parish minister and an -excellent Scotch schoolmaster; he was graduated at Princeton College -in 1772, and never crossed the Atlantic; yet for the range, depth, -and minuteness of his knowledge of ancient and modern history and of -constitutional law, he has been rivalled by no other English-speaking -statesman save Edmund Burke. Such an instance, however, chiefly shows -how much more depends upon the individual than upon any institutions. -There are no rules by which you can explain the occurrence of a -heaven-sent genius. - -[Sidenote: Contrast with New England in respect of educational -advantages.] - -On the whole, the facilities for education, whether primary or -advanced, were very imperfect in the Old Dominion. This becomes -especially noticeable from the contrast with New England, which -inevitably suggests itself. It is no doubt customary with historical -writers to make too much of this contrast. The people of colonial New -England were not all well-educated, nor were all their country schools -better than old field schools. The farmer’s boy, who was taught for two -winter months by a man and two summer months by a woman, seldom learned -more in the district school than how to read, write, and cipher. For -Greek and Latin, if he would go to college, he had usually to obtain -the services of the minister or some other college-bred man in the -village. There was often a disposition on the part of the town meetings -to shirk the appropriation of a sum of money for school purposes, and -many Massachusetts towns were fined for such remissness.[240] This was -especially true of the early part of the eighteenth century, when the -isolated and sequestered life of two generations had lowered the high -level of education which the grandfathers had brought across the ocean. -In those dark days of New England, there might now and then be found -in rural communities men of substance who signed deeds and contracts -with their mark. - -[Sidenote: Causes of the difference.] - -After making all allowances, however, the contrast between the New -England colonies and the Old Dominion remains undeniable, and it is -full of interest. The contrast is primarily based upon the fact that -New England was settled by a migration of organized congregations, -analogous to that of the ancient Greek city-communities; whereas the -settlement of Virginia was effected by a migration of individuals and -families. These circumstances were closely connected with the Puritan -doctrine of the relations between church and state, and furthermore, -as I have elsewhere shown,[241] the Puritan theory of life made it -imperatively necessary, in New England as in Scotland, to set a high -value upon education. The compactness of New England life, which was -favoured by the agricultural system of small farms owned by independent -yeomen, made it easy to maintain efficient schools. In Virginia, on -the other hand, the agricultural conditions interposed grave obstacles -to such a result. There was no such pervasive organization as in New -England, where the different grades of school, from lowest to highest, -coöperated in sustaining each other. There were heroic friends of -education in Virginia. James Blair and the faithful scholars who -worked with him conferred a priceless boon upon the commonwealth; but -the vitality of William and Mary College often languished for lack -of sustenance that should have been afforded by lower schools, and it -was impossible for it to exercise such a widespread seminal influence -as Yale and Harvard, sending their graduates into every town and -village as ministers, lawyers, and doctors, schoolmasters and editors, -merchants and country squires. - -[Sidenote: Illustrations from history of American intellect.] - -Among the founders of New England were an extraordinary number of -clergymen noted for their learning, such as Hooker and Shepard, Cotton -and Williams, Eliot and the Mathers; together with such cultivated -laymen as Winthrop and Bradford, familiar with much of the best that -was written in the world, and to whom the pen was an easy and natural -instrument for expressing their thoughts. The character originally -impressed upon New England by such men was maintained by the powerful -influence of the colleges and schools, so that there was always more -attention devoted to scholarship and to writing than in any of the -other colonies. Communities of Europeans, thrust into a wilderness and -severed from Europe by the ocean, were naturally in danger of losing -their higher culture and lapsing into the crudeness of frontier life. -All the American colonies were deeply affected by this situation. While -there were many and great advantages in the freedom from sundry Old -World trammels, yet in some respects the influence of the wilderness -was barbarizing. It was due to the circumstances above mentioned that -the New England colonies were more successful than the others in -resisting this influence, and avoiding a breach of continuity in the -higher spiritual life of the community. This is strikingly illustrated -by the history of American literature. Among men of letters and science -born and educated in America before the Revolution, there were three -whose fame is more than national, whose names belong among the great -of all times and countries. Of these, Jonathan Edwards was a native -of Connecticut, Benjamin Franklin and Count Rumford were natives of -Massachusetts. In such men we can trace the continuity between the -intellectual life of England in the seventeenth century and that -of America in the nineteenth. In Virginia, if we except political -writers, we find no names so high as these. But there is one political -book which must not be excepted, because it is a book for all time. -“The Federalist” is one of the world’s philosophical and literary -masterpieces, and of its three authors James Madison took by far the -deepest and most important part in creating it.[242] - -[Sidenote: Virginia’s historians; Robert Beverley.] - -Among books of a second order,--books which do not rank among -classics,--there are some which deserve and have won a reputation -that is more than local. Of such books, Hutchinson’s “History of -Massachusetts Bay” is a good example. In the colonial times historical -literature was of better quality than other kinds of writing; and -Virginia produced three historical writers of decided merit. With -Robert Beverley the reader has already made some acquaintance through -the extracts cited in these pages. His “History of Virginia,” published -in London in 1705, is a little book full of interesting details -concerning the country and the life of its red and white inhabitants. -The author’s love of nature is charming, and his style so simple, -direct, and sprightly that there is not a dull page in the book. It was -written during a visit to London, where Beverley happened to see the -proof-sheets of Oldmixon’s forthcoming “British Empire in America,” -and was disgusted with the silly blunders that swarmed on every page. -He wrote his little book as an antidote, and did it so well that many -coming generations will read it with pleasure. - -[Sidenote: William Stith.] - -A book of more pretension and of decided merit is the “History of -Virginia” by Rev. William Stith, who was president of William and Mary -College from 1752 to his death in 1755. The book, which was published -at Williamsburg in 1747, was but the first volume of a work which, -had it been completed on a similar scale, would have filled six or -eight. It covers only the earliest period, ending with the downfall -of the Virginia Company in 1624; and among its merits is the good use -to which the author put the minutes of the Company’s proceedings made -at the instance of Nicholas Ferrar.[243] Stith’s work is accurate -and scholarly, and his narrative is dignified and often graphic. -His account of James I. is pithy: “He had, in truth, all the forms -of wisdom,--forever erring very learnedly, with a wise saw or Latin -sentence in his mouth; for he had been bred up under Buchanan, one of -the brightest geniuses and most accomplished scholars of that age, who -had given him Greek and Latin in great waste and profusion, but it was -not in his power to give him good sense. That is the gift of God and -nature alone, and is not to be taught; and Greek and Latin without it -only cumber and overload a a weak head, and often render the fool more -abundantly foolish. I must, therefore, confess that I have ever had -... a most contemptible opinion of this monarch; which has, perhaps, -been much heightened and increased by my long studying and conning -over the materials of this history. For he appears in his dealings -with the Company to have acted with such mean arts and fraud ... as -highly misbecome majesty.”[244] From the refined simplicity of this -straightforward style it was a sad descent to the cumbrous and stilted -Johnsonese of the next generation, which too many Americans even now -mistake for fine writing. - -[Sidenote: William Byrd.] - -Contemporary with Beverley and Stith was William Byrd, one of the most -eminent men of affairs in Old Virginia, and eminent also--probably -without knowing it--as a man of letters. His father came to Virginia -a few years before Bacon’s rebellion, and bought the famous estate -of Westover, on the James River and in Charles City County, with the -mansion, which is still in the possession of his family, and is -considered one of the finest old houses in Virginia. From his uncle -Colonel Byrd inherited a vast estate which included the present site of -Richmond. He sympathized strongly with his neighbour, Nathaniel Bacon, -and held a command under him; but after the collapse of the rebellion -he succeeded in making his peace with the raging Berkeley. He became -one of the most important men in the colony, and was commissioned -receiver-general of the royal revenues. On his death, in 1704, his son -succeeded him in this office. The son had studied law in the Middle -Temple, and for proficiency in science was made a fellow of the Royal -Society. He was for many years a member of the colonial council, and -at length its president. He lived in much splendour on his estate of -Westover, and we have seen what a library he accumulated there. A -professional man of letters he was not, and perhaps his strong literary -tastes might never have led to literary production but for sundry -interesting personal experiences which he deemed it worth while to put -on record. In 1727 he was one of the commissioners for determining the -boundary between Virginia and North Carolina. In the journeys connected -with that work he selected the sites where the towns of Richmond and -Petersburg were afterwards built; and he wrote a narrative of his -proceedings so full of keen observations on the people and times as to -make it an extremely valuable contribution to history.[245] Among early -American writers Byrd is exceptional for animation of style. There is -a quaintness of phrase about him that is quite irrepressible. After a -dry season he visits a couple of mills, and “had the grief to find them -both stand as still for the want of water as a dead woman’s tongue for -want of breath. It had rained so little for many weeks above the falls -that the Naiads had hardly water enough left to wash their faces.” -He suggests, of course with a twinkle in his eye, that the early -settlers of Virginia ought to have formed matrimonial alliances with -the Indians: “Morals and all considered, I can’t think the Indians were -much greater heathens than the first adventurers, who, had they been -good Christians, would have had the charity to take this only method of -converting the natives to Christianity. For after all that can be said, -a sprightly lover is the most prevailing missionary that can be sent -among these, or any other infidels. Besides, the poor Indians would -have had less reason to complain that the English took away their land, -if they had received it by way of portion with their daughters.... Nor -would the shade of the skin have been any reproach at this day; for if -a Moor may be washed white in three generations, surely an Indian might -have been blanched in two.”[246] With such moralizing was this amiable -writer wont to relieve the tedium of historical discourse. We shall -again have occasion to quote him in the course of our narrative. - -[Sidenote: Science; John Clayton.] - -Among other works by writers reared before the Revolution, the -well-known “Notes on Virginia,” by Thomas Jefferson, deserves high -praise as an essay in descriptive sociology. Of American poetry before -the nineteenth century, scarcely a line worth preserving came from -any quarter. In 1777 James McClurg, an eminent physician, afterward a -member of the Federal Convention, wrote his “Belles of Williamsburg,” -a specimen of pleasant society verse; but it had not such vogue as its -author’s “Essay on the Human Bile,” which was translated into several -European languages. Science throve better than poetry, and was well -represented in Virginia by John Clayton, who came thither from England -in 1705, being then in his twentieth year, and dwelt there until his -death in 1773, on the eve of the famous day which saw the mixing of -tea with ice-water in Boston harbour. Clayton was attorney-general of -Virginia, and for fifty years clerk of Gloucester County. His name has -an honourable place in the history of botany; he was member of learned -societies in nearly all the countries of Europe; and in 1739 his “Flora -of Virginia” was edited and published by Linnæus and Gronovius. - -[Sidenote: Physicians.] - -[Sidenote: Washington’s last illness.] - -In Old Virginia, as in all the other colonies, the scientific study -and practice of medicine had scarcely made a beginning. Those were -everywhere the days of “kill or cure” treatment, when there was small -hope for patients who had not enough vitality to withstand both -drugs and disease. In the light of the progress achieved since the -mighty work of Bichat (1798-1801), the two preceding centuries seem a -period of stagnation. Strong plasters, jalap, and bleeding were the -universal remedies. Mr. Bruce gives us the items of a bill rendered -by Dr. Haddon, of York, about 1660, for performing an amputation. -“They included one highly flavoured and two ordinary cordials, three -ointments for the wound, an ointment precipitate, the operation of -letting blood, a purge _per diem_, two purges electuaries, external -applications, a cordial and two astringent powders, phlebotomy, a -defensive and a large cloth.” On another occasion the same doctor -prescribed “a purging glister, a caphalick and a cordial electuary, -oil of spirits and sweet almonds, a purging and a cordial bolus, -purging pills, ursecatory, and oxymell. His charge for six visits -after dark was a hogshead of tobacco weighing 400 pounds.”[247] Of the -many thousand victims of these heroic methods, the most illustrious -was George Washington, who, but for medical treatment, might probably -have lived a dozen or fifteen years into the nineteenth century. When -Washington in full vigour found that he had caught a very bad cold he -sent for the doctors, and meanwhile had half a pint of blood taken from -him by one of his overseers. Of the three physicians in attendance, one -was his dear friend, the good Scotchman, Dr. James Craik, “who from -forty years’ experience,” said Washington, “is better qualified than -a dozen of them put together.” His colleague, Dr. Elisha Dick, said, -“Do not bleed the General; he needs all his strength.” But tradition -prevailed over common sense, and three copious bleedings followed, in -the last of which a quart of blood was taken. The third attendant, -Dr. Gustavus Brown, afterward expressed bitter regret that Dr. Dick’s -advice was not followed. Besides this wholesale bleeding, the patient -was dosed with calomel and tartar emetic and scarified with blisters -and poultices; or, as honest Tobias Lear said, in a letter written the -next day announcing the fatal result, “every medical assistance was -offered, but without the desired effect.”[248] - -[Sidenote: Virginia parsons.] - -The physician in Old Virginia was very much the same as elsewhere, but -the parson was a very different character from the grave ministers -and dominies of Boston and New York. He belonged to the class of -wine-bibbing, card-playing, fox-hunting parsons, of which there were -so many examples in the mother country after the reaction against -Puritanism had set in. The religious tone of the English church -during the first half of the eighteenth century was very low, and -it was customary to send out to Virginia and Maryland the poorest -specimens of clergymen that the mother country afforded. Men unfit for -any appointment at home were thought good enough for the colonies. -The royal governor, as vicegerent of the sovereign, was head of the -colonial church, while ecclesiastical affairs were superintended by a -commissary appointed by the Bishop of London. The first commissary, -Dr. Blair, as we have seen, was president of the college, and in his -successors those two offices were usually united. Several attempts -were made to substitute a bishop for the commissary, but the only -result of the attempts was to alienate people’s sympathies from the -church, while the conduct of the clergy was such as to destroy their -respect for it. Bishop Meade has queer stories to tell of some of -these parsons. One of them was for years the president of a jockey -club. Another fought a duel within sight of his own church. A third, -who was evidently a muscular Christian, got into a rough-and-tumble -fight with his vestrymen and floored them; and then justified himself -to his congregation next Sunday in a sermon from a text of Nehemiah, -“And I contended with them, and cursed them, and smote certain of them, -and plucked off their hair.” In 1711 a bequest of £100 was made to -the vestry of Christ Church parish in Middlesex, providing that the -interest should be paid to the minister for preaching four sermons each -year against “the four reigning vices,--viz.: atheism and irreligion, -swearing and cursing, fornication and adultery, and drunkenness.” -Later in the century the living was held for eighteen years, and the -sermons were preached, by a minister who was notoriously guilty of all -the vices mentioned. He used to be seen in the tavern porch, reeling -to and fro with a bowl of toddy in his hand, while he called to some -passer-by to come in and have a drink. When this exemplary man of God -was dying in delirium, his last words were halloos to the hounds. In -1726 a thoughtful and worthy minister named Lang wrote to the Bishop of -London about the scandalous behaviour of the clergy, of whom the sober -part were “slothful and negligent,” while the rest were debauched and -“bent on all manner of vices.”[249] This testimony against the clergy, -it will be observed, comes from clergymen. Yet it seems clear that the -cases cited must have been extreme ones,--cases of the sort that make -a deep impression and are long remembered. A few such instances would -suffice to bring down condemnation upon the whole establishment; and -not unjustly, for a church in which such things could for a moment be -tolerated must needs have been in a degraded condition. This state -of things afforded an excellent field for the labours of Baptist and -Presbyterian revivalist preachers, and to such good purpose did they -work that by the time of the Revolution it was found that more than -half of the people in Virginia were Dissenters. At that time the -Episcopal clergy were not unnaturally inclined to the Tory side, and -this last ounce was all that was needed to break down the establishment -and cast upon it irredeemable discredit. The downfall of the Episcopal -church in Virginia and its resurrection under more wholesome conditions -make an interesting chapter of history. - -[Sidenote: Freethinking.] - -In imputing to his tipsy parson the “vice” of atheism, Bishop Meade -warns us that he does not mean a denial of the existence of God, but -merely irreligion, or “living without God in the world.” In 1724 the -Bishop of London was officially informed that there were no “infidels” -in Virginia, negroes and Indians excepted. A few years later, “when the -first infidel book was imported, ... it produced such an excitement -that the governor and commissary communicated on the subject with the -authorities in England.” In those days freethinkers, if prudent, kept -their thoughts to themselves. All over Christendom the atmosphere was -still murky with intolerance, and men’s conceptions of the universe -were only beginning to emerge from the barbaric stage. Virginia was no -exception to the general rule. - -[Sidenote: Superstition and crime.] - -In respect also of superstition and crime the Old Dominion seems to -have differed but little from other parts of English America. Belief -in witchcraft lasted into the eighteenth century, and the statute-book -reveals an abiding dread of what rebellious slaves might do; but there -were no epidemics of savage terror, as at Salem in 1692, or in the -negro panic of 1741 in New York. Of violent crime there was surely -much less than in the England of Jack Sheppard and Jonathan Wild, but -probably more than in the colonies north of Delaware Bay; and its -perpetrators seem to have been chiefly white freedmen and “outlying -negroes.”[250] Duelling seems to have been infrequent before the -Revolution.[251] Murder, rape, arson, and violent robbery were punished -with death; while pillory, stocks, whipping-post, and ducking-stool -were kept in readiness for minor offenders. The infliction of the -death penalty in a cruel or shocking manner was not common. Negroes -were occasionally burned at the stake, as in other colonies, north -and south; and an instance is on record in which negro murderers were -beheaded and quartered after hanging.[252] No white persons were ever -burned at the stake by any of the colonies.[253] - -[Sidenote: Lawyers.] - -In the early days of Virginia there was not much practice of law except -by the county magistrates in their work of maintaining the king’s -peace. The legal profession was at first held in somewhat low repute, -being sometimes recruited by white freedmen whose careers of rascality -as attorneys in England had suddenly ended in penal servitude. But -after the middle of the seventeenth century the profession grew rapidly -in importance and improved in character. During the eighteenth century -the development in legal learning and acumen, and in weight of judicial -authority, was remarkable. The profession was graced by such eminent -names as Pendleton, Wythe, and Henry, until in John Marshall the Old -Dominion gave to the world a name second to none among the great judges -of English race and speech. - -[Sidenote: A government of laws.] - -One cause of this splendid development of legal talent was doubtless -the necessarily close connection between legal and political activity. -The Virginia planter meant that his government should be one of -laws. With his extensive estates to superintend and country interests -to look after, his position was in many respects like that of the -country squire in England. In his House of Burgesses the planter -had a parliament; and in the royal governor, who was liable to -subordinate local to imperial interests, there was an abiding source -of antagonism and distrust, requiring him to keep his faculties -perpetually alert to remember all the legal maxims by which the -liberties of England had been guarded since the days of Glanvil and -Bracton. On the whole, it was a noble type of rural gentry that the -Old Dominion had to show. Manly simplicity, love of home and family, -breezy activity, disinterested public spirit, thorough wholesomeness -and integrity,--such were the features of the society whose consummate -flower was George Washington. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Some characteristics of Maryland.] - -This chapter must not close without a brief mention of the social -features of Maryland, but a brief mention is all that is needed for -my purpose, since the portraiture just given of Leah will answer in -most respects for her younger sister Rachel. The English colonists in -Maryland were of the same excellent class as the Cavaliers who were -the strength of Virginia. Though tidewater Virginia at the beginning -of the eighteenth century contained but few people who did not belong -to the Church of England, on the other hand, in Maryland, not more -than one sixth of the white population belonged to that church, while -one twelfth were Roman Catholics, and three fourths were Puritans. But -these differences in religion did not run parallel with differences in -birth, refinement, or wealth. Naturally, from the circumstances under -which the colony was founded, some of the best human material was -always to be found among the Catholics; and they wielded an influence -disproportionately greater than their numbers. - -For the first three generations tobacco played as important a part in -Maryland as in Virginia. Nearly all the people became planters. Cheap -labour was supplied at first by indented white servants and afterwards -by negro slaves, who never came, however, to number more than from -one fourth to one third of the whole population. There was the same -isolation, the same absence of towns, the same rudeness of roads and -preference for water-ways, as in Virginia. The facilities for education -were somewhat poorer; there was no university or college, no public -schools until 1728, no newspaper until 1745. - -But early in the eighteenth century there came about an important -modification of industries, which was in large part due to the rapid -growth of Maryland’s neighbour, Pennsylvania. In the latter colony a -great deal of wheat was raised, and the export of flour became very -profitable. This wheat culture extended into Maryland, where wheat soon -became a vigorous rival of tobacco. In 1729 the town of Baltimore was -founded, and at once rose to importance as a point for exporting flour. -Moreover, as Pennsylvania exported various kinds of farm produce, -besides large quantities of valuable furs, and as she had no seacoast -and no convenient maritime outlet save Philadelphia, her export trade -soon came to exceed the capacities of that outlet, and a considerable -part of it went through Baltimore, which thus had a large and active -rural district dependent upon it, and grew so fast that by 1770 it -had become the fourth city in English America, with a population of -nearly 20,000. The growth of Annapolis was further stimulated by these -circumstances; and this development of town life, with the introduction -of a wealthy class of merchants and the continual intercommunication -with Pennsylvania, went far toward assimilating Maryland with the -middle colonies while it diminished to some extent her points of -resemblance to the Old Dominion. - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - -THE CAROLINA FRONTIER. - - -[Sidenote: The Spanish frontier.] - -[Sidenote: The wilderness frontier.] - -“St. Augustine, a Spanish garrison, being planted to the southward -of us about a hundred leagues, makes Carolina a frontier to all -the English settlements on the Main.” These memorable words, from -the report of the governor and council at Charleston to the lords -proprietors of Carolina in London, in the year 1708, have a deeper -historic significance than was realized by the men who wrote them. -In a twofold sense Carolina was a frontier country. It was not only -the border region where English and Spanish America marched upon each -other, but it served for some time as a kind of backwoods for Virginia. -Until recently one of the most important factors in American history -has been the existence of a perpetually advancing frontier, where -new territory has often had to be won by hard fighting against its -barbarian occupants, where the life has been at once more romantic -and more sordid than on the civilized seaboard, and where democracy -has assumed its most distinctively American features. The cessation -of these circumstances will probably be one of the foremost among -the causes which are going to make America in the twentieth century -different from America in the nineteenth. Now for the full development -of this peculiar frontier life two conditions were requisite,--first, -the struggle with the wilderness; secondly, isolation from the currents -of European thought with which the commercial seaboard was kept in -contact. These conditions were first realized in North Carolina, and -there was originated the type of backwoods life which a century later -prevailed among the settlers of Tennessee and Kentucky. That was the -one point where the backwoods may be said to have started at the -coast; and in this light we shall have to consider it. On the other -hand, South Carolina, with the Georgia colony for its buffer, is to -be considered more in the light of a frontier against the Spaniard. -We shall have furthermore to contemplate the whole Carolina coast as -preeminently the frontier upon which were wrecked the last remnants -of the piracy and buccaneering that had grown out of the mighty -Elizabethan world-struggle between England and Spain. Without some -mention of all these points, our outline sketch of the complicated -drama begun by Drake and Raleigh would be incomplete. - -[Sidenote: The grant of Carolina.] - -The region long vaguely known as Carolina, or at least a portion of -it, had formed part of Sir Walter Raleigh’s Virginia; the Spaniards -had never ceased to regard it as part of Florida. In defiance of their -claims, Jean Ribaut planted his first ill-fated Huguenot colony at -Port Royal in 1562, and built a fort which he called Charlesfort, -after Charles IX. of France. Whether the name “Carolina” was applied -to the territory at that early time is doubtful,[254] but we find -it used in England, in the time of Charles I., when the first Lord -Baltimore was entertaining a plan for a new colony south of Virginia. -The name finally served to commemorate Charles II., who in 1663 -granted the territory to eight “lords proprietors,” gentlemen who had -done him inestimable services. To the most eminent, George Monk, Duke -of Albemarle, he owed his restoration to the throne; the support of -Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, had been invaluable; the others were -Anthony Ashley Cooper, afterwards Earl of Shaftesbury, Lord Craven, -Lord Berkeley, and his brother, Sir William Berkeley, governor of -Virginia, Sir George Carteret, and Sir John Colleton. All these names -appear to-day on the map,--Albemarle Sound, Hyde, Craven, and Carteret -counties in North Carolina; Clarendon and Colleton counties, Berkeley -parish, and the Ashley and Cooper rivers in South Carolina, while in -Charleston we have the name of the king. - -[Sidenote: Shaftesbury and Locke.] - -These gentlemen contemplated founding a colony which should emulate the -success of Virginia. The most actively engaged in the enterprise was -the one whom we know best by his title of Shaftesbury, and it was thus -that the founding of Carolina became connected for a moment with one -of the greatest names in the history of England. A charming story is -that of the residence of John Locke in the Ashley family, as physician, -private tutor, and general adviser and guardian angel; how he once -saved his lordship’s life by most daring and skilful surgery, how he -taught Greek to the young Ashley, how he took the boy at the age of -seventeen to Haddon Hall and made a happy match for him with pretty -Lady Dorothy Manners aged twenty, how he afterward assisted at the -birth of the grandson destined to become even more famous in literature -than the grandfather in political history,--all this is pleasantly told -by the grandson. “My father was too young and inexperienced to choose a -wife for himself, and my grandfather too much in business to choose one -for him. The affair was nice; for, though my grandfather required not a -great fortune, he insisted on good blood, good person and constitution, -and, above all, good education and a character as remote as possible -from that of court or town-bred lady. All this was thrown upon Mr. -Locke, who being ... so good a judge of men, my grandfather doubted not -of his equal judgment in women. He departed from him, entrusted and -sworn, as Abraham’s head servant that ruled over all that he had, and -went into a far country (the north of England) to seek for his son a -wife, whom he as successfully found.”[255] - -[Sidenote: The Fundamental Constitutions.] - -In the summer of 1669, while the great philosopher was engaged upon -this match-making expedition, he varied the proceedings by drawing -up a constitution for Carolina, the original draft of which, a small -neatly written volume of 75 pages bound in vellum, is still preserved -among the Shaftesbury papers. This constitution diverges widely in some -respects from such a document as would have expressed Locke’s own -ideas of the right sort of government. The scheme which it set forth -was in the main Ashley’s, with such modifications as were necessary -to secure the approval of the other proprietors. It is not worth -our while to recount its complicated provisions, inasmuch as it was -never anything but a dead letter, and civil government sprouted up as -spontaneously in Carolina as if neither statesman nor philosopher had -ever given thought to the subject. One provision, however, expressed -an idea of which Locke was one of the foremost representatives, and -herein Ashley agreed with him; it was the idea of complete liberty -of conscience in matters of religion. It was provided that any seven -or more persons who could agree among themselves upon any sort of -notion about God or any plan for worshipping him might set up a church -and be guaranteed against all interference or molestation. An ideal -so noble as this was never quite realized in the history of any of -the colonies; but there can be little doubt that the publication of -Locke’s “Fundamental Constitutions” in 1670, in 1682, and 1698 had -much influence in directing toward Carolina the stream of Huguenot -emigration from France, which was an event of the first importance.[256] - -[Sidenote: The Carolina Palatinate.] - -In its general character the government created by the Fundamental -Constitutions was a palatinate modelled after that of Durham. The -difference between Carolina and Maryland consisted chiefly in the fact -that the palatinate privileges were granted to eight co-proprietors -instead of a single proprietor. Those privileges were quasi-royal, but -they were limited by giving to the popular assembly the control over -all money bills. This limitation, however, was partly offset by giving -to the higher officers regular salaries payable from quit-rents or -the sales of public lands. These salaries went far toward making such -officers independent of the legislature, and thus led to much complaint -and dissatisfaction. Before the Revolution, questions concerning the -salaried independence of high public officials had in several of the -colonies come to be one of the most burning questions of the day. - -[Sidenote: The Palatine.] - -The lords proprietors, as tenants-in-chief of the crown, were feudal -sovereigns over Carolina. They could grant estates on any terms they -pleased, and subinfeudation, which had been forbidden in England since -1290, was expressly permitted here. The eldest of the proprietors was -called the Palatine; he presided at their meetings, and his vote with -those of three associates was reckoned a majority. As the proprietors -remained in England, it was arranged that each of them should be -represented in Carolina by a deputy; and the Palatine’s deputy, -sometimes called Vice-Palatine, was to be governor of the colony. But -any one of the proprietors coming into the colony, or the oldest of -those coming, if there were more than one, was to take precedence over -everybody and become at once Vice-Palatine. - -[Sidenote: Titles of nobility.] - -By a curious provision of the charter, the lords proprietors could -grant titles of nobility, provided they were unlike those used -in England. Hence the outlandish titles, such as “landgrave” and -“cacique,” which occur in the Fundamental Constitutions. With the -titles there was combined an artificial system of social gradations -which is not worth recounting. As for the political status of the -settlers, they were guaranteed in the possession of all the rights and -privileges enjoyed by Englishmen in England. - -[Sidenote: The Albemarle colony.] - -The planting of two distinct colonies in Carolina was no part of the -original scheme, but the early centres of colonization were so far -apart and communication between them was so difficult that they could -not well be united in a single community, although more than once there -was a single governor over the whole of Carolina. Emigration from -Virginia had begun as early as 1653, when Roger Greene with a hundred -men made a small settlement in the Chowan precinct, on the north shore -of Albemarle Sound.[257] In 1662 George Durant[258] followed, and -began a settlement in the Perquimans precinct, just east of Chowan. -In 1664 Governor Berkeley, of Virginia,--himself one of the eight -lords proprietors,--severed this newly settled region from Virginia, -and appointed William Drummond as its governor. Such were the -beginnings of Albemarle, the colony which in time was to develop into -North Carolina. - -[Illustration: - - MAP OF - NORTH CAROLINA - PRECINCTS, - 1663-1729 - -THE M.-N. CO., BUFFALO, N. Y.] - -[Sidenote: The visit of New Englanders.] - -Meanwhile in 1660 a party from New England made a settlement at -the mouth of Cape Fear River; or perhaps we ought rather to call -it a visit. It lasted no longer than Thorfinn Karlsefni’s visit to -Vinland,[259] for the settlers had all departed by 1663. There is a -tradition that they were sorely harassed by the natives, in revenge -for their sending sundry Indian lads and girls aboard ship, to be -taken to Boston and “educated,” _i. e._ sold for slaves.[260] This -is not improbable. At all events, these New Englanders went off in a -mood not altogether amiable, leaving affixed to a post, at the mouth -of the river, a “scandalous writing ... the contents whereof tended -not only to the disparagement of the land ... but also to the great -discouragement of all such as should hereafter come into those parts to -settle.”[261] - -[Sidenote: The Clarendon colony.] - -But this emphatic warning did not frighten away Sir John Yeamans, who -arrived at Cape Fear early in October, 1663, and ascended the river for -more than a hundred and fifty miles. Sir John was the son of a gallant -Cavalier who had lost life and estate in the king’s service, and he -had come out to Barbadoes to repair his fortunes. His report of the -Cape Fear country was so favourable that by the end of May, 1665, we -find him there again, with several hundred settlers from Barbadoes, to -make the beginnings of the new colony of Clarendon, of which the lords -proprietors had appointed him governor. In the same year the colony of -Albemarle elected its first assembly. - -[Sidenote: The Ashley River colony.] - -[Sidenote: Founding of Charleston, 1670.] - -In 1667 William Sayle, a Puritan from Bermuda, explored the coast, and -reported the value of the Bahama Islands for offensive and defensive -purposes in case of war with Spain. These islands were accordingly -appropriated and annexed to Carolina, as the Bermudas had once been -annexed to Virginia. It was decided to make a settlement at Port Royal; -the venerable Sayle, whose years were more than three-score-and-ten, -was appointed governor; and on March 17, 1670, the first colonists -arrived on the Carolina coast. On further inspection Port Royal seemed -too much exposed to the attacks of Spaniards from St. Augustine, and -accordingly the ships pursued their way northward till they reached and -entered the spacious bay formed by the junction of two noble rivers -since known as Ashley and Cooper. They proceeded up the Ashley as far -as an easily defensible highland at Albemarle Point, where they began -building a village which they called Charles Town. Their cautiousness -was soon justified. Spain and England were then at peace, but no sooner -were the Spaniards notified of these proceedings than a warship started -from St. Augustine and came as far as Stono Inlet, where it learned the -strength of the English position and concluded to retreat.[262] The -next year Governor Sayle died, and was succeeded by Sir John Yeamans, -who came in 1672, bringing from Barbadoes the first negro slaves ever -seen in Carolina. In 1674 Yeamans was superseded by Joseph West, under -whom the first assembly was elected. - -Thus there were three small communities started on the coast of -Carolina: 1. Albemarle, on the Virginia border, constituted in 1664; 2. -Clarendon, on the Cape Fear River, in 1665; 3. The Ashley River colony, -in 1670. - -[Sidenote: First legislation in Albemarle.] - -For a moment we must follow the fortunes of Albemarle, where in 1667 -Drummond was succeeded in the governorship by Samuel Stephens. Two -years later there was passed a statute which enacted that no subject -could be sued within five years for any cause of action that might have -arisen outside of the colony; that all debts contracted outside of the -colony were _ipso facto_ outlawed; and that all new settlers should -be exempted from taxes for one year.[263] Moreover, all “transient -persons,” not intending to remain in the colony, were forbidden to -trade with the Indians. It was furthermore provided that, since there -were no clergymen in the colony to perform the ceremony of marriage, -a declaration of mutual consent, before the governor and council and -in the presence of a few acquaintances, should be deemed a binding -contract.[264] These laws were of course intended to stimulate -immigration, and the effect of the first two was soon plainly indicated -in the indignant epithet, “Rogue’s Harbour,” bestowed by Virginia -people upon the colony of Albemarle.[265] - -[Sidenote: Troubles caused by the Navigation Act.] - -[Sidenote: The trade with New England.] - -The desire of increasing the number of settlers, without regard -to their quality, induced the lords proprietors to sanction these -curiosities of legislation. But troubles, not of their own creating, -were at hand in this little forest community. In 1673 the Fundamental -Constitutions were promulgated by Governor Stephens, who soon afterward -died. Under his temporary successor, George Carteret, president of the -council, the troubles broke out, and it has been customary to ascribe -them to the attempt to enforce the Fundamental Constitutions upon an -unwilling community. It does not appear, however, that the official -promulgation of this frame of government was followed by any serious -attempts to enforce it.[266] The real source of the disturbances was -undoubtedly the Navigation Act,--that mischievous statute with which -the mother country was busily weaning from itself the affections of -its colonies all along the American seaboard. Sundry unfounded rumours -increased the bitter feeling. The king’s grant of Virginia to Arlington -and Culpeper in 1673 was part of the news of the day. It was reported -that the proprietors of Carolina were going to divide up the province -among themselves, and that Albemarle was to be the share of Sir William -Berkeley, a man especially hated by the Virginians of small means, -who were the larger part of the Albemarle population. Though these -reports were baseless, they found many believers. But the Navigation -Act and the attempts to break up the trade with Massachusetts were -very real grievances. Ships from Boston and Salem brought down to -Albemarle Sound all manner of articles needed by the planters, and -took their pay in cattle and lumber, which they carried to the West -Indies and exchanged for sugar, molasses, and rum. Often with this -cargo they returned to Albemarle and exchanged it for tobacco, which -they carried home and sent off to Europe at a good round profit, in -supreme defiance of the statutes. It was said that the new colony was -enriching Yankee merchants much faster than the lords proprietors.[267] -In truth the trade was profitable to merchants and planters alike, -and by the summer of 1676 sundry attempts to break it up had brought -the little colony into quite a rebellious frame of mind. We have -seen how Bacon looked forward to possible help from Carolina against -Sir William Berkeley. Bacon spoke of the desirableness of the people -electing their own governors.