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+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #55022 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/55022)
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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Brain of an Army, by Spenser Wilkinson
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: The Brain of an Army
- A Popular Account of the German General Staff
-
-Author: Spenser Wilkinson
-
-Release Date: July 1, 2017 [EBook #55022]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BRAIN OF AN ARMY ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Al Haines
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
- THE
- BRAIN OF AN ARMY
-
-
- A POPULAR ACCOUNT
- OF THE
- GERMAN GENERAL STAFF
-
-
- BY
- SPENSER WILKINSON
-
-
- NEW EDITION
-
- WITH LETTERS FROM
- COUNT MOLTKE AND LORD ROBERTS
-
-
-
- WESTMINSTER
- ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE
- & CO 1895
-
-
-
-
- BY THE SAME AUTHOR
-
- _THE COMMAND OF THE SEA_
- _THE BRAIN OF A NAVY_
- _THE GREAT ALTERNATIVE_
-
- _and in conjunction with_
-
- SIR CHARLES W. DILKE, BART.
-
- _IMPERIAL DEFENCE_
-
-
-
-
-[Transcriber's note: the errata items below have been applied to this
-text.]
-
-ERRATA.
-
-page 9, line 6 for _have_ read _has_
-
-page 10, line 21, for _occasion_ read _occasions_
-
-
-
-
-PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
-
-Six years ago a Royal Commission, under the presidency of Lord
-Hartington, was known to be inquiring into the administration of the
-national defence. There was much talk in the newspapers about the
-Prussian staff, and many were the advocates of its imitation in this
-country. Very few of those who took part in the discussions seemed to
-know what the Prussian staff was, and I thought it might be useful to
-the Royal Commission and to the public to have a true account of that
-institution, written in plain English, so that any one could understand
-it. The essay was published on the 11th of February, 1890, the day on
-which the Report of Lord Hartington's Commission was signed.
-
-The essential feature of the Prussian staff system consists in the
-classification of duties out of which it has arisen. Every general in
-the field requires a number of assistants, collectively forming his
-staff, to relieve him of matters of detail, to act as his confidential
-secretaries, and to represent him at places where he cannot be himself.
-The duties of command are so multifarious that some consistent
-distribution of functions among the officers of a large staff is
-indispensable. In Prussia this distribution is based on a thoroughly
-rational and practical principle. The general's work is subdivided
-into classes, according as it is concerned with administration and
-discipline or with the direction of the operations against the enemy.
-All that belongs to administration and discipline is put upon one side
-of a dividing line, and upon the other side all that directly affects
-the preparation for or the management of the fighting--in technical
-language, all that falls within the domain of strategy and tactics.
-The officers entrusted with the personal assistance of the general in
-this latter group of duties are in Prussia called his "general staff."
-They are specially trained in the art of conducting operations against
-an enemy, that is in the specific function of generalship, which has
-thus in the Prussian army received more systematic attention than in
-any other. In the British army the assistants of a general are also
-grouped into classes for the performance of specific functions in his
-relief. But the grouping of duties is accidental, and follows no
-principle. It has arisen by chance, and been stereotyped by usage.
-The officers of a staff belong to the adjutant-general's branch or to
-the quartermaster-general's branch, but no rational criterion exists by
-which to discover whether a particular function falls to one branch or
-to the other. That this is an evil is evident, because it is manifest
-that there can be no scientific training for a group of duties which
-have no inherent affinity with one another. The evil has long been
-felt, for the attempt has been made to remedy it by amalgamating the
-two branches in order to sever them again upon a rational plane of
-cleavage.
-
-But while the essence of the Prussian general staff lies deeply
-embedded in the organization of the Prussian army, the interest of the
-general public has been attracted by the fact that the great strategist
-to whom the victories of 1866 and 1870 are ascribed was not the
-commander of the Prussian army, but merely the chief of the general
-staff of a royal commander-in-chief. It may well be doubted whether
-this feature of the Prussian system is suitable for imitation
-elsewhere. The Germans themselves evidently regard it as accidental
-rather than essential, for in organizing their navy they have, after
-much experiment and deliberation, adopted a different plan. They have
-appointed their chosen admiral to be, not chief of the staff to an
-Emperor who in war, as he takes the field with the army, cannot
-undertake the command of the navy, but to be "the commanding admiral."
-
-I refrained in the first edition of this essay from drawing from the
-German institution which it describes a moral to be applied to the
-British army, and was content with a warning against overhasty
-imitation. At that time the nature of the relation between Moltke and
-the King was still to some extent veiled in official language, and
-nothing so far as I am aware had been published which allowed the facts
-to rest upon well authenticated, direct evidence as distinguished from
-inference. Since then the posthumous publication of Moltke's private
-correspondence,[1] and of the first instalment of his military
-correspondence,[2] has thrown a flood of light upon the whole subject.
-I had the good fortune to be furnished with an earlier clue. As soon
-as my essay was ready for the press I ventured to send a proof to Count
-Moltke, with a request that he would allow me in a dedication to couple
-his name with studies of which his work had been the subject. He was
-good enough to reply in a letter of which the following is a
-translation:--
-
-
-BERLIN, January 20, 1890.
-
-DEAR SIR,--
-
-I have read your essay on the German general staff with great interest.
-
-I am glad that on p. 63 you dispose of the ever-recurring legend
-according to which before every important decision a council of war is
-assembled. I can assure you that in 1866 and in 1870-71 a council of
-war was never called.
-
-If the commander after consultation with his authorized adviser feels
-the need of asking others what he ought to do, the command is in weak
-hands.
-
-If King William I. ever really used the expression attributed to him on
-p. 58, he did himself a great injustice. The king judged the
-perpetually changing military situation with an uncommonly clear eye.
-He was much more than "a great strategist." It was he who took upon
-himself an immeasurable responsibility, and for the conduct of an army
-character weighs more than knowledge and science. I think your
-excellent work would lose nothing if that passage were omitted.
-
-You touch on p. 112[3] upon the relation between the commander and the
-statesman. Neither of the two can set up for himself in advance a goal
-to be certainly reached. The plan of campaign modifies itself after
-the first great collision with the enemy. Success or failure in a
-battle occasions operations originally not intended. On the other hand
-the final claims of the statesman will be very different according as
-he has to reckon with defeats or with a series of uninterrupted
-victories. In the course of the campaign the balance between the
-military will and the considerations of diplomacy can be held only by
-the supreme authority.
-
-It has not escaped your penetration that a general staff cannot be
-improvised on the outbreak of war, that it must be prepared long
-beforehand in peace, and be in practical activity and in close
-intercourse with the troops. But even that is not enough. It must
-know who is to be its future commander, must be in communication with
-him and gain his confidence, without which its position is untenable.
-
-Great is the advantage if the head of the State is also the leader in
-war. He knows his general staff and his troops, and is known by them.
-In such armies there are no pronunciamentoes.