[268] New England furnished examples of -such elected governors who were in full sympathy with the people. The -men of Albemarle were likely to make trouble for governors appointed -in England to carry out an unpopular policy. - -[Sidenote: Eastchurch and Miller.] - -When Carteret resigned his position in 1676, two men, who were supposed -to represent the popular party, had lately gone over to England. One -of them, by name Eastchurch, had been speaker of the assembly; and so -anxious were the lords proprietors to have their intentions carried -out without irritating the people, that in the autumn of 1676 they -appointed him governor of Albemarle. The other was a person named -Miller, who had been illegally carried to Virginia and tried by -Governor Berkeley for making a seditious speech in Carolina. In England -he found it profitable to pose as a martyr. The proprietors made him -secretary of Albemarle, and the king’s commissioners of customs made -him collector of the revenues of that colony. Early in 1677 the new -governor and secretary sailed for America, and made a stop at the -little island of Nevis, famous in later years as the birthplace of -Alexander Hamilton. For Eastchurch it proved to be an isle of Calypso. -He fell in love with a fair Creole and staid to press his suit, while -he appointed Miller president of the council, and sent him on in that -capacity to govern Albemarle. - -[Sidenote: The Culpeper usurpation, 1677-79.] - -That little commonwealth of less than 3,000 souls had in the mean time -been enjoying the sweets of uncurbed liberty, when there was no king in -Israel, and every man did what was right in his own eyes. Miller, as -a martyr to free speech, was cordially welcomed, but as proprietary -governor and king’s collector, he found his popularity quickly waning. -He tried to suppress the trade with Massachusetts, and thus arrayed -against himself the Yankee skippers, aided by a “party within,” at -the head of which was the wealthy George Durant, the earliest settler -of Perquimans. The train was well laid for an insurrection when -a demagogue arrived with the match to fire it. This man was John -Culpeper, surveyor-general of Carolina, whose seditious conduct on the -Ashley River had lately made it necessary for him to flee northward -to escape the hangman. Culpeper’s proposal to resist the enforcement -of the odious Navigation Act brought him many followers. In December, -1677, a Yankee schooner, heavily armed and bearing a seductive cargo -of rum and molasses, appeared in Pasquotank River. Her skipper, whose -name was Gillam, had scarcely set foot on land when he was arrested by -the governor and held to bail in £1,000. The astute Yankee, with an air -of innocent surprise, meekly promised to weigh anchor at once and not -return. Hereupon a thirsty mob, maddening with the thought of losing -so much rum, beset Gillam with entreaties to stay. Governor Miller was -a man in whom bravery prevailed over prudence, and, hearing at this -moment that Durant was on the schooner, he straightway boarded her, -pistol in hand, and arrested that influential personage on a charge of -treason. This rash act was the signal for an explosion. Culpeper’s mob -arrested the governor and council, and locked them up. Then they took -possession of the public records, convened the assembly, appointed -new justices, made Culpeper governor, and, seizing upon £3,000 of -customs revenue collected by Miller for the king, they applied it to -the support of this revolutionary government. - -For two years these adventurers exercised full sway over Albemarle. -During this time Governor Eastchurch arrived from the island of Nevis, -bringing with him the fair Creole as his bride. He met with a cold -reception, and lost no time in finding shelter in Virginia, where he -drank a friendly glass with Governor Chicheley, and asked for military -aid against the usurping Culpeper. The request was granted, but before -the troops were ready the unfortunate Eastchurch succumbed to chagrin, -or perhaps to malaria, and his Creole bride was left a widow. - -[Sidenote: How Culpeper fared in London.] - -[Sidenote: Charleston moved to a new site.] - -Culpeper, however, remained in some dread of what Virginia might do. -He had issued a manifesto, accusing Miller of tyranny and peculation -and seeking to justify himself; but he thought it wise to play a still -bolder part. He went to England in the hope of persuading the lords -proprietors to sanction what he had done, and to confirm him in the -governorship. In London he was surprised at meeting the deposed Miller, -who had broken jail and arrived there before him. The twain forthwith -told their eloquent but conflicting tales of woe, and Culpeper’s tongue -proved the more persuasive with the lords proprietors. He seemed on -the point of returning in triumph to Carolina, when suddenly the -king’s officers arrested him for robbing the custom-house of £3,000. -This led to his trial for treason, in the summer of 1680, before the -King’s Bench, under the statute of Henry VIII. anent “treason committed -abroad;” the same statute under which it was sought, on a fine April -morning ninety-five years later, to arrest Samuel Adams and John -Hancock. The Earl of Shaftesbury ably defended Culpeper, and he was -acquitted but not restored to power.[269] He returned to Carolina, a -sadder if not a wiser man; and in his old capacity of surveyor, it is -said, laid out the plan of the city of Charleston on its present site. -The original Charles Town, as already mentioned, was begun at Albemarle -Point on Ashley River, in 1670. Another settlement was made two years -later at Oyster Point, on the extremity of the peninsula enclosed -between the two rivers. This new situation had greater advantages for a -seaport, and its cooler breezes were appreciated by sojourners in that -fiery climate. It grew at the expense of the older settlement, until -in 1680 it had a population of 2,500 souls, and took over the name of -Charles Town, while Albemarle Point was abandoned. So the autumn of -1680 had work at Oyster Point for a surveyor like Culpeper. - -[Sidenote: Seth Sothel.] - -[Sidenote: Banishment of Sothel.] - -The governor who succeeded this usurper in the Albemarle colony was a -new lord proprietor, by name Seth Sothel, to whom the Earl of Clarendon -had sold out his rights and interests. On his way to America, early -in 1680, Sothel was captured by Algerine pirates and carried off into -slavery. Not until 1683 did Sothel obtain his freedom and arrive at -his destination. In five years of misrule over Albemarle he proved -himself one of the dirtiest knaves that ever held office in America. -A few specimens of his conduct may be cited. On the arrival of two -ships from Barbadoes on legitimate business, Sothel seized them as -pirates and threw their captains into jail, where one of them died of -ill-treatment. The dying man made a will in which he named one of the -most respected men in the colony, Thomas Pollock, as his executor; -but Sothel refused to let the will go to probate, and seized the dead -man’s effects; the executor then threatened to carry the story of all -this to England, whereupon the governor lodged him in jail and kept him -there. George Durant called such proceedings unlawful, whereupon Sothel -straightway imprisoned him and confiscated his whole estate. If he saw -anything that pleased his fancy, be it a cow or a negro or a pewter -dish, he just took it without ceremony, and if the owner objected he -locked him up. From criminals he took tips and saved them from the -gallows. The people of Albemarle endured this tyranny until 1688,--that -year when over all English lands the sky was so black with political -thunder-clouds. One day certain leading colonists laid hands upon Seth -Sothel, and prepared to send him to England to be tried for a long -list of felonies. Then this model for governors and lords proprietors, -suddenly realizing the dismal prospect before him, with Tyburn looming -up in the distance, begged with frantic sobs and tears that he might -be tried by the assembly, and not be sent to England; for he felt -sure that the assembly would hardly dare take the responsibility of -hanging him. In this he calculated correctly; he was banished from the -colony for one year, and declared forever incapable of holding the -governorship.[270] - -[Sidenote: Troubles in the southern colony.] - -[Sidenote: The Scotch at Port Royal, 1683-86.] - -[Sidenote: A state without laws.] - -The prudence of the assembly was well considered. The lords proprietors -in England, ill informed as to the affairs of their colony, wearied -with the everlasting series of complaints, and unwilling to believe -that one of their associates could be such a scoundrel, were inclined -to scold the colonists for their treatment of Sothel. As for that -worthy, his full career was not yet run. Scenes of turbulence were -awaiting him in the little settlement between the Ashley and Cooper -rivers. Joseph West had ruled there with a strong hand from 1674 to -1683, and the colony prospered during that time, but disagreements -arose between West and the proprietors which ended in his removal. -The next seven years were a period of anarchy. After five changes of -governors in quick succession, the office was given to James Colleton, -brother of Colleton the lord proprietor, but the situation was not -improved. The troubles arose partly from the practice of kidnapping -Indians for slaves, which invited bloody reprisals; partly from the -demand that quit-rents be paid in coin, which was very scarce in -Carolina; partly from the low character of many of the settlers and -their dealings with pirates; partly from the unwillingness of the -English settlers to admit the Huguenot immigrants to a share in the -franchise; and partly from the fitful and arbitrary manner in which -the lords proprietors tried from beyond sea to cure the complicated -evils. The muddle was aggravated by Spanish hostility. In 1683 a few -Scotch families were brought by Lord Cardross to Port Royal, where -they made the beginnings of a settlement. Those were the cruel days -of Claverhouse in Scotland, and a scheme was entertained for bringing -10,000 sturdy Covenanters to Carolina; but it came to nothing. Cardross -got into difficulties with the people at Charleston, and went back -to Scotland in disgust. In 1686, in time of peace, a Spanish force -pounced upon Port Royal, murdered some of the Scotchmen, flogged others -within an inch of their lives, carried off what booty they could -find, and left the place a smoking ruin. Dire was the indignation of -the Charleston men at these “bloody insolencies.” Two stout ships -with 400 men were just ready to sail against St. Augustine, when the -newly appointed Governor Colleton arrived upon the scene and forbade -their sailing. His mandate was obeyed with growls and curses. The -lords proprietors upheld him. “No man,” as they reasonably said, “can -think that the dependencies of England can have power to make war -upon the king’s allies without his knowledge or consent.”[271] It was -an inauspicious beginning for Colleton. The old troubles continued, -along with others growing out of the Navigation Act. The wrangling -between governor and assembly grew so hot that in 1689 the proprietors -instructed Colleton to summon no more parliaments in Carolina without -express orders from them. The effect of such an order was probably not -foreseen by those well-meaning gentlemen. It was a curious feature in -the Ashley River colony that the acts of its assembly expired at the -end of twenty-three months unless renewed. This term had so nearly -elapsed when the order arrived that “in 1690 not one statute law was in -force in the colony!”[272] - -[Sidenote: Reappearance of Sothel.] - -[Sidenote: His death.] - -This heroic medicine did not cure the malady. Things grew worse in the -spring of 1690, when Colleton proclaimed martial law. The air was thick -with sedition when Sothel arrived in Charleston. As a lord proprietor -he had the right to act as governor over Colleton’s head. Several of -the leading colonists begged him to call a parliament, and forthwith -the exemplary Sothel posed as “the people’s friend.” He summoned a -parliament which banished Colleton and enacted sundry laws. A queer -spectacle it was, the victim of one popular revolution becoming the -ringleader of another, the banished playing the part of banisher! But -the lords proprietors had become aware of Sothel’s misdeeds; they -annulled the acts of his parliament, deposed him, and ordered him to -return to England to answer the charges against him. Sothel did not -relish this. His term of banishment from Albemarle had expired, and he -believed it to be a safer hiding-place than London. Where he skulked -or how he died is unknown. All we know is that his will was admitted -to probate February 5, 1694; and that his tombstone, which came from -England, was never paid for![273] - -[Sidenote: Clarendon colony abandoned.] - -Since the founding of the Ashley River colony it had fared ill with -the Clarendon colony on Cape Fear River, which under favouring -circumstances might perhaps have developed into a Middle Carolina. -There were not people enough, and there was not trade enough for -so many settlements. So Clarendon dwindled until 1690, when it was -abandoned. This left a wide interval of forest and stream between -Albemarle and the Ashley River colony, or North Carolina and South -Carolina, as they were beginning to be called. The formal separation -of Carolina into two provinces did not take place until 1729, but -the two colonies were from the outset, as we have seen, distinct and -independent growths; and by 1690 the epithets North and South were -commonly used. - -[Sidenote: Philip Ludwell.] - -Just at this time, however, the two were united under one governor. -Colonel Philip Ludwell, of Virginia, who had ably supported Berkeley -against Bacon, and had afterward married Berkeley’s widow, was Sothel’s -successor in Albemarle in 1689, and he was appointed to succeed him at -Charleston in 1691. The proprietors wished to bring all Carolina under -one government, and the Albemarle people were requested to send their -representatives to the assembly at Charleston, but distance made such a -scheme impracticable. The northern colony, however, was often governed -by a deputy appointed at Charleston. The troubles were not yet over. -Ludwell was an upright and able man, but the disagreements between the -settlers and the lords proprietors were more than he could cope with, -and in 1692 he was superseded. - -[Sidenote: John Archdale.] - -[Sidenote: Joseph Blake.] - -[Sidenote: Sir Nathaniel Johnson and the Dissenters.] - -It is not worth while to recount the names of all the men who served -as governors in the two Carolinas. In the world of history there is a -certain amount of meaningless mediocrity which a general survey like -the present may well pass by without notice. The brief administration -of John Archdale, in 1695, marks a kind of era. Archdale was a Quaker, -a man of broad intelligence and character at once strong and gentle. -He had become one of the lords proprietors, and in that capacity came -out to Carolina, where for one year he ruled the whole province with -such authority as no one had wielded before; for while he was backed -up by the proprietors, he conciliated the assemblies. In the matter of -the Indians and the quit-rents much was done, and the veto power of -the proprietors was curtailed. After a year Archdale felt able to go -home, leaving his friend Joseph Blake, a nephew of the great admiral, -as governor in Charleston. Under Blake still further progress was made -by admitting to full political rights and privileges the Huguenot -immigrants, who had come to be in some respects the most important -element in the population of South Carolina. But after Blake’s death, -in 1700, it grew stormy again. The new governor, James Moore, came -out to make money, and to that end he renewed the vile practice of -kidnapping Indians. This presently made it necessary to gather troops -and defeat the angry red men. Quarrels with the assembly were chronic. -When the war of the Spanish Succession broke out, Moore invaded -Florida, but accomplished nothing except the creation of a heavy public -debt. In 1703 he was superseded by Sir Nathaniel Johnson, a precious -bigot, who undertook to force through the assembly a law excluding from -it all Dissenters. This was effected by trickery; the act was passed by -a majority of one, in a house from which several members were absent. -After the fraud was discovered, the assembly by a large majority -voted to repeal the act, but the governor refused to sign the repeal. -The Dissenters were perhaps three fourths of the population. They -made complaint to the lords proprietors, but a majority of that body -sustained the governor. Then a successful appeal was made to the House -of Lords, and the proprietors suddenly found themselves threatened with -the loss of their charter. The result was a great victory for the South -Carolina assembly, which at its next session restored Dissenters to -their full privileges. - -[Sidenote: Unsuccessful attempt of a French and Spanish fleet upon -Charleston.] - -Like many another bigot, Governor Johnson was a good fighter. In -August, 1706, Charleston was attacked by a French and Spanish -squadron. A visitation of yellow fever, with half a dozen deaths -daily in a population of 3,000, had frightened many people away from -the town. On a broiling Saturday afternoon five columns of smoke -floating lazily up over Sullivan’s Island announced that five warships -were descried in the offing. They were French privateers with Spanish -reinforcements from Cuba and St. Augustine. When the signal was -reported to the governor at his country house, the militia were called -together from all quarters and the ships in the harbour were quickly -made ready for action. The evening air was vocal with alarm guns. But -the enemy approached with such excessive caution that Johnson had -ample time for preparation. It was not until Wednesday that the affair -matured. Then the French commander sent a flag of truce ashore and -demanded, in the name of Louis XIV., the surrender of the town and its -inhabitants; the governor, he said, might have an hour to consider his -answer. Johnson replied that he did not need a minute, and told the -Frenchman to go to the devil. The enemy then landed 150 men on the -north shore of the harbour, at Haddrell’s Beacon, but the militia soon -drove them into the water, with the loss of a dozen killed and more -than thirty prisoners. Many more were drowned in swimming to their -boats. Another detachment on the south shore was similarly discomfited. -On Thursday Colonel William Rhett, with six small craft heavily armed -and a fire-ship, bore down upon the enemy’s fleet. But instead of -waiting to fight, the French commander hastily stood out to sea. This -conduct, as well as his whole delay, may be explained by the fact that -an important part of his force had not come up. The best of the French -ships, carrying beside her marine force some 200 regular infantry, -did not arrive until Friday, when, in ignorance of the repulse of her -consorts, she entered Sewee Bay and landed her soldiers. It was rushing -into the lion’s jaws. The soldiers were promptly attacked and put to -flight with the loss of one third of their number, while at the same -time Colonel Rhett blockaded the bay and took the French ship with all -on board. Thus the ill-concerted attack ended in ignominious defeat, -with the loss of the best ship and 300 men out of 800. - -[Sidenote: Thomas Carey and the Quakers in North Carolina.] - -[Sidenote: Porter’s mission to England.] - -[Sidenote: Alliance between Porter and Carey.] - -[Sidenote: Edward Hyde.] - -[Sidenote: Carey’s rebellion.] - -After the halcyon days of Archdale there was quiet in North Carolina -until 1704, when Governor Johnson sent a deputy, Robert Daniel, to -rule there and set up the Church of England, while making it hot for -Dissenters. As nearly all the Albemarle people came within the latter -category, there was trouble at once. It was allayed for a moment by the -same proceedings in England which gave victory to the Dissenters of -South Carolina. The Quakers of Albemarle succeeded in getting Johnson -to appoint a new deputy, Thomas Carey, in whom they had confidence. -But their confidence proved to have been misplaced. A recent act of -Queen Anne’s Parliament had prescribed certain test oaths for all -public officials, without making any reservation in behalf of the -conscientious scruples of Quakers. Carey, as deputy governor of -North Carolina, undertook to administer these test oaths, and at once -disgusted the Quakers, who sent John Porter to England to plead with -the lords proprietors. This Porter, who was himself a Quaker, had a -persuasive tongue. Acts of Parliament had not usually been heeded by -the colonies; it was by no means clear that they were even intended to -apply to the colonies without some declaratory clause to that effect, -or without being supplemented by a royal order in council. The lords -proprietors virtually admitted that the Queen Anne test oath act did -not apply to the colonies, when in response to Porter’s petition they -removed Carey from office. At the same time they suspended Governor -Johnson’s authority over North Carolina. This action left that colony -without a head, and there ought to have been no delay in appointing -a new governor, but there was delay. On Porter’s return William -Glover was chosen president of the council, which made him temporary -governor. Glover belonged to the Church of England, but was believed -to be opposed to the test oaths. We can fancy, then, the wrath of the -Quakers when he insisted upon administering the oaths, precisely as -the deposed Carey had done! The remedy was an instance of political -homœopathy, or treatment with a hair of the dog that bit you. The -angry Porter at once turned to Carey and entered into an alliance with -him from which dire evils were to grow. Porter contrived to assemble -various resident deputies of the lords proprietors, and persuaded -them to depose Glover and reinstate Carey; but Glover refused to be -bound by these irregular proceedings. He continued to act as governor -and issued writs for the election of an assembly; Carey did likewise, -and anarchy reigned supreme. Several of the principal colonists fled -to Virginia for safety. In 1710, after a delay of more than three -years, the proprietors sent out Edward Hyde, a kinsman if the queen’s -grandfather, the first Earl of Clarendon, to govern North Carolina. His -commission needed the signature of the governor-in-chief at Charleston, -but that dignitary happened to die just before Hyde’s arrival, so that -further delay was entailed in completing his commission. Early in -1711, before receiving it, he issued writs for an election. Carey made -strenuous efforts to secure the election of a majority of his friends -and adherents to the Commons House of Assembly, or House of Commons, as -it came to be called. Failing in this attempt he maintained that the -election was illegal because Hyde had not received his vouchers. The -assembly retorted by summoning Carey to render an account of all the -public moneys which he had used, and presently it issued orders for his -arrest. Thus driven to bay, Carey set up a rival government and tried -to arrest Hyde, who appealed to Virginia for military aid. Virginia’s -response was prompt and effective. The discomfited Carey fled to the -wilderness between the heads of Albemarle and Pamlico sounds. After -a while he ventured into Virginia, intending to take passage there -for England; but he was arrested and sent to England to be tried for -treason. For lack of accessible evidence he seems to have been released -without trial, and thereupon he made his way to the West Indies, where -history loses sight of him. With his disappearance from North Carolina -tranquillity seemed for the moment restored; but more terrible scenes -were at hand. - -[Sidenote: Expansion of the northern colony; arrival of Graffenried.] - -[Sidenote: Improbable charges against Carey and Porter.] - -In spite of all the turmoil the little colony had received new -settlers, and had begun to expand until North Carolina was no longer -synonymous with Albemarle. In the first decade of the eighteenth -century, numbers of Huguenots settled in the neighbourhood of Bath, -where the Taw River widens into an arm of Pamlico Sound; and parties of -Swiss, with many Germans from the Rhenish Palatinate, under the lead of -Baron de Graffenried, founded the town of New Berne, where the Trent -River flows into the Neuse. The increase of population in Albemarle, -moreover, had carried the frontier from the Chowan to the Roanoke. All -this entailed some real and still more prospective displacement of -native tribes, and some kind of mild remonstrance, after the well-known -Indian fashion, was to be expected. It was believed by many persons at -the time that Carey, on the occasion of his flight to the wilderness -between the Roanoke and Taw rivers, solicited aid from the Indians, -and that his Quaker friend, John Porter, had gone as emissary to the -Tuscaroras, “promising great rewards to incite them to cut off all the -inhabitants of that part of Carolina that adhered to Mr. Hyde.”[274] -But a charge of such frightful character needs strong evidence to -make it credible, and in this case there is little but hearsay and -the vague beliefs of men hostile to Carey and Porter, in a season of -fierce political excitement. No such infernal wickedness is needed to -account for the Indian outbreak. The ordinary incidents connected with -the advance of the white man’s frontier into the red man’s country are -quite sufficient to explain it. But, without feeling it necessary to -accuse Carey and Porter of having urged the Indians to murder their -fellow-countrymen, we must still admit that the civil discord into -which they had plunged the colony had so weakened it as to offer the -watchful red men an excellent opportunity. - -[Sidenote: Carolina Indians; Algonquin tribes.] - -[Sidenote: Sioux tribes.] - -[Sidenote: Iroquois tribes.] - -[Sidenote: Muskogi tribes.] - -The Indians of North Carolina at the time which we are treating -belonged to three ethnic families. Along the coast, northward from Cape -Lookout to the Virginia line, the Corees, Pamlicos, Mattamuskeets, -Pasquotanks, and Chowanoes all belonged to the Algonquin family, and -they could muster in all about 400 warriors. The coast territory -occupied by these tribes was continuous with that which had once been -controlled by the Powhatan Confederacy to the northward. The Corees, in -Carteret Precinct, were the southernmost of these Algonquin tribes. The -Cape Fear Indians, on the coast southwest of Carteret, belonged to the -great Sioux or Dakota family. From the meridian of 77° 30´ westward to -the Blue Ridge, and from the Santee River on the south to the Potomac -on the north, the country was occupied by Sioux tribes, of which the -names most familiarly known are the Waxhaws, Catawbas, Waterees, -Saponis and Tutelos, Monacans and Manahoacs.[275] Now deep into this -Sioux country, in North Carolina, there ran a powerful wedge of alien -stock. The thick end of the wedge covered the precincts of Bath and -Craven, with part of New Hanover; and from its centre, at the mouth of -Trent River, it ran northwestward more than a hundred miles, a little -beyond the site of Raleigh, with an average width of less than thirty -miles. This wedge of population consisted of the Tuscaroras, a large -tribe of the dreaded Iroquois family, able to send forth at least 1,200 -warriors. Another tribe of Iroquois then dwelt in Bertie Precinct, -between the Chowan and Roanoke rivers. It was known as the Meherrins, -and was really the remnant of the fierce Susquehannocks, from whom -Bacon had delivered Virginia in 1676. Its fighting numbers can hardly -have been much over a hundred. Just north of the Meherrins was another -small Iroquois tribe called Nottoways. To frame our picture, although -it takes us away from the scene of action, we should add that the whole -Alpine region west of the Sioux country, from the Peaks of Otter as far -southwest as Lookout and Chickamauga mountains, belonged to the great -Iroquois tribe of Cherokees; while to the south of Santee River, from -Florida to the Mississippi River, we encounter a fourth ethnic family, -the Muskogi, represented by such tribes as Choctaws and Chickasaws, the -Creek Confederacy, the Yamassees, and others. - -[Sidenote: Algonquin-Iroquois conspiracy.] - -Between the Tuscaroras and the numerous Sioux tribes by which they -were partly surrounded there was incessant and murderous hostility. On -the other hand, there was amity and alliance, at least for the moment, -between the Tuscaroras and the Algonquin coast tribes whose lands the -palefaces were invading. The first murders of white settlers occurred -in Bertie Precinct at the hands of Meherrins, and seem to have been -isolated cases. But a general conspiracy of Iroquois and Algonquin -tribes was not long in forming, and the day before the new moon, -September 22, 1711, was appointed for a wholesale massacre. - -[Sidenote: Capture of Graffenried and Lawson.] - -[Sidenote: Lawson’s horrible death.] - -A few days before the appointed time the Baron de Graffenried started -in his pinnace from New Berne to explore the Neuse River. His only -companions were a negro servant and John Lawson, a Scotchman who for -a dozen years had been surveyor-general of the colony. Lawson was the -author of an extremely valuable and fascinating book on Carolina and -its native races,--a book which one cannot read without loving the -writer and mourning his melancholy fate.[276] No man in the colony was -better known by the Indians, who had frequently observed and carefully -noted the fact that his appearance in the woods with his surveying -instruments was apt to be followed by some fresh encroachment upon -their lands. Lawson and Graffenried had advanced but little way into -the Tuscarora wilderness when they were surrounded by a host of Indians -and taken prisoners. The Indians were very curious to learn why they -had come up the river; perhaps it might indicate that the people at New -Berne had some suspicion of the intended massacre and had sent them -forward as scouts. If any such dread beset the minds of the red men, -it was probably soon allayed; for it is clear that, had there been any -suspicion, Graffenried and Lawson would not thus have ventured out of -all reach of support. The barbarians were two or three days in making -up their minds what to do. Then they took poor Lawson, and thrust into -his skin all over, from head to foot, sharp splinters of lightwood, -almost dripping with its own turpentine, and set him afire.[277] The -negro was also put to death with fiendish torments, but Graffenried was -kept a prisoner, perhaps in order to be burned on some festal occasion. - -[Sidenote: The massacre, Sept. 22-24, 1711.] - -[Sidenote: Aid from Virginia and South Carolina.] - -[Sidenote: Barnwell defeats the Tuscaroras, Jan. 28. 1712.] - -Before the news of this dreadful affair could reach New Berne, the blow -had fallen, not only there, but also at Bath and on the Roanoke River. -Some hundreds of settlers were massacred,--at New Berne 130 within two -hours from the signal. No circumstance of horror was wanting. Men were -gashed and scorched, children torn in pieces, women impaled on stakes. -The slaughter went on for three days. A war-chief called by the white -men Handcock seems to have been the leading spirit in this concerted -attack, but as usual in Indian warfare the concert was incomplete.[278] -An outlying detachment of Tuscaroras in Bertie Precinct, whose head -war-chief was called Tom Blunt, took no part in the massacre and -remained on good terms with the whites. Perhaps Blunt’s attitude may -have been affected by nearness to Virginia and its able governor, -Alexander Spotswood, who was certainly instrumental in keeping the -Nottoways and Meherrins quiet. Through Blunt’s intervention, Spotswood -secured the release of Graffenried, after five weeks of captivity, and -it was not the fault of this valiant governor that Virginia troops did -not march against Handcock; for his House of Burgesses, after advising -such a measure, behaved like a “whimsical multitude,” and refused to -vote the necessary funds.[279] Important aid, however, was obtained -from South Carolina, which had for the moment a more complaisant -assembly, and in Charles Craven a wise and able governor. Advantage -was taken of the deadly hatred which the Sioux and Muskogi tribes bore -to the Iroquois. With a small body of white men, supported by large -numbers of Muskogi Creeks and Yamassees, and of Sioux Catawbas, Colonel -John Barnwell made a long and arduous winter march through more than -250 miles of virgin forest to the Neuse River, where he encountered -the Tuscaroras, and in an obstinate battle defeated them with the loss -of 400 warriors. Then Handcock, retiring behind a stockade, sought -and obtained terms from Barnwell; a treaty was made, and the South -Carolina forces went home. - -[Sidenote: Crushing defeat of the Tuscaroras; migration to New York.] - -They had scarcely departed when the faithless red men renewed their -bloody work, and in March the distracted colony was again obliged to -ask for succour. Summer added to the other horrors the scourge of -yellow fever, which carried off some hundreds of victims, among them -Governor Hyde. In December a force of 50 white men and 1,000 Indians -from South Carolina, under Colonel James Moore, arrived on the scene, -and in March, 1713, Handcock was driven to cover on the site of the -present town of Snow Hill, in Greene County. His palisaded fort was -stormed with great slaughter, and that was the end of the Indian -power in eastern North Carolina. Their remnant of defeated Tuscaroras -withdrew to the upper waters of the Roanoke, and thence migrated -northward to central New York, where they were admitted into the great -confederacy of their kinsmen, the Iroquois of the Long House. Thus did -the celebrated Five Nations become the Six Nations. - -[Sidenote: Charles Eden.] - -After Hyde’s death the government was ably administered by one of the -leading colonists, Thomas Pollock, as president of the council. In 1714 -Charles Eden came out as governor. Under the stress of war the colony -had begun to issue paper money, a curse from which it was destined long -to suffer. But some other evils were remedied. Liberty of conscience -was secured to Dissenters, and in the matter of test oaths the Quaker’s -affirmation was accepted as an equivalent. Eden was a very popular -governor and managed affairs with ability until his death in 1722. His -name is preserved in that of the town of Edenton, in Chowan County, -which was in his time the seat of government. - -[Sidenote: The Yamassees and the Spaniards.] - -We must now turn to South Carolina, where we have seen Governor Craven -using the Yamassee and Catawba warriors as allies to be sent against -the Tuscaroras. The year 1713, which witnessed the crushing defeat of -the Tuscaroras, was the year of the treaty of Utrecht, which ended the -long war of the Spanish Succession. Throughout that war the powerful -tribe of Yamassees had been steadfast friends of the English. From -time to time they made incursions into Florida and brought away many -a Spanish captive to be burned alive, until government checked their -cruelty by offering a ransom for Spanish prisoners delivered in safety -at Charleston; the prisoners were then sent home on payment of the -amount of their ransom by the government at St. Augustine. - -[Sidenote: Alliance of Indian tribes against the South Carolinians.] - -[Sidenote: The Indian war.] - -The Yamassee country was the last quarter from which the South -Carolinians would have expected hostilities to come. But after 1713, in -spite of treaty obligations, the St. Augustine government bent all its -energies to stirring up all the frontier tribes to a concerted attack -upon the English. Bribes in the shape of gaudy coats, steel hatchets, -and firearms were distributed among the chiefs; the solemn palavers, -the banquets of boiled dog, the exchanges of wampum belts, the puffing -of red clay pipes, the beastly orgies of fire-water, may be left to -our imagination, for we have no such minute chroniclers here as the -Jesuits of Canada. The outcome of it all was a grand conspiracy of -Yamassees, Creeks, Catawbas, and Cherokees, with other less important -tribes, comprising perhaps 7,000 or 8,000 warriors, against the colony -of South Carolina. But, as in all such plans for concerted action among -Indians, the concert was very imperfect. Hostilities began in April, -1715, with the massacre of ninety persons at Pocotaligo, and lasted -until February, 1716, by which time 400 Christians had lost their -lives; while the red men were thoroughly vanquished, and the shattered -remnant of the Yamassees sought shelter in Florida. - -[Sidenote: Robert Johnson.] - -Governor Craven, who had conducted this war with great ability and -courage, was a man of high character, and when he returned to England -in 1717 his departure was mourned. His successor, Robert Johnson, was -son of Sir Nathaniel Johnson, who had formerly been governor. The -younger Johnson, an able and popular official, was the last governor of -South Carolina under the lords proprietors. His romantic experiences in -dealing with pirates will be recounted in my next chapter. The chain -of events which brought about a political revolution in 1719 admits -of brief description. The Indian war had laden South Carolina with -debt, and it was felt that the lords proprietors ought to contribute -something toward relieving the distress of a colony which had yielded -them a princely income. But the lords proprietors did not take -this view of the case. As a means of discharging the public debt, the -assembly laid a revenue tariff upon imports, but the lords proprietors -vetoed it. The assembly proposed to raise money by selling Yamassee -lands to settlers, but the lords proprietors laid claim to the -conquered territory for their own use and behoof. Thus the situation -was fast becoming unendurable. - -[Illustration: A Map _of y^e most_ Improved Part of CAROLINA ] - -[Sidenote: The revolution of 1719 in South Carolina.] - -In December, 1718, war broke out again between Spain and England. -The Spaniards planned an expedition against Charleston, and Johnson -asked the assembly for money. They proposed to raise it by collecting -revenue under the tariff act, in disregard of the veto. Nicholas Trott, -the chief justice, declared that this would not do; the courts would -uphold delinquents who should refuse to pay. The assembly denied the -right of the proprietors to veto their acts. The members consulted -their constituents and were sustained by them. Finally the assembly -resolved itself into a revolutionary convention, deposed the lords -proprietors, and offered the governorship to Johnson as royal governor. -On his refusal to take part in such proceedings, the convention chose -for provisional royal governor Colonel James Moore, the hero of the -Tuscarora war. Johnson’s only reliance, in such an emergency, was the -militia; but the militia deserted him and went over to the convention, -and thus, in December, 1719, the popular revolution was complete. When -the news reached London, the course of the assembly was approved by the -crown, the proprietary charter was declared to be forfeited, and our -old friend Sir Francis Nicholson was sent out to South Carolina as -royal governor. - -[Sidenote: End of the proprietary government.] - -Three years later there was renewal of civil discord in North Carolina, -after the death of Governor Eden and the arrival of his successor, -George Burrington, a vulgar ruffian who had served a term in prison -for an infamous assault upon an old woman. Five years of turmoil, -with changes of governors, followed. In 1728 Parliament requested the -king to buy Carolina, and appropriated money for the purpose. The -proprietors were Henry Somerset, Duke of Beaufort, and his brother, -Lord Charles Somerset; Lord Craven; Lord Carteret; John Cotton; the -heirs of Sir John Colleton; James and Henry Bertie; Mary Dawson and -Elizabeth Moore. Lord Carteret would not sell his share. All the others -consented to sell for a modest sum total scarcely amounting to £50,000; -and so in 1729 the many-headed palatinate founded by Charles II. came -to an end, and in its place were the two royal provinces of North and -South Carolina. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Contrasts between the two Carolinas.] - -The careers of the two southern colonies whose beginnings we have thus -sketched were very different, and between their respective social -characteristics the contrasts were so great that it is impossible to -make general statements applicable alike to the two. In one respect the -contrast was different from that which one would observe in comparing -Virginia with New England. In New England a marked concentration -of social life in towns and villages co-existed with complete -democracy, while in Virginia the isolated life upon great plantations -was connected with an aristocratic structure of society. But between -the two Carolinas the contrast was just the reverse of this. Of all -the southern colonies, North Carolina was the one in which society -was the most scattered, and town life the least developed, while -it was also the one in which the general aspect of society was the -least aristocratic. On the other hand, in South Carolina there was a -peculiarly strong concentration of social life into a single focus -in Charleston; and in connection with this we find a type of society -in some respects more essentially aristocratic than in Virginia. We -shall find it worth our while to dwell for a moment upon some of the -immediate causes of these differences. - -[Sidenote: Effects of geographical conditions.] - -[Sidenote: Interior of North Carolina contrasted with the coast.] - -The history of North America affords an interesting illustration -of the way in which the character of a community may be determined -for good or ill by geographical circumstances. There have been -historians and philosophers unable to see anything except such physical -conditions at work in determining the course of human affairs. With -such views I have small sympathy,[280] but it would be idle to deny -that physical conditions are very important, and the study of them -is highly instructive. But for the peculiar physical conformation -of its coast, North Carolina, rather than Virginia, would doubtless -have been the first American state. It was upon Roanoke Island that -the earliest attempts were made, but Ralph Lane in 1585 already came -to the conclusion that the Chesapeake region would afford better -opportunities. First and foremost, the harbourage was spoiled by the -prevalent sand-bars. Then huge pine barrens near the coast hindered -the first efforts of the planter, and extensive malarial swamps -imperilled his life.[281] The first attempts at cultivation increased -the danger, which was of a kind that would yield only to modern methods -of drainage. It was only by the coast that the conditions were thus -forbidding. No American state has greater natural advantages than North -Carolina. For diversity of eligible soils, for salubrity of climate, -for variety of flora and fauna, she is unsurpassed; while for beauty -and grandeur of scenery she may well claim to be first among the states -east of the Rocky Mountains.[282] John Lawson describes North Carolina -with enthusiasm as “a delicious country, being placed in that girdle of -the world which affords wine, oil, fruit, grain, and silk, with other -rich commodities, besides a sweet air, moderate climate, and fertile -soil. These are the blessings, under Heaven’s protection, that spin -out the thread of life to its utmost extent, and crown our days with -the sweets of health and plenty, which, when joined with content, -render the possessors the happiest race of men upon earth.”[283] The -good Lawson, who was somewhat inclined to see things in rose-colour, -praised even the gentleness of the Indians, who (as we have seen) -returned the compliment after their manner, by roasting him alive. -But, with all this beauty and richness of the interior country, the -obstacles presented at the coast turned the first great wave of English -colonization into Virginia; and thereafter the settlement of North -Carolina was determined largely, and by no means to its advantage, by -the social conditions of the older colony. - -[Sidenote: Unkempt life.] - -In its early days North Carolina was simply a portion of Virginia’s -frontier; and to this wild frontier the shiftless people who could not -make a place for themselves in Virginia society, including many of -the “mean whites,” flocked in large numbers. In their new home they -soon acquired the reputation of being very lawless in temper, holding -it to be the chief end of man to resist all constituted authority, -and above all things to pay no taxes. In some respects, as in the -administration of justice, one might have witnessed such scenes as -continued for generations to characterize American frontier life. The -courts sat oftentimes in taverns, where the tedium of business was -relieved by glasses of grog, while the judge’s decisions were not put -on record, but were simply shouted by the crier from the inn door or -at the nearest market-place. It was not until 1703 that a clergyman -was settled in the colony, though there were Quaker meetings before -that time. As late as 1729 Colonel Byrd writes of Edenton, the seat of -government: “I believe this is the only metropolis in the Christian -or Mohammedan world where there is neither church, chapel, mosque, -synagogue, or any other place of public worship, of any sect or -religion whatsoever.” In this country “they pay no tribute, either to -God or to Cæsar.”[284] - -[Sidenote: A genre picture by Colonel Byrd.] - -According to Colonel Byrd, these people were chargeable with laziness, -but more especially the men, who let their wives work for them. The -men, he says, “make their wives rise out of their beds early in the -morning, at the same time that they lie and snore till the sun has -run one third of his course and dispersed all the unwholesome damps. -Then, after stretching and yawning for half an hour, they light their -pipes, and under the protection of a cloud of smoke venture out into -the open air; though, if it happens to be never so little cold, they -quickly return shivering into the chimney corner. When the weather is -mild, they stand leaning with both their arms upon the cornfield fence, -and gravely consider whether they had best go and take a small heat at -the hoe, but generally find reasons to put it off until another time. -Thus they loiter away their lives, like Solomon’s sluggard, with their -arms across, and at the winding up of the year scarcely have bread -to eat.”[285] Every one has met with the type of man here described. -In Massachusetts to-day you may find sporadic examples of him in -decaying mountain villages, left high and dry by the railroads that -follow the winding valleys; or now and then you may find him clustered -in some tiny hamlet of crazy shanties nestling in a secluded area of -what Mr. Ricardo would have called “the worst land under cultivation,” -and bearing some such pithy local name as “Hardscrabble” or “Satan’s -Kingdom.” Such men do not make the strength of Massachusetts, or of any -commonwealth. They did not make the strength of North Carolina, and it -should not be forgotten that Byrd’s testimony is that of an unfriendly -or at least a satirical observer. Nevertheless there is strong reason -for believing that his portrait is one for which the old Albemarle -colony could have furnished many sitters. Such people were sure to be -drawn thither by the legislation which made the colony an Alsatia for -insolvent debtors. - -[Sidenote: Industries.] - -The industries of North Carolina in the early times were purely -agricultural. There were no manufactures. The simplest and commonest -articles of daily use were imported from the northern colonies or -from England. Agriculture was conducted more wastefully and with -less intelligence than in any of the other colonies. In the northern -counties tobacco was almost exclusively cultivated. In the Cape Fear -region there were flourishing rice-fields. A great deal of excellent -timber was cut; in particular the yellow pine of North Carolina -was then, as now, famous for its hardness and durability. Tar and -turpentine were also produced in large quantities. All this furnished -the basis for a flourishing foreign commerce; but the people did -not take kindly to the sea, and the carrying trade was monopolized -by New Englanders. The fisheries, which were of considerable value, -were altogether neglected. All business or traffic about the coast was -carried on under perilous conditions; for pirates were always hovering -about, secure in the sympathy of many of the people, like the brigands -of southern Italy in recent times. - -[Sidenote: Absence of towns.] - -In the absence of manufactures, and with commerce so little developed, -there was no town life. Byrd describes Edenton as containing forty -or fifty houses, small and cheaply built: “a citizen here is -counted extravagant if he has ambition enough to aspire to a brick -chimney.”[286] As late as 1776 New Berne and Wilmington were villages -of five or six hundred inhabitants each. Not only were there no towns, -but there were very few large plantations with stately manor houses -like those of Virginia. A great part of the country was covered with -its primeval forest, in which thousands of hogs, branded with their -owners’ marks, wandered and rooted until the time came for hunting them -out and slaughtering them. Where rude clearings had been made in the -wilderness there were small, ill-kept farms. Nearly all the people were -small farmers, whose work was done chiefly by black slaves or by white -servants. The treatment of the slaves is said to have been usually -mild, as in Virginia. The white servants fared better, and the general -state of society was so low that when their time of service was -ended they had here a good chance of rising to a position of equality -with their masters. The country swarmed with ruffians of all sorts, -who fled thither from South Carolina and Virginia; life and property -were insecure, and Lynch law was not unfrequently administered. The -small planters were apt to be hard drinkers, and among their social -amusements were scrimmages, in which noses were sometimes broken and -eyes gouged out. There was a great deal of gambling. But, except at -elections and other meetings for political purposes, people saw very -little of each other. The isolation of homesteads, which prevailed over -the South, reached its maximum in North Carolina. It is not strange, -then, that the colony was a century old before it could boast of a -printing-press, or that there were no schools until shortly before the -war for Independence. A mail from Virginia came some eight or ten times -in a year, but it only reached a few towns on the coast, and down to -the time of the Revolution the interior of the country had no mails at -all. - -[Sidenote: A frontier democracy.] - -[Sidenote: Segregation and dispersal of Virginia’s poor whites.] - -[Sidenote: Spotswood’s account of the matter.] - -All these consequences clearly followed from the character of the -emigration by which North Carolina was first peopled, and that -character was determined by its geographical position as a wilderness -frontier to such a commonwealth as Virginia. In the character of -this emigration we find the reasons for the comparatively democratic -state of society. As there were so few large plantations and wealthy -planters, while nearly all the white people were small land-owners, -and as the highest class was thus so much lower in dignity than the -corresponding class in Virginia, it became just so much the easier -for the “mean whites” to rise far enough to become a part of it. -North Carolina, therefore, was not simply an Alsatia for debtors -and criminals, but it afforded a home for the better portion of -Virginia’s poor people. We can thus see how there would come about a -natural segregation of Virginia’s white freedmen into four classes: -1. The most enterprising and thrifty would succeed in maintaining -a respectable existence in Virginia; 2. A much larger class, less -thrifty and enterprising, would find it easier to make a place for -themselves in the ruder society of North Carolina; 3. A lower stratum -would consist of persons without enterprise or thrift who remained -in Virginia to recruit the ranks of “white trash;” 4. The lowest -stratum would comprise the outlaws who fled into North Carolina to -escape the hangman. Of the third class the eighteenth century seems -to have witnessed a gradual exodus from Virginia, so that in 1773 it -was possible for the traveller, John Ferdinand Smyth, to declare that -there were fewer cases of poverty in proportion to the population than -anywhere else “in the universe.” The statement of Bishop Meade in 1857, -which was quoted in the preceding chapter,[287] shows that the class -of “mean whites” had not even then become extinct in Virginia; but it -is clear that the slow but steady exodus had been such as greatly to -diminish its numbers and its importance as a social feature. Some of -these freedmen went northward into Pennsylvania,[288] but most of them -sought the western and southern frontiers, and at first the southern -frontier was a far more eligible retreat than the western. Of this -outward movement of white freedmen the governor of Virginia wrote in -1717: “The Inhabitants of our ffrontiers are composed generally of such -as have been transported hither as Servants, and being out of their -time, ... settle themselves where Land is to be taken up ... that will -produce the necessarys of Life with little Labour. It is pretty well -known what Morals such people bring with them hither, which are not -like to be much mended by their Scituation, remote from all places of -worship; they are so little concerned about Religion, that the Children -of many of the Inhabitants of those ffrontier Settlements are 20, and -some 30 years of age before they are baptized, and some not at all.... -These people, knowing the Indians to be lovers of strong liquors, make -no scruple of first making them drunk and then cheating them of their -skins; on the other hand, the Indians, being unacquainted with the -methods of obtaining reparation by Law, frequently revenged themselves -by the murder of the persons who thus treated them, or (according -to their notions of Satisfaction) of the next Englishman they could -most easily cutt off.”[289] In this description we may recognize some -features of frontier life in recent times. - -[Sidenote: The German immigration.] - -[Sidenote: The Scotch-Irish immigration.] - -We have hitherto considered only the earliest period of North Carolina -history. From about 1720 marked changes began to be visible. There -was such a change in the character of the immigration as by and by to -result in more or less displacement of population. Since the barbarous -devastation of the Rhenish Palatinate by French troops in 1688-93 there -had been much distress among those worthy Germans, and after a while -they sought to mend their fortunes by coming to America. This migration -continued for many years. Some of these Germans settled in the Mohawk -valley, where their mark was placed upon the map in such town names -as Minden, Frankfort, and Oppenheim, and where they contributed to -our Revolutionary War one of its most picturesque figures in Nicholas -Herkimer. A great many came to the Susquehanna valley in what was then -the western part of Pennsylvania, where their descendants still speak -and write that sweet old-fashioned language which we ought hardly -to call Pennsylvania _Dutch_, since it is a dialect of High German -besprinkled with English. From Pennsylvania large numbers followed -the valleys between the Blue Ridge and the Alleghanies and made their -way as far as South Carolina. We have already noted the arrival of -Germans, Swiss, and Huguenots on the North Carolina seaboard early in -the century. Later on, in 1745, after the suppression of the Jacobite -rebellion, there came to North Carolina a powerful reinforcement of -Scotch Highlanders, among them many of the clan Macdonald, including -the romantic Flora Macdonald, who had done so much for the young -fugitive prince. But more important and far more numerous than all the -other elements in the population were the Scotch-Irish from Ulster, -who--goaded by unwise and unjust laws--began coming in large numbers -about 1719, and have played a much greater and more extensive part in -American history than has yet been recognized. There was hardly one of -the thirteen colonies upon which these Scotch-Irish did not leave their -mark. To the story of their coming I shall revert in my concluding -chapter, where it forms the most important part of the story of the -westward advance of Virginia. For the present it may suffice to point -out that in North Carolina they had come, before the Revolutionary War, -to be the strongest element in the population of the colony. Under the -influence of these various and excellent streams of immigration, the -character of the colony was gradually but effectively altered. Industry -and thrift came to prevail in the wilderness, and various earnest -Puritanic types of religion flourished side by side on friendly terms. - -[Sidenote: Displacement and further dispersal of poor whites.] - -As society in North Carolina became more and more orderly and -civilized, the old mean white element, or at least the more intractable -part of it, was gradually pushed out to the westward. This stream that -had started from Old Virginia flowed for a while southwestward into the -South Carolina back-country. But the southerly movement was gradually -turned more and more to the westward. - -[Sidenote: “Crackers,” etc.] - -Always clinging to the half-savage frontier, these poor white people -made their way from North Carolina westward through Tennessee, and -their descendants may still be found here and there in Arkansas, -southern Missouri, and what is sometimes known as the Egyptian -extremity of Illinois. From the South Carolina back-country, through -Georgia, they were scattered here and there among the states on the -Gulf of Mexico. Taken at its worst, this type of American citizen is -portrayed in Martin Chuzzlewit’s unwelcome visitor, the redoubtable -Hannibal Chollop. Specimens of him might have been found among the -border ruffians led by the savage Quantrell in 1863 to the cruel -massacre at Lawrence, and among the desperadoes whose dark deeds -used forty years ago to give such cities as Memphis an unenviable -prominence in the pages of the “Police Gazette.” But in the average -specimens of the type one would find not criminality of disposition -so much as shiftlessness. Of the stunted, gaunt, and cadaverous -“sand-hillers” of South Carolina and Georgia, a keen observer says that -“they are incapable of applying themselves steadily to any labour, -and their habits are very much like those of the old Indians.”[290] -The “clay-eaters,” who are said to sustain life on crude whiskey -and aluminous earth, are doubtless of similar type, as well as the -“conches,” “crackers,” and “corn-crackers” of various Southern -states. All these seem to represent a degraded variety or strain of -the English race. Concerning the origin of this degraded strain, -detailed documentary evidence is not easy to get; but the facts of its -distribution furnish data for valid inferences such as the naturalist -entertains concerning the origin and migrations of some species of -animal or plant. - -There is, _first_, the importation of degraded English humanity in -large numbers to the two oldest colonies in which there is a demand -for wholesale cheap labour; _secondly_, the substitution of black -cheap labour for white; _thirdly_, the tendency of the degraded -white humanity to seek the frontier, as described by Spotswood, or -else to lodge in sequestered nooks outside of the main currents of -progress. These data are sufficient in general to explain the origin -and distribution of the “crackers,” but a word of qualification is -needed. It is not to be supposed that the ancestors of all the persons -designated as “crackers” were once white freedmen in Virginia and -Maryland; it is more probable that this class furnished a nucleus -about which various wrecks of decayed and broken-down humanity from -many quarters were gradually gathered. Nor are we bound to suppose -that every community of ignorant, semi-civilized white people in the -Southern states is descended from those white freedmen. Prolonged -isolation from the currents of thought and feeling that sway the great -world will account for almost any extent of ignorance and backwardness; -and there are few geographical situations east of the Mississippi River -more conducive to isolation than the southwestern portion of the great -Appalachian highlands. All these circumstances should be borne in mind -in dealing with what, from whatever point of view, is one of the -interesting problems of American history. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Settlers of South Carolina.] - -The settlement of South Carolina took place under different -circumstances from those of the sister colony, and the resulting state -of society was very different. In the earliest days there were many -settlers of a rough and turbulent character, which their peculiar -dealings with pirates, to be recounted in the following chapter, did -not tend to improve. But the Huguenots, in whose veins flowed some -of the sturdiest blood of France, soon came in great numbers. From -the acquaintanceship of the Berkeleys, the Ashleys, the Hydes, and -others, there came a certain number of Cavaliers; but at the end of -the seventeenth century the impulse which had carried thousands of -Cavaliers to Virginia had quite died out, and on the whole the general -complexion of South Carolina, as regarded religion and politics, was -strongly Puritan. - -[Sidenote: Churchmen and Dissenters.] - -[Sidenote: The vestries.] - -In one respect there is a resemblance by no means superficial between -the settlement of South Carolina and that of Massachusetts. Most -of the South Carolina settlers had left their homes in Europe for -reasons connected with religion; and emigrants who quit their homes -for such reasons are likely to show a higher average of intelligence -and energy than the great mass of their fellow-countrymen who stay at -home. Calvinism was the prevailing form of theology in South Carolina, -though there were some Lutherans, and perhaps one fifth of the people -may have belonged to the Church of England, which was established by -the proprietary charter, and remained the state church until 1776. -We have seen how much disturbance was caused by the attempts of the -High Churchmen early in the eighteenth century to enforce conformity -on the part of the Dissenters; but such attempts were soon abandoned -as hopeless, and a policy of toleration prevailed. Though the Church -of England was supported by public taxation, yet the clergymen were -not appointed to office, but were elected by their congregations like -the Dissenting clergymen. Their education was in general very good, -and their character lofty; and in all respects the tone of the church -in South Carolina was far higher than in Virginia. At the outbreak of -the Revolution the elected Episcopal clergy of South Carolina were -generally found on the side of the Whigs; a significant contrast to the -appointed Episcopal clergy of Virginia, whose Toryism was carried so -far as to ruin the reputation of their church. But the most interesting -feature connected with the establishment of the English Church was the -introduction of the parish system of local self-government in very much -the same form in which it existed in England. The vestries in South -Carolina discharged many of the functions which in New England were -performed by the town meeting,--the superintendence of the poor, the -maintenance of roads, the election of representatives to the Commons -House of Assembly, and the assessment of the local taxes. - -[Sidenote: The South Carolina parish.] - -In one fundamental respect the political constitution of South -Carolina was more democratic than that of Virginia. The vestrymen -were elected yearly by all the taxpayers of the parish. In this they -were analogous to the selectmen of New England. Parish government in -Virginia was in the hands of a close vestry; in South Carolina it was -administered by an open vestry. Moreover, while in Virginia the unit -of representation in the legislature was the county, in South Carolina -it was the parish. Now the South Carolina parish was of purely English -origin, not of French origin like the parishes of Louisiana. The -Louisiana parish is analogous to a county, that of South Carolina was -nearly equivalent to a township.[291] Although the colony had such a -large proportion of French settlers, and of such marked ability and -character, the development of its governmental institutions was as -thoroughly English as if no Frenchman had ever set foot upon its soil. -The approximation to the New England township is interesting. The -freemen of South Carolina, with their open vestry, possessed what the -smaller landed proprietors of Virginia in Bacon’s rebellion strove for -in vain. - -[Sidenote: Free schools.] - -In this connection it is worth while to observe that, from the first -decade of the eighteenth century, a strong interest in popular -education was felt in South Carolina. The same obstacles to schools in -the rural districts that we have already observed in Virginia prevented -the growth of anything like the public school system of New England. -But of private free schools in the colony of South Carolina there -were quite a number, and their quality was very good. The first was -established in Charleston in 1712, and it not only taught the three Rs, -along with bookkeeping, but it had classes in Greek and Latin. Private -donations were encouraged by a provision that every giver of £20 “could -nominate a scholar to be taught free for five years.” The commissioners -of the school also appointed twelve scholars. Free schools were -afterward erected by private bequests and subscriptions at Dorchester, -Beaufort, Ninety-Six, and in many other places. A noteworthy instance -was afforded by St. Thomas parish, where “James Childs bequeathed -£600 toward erecting a free school, and the parishioners, by local -subscription, increased the amount to £2,800.”[292] In such beginnings -there lay the possibilities of a more healthy development than can be -secured by the prevalent semi-socialist method of supporting schools by -public taxation;[293] but the influences of negro slavery were adverse -to any such development. - -[Sidenote: Rice and indigo.] - -The economic circumstance which chiefly determined the complexion of -society in South Carolina was the cultivation of rice and indigo. The -value of the former crop was discovered in 1693, when a ship from -Madagascar, accidentally stopping at Charleston, had on board a little -bag of rice, which was planted with very notable success. Rice was not -long in becoming the great staple of the colony. By 1740 it yielded -more than £200,000 yearly. Indigo was next in importance. Much corn was -raised, and cattle in large numbers were exported to the West Indies. -Some attention was paid to silk, flax, and hemp, tobacco, olives, and -oranges. Some cotton was raised, but that crop did not attain paramount -importance until after the invention of the gin and the development of -great factories in England. - -Rice and indigo absorbed the principal attention of the colony, as -tobacco absorbed the attention of Virginia. Manufactures did not -thrive. Every article, great or small, whether a mere luxury or an -article of prime necessity, that had to be manufactured, was imported, -and paid for with rice or indigo. This created a very prosperous trade -in Charleston. The planters did not deal directly with the shipmasters, -as in Virginia, but sold their crops to the merchants in Charleston, -whence they were shipped, sometimes in British, sometimes in New -England vessels, to all parts of the world. - -[Sidenote: Some characteristics of South Carolina slavery.] - -Now the cultivation of rice and the cultivation of indigo are both very -unhealthy occupations. The work in the swamps is deadly to white men. -But after 1713 negroes were brought to South Carolina in such great -numbers that an athletic man could be had for £40 or less. Every such -negro could raise in a single year much more indigo or rice than would -repay the cost of his purchase, so that it was actually more profitable -to work him to death than to take care of him. Assuming, then, that -human nature in South Carolina was neither better nor worse than in -other parts of the civilized world, we need not be surprised when told -that the relations between master and slave were noticeably different -from what they were in Virginia, Maryland, and North Carolina. The -negroes of the southern colony were reputed to be more brutal and -unmanageable than those to the northward, and for this there is a -twofold explanation. In the first place, slaves newly brought from -Africa, half-savage heathen, were less tractable than African slaves -who had lived many years under kindly treatment among white people, -and far less tractable than slaves of the next generation born in -America. Such newcomers as had been tribal chiefs or elders in their -country were noted as especially insolent and insubordinate.[294] In -many respects the negro has proved quickly amenable to the softening -influences of civilized life, and to the teachings of Christianity, -however imperfectly apprehended. In the second place, the type of -Virginia slavery was old-fashioned and patriarchal, while South -Carolina slavery was of the modern and commercial type. The slaves on -a Virginia plantation were like members of a great family, while in a -South Carolina rice swamp their position was much more analogous to -that of a gang of navvies. This circumstance was closely connected -with a peculiarity of South Carolina life, in which it afforded a -striking contrast to the slave states north of it. Except in the -immediate neighbourhood of Charleston, few if any planters lived on -their estates. The reason for this was doubtless the desire to escape -the intense heat and unwholesome air of the newly tilled lowlands. -The latitude of South Carolina is that of Morocco, and it was natural -for settlers coming from the cool or chilly climates of France and -England to seek such relief as the breezes of Charleston harbour could -afford.[295] As a rule, the planters had houses in Charleston and dwelt -there the year round, making occasional visits to their plantations, -but leaving them in the meanwhile to be managed by overseers. Thus the -slaves, while set to much harder labour than in Virginia, were in the -main left subject to the uncurbed tyranny of underlings, which is apt -to be a very harsh kind of tyranny. The diminutions in their numbers, -whether due to hardship or to whatever cause, were repaired by fresh -importations from Africa, so that there was much less improvement -in their quality than under the milder patriarchal system. The dog -that is used to kicks is prone to snarl and bite, and the slaves of -South Carolina were an object of dread to their masters, all the more -so because of their overwhelming numbers. Nothing can indicate more -forcibly the social difference between the two Carolinas than the -different ratios of their black to their white population. About 1760 -the inhabitants of North Carolina were reckoned at 200,000, of whom -one fourth were slaves; those of South Carolina at 150,000, of whom -nearly or quite three fourths were slaves. In the former case the -typical picture is that of a few black men raising tobacco and corn on -the small plantation where the master lives; in the latter case it is -that of an immense gang toiling in a rice swamp under the lash of an -overseer. Care should always be taken not to exaggerate such contrasts, -but after making all allowances the nature of the difference is here, -I think, correctly indicated. - -[Sidenote: Negro insurrection of 1740.] - -In 1740, while war was going on between Spain and England, there was -a brief but startling insurrection of slaves in South Carolina. It -was suspected that Spanish emissaries were concerned in it. However -that may have been, the occasion of such a war might well seem to the -negroes to furnish a good opportunity. Under the lead of a fellow -named Cato the insurgents gathered near Stono Inlet and began an -indiscriminate massacre of men, women, children. The alarm was quickly -given and the affair was soon brought to an end, though not until too -many lives had been lost. The news arrived in Wilton while the people -were attending church. It was the custom of the planters to carry -rifles and pistols, and very little time was lost before Captain Bee -led forth a well-equipped body of militia in quest of the rebels. -They were overtaken in a large field, all in hilarious disorder, -celebrating their bloody achievement with potations of rum; in which -plight they were soon dispersed with slaughter, and their ringleaders -were summarily hanged.[296] - -[Sidenote: Cruelties.] - -The habit of carrying fire-arms to church was part of a general system -of patrol which grew out of the dread in which the planters lived. The -chief business of the patrol was to visit all the plantations within -its district at least once a fortnight and search the negro quarters -for concealed weapons or stolen goods.[297] The patrolmen also hunted -fugitives, and were authorized to flog stray negroes wherever found. -The ordinary death penalty for the black man was hanging. Burning at -the stake was not unknown, but, as I have already mentioned, there -is one instance of such an execution in Massachusetts, and there are -several in New York, so that it cannot be cited as illustrating any -peculiarity of the South Carolina type of slavery. The most hideous -instance of cruelty recorded of South Carolina is that of a slave who -for the murder of an overseer was left to starve in a cage suspended -to the bough of a tree, where insects swarmed over his naked flesh -and birds had picked his eyes out before the mercy of death overtook -him.[298] That such atrocities must have been condemned by public -opinion is shown by the act of 1740, prescribing a fine of £700 current -money for the wilful murder of a slave by his master or any other white -man; £350 for killing him in a sudden heat of passion, or by undue -correction; and £100 for inflicting mutilation or cruel punishment.[299] - -[Sidenote: Life in Charleston.] - -[Sidenote: Contrast between the two Carolinas.] - -The circumstance that most of the great planters had houses in -Charleston went along with the brisk foreign trade to make it a very -important town, according to the American standards of those days. In -1776, with its population of 15,000 souls, it ranked as the fifth city -of the United States. Charleston had a theatre, while concerts, balls, -and dinner parties gave animation to its social life. It was a general -custom with the planters to send their children to Europe for an -education, and it was said that a knowledge of the world thus acquired -gave to society in South Carolina a somewhat less provincial aspect -than it wore in other parts of English America.[300] The sharpest -contrast, however, was with its next neighbour. As South Carolina may -have been in some respects the most cosmopolitan of the colonies south -of Pennsylvania, so on the other hand North Carolina was certainly the -most sequestered and provincial. As I observed at the beginning of -this chapter, for the development of the frontier or backwoods phase -of American life two conditions were requisite: first, the struggle -with the wilderness; secondly, isolation from European influences. This -combination of conditions was not realized in the case of the first -settlers of Virginia and Maryland, of the Puritans in New England, -or the Dutch in New Netherland, or the Quakers in Pennsylvania. In -all these cases there was more or less struggle with the wilderness, -but the contact with European influences was never broken. With North -Carolina it was different; the direct trade with England was from -the outset much less than that of the other colonies. For a time -its chief seaport was Norfolk in Virginia; European ideas reached -it chiefly through slow overland journeys; and it was practically -a part of Virginia’s backwoods. On the other hand, South Carolina, -focussing all its activities in the single seaport of Charleston, was -eminently accessible to European influences. Its life was not that of -a wilderness frontier, like its northern neighbour. But its military -position, with reference to the whole Atlantic seaboard, was that of an -English march or frontier against the Spaniards in Florida and the West -Indies. - -The contrast above indicated applies only to lowland South Carolina, -the only part with which the earlier decades of the eighteenth century -are concerned. At that time the highlands of both Carolinas remained -in the possession of the Cherokees, so that they have nothing to do -with my comparison. At a later time that whole highland region became a -wilderness frontier, the scene of the civilized white man’s backwoods -life. All the way, indeed, from Pennsylvania to Georgia, along the -Appalachian chain, there was a strong similarity of conditions and of -life, in marked contrast with the divergencies along the coast region, -in stepping from Pennsylvania into Maryland, thence into Virginia, and -so on; but that life along the coast which approached most nearly to -the life of the interior wilderness was to be seen about Albemarle and -Pamlico sounds. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: The Spanish frontier.] - -The mention of Georgia serves to introduce the statement that, with -the growth of civilization on the South Carolina coast, the need for a -buffer against the Spaniards began to be more and more strongly felt. -We have seen how the vexatious Yamassee war of 1715 was brought on by -Spanish intrigues. After the overthrow of the Yamassees the troubles -did not entirely cease. For some years the Indians continued to be a -source of annoyance, and in their misdeeds the secret hand of Spain was -discernible. The multitude of slaves, too, in regions accessible to -Spanish influence, greatly increased the danger. - -[Sidenote: James Oglethorpe.] - -[Sidenote: Beginnings of Georgia.] - -In 1732 the state of affairs on the South Carolina frontier attracted -the attention of a gallant English soldier whose name deserves a -very high place among the heroes of early American history. James -Oglethorpe, an officer who in youth had served with distinction under -Prince Eugene against the Turks,[301] conceived the plan of freeing -the insolvent debtors who crowded English prisons by carrying them -over to America and establishing a colony which might serve as a -strong military outpost against the Spaniards. The scheme was an -opportune one, as the South Sea Bubble and other wild projects had -ruined hundreds of English families. The land between the Savannah -and Altamaha rivers, with the strip starting between their two main -sources and running westward to the Pacific Ocean,[302] was made over -to a board of trustees, and was named Georgia, in honour of the king, -George II. The charter created a kind of proprietary government, but -with powers less plenary and extensive than had been granted to the -proprietors of Maryland, Carolina, and Pennsylvania. Oglethorpe was -appointed governor; German Protestants and Highlanders from Scotland -were brought over in large numbers; and a few people from New England -joined in the enterprise, and founded the town of Sunbury. All laws -were to be made by the trustees, and the settlers were at first to have -no representative assembly and no voice in making the government. But -this despotic arrangement was merely temporary and provisional; it was -intended that after the lapse of one-and-twenty years the colony should -be held to have come of age, and should choose its own government. -Military drill was to be rigidly enforced. Slave-labour was absolutely -prohibited, as was also the sale of intoxicating liquors; so that Maine -cannot rightfully claim the doubtful honour of having been the first -American commonwealth to try the experiment of a “Maine Law.” Such were -the beginnings of Georgia, and in the Spanish war of 1739 it quite -justified the foresight of its founder. The valour of the Highlanders -and the admirable generalship of Oglethorpe were an efficient bulwark -for the older colonies. In 1742 the Spaniards were at last decisively -defeated at Frederica, and from that time forth until the Revolution -the frontier was more quiet. But proprietary government in Georgia -fared no better than in the Carolinas. In 1752, one year before the -coming of age, the government by trustees was abandoned. Georgia was -made a crown colony, and a representative government was introduced -simultaneously with negro slavery and Jamaica rum. - -The social condition of colonial Georgia does not present many -distinctive or striking features. In 1770 the population numbered about -50,000, of which perhaps one half were slaves. There was no town life. -Rice and indigo were the principal crops, and there was a large export -of lumber. Near Savannah there were a few extensive plantations, with -fine houses, after the Virginia pattern; but most of the estates were -small, and their owners poor. The Church of England was supported by -the government, but the clergy had little influence. The condition -of the slaves differed but slightly, if at all, from their condition -in South Carolina. There were a good many “mean whites,” and there -was, perhaps, more crime and lawlessness than in the older colonies. -The roads were mere Indian trails, and there were neither schools, -nor mails, nor any kind of literature. Colonial Georgia, in short, -with many of the characteristics of a “wild West,” stood in relation -to South Carolina somewhat as North Carolina to Virginia. It was -essentially a frontier community, though the activity of Savannah as a -seaport somewhat qualified the situation. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Cavaliers and Puritans once more.] - -A comparative survey of Old Virginia’s neighbours shows how extremely -loose and inaccurate is the common habit of alluding to the old -Cavalier society of England as if it were characteristic of the -southern states in general. Equally loose and ignorant is the habit of -alluding to Puritanism as if it were peculiar to New England. In point -of fact the Cavalier society was reproduced nowhere save on Chesapeake -Bay. On the other hand, the English or Independent phase of Puritanism -was by no means confined to the New England colonies. Three fourths -of the people of Maryland were Puritans; English Puritanism, with the -closely kindred French Calvinism, swayed South Carolina; and in our -concluding chapter we shall see how the Scotch or Presbyterian phase -of Puritanism extended throughout the whole length of the Appalachian -region, from Pennsylvania to Georgia, and has exercised in the -southwest an influence always great and often predominant. In the South -to-day there is much more Puritanism surviving than in New England. - -But before we join in the westward progress from tidewater to the peaks -of the Blue Ridge and the Great Smoky range, we must look back upon the -ocean for a moment and see how it came to be infested with buccaneers -and pirates, and what effects they wrought upon our coasts. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -THE GOLDEN AGE OF PIRATES. - - -[Sidenote: Pompey and the pirates.] - -[Sidenote: Piracy on the Indian Ocean and Mediterranean Sea.] - -At no other time in the world’s history has the business of piracy -thriven so greatly as in the seventeenth century and the first part of -the eighteenth. Its golden age may be said to have extended from about -1650 to about 1720. In ancient times the seafaring was too limited -in its area to admit of such wholesale operations as went on after -the broad Atlantic had become a highway between the Old World and the -New. No doubt those Cretan and Cilician pirates who were suppressed -by the great Pompey were terrible fellows. After the destruction of -Carthage they controlled the Mediterranean from the coast of Judæa to -the Pillars of Hercules, and captured the cargoes of Egyptian grain -till at times Rome seemed threatened with famine. Roman commanders -one after another went down before them, until at length, in the year -B. C. 67, Pompey was appointed dictator over the Mediterranean and -all its coasts for fifty miles inland. The dimensions of his task are -indicated by the fact that in the course of that year he captured 3,000 -vessels, hung or crucified 10,000 pirates, and made prisoners of 20,000 -more, whom he hustled off to hard labour in places far from the sound -of surf. Nevertheless those ancient pirates worked on a much smaller -scale than the buccaneers of America. In the Indian Ocean adjacent -stretches of the Pacific there has always been much piracy until the -recent days when French and English ships have patrolled those waters. -The fame of the Chinese and Malays as sea robbers is well established. -So too with those vile communities north of Sahara which we used to -call the Barbary States, their eminence in crime is unsurpassed. From -the fifteenth century to the first years of the nineteenth, piracy was -one of their chief sources of revenue; their ships were a terror to the -coasts of Europe, and for devilish atrocity scarcely any human annals -are so black as those of Morocco and Algiers. But as these Mussulman -pirates and those of eastern Asia were as busily at work in the -seventeenth century as at any other time, their case does not impair my -statement that the age of the buccaneers was the Golden Age of piracy. -The deeds done in American waters greatly swelled, if they did not more -than double, the volume of maritime robbery already existing. - -[Sidenote: The Vikings were not pirates in the strict sense.] - -[Sidenote: Blackstone on the crime of piracy.] - -If we look into mediæval history for examples to compare with those -already cited, we may observe that the Scandinavian Vikings, such men -as sailed with Rolf and Guthorm and Swegen Forkbeard, are sometimes -spoken of as pirates. If such a classification of them were correct, -we should be obliged to assign the Golden Age of piracy to the ninth -and tenth centuries, for surely all other slayings and plunderings -done by seafaring men shrink into insignificance beside the operations -of those mighty warriors of the North. But it is neither a just nor a -correct use of language that would count as pirates a race of men who -simply made war like all their contemporaries, only more effectively. -The warfare of the Vikings was that of barbarous heathen, but it was -not criminal unless it is a crime to be born a barbarian. The moral -difference between killing the enemy in battle and murdering your -neighbour is plain enough. If there is any word which implies thorough -and downright criminality, it is pirate. In the old English law the -pirate was declared an enemy to the human race, with whom no faith -need be kept. “As therefore,” says Blackstone, “he has renounced all -the benefits of society and government, and has reduced himself afresh -to the savage state of nature by declaring war against all mankind, -all mankind must declare war against him, and every community hath a -right by the rule of self-defence to inflict that punishment upon him -which every individual would in a state of nature have been otherwise -entitled to do for any invasion of his person or property.”[303] -Pirates taken at sea were commonly hung from the yard-arm without the -formality of a trial, and on land neither church nor shrine could serve -them as sanctuary. It was also well understood that they were not -included in the benefit of a general declaration of pardon or amnesty. - -[Sidenote: Character of piracy.] - -The pirate thus elaborately outlawed was anybody who participated in -violent robbery on the high seas, or in criminal plunder along their -coasts. The details of such crimes were apt to be full of cruelty. The -capture of a merchant ship with more or less bloodshed was usually -involved, and such bloodshed was wholesale murder. If provisions were -less than ample, the survivors were thrown overboard, or set ashore on -some lonely island and left to starve, and this often happened. Murders -from sheer wantonness were not uncommon, and the sack of a coast town -or village was attended with nameless horrors. On the whole we cannot -wonder that public opinion should have branded the skippers and crews -who did such things as the very worst of criminals. One can see that -in old trials for piracy, as in trials for witchcraft, the dread and -detestation were often so great as to outweigh the ordinary English -presumption that an accused person must have the benefit of the doubt -until proved guilty. Desire to extirpate the crime became a stronger -feeling than reluctance to punish the innocent. The slightest suspicion -of complicity with pirates brought with it extreme peril. - -[Sidenote: To call the Elizabethan sea kings “pirates” is silly and -outrageous.] - -When we thus recall what the crime of piracy really was, we cannot -fail to see how reprehensible is the language sometimes applied, by -writers who should know better, to the noble sailors who in the days -of Queen Elizabeth saved England from the Spanish Inquisition.