-
-The constitution, however, does not in every country admit of placing
-the head of the State at the head of the army. If the Government will
-and can select in advance the most qualified general for the post, that
-officer must also be given during peace the authority to influence the
-troops and their leaders and to create an understanding between himself
-and his general staff. This chosen general will seldom be the minister
-of war, who during the whole war is indispensable at home, where all
-the threads of administration come together.
-
-You have expressed the kind intention of dedicating your interesting
-essay to me, but I suggest that you should consider whether without
-such a dedication it would not still better preserve the character of
-perfectly independent judgment.
-
-With best thanks for your kind communication,
- I am, dear sir, yours very truly,
- COUNT MOLTKE,
- Field Marshal.
-
-
-It was hardly possible for Moltke, bound as he was by his own high
-position, to have expressed more plainly his opinion of the kind of
-reform needed in the British army, nor to have better illustrated than
-by that opinion the precise nature of his own work.[4]
-
-With Moltke's view that the peculiar position which he held was not
-necessarily the model best suited for the circumstances of the British
-army it is interesting to compare the judgment expressed quite
-independently by Lord Roberts, who kindly allows me to publish the
-following letter:--
-
-
-SIMLA,
- 11_th September_, 1891.
-
-DEAR MR. WILKINSON,--
-
-I am much obliged to you for so kindly sending me _The Brain of an
-Army_ and the other military works which reached me two or three mails
-ago. Some of the books I had seen before, and _The Brain of an Army_ I
-had often heard of, and meant to study whenever sufficient leisure was
-vouchsafed to me, which, alas! is but seldom. I have now read it with
-great interest.
-
-One point that strikes me is the strong inclination evinced at present
-to assume that the German system of apportioning the duties of command
-and staff is deserving of universal adoption because under exceptional
-circumstances, and with quite an exceptional man to act as head of the
-Staff, it proved eminently successful in the wars between Prussia and
-Austria and Prussia and France.
-
-The idea of a Chief of the Staff who is to regulate the preparations
-for and the operations during a campaign, and who is to possess a
-predominant influence in determining the military policy of a nation,
-is quite opposed to the views of some of the ablest commanders and
-strategists, as summarized at pages 17 and 18 of Home's _Précis of
-Modern Tactics_, Edition 1882; and I doubt whether any really competent
-general or Commander-in-Chief would contentedly acquiesce in the
-dissociation of command and responsibility which the German procedure
-necessarily entails. That Von Moltke was the virtual
-Commander-in-Chief of the German forces during the wars in question,
-and that the nominal commanders had really very little to say to the
-movements they were called upon to execute, seems to be clearly proved
-by the third volume of the Field Marshal's writings, reviewed in _The
-Times_ of the 21st August last. Von Moltke was a soldier of
-extraordinary ability, he acted in the Emperor's name, the orders he
-initiated were implicitly obeyed, and the military machine worked
-smoothly. But had the orders not been uniformly judicious, had a check
-or reverse been experienced, and had one or more of the subordinate
-commanders possessed greater capacity and resolution than the Chief of
-the Staff, the result might have been very different.
-
-In military nations a Chief of the Staff of the German type may perhaps
-be essential, more especially when, as in Germany, the Emperor is the
-head of the Army and its titular Commander-in-Chief. The reasons for
-this are that, in the first place, he may not possess the qualities
-required in a Commander-in-Chief who has to lead the Army in war; and
-in the second place, even if he does possess those qualities, there are
-so many other matters connected with the civil administration of his
-own country, and with its political relations towards other countries,
-that the time of a King or Emperor may be too fully occupied to admit
-of his devoting that exclusive attention to military matters which is
-so necessary in a Commander-in-Chief, if he desires to have an
-efficient Army. A Chief of the Staff then becomes essential; he is
-indeed the Commander-in-Chief.
-
-In a small army like ours, however, where the Commander-in-Chief is a
-soldier by profession, I am inclined to think that a Chief of the Staff
-is not required in the same way as he is in Germany. With us, the man
-of the stamp sketched in chapter iv. of _The Brain of an Army_ should
-be the head of the Army--the Commander-in-Chief to whom every one in
-the Army looks up, and whom every one on service trusts implicitly.
-The note at page 12 [61] of your little book expresses my meaning
-exactly. Blucher required a Scharnhorst or a Gneisenau "to keep him
-straight," but would it not have been better, as suggested in your
-note, "to have given Scharnhorst and Gneisenau the actual command"?
-
-I think, too, that an Emperor or King would be more likely than a man
-of inferior social standing to take the advice of a Chief of the Staff.
-The former would be so immeasurably above all those about him that he
-could afford to listen to advice--as the Emperor of Germany undoubtedly
-did to that of Von Moltke on the occasion mentioned in the note at page
-14 [64]. But the Commander of about much the same standing socially as
-his Chief of the Staff, and possibly not much the latter's senior in
-the Army, would be apt to resent what he might consider uncalled-for
-interference; and this would be specially the case if he were of a
-narrow-minded, obstinate disposition. Indeed, I think that such a
-feeling would be almost sure to arise, unless the Commander-in-Chief
-were one of those easy-going, soft natures which ought never to be
-placed in such a high position.
-
-My personal experience is, of course, very slight, but I have been a
-Commander with a Chief of the Staff, and I have been (in a very small
-way) the Chief of the Staff to a Commander, with whom I was sent "to
-keep him straight." It was not a pleasant position, and one which I
-should not like to fill a second time. In my own Chief of the Staff
-(the late Sir Charles Macgregor) I was particularly fortunate; he was
-of the greatest possible assistance to me; but without thinking myself
-narrow-minded and obstinate, I should have objected if he had acted as
-if he were "at the head of the Army."
-
-I have been referring hitherto more to war than peace, but even in
-peace time I doubt if a Chief of the Staff of the German type is
-suitable to our organization, and to the comparative smallness of our
-army. In war time it might easily lead to disaster. The less capacity
-possessed by the nominal Commander-in-Chief the greater might be his
-obstinacy, and the more capacity he possessed the more he would resent
-anything which might savour of interference. Altogether I think that
-the office of Chief of the Staff, as understood in Germany, might
-easily be made impossible under the conditions of our service. My
-opinion is that the Army Head-Quarters Staff are capable of doing
-exactly the same work as the Grand General Staff of the German Army
-perform, and that there is no need to upset our present system. We
-have only to bring the Intelligence and Mobilization Departments more
-closely into communication with, and into subordination to, the
-Adjutant-General and Quarter-Master-General, as is now being done in
-India with the best results.
-
-You will understand that the foregoing remarks are based on the
-assumption that in the British Service the office of Commander-in-Chief
-is held by the soldier who, from his abilities and experience, has
-commended himself to the Government as being best qualified to organize
-the Army for war, and if requisite to take command in the field. If,
-however, for reasons of State it is thought desirable to approximate
-our system to the German system in the selection of the head of the
-Army, it might become necessary to appoint a Chief of the Staff of the
-German type to act as the responsible military adviser of the
-Commander-in-Chief and the Cabinet. But in this case the
-responsibility of the Officer in question should be fully recognised
-and clearly defined.