[304] -Had it not been for the group of devoted men among whom Sir Francis -Drake was foremost, there was imminent danger three hundred years ago -that human freedom might perish from off the face of the earth. The -name of Drake is one that should never be uttered without reverence, -especially by Americans, since it is clear that but for him our -history would not have begun in the days of Elizabeth’s successor. -His character was far loftier than that of Nelson, the only other sea -warrior whose achievements have equalled his. His performances never -transgressed the bounds of legitimate warfare as it was conducted in -the sixteenth century. Among his contemporaries he was exceptionally -humane, for he would not permit the wanton destruction of life or -property. To use language which even remotely alludes to such a man -as a pirate is to show sad confusion of ideas. As for Elizabeth’s -other great captains,--such as Raleigh, Cavendish, Hawkins, Gilbert, -Grenville, Frobisher, Winter, and the Howards,--few of them rose to -the moral stature of Drake, but they were very far above the level of -freebooters. It seems ridiculous that it should be necessary to say so. -Their business was warfare, not robbery. - -[Sidenote: Features of maritime warfare out of which piracy could grow.] - -[Sidenote: Privateering.] - -It is nevertheless undeniable that naval warfare in the days of -Elizabeth stood on a lower moral plane than naval warfare in the days -of Victoria, and things were done without hesitation then that would -not be tolerated now. Wars are ugly things at best, but civilized -people have learned how to worry through them without inflicting -quite so much misery as formerly. Three centuries ago not only -were the usages more harsh than now, but the methods of conducting -maritime warfare contained a feature out of which, under favouring -circumstances, piracy afterward grew. There can be no doubt that -the seventeenth century was the golden age of pirates because it -came immediately after the age of Elizabeth. The circumstances of -the struggle of the Netherlands and England against the greatest -military power in the world made it necessary for the former to rely -largely, and the latter almost exclusively, upon naval operations. -Dutch ships on the Indian Ocean and English ships off the American -coasts effectually cut the Spaniard’s sinews of war. Now in that age -ocean navigation was still in its infancy, and the work of creating -great and permanent navies was only beginning. Government was glad to -have individuals join in the work of building and equipping ships of -war, and it was accordingly natural that individuals should expect to -reimburse themselves for the heavy risk and expense by taking a share -in the spoils of victory. In this way privateering came into existence, -and it played a much more extensive part in maritime warfare than it -now does. The navy was but incompletely nationalized. Into expeditions -that were strictly military in purpose there entered some of the -elements of a commercial speculation, and as we read them with our -modern ideas we detect the smack of buccaneering. - -[Sidenote: Fighting without declaring war.] - -To this it should be added that fighting between hostile states -occurred much more frequently than now without a formal declaration -of war. There were times in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries -when the hatred between the commercial rivals, Venice and Genoa, was so -fierce that whenever their ships happened to meet on the Mediterranean -they went to fighting at sight, yet those bloody scrimmages did not -always lead to war. In the youth of Christopher Columbus it was -seldom that Christian and Turkish ships met without bloodshed, on the -assumption that war was the normal state of things between Crescent -and Cross. So when the Dutch were contending against Philip II. the -English often helped their heroic cousins by capturing Spanish ships -long before war was declared between Philip and Elizabeth. Such laxity -of international usage made it easy to cross the line which demarcates -privateering from piracy. - -[Sidenote: Lack of protection for neutral ships.] - -It should also be remembered that the ships of neutral nations had -no such protection as now. The utmost that is now permitted the -belligerent ship is to search the neutral ship for weapons or other -materials of war bound for an enemy’s port, and to confiscate such -materials without further injury to person or property. In the -sixteenth century it was allowable to confiscate the neutral ship bound -for an enemy’s port, sell her cargo for prize money, and hold her crew -and passengers for ransom. The milder doctrine that any kind of goods -might be seized, but not the ship and her people, had been propounded -but was not yet generally accepted. - -[Sidenote: Spanish treasure.] - -All the circumstances here mentioned were favourable to the growth -of piracy. At the same time the temptations were unusually strong. -There was a vague widespread belief that America was a land abounding -in treasure, and there were facts enough to explain such a belief. -Immense quantities of gold and silver were carried across the Atlantic -in Spanish ships, to say nothing of other articles of value. This -treasure was used to support a war which threatened English liberty, -and therefore English cruisers were right in seizing it wherever they -could. But it only needed that such cruising should fall into the hands -of knaves and ruffians, and that it should be kept up after Spain and -England were really at peace, for this semi-mediæval warfare to develop -into a gigantic carnival of robbery and murder. And so it happened. - -[Sidenote: Origin of buccaneering.] - -It was toward the end of the sixteenth century, in the course of -the great Elizabethan war, that the West Indies witnessed the first -appearance of the marauders known as “Brethren of the Coast.” They were -of various nationalities, chiefly French, English, and Dutch. They -all regarded Spain as the world’s great bully that must be teased. -The Spaniards had won such a reputation for tyranny and cruelty that -public opinion was not shocked when they were made to swallow a dose or -two of their own medicine. After peace had been declared, any foreign -adventurers coming to the West Indies were liable to be molested as -intruders, and their ships sometimes had to fight in self-defence. -Wherefore the more unscrupulous rovers, expecting ill-treatment, -used not to wait for it, but when they saw a good chance for robbing -Spaniards they promptly seized it. This they called, in the witty -phrase of a French captain, _se dédommager par avance_, or recouping -one’s self beforehand. - -[Sidenote: Illicit traffic.] - -It was not all the people of Spanish America, however, that frowned -upon foreigners. Among those who came were sundry small traders of the -illicit sort. Like all semi-barbarous governments, the court of Spain -pursued a highly protectionist policy. The colonists were not allowed -to receive European goods from any but Spanish ports, and thus the -Spanish exporters were enabled to charge exorbitant prices. Many of the -colonists therefore welcomed smugglers who brought European wares to -exchange for cargoes of sugar or hides. To suppress this traffic, the -authorities at San Domingo patrolled the coasts with small cruisers -known as _guardacostas_, and when they caught the intruders they -pitched them overboard, or strung them up to the yard-arm, without -the smallest ceremony. In revenge the intruders combined into fleets -and made descents upon the coasts, burning houses, plundering towns, -and committing all manner of outrages. Thus there grew up in the West -Indies a chronic state of hostilities quite independent of Europe. It -came to be understood among the intruders that, whether their countries -were at peace or war with one another, all persons coming to the West -Indies were friends and allies against that universal enemy, the -Spaniard. Thus these rovers took the name of “Brethren of the Coast.” - -[Sidenote: Buccaneers and “flibustiers.”] - -As the consequence of more than a century of frightful misrule the -beautiful island of Hispaniola, or Hayti, had come to be in many parts -deserted. Many good havens were unguarded, and everywhere there were -immense herds of cattle and swine running wild. Some of the brethren, -mostly Frenchmen, were thus led to settle in the island and do a -thriving business in hides, tallow, smoked beef, and salted pork, which -they bartered with their sailor brethren for things smuggled from -Europe. They drove away the Spaniards who tried to disturb them, and -amid perpetual fighting the island came to be more and more French. -Presently, from 1625 to 1630, they took possession of the little -islands of St. Christopher and Nevis, and built strong fortifications -at Tortuga. About this time they began to be called “boucaniers” -or “buccaneers.” To cure meat by smoking was called by the Indians -“boucanning” it. La Rochefort says of the Caribs that they used to -eat their prisoners well boucanned. In the days before cattle came to -the New World, Americus Vespucius saw boucanned human shoulders and -thighs hanging in Indian cabins as one would hang a flitch of bacon. -The buccaneers were named for the excellent boucanned beef and pork -which they sold. For their brethren on shipboard another name was at -first used. The English word “freebooter” became in French mouths -“flibustier,” in spelling which a silent _s_ was inserted after the _u_ -by a false analogy, as so often happens. In recent times “flibustier” -has come back into English as “filibuster,” a name originally given -to such United States adventurers as William Walker, making raids upon -Spanish-American coasts in the interests of slavery. In the first use -of the epithets, if you lived on shore and smoked beef you were a -_boucanier_; but if you lived on ship and smuggled or stole wherewithal -to buy the beef you were a _flibustier_. Naturally, however, since so -many of these restless brethren passed back and forth from the one -occupation to the other, the names came to be applied indiscriminately, -and whether you called a scamp by the one or the other made no -difference. - -[Sidenote: The kind of people that became buccaneers.] - -Those “Brethren of the Coast” were recruited in every way that can be -imagined. Cutthroats and rioters, spendthrifts and debtors, thieves -and vagabonds, runaway apprentices, broken-down tradesmen, soldiers -out of a job, escaped convicts, religious cranks, youths crossed in -love, every sort of man that craved excitement or change of luck, -came to swell the numbers of the buccaneers. Graceless sons of good -families usually assumed some new name. Yet not all were ashamed of -their lawless occupation. Some gloried in it, and deemed themselves -pinks of propriety in matters pertaining to religion. One day, when -a certain sailor was behaving with unseemly levity in church while a -priest was saying mass, his captain suddenly stepped up and rebuked -him for his want of reverence, and then blew his brains out. It is -told of a Frenchman from Languedoc that his career was determined by -reading a book on the cruelties of the Spaniards in America, probably -“The Destruction of the Indies,” by Las Casas. This perusal inflamed -him with such furious hatred of Spaniards that he conceived it to -be his sacred mission to kill as many as he could. So he joined the -buccaneers, and murdered with such exemplary diligence that he came -to be known as Montbars the Exterminator. Another noted freebooter, -Raveneau de Lussan, joined the fraternity “because he was in debt, and -wished, as every honest man should do, to have wherewithal to satisfy -his creditors.”[305] - -[Sidenote: Deeds of Olonnois.] - -One of the early exploits of the brethren was performed by Pierre of -Dieppe, surnamed “the Great.” In a mere longboat, with a handful of -men, he surprised and captured the Spanish vice-admiral’s ship, heavily -freighted with treasure, set her people ashore in Hispaniola, and -took his prize to France. This exploit is said to have given quite an -impetus to buccaneering. In 1655 the buccaneers had grown so powerful -that they gave important aid to Cromwell’s troops in conquering -Jamaica. When any nation went to war with Spain, the buccaneers of that -nationality would get from the government letters of marque, which made -them privateers and entitled them to certain rights of belligerents. -Their aid was so liable to be useful in time of need that the English -and French governments connived at some of their performances. No -civilized government could countenance their cruelties. One monster, -called Olonnois, having captured a Spanish ship with a crew of ninety -men, beheaded them all with a sabre in his own hands. Four cases are -on record in which he threw the whole crew overboard, and it is said -that he sometimes tore out and devoured the bleeding hearts of his -victims, after the Indian fashion. In concert with another wretch, -Michel le Basque (whose name tells his origin), at the head of 650 -men, he captured the towns of Gibraltar and Maracaibo, in the Gulf of -Venezuela, and carried off a booty of nearly half a million crowns, -equivalent to more than two million modern dollars. Prisoners were -tortured to disclose hidden treasure. But this precious Olonnois was -soon afterward paid in his own coin: he fell into the hands of a party -of hungry Indians, who cooked and ate him. - -[Sidenote: Henry Morgan.] - -Such incidents as these in Venezuela made many Spanish towns prefer to -buy off the buccaneers, and thus a system of blackmail was established. -It was for the buccaneer to decide for himself whether he deemed it -more profitable to end all in one mad frolic of plunder and slaughter, -or to accept a round sum and leave the town for the present unharmed. -Operations on a grand scale began about 1664, under a leader named -Mansvelt, who soon died and was succeeded by Henry Morgan, the most -famous of the buccaneers and one of the vilest of the fraternity. This -Welshman is said to have been of good family and well brought up. He -made his way to Barbadoes as a redemptioner, and after serving out -his term joined the pirates. He was a man of remarkable courage and -resource. For cruelty no Apache could surpass him, and his perfidy -equalled his cruelty. He paid so little heed to the maxims of -honour among thieves that it is a wonder he should have retained his -leadership through several expeditions. - -One of Morgan’s early exploits was the capture of Puerto del Principe, -in Cuba. Then with 500 men he attacked Porto Bello, on the Isthmus of -Darien. Having taken a convent, he forced the nuns to carry scaling -ladders and plant them against the walls of the citadel, perhaps in -the hope that Spaniards would not fire upon Spanish women; but many of -the poor nuns were killed. After the garrison had surrendered, Morgan -set fire to the magazine and blew into fragments the fort with its -defenders. The scenes that followed must have won Satan’s approval. -With greed unsatisfied by the enormous booty, the monster devised -horrible tortures for the discovery of secret hoards that doubtless -existed only in his fancy. Many victims died under the infliction. - -[Sidenote: Alexander Exquemeling.] - -Soon afterward Morgan met in the Caribbean Sea a powerful French pirate -ship and invited her to join him. On the French captain’s refusal, -Morgan, with an air of supreme cordiality, invited him to come over to -dinner with all his officers. No sooner had these guests arrived than -they were seized and put in irons, while Morgan attacked their ship -and captured it. Then came a strange retribution. Morgan put some of -his own officers with 350 of his crew into the French ship; presently -the officers got drunk, and through accident or carelessness the ship -was blown up with all the English crew and the French prisoners. -This story is told by a pious and literary Dutch buccaneer, the -fraternity’s best historian, by name Alexander Exquemeling, sometimes -corrupted into Oexmelin. His well-written narrative was first published -at Amsterdam in 1678, entitled _De Americansche Zee Roovers_. It has -been translated into nearly all the languages of Europe, and ranks -among the most popular books of the last two centuries.[306] The pious -Exquemeling, in recounting the explosion of the captured ship, sees -in it a special divine judgment upon Morgan for treachery to guests, -a kind of philosophizing which is duly ridiculed by Voltaire in his -“Candide.”[307] - -[Sidenote: Maracaibo and Gibraltar.] - -The loss of 350 men and a ship better than any of his own was a serious -blow to Morgan, but it did not prevent him from capturing those unhappy -towns, Maracaibo and Gibraltar, where he shut up a crowd of prisoners -in a church and left them to die of starvation. His own escape from -capture, however, was a narrow one. Three Spanish galleons arrived at -the entrance to the Gulf of Venezuela and strongly garrisoned a castle -that stood there, so that it began to look as if the day of reckoning -for Morgan had come. But he made one of his vessels into a fire-ship -and succeeded in burning two of the galleons. Then it became easy -for his little fleet to surround and capture the third, after which -a masterly series of stratagems enabled him to slip past the castle, -richer by a million dollars than when he entered the Gulf, and ready -for fresh deeds of wickedness. - -[Sidenote: Treaty of America, 1670.] - -[Sidenote: Sack of Panama.] - -[Sidenote: Morgan absconds.] - -The British government lamented these cruel aggressions upon people -whose only offence was that of having been born Spaniards, and in 1670 -a treaty was made between Spain and Great Britain for the express -purpose of putting an end to buccaneering. This interesting treaty, -which was conceived in an unusually liberal and enlightened spirit, -was called the treaty of America. As soon as the buccaneers heard of -it, they resolved to make a defiant and startling exhibition of their -power. Thirty-seven ships, carrying more than 2,000 men of various -nationalities, were collected off the friendly meat-curing coast of -Hispaniola. Morgan was put in the chief command, and it was decided -to capture Panama. On arriving at the isthmus they stormed the castle -at the mouth of the river Chagres and put the garrison to the sword. -Thus they gained an excellent base of operations. Leaving part of his -force to guard castle and fleet, Morgan at the head of 1,200 men made -the difficult journey across the isthmus in nine days. Panama was not -fortified, but a force of 2,000 infantry and 400 horse confronted the -buccaneers. In an obstinate battle, without quarter asked or given, the -Spaniards lost 600 men and gave way. The city was then at the mercy -of the victors. It contained about 7,000 houses and some handsome -churches, but Morgan set fire to it in several places, and after a -couple of days nearly all these buildings were in ashes. By the light -of those flames most hideous atrocities were to be seen,--such a -carnival of cruelty and lust as would have disgraced the Middle Ages. -After three bestial weeks the buccaneers departed with a long train of -mules laden with booty, and several hundred prisoners, most of whom -were held for ransom. Among these were many gentlewomen and children, -whom Morgan treated savagely. He kept them half dead with hunger and -thirst, and swore that if they failed to secure a ransom he would sell -them for slaves in Jamaica. Exquemeling draws a pathetic picture of -the poor ladies kneeling and imploring at Morgan’s feet while their -starving children moaned and cried; the only effect upon the ruffian -was to make him ask them how much ransom they might hope to secure if -these things were made known to their friends. When the party arrived -at Chagres, there was a division of spoil, and the rascals were amazed -to find how little there seemed to be to distribute. Morgan was accused -of loading far more than his rightful share upon his own vessels, -whereupon, not wishing to argue the matter, he made up his mind to -withdraw from the scene, “which he did,” says our chronicler, “without -calling any council or bidding any one adieu, but went secretly on -board his own ship and put out to sea without giving notice, being -followed only by three or four vessels of the whole fleet, who it is -believed went shares with him in the greatest part of the spoil.” All -that can be said for him is that most of his comrades would gladly have -done the same by him. - -[Sidenote: Scotching the snake.] - -With Morgan’s departure the pirate fleet was scattered, and plenty -of strong language was used in reference to their tricksome -commodore.[308] The arrival of a new English governor at Jamaica, with -instructions to enforce the treaty of America, led to the hanging -of quite a number of buccaneers; and a crew of 300 French pirates, -shipwrecked on the coast of Porto Rico, were slaughtered by order of -the Spanish governor. But such casualties produced little effect upon -the swarming multitude of rovers, and within half a dozen years we find -the governor of Jamaica conniving at them and sharing in their plunder. -One pirate crew brought in a Spanish ship so richly freighted that -there was £400 for every man after a round sum in hush-money had been -handed to the governor. Then the pirates burned the ship and embarked -in respectable company for England, “where,” says Exquemeling, “some of -them live in good reputation to this day.” - -[Sidenote: Morgan’s metamorphosis.] - -But what shall we say when we find the devil turning monk, when we -see the arch-pirate Morgan administering the king’s justice upon his -quondam comrades and sending them by scores to the gallows! It reads -like a scene in comic opera, how this dirty fellow, after absconding -with a lion’s share of the Panama spoil and bringing it to Jamaica, -suddenly put on airs of righteousness, wooed and won the fair daughter -of one of the most eminent personages on the island, and was appointed -a judge of the admiralty court. The finishing touch was put upon the -farce when Charles II. decorated him with knighthood. It is not clear -how he won the king’s favour, but we know that Charles was not above -taking tips. After this our capacity for amazement is so far exhausted -that we read with benumbed acquiescence how in 1682 Sir Henry Morgan -was appointed deputy-governor of Jamaica.[309] But when we find him -handing over to the tender mercies of the Spaniards a whole crew of -English buccaneers who had fallen into his clutches, we seem to -recognize the old familiar touch, and cannot repress the suspicion that -he sold them for hard cash! He remained in office three years, until -James II. ascended the throne, when the Spanish government accused him -of secret complicity with the pirates. On this charge he was removed -from office and sent to England, where he was for some years imprisoned -but never met the fate which he deserved. - -[Sidenote: Decline of buccaneering.] - -Exquemeling expresses the opinion that, after the trick which -Morgan played upon his comrades at Chagres, he must have thought it -more prudent to be on the side of government than to stay with the -buccaneers. He may also have foreseen that sooner or later the treaty -of America was likely to interfere with the business of piracy. It -is curious that, after all his caution, his downfall on a charge -brought by Spain before the British government was due to the treaty -of America. Although imperfectly enforced, that treaty seems to have -marked the turning point in the history of buccaneering. The sack of -Panama was the apogee of the golden age of pirates; the events that -followed are incidents in a gradual but not slow decline. In 1684 the -number of French buccaneers in the West Indies and on adjacent coasts -was estimated at 3,000, and of other nationalities there were perhaps -as many more; but their operations were on a smaller and tamer scale -than those of Olonnois and Morgan. - -[Sidenote: Buccaneers of the South Sea.] - -About this time the South Sea began to be the favourite field of work -for some of the most famous buccaneers. In 1680 the first party -crossed the isthmus and set sail on the Bay of Panama in a swarm of -canoes, with which on the same day they captured a Spanish vessel of -30 tons. With this ship they captured another the next day, and so -on till at the end of the week they were in possession of quite a -fleet, comprising some ships of 400 tons. They cruised as far as the -island of Juan Fernandez and beyond, capturing many ships and much -treasure, but not doing much harm ashore. One of the officers, Basil -Ringrose, an educated man, left a journal of this cruise, the original -manuscript of which is in the British Museum. Other voyages followed -until the buccaneers had visited such remote places as the Ladrone -Islands, Easter Island, the coasts of Australia, and Tierra del Fuego. -Among their commanders were men of far better type than those that -have hitherto been mentioned; such were Ambrose Cowley, Edward Davis, -the surgeon Lionel Wafer, and the celebrated William Dampier, whom we -are more wont to remember as a great navigator and explorer than as a -pirate. Cowley, Wafer, and Dampier have left charming narratives of -their adventures, in which a mixture of scientific inquisitiveness -with the love of barbaric independence is more conspicuous than mere -greed. As Henry Morgan was a pirate of the worst type, so Edward Davis, -discoverer of Easter Island, was of the best. He never would permit -acts of cruelty or wanton bloodshed, and his loyalty and kindness to -his comrades won their affection, so that his mellowing influence over -rough natures was remarkable. In 1688 he took advantage of a royal -proclamation of amnesty to quit buccaneering and go to England, where -he was afterward counted as “respectable.” - -[Sidenote: Plunder of Peruvian towns.] - -As we read the journals of those remote voyages it is easy to forget -for a moment that the business is piracy. We seem to see the staunch -ships, superbly handled by their expert sailors, blithely cleaving the -blue waters under the Southern Cross; we breathe the cool salt breeze; -we watch with interest the gray cliffs, the strange foliage, the birds -and snakes and insects which arouse the curiosity of the mariners; we -follow them to the Galapagos Islands, which first suggested to Darwin -and afterward to Wallace the theory of natural selection; we note with -pleasure their description of the uncouth natives of Australia; and -we remember Thackeray when we encounter oysters so huge that Basil -Ringrose has to cut them in quarters.[310] In the careless freedom of -life on an unknown sea with each morrow bringing its new adventures, we -forget what company we are in, till suddenly the victim ship heaves in -sight, the brief chase ends in a deadly struggle, the Spanish colours -go down before the black flag, a few bodies are buried in the depths, -and a rich spoil is divided. It is vulgar robbery and murder after -all, and there was a good deal of it in the South Sea. The coast of -Peru, where there were the richest towns, suffered the most. The Lima -Almanacs for 1685-87, comprising an official record of events for each -year immediately preceding, mention the towns of Guayaquil, Santiago -de Miraflores, and five others as plundered by the pirates. When Davis -divided his booty at Juan Fernandez, there was enough to give every -man a sum equivalent to $20,000. Very often a pirate got more gold -and silver than he could handle or carry, but it was apt to slip away -easily. Many of Davis’s company quickly lost every dollar in gambling -with their comrades. Our friend Raveneau de Lussan, who took to piracy -in order to satisfy his creditors, tells his readers that his winnings -at play, added to his share of booty, amounted to 30,000 pieces of -eight, which would now be equivalent to at least $120,000; so we may -hope that he paid his debts like an honest man. - -[Sidenote: Effects of the alliance between France and Spain.] - -The event which did more than anything else to put an end to -buccaneering was the accession of a Bourbon prince, Philip V., to -the throne of Spain in 1701. It was then that his grandfather, Louis -XIV., declared there were no longer any Pyrenees. Ever since the days -of Ferdinand and Isabella, Spain and France had been enemies. Their -relations now became so friendly that all the ports of Spanish America, -whether in the West Indies or on the Pacific coast, were thrown open -to French merchants. This made trade more profitable than piracy, and -united the French and Spanish navies in protecting it. The English and -Dutch fleets also put forth redoubled efforts, and during the next -score of years the decline of the pirates was rapid. - -[Sidenote: Carolina and the Bahamas.] - -The first English settlements south of Virginia were made at the time -when buccaneering was mighty and defiant. The colony of Sir John -Yeamans, on Cape Fear River, was begun in 1665, and it was in 1670, -the very year of the treaty of America, that Governor Sayle landed -at Port Royal. The earliest settlers in Carolina, as we have seen, -were not of such good quality as those who came a few years later. -They furnished a convenient market for the pirates, who were apt to -be open-handed customers, ready to pay good prices in Spanish gold, -whether for clothes, weapons, and brandy brought from Europe, or for -timber, tar, tobacco, rice, or corn raised in America. One of the -Bahama Islands, called New Providence, had been settled by the English. -Its remarkable facilities for anchorage and its convenient situation -made it a favourite haunt of pirates, whose evil communications -corrupted the good manners of the inhabitants. Rather than lose such -customers they befriended them in every possible way, so that the -island became notorious as one of the worst nests of desperadoes in the -American waters. The malady was not long in spreading to the mainland. -The Carolina coast, with its numerous sheltered harbours and inlets, -afforded excellent lurking-places, whither one might retreat from -pursuers, and where one might leisurely repair damages and make ready -for further mischief. The pirates, therefore, long haunted that coast, -and it was rather a help than a hindrance to them when settlements -began to be made there. For now instead of a wilderness it became a -market where they could buy food, medicines, tools, or most of such -things as they needed. So long as they behaved moderately well while -ashore, it was not necessary for the Carolinians to press them with -questions as to what they did on the high seas. For at least thirty -years after the founding of Carolina, nearly all the currency in the -colony consisted of Spanish gold and silver brought in by freebooters -from the West Indies. - -[Sidenote: Effect of the Navigation Laws.] - -Nothing went so far toward making the colonists tolerate piracy as the -Navigation Laws which we have already described. We have seen how they -enabled English merchants to charge exorbitant prices for goods shipped -to America, and to pay as little as possible for American exports. The -contrast between such customers and the pirates was entirely in favour -of the latter, who could afford to be liberal both with goods and with -cash that had cost them nothing but a little fighting.[311] After the -founding of Charleston, the dealings with pirates there were made the -subject of complaint in London. In 1684 Robert Quarry, acting governor -of Carolina, a man of marked ability and good reputation, was removed -from office for complicity with pirates. This did not, however, prevent -his being appointed to other responsible positions. His successor, -Joseph Morton, actually gave permission to two buccaneer captains to -bring their Spanish prizes into the harbour. Soon afterward John Boon, -a member of the council, was expelled for holding correspondence with -freebooters. At the close of Ludwell’s administration, it was said that -Charleston fairly swarmed with pirates, against whose ill-got gold -the law was powerless. Along with such commercial reasons, the terror -of their fame conspired to protect them. Desperadoes who had sacked -Maracaibo and Panama might do likewise to Charleston or New York. It -was not only in Carolina that such fears combined with the Navigation -Laws to sustain piracy. In Pennsylvania a son of the deputy-governor -Markham was elected to the Assembly, but not allowed to take a seat -because of dealings with the freebooters. Governor Fletcher, of New -York, was deeply implicated in such proceedings, and the record of -distant New England was far from stainless. - -[Sidenote: Effect of rice culture.] - -But at the end of the seventeenth century a marked change became -visible. In South Carolina the cultivation of rice had reached such -dimensions that tonnage enough could not be found to carry the crop of -1699 across the Atlantic. The colonists were allowed to sell in foreign -markets such goods as were not wanted in England, and England took -very little rice. Most of it went to Holland, Hamburg, Bremen, Sweden, -Denmark, and Portugal. As rice was thus becoming the chief source of -income for South Carolina, people began to be sorely vexed when pirates -captured their cargoes. Besides this, the character of the population -was entirely changed by the influx of steady, law-abiding English -dissenters under Blake, and by the immigration of large numbers of -Huguenots. The pirates became unpopular, and the year 1699 witnessed -the hanging of seven of them at Charleston. As the colony yearly grew -stronger and the administration firmer, such rigours increased, and the -great gallows on Execution Dock was decorated with corpses swinging in -chains, a dozen or more at a time, until the pirates came to think of -that harbour as a place to be shunned. - -[Sidenote: North Carolina.] - -There still remained for them, however, an excellent place of refuge in -the neighbourhood. In the year 1700 Edward Randolph reported that the -population of North Carolina consisted of smugglers, runaway servants, -and pirates. There is no doubt that for the latter it furnished a -favourite hiding-place. - -[Sidenote: Swarms of pirates.] - -For some years after 1700 the vigorous measures of South Carolina -kept her own coast comparatively safe, but the snake was as yet only -scotched. Swarms of buccaneers, though far thinner than of old, were -still harboured in the West Indies, and when occasion was offered -they came out of their dens. In 1715, when South Carolina was nearly -exhausted from her great Indian war, with crops damaged and treasury -empty and military gaze turned toward the frontier and away from the -coast, the pirates swarmed there again, with numbers swelled by rovers -and bandits turned adrift by the peace of Utrecht in 1713. James Logan, -Secretary of Pennsylvania, reported in 1717 that there were 1,500 -pirates on our coasts, with their chief headquarters at Cape Fear and -New Providence, from which points they swept the sea from Newfoundland -to Brazil. For South Carolina there was ground of alarm lest wholesale -pillage of rice cargoes should bring ruin upon the colony. But that -year 1717 saw the arrival of the able governor Robert Johnson, who was -destined, after some humiliation, to suppress the nuisance of piracy. - -[Sidenote: New Providence redeemed.] - -The next year, 1718, was the beginning of the end. In midsummer -an English fleet, under Woodes Rogers, captured the island of New -Providence, expelled the freebooters, and established there a strong -company of law-abiding persons. Henceforth New Providence became a -smiter of the wicked instead of their hope and refuge. It was like -capturing a battery and turning it against the enemy. One of its -immediate effects, however, was to turn the whole remnant of the -scoundrels over to the North Carolina coast, where they took their -final stand. For a moment the mischief seemed to have increased. One -deed, in particular, is vivid in its insolence. - -[Sidenote: Blackbeard, the “Last of the Pirates.”] - -Among these corsairs one of the boldest was a fellow whose name appears -in court records as Robert Thatch, though some historians write it -Teach. He was a native of Bristol in England, and his real name seems -to have been Drummond. But the soubriquet by which he was most widely -known was “Blackbeard.” It was a name with which mothers and nurses -were wont to tame froward children. This man was a ruffian guilty of -all crimes known to the law, a desperate character who would stick at -nothing. For many years he had been a terror to the coast. In June, -1718, he appeared before Charleston harbour in command of a forty-gun -frigate, with three attendant sloops, manned in all by more than 400 -men. Eight or ten vessels, rashly venturing out, were captured by him, -one after another, and in one of them were several prominent citizens -of Charleston, including a highly respected member of the council, all -bound for London. When Blackbeard learned the quality of his prisoners, -his fertile brain conceived a brilliant scheme. His ships were in need -of sundry medicines and other provisions, whereof a list was duly made -out and entrusted to a mate named Richards and a party of sailors, who -went up to Charleston in a boat, taking along one of the prisoners with -a message to Governor Johnson. The message was briefly this, that, -if the supplies mentioned were not delivered to Blackbeard within -eight-and-forty hours, that eminent commander would forthwith send to -Governor Johnson, with his compliments, the heads of all his prisoners. - -[Sidenote: South Carolina government over-awed.] - -It was a terrible humiliation, but the pirate had calculated correctly. -Governor and council saw that he had them completely at his mercy. -They knew better than he how defenceless the town was; they knew that -his ships could batter it to pieces without effective resistance. Not -a minute must be lost, for Richards and his ruffians were strutting -airily about the streets amid fierce uproar, and, if the mob should -venture to assault them, woe to Blackbeard’s captives. The supplies -were delivered with all possible haste, and Blackbeard released the -prisoners after robbing them of everything they had, even to their -clothing, so that they went ashore nearly naked. From one of them he -took $6,000 in coin. After this exploit Blackbeard retired to North -Carolina, where it is said that he bought the connivance of Charles -Eden, the governor, who is further said to have been present at the -ceremony of the pirate’s marriage to his fourteenth wife.[312] - -[Sidenote: Epidemic of piracy; cases of Kidd and Bonnet.] - -[Sidenote: Fate of Bonnet.] - -While the arch-villain, thus befriended, was roaming the coast as -far as Philadelphia and bringing his prizes into Pamlico Sound, -another rover was making trouble for Charleston. Major Stede Bonnet, -of Barbadoes, had taken up the business of piracy scarcely two years -before. He had served with credit in the army and was now past middle -life, with a good reputation and plenty of money, when all at once -he must needs take the short road to the gallows. Some say it was -because his wife was a vixen, a droll reason for turning pirate. But -in truth there was a moral contagion in this business. The case of -William Kidd, a few years before Bonnet, is an illustration. Kidd was -an able merchant, with a reputation for integrity, when William III. -sent him with a swift and powerful ship to chase pirates; and, lo! -when with this fine accoutrement he brings down less game than he had -hoped, he thinks it will pay better to turn pirate himself. In this -new walk of life he goes on achieving eminence, until on a summer day -he rashly steps ashore in Boston, is arrested, sent to London, and -hung.[313] Evidently there was a spirit of buccaneering in the air, -as in the twelfth century there was a spirit of crusading. And even -as children once went on a crusade, so we find women climbing the -shrouds and tending the guns of pirate ships.[314] Major Bonnet soon -became distinguished in his profession, and committed depredations -all the way from Barbadoes to the coast of Maine. Late in the summer -of 1718 Governor Johnson learned that there was a pirate active in -his neighbourhood, and he sent Colonel William Rhett, with two armed -ships, to chase him. The affair ended in an obstinate fight at the -mouth of Cape Fear River, in the course of which all the ships got -aground on sand-bars. It was clear that whichever combatant should -first be set free by the rising tide would have the other at his mercy, -and we can fancy the dreadful eagerness with which every ripple was -watched. One of Rhett’s ships was first to float, and just as she was -preparing to board the pirate he surrendered. Then it was learned that -he was none other than the famous Stede Bonnet. At the last his brute -courage deserted him, and the ecstasy of terror with which he begged -for life reminds one of the captive in “Rob Roy” who was hurled into -Loch Lomond. But entreaty fell upon deaf ears. It was a gala day at -Execution Dock when Bonnet and all his crew were hung in chains. - -[Sidenote: Fate of Blackbeard.] - -A few weeks later, while Blackboard was lurking in Ocracoke Inlet, with -ship well armed and ready for some fresh errand, he was overhauled by -two stout cruisers sent after him by Governor Spotswood, of Virginia. -In a desperate and bloody fight the “Last of the Pirates” was killed. -All the survivors of his crew were hanged, and his severed head -decorated the bowsprit of the leading ship as she returned in triumph -to James River. - -Such forceful measures went on till the waters of Carolina were cleared -of the enemy, and by 1730 the fear of pirates was extinguished. For -year after year the deeds of Kidd and Blackbeard were rehearsed at -village firesides, and tales of buried treasure caused many a greedy -spade to delve in vain, until with the lapse of time the memory of all -these things grew dim and faded away. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -FROM TIDEWATER TO THE MOUNTAINS. - - -[Sidenote: Alexander Spotswood.] - -[Sidenote: Governor and burgesses.] - -[Sidenote: A sharp rebuke.] - -It is time for our narrative to return to Virginia, where in June, -1710, just a hundred years after the coming of Lord Delaware, there -arrived upon the scene one of the best and ablest of all the colonial -governors. Alexander Spotswood was a member of the old and honourable -Scottish family which took its name from the barony of Spottiswoode, -in Berwick. His great-great-grandfather had been archbishop of St. -Andrews and chancellor of Scotland. His great-grandfather, Sir Robert -Spottiswoode, as secretary of state, had signed the commission of -Montrose, for which he was beheaded by the Covenanters in 1646.[315] -Alexander himself had been brought up from childhood in the army, where -he had seen some hard fighting. Already at the age of eight-and-twenty -he had attained the rank of colonel, and in that year received an -ugly wound at Blenheim. Six years after that great battle he arrived -in Virginia, a tall, robust man, with gnarled and wrinkled face and -an air of dignity and power. He was greeted at Williamsburg with more -than ordinary cordiality, because he brought with him a writ confirming -the claim of the Virginians that they were as much entitled as other -Englishmen to the privilege of _habeas corpus_. Notwithstanding this -auspicious reception he had a good many wrangles with his burgesses, -chiefly over questions of taxation, and sometimes talked to them quite -plainly. On one occasion when, during the Yamassee war in Carolina, -he requested an appropriation for a force to be sent in aid of their -southern neighbours, he found the burgesses less liberal than he wished -and expected. They pleaded the poverty of the country as an excuse for -not doing more. The governor’s retort was a telling one, and might be -applied with effect to many a modern legislative body. If they felt the -poverty of the country so keenly, why did they persist in sitting there -day after day and drawing their pay, while they wasted the country’s -time in frivolities without passing laws that were much needed? for -in the last five-and-twenty days only three bills had come from them. -At the end of a stormy session he addressed them still more sharply: -“To be plain with you, the true interest of your country is not what -you have troubled your heads about. All your proceedings have been -calculated to answer the notions of the ignorant populace; and if you -can excuse yourselves to them, you matter not how you stand before God, -or any others to whom you think you owe not your elections. In fine, I -cannot but attribute these miscarriages to the people’s mistaken choice -of a set of representatives whom Heaven has not ... endowed with the -ordinary qualifications requisite to legislators; and therefore I -dissolve you!”[316] - -In spite of this stinging tongue Spotswood was greatly liked and -respected for his ability and honesty and his thoroughly good heart. -He was a man sound in every fibre, clear-sighted, shrewd, immensely -vigorous, and full of public spirit. One day we find him establishing -Indian missions; the next he is undertaking to smelt iron and grow -native wines; the next he is sending out ships to exterminate the -pirates. For his energy in establishing smelting furnaces he was -nicknamed “The Tubal Cain of Virginia.” For the making of native wines -he brought over a colony of Germans from the Rhine, and settled them in -the new county named for him Spottsylvania, hard by the Rapidan River, -where Germanna Ford still preserves a reminiscence of their coming. - -[Sidenote: The Post-office Act.] - -Some of Spotswood’s disputes with the assembly brought up questions -akin to those which agitated the country half a century later, in the -days of the Stamp Act. A recent act of Parliament had extended the -post-office system into Virginia, whereupon the burgesses declared -that Parliament had no authority to lay any tax (such as postage) upon -the people of Virginia without the consent of their representatives; -accordingly they showed their independence by exempting from postage -all merchants’ letters. But we may let Spotswood speak for himself: -“Some time last Fall the Post M’r Gen’ll of America, having thought -himself Obliged to endeavour the Settling a post through Virginia and -Maryland, in y^e same manner as they are settled in the other Northern -Plantations, pursu’t to the Act of Parliament of the 9th of Queen Anne, -gave out Commissions for that purpose, and a post was accordingly -established once a fortnight from W’msburg to Philadelphia, and for -the Conveyance of Letters bro’t hither by Sea through the several -Countys. In order to this, the Post M’r Set up printed Placards (such -as were sent in by the Post M’r Gen’ll of Great Britain) at all the -Posts, requiring the delivery of all Letters not excepted by the Act -of Parliament to be delivered to his Deputys there. No sooner was this -noised about but a great Clamour was raised against it. The people were -made to believe that the Parl’t could not Levy any Tax (for so they -call y^e Rates of Postage) here without the Consent of the General -Assembly. That, besides, all their _Laws_[317] were exempted, because -scarce any came in here but what some way or other concern’d Trade; -That tho’ M’rs should, for the reward of a penny a Letter, deliver -them, the Post M’r could Demand no Postage for the Conveyance of them, -and abundance more to the same purpose, as rediculous as Arrogant.... -Thereupon a Bill is prepared and passed both Council and Burg’s’s, -w’ch, tho’ it acknowledges the Act of Parliam’t to be in force here, -does effectually prevent its being ever put in Execution. The first -Clause of that Bill Imposes an Obligation on the Post Master to w’ch -he is no ways liable by the Act of Parliament. The second Clause -lays a Penalty of no less than £5 for every Letter he demands or -takes from a Board any Ships that stand Decreed to be excepted by the -Act of Parliament; and the last Clause appoints y^e Stages and the -time of Conveyance of all Letters under an Extravagant Penalty. As -it is impossible for the Post Master to know whether the Letters he -receives be excepted or not, and y’t, according to the Interpreters, -Our Judges of the Act of Parl’t, all Letters sent from any Merch’t, -whether the same relate to Merchandize on board or not, are within the -exception of the Law, the Post M’r must meddle w’th no Letters at all, -or run the hazard of being ruin’d. And the last Clause, besides its -Contradiction to the Act of Parliament in applying the Stages, w’ch is -expressly Bestowed to the Post Master according to the Instruction of -the Soveraign, is so great an impossibility to be complyed w’th that, -considering the difficulty of passing the many gr’t Rivers, the Post -M’r must be liable to the penalty of 20s. for every Letter he takes -into his care during the whole Season of the Winter. From whence yo’r -Lo’ps may judge how well affected the Major part of Our Assembly men -are towards y^e Collecting this Branch of the King’s Revenue, and w’ll -therefore be pleas’d to Acquitt me of any Censure of Refusing Assent to -such a Bill.”