-
-Believe me,
- Yours very truly,
- FRED ROBERTS.
-
-To SPENSER WILKINSON, Esq.
-
-
-The Report of Lord Hartington's Commission, which appeared in the
-spring of 1890, seemed to justify the apprehension which had caused me
-to write, for it recommended the creation, under the name of a general
-staff, of a department bearing little resemblance to the model which it
-professed to copy. The Commission, however, was in a most awkward
-dilemma. It was confronted in regard to the command of the army with
-two problems, one of which was administrative, the other
-constitutional. The public was anxious to have an army efficient for
-its purpose of fighting the enemies of Great Britain. The statesmen on
-the Commission were intent upon having an army obedient to the
-Government. The tradition that the command of the army being a royal
-prerogative could be exercised otherwise than through the constituted
-advisers of the Crown was not in practice altogether extinct. It can
-hardly be doubted that the Commission was right in wishing to establish
-the principle that the army is a branch of the public service,
-administered and governed under the authority of the Cabinet in
-precisely the same way as the post office. No other theory is possible
-in the England of our day. But the attempt to make the theory into the
-practice touched certain susceptibilities which it was felt ought to be
-respected, and the Commission perhaps attached more importance to this
-kind of consideration than to the necessity of preparing the war office
-for war.
-
-It was no doubt of the first importance to guard against the recurrence
-of a state of things in which all attempts to bring the army into
-harmony with the needs of the time and of the nation were frustrated by
-an authority not entirely amenable to the control of the Secretary of
-State. Not less important, however, was the requirement that any
-change by which this result, in itself so desirable, might be attained
-should at the same time contribute to the supreme end of readiness for
-conflict with any of the Great Powers whose rivalry with Great Britain
-has in recent times become so acute.
-
-In the war of which a part is examined in the following pages a chief
-of the staff is seen drafting the orders by which the whole army is
-guided. He has no authority; the orders are issued in the name of the
-commander,--that is in Prussia, of the king. When, as was the case in
-1866 and in 1870-1, the king shows his entire confidence in the chief
-of the staff by invariably accepting his drafts, the direction of the
-army, the generalship of the campaign, is really the work of the chief
-of the staff, though that officer has never had a command, and has been
-sheltered throughout under the authority of another. The generalship
-or strategy of the campaigns of 1866 and 1870-1 was Moltke's, and
-Moltke's alone, and no one has borne more explicit testimony to this
-fact than the king. At the same time no one has more emphasized the
-other fact, that he was covered by the king's responsibility, than
-Moltke himself.
-
-The work of generalship can rarely be given to any one but the
-commander of an army. When the commander owes his position to other
-than military considerations, as is the case in Prussia, where the king
-is born to be commander-in-chief as he is born to be king, he is wise
-to select a good professional general to do the work. But where a
-government is free to choose its commander, that officer will wish to
-do his own work himself, and will resent the suggestion that an
-assistant should prompt and guide him. The Hartington Commission
-proposed at the same time to abolish the office of commander-in-chief,
-and to create that of a "chief of the staff." This new officer was to
-advise the Secretary of State--that is, the Government--upon all the
-most important military questions. He was to discuss the strength and
-distribution of the army, and the defence of the Empire; to plan the
-general arrangements for defence, and to shape the estimates according
-to his plan. In a word, he was to perform many of the most important
-duties of a commander-in-chief. But he was to be the adviser or
-assistant, not of a military commander, but of a civilian
-governor-general of the army.
-
-An army cannot be directed in war nor commanded in peace under the
-immediate authority of a civilian. There must be a military commander,
-the obedient servant of the Government, supported by the Government in
-the exercise of his powers to discipline and direct the army, and
-sheltered by the Government against all such criticism as would weaken
-his authority or diminish its own responsibility. The scheme
-propounded by the Hartington Commission evaded the cardinal question
-which has to be settled: that of the military command of the army in
-war. War cannot be carried on unless full and undivided authority is
-given to the general entrusted by the Government with the conduct of
-the military operations. That officer will necessarily be liable to
-account to the Government for all that is done, for the design and for
-its execution.
-
-The Report of the Commission made no provision whatever for the command
-of the army in war. The proposed "chief of the staff" was to be
-entrusted during peace with the duty of the design of operations. Had
-the Commission's scheme been adopted, the Government would, upon the
-near approach of war, still have had to select its commander. The
-selection must fall either upon the "chief of the staff" or upon some
-other person. But no general worth his salt will be found to stake his
-own reputation and the fate of the nation upon the execution of designs
-supplied to him at second-hand. No man with a particle of self-respect
-would undertake the defence of his country upon the condition that he
-should conduct it upon a plan as to which he had never been consulted,
-and which, at the time of his appointment, it was too late to modify.
-Accordingly, if the scheme of the Commission had been adopted, it would
-have been necessary to entrust the command in war to the officer who
-during peace had been chief of the staff. But this officer being in
-peace out of all personal relation with the army could not have the
-moral authority which is indispensable for its command. The scheme of
-the Hartington Commission could therefore not be adopted, except at the
-risk of disaster in the event of war.
-
-While I am revising the proof of this preface come the announcements,
-first, that Lord Wolseley is to succeed the Duke of Cambridge, and,
-secondly, that though the title of Commander-in-Chief is to be
-retained, the duties attaching to the office are to be modified and its
-authority diminished.
-
-The proposed changes in the status of the Commander-in-Chief show that
-the present Government is suffering from the pressure of an anxiety
-exactly like that which paralysed Lord Hartington's Commission, while
-from the speeches in which the new scheme has been explained the idea
-of war is altogether absent. The Government contemplates depriving the
-Commander-in-Chief of his authority over the Adjutant-General and the
-Quartermaster-General, as well as over the heads of some other military
-departments.
-
-The Adjutant-General's department embraces among other matters all that
-directly concerns the discipline, training, and education of the army;
-while such business as the quartering and movements of troops passes
-through the office of the Quartermaster-General. These officers are to
-become the direct subordinates of the Secretary of State. In other
-words, the staff at the headquarters of the army is to be the staff,
-not of the nominal Commander-in-Chief, but of the Secretary of State,
-who is thus to be made the real Commander-in-Chief of the army.
-
-This is evidently a momentous change, not to be lightly or rashly
-approved or condemned. The first duty is to discover, if possible, the
-motives by which the Government is actuated in proposing it. Mr.
-Balfour, speaking in the House of Commons on the 31st of August,
-explained the view of the Government.