[318] - -[Sidenote: Appointment of parsons.] - -With an assembly so adroit and so stubborn, the way of the postmaster -was hard indeed. Another source of irritation was the question as -to appointing parsons. In practice they were appointed by the close -vestries, but the governor wished to appoint them himself. It also -appeared that the king’s ministers would like to send a bishop to -Virginia. On these questions the worthy Spotswood got embroiled with -eight of the councilmen as well as with the burgesses, and complained -of being rather shabbily treated: “When in Order to the Solemnizing his -Maj’ty’s Birth-day,[319] I gave a publick Entertainment at my House, -all gent’n that would come were Admitted; These Eight Counsellors would -neither come to my House nor go to the Play w’ch was Acted on that -occasion, but got together all the Turbulent and disaffected Burg’s’s, -had an Entertainment of their own in the Burg’s House and invited -all y^e Mobb to a Bonfire, where they were plentifully Supplyed with -Liquors to Drink the same healths without as their M’rs did within, -w’ch were chiefly those of the Council and their Associated Burg’s, -without taking any [more] Notice of the Gov’r, than if there had been -none upon the place.”[320] - -[Sidenote: Beginning of continental politics.] - -In such disputes between the legislatures chosen at home and the -executive officials appointed beyond sea, Virginia, like the sister -colonies in their several ways, was getting the kind of political -education that bore fruit in 1776. In Virginia the appointment of -clergymen over parishes, in Maryland the forty per poll for a church -to which only one sixth of the people belonged, in Massachusetts the -perennial question of the governor’s salary,--all these were occasions -for disputes about matters of internal administration in which -far-reaching principles were involved. Other questions, like that of -postage just mentioned, showed that gradually but surely and steadily -a continental state of things was coming on. From the Penobscot to -the Savannah there was a continuous English world, albeit a strip so -narrow that it scarcely anywhere reached inland more than a hundred -and fifty miles from the coast. The work of establishing postal -communication throughout this region seemed to require some continental -authority independent of the dozen local colonial legislatures. We see -Parliament, with the best of intentions, stepping in and exercising -such continental authority; and we see the Virginians resisting such -action, on the ground that in laying the species of tax known as -postage rates Parliament was usurping functions which belonged only -to the colonial legislatures. Thus did the year 1718 witness a slight -presage of 1765. - -[Sidenote: Beginning of the seventy years’ struggle with France.] - -Nothing did so much toward bringing the several colonies face to face -with a great continental situation as the struggle with France which -began with the expulsion of the Stuarts in 1689 and was not to be -decided until seventy years later, when Wolfe climbed the Heights of -Abraham. The destruction of the Invincible Armada, a century before -the downfall of James II., had shown that Great Britain was to belong -to the Protestant Reformers; the latter event had shown that she was -not to be won back to the Catholic Counter-Reformation which, starting -with the election of Paul IV. in 1555, had gained formidable strength -in many quarters. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, when the -colony of Virginia was founded, the France of Henry IV. was in sympathy -with England and hostile to Spain. Before the end of that century the -France of Louis XIV. had been won over to the Counter-Reformation. The -dethronement of England’s Catholic king came almost like a rejoinder to -the expulsion of a million Protestants from France. The mighty struggle -which then began was to determine whether North America should be -controlled by Protestantism and Whiggery, or by the Counter-Reformation -and the Old Régime. - -[Sidenote: The Continental Congress of 1690.] - -The first notable effect wrought in English America by the outbreak of -hostilities was the assembling of a Continental Congress at New York -in 1690, the first meeting of that sort in America. The continental -aspects of the situation were not as yet apparent save to a few -prescient minds. The infant settlements in Carolina hardly counted -for much. Virginia was too far from Canada to feel deeply interested -in the organization of resistance to the schemes of Frontenac, and so -the southernmost colony represented in the first American Congress was -Maryland. - -[Sidenote: Franklin’s plan for a Federal Union.] - -[Sidenote: Origin of the Stamp Act.] - -It was not long, however, before the continental aspects of the -situation began to grow more conspicuous. The reader will remember how, -in 1708, the government at Charleston, in an official report on the -military resources of the colony, laid stress upon the circumstance -that Carolina was a frontier to all the English settlements on the -mainland. The occasion for this emphasis was the great European war -that broke out in 1701, when Louis XIV. put his grandson, Philip of -Anjou, on the vacant throne of Spain. The alliance of Spain with France -threatened English America at both ends of the line. The destruction of -Deerfield by an expedition from Canada in 1704, and the attempt upon -Charleston by an expedition from Florida in 1706, were blows delivered -by the common enemy, Louis XIV., the persecutor of Huguenots, the -champion of the Counter-Reformation, the accomplice of the Stuarts. -From that moment we may date the first dawning consciousness of a -community of interests all the way from Massachusetts to Carolina. But -it was only a few clear-headed persons that were quick to understand -the situation. The average members of a legislature were not among -these; their thoughts were much more upon the constituencies “to -whom they owed their elections” than upon any wide or far-reaching -interests. Such of the royal governors as were honest and high-minded -men saw the situation much more clearly, since it was their business to -look at things from the imperial point of view. Especially such a man -as Spotswood, a soldier of noted ability, who had himself been scarred -in fighting the common enemy, could not fail to understand the needs -of the hour. His official letters abundantly show his disgust over the -froward and niggardly policy that refused prompt aid to hard-pressed -Carolina.[321] To sit wrangling over questions of prerogative while -firebrand and tomahawk were devouring their brethren on the frontier! -To our valiant soldier such behaviour seemed fit only for churls; -while waiting for the danger to come upon one, instead of marching -forth to attack the danger, was surely as impolitic as unchivalrous. -So, without waiting on the uncertain temper and devious arguments of -many-headed King Demos, the governor hurried his men on board ship as -fast as he could enlist and arm them, well knowing that in a “dangerous -conjuncture” the more precious minutes one loses, the more costly grow -those that are left. During half of the eighteenth century, as the -conflict with France was again and again renewed, such experiences -as those of Spotswood with his burgesses were repeated in most of -the colonies, until the royal governors became profoundly convinced -that the one thing most needed in English America was a Continental -Government that could impose taxes, according to some uniform -principle, upon the people of all the colonies for the common defence. -At the Albany Congress of 1754, when the war-clouds were blacker than -ever, Benjamin Franklin came forward with a scheme for creating such -a central government for purely federal purposes. That scheme would -have inaugurated a Federal Union, with president appointed by the -crown; it would have lodged the power of taxation, for continental -purposes, in a federal council representing the American people; and -it would have left with the several states all governmental functions -and prerogatives not explicitly granted to the central government. Had -Franklin’s plan been adopted and proved successful in its working, the -political separation between English America and English Britain would -not have occurred when it did, and possibly might not have occurred at -all. But Franklin’s plan failed of adoption just at the moment when -American politics were becoming more completely and conspicuously -continental than ever before. In the presence of a gigantic war that -extended “from the coast of Coromandel to the Great Lakes of North -America,”[322] the need for a continental government and the evils -that flowed from the want of it were felt with increasing severity; -the old difficulties which had beset honest Spotswood were renewed in -manifold ways; until, when the war was over, Parliament, with the best -of intentions but without due consideration, undertook in the Stamp Act -to provide a steady continental revenue for America. When the Americans -refused to accept Parliament as their continental legislature, and, -in alliance with Pitt and his New Whigs, won a noble victory in the -repeal of the Stamp Act, a great American question became entangled -in British politics, and a situation was thus created which enabled -the unscrupulous and half-crazy George III. to force upon America the -quarrel that parted the empire in twain. Nowhere in history is the -solidarity of events, in their causal relations, more conspicuous than -in America during the eighteenth century; and for this reason the -disputes of the royal governors with their refractory assemblies are -nearly always rich in political lessons. - -[Sidenote: The unknown West.] - -[Sidenote: Spotswood crosses the Blue Ridge, 1716.] - -Looking back from the present time at Spotswood’s administration, we -find its incidents perpetually reminding us that the colonies were -already entering upon that long period of revolution from which they -were not to emerge until the adoption of our Federal Constitution. We -never lose consciousness of the French and Indian background against -which the events are projected. Toward this vast dim background -Spotswood set his face in 1716, in his memorable expedition across the -Blue Ridge. For more than a century since the founding of Jamestown had -the beautiful valley of the Shenandoah remained unknown to Virginians. -It was still part of the strange, unmeasured wilderness that stretched -away to the remote shores which Drake had once called by the name New -Albion.[323] Some of its most savage solitudes had in Spotswood’s youth -been traversed by the mighty La Salle, and other adventurous Frenchmen -kept up explorations among freshwater seas to the northwestward, -where English and Scotch officials of the Hudson Bay Company were -beginning to come into contact with them. What was to be found between -those freshwater seas and the Gulf of Mexico no Englishman could -tell, save that it had been found to be solid land, and not a Sea of -Verrazano.[324] So much might Spotswood have gathered from reading and -from hearsay, but not through any work done by Englishmen. In the early -days, as we have seen, Captain Newport had tried to reach the mountains -and failed.[325] In 1653 it was enacted that, “whereas divers gentlemen -have a voluntarie desire to discover the Mountains and supplicated -for lycence to this Assembly, ... that order be granted unto any for -soe doing, Provided they go with a considerable partie and strength -both of men and amunition.”[326] But nothing came of this permission. -In Spotswood’s time the very outposts of English civilization had not -crept inland beyond tidewater. A strip of forest fifty miles or more -in breadth still intervened between the Virginia frontier and those -blue peaks visible against the western sky. This stalwart governor -was not the man to gaze upon mountains and rest content without going -to see what was behind them. Especially since the French were laying -claim to the interior, since they had for some time possessed the Great -Lakes, and since they had lately been busy in erecting forts at divers -remote places in the western country,[327] it was worth while for -Englishmen to take a step toward them by crossing the mountains.[328] -The expedition was extremely popular in Virginia. A party of fifty -gentlemen, with black servants, Indian guides, and packhorses, started -out toward the end of August and made quite an autumn picnic of it. One -can fancy what prime shooting it was in the virgin forest all alive -with the finest of game. To wash down so much toothsome venison and -grouse, the governor brought along several casks of native wines--red -and white Rapidan, so to speak--made by his Spottsylvania Germans; -but cognac and cherry cordial were not forgotten, and champagne-corks -popped merrily in the wilderness. Crossing the Blue Ridge at Swift Run -Gap,[329] on nearly the same latitude as Fredericksburg, the party -entered the great valley a little north of the present site of Port -Republic, and about eighty miles southwest from Harper’s Ferry. The -exploits of Stonewall Jackson in 1862 have clothed the region with -undying fame. Spotswood called the river the Euphrates, an early -instance of the vicious naming by which the map of the United States -is so abundantly disfigured, but happily the melodious native name -of Shenandoah has held its place. On the bank of that fair stream one -of the empty bottles was buried, with a paper inside declaring that -the river and all the soil it drained were the property of the King of -Great Britain. Having thus taken formal possession of the valley, the -picnickers returned to their tidewater homes. - -[Sidenote: Knights of the Golden Horseshoe.] - -A letter of Rev. Hugh Jones, who preached in Bruton Church, says that -Spotswood cut the name of George I. upon a rock at the summit of the -highest peak which the party climbed, and named it Mount George, -whereupon some of the gentlemen called the next one Mount Alexander, -in honour of the governor. “For this expedition,” says Mr. Jones, -“they were obliged to provide a great quantity of horseshoes, things -seldom used in the lower parts of the country, where there are few -stones. Upon which account the governor upon their return presented -each of his companions with a golden horseshoe, some of which I have -seen, studded with valuable stones, resembling the heads of nails, -with this inscription ... _Sic juvat transcendere montes._[330] This -he instituted to encourage gentlemen to venture backwards and make -discoveries and new settlements, any gentleman being entitled to wear -this golden shoe that can prove his having drank [_sic_] his Majesty’s -health upon Mount George.”[331] In later times this incident was called -instituting the order of Knights of the Golden Horseshoe. - -[Sidenote: Spotswood’s view of the situation.] - -Spotswood’s letters to the Lords of Trade, in which he mentions this -expedition to the mountains, are testimony to the soundness of his -military foresight. In recent years, he says, the French have built -fortresses in such positions “that the Brittish Plantations are in -a manner Surrounded by their Commerce w’th the numerous Nations of -Indians seated on both sides of the Lakes; they may not only Engross -the whole Skin Trade, but may, when they please, Send out such Bodys -of Indians on the back of these Plantations as may greatly distress -his Maj’ty’s Subjects here, And should they multiply their settlem’ts -along these Lakes, so as to joyn their Dominions of Canada to their -new Colony of Louisiana, they might even possess themselves of any of -these Plantations they pleased. Nature, ’tis true, has formed a Barrier -for us by that long Chain of Mountains w’ch run from the back of South -Carolina as far as New York, and w’ch are only passable in some few -places, but even that Natural Defence may prove rather destructive to -us, if they are not possessed by us before they are known to them. To -prevent the dangers w’ch Threaten his Maj’ty’s Dominions here from -the growing power of these Neighbours, nothing seems to me of more -consequence than that now while the Nations are at peace, and while -the French are yet uncapable of possessing all that vast Tract w’ch -lies on the back of these Plantations, we should attempt to make some -Settlements on y^e Lakes, and at the same time possess our selves of -those passes of the great Mountains, w’ch are necessary to preserve a -Communication w’th such Settlements.”[332] - -He goes on to say that the purpose of his late expedition across the -Blue Ridge was to ascertain whether Lake Erie, occupying as it did a -central position in the French line of communication between Canada and -Louisiana, was easily accessible from Virginia. Information gathered -from Indians led him to believe that it was thus accessible.[333] He -therefore proposed that an English settlement should be made on the -south shore of Lake Erie, whereby the English power might be thrust -like a wedge into the centre of the French position; and he offered to -take a suitable body of men across the mountains and reconnoitre the -country for the purpose of finding a site. As for the expense of such -an enterprise, the king need not be concerned about it; for there was -enough surplus from quitrents in the colonial treasury to defray it. -One cannot read such a letter without admiring the writer’s honest -frankness, his clear insight, his prudence, and his courage. - -[Sidenote: Spotswood’s last years.] - -But with all Spotswood’s virtues and talents, and in spite of his -popularity, he fell upon the same rock upon which Andros and Nicholson -had been wrecked: he quarrelled with Dr. Blair, who tells us that “he -was so wedded to his own notions that there was no quarter for them -that went not with him.”[334] With a change of name, perhaps the same -might have been said of the worthy doctor. The quarrel seems to have -originated in the question as to the right of appointing pastors, -and it ended, as Blair’s contests always ended, in the overthrow of -his antagonist. Nobody could stand up against that doughty Scotch -parson.[335] Spotswood was removed from his governorship in 1722, but -continued to live in the Virginia which he loved. As postmaster-general -for the American colonies, he had by 1738 got the mail running -regularly from New England as far south as James River. It took a -week to carry the mail from Philadelphia to Williamsburg; for points -further south the post-rider started at irregular intervals, whenever -enough mail had accumulated to make it worth while. In 1740 Spotswood -received a major-general’s commission, and was about to sail in Admiral -Vernon’s expedition against Cartagena,[336] when he suddenly died. He -was buried on his estate of Temple Farm, near Yorktown. In later days -the surrender of Lord Cornwallis was negotiated in the house which had -sheltered the last years of this noble governor.[337] - -[Sidenote: Gooch and Dinwiddie.] - -Spotswood was succeeded by Hugh Drysdale, who died in 1726, and next -came William Gooch, another military Scotchman, quiet, modest, and -shrewd, who managed things for twenty-two years, from 1727 to 1749, -with marked ability and success. After an interval, Gooch was followed -by Robert Dinwiddie, still another Scotchman, who came in 1751 and -staid until 1758, and whose administration is the last one that calls -for mention in the present narrative. - -[Sidenote: The Scotch-Irish.] - -The period of Gooch’s government was remarkable for the development of -the westward movement prefigured in Spotswood’s expedition across the -Blue Ridge. This development occurred in a way that even far-seeing -men could not have predicted. It introduced into Virginia a new set -of people, new forms of religion, new habits of life. It affected all -the colonies south of Pennsylvania most profoundly, and did more than -anything else to determine the character of all the states afterward -founded west of the Alleghanies and south of the latitude of middle -Illinois. Until recent years, little has been written about the coming -of the so-called Scotch-Irish to America, and yet it is an event of -scarcely less importance than the exodus of English Puritans to New -England and that of English Cavaliers to Virginia. It is impossible to -understand the drift which American history, social and political, has -taken since the time of Andrew Jackson, without studying the early life -of the Scotch-Irish population of the Alleghany regions, the pioneers -of the American backwoods. I do not mean to be understood as saying -that the whole of that population at the time of our Revolutionary War -was Scotch-Irish, for there was a considerable German element in it, -besides an infusion of English moving inward from the coast. But the -Scotch-Irish element was more numerous and far more important than -all the others. A detailed account of it belongs especially with the -history of Pennsylvania, since that colony was the principal centre of -its distribution throughout the south and west; but a brief mention -of its coming is indispensable in any sketch of Old Virginia and Her -Neighbours.[338] - -[Sidenote: Colonization of Ulster by James I.] - -Who were the people called by this rather awkward compound name, -Scotch-Irish? The answer carries us back to the year 1611, when James -I. began peopling Ulster with colonists from Scotland and the north of -England. The plan was to put into Ireland a Protestant population that -might ultimately outnumber the Catholics and become the controlling -element in the country. The settlers were picked men and women of the -most excellent sort. By the middle of the seventeenth century there -were 300,000 of them in Ulster. That province had been the most -neglected part of the island, a wilderness of bogs and fens; they -transformed it into a garden. They also established manufactures of -woollens and linens which have ever since been famous throughout the -world. By the beginning of the eighteenth century their numbers had -risen to nearly a million. Their social condition was not that of -peasants; they were intelligent yeomanry and artisans. In a document -signed in 1718 by a miscellaneous group of 319 men, only 13 made their -mark, while 306 wrote their names in full. Nothing like that could have -happened at that time in any other part of the British Empire, hardly -even in New England. - -When these people began coming to America, those families that had -been longest in Ireland had dwelt there but for three generations, -and confusion of mind seems to lurk in any nomenclature which couples -them with the true Irish. The antipathy between the Scotch-Irish as -a group and the true Irish as a group is perhaps unsurpassed for -bitterness and intensity. On the other hand, since love laughs at feuds -and schisms, intermarriages between the colonists of Ulster and the -native Irish were by no means unusual, and instances occur of Murphys -and McManuses of Presbyterian faith. It was common in Ulster to allude -to Presbyterians as “Scotch,” to Roman Catholics as “Irish,” and to -members of the English church as “Protestants,” without much reference -to pedigree. From this point of view the term “Scotch-Irish” may be -defensible, provided we do not let it conceal the fact that the people -to whom it applied are for the most part Lowland Scotch Presbyterians, -very slightly hibernicized in blood. - -[Sidenote: Ulster’s grievances.] - -The flourishing manufactures in Ulster aroused the jealousy of -rival manufacturers in England, who in 1698 succeeded in obtaining -legislation which seriously damaged the Irish linen and woollen -industries and threw many workmen out of employment. About the same -time it became apparent that an epidemic fever of persecution had -seized upon the English church. The violent reaction against the -Counter-Reformation, with the fierce war against Louis XIV., had -stimulated intolerance in all directions. The same persecuting spirit -which we have above witnessed as making trouble for the Carolinas and -Maryland found also a vent in the severe disabilities inflicted in 1704 -and following years upon Presbyterians in Ireland. They were forbidden -to keep schools, marriages performed by their clergy were declared -invalid, they were not allowed to hold any office higher than that of -petty constable, and so on through a long list of silly and outrageous -enactments. For a few years this tyranny was endured in the hope that -it was but temporary. By 1719 this hope had worn away, and from that -year, until the passage of the Toleration Act for Ireland in 1782, the -people of Ulster kept flocking to America. - -[Sidenote: The migration of Ulster men to America.] - -[Sidenote: Scotch-Irish in the southwest.] - -Of all the migrations to America previous to the days of steamships, -this was by far the largest in volume. One week of 1727 landed six -ship-loads at Philadelphia. In the two years 1773 and 1774 more than -30,000 came. In 1770 one third of the population of Pennsylvania was -Scotch-Irish. Altogether, between 1730 and 1770, I think it probable -that at least half a million souls were transferred from Ulster to -the American colonies, making not less than one sixth part of our -population at the time of the Revolution. Of these, very few came to -New England; among their descendants were the soldiers John Stark and -Henry Knox, and more lately the great naturalist Asa Gray. Those who -went to Pennsylvania received grants of land in the western mountain -region. The policy of the government was to interpose them as a buffer -between the expanding colony and the Indian frontier. Once planted -in the Alleghany region, they spread rapidly and in large numbers -toward the southwest along the mountain country through the Shenandoah -Valley and into the Carolinas. At a later time they formed almost the -entire population of West Virginia, and they were the men who chiefly -built up the commonwealths of Kentucky and Tennessee. Among these -Scotch-Irish were the Breckinridges, Alexanders, Lewises, Prestons, -Campbells, Pickenses, Stuarts, McDowells, Johnstons, and Rutledges; -Richard Montgomery, Anthony Wayne, Daniel Boone, James Robertson, -George Rogers Clark, Andrew Jackson, Thomas Benton, Samuel Houston, -John Caldwell Calhoun, Stonewall Jackson. It was chiefly Scotch-Irish -troops that won the pivotal battle at King’s Mountain, that crushed the -Indians of Alabama, and overthrew Wellington’s veterans of the Spanish -peninsula in that brief but acute agony at New Orleans. When our Civil -War came these men were a great power on both sides, but the influence -of the chief mass of them was exerted on the side of the Union; it held -Kentucky and a large part of Tennessee, and broke Virginia in twain. - -[Sidenote: Settlement of the Shenandoah Valley.] - -It was about 1730 that the Scotch-Irish began to pour into the -Shenandoah Valley. “Governor Gooch was then dispensing the Valley lands -so freely and indiscriminately that one Jacob Stover, it is said, -secured many acres by giving his cattle human names as settlers; and -a young woman, by dressing in various disguises of masculine attire, -obtained several large farms.”[339] Small farms, however, came to be -the rule. The first Scotch-Irish settled along the Opequon River; -and their very oldest churches, the Tuscarora Meeting-house near -Martinsburg and the Opequon Church near Winchester, are still standing. -The Germans were not long in following them, and we see their mark on -the map in such names as Strasburg and Hamburg. - -[Sidenote: Profound effect upon Virginia.] - -This settlement of the Valley soon began to work profound modifications -in the life of Old Virginia. Hitherto it had been purely English and -predominantly Episcopal, Cavalier, and aristocratic. There was now a -rapid invasion of Scotch Presbyterianism, with small farms, few slaves, -and democratic ideas, made more democratic by life in the backwoods. -It was impossible that two societies so different in habits and ideas -should coexist side by side, sending representatives to the same -House of Burgesses, without a stubborn conflict. For two generations -there was a ferment which resulted in the separation of church and -state, complete religious toleration, the abolition of primogeniture -and entails, and many other important changes, most of which were -consummated under the leadership of Thomas Jefferson between 1776 and -1785. Without the aid of the Valley population, these beginnings of -metamorphosis in tidewater Virginia would not have been accomplished. - -[Sidenote: Frontier phase of democracy.] - -Jefferson is often called the father of modern American democracy; -in a certain sense the Shenandoah Valley and adjacent Appalachian -regions may be called its cradle. In that rude frontier society, life -assumed many new aspects, old customs were forgotten, old distinctions -abolished, social equality acquired even more importance than unchecked -individualism. The notions, sometimes crude and noxious, sometimes -just and wholesome, which characterized Jacksonian democracy, -flourished greatly on the frontier and have thence been propagated -eastward through the older communities, affecting their legislation -and their politics more or less according to frequency of contact and -intercourse. Massachusetts, relatively remote and relatively ancient, -has been perhaps least affected by this group of ideas, but all parts -of the United States have felt its influence powerfully. This phase -of democracy, which is destined to continue so long as frontier -life retains any importance, can nowhere be so well studied in its -beginnings as among the Presbyterian population of the Appalachian -region in the eighteenth century. - -[Sidenote: Lord Fairfax and George Washington.] - -The Shenandoah Valley, however, was not absolutely given up to -Scotchmen and Germans; it was not entirely without English inhabitants -from the tidewater region. Among these, one specially interesting group -arrests our attention. At the northern end of the Valley was a little -English colony gathered about Lord Fairfax’s home at Greenway Court, -a dozen miles southwest from the site of Winchester. We have seen how -Lord Culpeper, in relinquishing his proprietary claims upon Virginia, -had retained the Northern Neck. This extensive territory passed as a -dowry with Culpeper’s daughter Catharine to her husband, the fifth Lord -Fairfax;[340] and in 1745 their son, the sixth Lord Fairfax, came to -spend the rest of his days in Virginia. There was much surveying to -be done, and the lord of Greenway Court gave this work to a young man -for whom he had conceived a strong affection. The name of Fairfax’s -youthful friend was George Washington, and it is impossible to couple -these two names without being reminded of a letter written a hundred -years before, in 1646, when Charles I. had been overthrown and taken -prisoner, and Henry Washington, royalist commander at Worcester, still -held out and refused to surrender the city without authority from the -king. Thus wrote the noble commander to the great General Fairfax, -commander of the Parliament army: “It is acknowledged by your books, -and by report of your own quarter, that the king is in some of your -armies. That granted, it may be easy for you to procure his Majesty’s -commands for the disposal of this garrison. Till then I shall make good -the trust reposed in me. As for conditions, if I shall be necessitated -I shall make the best I can. The worst I know and fear not; if I had, -the profession of a soldier had not been begun nor so long continued by -your Excellency’s humble servant,--Henry Washington.”[341] - -[Sidenote: Effect of the Westward advance upon the military situation.] - -[Sidenote: The Gateway of the West.] - -[Sidenote: Advance of the French.] - -There is a ring to this letter which sounds not unlike the utterance of -that scion of the writer’s family who was destined to win independence -for the United States. It is pleasant to know that General Fairfax -obtained the order from King Charles and granted most honourable terms -to the brave Colonel Washington. In the following century a member of -the house of Fairfax, in engaging the younger Washington to survey his -frontier estates, put him into a position which led up to his wonderful -public career. For this advance of the Virginians from tidewater to -the mountains served to bring on the final struggle with France. -The wholesale Scotch-Irish immigration was fast carrying Virginia’s -frontier toward the Ohio River, and making feasible the schemes of -Spotswood in a way that no man would have thought of. Hitherto the -struggle with the house of Bourbon had been confined to Canada at one -end of the line and Carolina at the other, while the centre had not -been directly implicated. In the first American Congress, convened -by Jacob Leisler at New York in 1690 for the purpose of concerting -measures of defence against the common enemy, Virginia (as we have -seen) took no part. The seat of war was then remote, and her strength -exerted at such a distance would have been of little avail. But in the -sixty years since 1690 the white population of Virginia had increased -fourfold, and her wealth had increased still more. Looking down the -Monongahela River to the point where its union with the Alleghany makes -the Ohio, she beheld there the gateway to the Great West, and felt a -yearning to possess it; for the westward movement was giving rise to -speculations in land, and a company was forming for the exploration and -settlement of all that Ohio country. But French eyes were not blind to -the situation, and it was their king’s pawns, not the English, that -opened the game on the mighty chess-board. French troops from Canada -crossed Lake Erie, and built their first fort where the city of Erie -now stands. Then they pushed forward down the wooded valley of the -Alleghany and built a second fortress and a third. Another stride would -bring them to the gateway. Something must be done at once. - -[Sidenote: George Washington’s first appearance in history.] - -At such a crisis Governor Dinwiddie had need of the ablest man Virginia -could afford, to undertake a journey of unwonted difficulty through -the wilderness, to negotiate with Indian tribes, and to warn the -advancing Frenchmen to trespass no further upon English territory. As -the best person to entrust with this arduous enterprise, the shrewd old -Scotchman selected a lad of one-and-twenty, Lord Fairfax’s surveyor, -George Washington. History does not record a more extraordinary choice, -nor one more completely justified. - - * * * * * - -This year 1753 marks the end of the period when we can deal with the -history of Virginia by itself. The struggle against France, so long -sustained by New York and New England, acquires a truly Continental -character when Virginia comes to take part in it. Great public -questions forthwith come up for solution, some of which are not set -at rest until after that young land surveyor has become President of -the United States. With the first encounter between Frenchmen and -Englishmen in the Alleghanies, the stream of Virginia history becomes -an inseparable portion of the majestic stream in which flows the career -of our Federal Union. - - - - -INDEX. - - - - -INDEX. - - - Abbot, George, i. 68. - - Abbot, Jeffrey, i. 135,165. - - Abraham, Heights of, i. 171; ii. 376. - - Absence of towns in North Carolina, ii. 314. - - Accomac peninsula, i. 224; ii. 87. - - Act of Uniformity, i. 304. - - Adam of Bremen, i. 18. - - Adams, C. F., i. 9. - - Adams, Henry, i. 112. - - Adams, Samuel, i. 31; ii. 29, 98, 285. - - Adelmare, Julius Cæsar, i. 68. - - Adoption of captives, i. 109-111,134. - - Æsop’s crow, i. 45. - - African slaves less tractable than those born in America, ii. 327. - - Agassiz, Louis, ii. 192. - - Agnese’s map, i. 61. - - Agriculture in North Carolina, ii. 313. - - Alaric, ii. 91. - - Albany congress, ii. 381. - - Albemarle Colony, ii. 276; - Bacon looked for possible help from, ii. 281. - - Albemarle Sound, i. 265. - - Alcæus, epigram of, in Greek on title-page, English paraphrase, - ii. 28. - - Alexander VI., i. 20, 30. - - Alexander, Sir William, i. 287. - - Algerine pirates, ii. 339. - - Algonquins, i. 94; ii. 58-62, 168, 274, 291, 298. - - Allerton, Isaac, ii. 60, 69. - - Altona, ii. 139, 140. - - Alva, Duke of, i. 21. - - Amadis, Philip, i. 31. - - America, first occurrence of the name in English, i. 13. - - American Antiquarian Society, i. 2. - - Americans not subject to Parliament, view of James I., i. 218. - - Ancient British drama, i. 59. - - Andros, Sir Edmund, ii. 115, 118, 119. - - Annapolis, i. 267, 313; ii. 120, 163, 249, 269. - - Anne Arundel County, ii. 137, 313. - - Anne of Denmark, Queen of James I., i. 104. - - Anne, Queen, ii. 123, 130. - - Anti-Catholic panic, ii. 159-161. - - Anti-slavery sentiment in Virginia, ii. 191. - - Antwerp, i. 45. - - Apaches, the, i. 107. - - Appalachian region the cradle of modern democracy, ii. 396. - - Appleby School, ii. 247. - - Appomattox Indians, ii. 82. - - Arabian Nights, i. 113; ii. 202. - - Aram, Eugene, ii. 249. - - Arber, Edward, i. 82, 112. - - Archdale, John, ii. 291. - - Archer, Gabriel, i. 124, 151. - - Archer’s Hope, i. 124. - - Argall, Samuel, i. 143, 161, 168, 170, 173, 174, 182, 186, 206, 207, - 216, 261; ii. 16. - - Argall’s Gift, i. 186. - - Ark, the ship, i. 273, 290. - - Arlington, Earl of, ii. 53, 54, 110, 280. - - Armada, the Invincible, i. 8, 34, 36-40, 50; ii. 377. - - _Armenica_, i. 13. - - Arundel, Lady Anne, wife of second Lord Baltimore, i. 268, 313. - - Arundel of Wardour, Lord, i. 56. - - Ashley River Colony, ii. 278. - - Ashley, Sir Anthony, i. 68. - - Ashley, W. J., i. 48. - - _Asiento_ agreement, ii. 190. - - Assembly, - Maryland, i. 283, 313; ii. 134-138, 149-162; - Massachusetts, i. 240; - North Carolina, ii. 296; - Virginia, i. 186, 216; - its “Tragical Declaration,” i. 217, 240-251, 312, 314; ii. 20, 54, - 70, 101, 136, 186. - - Atheism, how defined by Bishop Meade, ii. 264. - - Australasian colonies, ii. 183. - - Avalon, proposed palatinate in Newfoundland, i. 260-263. - - Avison, Charles, ii. 242. - - Ayllon’s colony on James River, i. 93. - - Azov, Sea of, i. 88. - - Azores, i. 34, 148, 183. - - - Backwoods life, ii. 271, 315. - - Bacon, Lord, i. 69, 144, 198, 207, 267; ii. 64. - - Bacon, Nathaniel, the elder, ii. 64, 68, 89. - - Bacon, Nathaniel, the rebel, his pedigree, ii. 64; - his manifesto, ii. 78-80; - his death, ii. 91. - - Bacon’s assembly, ii. 100, 102. - - Bacon’s rebellion, ii. 36, 45-107; - sympathizers in Maryland, ii. 155, 156, 174. - - Baffin, William, i. 67. - - Bailiffs, i. 276. - - Baird, C. W., ii. 205. - - Bahama Islands, their military value, ii. 278. - - Balboa, i. 26. - - Ballagh, J. C., ii. 178. - - Baltimore, Lady, wife of first Lord, i. 263. - - Baltimore, Lord. See Calvert. - - Baltimore, the city, ii. 268, 269. - - Baltimore, the Irish village, i. 255. - - Bancroft, George, ii. 184. - - Barbadoes, i. 273; ii. 183, 192, 207, 277, 286. - - Barbecues, ii. 243. - - Barlow, Arthur, i. 31. - - Barns, ii. 221. - - Barnwell, John, defeats the Tuscaroras, ii. 303. - - Barrow, John, i. 26, 27. - - Bassett, J. S., ii. 274, 276, 280. - - Bates, H. W., i. 199. - - Beadell, Gabriel, i. 121. - - Beaumont, Francis, i. 54. - - Becket, Thomas, ii. 14. - - Bedford, Countess of, i. 184. - - Bedroom furniture, ii. 225. - - Bee, Captain, ii. 329. - - Beggars, i. 48. - - Behn, Mrs. Aphra, ii. 179, 180. - - Belknap, Jeremy, i. 2. - - Belles of Williamsburg, a poem, ii. 259. - - Bennett, Richard, i. 302, 311; ii. 58, 110. - - Berkeley Plantation, i. 190. - - Berkeley, Lord, i. 68; ii. 52, 55, 95, 144, 272. - - Berkeley, Sir Maurice, i. 68; ii. 55. - - Berkeley, Sir William, i. 68, 253, 303, 308, 311, 314; ii. 17, 18, - 20-22, 53-58, 62, 66-71, 76, 97, 103-107, 109, 110, 136, 137, 154, - 155, 224, 245, 272, 276, 281. - - Berkeleys, the, i. 163. - - Bermuda Hundred, i. 168, 224. - - Bermuda Islands, i. 149-151, 161, 208. - - Bermudez, Juan, i. 149. - - Berry, Sir John, ii. 92, 95. - - Bertrand, a Huguenot family, ii. 205. - - Beverages, ii. 229. - - Beverley, Robert, clerk of assembly, ii. 80, 89, 92, 109-114. - - Beverley, Robert, the historian, ii. 21, 22, 70, 196, 208-210, 255. - - Bichat, Xavier, ii. 260. - - Billingsgate, i. 57. - - Billy, a runaway negro, ii. 197. - - Birds, ii. 214. - - Bishop, intention to appoint one in America, ii. 116. - - Blackbeard, the last of the pirates, ii. 366-369. - - Black Death, the, i. 22. - - Black-eyed Susan, i. 77. - - Blackiston, Nehemiah, ii. 161. - - Blackmail in the West Indies, ii. 350. - - Blackstone, William, ii. 128, 340. - - Blair, Francis Preston, ii. 389. - - Blair, James, i. 234; ii. 116-123, 129, 252, 262, 389. - - Blair, Mrs. James, ii. 119. - - Blake, Joseph, ii. 291, 363. - - Bland, Giles, ii. 86, 87, 104. - - Bland, John, ii. 47-51. - - Blenheim, battle of, ii. 190, 370. - - Bliss, Wm. R., ii. 251. - - Blood debt, Indian ideas of, i. 108. - - Blue Anchor tavern, i. 57. - - Blue Ridge, ii. 73, 205, 383; - crossed by Spotswood, ii. 385. - - Blunt Point, i. 209. - - Blunt, Tom, a Tuscarora chief, ii. 302. - - Bodleian Library, i. 28. - - Bohemia, i. 90. - - Bohemia Manor, ii. 141. - - Bolivia, i. 25. - - Bolling family descended from Pocahontas, i. 173. - - Bologna, i. 83. - - Bonnet, Stede, ii. 367-369. - - Boon, John, ii. 363. - - Boroughs, i. 226. - - Boston, Mass., i. 18. - - Boswell, James, ii. 334. - - Boucher, Jonathan, ii. 249. - - Boulogne, i. 36. - - Bowdoin, a Huguenot family, ii. 205. - - Bowdoin College, i. 43. - - Boyle, Robert, ii. 124. - - Bradford, Win., ii. 253. - - Brafferton Hall, ii. 124. - - Brandt, Sebastian, i. 14. - - Braziers, ii. 225. - - Brazil, Huguenots in, i. 17. - - Breaking on the wheel, i. 165. - - Brent, F. P., ii. 92. - - Brent, Giles, i. 306; ii. 147. - - “Brethren of the Coast,” ii. 345, 348. - - Brick for building, ii. 222. - - Bright, J. F., i. 208. - - Bristol, i. 42, 56. - - Brock, R. A., ii. 205. - - Bromfield, Lady, ii. 200. - - Brooke, Baker, ii. 151. - - Brooke, Lord, ii. 12. - - Brooke, Robert, a priest, ii. 166. - - Brooke, Sir Robert, ii. 64. - - Brown, Alexander, i. 23, 30, 60, 105-112, 144, 184, 194. - - Browne, W. H., i. 261, 263, 267; ii. 61, 145. - - Browning, Louisa, ii. 172. - - Bruce, Philip, ii. 24, 52, 67, 111, 121, 184, 185-187, 192, 193, 195, - 199, 203, 207, 208, 214, 215, 218, 220, 222, 223, 230, 236, 237, - 242, 260, 327. - - Brunswick, ii. 9. - - Buccaneering, origin of, ii. 345. - - Buccaneers, i. 24; - origin of the name, ii. 347. - - Buenos Ayres, i. 25. - - Burgesses, House of, i. 186. - - Burghley, Lord, i. 36. - - Burgundy, House of, i. 45. - - Burk, John, ii. 197, 265. - - Burke, Edmund, ii. 98, 250. - - Burney, James, ii. 349. - - Burning alive, i. 154; ii. 265, 266. - - Burrington, George, ii. 303. - - Burroughs, Anne, i. 113. - - Burton, Sir Charles, a convict, ii. 248. - - Burwell, Lewis, ii. 122. - - Butler, James, ii. 180, 183, 248. - - Butler, Nathaniel, his attack upon the London Company, i. 208-213, 229; - ii. 223. - - Butterflies of the aristocracy, ii. 11, 17. - - Buzzard’s Bay, i. 55. - - Byrd, William, historian, ii. 83, 211, 240; - his library, ii. 244, 245; 256-259; - describes life in North Carolina, ii. 257, 312. - - Byrd, William, the elder, ii. 83, 208, 257. - - - Cabot, John, i. 11; ii. 140. - - Cabot, Sebastian, i. 11-14. - - Cadiz, battle of, i. 38, 54, 65. - - Cadiz harbour, attacked by Drake, i. 34. - - Cæsar, Sir Julius, i. 68. - - Calderon, i. 11. - - Caliban, i. 15. - - California, i. 34, 61. - - Calvert, George, first Lord Baltimore, i. 255, 261, 267. - - Calvert, Cecilius, second Lord Baltimore, i. 255, 266, 268, 273, 281, - 283-292, 311-313, 315-318; ii. 131, 132, 134-141, 143, 155. - - Calvert, Charles, third Lord Baltimore, ii. 138, 144, 150, 151, - 154-162. - - Calvert, Benedict, fourth Lord Baltimore, ii. 157, 168. - - Calvert, Charles, fifth Lord Baltimore, ii. 169-173. - - Calvert, Frederick, sixth Lord Baltimore, ii. 172. - - Calvert, George, brother of second Lord Baltimore, i. 273. - - Calvert, Leonard, i. 273, 274, 290-293, 300, 307, 308. - - Calvert, Philip, ii. 132, 135, 138. - - Calvert, William, ii. 151. - - Cambridge, Mass., i. 43. - - Cambridge University, i. 301; ii. 248. - - Camden, W., i. 26, 54. - - Camm, John, ii. 127, 128. - - Campbell, Lord, i. 81. - - Canada, i. 62, 113, 116, 193. - - Canary Islands, i. 91. - - Candles of myrtle wax, ii. 228. - - Cannibals, i. 149, 153. - - Canning, Elizabeth, ii. 183. - - Cape Breton, i. 12. - - Cape Charles, i. 168, 225. - - Cape Clear, i. 255. - - Cape Cod, i. 91, 161; ii. 4. - - Cape Fear River, i. 62, 