-
-
-"What," he said, "is the substance and essence of the criticisms passed
-by the Harrington Commission upon the War Office system, which has now
-been in force in this country for many years? The essence of the
-criticisms of the Commissioners was that by having a single
-Commander-in-Chief, through whom, and through whom alone, army opinion,
-army matters, and army advice would come to the Secretary of State for
-War, you were, in the first place, throwing upon the Commander-in-Chief
-a burden which no single individual could possibly support; and,
-secondly, you were practically destroying the responsibility of the
-Secretary of State for War, who nominally is the head of the
-department. If you put the Secretary of State for War in direct
-communication with the Commander-in-Chief alone, I do not see how the
-Secretary of State for War can be anything else than the administrative
-puppet of the great soldier who is at the head of the army. He may
-come down to the House and express the views of that great officer, but
-if he is to take official advice from the Commander-in-Chief alone it
-is absolutely impossible that the Secretary of State should be really
-responsible, and in this House the Secretary of State will be no more
-than the mouthpiece of the Commander-in-Chief."
-
-
-Mr. Balfour's first point is that the burden thrown upon a single
-Commander-in-Chief is too great for one man to bear. Marlborough,
-Wellington or Napoleon would, perhaps, hardly have accepted this view.
-But supposing it were true, the remedy proposed is infinitely worse
-than the disease. In 1887 the Royal Commission, over which the late
-Sir James Stephen presided, examined with judicial impartiality the
-duties of the Secretary of State for War. That Commission in its
-report wrote as follows:--
-
-
-"The first part of the system to be considered is the Secretary of
-State. On him we have to observe, _first_, that the scope of his
-duties is immense; _secondly_, that he performs them under extreme
-disadvantages. He is charged with five separate great functions, any
-one of which would be sufficient to occupy the whole time of a man of
-first-rate industry, ability, and knowledge.
-
-"_First_, he is a member of the Cabinet, and a Member of Parliament, in
-which capacity he has to give his attention, not only to the matters of
-his own department, but to all the leading political questions of the
-day. He has to take part in debates on the great topics of discussion,
-and on many occasions to speak upon them in his place in Parliament.
-
-"_Secondly_, he is the head, as has been already observed, of the
-political department of the army. He may have to consider, and that at
-the shortest notice, the whole conduct of a war; all the important
-points connected with an expedition to any part of the globe; political
-questions like the abolition of purchase; legislative questions like
-the Discipline Act, and many others of the same kind.
-
-"_Thirdly_, he is the head of the Ordnance Department, which includes
-all the questions relating to cannon, small arms, and ammunition, and
-all the questions that arise upon the management of four great
-factories, and the care of an enormous mass of stores of every
-description.
-
-"_Fourthly_, he has to deal with all the questions connected with
-fortifications and the commissariat.
-
-"_Fifthly_, he is responsible for framing the Military Estimates, which
-override all the other departments, and regulate the expenditure of
-from £16,000,000 to £18,000,000 of public money.
-
-"It is morally and physically impossible that any one man should
-discharge all these functions in a satisfactory manner. No one man
-could possess either the time or the strength or the knowledge which
-would be indispensable for that purpose; but even if such a physical
-and intellectual prodigy were to be found, he would have to do his duty
-under disadvantages which would reduce him practically to impotence."
-
-
-If, then, the Commander-in-Chief is overburdened, it is at least
-certain that the right way to relieve him cannot possibly consist in
-adding to the functions of the Secretary of State.
-
-The real point of Mr. Balfour's statement of the case is in what
-follows. If you have a single Commander-in-Chief through whom, and
-through whom alone, army opinion, army matters, and army advice would
-come to the Secretary of State, then, according to Mr. Balfour, you
-practically destroy the responsibility of the Secretary of State.
-
-It is a mark of the hastiness of debate that the word responsibility
-has crept in here. No word in the political vocabulary is so
-dangerous, because none is so ambiguous. Properly speaking, a person
-is said to be responsible when he is liable to be called to account for
-his acts, a liability which implies that he is free to act in one way
-or another. These two aspects of the term, the liability and the
-freedom of choice implied, lead to its use in two opposite senses.
-Sometimes responsibility means that a man must answer for what he does,
-and sometimes that he may do as he pleases without being controlled by
-any one. The word is as often as not a synonym for authority. When
-Moltke speaks of the "immeasurable responsibility" of the King of
-Prussia, he really means that the King took upon himself as his own
-acts decisions of the gravest moment which were prompted by his
-advisers, and that by so doing he covered them as against the rest of
-the world; he did not mean that the King had to account for his conduct
-except to his own conscience and at the bar of history. A Secretary of
-State for War, in his relations with the army, wields the whole
-authority of the Government. The only thing which he cannot do is to
-act in opposition to the wishes of his colleagues, for if he did he
-would immediately cease to be Secretary of State. As long as they are
-agreed with him he is the master of the army. But his liability to be
-called to account is infinitely small. The worst that can happen to
-him is that if the party to which he belongs should lose its majority
-in the House of Commons the Cabinet of which he is a member may have to
-resign. That is an event always possible quite apart from his conduct,
-and his actions will as a rule not bring it about unless for other
-reasons it is already impending. Whenever, therefore, the phrase "the
-responsibility of the Secretary of State" occurs, we ought to
-substitute for it the more precise words: "the power of the Cabinet to
-decide any matter as it pleases, subject to the chance of its losing
-its majority."
-
-What Mr. Balfour deprecates is a single Commander-in-Chief, and it is
-important to grasp the real nature of his objection. If the whole
-business of the army be conceived to be a single department of which
-the Commander-in-Chief is the head, so that the authority of the
-Secretary of State extends to no other matters than those which lie
-within the jurisdiction of the Commander-in-Chief, then undoubtedly the
-Secretary of State and the Commander-in-Chief are each of them in a
-false position, for one of them is unnecessary. The Secretary of State
-must either simply confirm the Commander-in-Chief's decisions, in which
-case his position as superior authority is a mere form, or he must
-enter into the reasons for and against and decide afresh, in which case
-the Commander-in-Chief becomes superfluous. It is bad organization to
-have two men, one over the other, both to do the same business.
-
-Mr. Balfour's objection to this arrangement is, however, not that it
-sins against the principles of good organization, but that it
-practically abolishes the Secretary of State. It leaves the decision
-of questions which arise within the War Office and the army in the
-hands of a person who is outside the Cabinet. In this way it
-diminishes the power of the Cabinet, which rests partly upon the
-solidarity of that body, and partly upon the practice by which every
-branch of Government business is under the control of one or other of
-its members.
-
-Both these objections appear to me to rest upon false premises. I
-shall show presently that the duties of the Secretary of State must
-necessarily include matters which do not properly come within the scope
-of a Commander-in-Chief, and I cannot see how the authority of the
-Cabinet to manage the army rationally would be impaired by a War Office
-with a military head, the subordinate of the Secretary of State.
-
-But both objections, supposing them to be valid, would be overcome by
-making the Commander-in-Chief Secretary of State--that is, by
-abolishing the office of Secretary of State for War, and entrusting his
-duties to the Commander-in-Chief as a member of the Cabinet. Why,
-then, does not the Government adopt this plan, which at first sight
-appears so simple? There is a good reason. The Cabinet is a committee
-of peers and members of Parliament selected by the leader of a party
-from among his followers. The bond between its members is a party
-bond, and their necessary main purpose is to retain their majority in
-the House of Commons. A military Commander-in-Chief means an officer
-selected as the representative, not of a party, but of a subject. He
-is the embodiment of strategical wisdom, and to secure that strategical
-knowledge and judgment receive due attention in the councils of
-government is the purpose of his official existence. To make him a
-member of the Cabinet would be to disturb the harmony of that body by
-introducing into it a principle other than that of party allegiance,
-and the harmony could not be restored except either by subordinating
-strategy to party, which would be a perversion of the
-Commander-in-Chief, or by subordinating party to strategy, a sacrifice
-which the leaders of a party will not make except under the supreme
-pressure of actual or visibly impending war.
-
-The preliminary decision, then, which may be taken as settled--for the
-other party if it had been in power would certainly have come to the
-same conclusion--is that no military officer, either within or without
-the Cabinet, is to have in his hands the whole management of the army;
-the absolute power of the Cabinet must be preserved, and therefore no
-military officer is to have more than departmental authority; the
-threads are not to be united in any hands other than those of the
-Secretary of State. This determination appears to me most unfortunate,
-for to my eye the time seems big with great events requiring a British
-Government to attach more importance to preparation for conflict than
-to the rigorous assertion of Cabinet supremacy. Be that as it may, the
-practical question is whether the proposed sub-division of the business
-of the War Office into departments is a good or a bad one. I think it
-incurably bad, because it follows no principle of classification
-inherent in the nature of the work to be done.
-
-To find the natural and necessary classification of duties in the
-management of an army we must look not at the War Office but at war.
-Suppose the country to be engaged in a serious war, in which the army,
-or a large portion of it is employed against an enemy, who it may be
-hoped will not have succeeded in invading this island. In that case we
-can distinguish clearly between two functions. There must be an
-authority directing against the enemy the troops in the field; a
-general with full powers, implicitly obeyed by all the officers and
-officials accompanying his army. There must also be an administrative
-officer at home, whose function will be to procure and convey to the
-army in the field all that it requires--food, ammunition, clothing and
-pay, fresh men and fresh horses to replace casualties. This officer at
-home cannot be the same person as the general in the field; for the two
-duties must be carried on in two different places at the same time.
-The two functions, moreover, correspond to two different arts or
-branches of the military art. The commander in the field requires to
-excel in generalship, or the art of command; the head of the supply
-department at home requires to be a skilled military administrator in
-the sense not of a wielder of discipline or trainer of troops, but of a
-clever buyer, a producer and distributor on a large scale. Neither of
-these officers can be identical with the Secretary of State, whose
-principal duty in war is to mediate between the political intentions of
-the Government and the military action conducted by the commander in
-the field. This duty makes him the superior of the commander; while
-the officer charged with military supply, though he need not be the
-formal subordinate of the commander, must yet conform his efforts to
-the needs of the army in the field.
-
-There are many important matters which cannot be confined either to the
-department of command or to that of supply. Under this head fall the
-terms of service for soldiers, the conditions of recruiting, the
-regulations for the appointment and promotion of officers. These are
-properly the subjects of deliberation in which not only military, but
-civil opinions and interests must be represented; for their definition
-the Secretary of State will do well to refer to a general council of
-his assistants, and the ultimate settlement will require the judgment
-of the Cabinet, and sometimes also the sanction of Parliament. In time
-of war it is generally necessary quickly to levy extra men, and to
-drain into the army a large part of the resources of the country. Such
-measures must be thought out and arranged in advance during peace, for
-the greatest care is required in all decisions which involve the
-appropriation by the State of more than the usual share of the
-energies, the time and the money of its citizens. Regulations of this
-kind can seldom be framed except as the result of the deliberations of
-a council of military and civil officers of experience. These, then,
-are the rational sub-divisions of army business. There is the
-department of command, embracing the discipline and training of the
-troops, their organization as combatant bodies, the arrangement of
-their movements and distribution in peace and war, and all that belongs
-to the functions of generalship. These matters form the proper domain
-of a Commander-in-Chief. Side by side with them is the department of
-supply, which procures for the commander the materials out of which his
-fighting machine is put together and kept in condition. Harmony
-between them is secured by the authority of the Government, wielded by
-the Secretary of State, who regulates according to the state of the
-national policy and of the exchequer the amount to be spent by each
-department, and who presides over the great council which lays down the
-conditions under which the services of the citizens in money, in
-property, or in person are to be claimed by the State for its defence.
-
-The examination, then, of the conditions of war, and the application,
-during peace, of the distribution of duties which war must render
-necessary, lead to the true solution of the difficulty raised by Mr.
-Balfour. The internal affairs of the army are indeed one department,
-but the position of head of that department, while it could properly be
-filled by a Commander-in Chief, is not and cannot be identical with
-that of the minister who personifies the Cabinet in relation to the
-army. The minister ought to be concerned chiefly with the connexion
-between the national policy and the military means of giving it effect.
-The intention to make the Secretary of State head of the military
-department seems to me to prove that the Government really takes no
-account of what should be his higher duties. The lack of the
-conception of a national policy is thus about to embarrass the military
-management of the army.
-
-It is not my object here to consider in detail how the principles of
-organization for war should be applied to the British army. That
-subject has been fully treated by Sir Charles Dilke and myself in the
-last chapter of our "Imperial Defence," a chapter which has not been
-criticised except with approval. But I am concerned to show that the
-German practice cannot at any point be quoted in support either of the
-recommendations of the Hartington Commission or of the proposals now
-announced by the Government, which to any one who regards them from the
-point of view of the nation, that is of the defence of the Empire, must
-appear to be at once unnecessary, rash and inopportune.
-
-3, MADEIRA ROAD,
- STREATHAM, S.W.
- _September_ 3_rd_, 1895.
-
-
-
-[1] See in particular the passage in Moltke, _Gesammelte Schriften_, V.
-298-9, which I have translated in an essay entitled "The Brain of the
-Navy," p. 28.
-
-[2] It seems incredible that so important and so interesting a work as
-Moltke's military correspondence in relation to the Danish war of 1864
-should hitherto have been ignored by English military writers.
-
-[3] The reference is to a passage in the last chapter of the first
-edition, which has been rewritten.
-
-[4] The passage which Moltke disliked was erased in the first edition,
-its place being supplied by words borrowed from his letter. In this
-edition it is printed as it was first written, in order to make the
-letter intelligible. The last chapter has in this edition been
-condensed, and I hope made simpler and clearer. One or two other
-slight changes in expression arise from the reconsideration of phrases
-which Count Moltke marked in reading the proof.