63. - - Cape Finisterre, i. 59. - - Cape Henry, i. 92, 94. - - Cape Lookout, i. 31. - - Capetian monarchy in France, i. 256. - - Capital offences, i. 165. - - Cardross, Lord, ii. 288. - - Carey, Thomas, ii. 294. - - Carey’s rebellion, ii. 296. - - Carlton, Thomas, i. 91. - - Carolina, i. 63, 68, 265; ii. 53; - Bacon’s watchword, ii. 86; - palatinate government of, ii. 275; - Algonquins in, ii. 298; - Spanish gold and silver in, ii. 362. - - Caroni River, i. 197. - - Carriages, ii. 239. - - Carrington, Mrs. Edward, ii. 234-236. - - Carroll, Charles, of Carrollton, ii. 172. - - Carroll, Charles, the elder, ii. 170-172. - - Cartagena, i. 33. - - Carter, i. 214. - - Carteret, Sir George, ii. 144, 272. - - Cary, Sir Henry, i. 68. - - Caspian Sea, i. 74. - - Cathay and its riches, i. 7, 12. - - Catholics in Maryland, i. 270-275; ii. 150; - civil disabilities of, ii. 166-168. - - Cattle, i. 167, 230; ii. 2, 347. - - Cavalier families, ii. 25. - - Cavalier society reproduced only on Chesapeake Bay, ii. 337. - - Cavaliers in Virginia, ii. 9-29, 34-44; - in South Carolina, ii. 322. - - Cavendish, Lord, i. 207, 214, 215, 220. - - Cavendish, Sir Thomas, circumnavigation of the earth by, i. 34; - ii. 342. - - Caviar, i. 143. - - Cecil, Sir Robert, i. 40, 55, 144, 195, 225. - - Central America, i. 61. - - Cessation of tobacco crops, ii. 52, 153. - - Chamberlain, a court gossip, i. 207. - - Chain Lightning City, i. 226. - - Champlain, Samuel, i. 116. - - Chancellor of temporalities, i. 276. - - Chancery courts, i. 276. - - Chandler, Thomas, ii. 164. - - Chapman, George, i. 56. - - Channing, Edward, ii. 40, 100. - - Charatza Tragabigzanda, i. 88. - - Charcoal and its fumes, i. 141. - - Charlecote Hall, i. 69. - - Charles, old name for York River, i. 223. - - Charles I., i. 92, 195, 236, 238, 243, 251, 253, 263, 265, 288, 292, - 298, 307, 309, 312, 315; ii. 1, 7, 12, 16, 29, 272, 397. - - Charles II., i. 278, 302, 308, 309, 312; ii. 7, 20-24, 46, 53-56, 76, - 81, 101, 105, 108-113, 137, 138, 143, 144, 149, 174, 246, 272, 356. - - Charles V., the Emperor, i. 45, 46. - - Charles IX. of France, i. 265; ii. 272. - - Charles City, i. 186, 225, 228. - - Charleston, the city, founding of, ii. 278; - removed to a new situation, ii. 285; - commerce of, ii. 326; - social life in, ii. 331; - attacked by French and Spanish fleet, ii. 378. - - Charter of Massachusetts carried to New England, i. 236. - - Chastellux, Marquis de, i. 3; ii. 224. - - Cheesman, Edward, ii. 92, 93, 104. - - Cheesman, Mrs., insulted by Berkeley, ii. 93. - - Cheltenham, i. 43. - - Cherokees, the, ii. 300. - - Chesapeake Bay, i. 32, 56, 61, 112, 161, 190, 274. - - Cheseldyn, Kenelm, ii. 161. - - Chester, palatinate of, i. 257. - - Chicheley, Sir Henry, ii. 77, 80, 89, 284. - - Chickahominy, the river, i. 100, 225. - - Chickahominy, the tribe, i. 140. - - Childs, James, founder of a free school, ii. 325. - - Chili, i. 34. - - Chimneys, ii. 223. - - China, i. 41. - - Chinese pirates, ii. 339. - - Chollop, Hannibal, ii. 320. - - Chowan River, i. 265. - - Christiansen, Hendrick, i. 171. - - Christopher, the Syrian saint, i. 119. - - Church at Jamestown, i. 160, 169, 243. - - Church of England established in Maryland, ii. 162. - - Church wardens, ii. 35, 99. - - Chuzzlewit, Martin, ii. 320. - - Cintra, i. 34. - - Circumnavigation of the earth by Drake, i. 26-28. - - Claiborne, William, i. 251, 265, 286-295, 299-301, 306-308, 314-318; - ii. 80, 141. - - Clarendon Colony, ii. 277; - abandoned, ii. 290. - - Claret, American, i. 18; ii. 207. - - Clarkson, Thomas, ii. 201. - - Classical revival, ii. 224. - - Clay-eaters, ii. 320. - - Clayton, John, botanist, ii. 259. - - Clement VIII., i. 83. - - Clergymen in early New England, ii. 30, 253; - in Virginia and Maryland, ii. 261; - in South Carolina, how elected, ii. 323; - contrast with those of Virginia, ii. 323. - - Clergymen’s salaries, i. 247; ii. 36. - - Climate of South Carolina, ii. 328; - of Virginia, i. 4. - - Clobery & Co., fur traders, i. 287, 292, 299, 300. - - “Cloister and the Hearth,” the, i. 80. - - Cobham, Lord, i. 197. - - Cockatrice, the ship, i. 293. - - Code of laws in Dale’s time, i. 164. - - Codfish, ii. 207. - - Coke, Sir Edward, i. 273. - - Cold Harbor, i. 224. - - Coligny, Admiral, i. 17, 18, 30. - - Colleton, Sir John, ii. 272, 287. - - Collingwood, Edward, i. 221. - - Colonels in the South, why so common, ii. 41. - - Colonization of Ulster by James I., ii. 391. - - Columbia, S. C., i. 62. - - Columbine as a floral emblem, i. 156. - - Columbus, Christopher, his object in sailing westward, i. 7; ii. 140. - - Comanches, i. 107. - - Commons, House of, i. 244; ii. 14. - - Communal houses, i. 17. - - Communal lands, i. 94. - - Communism among the first settlers of Virginia, i. 142, 147, 159, - 166, 167. - - Communists and lager beer, i. 166; - in Bacon’s rebellion, ii. 103. - - “Complaint from Heaven,” ii. 159. - - Conch, a kind of mean white, ii. 320. - - Congregations, migration of, ii. 30, 252. - - Congress of 1690, ii. 168. - - Conspiracy of the Carolina Indians, ii. 300. - - Constables, i. 276. - - Constantine the Great, i. 22. - - Continental Congress of 1690, ii. 377. - - Convicts sent to America, ii. 177-191; - as schoolmasters, ii. 248, 249. - - Conway, Moncure, ii. 174, 214. - - Coode, John, ii. 161. - - Cook, Ebenezer, his poem “The Sot-Weed Factor,” ii. 220. - - Cooke, J. E., i. 247; ii. 11, 124. - - Cooper, A. A., Earl of Shaftesbury, ii. 272, 285. - - Copeland, Patrick, i. 233. - - Copley, Sir Lionel, ii. 117, 162. - - Cordilleras, i. 25. - - Corn crackers, a kind of mean white, ii. 320. - - Cornets and trumpets, ii. 242. - - Cornwallis, the Earl, i. 273. - - Cornwallis, Thomas, i. 273, 307. - - Coronado, expedition of, i. 61. - - Coroners, ii. 39. - - Corruption and extortion, ii. 56. - - Coruña, i. 34. - - Coryat, Thomas, introduces the use of forks into England, ii. 226. - - Cortez in Mexico, i. 101. - - Cotton crop in South Carolina, ii. 326. - - Counter-reformation, ii. 160, 379. - - Counties in Virginia, ii. 37. - - Count Palatine, meaning of the title, i. 257. - - County court, English, i. 187. - - County courts in Virginia, ii. 38. - - County lieutenants in Virginia, ii. 41. - - Coursey, Henry, ii. 151. - - Court day in Virginia, ii. 42. - - Court House in town names, ii. 38. - - Court Party, i. 182. - - Courts baron, ii. 146, 148, 282; - leet, i. 282; ii. 146-148; - quarter session, i. 276. - - Cowley, Abraham, i. 28. - - Cowley, Ambrose, a buccaneer, ii. 358. - - Crackers, a kind of mean white, ii. 320. - - Craft guilds, ii. 15; - of London, i. 179. - - Craftsmen desired in Virginia, i. 162. - - Cranfield, Sir M., i. 214. - - Craven, Lord, ii. 272, 303. - - Creeks and rivers as roadways, i. 212. - - Crèvecœur, St. John de, ii. 330. - - Crimes and punishments, ii. 265. - - Croatan, i. 39. - - Cromwell, Oliver, Lord Protector, i. 144, 278, 314, 316-318; - ii. 12, 46, 131, 134, 349. - - Cromwell, Richard, ii. 20, 134. - - Crown requisitions, ii. 168. - - Cruel punishments, ii. 330. - - Crusades, i. 8. - - Cuitlahuatzin, i. 101. - - Culpeper, John, and his rebellion, ii. 283. - - Culpeper, Lord, ii. 53, 54, 70, 110-113, 245, 280. - - Culpeper, the town, ii. 39. - - Cumana, i. 197. - - Curl’s Wharf, ii. 64, 65, 75. - - “Cursed be Canaan,” ii. 192. - - Custis, D. P., ii. 119. - - Cypress shingles, ii. 223. - - Cyprus, i. 83. - - - Dabney, a Huguenot family, ii. 205. - - Dale, Sir Thomas, i. 163-171; - code of laws in Dale’s time, i. 164, 194, 223, 301. - - Dale’s Gift, i. 168, 225. - - Dampier, William, ii. 358. - - Daniel, Robert, ii. 294. - - Danvers, Sir J., i. 220. - - Dare of Virginia, i. 35, 39. - - Darien, the peak in, i. 26. - - Dartmouth, Eng., i. 53. - - Darwin, Charles, ii. 359. - - Davenant, Sir William, i. 308. - - Davis, a Maryland rebel, ii. 156. - - Davis, Edward, a buccaneer, ii. 358. - - Davis, John, i. 21, 52. - - Deane, Charles, i. 44, 112. - - Defoe, Daniel, ii. 178, 179, 187. - - Deerfield, destruction of, ii. 378. - - Delaware, i. 145. - - Delaware, Lady, i. 171. - - Delaware, Lord, i. 146-148, 152-155, 159-163, 166-177, 183, 243. - - Delaware, the colony, i. 235. - - Delaware, the river, i. 61. - - Delawares, the tribe, i. 146. - - Deliverance, the ship, i. 151. - - Delke, Roger, ii. 53. - - Demagogues, ii. 33. - - Demos, the many-headed king, ii. 381. - - Deptford, i. 27. - - Devil, the, is an Ass, a comedy, ii. 226. - - Devonshire, first Earl of, i. 207. - - Diderot, D., i. 2. - - Digges, Edward, i. 314. - - Dining-room furniture, ii. 226. - - Dinwiddie, Robert, ii. 390. - - Discovery, the ship, i. 71. - - Dismal Swamp, ii. 65, 211. - - Dissenters, i. 302; ii. 99, 165, 263, 292. - - Doeg, the tribe, ii. 58. - - Domestic industries, ii. 208. - - Dominica, the island, i. 91. - - Donne, John, i. 54, 221. - - Don Quixote, i. 53. - - Don, the river, i. 89. - - Douglas, Earl of Orkney, ii. 120. - - Dove, the ship, i. 273, 290. - - Doyle, J. A., i. 42, 117, 185; ii. 18, 176. - - Dragon, Spanish nickname for Drake, i. 33. - - Drake, Sir Francis, i. 19, 24, 26, 33, 34, 59; ii. 342, 383. - - Draper, Lyman, ii. 245. - - Drayton, Michael, i. 77-79, 232. - - Dress of planters and their wives, ii. 236; - legislation concerning, i. 246. - - Drinking horns, ii. 227. - - Drummond Lake, ii. 65. - - Drummond, Sarah, ii. 77, 94, 95. - - Drummond, William, ii. 65, 77, 87, 89, 94, 276. - - Drunkards, i. 246. - - Drysdale, Hugh, ii. 390. - - Duelling, ii. 265. - - Dunkirk, i. 36, 37. - - Durand, William, i. 311. - - Durant, George, ii. 276, 286; - and the Yankee skippers, ii. 283. - - Durham, palatinate of, its form of government, i. 257, 259, 260, - 275-279. - - Durham cathedral, i. 259. - - “Dust and Ashes,” pseudonym for Gabriel Barber, i. 234. - - Dutch commercial rivals of England, ii. 4, 46-51. - - Dutch in the East Indies, i. 10. - - Dutch Gap, i. 167. - - Dwina, the river, i. 74. - - - Eastchurch, Governor of Albemarle and his Creole bride, ii. 282-284. - - East Greenwich, manor of, i. 65. - - East India Company, Dutch, i. 51. - - East India Company, English, i. 51, 66, 184. - - “Eastward Ho,” the comedy, i. 56. - - Eden, Charles, ii. 304, 367. - - Eden, Richard, i. 14, 15. - - Eden, Sir Robert, ii. 172. - - Edenton, the town, ii. 314. - - Edgar the Peaceful, i. 260. - - Edmund Ironside, i. 260. - - Edmundson, William, ii. 57. - - Education of Indians, i. 246. - - Education in Ulster, ii. 392. - - Edward III., i. 22, 259; ii. 22. - - Edward VI., i. 14, 51. - - Edwards, Jonathan, ii. 254. - - Egypt, i. 83. - - Egyptian extremity of Illinois, ii. 320. - - El Dorado, i. 54, 116, 192. - - Eldredge family, descended from Pocahontas, i. 173. - - Elizabeth City, i. 225, 228. - - Elizabeth Islands, i. 55. - - Elizabeth, Queen, i. 9, 16, 21, 23, 27-29, 31, 36, 43, 48, 50, - 53-55, 59, 146, 200; ii. 22, 192, 226. - - Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, i. 225. - - England never had a _noblesse_, or upper caste, ii. 13. - - England, population of, in Elizabeth’s time, i. 46. - - English colonies in America promised self-government by Queen - Elizabeth, i. 31. - - English methods of colonization, i. 25. - - Episcopal Church in Virginia, its downfall, ii. 263. - - Escurial, i. 37. - - Essex, the Earl of, i. 38. - - Eugene, Prince, ii. 190, 334. - - Euxine, the sea, i. 74. - - Evelin, George, i. 299, 300. - - Evelinton Manor, ii. 147. - - Exodus of Cavaliers from England to Virginia, ii. 16. - - Exodus of Puritans from Virginia, ii. 17. - - Expedition of French and Spanish ships against Charleston, ii. 293. - - Exquemeling, Alexander, ii. 352, 354-357. - - - Faculty meetings at William and Mary, ii. 124. - - Fairfax, first Lord, ii. 12. - - Fairfax, fifth Lord, ii. 397. - - Fairfax, sixth Lord, ii. 397. - - Fairfax, Sir Thomas, ii. 397. - - Falkland, Lord, i. 69; ii. 11, 29. - - Falling Creek, i. 225. - - Falstaff, ii. 230. - - Farnese, Alexander, i. 36. - - Farnese, Francesco, i. 87. - - Faust, ii. 68. - - Fayal, i. 29, 54. - - “Federalist, The,” one of the world’s masterpieces, ii. 254. - - Felton, William, ii. 242. - - Fendall, Josias, i. 318; ii. 132-138. - - Ferrar, Nicholas, the elder, i. 203. - - Ferrar, Nicholas, the younger, i. 184, 203-207, 214-216, 218, 220-222, - 231, 236; ii. 116, 255. - - Ferryland, i. 256. - - Festivities at proclamation of Charles II., ii. 21. - - Feudal lords, imperfect subordination of, i. 256. - - Fiery dragons, missiles invented by Smith, i. 84. - - Fighting without declaration of war, ii. 344. - - Filibuster, origin of the name, ii. 348. - - First supply for Virginia, i. 112, 122. - - Fitzhugh, William, ii. 208. - - Five Nations, the, ii. 58, 144, 168. - - Flanders, Moll, ii. 178. - - Flash, Sir Petronel, i. 56-59. - - Fleete, Henry, i. 291. - - Fleming family, descended from Pocahontas, i. 173. - - Fletcher, Governor of New York, ii. 363. - - Fletcher, John, i. 54. - - Flibustiers, origin of the name, ii. 347. - - Flirting, prohibited by act of legislature, i. 247. - - Florence, i. 83. - - Florida, discovery of, i. 12, 60, 62, 265; - Huguenots in, i. 17, 18; - massacre of, i. 23, 194. - - Flournoy, a Huguenot family, ii. 205. - - Flowerdieu Hundred, i. 186. - - Flower-gardens, ii. 221. - - Flutes, ii. 242. - - Folkmotes, i. 277. - - Fontaine, a Huguenot family, ii. 205. - - Foote, W. H., ii. 203. - - Force, Peter, ii. 66. - - Ford, P. L., ii. 239, 240, 261. - - Ford, W. C., ii. 261. - - Forestallers, law against, i. 249, 250. - - Fort Duquesne, ii. 303. - - Fort James, i. 93. - - Fort Nassau, i. 254. - - Fox-Bourne, H. R., ii. 273. - - Fox, George, in Maryland, ii. 139. - - Fox-hunting, ii. 239. - - France once had a _noblesse_, or upper class, ii. 13. - - Franklin, Benjamin, ii. 254, 303; - his plan for a federal union, ii. 381. - - Fredericksburg, ii. 58, 247. - - Frederica, battle of, ii. 335. - - Free negroes, ii. 199. - - Freethinking, ii. 264. - - French colonization, i. 193. - - French posts in Mississippi valley, ii. 384. - - Frobisher, Sir Martin, i. 21, 36; ii. 342. - - Frontenac, Count de, ii. 378. - - Frontier against Spaniards, ii. 270, 271. - - Frontier life, ii. 253; - effects of in American history, ii. 270, 271. - - Frontier life in North Carolina, ii. 311. - - Froude, J. A., i. 16, 21, 35. - - Fuller, Thomas, i. 81, 158. - - Fuller, William, ii. 132, 137. - - Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, ii. 273, 274, 280. - - Fundy, Bay of, i. 63, 170. - - Funerals, ii. 237. - - Fur trade, the, i. 286, 289. - - - Galapagos Islands, ii. 359. - - Gale, Christopher, ii. 302. - - Gama, Vasco de, i. 12. - - Game, ii. 229. - - Gardiner, S. R., i. 201, 272; ii. 184. - - Garrison, W. L., ii. 192. - - Gates, Sir Thomas, i. 65, 147, 148, 150, 154, 162, 163, 171. - - Gateway of the West, ii. 399. - - Gay family, descended from Pocahontas, i. 173. - - Gayangos, Pascual de, i. 87. - - Geddes, Jennie, i. 236. - - Genealogy, importance of, ii. 26; - of Washington, ii. 27. - - Genoa, ii. 344. - - Gentlemen as pioneers, i. 121. - - Genty, the Abbé, i. 4. - - Geographical conditions, influence of, ii. 309. - - Geographical knowledge, progress of, i. 41. - - George I., ii. 169. - - George III., i. 31, 130; ii. 115. - - Georgia, i. 63, 280; - a frontier colony, ii. 333; - slavery prohibited in, ii. 335; - introduced there, ii. 336; - Spaniards driven from, ii. 335; - population of, ii. 336. - - Germanna Ford, ii. 372. - - German immigration to North Carolina, ii. 318. - - Germans at Werowocomoco, i. 131, 139; - in Appalachian region, ii. 318; - in the Mohawk Valley, ii. 318; - in Shenandoah Valley, ii. 395; - on the Rapidan River, ii. 372. - - Gerrard, Thomas, ii. 134, 161. - - Gibbon, John, ii. 20. - - Gibraltar, Venezuela, sack of by Le Basque, ii. 350; - sacked by Morgan, ii. 353. - - Gift of God, the ship, i. 70. - - Gilbert, Bartholomew, i. 56, 102. - - Gilbert, Raleigh, i. 67, 70. - - Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, i. 19-23, 28; ii. 342; - shipwreck of, i. 29. - - Gillam, a Yankee skipper, ii. 283. - - Glass, attempts to manufacture, i. 123, 230. - - Glastonbury Minster, i. 260. - - Glover, William, ii. 295. - - God Speed, the ship, i. 71. - - Goddard, Anthony, i. 20. - - Godwyn, ii. 192. - - Gog, i. 41. - - Gold, all that glitters is not, i. 122. - - Gold fever in Virginia, i. 122. - - Golden Hind, the ship, i. 26-28, 59. - - Gomez, i. 26. - - Gondomar, Count, i. 195, 196, 198, 199. - - Gooch, William, ii. 390, 395. - - Goode, G. B., ii. 83. - - Goode, John, his conversation with Bacon, ii. 82-86. - - Gookin, Daniel, the elder, i. 302. - - Gookin, Daniel, the younger, i. 304. - - Gorges, Robert, i. 288. - - Gorges, Sir F., i. 56, 67. - - Gorton, Samuel, i. 289. - - Gosnold, Bartholomew, his voyage to New England in 1602, i. 55; - 71, 90, 92, 98. - - Gourgues, Dominique de, i. 20, 73. - - Government of early settlers in Virginia, i. 160. - - Government of laws, ii. 267. - - Gracchus, Tiberius, ii. 107. - - Graffenried, Baron, leads a party of Swiss and Germans to North - Carolina, ii. 297; - captured by the Tuscaroras, ii. 300-303. - - Granaries, ii. 221. - - Grant, U. S., i. 88; ii. 191. - - Gratz in Styria, i. 84. - - Gray, Asa, ii. 394. - - Gray, Samuel, ii. 195. - - Gray’s Inn, i. 175. - - Graydon, Alexander, ii. 165. - - Great circle sailing, i. 91. - - Great Wighcocomoco, naval fight at, i. 293, 299. - - Greeks, the, i. 37. - - Green Spring, ii. 55, 87, 89, 100, 224. - - Greene, Roger, ii. 276. - - Greene, S. A., ii. 160. - - Grenville, Sir Richard, i. 33-35, 36. - - Greenway Court, ii. 397. - - Grigsby, H. B., ii. 10. - - Grimm, F. M., Baron, i. 3. - - Grolier Club, ii. 174. - - _Guardacostas_, small cruisers, ii. 346. - - Guiana, i. 54. - - Gunpowder explosion at Werowocomoco, i. 141. - - Gunpowder plot, i. 67. - - Gunston Hall, ii. 224; - mode of life at, ii. 232-234. - - - _Habeas corpus_ introduced into Virginia, ii. 371. - - Haddon, Dr., his prescriptions and bills, ii. 260. - - Haddon Hall, ii. 273. - - Hakluyt, Richard, the elder, i. 41. - - Hakluyt, Richard, the younger, i. 42-52, 65, 128. - - Hale, E. E., i. 2. - - Halidon Hill, battle of, i. 260. - - Halmote in Durham, i. 277. - - Hamilton, Alexander, ii. 98, 175, 254. - - Hammond, John, i. 289. - - Hamor, Ralph, i. 165; - his “True Discourse,” i. 232. - - Hampden, John, i. 204; - ii. 12. - - Hampton, i. 132, 167, 187, 225. - - Hampton Court, i. 198. - - Hampton Roads, i. 92, 155. - - Hancock, John, ii. 285. - - Handcock, a Tuscarora chief, ii. 302-304. - - Handel, G. F., ii. 190, 242. - - Hanham, Thomas, i. 67. - - Hannibal, i. 19. - - Hanover, ii. 9. - - Hansford, Betsey, ii. 127, 128. - - Hansford, Thomas, ii. 92, 95, 104. - - “Hardscrabble,” ii. 313. - - Hardwicke, Lord, ii. 200. - - Harford, Henry, ii. 173. - - Harpsichords, ii. 242. - - Harrison, Thomas, i. 306, 311. - - Harvard College, i. 147, 234, 235. - - Harvey, Sir John, i. 251, 253, 264, 274, 287, 293-299, 303; - ii. 5, 16, 77. - - Hautboys, ii. 241. - - Hawkes, F. L., ii. 277, 281, 285, 287, 298. - - Hawkins, Sir John, i. 15-20, 24, 36, 59; - ii. 342. - - Hawkins, William, i. 15. - - Hayden, H. E., ii. 205. - - Hayti, ii. 347. - - Hedges, dying under, i. 211. - - Heidelberg, i. 258. - - Hell Gate, i. 303. - - Hendren, S. R., ii. 72. - - Hening’s Statutes, i. 230, 248-250, 295, 304; ii. 21, 71, 98-100, - 114, 116, 121, 185, 186, 194, 195-200, 202, 203, 212, 219, 240, - 245, 246, 265. - - Henrico County, i. 168; - ii. 67. - - Henricus, City of, i. 168, 186, 225, 227, 229, 234. - - Henriette Marie, Queen of Charles I., i. 266. - - Henry I., i. 256. - - Henry II., i. 256. - - Henry III., i. 258. - - Henry III. of France, ii. 226. - - Henry IV., i. 259; - ii. 229. - - Henry IV. of France, ii. 168, 377. - - Henry VI., ii. 22. - - Henry VII., i. 50. - - Henry VIII., i. 22, 47, 48, 181, 259, 285; - ii. 285. - - Henry the Navigator, i, 50. - - Henry, Patrick, i. 31; - ii. 127, 266. - - Henry, Prince of Wales, i. 92, 163, 168, 195. - - Henry, W. W., i. 112. - - Heralds’ College, i. 86. - - Herbert, George, i. 220. - - Herbert of Cherbury, Lord, i. 220. - - Herbert, William, i. 68. - - Herkimer, Nicholas, ii. 318. - - Herman, Augustine, ii. 143. - - Herman, Ephraim, ii. 143. - - Hervey, Lord, i. 66. - - Highwaymen, amateur, i. 81; - ii. 102. - - Hildreth, Richard, i. 305. - - Hill, Edward, ii. 71, 73. - - Hindustan, i. 25. - - Hinton, Sir Thomas, ii. 5. - - Hispaniola, ii. 347. - - Hobby the sexton, ii. 247. - - Hoe-cake, i. 17. - - Holinshed, i. 27. - - Holy Grail, the, i. 204. - - Holy Roman Empire, i. 258. - - Holy Staircase, i. 83. - - Hominy, i. 275. - - Hooker, Richard, i. 69, 235. - - Horse-racing, i. 232; - ii. 237-239; - prohibited at William and Mary, ii. 126. - - Horses, i. 230. - - Hospitality in Virginia and Maryland, ii. 219. - - Hotten, J. C., ii. 184, 186. - - Housekeeper’s instructions at William and Mary, ii. 124. - - Houses in Virginia, i. 211, 212. - - Howard of Effingham, Lord, governor of Virginia, ii. 113-116, - 158, 246. - - Howard of Effingham, Lord, the admiral, i. 36; - ii. 342. - - Howard, Lord Thomas, i. 38; - ii. 342. - - Hubbard’s store, an inventory of, ii. 214. - - Hudson Bay Company, ii. 53, 383. - - Hudson, Henry, i. 66. - - Hudson, the river, i. 61-63, 265. - - Hughson, S. C., ii. 362. - - Huguenots, in Florida, i. 17, 18; - in Brazil, i. 17; - massacre of, i. 18, 23, 73; - expelled from France, ii. 160; - in Virginia, ii. 204; - in Carolina, ii. 274; - in South Carolina, ii. 288, 292, 322; - in North Carolina, ii. 297. - - Humboldt, Alexander, i. 54. - - Hume, David, i. 54. - - Hundreds and boroughs, i. 227, 228. - - Hundreds in Maryland, i. 284; - in Virginia, i. 186. - - Hungary, i. 90. - - Hunt, Robert, i. 93. - - Hunter, school tutor, ii. 247. - - Hunter, William, a priest, ii. 165. - - Huntingdon School, i. 144. - - Huntingdonshire, i. 205. - - Hutchinson, Thomas, i. 240; - ii. 29; - his work in history, ii. 254. - - Hyde, Edward, Lord Clarendon, ii. 272, 285. - - Hyde, governor of Albemarle, ii. 296. - - - Idaho, i. 187. - - “Il Penseroso,” i. 205. - - Independence, Declaration of, ii. 108, 171. - - Indian corn, as a floral emblem, i. 156; - its importance in American history, i. 156; - cultivated in Virginia, i. 231; - raised in Maryland, i. 275; - ii. 2. - - Indian girls dancing, i. 114. - - Indian troubles in Albemarle probably not incited by Carey and - Porter, ii. 297. - - Indians in Virginia, number of, ii. 8. - - Indians of Carolina classified, ii. 298-300. - - Indians of North Carolina, i. 32; - of Virginia, i. 56, 74. - - Indians sold for slaves, ii. 277. - - Indigo, an important staple of South Carolina, ii. 326. - - Industries, domestic, ii. 208. - - Infanta Maria, i. 195, 198, 200. - - Ingle, Edward, i. 228, 306-308; ii. 41, 43. - - Ingram, David, i. 20. - - Initiative in legislation, i. 284; - ii. 151. - - Inns in Virginia, i. 211; - in Maryland, ii. 219. - - Inquisition, the Spanish, i. 20, 36, 45. - - Insolvent debtors in North Carolina, ii. 313; - Oglethorpe’s plan for relieving, ii. 334. - - Instructions for the Virginia colonists, i. 72-76. - - Insurrections of slaves, ii. 196; - in South Carolina, ii. 329. - - Ireland, i. 66. - - Isabella, Queen, i. 51. - - Isle of Wight County, i. 302. - - Isles of Demons, i. 150. - - Isolation, barbarizing effects of, ii. 253, 321, 332, 333. - - - Jack of the Feather, a chief, i. 190. - - Jackson, Andrew, ii. 391. - - Jamaica, ii. 183; conquest of, ii. 349. - - James I., i. 55, 62, 69, 104, 113, 147, 152, 218, 236-238, 255, - 256, 263; - ii. 256, 391; - censures Rolfe for marrying a princess, i. 171, 193; - tries to get on without a parliament, i. 196; - his hatred of Raleigh, i. 197; - tries to interfere with election of treasurer of Virginia Company, - i. 201-203; - quarrels with Parliament, i. 208; - attempts to corrupt Nicholas Ferrar, i. 216. - - James II., ii. 8, 144, 146, 159, 160, 334. - - James City, i. 186, 210. - - James, Duke of York. See James II. - - James River, fight in, i. 305. - - James, the Old Pretender, ii. 168. - - James, Thomas, of New Haven, i. 303. - - Jamestown, i. 39; - founding of, i. 39, 140; - famine at, i. 153, 229; - burned by Bacon, ii. 89; - ruins of, ii. 120. - - Jay, John, ii. 254. - - Jefferson, Thomas, i. 221; - ii. 25, 37, 42, 66, 98, 128, 175, 191, 201, 202, 204, 213, 224, - 242, 259, 396. - - Jeffries, Sir Herbert, ii. 92, 95. - - Jewett, C., ii. 9. - - Johnson, C., ii. 368. - - Johnson, John, ii. 146. - - Johnson, Robert, ii. 306, 365-368. - - Johnson, Samuel, ii. 180. - - Johnson, Sir Nathaniel, ii. 292. - - Johnsonese writing, ii. 256. - - Joint-stock companies, i. 51, 62, 191, 280. - - Jonah, the prophet, i. 83. - - Jones, C. C., ii. 334. - - Jones, Hugh, i. 302; ii. 188, 238, 386. - - Jones, Sir William, ii. 28. - - Jonson, Ben, i. 54, 56; ii. 226. - - Jouet, a Huguenot family, ii. 205. - - Jowles, Henry, ii. 161. - - Joyce, P. W., i. 255. - - Justice, Henry, barrister and convict, ii. 248. - - - Kalm, Peter, ii. 164. - - Karlsefni, Thorfinn, ii. 277. - - Kawasha, patron of tobacco, i. 175. - - Kecoughtan, i. 186, 209. - - Kecoughtans, the tribe, i. 132. - - Keith, George, i. 302. - - Kemp, Richard, appointed secretary of state in Virginia, i. 295, - 298, 299. - - Kendall, George, i. 100. - - Kennebec River, i. 70. - - Kent, i. 65; palatinate of, i. 257. - - Kent Island, i. 287, 289-294, 296, 299-301, 307, 315, 318. - - Kentucky, its settlers, ii. 394, 395. - - Kidd, William, ii. 368. - - Kidnapping, ii. 177, 186; - of Indians, ii. 292. - - King Philip’s War, ii. 63. - - King, Rufus, ii. 66. - - Kinship reckoned through females, i. 95. - - Kinsman, ii. 5. - - Kirke, Colonel, ii. 200. - - Kitchens, ii. 221, 228. - - Knights of the Golden Horseshoe, ii. 386. - - Knowles, John, of Watertown, i. 303. - - Knox, Henry, ii. 394. - - Kocoum, chieftain, said to have been first husband of Pocahontas, i. - 168. - - - Labadie, Jean de, ii. 142. - - Labadists, ii. 142. - - La Belle Sauvage, name for London taverns, i. 172. - - Labrador, i. 12, 61. - - La Cosa, the pilot, i. 119. - - Lady of Barbadoes, a, ii. 192. - - Lake Erie, its strategic importance, ii. 387, 388. - - La Muce, Marquis de, ii. 204. - - Lancaster, palatinate of, i. 259. - - Land grants, ii. 176; - in New England, ii. 31; - in Virginia, ii. 23, 24, 36. - - Lane, Ralph, i. 32, 159. - - La Plata, the river, i. 25. - - Larned, J. N., ii. 201. - - La Roche, Captain, i. 83. - - La Rochefort, ii. 347. - - La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, ii. 331. - - La Salle, Robert de, ii. 383. - - Las Casas, i. 4; ii. 349. - - Latané, J. H., i. 302. - - Laud, William, Archbishop, i. 204, 298, 303; - ii. 17. - - Laudonnière, René de, i. 17. - - Lawnes’ Plantation, i. 186. - - Lawrence, Richard, ii. 65, 67, 68, 76, 87, 89, 91, 93, 203. - - Lawson, John, surveyor, ii. 277; - his history of Carolina, his charming style, captured by the - Tuscaroras, his horrible death, ii. 301; - his description of North Carolina, ii. 310. - - Lawyers in Virginia, ii. 266. - - Laydon, John, i. 113. - - Laziness, charge of, brought against Virginians, ii. 209, 210. - - Leaders of men, Virginia prolific in, ii. 44. - - Leah and Rachel, i. 289, 311, 315, 318; ii. 267. - - Lear, Tobias, ii. 261. - - Le Basque, Michel, a buccaneer, ii. 350. - - Lecky, W., ii. 190. - - Lee, Edmund, ii. 19. - - Lee, Richard, the first, ii. 19, 20. - - Lee, Richard, 2d, ii. 61, 80. - - Lee, Richard Henry, 2d, ii. 23. - - Lee, William, ii. 19, 22. - - Lees of Coton Hall, ii. 19. - - Legislation in Albemarle Colony, ii. 279. - - Legislature, first in America, i. 186. - - Legislatures, bicameral, i. 187. - - Leisler, Jacob, ii. 96, 115, 159, 399. - - Le Moine, the painter, i. 18, 30. - - Libraries in Virginia, ii. 243-245. - - Life of Virginia planters, ii. 230-234. - - Lightfoot, Philip, ii. 89. - - Lincoln, Abraham, ii. 191. - - Linen manufactures in the United States, ii. 392, 393. - - Liquors, price regulated by law, i. 249. - - Little Gidding, i. 205. - - Locke, John, i. 235; ii. 272-274. - - Logan, James, ii. 365. - - Lok, Captain, i. 16. - - Lok, Michael, i. 61, 68. - - London Company, the, i. 62-72, 80, 113, 129, 130; - second charter of the, i. 144-146, 192; - its third charter, i. 177; - its quarter sessions, i. 178; - factions form in, i. 182, 188; - its overthrow, i. 196-222; - some effects of its downfall, i. 238-240. - - Long Assembly, the, ii. 57-63, 99. - - Longfellow, H. W., ii. 227. - - Long Island Sound, i. 63. - - Lord lieutenant, i. 281. - - Lord Proprietor of Maryland, his powers, i. 270. - - Lords, House of, ii. 14. - - Lords of the manor, ii. 32. - - Lords of Trade, i. 301. - - “Lost Lady,” the, a comedy, ii. 56. - - Lotteries, i. 178. - - Louis XIV., i. 52; - ii. 117, 159, 168, 360, 377, 378. - - Lucy, Sir Thomas, i. 69. - - Ludwell, Philip, ii. 87, 89, 102, 104, 290. - - Ludwell, Thomas, ii. 52, 89, 106. - - Lunenburg, ii. 9. - - Luther, Martin, i. 8; ii. 160. - - Lyly, John, i. 53. - - - Macdonald, Flora, ii. 318. - - Mace, Samuel, i. 54. - - MacGregor, The, i. 94. - - Machiavelli, i. 82. - - McMaster, J. B., ii. 218. - - Madison, James, ii. 175, 250, 254. - - Madre de Dios, the ship, i. 54. - - Madrid, i. 194. - - Magellan, i. 26. - - Magog, i. 41. - - Maherrins, the tribe, last remnant of the Susquehannocks, ii. 299. - - Mahomet and the mountain, i. 114. - - Maine, i. 67. - - Maine Historical Society, i. 43. - - Maine Law, ii. 335. - - Makemie, Francis, ii. 206. - - Maitland, F. W., ii. 197. - - Malaria, ii. 121. - - Malay pirates, ii. 339. - - Malbone, Rodolphus, ii. 265. - - Malory, Philip, ii. 21. - - Manhattan Island, i. 253, 303; - ii. 139. - - Manners, Lady Dorothy, ii. 273. - - Manorial courts, i. 276. - - Manor, lords of, ii. 32. - - Manors in Maryland, i. 282; - ii. 146; - transformed by slavery, ii. 148. - - Mansfield, Lord, his decision that slaves landing on British soil - became free, ii. 201. - - Mansvelt, a buccaneer, ii. 350. - - Map of North Virginia, i. 55. - - Map of Virginia contrasted with that of New England, ii. 8, 9. - - Maracaibo, sack of, by Le Basque, ii. 350; - by Morgan, ii. 353. - - Marcus Aurelius, i. 82. - - Marches or border counties, i. 257. - - Market, the American, i. 46. - - Marlborough, Duke of, ii. 190. - - Marquis, meaning of the title, i. 257. - - Marseilles, i. 82. - - Marshall, John, ii. 129, 175, 266. - - Martha’s Vineyard, i. 55, 56; ii. 8. - - Martian, Nicholas, i. 288. - - Martin Brandon, i. 186; - and Flowerdieu Hundred, i. 225. - - Martin, John, i. 92, 245. - - Martin, Richard, his speech in the House of Commons, i. 181. - - Martin’s Hundred, i. 186, 209. - - Martyr, Peter, i. 15. - - Mary and John, the ship, i. 70. - - Marye, a Huguenot family, ii. 205. - - Marye, James, ii. 247. - - Maryland, i. 63, 145; - origin of the name, i. 265; - called the Scarlet Woman, i. 295; - Puritans in, ii. 137, 150; - Quakers in, ii. 138; - Catholics in, ii. 150; - sheriffs in, ii. 153; - parsons, ii. 165; - wheat culture in, ii. 268; - social features of, ii. 267, 269; - poll tax in, ii. 376. - - Maryland Historical Society, i. 268. - - Marylanders mistaken for Spaniards, i. 292. - - Mary Tudor, i. 66. - - Masaniello, ii. 103. - - Mason, George, colonel of cavalry, ii. 59, 104, 234. - - Mason, George, statesman, ii. 59, 247; - life on his plantation, ii. 232-234. - - Mason, James Murray, ii. 234. - - Mason, John, ii. 232-234, 247. - - Masquerade of Indians, i. 114. - - “Masque of Flowers,” a play, i. 175. - - Mass celebrated for the first time in English America, i. 274. - - Massachusetts, i. 63; - ii. 12; - laws concerning immigrants, ii. 184. - - Massachusetts Bay Company, i. 236; - its first charter, i. 269. - - Massachusetts Historical Society, i. 1. - - Massacre by Indians in 1622, i. 190, 208, 302; - in 1644, i. 305; - in 1672, i. 236; - in 1676, ii. 62; - in 1711, ii. 302; - in 1715, ii. 306. - - Massacre by border ruffians at Lawrence in 1863, ii. 320. - - Massacre of Huguenots, i. 18. - - Massasoit, i. 156. - - Mather, Cotton, i. 304. - - Mathews, Samuel, i. 295, 298, 314; - ii. 20, 66, 110, 186. - - Mathews, Thomas, ii. 66, 69, 72-77, 87, 93, 94, 103, 107. - - Mattapony River, i. 139. - - Maury, a Huguenot family, ii. 205. - - Mayflower pilgrims, the, i. 69, 156, 235, 253; - ii. 16. - - Maxwell, W., ii. 1, 66. - - McClurg, James, ii. 259. - - Meade, Bishop, ii. 22, 164, 188, 235, 262, 263, 316. - - Medina-Celi, Duke of, i. 51. - - Memphis, Tenn., ii. 320. - - Memphremagog, i. 41. - - Menefie, George, i. 297, 299. - - Menendez, i. 18, 73-77. - - Mephistopheles, i. 193; - ii. 68. - - Mercator, G., i. 89. - - Mermaid in St. John’s River, i. 261. - - Mermaid Tavern, i. 54. - - Merovingian kings, i. 257; - legislation, ii. 152. - - “Merry Wives of Windsor,” i. 70. - - Mexico, i. 41. - - Middle Plantation, the oath at, ii. 81, 97, 106; - name changed to Williamsburg, ii. 121. - - Middlesex, Earl of, i. 214. - - Middleton, member of Parliament attacks London Company’s charter, - i. 180. - - Migration from Ulster to American colonies, ii. 394. - - Miller, the martyr and revenue collector, ii. 282. - - Milton, John, i. 205, 309. - - Ministers, appointment of, ii. 99. - - Molasses, ii. 211, 219, 281. - - Moncure, a Huguenot family, ii. 205. - - Monk, George, Duke of Albemarle, ii. 134, 272. - - Monroe, James, President, ii. 128. - - Montbars, the exterminator, ii. 349. - - Montague, Sergeant, i. 180. - - Montezuma, i. 101. - - Monticello, ii. 224. - - Mooney, James, ii. 299. - - Moore, J. W., ii. 280, 298. - - Moore, James, ii. 292. - - Moore, James, the younger, defeats the Tuscaroras, ii. 304. - - Moore’s house at Yorktown, ii. 390. - - More, Sir Thomas, i. 47. - - Morgan, Sir Henry, i. 24; - ii. 350; - his treachery and cruelty, ii. 351-353; - Puerto del Principe captured by, ii. 351; - Porto Bello captured by, ii. 351; - Maracaibo sacked by, ii. 353; - Gibraltar, Venezuela, sacked by, ii. 353; - Panama sacked by, ii. 354; - deserts his comrades at Chagres, ii. 355; - knighted by Charles II., ii. 356; - governor of Jamaica, ii. 356; - thrown into prison, ii. 357. - - Morgan, Lewis, i. 111. - - Moriscos expelled from Spain, i. 9. - - Morison, Francis, ii. 92. - - Morley, Lord, i. 67. - - Morocco, i. 90. - - Morris, Robert, ii. 303. - - Morton, Joseph, ii. 362. - - Mosquitoes, ii. 225. - - Mount Desert Island, i. 170, 261. - - Mount Vernon, ii. 224, 389; - mode of life at, ii. 235. - - Mulattoes, ii. 202. - - Mulberries, i. 231; - ii. 3. - - Mulberry Island, i. 155. - - Münster, Sebastian, i. 61. - - Murray family descended from Pocahontas, i. 173. - - Muscovy Company, i. 14, 51. - - Muskogi, the, in Carolina, ii. 300. - - Muster master-general, i. 282. - - Mystics at Bohemia Manor, ii. 142. - - Mytens, Daniel, i. 198, 267. - - - Nalbrits, i. 89. - - Names, local, in Carolina, ii. 272. - - Nansemond, i. 302, 311. - - Napkins and forks, ii. 226. - - Napoleon I., i. 36, 37. - - Narragansett Indians, ii. 63. - - National floral emblem for the United States, i. 156. - - Navigation Act, ii. 46; - its effect upon the price of tobacco, ii. 51, 106, 108; - effects upon tobacco, ii. 176; - effects upon Virginia commerce, ii. 218; - mischievous effects in Albemarle Colony, ii. 280; - its mischievous effects on South Carolina, ii. 289; - its effect upon piracy, ii. 362. - - Navy, the English, i. 22, 44. - - Negro panic in New York, 1741, ii. 264. - - Negro quarters, ii. 221. - - Negro slaves, ii. 177, 189-203; - treatment of, in Virginia, ii. 195-199; - cruel laws concerning, ii. 197-199; - effect of taking them to England, ii. 200, 201; - in South Carolina, ii. 279, 326-331; - in North Carolina, ii. 329. - - Negro slavery, ii. 35. - - Negro, the theory that he was not strictly human, ii. 192. - - “Negro’s and Indian’s Advocate,” ii. 192. - - Negroes as real estate, ii. 194. - - Negroes, number of, in Virginia, i. 253. - - Neill, E. D., i. 99, 105-112, 179, 180, 182, 212, 215, 245, 252, 273, - 294; ii. 58, 95, 186. - - Nelson, Thomas, i. 296. - - Netherlands, the, i. 21, 22, 45, 66, 163, 253, 267, 280. - - Neutral ships ill protected, ii. 344. - - Neville’s Cross, battle of, i. 260. - - Nevis, as an isle of Calypso, ii. 282. - - New Albion, i. 27; - ii. 383. - - New Amstel, ii. 139, 140. - - New Amsterdam, i. 253; ii. 3. - - New Berne, ii. 297, 314. - - Newcastle, Delaware, ii. 139, 145. - - New Englanders attempt a settlement at Cape Fear River, ii. 277; - in Georgia, ii. 335. - - Newfoundland fisheries, i. 13, 23, 29, 44, 154. - - New France, i. 52; - ii. 399. - - Newgate Calendar, ii. 172. - - New Hampshire, i. 63. - - New Haven Colony, i. 280. - - New Jersey, i. 63; - founding of, ii. 144. - - New Mexico, i. 25. - - Newport, Christopher, i. 53, 80, 90, 93-96, 112-114, 116-119, 122-131, - 135, 148, 154. - - Newport News, origin of the name, i. 92, 209. - - New Providence, island of, ii. 361, 365. - - New Style, i. 1. - - New Sweden, ii. 139. - - New York, i. 22, 61, 63; - ii. 211. - - Nichols, J., i. 176. - - Nicholson, Sir Francis, ii. 115-118, 120-123, 129, 130, 162, 163. - - Nicot, Jean, i. 174. - - Nicotiana, name for tobacco, i. 174. - - Noble savage, the, i. 4. - - Nonesuch, i. 152, 226. - - North Carolina, i. 39; - agriculture in, ii. 313; - white trash in, ii. 315-317; - German immigration to, ii. 318; - negro slaves in, ii. 329. - - Northern Neck reserved by Culpeper, ii. 112. - - North Virginia, old name for New England, i. 55. - - Northwest Passage, attempts to find, i. 32, 44, 73, 113, 116, 126, - 226; ii. 3. - - Norumbega, i. 28, 55. - - Notley, Thomas, ii. 156. - - Nova Scotia, i. 287. - - - Oath at Middle Plantation, ii. 81, 97, 106. - - Oath of supremacy tendered to Lord Baltimore, i. 264. - - Ocracoke Inlet, i. 32. - - Octoroons, ii. 203. - - Odo, Bishop of Bayeux, i. 258. - - Oexmelin. See Exquemeling. - - Ogle, Cuthbert, ii. 242. - - Oglethorpe, James, ii. 334. - - Old Bailey, ii. 183. - - Old Field Schools, ii. 247. - - Oldmixon’s “British Empire,” a book full of blunders, ii. 255. - - Old Style, i. 1. - - _Olonnois_, the buccaneer, ii. 349. - - O’Neill, The, i. 94. - - Opekankano, i. 100-102, 124, 139, 140, 189, 224, 305; - ii. 72. - - Orator, an Indian, i. 137. - - Orchards, ii. 222. - - Oregon, i. 27. - - Orinoco, the river, i. 54. - - Outlying slaves, ii. 197. - - Ovid’s Metamorphoses, i. 232. - - Oxford, the university, i. 28, 42, 255, 268; - ii. 65, 204, 249, 250. - - Oysters, i. 143. - - - Pacific coast of South America, i. 25. - - Pacific Ocean, naval warfare in, i. 25. - - Page, John, ii. 195. - - Paige, Lucius, ii. 265. - - Palatinate, the Rhenish, i. 258; ii. 318. - - Palatinates, their origin and purpose, i. 256-260. - - Pamlico Sound, i. 31, 32. - - Pamunkey, Queen of, ii. 72-74, 89, 124. - - Pamunkey River, i. 101. - - Panama sacked by Morgan, ii. 354. - - Panton, Anthony, i. 295, 298, 299. - - Paper money, ii. 111; - in North Carolina, ii. 304. - - Paradise, estate of, ii. 19. - - Paraguay, i. 26. - - Pardoning power, i. 281. - - Paris matins, the, i. 21. - - Parishes in Virginia, ii. 35; - in Carolina of English origin, not French, ii. 324; - in Louisiana analogous to counties, ii. 324. - - Parke, Daniel, ii. 89, 119. - - Parker, Theodore, ii. 192. - - Parker, William, i. 67. - - Parkman, Francis, i. 111. - - Parsons, Robert, i. 83. - - Parsons, appointment of, ii. 375. - - Parsons’ cause, ii. 127, 174. - - Partition walls, ii. 223. - - Partonopeus de Blois, ii. 128. - - Pass, Simon Van, i. 172. - - Passamagnus River, i. 265. - - Patagonia, i. 26. - - Patapsco River, i. 112, 255, 287. - - Pate, a Maryland rebel, ii. 156. - - Paternal government, i. 240. - - Patience, the ship, i. 150. - - Patuxents, the tribe, i. 291. - - Paul IV., ii. 377. - - Pauperism in England, i. 48. - - Peasants, English, in the 16th century, i. 47. - - Pedigrees, value of, ii. 26. - - Peerage, the English, ii. 13, 14. - - Pelican, the ship, i. 26. - - Pelton, ii. 5. - - Pembroke, Earl of, i. 184. - - Pembroke, palatinate of, i. 259. - - Pendleton, Edmund, ii. 266. - - Penn, William, ii. 144-146, 157. - - Pennington, Admiral, i. 273. - - Pennsylvania, i. 22, 63; ii. 53; - distributing centre for Scotch-Irish immigrants, ii. 391-394. - - Pennsylvania Dutch, ii. 318. - - Pepys, Samuel, ii. 25, 55. - - Pequot War, i. 236. - - Percy, George, i. 97, 105, 131, 140, 152, 162, 164. - - Persecutions in Scotland, ii. 288. - - Persians, the, i. 37. - - Peruvian towns plundered by buccaneers, ii. 359. - - Peters, Samuel, ii. 231. - - Petersburg, ii. 82, 257. - - Pewter vessels, ii. 226. - - Phettiplace, William, i. 135. - - Philadelphia, ii. 211, 269. - - Philip II., i. 8-10, 22, 24, 34, 44; ii. 344. - - Philip III., i. 59, 76, 194, 200. - - Philip V., ii. 360, 378. - - Philip, chief of the Wampanoags, ii. 63. - - Philipse manor house, ii. 227. - - Phillips, Lee, ii. 140. - - Phillips, Sir Thomas, i. 43. - - Phillips, Wendell, ii. 191. - - Physicians in Virginia, ii. 259-261. - - Picked men, importance of, ii. 25. - - Picnics, ii. 243. - - Pierre of Dieppe, a buccaneer, ii. 349. - - Pike, L. O., ii. 182. - - Pillsbury, Parker, ii. 192. - - Pinzon, Vincent, i. 12, 149. - - Piracy, its Golden Age the 17th century, ii. 338, 339; - definition of, ii. 340. - - Pirates, i. 24; - Algerine, ii. 286, 339; - on the Carolina coast, ii. 314, 361, 369; - Chinese, ii. 339; - Malay, ii. 339. - - Pitt, William, ii. 382. - - Plantation, a typical, ii. 5; - description of a, ii. 220, 228. - - Plant cutters’ riot, ii. 111, 112. - - Plant cutting made high treason, ii. 114. - - Plymouth Colony, i. 280. - - Plymouth Company, the, i. 62-71, 145, 172. - - Plymouth, England, i. 15, 26, 56, 67, 70, 172. - - Plymouth, Mass., i. 29. - - Pocahontas, her rescue of Captain Smith, i. 102-111, 115; - her visits to Jamestown, i. 130; - reveals an Indian plot, i. 138; - her abduction by Argall, i. 168; - rescues Henry Spelman from tomahawk, i. 168; - her marriage with John Rolfe, i. 169; - takes the name of Rebekah, i. 169; - her visit to London, i. 171; - her portrait, i. 172; - her death at Gravesend, i. 173. - - Pocomoke River, skirmish in, i. 293. - - Pogram, Elijah, ii. 11. - - Poindexter, Charles, i. 112. - - Point Comfort, i. 92, 143, 145, 155, 225, 274, 288, 290. - - Pole, Reginald, i. 66. - - Poles in Virginia, i. 230. - - Political homoeopathy, ii. 295. - - Poll tax in Maryland, ii. 376. - - Pollock, Thomas, ii. 197, 286, 304. - - Polonian or Baltic Sea, i. 74. - - Pompey and the Cilician pirates, ii. 338. - - Pone, i. 275. - - Poor law of 1601, i. 48. - - Popham, Sir John, i. 60, 68, 81, 159; ii. 102. - - Popular government, ii. 97. - - Population of England in Elizabeth’s time, i. 46. - - Population of New England, i. 253; - of American colonies, ii. 169; - of Georgia, ii. 336; - of the two Carolinas, ii. 329. - - Pork, i. 161; ii. 207. - - Poropotank Creek, ii. 19. - - Porto Bello captured by Morgan, ii. 351. - - Port Royal, N. S., i. 170, 261; ii. 123. - - Port Royal, S. C., ii. 271, 278; - burned by the Spaniards, ii. 288. - - Port St. Julian, i. 26. - - Porter, John, ii. 295. - - Postage rates, ii. 376. - - Postal service in America under Spotswood, ii. 389. - - Post-office Act, ii. 373-375. - - Postlethwayt, Malachy, ii. 180, 181-186. - - Potomac, the river, i. 63, 112, 161. - - Pott, Dr. John, i. 252, 253, 263, 287, 293, 297, 298. - - Pott, Francis, i. 296. - - Potts, Richard, i. 96. - - Poultry, a street in London, i. 203. - - Powhatan, The, i. 102-114, 116, 132-139, 168, 189. - - Powhatan, the village, i. 94, 127. - - Powhatans, the tribe, i. 94-111. - - Precious metals, effect of their increased quantity after the - discovery of America, i. 9, 47. - - Presbyterians in Ulster, disabilities inflicted upon, ii. 393. - - Presley, a burgess, ii. 70, 94. - - Primary assemblies, i. 284. - - Pring, Martin, i. 56, 67. - - Priscilla, a Virginia, ii. 128. - - Prisoners of war, ii. 184. - - Privateering, ii. 343. - - Processioning of bounds, ii. 99. - - Proprietary governments, beginnings of, i. 269. - - Proprietors of Carolina sell out their interests, ii. 308. - - Prospero’s Isle, i. 150. - - Providence, a settlement in Maryland, i. 313, 315. - - Puerto del Principe sacked by Morgan, ii. 351. - - Pulpit encourages English colonization, i. 49. - - Punishments for crime, ii. 182. - - Purchas, Rev. S., i. 87, 302. - - Puritan families in New England, ii. 28. - - Puritanism widely spread in the South, ii. 337. - - Puritans in Virginia, i. 301; ii. 17; - in Maryland, i. 312-318; ii. 137, 150; - and education, ii. 252-254; - in South Carolina, ii. 322. - - Putin Bay, i. 94. - - Pym, John, i. 204, 208, 235; ii, 12. - - - Quadroons, ii. 202. - - Quaker relief acts, ii. 153; - in North Carolina, ii. 304. - - Quakers in Maryland, ii. 138; - in Albemarle Colony, ii. 294. - - Quantrell, a border ruffian, ii. 320. - - Quaritch, Bernard, ii. 1. - - Quarry, Robert, ii. 362. - - Quicksilver, Frank, i. 56. - - Quinine, i. 4. - - Quit rents, ii. 194. - - _Quo warranto_, writ of, i. 218. - - - Raccoons, i. 114. - - Raleigh, Sir Walter, i. 19, 28-32, 35-40, 52-55, 71, 126, 163, - 197-200; ii. 271, 342; - his verses just before death, i. 200; - his “History of the World,” i. 197. - - Randall, D. R., i. 303. - - Randolph, Edward, ii. 108, 364. - - Randolph, Jane, ii. 204. - - Randolph, John, of Roanoke, i. 173. - - Randolph, Peyton, i. 221. - - Rappahannock River, i. 101. - - Ratcliffe, John, i. 71, 92, 99, 100, 113, 117, 124, 151-153, 168. - - Rats, i. 143. - - Raveneau de Lussan, the buccaneer, ii. 349, 360. - - Raynal, the Abbé, i. 2. - - Receiver-general, i. 276. - - Recorder, a musical instrument, ii. 242. - - Recouping one’s self beforehand, ii. 346. - - Redemptioners, ii. 181, 182, 185; - as schoolmasters, ii. 249. - - Regal, a town in Transylvania, i. 84. - - Renaissance and Reformation, tendencies of, i. 205. - - Representative government in America established by Sir Edwin - Sandys, i. 69. - - Revolution of 1719 in South Carolina, ii. 307. - - Rhett, William, defeats the French and Spanish fleet, ii. 294; - defeats and captures the pirate Bonnet, ii. 368, 369. - - Rhode Island, i. 63, 280. - - Ribaut, Jean, i. 17; ii. 271. - - Ricahecrians, the tribe, ii. 73. - - Ricardo, David, ii. 313. - - Rice, the great staple of South Carolina, ii. 326, 363. - - Rice, John, hanged at Tyburn, ii. 200. - - Rich, H. C., ii. 241. - - Rich, Lady Isabella, i. 184. - - Rich, Robert, Lord