-
-
-
-
-PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
-
-In May, 1887, a Select Committee was appointed to examine into the Army
-and Navy Estimates. On the 8th of July Major-General (now
-Lieut-General) Brackenbury, in the course of examination by the
-Committee, made a series of comparisons between the English and the
-German systems of army management. He referred particularly to the
-great general staff of the German army, which he described as "the
-keystone of the whole system of German military organization ... the
-cause of the great efficiency of the German army ... acting as the
-powerful brain of the military body, to the designs of which brain the
-whole body is made to work." "I cannot but feel," he said, "that to
-the want of any such great central thinking department is due that want
-of economy and efficiency which to a certain extent exists in our army."
-
-If at any time a statesman should be found to undertake the work of an
-English Minister of War, his first wish would be to grasp the nature of
-this keystone of the German system, to distinguish in it between
-essentials and accessories, to perceive which of its peculiarities are
-local, temporary, and personal; and what are the unchangeable
-principles in virtue of which it has prospered. Equipped with this
-knowledge, he would be able to reform without destroying, to rise above
-that servile imitation which copies defects as well as excellences,
-and, without sacrificing its national features, to infuse into the
-English system the merits of the German.
-
-For such a statesman, and for the public upon whose support he must
-depend, this book has been written. It is an endeavour to describe the
-German general staff and its relation to the military institutions from
-which it is inseparable.
-
-To illustrate the general staff at work in war, the campaign of 1866,
-rather than that of 1870, has been chosen, because it better
-exemplifies some of the relations between strategy and policy.
-
-_December_, 1889.
-
-
-
-
-TABLE OF CONTENTS
-
-
-PART I
-
-_THE GENERAL STAFF IN THE MANAGEMENT OF A CAMPAIGN_
-
-
-CHAPTER I
-
-THE EVE OF KÖNIGGRÄTZ
-
-Political and military situation on the 2nd of July--Position of the
-Prussian armies---Topography of the district--Supposed position of the
-Austrian army, and consequent arrangements for July 3rd--True position
-of the Austrian army discovered--Consequent fresh orders for July
-3rd--Which result in a decisive victory
-
-
-CHAPTER II
-
-BEHIND THE SCENES
-
-The secret of King William's military success--His selection of a
-single adviser, and resolute adherence to his proposals--History of the
-office of chief of the general staff--Proceedings at Gitschin the night
-before the battle
-
-
-CHAPTER III
-
-FIVE SHORT ORDERS
-
-Prussian system of division of labour and organization of
-responsibility--Simplicity of its working illustrated from the fewness
-and brevity of the orders issued
-
-
-CHAPTER IV
-
-PRELIMINARIES OF A CAMPAIGN
-
-Nature of the preparations for a
-campaign--Mobilization--Concentration--Influence of considerations of
-policy--King William in 1866 anxious to avoid war--Problems solved by
-the Prussian staff in preparation for the campaign: calculation of the
-force required--Its distribution in the theatre of war--Choice of
-points of concentration; formation of two armies in 1866
-inevitable--Movement of troops to the points selected; transport by
-rail and subsequent marches--Position on June 6th--Opening of campaign
-postponed for political reasons--Delay leads to better knowledge of
-Austrian movements, and corresponding modification of Prussian
-arrangements--King William finally decides for war--Invasion of
-Saxony--Position of Prussian armies on June 22nd--Summary
-
-
-CHAPTER V
-
-THE CRITICS
-
-Difficulties which beset the judgment of the conduct of a
-campaign--Insufficiency of the attainable knowledge of the motives
-which guided the commanders--Reserve therefore incumbent on the
-military critic--Illustration of hasty judgment--Impartiality consists
-only in the attempt to understand
-
-
-
-PART II
-
-_THE GENERAL STAFF AND THE ARMY_
-
-
-CHAPTER I
-
-THE SPIRIT OF PRUSSIAN MILITARY INSTITUTIONS
-
-Spirit of the Prussian officers--The officer the teacher and leader of
-his men--System of promotion--Selection for the higher
-commands--Superiors responsible for the efficiency of their subordinates
-
-
-CHAPTER II
-
-THE ORGANIZATION OF THE ARMY
-
-The army corps and its subdivisions--The company, squadron, and battery
-commanders--The superior prescribes the object, and leaves to his
-subordinate the choice of means--Graduation of authority and
-responsibility--Resulting in freedom of superiors from the burden of
-detail
-
-
-CHAPTER III
-
-THE SYSTEM OF TRAINING
-
-Peace training determined solely by the requirements of war--It
-culminates in the manoeuvres--Which complete the training of the
-troops--And develop and test the capacity of the generals
-
-
-CHAPTER IV
-
-THE ARMY CORPS
-
-Review of the means adopted to secure its proper handling--Vastness of
-the administrative tasks involved in its management--Sketch of a
-mobilized Prussian army corps on the march and in quarters--Dual nature
-of its commander's anxieties--System devised to relieve
-him--Administrative services organized under two or three responsible
-heads--Military functions partly those of direction, partly those of
-routine--The latter dealt with by the adjutancy
-
-
-CHAPTER V
-
-THE GENERAL STAFF IN THE ARMY CORPS
-
-The bureau which assists the general in the military
-direction--Enumeration of its functions in war--And in peace--The chief
-of the general staff of the army corps--Summary
-
-
-CHAPTER VI
-
-COMPOSITION OF THE GENERAL STAFF AND ITS DISTRIBUTION THROUGH THE ARMY
-
-Forms a corps by itself, but not a close corporation--Alternation
-between service on the general staff and service with the troops--No
-career merely on the staff except for scientific work, involving
-abandonment of prospect of command--Numbers and distribution of general
-staff--Alternative service on great general staff, and on general staff
-of a constituent part of the army--Influence on the work of the
-experience thus acquired--Members of the general staff dispersed
-throughout the army--The general staff recruited from the pick of the
-young combatant officers
-
-
-
-PART III
-
-_THE GREAT GENERAL STAFF_
-
-
-CHAPTER I
-
-AN INTELLIGENCE DEPARTMENT
-
-Direct preparation for war consists in determining beforehand the
-distribution of the forces, their concentration and transport to the
-frontier--Information on which these arrangements are based collected
-by general staff--Its subdivision for the purpose--Thoroughness of the
-work--The _Registrande_--Merely a preliminary groundwork--Explains
-Prussian knowledge of enemy's resources in 1866 and 1870--Similar
-organization in other armies--Railway arrangements--Production of maps
-
-
-CHAPTER II
-
-A MILITARY UNIVERSITY
-
-Regeneration of Prussia assisted by education--War school founded by
-Scharnhorst in 1810--Scharnhorst's earlier educational work--History of
-the war academy since 1810--The present regulations--The order of
-service--Object of the war academy--Constitution and
-management--Entrance examination--Practical lessons compulsory--The
-order of teaching--Standard by which to judge it---Course of study at
-the academy--Method of instruction--Tactics--Military
-history--History--Staff duties and tour--Comparison with the university
-ideal
-
-
-CHAPTER III
-
-THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING
-
-Relation between teaching and research--Exemplified in practice of
-general staff--Military history--School of Clausewitz--The critical
-method--Historical works of the Prussian general staff--Campaign of
-1859--The "applicatory method"--Campaigns of 1866 and of
-1870-71--Historical monographs--Connection between military history and
-theory--Theory in Prussia the work of individuals--Moltke's paper on
-the influence of new firearms upon tactics--His views justified by the
-events of 1866--Contributions to military doctrine by individual
-members of the Prussian staff--Moral influence of the intellectual lead
-taken by the general staff
-
-
-CHAPTER IV
-
-THE CHIEF OF THE GENERAL STAFF
-
-Character needed for a strategist--Relation between a
-commander-in-chief and the chief of his staff--Element of permanent
-value in the Prussian system--Classification of duties--General summary
-
-
-
-
-SKETCH MAPS
-
-I. THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF KÖNIGGRÄTZ
-
-II. PRUSSIA IN 1866
-
-III. THE OPENING MOVEMENTS OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1866
-
-
-
-
- PART I
-
- _THE GENERAL STAFF
- IN THE
- MANAGEMENT OF A CAMPAIGN_
-
-
-
-THE BRAIN OF AN ARMY
-
-
-
-CHAPTER I
-
-THE EVE OF KÖNIGGRÄTZ
-
-On the afternoon of Monday, the 2nd of July, 1866, King William of
-Prussia with his retinue drove into the little town of Gitschin, in the
-hilly region of Northern Bohemia, on the southern side of the Giant
-Mountains. His upright bearing scarcely showed the burden of his
-sixty-nine years, nor did his frank expression reveal the weight of
-care that pressed upon him. After months of weary diplomacy, the
-political crisis had been brought to a head by a resolution of the Diet
-of the Germanic Confederation to the effect that Prussia had violated
-"the peace of the Confederation," and that the armies of the
-confederated States were to be called out. This resolution, not three
-weeks old, meant that Prussia was at war with Saxony, Hanover, Hesse,
-Bavaria and Würtemberg, and with the Austrian Empire. Besides this
-long array of enemies there were friends of various degrees of good and
-ill will to be considered. Russia was a benevolent onlooker; Italy an
-active ally, not indeed very formidable in the field, but able to
-occupy a portion of the Austrian forces. France was the ambiguous
-busybody, waiting to take a side according to the prospect of
-advantage, and the French ambassador was on his way to pay his
-unwelcome respects to the Prussian king. Even at home there were grave
-difficulties. The Prussian Parliament, representing at that time a
-liberal electorate, was directly opposed to the whole policy of which
-the war was a part. The king had left Berlin to join the army only on
-Saturday morning, after a fortnight of constant anxiety over the
-complicated operations which had resulted in the capture of the
-Hanoverian army and the occupation without fighting of the kingdom of
-Saxony.
-
-The invasion of Bohemia by two separate armies had been ordered on June
-22nd. Each of these armies had passed the mountain wall that shelters
-Bohemia on the north, and they were now only a day's march apart
-quartered in scattered villages a few hours' drive to the east of
-Gitschin. The troops were fatigued with a week's hard work. The Crown
-Prince coming from Silesia with 115,000 men had with various portions
-of his army fought three severe battles and as many serious skirmishes.
-His force lay on the left bank of the Elbe around his headquarters at
-Königinhof, twenty-one miles due east of Gitschin.[1] Prince Frederick
-Charles, the king's nephew, commanded the other army of 140,000 men,
-which had met with little serious resistance, though the troops were
-tired with the needless marching caused by ill-considered arrangements.
-This prince had come to report in person to Gitschin from his
-headquarters at Kamenitz, six or seven miles to the east.
-
-The exact whereabouts of the Austrian army was unknown. It was
-supposed to have placed itself in position behind the Elbe, which here
-being about the size of the Isis above Oxford, runs from north to south
-with a gentle curve to the east. From Königinhof to Königgrätz the
-straight line, five-and-twenty miles long, runs due north and south.
-If this line be taken as a bowstring, the Elbe corresponds to the bow,
-of which the handle is the fortress of Josephstadt. Königgrätz, the
-southern point of the bow, is in a straight line twenty-seven miles
-from Gitschin, and the high road roughly coincides with this line. On
-the Monday afternoon at Gitschin it was believed that the Austrian army
-was on the left (eastern) bank of the Elbe, with its flanks covered by
-the fortresses of Königgrätz and Josephstadt. This was an awkward
-position to attack, and it had been decided to let both Prussian armies
-rest next day, while officers should be sent to study the approaches
-and make arrangements for a turning manoeuvre.
-
-Prince Frederick Charles on returning to his headquarters at Kamenitz
-learned that the whole supposition was wrong. Some of his officers
-reconnoitring towards Königgrätz had found large bodies of Austrian
-troops in bivouac on both sides of the high road along the valley of
-the Bistritz brook, which runs nearly parallel with the Elbe about
-seven miles to the west of that river. A comparison of reports showed
-that there must be at least four Austrian army corps behind the
-Bistritz, so Frederick Charles, interpreting this as indicating the
-intention to attack him next morning, determined to be beforehand with
-the enemy and himself to attack at daybreak. At 9 p.m. he issued his
-orders for this movement, and at 9.45 sent off to Königinhof a letter
-asking the Crown Prince to send one or more corps towards Josephstadt
-to occupy the enemy in that quarter. The chief of his staff was sent
-to Gitschin to report to the king, and arrived there at 11 p.m.
-
-"The king[2] at once decided to attack the enemy in front of the Elbe
-with all his forces, whether the whole Austrian army or only a large
-portion of it should be found there.... Accordingly by his Majesty's
-command the following communication to the second army [that of the
-Crown Prince] was at once prepared":--
-
-
-"According to the information received by the first army the enemy in
-the strength of about three corps, which, however, may be further
-reinforced, has advanced beyond the line formed by the Bistritz at
-Sadowa, where an encounter with the first army is to be expected very
-early in the morning.
-
-"According to the orders issued, the first army will stand to-morrow
-morning, July 3rd, at 2 a.m., with two divisions at Horsitz with one at
-Milowitz, one at Cerekwitz, with two at Pschanek and Briskan, the
-cavalry corps at Gutwasser.
-
-"Your Royal Highness will at once make the arrangements necessary to be
-able to move with all your forces in support of the first army against
-the right flank of the enemy's expected advance, and to come into
-action as soon as possible. The orders sent from here this afternoon
-under other conditions are no longer valid.
-
-"V. MOLTKE."
-
-
-[Illustration: Sketch Map 1--THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF KÖNIGGRÄTZ.]
-
-This note, with a shorter note to the commander of one of the corps
-lying between Gitschin and Königinhof (the only part of the second army
-at this time west of the Elbe), telling him to be ready for the Crown
-Prince's orders, was despatched at midnight.