Warwick, i. 182. - - Richard III., i. 296. - - Richmond, the city, i. 93, 189, 226; ii. 121, 211, 257. - - Ringgold, James, ii. 147. - - Ringrose, Basil, a buccaneer, ii. 358. - - Ripley, W. Z., ii. 218. - - Rivers as highways, ii. 214, 215. - - Rivers in Virginia, their effect upon society, ii. 206. - - Rivers, W. J., ii. 279, 288, 298, 302. - - Rives, W., ii. 241. - - Roanoke Island, i. 31, 33-35, 39-43, 54. - - Robber barons, ii. 45. - - Robertson, W., ii. 21. - - Robertson family, descended from Pocahontas, i. 173. - - Rochambeau, Count, i. 3. - - Rogers, Woodes, captures New Providence, ii. 365. - - Rogues’ Harbour, a nickname of Albemarle Colony, ii. 280. - - Rolfe, John, i. 104; - his marriage with Pocahontas, i. 169; - makes experiments in raising tobacco, i. 176, 188. - - Rolfe, Thomas, son of Pocahontas, ancestor of many Virginia families, - i. 173. - - Ronsard, Pierre, i. 53. - - Rothenthurm, battle of, i. 88. - - Roundheads, ii. 12. - - Rousby, Christopher, ii. 157. - - Rousseau, J. J., i. 4. - - Rowland, Miss K. M., ii. 104, 206, 234, 248. - - Royal governors and their legislatures, ii. 379-381. - - Rudolph II., Emperor, i. 84. - - Rum, ii. 207, 211, 281. - - Rumford, Count, ii. 254. - - Rump Parliament, i. 316. - - Rural entertainments, ii. 240, 241. - - Russell, John, i. 121, 135, 140. - - Russia, i. 37, 66, 89. - - Rynders, Isaiah, ii. 192. - - Ryswick, Peace of, ii. 168. - - - Sabbath breaking, i. 248. - - Sack, a kind of wine, meaning of the name, ii. 230. - - St. Augustine, i. 33; ii. 270. - - St. Bartholomew, massacre of, i. 21. - - St. Bernard Archipelago, i. 149. - - St. Clement’s Island, i. 274. - - St. John’s River, i. 17. - - St. Lawrence, Gulf of, i. 170. - - St. Lawrence River, i. 41, 61, 62. - - St. Mary’s River, i. 274. - - St. Mary’s, the town, i. 291, 306, 307, 313, 315, 316; ii. 120, - 140, 161. - - St. Osyth’s Lane, i. 203. - - St. Paul’s Cathedral, i. 27. - - St. Paul’s Churchyard, i. 178. - - Salaries of governors, ii. 376. - - Salem witchcraft, ii. 264, 266. - - San Domingo, i. 33, 149. - - San Francisco, i. 27. - - San Juan de Ulua, i. 19, 26. - - Sandhillers, ii. 320. - - Salamis, battle of, i. 37. - - Sandys, George, i. 232, 252. - - Sandys, Sir Edwin, i. 69, 184-188, 190, 200-203, 214, 215, 218, - 220, 221, 233, 235, 236, 238; ii. 16. - - Sassafras, i. 123. - - Sayle, Wm., ii. 278, 361. - - Scandalous gossip, i. 247. - - Scapegraces in Virginia, i. 152, 163. - - Scapethrift, i. 57. - - Scharf, J. F., ii. 162, 167, 171. - - Schlosser, F. C., i. 84. - - Schools in New England, ii. 251-253; - in Virginia, ii. 245-250; - in South Carolina, ii. 325. - - _Scire facias_, writ of, ii. 162. - - Scotch Highlanders in North Carolina, ii. 318; - in Georgia, ii. 335. - - Scotch-Irish immigration to America, ii. 319, 390-399. - - Scotch Presbyterianism, its effects upon Virginia, ii. 395. - - Seagull, Captain, i. 57. - - Sea kings of Elizabeth’s time were not pirates, ii. 341, 343. - - Seal of Virginia, ii. 22. - - Sea Venture, the ship, i. 67, 148, 149, 152. - - Second Supply for Virginia, i. 113, 120, 123-125. - - Security, money lender, i. 56. - - Segar, Sir W., i. 86. - - Segovia, Lake of, i. 34. - - Selden, John, i. 54. - - Senecas, ii. 58-60. - - Seneschals, i. 277. - - Separatists, i. 302. - - Serfdom, i. 48. - - Setebos, i. 15. - - Severn, the English river, i. 312. - - Severn, the Maryland river, i. 313; - battle of the, i. 317. - - Seymour, Sir Edward, ii. 116, 117. - - Seymour, John, ii. 166. - - Shaftesbury, first Earl of, i. 68. - - Shakespeare, i. 11, 15, 54, 55, 66, 68, 187, 203, 232, 308; - ii. 226; - his “Tempest,” i. 150. - - Sharpe, Horatio, ii. 172. - - Sharpless, Edward, clerk of Assembly, i. 244. - - Sharplisse, Thomas, draws a prize in a lottery, i. 178. - - Shays, Daniel, ii. 106. - - Sheep-raising, i. 46. - - Shenandoah Valley, ii. 385, 386. - - Sheppard, Jack, ii. 264. - - Sheriffs, i. 282; ii. 40; - in Maryland, ii. 153. - - Sherman, W. T., ii. 191. - - Sherwood, Grace, accused of witchcraft, ii. 266. - - Sherwood, William, ii. 102, 104. - - Shippen, Margaret, ii. 142. - - Shire-motes, i. 278. - - Shirley Hundred, i. 168. - - Sibyl, the Roman, i. 7. - - Sicklemore, an alias of President Ratcliffe, i. 117-128. - - Sidney, Sir Philip, i. 18, 30, 33, 42, 53, 61, 68. - - Sigismund, Prince of Transylvania, i. 84. - - Silenus, his conversation with Kawasha, i. 175. - - Silk culture, ii. 326. - - Silk-worms, i. 231; ii. 3. - - Silver vessels, ii. 227. - - Simancas, archives of, i. 194. - - Simms, W. G., ii. 330. - - Singeing the king of Spain’s beard, i. 34. - - Sioux tribes in Carolina, ii. 299. - - Sir Galahad, i. 204. - - Six Nations, ii. 304. - - Size Lane, i. 203. - - Skottowe, B. C., i. 243. - - Slader, M., ii. 238. - - Slavery, alleged beneficence of, i. 16; - different types in Virginia and South Carolina, ii. 327; - prohibited in Georgia, ii. 335; - introduced there, ii. 336. - - Slave hunters, Spanish, i. 149. - - Slaves’ collars, ii. 200. - - Slaves, price of, ii. 194, 201. - - Slave trade, the African, i. 15; - the Portuguese, i. 15. - - Sluyter, a Labadist, ii. 143. - - Smith, John, i. 80-118, 121, 143, 147, 151, 152-156, 159, - 164-166, 172, 173; ii. 72; - fiery dragons invented by, i. 84; - Turks’ heads cut off by, i. 84; - name for Cape Ann, i. 88; - is rescued by Pocahontas, i. 102-111; - his “True Relation,” i. 102; - his “History of Virginia,” i. 103; - his map of Virginia, i. 118; - his “Rude Answer,” i. 118, 125-128; - drops into poetry, i. 121; - as a worker of miracles, i. 141; - says, “He that will not work shall not eat,” i. 142; - leaves Virginia, i. 152; - his faithful portrayal of Indians, i. 157; - nobility of his nature, i. 157; - touching tribute by one of his comrades, i. 158; - his voyage to North Virginia, i. 172; - changes the name to New England, i. 172; - his last years, i. 232. - - Smith, Robert, ii. 104. - - Smith, Thomas, captain of a ship, i. 293; - tried for piracy and hanged, i. 300. - - Smith, Sir Thomas, i. 52, 66, 146, 161, 178, 182-184, 196. - - Smith’s Hundred, i. 186. - - Smith’s name for Cape Ann, i. 88. - - Smith’s Sound, i. 67. - - Smugglers, ii. 346. - - Smyth, J. F., ii. 230, 231, 239, 316. - - Soap, i. 123, 230. - - Social features of Maryland, ii. 267-269. - - Socrates, ii. 142. - - Somers, Sir George, i. 65, 147, 148-151, 154, 155, 161. - - Sothel, Seth, ii. 285; - as the people’s friend, ii. 289. - - Soto, F. de, i. 61; ii. 91. - - Souls and tobacco, comparative claims of, ii. 117. - - Southampton, Earl of, i. 55, 56, 66, 183, 202, 203, 206-208, 220, - 221; ii. 16. - - Southampton Hundred, i. 186. - - South Carolina, i. 62; ii. 123; - back country of, ii. 320; - early settlers of, ii. 322; - Puritans in, ii. 322; - Cavaliers in, ii. 322; - clergymen in, how elected, ii. 323; - contrast with those in Virginia, ii. 323; - rice a great staple of, ii. 326; - indigo, an important staple of, ii. 326; - silk culture in, ii. 326; - cotton crop in, ii. 326; - negro slaves in, ii. 326-331; - insurrection of slaves in, ii. 329. - - Southey, Robert, i, 53. - - South Sea Bubble, ii. 334. - - Spaniards driven from Georgia, ii. 335. - - Spanish marriage, i. 195, 198, 218, 255. - - Spanish methods of colonization, i. 25, 193. - - Spanish Succession, war of, ii. 190, 398. - - Spanish treasure, i. 6-11, 23, 44, 54; ii. 345. - - Sparks, F. E., i. 282; ii. 133. - - Spelman, Henry, i. 153; - his rescue by Pocahontas, i. 168; - his “Relation about Virginia,” i. 168. - - Spelman, Sir Henry, the antiquary, i. 168. - - Spencer, Herbert, on state education, ii. 325. - - Spencer, Nicholas, ii. 61, 80, 89, 111. - - Spendall, i. 57. - - Spenser, Edmund, i. 53; ii. 22. - - Spinsters sent to Virginia, i. 188. - - Sports, old-fashioned, ii. 240, 241. - - Spotswood, Alexander, ii. 303, 370-390, 398; - on the distribution of white freedmen, ii. 321. - - Spottiswoode, Sir Robert, ii. 370. - - Spottsylvania, ii. 8. - - Stamp Act, ii. 29, 303, 373, 382. - - Stanard, W. G., ii. 238, 249. - - Stanhope. James, ii. 372. - - Stanley, H. M., i. 98. - - Star Chamber, i. 273, 289. - - Stark, John, ii. 394. - - State education, ii. 325. - - State House in Jamestown, scenes in, ii. 67, 69, 76. - - States General in France dismissed, i. 196. - - Stebbing, William, i. 53, 199, 200. - - Stephens, Samuel, ii. 279. - - Stevens, Henry, i. 43, 112, 169. - - Stillingfleet, Bishop, ii. 116. - - Stith, John, ii. 71. - - Stith, William, i. 221, 255, 256. - - Stone Age, the men of, i. 107. - - Stone, William, i. 308, 311-313, 315-318. - - Stores, country, ii. 213. - - Stourton, Erasmus, i. 261. - - Stover, Jacob, how he secured many acres, ii. 395. - - Stowe’s Chronicle, i. 178. - - Strachey, William, i. 150, 168. - - Strafford County, ii. 58. - - Strafford, Earl of, i. 204, 220, 267, 303; ii. 11. - - Stratford Hall, its library, ii. 227; - the kitchen, ii. 228, 234. - - Stuart, Lady Arabella, i. 197. - - Studley, Thomas, i. 94, 96. - - Stuyvesant, Peter, ii. 139, 140. - - Subinfeudation permitted in Carolina, ii. 275. - - Suffrage, restriction of, in Maryland, ii. 154; - in Virginia, ii. 67, 154. - - Sugar, ii. 211. - - Superstition, ii. 264. - - Supper with Indians, i. 115. - - Surry protest, ii. 52. - - Surtees, i. 276. - - Surveyor, i. 282. - - Susan Constant, the ship, i. 71. - - Susquehanna Manor, ii. 147, 158. - - Susquehanna River, i. 112, 289. - - Susquehannock envoys, slaughter of, ii. 60, 61, 68. - - Susquehannock Indians, i. 112, 274; ii. 58-62. - - Swedes in Delaware, ii. 3. - - Swift, Jonathan, ii. 116. - - Swift Run Gap, ii. 385. - - Symes, Benjamin, ii. 5, 246. - - - Tabby silk, meaning of the name, ii. 236. - - Talbot, George, ii. 147, 157, 158. - - Talbot, Lord, ii. 200. - - Talbot, Richard, Duke of Tyrconnel, ii. 160. - - Talbot, William, ii. 151. - - Tammany Society, i. 2. - - Tampico, i. 20. - - Tanais or Don River, i. 74. - - Tantalus and his grapes, i. 200. - - Tar, i. 123; ii. 313. - - Tariff logic, specimens of, ii. 51, 194. - - Tariffs, protective, ii. 45, 346. - - Taswell-Langmead, i. 243. - - Taxation without representation, ii. 115, 145. - - Taxes on slaves, ii. 194. - - Teach, Robert. See Blackbeard. - - Temple Farm, ii. 390. - - Tennessee, its settlers, ii. 394, 395. - - “Terence in English,” i. 176. - - Test oaths for public officials, ii. 294. - - Thatch, Robert. See Blackbeard. - - Theatres, ii. 243. - - Third Supply for Virginia, i. 151, 158. - - Thirlestane House, i. 43. - - Thirty Years’ War, ii. 160. - - Thompson, William, of Braintree, i. 303. - - Thomson, Sir Peter, i. 43. - - Thorpe, George, murdered by Indians, i. 234. - - Throckmorton, Elizabeth, i. 53. - - Thrusting out of Governor Harvey, i. 298. - - Tichfield, i. 221. - - Tidewater Virginia, i. 224. - - Tilden, Marmaduke, ii. 147. - - Tillotson, Archbishop, ii. 116. - - Timour, Pasha of Nalbrits, i. 89. - - Tindall, Thomas, put in the pillory, i. 264. - - Titles of nobility in Carolina, ii. 276. - - Tobacco, first recorded mention of, i. 174; - bull of Urban VIII. against, i. 174; - James I.’s Counterblast, i. 174; - its tendency to crush out other forms of industry, i. 231; - monopoly of, coveted by Charles I., i. 242, 243; - planted by the Dutch in the East Indies, ii. 47; - and liberty, ii. 174; - as currency, ii. 111; - effects of, ii. 210; - duty on, in Maryland, ii. 133; - attempts to check its cultivation, ii. 176. - - Tobacco currency, effects of, in Virginia, ii. 216; - upon crafts and trades, ii. 217; - upon planters’ accounts, ii. 218. - - Todkill, Anas, i. 116, 121, 135. - - Toleration, religious, in Maryland, i. 267, 271, 272, 309-311. - - Toleration Act, so-called, passed by Maryland Puritans, i. 316. - - Tomocomo, his attempt to take a census of England, i. 173. - - Toombs, Robert, ii. 10. - - Tories and Whigs, i. 182. - - Torture by slow fire, i. 108. - - Totapotamoy, ii. 73. - - Town meetings, ii. 32-34. - - Towns, absence of, in Virginia, ii. 211; - attempts to build, ii. 213. - - Townships in England, ii. 31-34. - - Trade between Massachusetts and Albemarle Colony, ii. 281. - - Tragabigzanda, Charatza, i. 88. - - Train-bands in New England, ii. 40. - - Treachery of Indians, i. 129, 136, 138. - - Treason committed abroad, ii. 285. - - Treat, John, ii. 183. - - Treaty of America, ii. 353, 357. - - Trent, the British steamer, ii. 234. - - Trott, Nicholas, ii. 307. - - Truman, Thomas, ii. 59, 61, 69. - - Trussel, John, ii. 186. - - Tubal Cain, the, of Virginia, ii. 372. - - Tucker, Beverley, ii. 10. - - Turkeys, first that were taken to England, i. 122. - - Turkish treasure, i. 83. - - Turks’ heads cut off by Smith, i. 84, 88. - - Turks’ Heads, the islands, i. 88. - - Turks, desire of Columbus to drive them from Europe, i. 7. - - Turpentine, ii. 313. - - Tuscarora meeting-house, ii. 395. - - Tuscaroras in North Carolina, ii. 299; - expelled from North Carolina, migrate to the Mohawk valley and add - one more to the Five Nations, ii. 304. - - Twelfth Night, i. 175. - - Tyler, John, Governor of Virginia, ii. 10. - - Tyler, John, President of U. S., ii. 25, 129. - - Tyler, L. G., i. 296; ii. 19, 23, 61, 92, 128, 247. - - Tyler, M. C., ii. 265. - - Tyler, Wat, ii. 10, 25. - - Tzekely, Moses, i. 85. - - - Union of the Colonies, schemes for, ii. 129. - - Unitarians threatened with death in Maryland Toleration Act, i. 311. - - University College of London, i. 112. - - “Unmasked Face of our Colony in Virginia,” i. 208-213. - - Urban VIII., his bull against tobacco, i. 174. - - Utie, John, i. 297, 298. - - Utrecht, treaty of, ii. 190. - - - Valentia, Lord, i. 43. - - Vallandigham, E. H., ii. 140. - - Valparaiso, i. 27. - - Van Dyck, i. 268. - - Vane, Sir Harry, ii. 12. - - Vassall’s house in Cambridge, ii. 227. - - Vegetables, ii. 2, 221. - - Venetian argosy, fight with the Breton ship, i. 83. - - Venezuela, i. 198. - - Venice, i. 84; ii. 344. - - Venus and Adonis, the poem, i. 55. - - Vera Cruz, i. 19. - - Vermont, i. 62. - - Verrazano, Sea of, i. 61; ii. 384. - - Vespucius, Americus, i. 12-14, 91, 149; ii. 347. - - Vestry, close, ii. 36, 98, 375. - - Vestry, open, ii. 99; - in South Carolina, ii. 323. - - Veto power, ii. 152. - - Vicksburg, ii. 191. - - Victoria, Queen, i. 259. - - Vikings not properly called pirates, ii. 339. - - Villiers, George, Duke of Buckingham, i. 197. - - Vinland, i. 18; ii. 277. - - Violins, ii. 241-242. - - Virginals, ii. 242. - - Virginia, origin of the name, i. 32; - believed to abound in precious metals, i. 58, 122; - first charter of, i. 60, 64; - extent of the colony in 1624, i. 223; - population of, i. 253; ii. 2, 4, 23, 24, 35; - prolific in leaders of men, ii. 44; - _habeas corpus_ introduced into, ii. 371. - - Virginia Historical Society, i. 112; ii. 298. - - Virginian historians, ii. 255. - - Virginians at Oxford, ii. 250. - - Volga River, i. 73. - - Voltaire, ii. 15, 352. - - - Wafer, Lionel, a buccaneer, ii. 358. - - Wahunsunakok, i. 94. - - Waldenses, the, ii. 205. - - Wales, conquest of, i. 259. - - Walker, William, ii. 348. - - Walsingham, Sir F., i. 36. - - Walton, Izaak, i. 221. - - Wampum, i. 137. - - Ward’s Plantation, i. 186. - - Warner, Augustine, ii. 100. - - Warren, William, i. 296. - - Warrasqueak Bay, i. 131, 209. - - Washington, Augustine, ii. 249. - - Washington, George, i. 70, 273, 296; ii. 175, 227; - his love for dogs, horses, hunting, and fishing, ii. 239, 240; - killed by his doctors, ii. 260, 261; - his intimacy with Lord Fairfax, ii. 397; - sent to warn the French, ii. 399. - - Washington, Henry, ii. 25, 397. - - Washington, John, ii. 25, 59, 69, 97. - - Washington, Lawrence, brother of George, ii. 247, 249, 389. - - Washington, Lawrence, brother of John, ii. 59. - - Washington, Lawrence, of Sulgrave, i. 70. - - Washington, Martha, ii. 119; - her life at home, ii. 235. - - Washington family tree, ii. 27. - - Waters, Fitz Gilbert, ii. 25, 26. - - Watson, Elkanah, ii. 215, 216. - - Wedding, the first in English America, i. 113. - - Weddings, ii. 237. - - Weeden, W. B., ii. 251. - - Weller, Tony, ii. 142. - - Weromocomoco, i. 94, 102, 112, 114, 119, 130-139, 165, 224; ii. 158. - - West, Francis, i. 131, 140, 146, 251. - - West, John, i. 297, 298. - - West, Joseph, ii. 279, 286. - - West, Penelope, i. 147. - - Westminster Abbey, i. 43. - - Westminster School, i. 42. - - Westover, i. 225; ii. 257. - - West Point, Va., i. 224. - - West Virginia, its settlers, ii. 394. - - Wetting one’s feet, i. 210. - - Weymouth, George, i. 56, 67. - - Whalley, Edward, the regicide, ii. 25. - - Wharves, private, ii. 206, 220. - - Wheat culture in Maryland, ii. 268. - - Whigs, ii. 382. - - Whigs and Tories, i. 182. - - Whitacres, a boon companion of Dr. Pott, i. 252. - - Whitaker, Alexander, the apostle, i. 167; - his “Good News from Virginia,” i. 232, 301. - - Whitburne, Richard, i. 261. - - White, Andrew, a Jesuit father, i. 273-275, 308. - - White, John, i. 35, 38, 39, 52, 54, 58, 60,113. - - White, Solomon, ii. 265. - - White Aprons, the, ii. 87. - - White Oak Swamp, i. 100. - - White servants in Virginia, ii. 10, 177-191. - - “White trash,” origin of, ii. 188,189; - in North Carolina, ii. 315-317; - dispersal of, ii. 319-321. - - Whittle family descended from Pocahontas, i. 173. - - Whitmore, W. H., ii. 10, 35, 110. - - Whitney, E. L., ii. 274, 320. - - “Widow Ranter,” the comedy, ii. 179. - - Wiffen, Richard, i. 135. - - Wilberforce, W., ii. 201. - - Wilde, Jonathan, ii. 264. - - Willard, Samuel, ii. 119. - - William and Mary College, ii. 116-129, 234, 252. - - William the Conqueror, i. 259. - - William the Silent, i. 9. - - William III., ii. 120, 160, 165. - - William III. and Mary, ii. 115, 117. - - Williams, G. W., ii. 330. - - Williams, Roger, i. 272, 313; ii. 160. - - Williamsburg, ii. 121, 210, 234, 238, 242. - - Williamson, Hugh, ii. 279, 310. - - Williamson, Sir J., ii. 102. - - Willoughboy, Sarah, her wardrobe, ii. 236. - - Willoughby, Sir Hugh, i. 14. - - Willoughby, Eng., i. 82. - - Wilmington, Del., ii, 139. - - Wilmington, N. C., ii. 314. - - Window shutters, ii. 223. - - Wines, native, ii. 372, 385. - - Wingandacoa, i. 32. - - Wingfield, E. M., i. 65, 91, 92, 93, 95, 98-100, 102, 112, 124. - - Winslow, Josiah, ii. 63. - - Winsor, Justin, i. 13, 18, 275; ii. 1, 272, 298. - - Winter, Sir William, i. 36; ii. 342. - - Winthrop, John, i. 18, 66, 234, 303, 306; ii. 98, 253. - - Witenagemote, i. 278. - - Wolfe, James, i. 171. - - Wood, Abraham, ii. 186. - - Wooden houses, ii. 222, 223. - - Woods, Leonard, i. 43. - - Woollen industries of Ulster, ii. 392, 393. - - Woollen industry, i. 44. - - Workmen needed in Virginia, i. 128. - - Worlidge, William, ii. 186. - - Wormeley, Ralph, his library, ii. 243, 244. - - Wren, Sir Christopher, ii. 123. - - Wright, William, ii. 57. - - Wyanoke, i. 225. - - Wyatt, Sir Francis, i. 241, 253. - - Wythe, George, ii. 128, 266. - - - Yale College, ii. 253. - - Yamassees, a Carolina tribe, ii. 300; - and other tribes incited by the Spaniards attack South Carolina, ii. 305, 365; - war in Carolina, ii. 371. - - Yang-tse-Kiang, the river, i. 41. - - Yeamans, Sir John, his colony at Cape Fear, ii. 277, 361. - - Yeardley, Sir George, i. 171, 176, 184, 241, 242. - - Yell of Yellville, ii. 98. - - Yellow fever, ii. 293. - - Yeomanry, in the 16th century, i. 47; ii. 204. - - York River, i. 132, 224. - - Yorktown, i. 273, 288. - - - Zuñiga, i. 59, 76, 178, 194. - - - - -WRITINGS OF JOHN FISKE - - -<f>HISTORICAL</f> - -THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA - - _With some Account of Ancient America and the Spanish Conquest. - With a Steel Portrait of Mr. Fiske, many maps, facsimiles, etc. - 2 vols. crown 8vo, gilt top, $4.00._ - -The book brings together a great deal of information hitherto -accessible only in special treatises, and elucidates with care and -judgment some of the most perplexing problems in the history of -discovery.--_The Speaker_ (London). - - -OLD VIRGINIA AND HER NEIGHBOURS - - _2 vols. crown 8vo, gilt top, $4.00._ - _Illustrated Edition, 2 vols. 8vo, $8.00, net._ - -History has rarely been invested with such interest and charm as in -these volumes.--_The Outlook_ (New York). - - -THE BEGINNINGS OF NEW ENGLAND - - _Or, the Puritan Theocracy in its Relations to Civil and - Religious Liberty. 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Crown 8vo, $1.00, net; postpaid._ - -It is most admirable, alike in plan and execution, and will do a -vast amount of good in teaching our people the principles and forms -of our civil institutions.--MOSES COIT TYLER, _Professor of American -Constitutional History and Law, Cornell University_. - - -HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY FOOTNOTES: - -[1] It is reprinted in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. ii.; and in Maxwell’s -_Virginia Historical Register_, ii. 61-78. The original, of which there -is one in the library of Harvard University, was priced by Rich, in -1832, at £1 10 s., and by Quaritch, in 1879, at £20. See Winsor, _Narr. -and Crit. Hist._ iii. 157. - -[2] The following list of Virginia counties bearing royal names, -founded between 1689 and 1765, is interesting:-- - - King and Queen, 1691, after William and Mary. - Princess Anne, 1691, the princess who was afterwards Queen Anne. - King William, 1701, William III. - Prince George, 1702, the Prince Consort. - King George, 1720, George I. - Hanover, 1720, one of the king’s foreign dominions. - Brunswick, 1720, do. do. - Caroline, 1727, the queen of George II. - Prince William, 1730, William, Duke of Cumberland. - Orange, 1734, the Prince of Orange, who in that - year married Anne, daughter of - George II. - Amelia, 1734, a daughter of George II. - Frederick, 1738, Frederick, Prince of Wales. - Augusta, 1738, after the Princess of Wales. - Louisa, 1742, a daughter of George II. - Lunenburg, 1746, one of the king’s foreign dominions. - Prince Edward, 1753, a son of Frederick, Prince of Wales. - Charlotte, 1764, the queen of George III. - Mecklenburg, 1764, her father, Duke of Mecklenburg. - - -[3] Jewett’s _History of Worcester County, Massachusetts_, ii. 30. -Charlestown was named from the river at the mouth of which it stands. - -[4] W. H. Whitmore, _The Cavalier Dismounted_, Salem, 1864. - -[5] _William and Mary College Quarterly_, i. 53. In the same connection -we are told that Beverley Tucker apologized for putting on record a -brief account of his family, saying “at this day it is deemed arrogant -to remember one’s ancestors. But the fashion may change,” etc. - -[6] See Cooke’s _Virginia_, p. 161. - -[7] Doyle’s _Virginia_, etc. p. 283. - -[8] Written in 1771 by his great-grandson William Lee, alderman of -London, and quoted in Edmund Lee’s _Lee of Virginia_, Philadelphia, -1895, p. 49. - -[9] “The petition of John Jeffreys, of London,” in Sainsbury’s -_Calendar of State Papers_, 1574-1660, p. 430; _Lee of Virginia_, p. 61. - -[10] Compare L. G. Tyler’s remarks in _William and Mary College -Quarterly_, i. 155. - -[11] See the testimony of John Gibbon, in _Lee of Virginia_, p. 60. - -[12] Beverley, _History and Present State of Virginia_, London, 1705, -p. 56; Robertson, _History of America_, iv. 230. - -[13] Hening’s _Statutes_, i. 526. - -[14] The document is given in _William and Mary College Quarterly_, i. -158, where the bill of items quoted in the next paragraph may also be -found. Mr. Philip Malory was an officiating clergyman. - -[15] Meade’s _Old Churches_, ii. 137. - -[16] The claim to the French crown set up by Edward III. in 1328 led -to the so-called Hundred Years’ War, in the course of which Henry VI. -was crowned King of France in the church of Notre Dame at Paris in -1431. His sway there was practically ended in 1436, but the English -sovereigns continued absurdly to call themselves Kings of France until -1801. - -[17] See above, vol. i. p. 250. - -[18] See the able paper by Dr. L. G. Tyler on “The Seal of Virginia,” -_William and Mary College Quarterly_, iii. 81-96. - -[19] For my data regarding land grants I am much indebted to the very -learned and scholarly work of Mr. Philip Bruce, _Economic History of -Virginia in the Seventeenth Century_, i. 487-571. - -[20] _Letters and Times of the Tylers_, i. 41. - -[21] He is mentioned by Pepys in his _Diary_, Oct. 12, 1660: “Office -day all the morning, and from thence with Sir W. Batten and the rest -of the officers to a venison party of his at the Dolphin, where dined -withal Colonel Washington, Sir Edward Brett, and Major Norwood, very -noble company.” - -[22] Waters, _An Examination of the English Ancestry of George -Washington_, Boston, 1889. - -[23] Sir William Jones’s _Works_, ed. Lord Teignmouth, London, 1807, x. -389. - -[24] The change was somewhat gradual, _e. g._ in Massachusetts at first -the eldest son received a double portion. See _The Colonial Laws of -Massachusetts, reprinted from the edition of 1660_, ed. W. H. Whitmore, -Boston, 1889, pp. 51, 201. - -[25] See Howard, _Local Constitutional History of the United States_, -i. 122. - -[26] A few of the oldest Virginia counties, organized as such in 1634, -had arisen from the spreading and thinning of single settlements -originally intended to be cities and named accordingly. Hence the -curious names (at first sight unintelligible) of “James City County” -and “Charles City County.” - -[27] Edward Channing, “Town and County Government in the English -Colonies of North America,” _Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies_, vol. ii. - -[28] For an excellent account of local government in Virginia before -the Revolution, see Howard, _Local Const. Hist. of the U. S._ i. -388-407; also Edward Ingle in _Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies_, iii. -103-229. With regard to the county lieutenant’s honorary title, Mr. -Ingle suggests that it may help to explain the super-abundance of -military titles in the South, and he quotes from a writer in the -_London Magazine_ in 1745: “Wherever you travel in Maryland (as also -in Virginia and Carolina) your ears are astonished at the number of -colonels, majors, and captains that you hear mentioned.” - -[29] Jefferson’s _Works_, vii. 13. - -[30] _Id._ vi. 544. - -[31] Ingle, in _J. H. U. Studies_, iii. 90. - -[32] “The humble Remonstrance of John Bland, of London, Merchant, on -the behalf of the Inhabitants and Planters in Virginia and Mariland,” -reprinted in _Virginia Historical Magazine_, i. 142-155. - -[33] Bruce, _Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century_, -i. 394. - -[34] Papers from the Records of Surry County, _William and Mary College -Quarterly_, iii. 123-125. - -[35] Pepys, _Diary_, Nov. 29, Dec. 3, 1664. - -[36] _Diary_, Jan. 19 and 28, 1661. - -[37] Neill, _Virginia Carolorum_, p. 341. - -[38] In describing this affair I have relied chiefly upon the -affidavits from the records of Westmoreland County, reprinted by Dr. -L. G. Tyler, in his admirable _William and Mary College Quarterly_, -ii. 39-43. The affidavits were taken by Nicholas Spencer and Richard -Lee, son of the Richard Lee mentioned in the preceding chapter. In -Browne’s _Maryland_, p. 131, an attempt is made to throw the blame -for killing the envoys upon the Virginians, but the affidavits seem -to me trustworthy and conclusive. It is not likely that there was or -is any discernible difference between human nature in Virginia and -in Maryland, and public opinion in both colonies condemned Truman’s -conduct. - -[39] “Cittenborne Parish Grievances, reprinted from Winder Papers, -Virginia State Library,” in _Virginia Magazine_, iii. 35. - -[40] “Charles City County Grievances,” _Virginia Magazine_, iii. 137. - -[41] The following abridged table shows the relationship (see _Virginia -Magazine_, ii. 125):-- - - Robert Bacon, of Drinkstone, Suffolk. - | - +------------+--------------------+ - | | | -Thomas Sir Nicholas James Bacon, -Bacon. Bacon, Lord alderman of - Keeper of the London, d. 1573. - Great Seal, | - b. 1510, d. 1579. | - | | - FRANCIS BACON, Sir James Bacon, - Viscount St. Albans of Friston Hall, - and Lord Chancellor, d. 1618. - b. 1561, d. 1626. | - +--------+-----------+ - | | - Nathaniel Bacon, Rev. James Bacon, - b. 1593, d. 1644. Rector of Burgate, - | d. 1670. - | | - Thomas Bacon, | - m. Elizabeth Brooke. Nathaniel Bacon, - | of King’s Creek, - NATHANIEL BACON, b. 1620, d. 1692; - the Rebel, came to Virginia - b. 1648, d. 1676. cir. 1650, and - settled at King’s - Creek, York County. - - -[42] Drummond Lake, in the Dismal Swamp, was named for him. - -[43] For the picturesque details of this narrative I have followed -the well-known document found by Rufus King when minister to Great -Britain in 1803, and published by President Jefferson in the _Richmond -Enquirer_ in 1804; since reprinted in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. i., -Washington, 1836, and in Maxwell’s _Virginia Historical Register_, vol. -iii., Richmond, 1850. The original manuscript was written in 1705, and -addressed to Robert Harley, Queen Anne’s secretary of state, afterward -Earl of Oxford. The writer signs himself “T. M.,” and speaks of himself -as dwelling in Northumberland County and possessing a plantation also -in Stafford County, which he represented in the House of Burgesses. -From these indications it is pretty certain that he was Thomas Mathews, -son of Governor Samuel Mathews heretofore mentioned. His account of the -scenes of which he was an eye-witness is quite vivid. - -[44] Bruce, _Economic History_, ii. 455. - -[45] T. M. goes on to remark that “the two chief commanders ... who -slew the four Indian great men” were present among the burgesses. This -may seem to implicate Colonel Washington and Major Allerton in the -killing of the envoys; but T. M.’s recollection, thirty years after the -event, is of not much weight when contradicted by the sworn affidavits -above cited. The facts that, while Truman was impeached in Maryland, -no such action seems to have been undertaken in Virginia against -Washington and Allerton, and that, after the governor’s strong words -regarding the slaying, the friendly relations between him and these -gentlemen continued, would indicate that their skirts were clean. - -[46] Beverley (_History and Present State of Virginia_, London, 1705, -bk. iv. p. 3) tells us that before 1680 the council and burgesses sat -together, like the Scotch parliament, and that the separation occurred -under Lord Culpeper’s administration; and his statement is generally -repeated by historians without qualification. Yet here in 1676 we find -the two houses sitting separately, and the discussion cited shows that -it had often been so before; otherwise the sending of two councillors -to sit with the burgesses could not have been customary. Beverley’s -date of 1680 was evidently intended as the final date of separation; -not as the date before which the two houses never sat separately, but -as the date after which they never sat together. - -[47] The acts of this assembly, known as “Bacon’s Laws,” are given in -Hening’s _Statutes_, ii. 341-365. - -[48] “It is still their boast that they are the descendants of -Powhatan’s warriors. A good evidence of their present laudable ambition -is an application recently made by them for a share in the privileges -of the Hampton schools. These bands of Indians are known by two names: -the larger band is called the Pamunkeys (120 souls); the smaller -goes by the name of the Mattaponies (50). They are both governed by -chiefs and councillors, together with a board of white trustees chosen -by themselves.” Hendren, “Government and Religion of the Virginia -Indians,” _Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies_, xiii. 591. - -[49] In 1656 a tribe called Ricahecrians, about 700 in number, from -beyond the Blue Ridge, had advanced eastward as far as the falls of the -James River, where they encountered and defeated Hill and Totapotamoy. -After this the Ricahecrians may have retraced their steps westward; we -hear no more of them on the Atlantic seaboard. - -[50] The original MS. of the manifesto is in the British State Paper -Office. It is printed in full in the _Virginia Magazine_, i. 55-61. - -[51] The original is in the _Colonial Entry Book_, lxxi. 232-240. It is -printed in G. B. Goode’s _Virginia Cousins; a Study of the Ancestry and -Posterity of John Goode, of Whitby_, Richmond, 1887, pp. 30^A-30^D. A -brief summary is given in Doyle’s _Virginia_, p. 251. - -[52] Bacon’s neighbour and adherent, William Byrd, purchaser of the -Westover estate, and father of William Byrd the historian. - -[53] Bacon’s allusion is to the troubles in North Carolina which broke -out during the governorship of George Carteret and were chiefly due to -the Navigation Act. See below, p. 280; and as to Maryland, see p. 156. - -[54] One of these ladies is said to have been the wife of the elder -Nathaniel Bacon! - -[55] “A True Narrative of the Rise, Progresse, and Cessation of the -Late Rebellion in Virginia, most humbly and impartially reported by his -Majestyes Commissioners appointed to enquire into the Affairs of the -said Colony,” [Winder Papers, Virginia State Library], reprinted in -_Virginia Magazine_, iv. 117-154. - -[56] “Persons who suffered by Bacon’s Rebellion; Commissioners Report,” -[Winder Papers], reprinted in _Virginia Magazine_, v. 64-70. See, also, -the extracts from the Westmoreland County records, in _William and Mary -College Quarterly_, ii. 43. - -[57] See F. P. Brent, “Some unpublished facts relating to Bacon’s -Rebellion on the Eastern Shore of Virginia,” and Mrs. Tyler, “Thomas -Hansford, the First Native Martyr to American Liberty,” in _Virginia -Historical Society’s Collections_, vol. xi. - -[58] Some interesting information about the Cheesmans may be found in -_William and Mary College Quarterly_, vol. i. - -[59] Neill’s _Virginia Carolorum_, p. 379. - -[60] See above, p. 35. - -[61] Hening’s _Statutes_, i. 290. - -[62] Hening’s _Statutes_, ii. 45. In the same statute it was further -enacted “that none shall be admitted to be of the vestry that doth not -take the oath of allegiance and supremacy to his Majesty and subscribe -to be conformable to the doctrine and discipline of the Church of -England.” This effectually excluded Dissenters from taking a part in -local government. - -[63] See Channing, “Town and County Government in the English Colonies -of North America,” _J. H. U. Studies_, ii. 484; Howard, _Local -Constitutional History of the United States_, i. 388-404. - -[64] “We have not had liberty to choose vestrymen wee humbly desire -that the wholle parish may have a free election.” “Surry County -Grievances,” _Virginia Magazine_, ii. 172. - -[65] See _e. g._ Hening’s _Statutes_, ii. 402, 411, 412, 419, 421, 443, -445, 478, 486. - -[66] Hening’s _Statutes_, ii. 396. - -[67] _Laws in Force in 1769_, p. 2. - -[68] Hening’s _Statutes_, ii. 425. - -[69] Sherwood to Sir Joseph Williamson, June 28, 1676, _Virginia -Magazine_, i. 171. Sherwood was a gentleman, probably educated as a -lawyer, who had been convicted of robbery in England and pardoned -through the intercession of Sir Joseph Williamson, secretary of -state. (As to gentlemen robbers, compare the reference to Sir John -Popham, above, vol. i. p. 81 of the present work.) Sherwood became -attorney-general of Virginia in 1677, and was for thirty years an -esteemed member of society. - -[70] Ludwell to Sir Joseph Williamson, June 28, 1676, _Virginia -Magazine_, i. 179. - -[71] In other words, they entertained communistic ideas. I have -italicised the statement, to mark its importance. - -[72] The same letter, _Virginia Magazine_, i. 183. - -[73] T. M.’s Narrative, _Virginia Historical Register_, iii. 126. It -will be remembered that Masaniello’s insurrection occurred in 1647, and -was thus fresh in men’s memories. Masaniello was twenty-four years of -age, and was murdered in his hour of apparent triumph. - -[74] “A True Narrative, etc.” _Virginia Magazine_, iv. 125. - -[75] _Virginia Magazine_, i. 433. - -[76] See Miss Rowland’s admirable _Life of George Mason_, 1725-1792, -New York, 1892, i. 17. - -[77] From the list of Surry grievances we may cite “6. That the 2 s -per hhd Imposed by ye 128^{th} act for the payment of his majestyes -officers & other publique debts thereby to ease his majestyes poore -subjects of their great taxes: wee humblely desire that an account may -be given thereof.... 10. That it has been the custome of County Courts -att the laying of the levy to withdraw into a private Roome by w^{ch} -meanes the poore people not knowing for what they paid their levy did -allways admire how their taxes could be so high. Wee most humbly pray -that for the future the County levy may be laid publickly in the Court -house.” From the Isle of Wight grievances, “21. Wee doe also desire to -know for what purpose or use the late publique leavies of 50 pounds of -tobacco and cask per poll and the 12 pound per polle is for and what -benefit wee are to have for it.” _Virginia Magazine_, ii. 171, 172, 389. - -[78] Isle of Wright grievances, “16. Also wee desire that evrie man may -be taxed according to the tracks [tracts] of Land they hold.” _Virginia -Magazine_, ii. 388. - -[79] “One proclamation commanded all men in the land on pain of death -to joine him, and retire into the wildernesse upon arrival of the -forces expected from England, and oppose them untill they should -propose or accept to treat of an accomodation, which we who lived -comfortably could not have undergone, so as the whole land must have -become an Aceldama if god’s exceeding mercy had not timely removed -him.” So says T. M., whose narrative is by no means unfriendly to Bacon. - -[80] Bruce, _Economic History of Virginia_, i. 402. - -[81] Bruce, _Economic History of Virginia_, i. 405; Hening’s -_Statutes_, ii. 562. - -[82] Doyle’s _Virginia_, p. 261. - -[83] Hening’s _Statutes_, iii. 10. - -[84] Doyle’s _Virginia_, pp. 259-265; Stanard, “Robert Beverley and his -Descendants,” _Virginia Magazine_, ii. 405-413; Hening’s _Statutes_, -iii. 41, 451-571. - -[85] _William and Mary College Quarterly_, i. 66. - -[86] From time to time there had been futile attempts to take up the -matter afresh; see, for example, Hening’s _Statutes_, ii. 30. - -[87] Dr. Blair held the presidency for fifty years, until his death in -1743. - -[88] _William and Mary College Quarterly_, i. 65. - -[89] I leave this as it was first written a few years ago, and take -pleasure in adding to it the following quotation from Mr. Bruce: “That -the entire site of the town will not finally sink beneath the waves of -the river will be due to the measures of protection which the National -Government have adopted at the earnest solicitation of the _Association -for the Preservation of Virginia Antiquities_. This organization is -performing a noble and sacred work in rescuing so many of the ancient -landmarks of the state from ruin, a work into which it has thrown a -zeal, energy, and intelligence entitling it to the honour and gratitude -of all who are interested in the history, not merely of Virginia, but -of America itself.” _Economic History of Virginia_, ii. 562. - -[90] Hening’s _Statutes_, iii. 122. - -[91] _William and Mary College Quarterly_, i. 66. - -[92] _William and Mary College Quarterly_, ii. 65. - -[93] _Id._ i. 187. - -[94] Cooke’s _Virginia_, p. 306. - -[95] _William and Mary College Quarterly_, iii. 263. - -[96] _William and Mary College Quarterly_, ii. 55, 56. - -[97] See my _American Revolution_, i. 18, 19. - -[98] This charming story is only one of many good things for which I -am indebted to President L. G. Tyler; see _William and Mary College -Quarterly_, i. 11. - -[99] _Partonopeus de Blois_, 1250, ed. Crapelet, tom. i. p. 45. “She -acts like a woman, and so does well, for under the heavens there is -nothing so daring as the woman who loves, when God wills to turn her -that way: God bless the ladies all!” - -[100] _William and Mary College Annual Catalogue_, 1894-95. - -[101] See Sparks, “Causes of the Maryland Revolution of 1689,” _Johns -Hopkins University Studies_, vol. xiv. p. 501, a valuable contribution -to our knowledge of the subject. - -[102] See above, p. 20. - -[103] For this description of Herman I am much indebted to E. H. -Vallandigham’s paper on “The Lord of Bohemia Manor,” reprinted in Lee -Phillips, _Virginia Cartography_, Washington, 1896, pp. 37-41. - -[104] To enable him to hold real estate in Maryland, Herman received -letters of naturalization, the first ever issued in that province, and -he is supposed by some writers to have been the first foreign citizen -thus naturalized in America. - -[105] See Browne’s _Maryland_, p. 137. - -[106] Johnson, “Old Maryland Manors,” _Johns Hopkins University -Studies_, vol. i. - -[107] Johnson, _op. cit._ p. 21. - -[108] F. E. Sparks, _op. cit._ p. 65. - -[109] _Archives of Maryland: Assembly_, ii. 64. - -[110] _Archives of Maryland: Council_, ii. 18. - -[111] _MSS. Archives of Maryland, Liber R. R. and R. R. R. and Council -Books 1677-1683, of the Council Proceedings_: Maryland Historical -Society. - -[112] See Greene’s _History of Rhode Island_, ii. 490-494. - -[113] The petition and answer are given in Scharf’s _History of -Maryland_, i. 345-348. - -[114] Probably in honour of Princess Anne, the heiress presumptive, -afterward Queen Anne. - -[115] Every bearskin paid 9d., elk 12d., deer or beaver 4d., raccoons -3 farthings, muskrats 4d. per dozen, etc. Scharf, i. 352. - -[116] Meade’s _Old Churches_, ii. 352. Bishop Meade adds: “My own -recollection of statements made by faithful witnesses ... accords with -the above.” - -[117] Alexander Graydon tells us that in his early days any jockeying, -fiddling, wine-bibbing clergyman, not over-scrupulous as to stealing -his sermons, was currently known as a “Maryland parson.” Graydon’s -_Memoirs_, Edinburgh, 1822, p. 102. This was in Pennsylvania, and any -sneering remark or phrase current in any of our states with reference -to its next neighbours is entitled to be taken _cum grano salis_. But -there was doubtless justification for what Graydon says. - -[118] Scharf, i. 368. - -[119] Scharf, i. 370, 383. - -[120] The following estimate of the population of the twelve colonies -in 1715 (from Chalmer’s _American Colonies_, ii. 7) may be of -interest:-- - - White. Black. Total. - Massachusetts 94,000 2,000 96,000 - Virginia 72,000 23,000 95,000 - Maryland 40,700 9,500 50,200 - Connecticut 46,000 1,500 47,500 - Pennsylvania} 43,300 2,500 45,800 - Delaware } - New York 27,000 4,000 31,000 - New Jersey. 21,000 1,500 22,500 - South Carolina 6,250 10,500 16,750 - North Carolina 7,500 3,700 11,200 - New Hampshire 9,500 150 9,650 - Rhode Island 8,500 500 9,000 - ------- ------ ------- - 375,750 58,850 434,600 - - -[121] Scharf, i. 390. - -[122] Knapp and Baldwin, _Newgate Calendar_, ii. 385-397; Pelham, -_Chronicles of Crime_, i. 213-220. - -[123] Doyle’s _Virginia_, p. 192. - -[124] For runaways additional terms of from two to seven years were -sometimes prescribed. The birth of a bastard was punished by an -additional term of from one and a half to two and a half years for the -mother and a year for the father. See Ballagh, “White Servitude in the -Colony of Virginia,” _Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies_, xiii. 315. - -[125] “Among the rest, she often told me how the greatest part of -the inhabitants of that colony came thither in very indifferent -circumstances from England; that, generally speaking, they were of two -sorts: either, 1st, such as were brought over by masters of ships to be -sold as servants; or, 2nd, such as are transported after having been -found guilty of crimes punishable with death. When they come here ... -the planters buy them, and they work together in the field till their -time is out.... [Then] they have a certain number of acres of land -allotted them by the country, and they go to work to clear and cure the -land, and then to plant it with tobacco and corn for their own use; and -as the merchants will trust them with tools and necessaries upon the -credit of their crop before it is grown, so they again plant every year -a little more [etc.].... Hence, child, says she, many a Newgate-bird -becomes a great man, and we have ... several justices of the peace, -officers of the trained bands, and magistrates of the towns they live -in, that have been burnt in the hand.... You need not think such a -thing strange; ... some of the best men in the country are burnt in the -hand, and they are not ashamed to own it; there’s Major ----, says she, -he was an eminent pickpocket; there’s Justice B---- was a shoplifter, -... and I could name you several such as they are.” _Moll Flanders_, p. -66. - -[126] _Plays written by the late Ingenious Mrs. Behn_, London, 1724, -iv. 110-112. - -[127] Postlethwayt’s _Dictionary of Commerce_, 3d ed., London, 1766, -vol. ii. fol. 4 M, 2 _recto_, col. 1. - -[128] Boswell’s _Life of Johnson_, ed. Birkbeck Hill, ii. 312. -Professor James Butler, in an excellent paper on “British Convicts -shipped to American Colonies,” _American Historical Review_, ii. 12-33, -suggests that Johnson’s impression may have been derived from his -long connection with the _Gentleman’s Magazine_, wherein the lists of -felons, reprieved from the gallows and sent to America were regularly -published. - -[129] Whitmore, _The Cavalier Dismounted_, p. 17. - -[130] Pike, _History of Crime in England_, ii. 447. - -[131] _American Historical Review_, ii. 25. - -[132] _Penny Cyclopædia_, xxv. 138. - -[133] _Report of Royal Historical MSS. Commission_, xiii. 605. - -[134] The only specific mention which Professor Butler has been able to -find of a criminal sent to New England is that of Elizabeth Canning, -who was sent out for seven years under penalty of death if she returned -to England during that time. She was brought to Connecticut in 1754, -married John Treat two years afterward, and died in Wethersfield in -1773. _American Historical Review_, ii. 32. - -[135] _Massachusetts Acts and Resolves_, i. 452; ii. 245. - -[136] Bruce, _Economic History of Virginia_, i. 609; Gardiner, _History -of the Commonwealth_, i. 464. It is commonly said that many of the -prisoners condemned for taking part in Monmouth’s rebellion, 1685, were -sent to Virginia (see Bancroft, _Hist. of U. S._ i. 471; Ballagh, _J. -H. U. Studies_, xiii. 293). But an examination of the lists shows that -nearly all were sent to Barbadoes, and probably none to Virginia. See -Hotten, _Original Lists of Persons of Quality, Emigrants, Religious -Exiles, Political Rebels_, etc., pp. 315-344. - -[137] Hening’s _Statutes_, ii. 50. - -[138] Mr. Bruce has well said that in the seventeenth century the white -servant was “the main pillar of the industrial fabric” of Virginia, and -“performed the most honourable work in establishing and sustaining” -that colony. “There can be no doubt, as he goes on to say, that the -work of colonization which has been performed by the people of England -surpasses, both in extent and beneficence, that of any other race -which has left an impression upon universal history, and the part the -manual labourers have taken in this work is not less memorable than the -part taken by the higher classes of the nation.” _Economic History of -Virginia_, i. 573, 582. - -[139] Neill’s Virginia Carolorum, p. 279; Hotten’s _Original Lists_, -pp. 207, 233, 254; Hening’s _Statutes_, i. 386. - -[140] In the absence of detailed specific knowledge it is unsafe to -base inferences upon the word “servant,” inasmuch as in the seventeenth -century it included not only menials but clerks and apprentices, even -articled students in a lawyer’s or doctor’s office, etc. See _William -and Mary College Quarterly_, i. 22; Bruce, _Economic History_, i. -573-575; ii. 45. - -[141] “Tour through the British Plantations,” _London Magazine_, 1755. - -[142] Hugh Jones, _Present State of Virginia_, 1724, p, 114. - -[143] Meade’s _Old Churches_, i. 366. - -[144] Before the Revolution this grievance had come to awaken fierce -resentment. A letter printed in 1751 exclaims: “In what can Britain -show a more sovereign contempt for us than by emptying their gaols into -our settlements, unless they would likewise empty their offal upon our -tables?... And what must we think of those merchants who for the sake -of a little paltry gain will be concerned in importing and disposing of -these abominable cargoes!”--_Virginia Gazette_, May 24, 1751. - -[145] Lecky, _History of England_, i. 127. - -[146] Smyth’s _Tour in the United States_, London, 1784, i. 72. In 1748 -Maryland had 98,357 free whites, 6,870 redemptioners, 1,981 convicts, -and 42,764 negroes. See Williams, _History of the Negro Race in -America_, i. 247. - -[147] See above, vol. i. p. 16. - -[148] At the famous meeting in the Tabernacle at New York, in May, -1850, when Isaiah Rynders and his ruffians made a futile attempt to -silence Garrison, one of the speakers maintained “that the blacks were -not men, but belonged to the monkey tribe.” _William Lloyd Garrison: -the Story of his Life, told by his Children_, iii. 294. Defenders of -slavery at that time got much comfort from Agassiz’s opinion that the -different races of men had distinct origins. It was perhaps even more -effective than the favourite “cursed be Canaan” argument. - -[149] Bruce, _Economic History_, ii. 94. About 1854 (I am not quite -sure as to the date) it was reported in Middletown, Conn., that the -“horrid infidel,” Rev. Theodore Parker, had, on a recent Sunday in the -Boston Music Hall, brought forward sundry cats and dogs and baptized -them in the name of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost!!! I shall never forget -the chill of horror which ran through the neighbourhood at this tale -of wanton blasphemy. In 1867 I found the belief in the story still -surviving among certain persons in Middletown with a tenacity that -no argument or explanation could shake. The origin of the ridiculous -tale was as follows: The famous abolitionist, Parker Pillsbury, made a -speech in which he quoted what the lady said to Godwyn, that “he might -as well baptize puppies as negroes.” In passing from mouth to mouth -the report of this incident underwent an astounding transformation. -First the speaker’s name was exchanged for that of another famous -abolitionist, the strong and lovely Christian saint, Theodore Parker; -and then the figure of speech was developed into an act and clothed -with circumstance. Thus from the true statement, that Parker Pillsbury -told a story in which an allusion was made to baptizing puppies, grew -the false statement that Theodore Parker actually baptized cats and -dogs. A great deal of what passes current as history has no better -foundation than this outrageous calumny. - -[150] Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 96-98. - -[151] Hening’s _Statutes_, ii. 260. - -[152] Hening, iii. 333-335. - -[153] For many of these details concerning slavery I am indebted to -Bruce’s _Economic History of Virginia_, chap, xi.,--a book which it -would be difficult to praise too highly. - -[154] Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 107. - -[155] Beverley, _History and Present State of Virginia_, London, 1705, -part iv. pp. 36-39. The historian was son of Major Robert Beverley -mentioned above, on pages 109-114 of the present volume. - -[156] Burk’s _History of Virginia_, Petersburg, 1805, ii. 300. - -[157] Hening’s _Statutes_, iii. 537. For the loss of this slave by -emancipation his master was indemnified by a payment of £40 from the -colonial treasury. - -[158] Hening, iii. 461; vi. 111. In England in the Middle Ages such -mutilation was a common punishment for rape; sometimes, in addition, -the culprit’s eyes were put out. See Pollock and Maitland, _History of -English Law before the Time of Edward I._ ii. 489. - -[159] Hening, iii. 210. - -[160] Hening, vi. 105. - -[161] Hening, vi. 107. - -[162] Hening, v. 558. - -[163] Hening, vi. 112. - -[164] Hening, iii. 87, 88. - -[165] Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 129. - -[166] Hening, iv. 133, 134. - -[167] Hening, iii. 448, act of 1705. - -[168] See Larned’s excellent _History for Ready Reference_, iv. 2921, -where the case is ably summed up. - -[169] Jefferson’s _Notes on Virginia_, 1782, Query xviii. - -[170] Hening, iii. 87, 454. - -[171] Hening, iii. 87. - -[172] Hening, ii. 170, act of 1662. - -[173] See Bruce, _Economic History_, ii. 109, where we are told that -Jamestown was sorely scandalized by the loose behaviour of “thoughtful -Mr. Lawrence.” - -[174] “The gain from the African labour outweighed all fears of evil -from the intermixture.” Foote’s _Sketches of Virginia_, i. 23. - -[175] Baird, _History of the Huguenot Emigration to America_, ii. 178. - -[176] Brock, _Documents relating to the Huguenot Emigration to -Virginia_, Va. Hist. Soc. Coll. N. S. v.; cf. Hayden’s _Virginia -Genealogies_, Wilkes-Barré, 1891. - -[177] Chesapeake Bay, says Rev. Francis Makemie, is “a bay in most -respects scarce to be outdone by the universe, having so many large -and spacious rivers, branching and running on both sides; ... and -each of these rivers richly supplied, and divided into sundry smaller -rivers, spreading themselves ... to innumerable creeks and coves, -admirably carved out and contrived by the omnipotent hand of our wise -Creator, for the advantage and conveniency of its inhabitants; ... so -that I have oft, with no small admiration, compared the many rivers, -creeks, and rivulets of water ... to veins in human bodies.” _A Plain -and Friendly Perswasive_, London, 1705, p. 5. “One receives the -impression in reading of colonial Virginia that all the world lived in -country-houses, on the banks of rivers. And the Virginia world did live -very much in this way.” Miss Rowland’s _Life of George Mason_, i. 90. - -[178] The Huguenots seem to have preferred a French wine, for one of -the first things they did (in 1704) was to “begin an essay of wine, -which they made of the wild grapes gathered in the woods; the effect of -which was noble, strong-bodied claret, of a curious flavour.” Beverley, -_History of Virginia_, London, 1705, part iv. p. 46. This has the -earmark of truth. American clarets are to this day strong-bodied, with -a curious flavour! - -[179] Bruce, _Economic History of Virginia_, ii. 340-342. - -[180] Weeden, _Economic and Social History of New England_, ii. 501. - -[181] Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 471, where we are also told that “in many -cases the wealthy planters imported from England the clothes worn by -these servants and slaves.” - -[182] Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 395, 399, 403, 405. - -[183] Beverley, _History and Present State of Virginia_, book iv. pp. -58, 83. - -[184] Hening, ii. 172-176. - -[185] Hening, ii. 471-478; iii. 53-69. - -[186] There was much strong feeling and vehement writing on the subject -by those who were disgusted at the prevalent state of things: “I always -judged such as are averse to towns to be three sorts of persons: 1. -Fools, who cannot, neither will see their own interest and advantage in -having towns. 2. Knaves, who would still carry on fraudulent designs -and cheating tricks in a corner or secret trade, afraid of being -exposed at a public market. 3. Sluggards, who rather than be at labour -and at any charge in transporting their goods to market, though idle -at home, and lose double thereby rather than do it. To which I may add -a fourth, which are Sots, who may be best cured of their disease by a -pair of stocks in town.” Makemie’s _Plain and Friendly Perswasive_, -London, 1705, p. 16. - -[187] _Present State of Virginia_, 1697, p. 12. - -[188] A kind of cleaver. - -[189] Bruce, _Economic History_, ii. 382-383. - -[190] Conway, _Barons of the Potomack and the Rappahannock_, p. 116. - -[191] Though the attempts to stimulate shipbuilding met with little -success, the manufacture of barges, pinnaces, and shallops was -sustained by imperative necessity. See Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 426-439. - -[192] Elkanah Watson, _Men and Times of the Revolution_, 2d ed., New -York, 1856, chap. ii. - -[193] See Ripley’s _Financial History of Virginia_, pp. 119-124. - -[194] Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 411-416. - -[195] Ripley, _Financial History of Virginia_, p. 122; cf. Bruce, _op. -cit._ ii. 368. - -[196] McMaster, _History of the People of the United States_, i. 273. - -[197] Hening, ii. 192. An old satirical writer mentions the same custom -at a Maryland inn, where, however, he did not seem in all respects to -relish his supper:-- - - So after hearty Entertainment - Of Drink and Victuals without Payment; - For Planters Tables, you must know, - Are free for all that come and go. - While Pon and Milk, with Mush well stoar’d, - In Wooden Dishes grac’d the Board; - With Homine and Syder-pap, - (Which scarce a hungry dog would lap) - Well stuff’d with Fat from Bacon fry’d, - Or with _Mollossus_ dulcify’d. - Then out our Landlord pulls a Pouch - As greasy as the Leather Couch - On which he sat, and straight begun - To load with Weed his _Indian_ Gun.... - His Pipe smoak’d out, with aweful Grace, - With aspect grave and solemn pace, - The reverend Sire walks to a Chest;... - From thence he lugs a Cag of Rum. - -The night had for our traveller its characteristic American nuisance:-- - - Not yet from Plagues exempted quite, - The Curst Muskitoes did me bite; - Till rising Morn and blushing Day - Drove both my Fears and Ills away; - -but the morning-meal seems to have made amends:-- - - I did to Planter’s Booth repair, - And there at Breakfast nobly Fare - On rashier broil’d of infant Bear: - I thought the Cub delicious Meat, - Which ne’er did ought but Chesnuts eat. - -Ebenezer Cook, _The Sot-Weed Factor; or, a Voyage to Maryland_, London, -1708, pp. 5, 9. - -[198] For the description of the planter’s house and its surroundings -I am much indebted to the admirable work of Mr. Bruce, chap. xii. - -[199] Beverley, _History and Present State of Virginia_, book iv. p. 56. - -[200] One often hears it said, of some old house or church in Virginia, -that it was built of bricks imported from England; but, according to -Mr. Bruce, all bricks used in Virginia during the seventeenth century -seem to have been made there. Bricks were 8 shillings per 1,000 in -Virginia when they were 18s. 8¼d. in London, to which the ocean -freight would have had to be added. It is not strange, therefore, that -Virginia exported bricks to Bermuda. As early as the Indian massacre of -1622 some of the Indians were driven away with brickbats. See Bruce, -_Economic History_, ii. 134, 137, 142. - -[201] See above, vol. i. p. 212. - -[202] The Marquis de Chastellux, who visited Monticello in 1782, says: -“We may safely aver that Mr. Jefferson is the first American who has -consulted the fine arts to know how he should shelter himself from the -weather.” See Randall’s _Life of Jefferson_, i. 373. - -[203] _Lee of Virginia_, p. 116. - -[204] Larousse, _Dictionnaire universel_, viii. 668. - -[205] A _double entendre_, either “fork-bearer” or “gallows-bird.” - -[206] - - _Meercraft._--Have I deserved this from you two, for all - My pains at court to get you each a patent? - - _Gilthead._--For what? - - _Meercraft._--Upon my project o’ the forks. - - _Sledge._--Forks? what be they? - - _Meercraft._--The laudable use of forks, - Brought into custom here, as they are in Italy, - To the sparing o’ napkins - - Ben Jonson, _The Devil is an Ass_, act v. scene 3. - - -[207] _Lee of Virginia_, p. 116. - -[208] _Lee of Virginia_, _loc. cit._ - -[209] - - For Planters’ Cellars, you must know, - Seldom with good _October_ flow, - But Perry Quince and Apple Juice - Spout from the Tap like any Sluce. - - Cook’s _Sot-Weed Factor_, p. 22. - -[210] A minute account of the beverages and their use is given in -Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 211-231. - -[211] Smyth’s _Tour in the United States_, London, 1784, i. 41. - -[212] Samuel Peters, a Tory refugee, published in London, in 1781, -an absurd “History of Connecticut,” in which he started the story of -the “Blue Laws” of the New Haven Colony, which most people allude to -incorrectly as “Blue Laws of Connecticut.” These “Blue Laws” were -purely an invention of the mendacious Peters. There never were any such -laws. See my _Beginnings of New England_, p. 136. - -[213] Miss Rowland’s _Life of George Mason_, i. 101, 102. This Mason, -author of the Virginia Bill of Rights, and member of the Federal -Convention of 1787, was great-grandson of the George Mason who figured -in Bacon’s rebellion. His son John, whose narrative I here quote, was -father of James Murray Mason, author of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, -and one of the Confederacy’s commissioners taken from the British -steamer Trent by Captain Wilkes in 1861. - -[214] Meade’s _Old Churches_, i. 98. - -[215] A rich Oriental silk, usually watered, first made in the -_Attabiya_ quarter of Bagdad, whence its name. - -[216] Mr. Bruce gives many inventories taken from county records, of -which the following may serve as a specimen: “The wardrobe of Mrs. -Sarah Willoughby, of Lower Norfolk, consisted of a red, a blue, and -a black silk petticoat, a petticoat of India silk and of worsted -prunella, a striped linen and a calico petticoat, a black silk gown, a -scarlet waistcoat with silver lace, a white knit waistcoat, a striped -stuff jacket, a worsted prunella mantle, a sky-coloured satin bodice, -a pair of red paragon bodices, three fine and three coarse holland -aprons, seven handkerchiefs, and two hoods.” _Economic History_, ii. -194. - -[217] The following specimen of a bill of funeral expenses is given in -Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 237:-- - - lbs. tobacco. - Funeral sermon 200 - For a briefe 400 - “ 2 turkeys 80 - “ coffin 150 - 2 geese 80 - 1 hog 100 - 2 bushels of flour 90 - Dunghill fowle 100 - 20 lbs. butter 100 - Sugar and spice 50 - Dressing the dinner 100 - 6 gallon sider 60 - 6 “ rum 240 - - -[218] _Virginia Magazine_, ii. 294; cf. _William and Mary College -Quarterly_, iii. 136. - -[219] Jones’s _Present State of Virginia_, London, 1724, p. 48. - -[220] Mr. W. G. Stanard, in an admirable paper on this subject, -gives some names of famous horses then imported, “many of them -being ancestors of horses on the turf at the present day;” such as -“Aristotle, Bolton, Childers, Dabster, Dottrell, Fearnaught, Jolly -Roger, Juniper, Justice, Merry Tom, Sober John, Vampire, Whittington, -James, Sterling, Valiant, etc.” _Virginia Magazine_, ii. 301. - -[221] Smyth’s _Tour in the United States_, i. 20. - -[222] Ford, _The True George Washington_, pp. 194-198. - -[223] Hening, v. 102, 229-231; vi. 76-81. Washington was very fond of -playing at cards for small stakes, also at billiards; and he sometimes -bet moderately at horse-races. See Ford, _loc. cit._ - -[224] About four dollars. - -[225] _Virginia Gazette_, October, 1737, cited in Rives’s _Life of -Madison_, i. 87, and Lodge’s _History of the English Colonies_, pp. 84, -85. - -[226] The recorder was a member of the flute family, and its name may -be elucidated by Shakespeare’s charming lines (Pericles, act iv., -prologue):-- - - To the lute - She sang, and made the night-bird mute - That still records with moan. - -Mr. Bruce (_op. cit._ ii. 175) mentions _cornets_ as in use in Old -Virginia, but this of course means an obsolete instrument of the -hautboy family, not the modern brass cornet, which has so unhappily -superseded the noble trumpet. - - -[227] The inventory is printed in _William and Mary College Quarterly_, -iii. 251. - -[228] The full list is given in _William and Mary College Quarterly_, -iii. 170-174. - -[229] See Lyman Draper, in _Virginia Historical Register_, iv. 87-90. - -[230] _William and Mary College Quarterly_, iii. 247-249. - -[231] Hening, ii. 517. - -[232] Hening, ii. 518. - -[233] _Virginia Magazine_, i. 326, 348; _William and Mary College -Quarterly_, v. 113. Allusion has already been made, on page 5 of the -present volume, to the school founded by Benjamin Symms, or Symes. - -[234] Hening, i. 336. - -[235] President Tyler cites from the vestry-book of Petsworth Parish, -in Gloucester County, an indenture of October 30, 1716, wherein Ralph -Bevis agrees to “give George Petsworth, a molattoe boy of the age of -2 years, 3 years’ schooling, and carefully to Instruct him afterwards -that he may read well in any part of the Bible, also to Instruct and -Learn him y^e s^d molattoe boy such Lawfull way or ways that he may be -able, after his Indented time expired, to gitt his own Liveing, and -to allow him sufficient meat, Drink, washing, and apparill, until the -expiration of y^e s^d time, &c., and after y^e finishing of y^e s^d -time to pay y^e s^d George Petsworth all such allowances as y^e Law -Directs in such cases, as also to keep the afores^d Parish Dureing y^e -afores^d Indented time from all manner of Charges,” etc. _William and -Mary College Quarterly_, v. 219. - -[236] Miss Rowland’s _Life of George Mason_, i. 97. - -[237] Butler’s “British Convicts Shipped to American Colonies,” -_American Historical Review_, ii. 27. - -[238] The worthy pastor even goes so far as to exclaim, with a groan, -that two thirds of the schoolmasters in Maryland were convicts working -out a term of penal servitude! Boucher’s _Thirteen Sermons_, p. 182. -But in such declamatory statements it is never safe to depend upon -numbers and figures. In the present case we may conclude that the -number of such schoolmasters was noticeable; we are not justified in -going further. - -[239] From the excellent papers by W. G. Stanard, on “Virginians at -Oxford,” _William and Mary College Quarterly_, ii. 22, 149, I have -culled a few items which may be of interest:-- - -John Lee, _armiger_ (son of 1st Richard, see above, p, 19), educated at -Queens, B. A. 1662, burgess. - -Rowland Jones, _cler._, Merton, matric. 1663, pastor Bruton Parish. - -Ralph Wormeley, _armiger_, of Rosegill (see above, p. 243), Oriel, -matric. 1665, secretary of state, etc. - -Emanuel Jones, _cler._, Oriel, B. A. 1692, pastor Petsworth Parish. - -Bartholomew Yates, _cler._, Brasenose, B. A. 1698, Prof. Divinity W. & -M. - -Mann Page, _armiger_, St. John’s, matric. 1709, member of council. - -William Dawson, _plebs._, Queens, matric. 1720, M. A. 1728, D. D. 1747, -Prof. Moral Phil. W. & M. 1729, Pres. W. & M. 1743-52. - -Henry Fitzhugh, _gent._, Christ Church, matric. 1722, burgess. - -Christopher Robinson, _gent._, Oriel, matric. 1724, studied at Middle -Temple. - -Christopher Robinson, _gent._, Oriel, matric. 1721, M. A. 1729, Fellow -of Oriel. - -Musgrave Dawson, _plebs._, Queens, B. A. 1747, pastor Raleigh Parish. - -Lewis Burwell, _armiger_, Balliol, matric. 1765. - -[240] Weeden, _Economic and Social History of New England_, i. 282, -412, 419; ii. 861. For neglecting to “set up school” for the year, a -town would be presented by the grand jury of the county, and would -then try to make excuses. “In February, 1744, the usual routine was -repeated. The farmers were summoned ‘to know what the Town’s Mind is -for doing about a School for the insuing year.’ The school of the -previous year having cost £55 old tenor, which may have been equivalent -to 55 Spanish dollars, and it being necessary to raise this sum by a -general taxation, the Town’s Mind was for doing nothing; and not until -the following July did it consent to have a school opened.” Bliss, -_Colonial Times on Buzzard’s Bay_, p. 118. - -[241] In my _Beginnings of New England_, pp. 148-153. - -[242] Of the numbers in _The Federalist_, 51 were written by Hamilton, -29 by Madison, and 5 by Jay. But the frame of government which the -book was written to explain and defend was not at all the work of -Hamilton, whose part in the proceedings of the Federal Convention was -almost _nil_. It was very largely the work of Madison, and while _The -Federalist_ shows Hamilton’s marvellous flexibility of intelligence, it -is Madison who is master and Hamilton who is his expounder. - -[243] See above, vol. i. p. 221. - -[244] Stith, _History of Virginia_, preface, vi., vii. - -[245] Byrd’s _History of the Dividing Line_, with his _Journey to the -Land of Eden_, and _A Progress to the Mines_, remained in MS. for more -than a century. They were published at Petersburg in 1841, under the -title of _Westover Manuscripts_. A better edition, edited by T. H. -Wynne, was published in 1866 under the title of _Byrd Manuscripts_. - -[246] _Byrd MSS._ i. 5. - -[247] Bruce, _Economic History_, ii. 234. - -[248] See the history of the case, in Washington’s _Writings_, ed. W. -C. Ford, xiv. 255-260. According to Mr. Paul Ford, “there can scarcely -be a doubt that the treatment of his last illness by the doctors was -little short of murder.” _The True George Washington_, p. 58. The -question is suggested, if Washington had lived a dozen years longer, -would there have been a second war with England? - -[249] Meade’s _Old Churches_, i. 18, 361, 385. - -[250] It is difficult to obtain exact data. My impression is derived -from study of the statutes and from general reading. - -[251] It is authoritatively stated in the _Virginia Magazine_, i. 347, -that from the time of the Company down to the time of the Revolution, -“there is no record of any duel in Virginia.” In the thirteen -volumes of Hening I find no allusion to duelling; for the mention of -“challenges to fight” in such a passage as vol. vi. p. 80, clearly -refers to chance affrays with fisticuffs at the gaming table, and not -to duels. Yet in 1731 Rodolphus Malbone, for challenging Solomon White, -a magistrate, “with sword and pistol,” was bound over in £50 to keep -the peace: see _Virginia Magazine_, iii. 89. - -[252] _Virginia Magazine_, i. 128. A woman named Eve was burned in -Orange County in 1746 for petty treason, _i. e._ murdering her master. -_Id._ iii. 308. For poisoning the master’s family a man and woman were -burned at Charleston, S. C., in 1769. _Id._ iv. 341. For petty treason -a negro woman named Phillis was burned at the stake in Cambridge, -Mass., Sept. 18, 1755: see _Boston Evening Post_, Sept. 22, 1755; -Paige’s _History of Cambridge_, p. 217. For riotous murder in the city -of New York 21 negroes were executed in 1712, several of whom were -burned and one was broken on the wheel; and again in 1741, in the panic -over an imaginary plot, 13 negroes were burned at the stake: see _Acts -of Assembly, New York_, ann. 1712; _Documents relating to Colonial -History of New York_, vol. vi. ann. 1741. There may have been other -cases. These here cited were especially notable. - -[253] Prof. M. C. Tyler (_History of American Literature_, i. 90) -quotes a statement of Burk (_History of Virginia_, Petersburg, 1805, -vol. ii. appendix, p. xxx.), to the effect that in Princess Anne County -a woman was once burned for witchcraft. But Burk makes the statement on -hearsay, and I have no doubt he refers to Grace Sherwood, who between -1698 and 1708 brought divers and sundry actions for slander against -persons who had called her a witch, but could not get a verdict in -her favour! She was searched for witch marks and imprisoned. It is a -long way from this sort of thing to getting burned at the stake! Mrs. -Sherwood made her will in 1733, and it was admitted to probate in 1741. -See _William and Mary College Quarterly_, i. 69; ii. 58; iii. 96, 190, -242; iv. 18.--There is a widespread popular belief that the victims -of the witchcraft delusion in Salem were burned; scarcely a fortnight -passes without some allusions to this “burning” in the newspapers. Of -the twenty victims at Salem, nineteen were hanged, one was pressed to -death; not one was burned. See Upham’s _History of Witchcraft and Salem -Village_, Boston, 1867, 2 vols. - -[254] Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. Hist._ v. 286. - -[255] Fox-Bourne’s _Life of John Locke_, i. 203. - -[256] The Fundamental Constitutions are printed in Locke’s _Works_, -London, 1824, ix. 175-199. An excellent analysis of them is given by -Prof. Bassett, “The Constitutional Beginnings of North Carolina,” _J. -H. U. Studies_, xii. 97-169; see, also, Whitney, “Government of the -Colony of South Carolina,” _Id._ xiii. 1-121. - -[257] Hening, i. 380. - -[258] He is commonly called a Quaker, but the tradition is ill -supported. See Weeks, _Southern Quakers and Slavery_, p. 33. - -[259] See my _Discovery of America_, i. 167-169. - -[260] Hawks, _History of North Carolina_, ii. 72. - -[261] Lawson, _A Description of North Carolina_, London, 1718, p. 73. - -[262] Rivers, _Early History of South Carolina_, Charleston, 1856, p. -96. - -[263] Williamson, _History of North Carolina_, Philadelphia, 1812, p. -120. - -[264] Williamson, _op. cit._ i. 121. - -[265] Moore’s _History of North Carolina_, Raleigh, 1880, i. 18. - -[266] I am glad to find this opinion corroborated by Professor Bassett -in his able paper above cited, _J. H. U. Studies_, xii. 109. - -[267] Hawks, _History of North Carolina_, ii. 470. - -[268] See above, p. 85 of the present volume. - -[269] Dr. Hawks, in his _History of North Carolina_, ii. 463-483, gives -a detailed and very entertaining account of the Culpeper rebellion, to -which I am indebted for several particulars. - -[270] Hawks, _op. cit._ ii. 489. - -[271] Rivers, _Early History of South Carolina_, p. 145. - -[272] _Id._ p. 153. - -[273] _Records of General Court of Albemarle_, 1697; Hawks, _op. cit._ -ii. 491. - -[274] Spotswood’s _Official Letters_ (Va. Hist. Soc. Coll.), Richmond, -1882, i. 106. Several other passages in Spotswood’s letters of the -summer and autumn of 1711 express a similar belief. The opinion of -Spotswood is adopted in Hawks, _History of North Carolina_, ii. -522-533, who is followed by Moore, _History of North Carolina_, i. 35. -I am glad to find that my opinion of the inadequacy of the evidence is -shared by so great an authority as Professor Rivers, in Winsor, _Narr. -and Crit. Hist._ v. 298. - -[275] See the learned essay by James Mooney, _The Siouan Tribes of -the East_ (Bureau of Ethnology, Bulletin 22), Washington, 1894. Until -recent years it was not known that there were ever any Sioux in the -Atlantic region. The Catawbas, etc., were supposed to be Muskogi. - -[276] Lawson, _The History of Carolina; containing the Exact -Description and Natural History of that Country; together with the -Present State thereof. And a Journal of a Thousand Miles travelled -through several Nations of Indians, giving a particular Account of -their Customs, Manners, etc._ London, 1709, small quarto, 258 pages. - -[277] For this and other atrocities see the letter of November 2, -1711, from Major Christopher Gale to his sister, printed in Nichols’s -_Illustrations of the Literary History of the Eighteenth Century_, iv. -489-492. - -[278] In Professor Rivers’s version of the story there was either no -general conspiracy or only a sudden one conceived after the murder -of Lawson. He suggests that “being fearful of the consequences” of -that act, the Indians “were hurried into the design of a widespread -massacre,” etc. _Early History of South Carolina_, p. 253. It may be -so. Questions relating to concert between Indian tribes are apt to be -hard to settle. I think, however, that in this case the simultaneity of -attack at distant points is in favour of the generally accepted view of -a conspiracy arranged before Lawson’s death. - -[279] Spotswood to the Lords of Trade and to Lord Dartmouth, December -28, 1711, _Official Letters_, i. 129-138. This was one of the early -instances of the extreme difficulty of obtaining money from “whimsical” -legislatures for the common defence, which in later years led -Parliament to the attempt to cure the evil by means of the Stamp Act. -Even in what he did accomplish on the border, Spotswood had to depend -upon voluntary contributions, just as money was raised by Franklin in -1758 for the expedition against Fort Duquesne, and by Robert Morris in -the great crisis of Washington’s Trenton-Princeton campaign. - -[280] See my _Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy_, ii. 200. - -[281] Dr. Hugh Williamson, in his _History of North Carolina_, -Philadelphia, 1812, ii. 173-211, gives a very interesting account of -these malarial swamps, their geological causes, and their effects upon -the people. - -[282] For a sprightly account of the Alpine region of North Carolina -and its inhabitants, see Zeigler and Grosscup, _The Heart of the -Alleghanies_, Raleigh, 1883. - -[283] Lawson’s _History of Carolina_, London, 1718, p. 79. - -[284] _Byrd MSS._ i. 59, 65. - -[285] _Byrd MSS._ i. 56. - -[286] _Byrd MSS._ i. 59. - -[287] See above, p. 188 of the present volume. - -[288] _William and Mary College Quarterly_, ii. 146. - -[289] Spotswood to the Lords of Trade, April 5, 1717, _Official -Letters_, ii. 227. - -[290] Olmsted’s _Slave States_, p. 507. - -[291] Cf. Ramage, “Local Government and Free Schools in South -Carolina,” _Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies_, vol. i. - -[292] Ramage, _op. cit._ - -[293] The remarks of Herbert Spencer on state education, in his _Social -Statics_, revised ed., London, 1892, pp. 153-184, deserve most careful -consideration by all who are interested in the welfare of their -fellow-creatures. - -[294] Bruce, _Economic History of Virginia_, ii. 108. - -[295] Americans are apt to forget how much nearer the equator the -familiar points in this country are than familiar points in Europe. -Although every family has an atlas, many persons are surprised when -their attention is called to the facts that Great Britain is in the -latitude of Hudson Bay, that Paris and Vienna are further north than -Quebec, that Montreal is nearly opposite to Venice, Boston to Rome, -Charleston to Tripoli, etc. - -[296] Simms, _History of South Carolina_, p. 106; Williams, _History of -the Negro Race in America_, i. 299. - -[297] Whitney, “Government of the Colony of South Carolina,” _Johns -Hopkins Univ. Studies_, xiii. 95; _Statutes of South Carolina_, iii. -395-399, 456-461, 568-573. - -[298] The story is told by St. John de Crèvecœur, in his _Letters from -an American Farmer_, Philadelphia, 1793, pp. 178-180. Crèvecœur was -on his way to dine with a planter when he encountered the shocking -spectacle. He succeeded in passing a shell of water through the bars of -the cage to the lips of the poor wretch, who thanked him and begged to -be killed; but the Frenchman had no means at hand. - -[299] _Statutes of South Carolina_, vii. 410, 411. - -[300] “La plupart des riches habitans de la Caroline du Sud, ayant été -élevés en Europe, en ont apporté plus de gout, et des connaissances -plus analogues à nos mœurs, que les habitans des provinces du Nord, ce -qui doit leur donner généralement sur ceux-ci de l’avantage en société. -Les femmes semblent aussi plus animées que dans le Nord, prennent plus -de part à la conversation, sont davantage dans la société.... Elles -sont jolies, agréables, piquantes; mais ... les hommes et les femmes -vieillissent promptement dan ce climat.” La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, -_Voyage dans les États-Unis_, Paris, 1799, iv. 13. - -[301] Boswell has a characteristic anecdote of Oglethorpe, who was very -high-spirited, but extremely sensible. When a lad of nineteen or so, he -was dining one day with a certain Prince of Würtemberg and others, when -the insolent prince fillipped a few drops of wine into his face. “Here -was a nice dilemma. To have challenged him instantly might have fixed a -quarrelsome character upon the young soldier; to have taken no notice -of it might have been considered as cowardice. Oglethorpe, therefore, -keeping his eye upon the prince and smiling, ... said, ‘That’s a good -joke, but we do it much better in England,’ and threw a whole glass of -wine in the prince’s face. An old general, who sat by, said, ‘Il a bien -fait, mon prince, vous l’avez commencé,’ and thus all ended in good -humour.” _Life of Johnson_, ed. Birkbeck Hill, ii. 180. - -[302] See the charter, in Jones’s _History of Georgia_, i. 90. - -[303] Blackstone’s _Commentaries_, bk. iv. chap. 5. - -[304] See above, vol. i. p. 24. - -[305] Burney, _History of the Buccaneers of America_, p. 52. - -[306] Exquemeling was sent to Tortuga in 1666, in one of the Dutch -West India Company’s ships, and on his arrival was sold for thirty -crowns into three years’ servitude. He says very neatly: “Je ne dis -rien de ce qui a donné lieu à mon embarquement, suivi d’un si fâcheux -esclavage, parce que cela seroit hors de propos, et ne pourroit estre -qu’ennuyeux.” He was cruelly treated. After gaining his freedom he -joined the buccaneers, apparently because there was nothing else to -do. He went home in 1674 in a Dutch ship, “remerciant Dieu de m’avoir -retiré de cette miserable vie, estant la première occasion de la -quitter que j’eusse rencontré depuis cinq années.” Oexmelin, _Histoire -des Avanturiers_, Paris, 1686, i. 13; ii. 312. The English version of -his book is entitled “History of the Bucaniers of America” (London, -1684). The Spanish version is known as “Los Piratas.” Not only do the -titles thus differ, but each translator has added more or less material -from other sources, in order to exalt the fame of the rascals of his -own nation. - -[307] “Le capitaine ... du vaisseau submergé était un pirate -hollandais; c’était celui-là¡ même qui avait volé Candide. Les -richesses immenses dont ce célérat s’était emparé furent ensevelies -avec lui dans la mer, et il n’y eut qu’un mouton de sauvé. Vous voyez, -dit Candide à Martin, que le crime est puni quelquefois; ce coquin -de patron hollandais a en le sort qui’il méritait. Oui, dit Martin; -mais fallait-il que les passagers qui était sur son vaisseau périssent -aussi? Dieu a puni ce fripon, le diable a noyé les autres.” Voltaire, -_Œuvres_, Paris, 1785. tom, xliv. p. 294. - -[308] _Histoire des avanturiers_, ii. 216. - -[309] Exquemeling says: “A l’heure que je parle il est élevé aux plus -éminentes dignitez de la Jamaique; ce qui fait assez voir qu’un homme, -tel qu’il soit, est toujours estimé & bien receu par tout, pourveu -qu’il ait de l’argent.” _Histoire des avanturiers_, ii. 214. - -[310] Ringrose’s _MS. Narrative_, British Museum, Sloane collection, -No. 3820. - -[311] See Hughson, “The Carolina Pirates and Colonial Commerce,” _Johns -Hopkins University Studies_, xii. 241-370. - -[312] See Watson’s _Annals of Philadelphia_, ii. 222. - -[313] In Kidd’s case there were many extenuating circumstances; he was -far from being such a scoundrel as most of the pirates. - -[314] See the cases of Mary Read and Anne Bonny, in Johnson’s _History -of the Pirates_, London, 1724, 2 vols. - -[315] Burton’s _History of Scotland_, vi. 403. - -[316] In writing to James Stanhope, secretary of state, Spotswood -says: “Such is the unaccountable temper of the People that they have -generally chosen for their Representatives Persons of the meanest -Estates and Capacitys in their Countys, And as if the House of -Burgesses were resolved to copy after the patern of their Electors, -of the few Gentlemen that are among them, they have expelled two -for having the Generosity to serve their Country for nothing, w’ch -they term bribery.” _Official Letters_, ii. 129. This reminds -one of the language applied by Sherwood and Ludwell to Bacon’s -followers (see above, p. 102); and suggests the presence among the -burgesses of a considerable party which felt it necessary to contend -against aristocratizing tendencies. To establish the principle that -representatives might serve without pay would tend to disqualify poor -folk from serving in that capacity. - -[317] There is evidently a slip of the pen here; _Letters_ must have -been the word intended. - -[318] Spotswood to the Lords of Trade, June 24, 1718. _Official -Letters_, ii. 280, 281. - -[319] The 58th birthday of George I., May 28, 1718. - -[320] Spotswood, _Official Letters_, ii. 284. - -[321] His feelings find temperate expression in his letters to the -Lords of Trade and to the secretary of state, James Stanhope; _e. g._, -in October, 1712: “This Unhappy State of her Maj’t’s Subjects in my -Neighbourhood is y^e more Affecting to me because I have very little -hopes of being enabled to relieve them by our Assembly, which I have -called to meet next Week.... No arguments I have used can prevail on -these people to make their Militia more Serviceable;” and in July, -1715: “I cannot forbear regretting y^t I must always have to do w’th -y^e Representatives of y^e Vulgar People, and mostly with such members -as are of their Stamp and Understanding, for so long as half an Acre -of Land ... qualifys a man to be an Elector, the meaner sort of People -will ever carry y^e Elections, and the humour generally runs to choose -such men as are their most familiar Companions, who very eagerly seek -to be Burgesses merely for the Lucre of the Salary, and who, for fear -of not being chosen again, dare in Assembly do nothing that may be -disrelished out of the House by y^e Common People.... However, as my -general Success hitherto with this sort of Assemblys is not to be -Complained of, and as I have brought them, in some particulars, to -place greater Trust in me than ever they did in any Governor before, -and seeing their Confidence in Me has encreased with their Knowledge -of me, I have great hopes to lead even this new Assembly into measures -that may be for the hon’r and safety of these parts of his Maj’t’s -Dominions.... Y^e Assembly of No. Carolina has already faulted their -Governor for dispatching away to y^e relief of his next Neighbours -a small reinforcement of Men, they alledging that their own danger -requir’d not to weaken themselves.... None of y^e Provinces on y^e -Continent have yet sent any Assistance of Men to So. Carolina, except -this Colony alone, and No. Carolina, and by w’t I understand from -Govern’r Hunter [of New York] I am afraid they may be diverted from -it, he writing me word y^t their Indians are grown very turbulent -and ungovernable. We are not here without our dangers, too, but yet -I judg’d it best, and y^e readiest way to save ourselves, to run -immediately to check the first kindling Flames, and even to stretch a -point to succour Carolina with Arms and ammunition; and I made such -dispatch in y^e first Succours of Men I sent thither y^t they pass’d -no more than 15 days between the Day of y^e Carolina Comm’rs coming -to me and y^e day of my embarking 118 Men listed for their Service. -I have since sent another Vessel with 40 or 50 Men more; and hope in -a short time to have y^e Complem’t raised w’ch this Government has -engag’d to furnish.... I need not offer, for my justification, to wound -his Maj’t’s Ears with particular relation of the miserys his Subjects -in Carolina labour under, and of y^e Inhuman butchering and horrid -Tortures many of them have been exposed to.” So in Oct. 1715: “Such -was the Temper and Understanding [of the House of Burgesses] that they -could not be reason’d into Wholesome Laws, and such their humour and -principles y^t they would aim at no other Acts than what invaded y^e -Prerogative or thwarted the Government. So that all their considerable -Bills Stopt in the Council.... On y^e 8 of Aug’st ... they plainly -declar’d they would do nothing ... till they had an Answer from his -Maj’tie to their Address about the Quitt rents. I need not repeat to -you, S’r, what I have formerly represented of the inconveniency a -Governm’t without money is expos’d to, especially in any dangerous -Conjuncture.... The bulk of the Ellectors of Assembly Men concists of -the meaner sort of People, who ... are more easily impos’d upon by -persons who are not restrain’d by any Principles of Truth or Hon’r -from publishing amongst them the most false reports, and have front -enough to assert for truth even the grossest Absurdities. [How well -this describes the blatant demagogues who thrive and multiply in the -cesspool of politics to-day, like maggots in carrion!] ... These mobish -Candidates always outbid the Gent’n of sence and Principles, for they -stick not to vow to their Electors that no consideration whatever shall -engage them to raise money, and some of them have so little shame as -publickly to declare that if, in Assembly, anything should be propos’d -w’ch they judg’d might be disagreeable to their Constituents, they -would oppose it, tho’ they knew in their consciences y^t it would be -for y^e good of the Country.” Spotswood’s _Official Letters_, ii. 1, 2, -124, 125, 130, 132, 164. - -[322] The expression is suggested by a famous passage in Lord Macaulay, -who seems to think that it all happened in order that Frederick the -Great might keep his hold upon Silesia! - -[323] See above, vol i. p. 27. - -[324] See above, vol. i. p. 61. - -[325] See above, vol. i. p. 116. - -[326] Hening’s _Statutes_, i. 381. - -[327] These were Kaskaskia and Cahokia in 1700, Detroit in 1701, Mobile -in 1702, and Vincennes in 1705; and Bienville was just about to found -New Orleans, which he did in 1718. - -[328] “I have often regretted that after so many Years as these -Countrys have been Seated, no Attempts have been made to discover -the Sources of Our Rivers, nor to Establishing Correspondence w’th -those Nations of Indians to ye Westw’d of Us, even after the certain -Knowledge of the Progress made by French in Surrounding us w’th their -Settlements.” Spotswood, _Official Letters_, iii. 295. A reconnoissance -was made in 1710, which reported that the Blue Ridge was not, as had -been supposed, impassable. _Id._ i. 40. - -[329] Fontaine’s journal of the expedition shows that the crossing was -not at Rockfish Gap, as formerly supposed. Cf. Peyton’s _History of -Augusta County_, Staunton, 1882, pp. 24, 29. - -[330] “Thus it is a pleasure to cross the mountains.” - -[331] Jones, _Present State of Virginia_, London, 1724, p. 14. - -[332] Spotswood, _Official Letters_, ii. 297. - -[333] He understood that from Swift Run Gap it was but three days’ -march to a tribe of Indians living on a river which emptied into Lake -Erie; also that from a distant peak, which was pointed out to him, Lake -Erie was distinctly visible; so he estimated the total distance as five -days’ march. The river route thus vaguely indicated was probably down -the Youghiogheny or the Monongahela to the site of Pittsburgh, then up -the Alleghany and so on to the site of Erie, distant in a straight line -about 300 miles from Swift Run Gap. Braddock in 1755 was a month in -getting over less than one fourth of the actual route. But, in spite of -the false estimate, Spotswood’s general idea was sound. - -[334] _William and Mary College Quarterly_, i. 7. - -[335] In this respect one of his family in the days of our great Civil -War was like him. The noble statue at the entrance of Forest Park -in St. Louis stands there to remind us that it was chiefly the iron -will of Francis Preston Blair that in 1861 prevented the secessionist -government of Missouri from dragging that state over to the Southern -Confederacy. - -[336] George Washington’s elder brother, Lawrence, served in this -expedition, and named his estate Mount Vernon after the admiral. - -[337] In 1781 the mansion at Temple Farm was known as the Moore House. - -[338] In my next following work, entitled “The Dutch and Quaker -Colonies in America,” I hope to give a more detailed and specific -account of the Scotch-Irish and their important work in this country. - -[339] Conway’s Barons, p. 213; Kercheval’s _History of the Valley of -Virginia_, Winchester, 1833, p. 65. - -[340] Cf. Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. Hist._ v. 276. - -[341] Greene’s _Antiquities of Worcester_, p. 273. - - -[Transcriber’s Note: - -Obvious printer errors corrected silently. - -Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.] - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Old Virginia and Her Neighbours, by John Fiske - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OLD VIRGINIA AND HER NEIGHBOURS *** - -***** This file should be named 56033-0.txt or 56033-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/6/0/3/56033/ - -Produced by Juliet Sutherland, Wayne Hammond and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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