-
-The whole Austro-Saxon army (eight corps) was in fact concentrated
-between the Elbe and the Bistritz, not indeed for attack but for the
-defence of a strong position on the left bank of the brook, facing
-westwards. Had the arrangements of Prince Frederick Charles not been
-supplemented, the 3rd of July might have been an unfortunate day for
-Prussia. The first army would have been engaged against an enemy
-strongly posted and counting nearly double its numbers. The detachment
-by the second army of one corps towards Josephstadt could hardly have
-produced a decisive effect, and the rest of the second army would have
-been too far away to co-operate in time. But the order sent from
-Gitschin entirely met the situation. Without interfering with Prince
-Frederick Charles's attack it brought the entire second army to his
-help in the direction where its action would produce the greatest
-effect--on the enemy's flank.
-
-When the morning came, the attack of the first army as it developed,
-disclosed the great strength of the Austrian position and the numbers
-by which it was defended. Prince Frederick Charles was unable to do
-much more than keep the Austrians engaged until the second army came
-up. The attack of the Crown Prince's leading divisions decided the
-day. With their capture and maintenance of Chlum, the key of the
-position, the situation of the Austrian army became critical, and the
-issue not only of the fight but of the whole campaign was practically
-settled. The resolution formed between eleven and twelve at night on
-July 2nd, in the Lion Inn at Gitschin, had secured the victory of
-Königgrätz, perhaps the greatest battle of modern times,[3] and without
-exception the most decisive in its results.
-
-
-
-[1] See sketch map 1.
-
-[2] _Der Feldzitg von_ 1866 _in Deutschland_. Redigirt von der
-Kriegsgeschichtlichen Abtheilung des groszen Generalstabes, p. 249.
-
-[3] There is a doubt whether the number of combatants was greater at
-Leipsic or at Königgrätz. According to the Belgian Précis
-(_Bibliothèque Internationale d'Histoire militaire_) the figures are:--
-
- At Leipsic: Allies . . . . . . . . . 300,000
- " French . . . . . . . . . 180,000
- -------
- Total . . . . . . . 480,000
- =======
-
- At Königgrätz: Austrians . . . . . . 215,000
- " Prussians . . . . . . 220,000
- -------
- Total . . . . . . . 435,000
- =======
-
- According to Rüstow (_Feldhernkunst des 19ten
- Jahrhunderts_) the numbers engaged were:--
-
- At Leipsic (Oct. 18th): French . . . 130,000
- " " Allies . . . 290,000
- -------
- Total . . . . . . 430,000
- =======
- At Königgrätz, total of both sides 450,000
- =======
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER II
-
-BEHIND THE SCENES
-
-The King of Prussia is reputed to have been a modest man and to have
-known the limits of his faculties. He was not a great strategist. He
-once said to his brother (the father of Prince Frederick Charles), "If
-I had not been born a Hohenzollern I should have been a
-sergeant-major." How then did he make the swift decision resulting in
-a success that would have done credit to the genius of Frederick the
-Great or Napoleon? The answer is supplied by the Prussian historian of
-the Italian campaign of 1859. "There are generals," says this writer,
-"who need no counsel, who deliberate and resolve in their own minds,
-those about them having only to carry out their intentions. But such
-generals are stars of the first magnitude who scarcely appear once in a
-century. In the great majority of cases the leader of an army will not
-be willing to dispense with advice. The suggestions made may very well
-be the result of the deliberations of a smaller or greater number of
-men specially qualified by training and experience to form a correct
-judgment. But even among them only one opinion ought to assert itself.
-The organization of the military hierarchy should promote subordination
-even in thought. This one opinion only should be submitted for the
-consideration of the commander-in-chief by the one person to whom this
-particular service is assigned. Him let the general choose, not
-according to rank or seniority, but in accordance with his own personal
-confidence. Though the advice given may not always be unconditionally
-the best, yet, if the action taken be consistent and the leading idea
-once adopted be steadfastly followed, the affair may always be brought
-to a satisfactory issue. The commander-in-chief retains as against his
-adviser the infinitely weightier merit of taking upon himself the
-responsibility for all that is done.
-
-"But surround a commander with a number of independent men---the more
-numerous, the more distinguished, the abler they are and the worse it
-will be--let him hear the advice now of one now of another; let him
-carry out up to a certain point a measure judicious in itself, then
-adopt a still more judicious but different plan, and then be convinced
-by the thoroughly sound objections of a third adviser and the remedial
-suggestions of a fourth,--it is a hundred to one that though for each
-of his measures excellent reasons can be given, he will lose the
-campaign."
-
-The one authorised adviser here described was by the Prussian system
-provided for the king in the person of the chief of the general staff
-of the army. This office had risen to importance during the wars of
-liberation, though at that epoch the general staff was in the peace
-organization a subordinate branch of the Ministry of War. The
-Prussians fighting Napoleon, had had no Napoleon to pit against him.
-The best they could do was to put Blücher in command with Scharnhorst,
-and after Scharnhorst's death with Gneisenau to keep him straight.[1]
-In the period that followed the peace of 1815 the position of the
-general staff received strict definition. In 1821 Müffling was
-appointed its chief, and it was settled that he should not be
-subordinate to the Minister of War but directly responsible to the
-king. This constitution of the office on a new basis outside of and
-independent of the Ministry of War was an advance in the division of
-labour implying the want of a fresh organ to perform functions not
-before satisfactorily exercised. The business of the Ministry of War
-was to raise, maintain and administer the army. The business of the
-staff was to direct the army in war, and during peace to make such
-special preparations as might be necessary to this end. In order to be
-able to devote all its energies to the conduct of armies fighting in
-the field, unhampered by the details of daily administration, the
-general staff was placed on an independent footing. In 1829 Müffling
-was succeeded by Lieut-Gen. von Krauseneck, whose successor (in 1848)
-was Lieut-Gen. von Reyher. Reyher died in 1857, when the duties of the
-office were intrusted to Major-General von Moltke.
-
-The division of labour between the royal commander-in-chief and the
-chief of the staff may be illustrated by the proceedings of the evening
-before the battle of Königgrätz. When General von Voigts-Rhetz (the
-chief of Prince Frederick Charles' staff) reached Gitschin and reported
-to the king, who was just going to bed, the king sent him to Moltke
-saying, "If General Moltke thinks this information involves a fresh
-decision he is to come for orders whatever be the time of night."
-Voigts-Rhetz went to Moltke's quarters and made his report. Moltke
-made up his mind what ought to be done, and then went to the king, whom
-he found in bed, and explained his view that whether the whole Austrian
-army or only a part of it was at Sadowa the sound course was to move
-forward both Prussian armies, so as to take the Austrians in front and
-flank. An attack like this from two sides at once must in any case
-give the Prussians the best chance of victory they could hope for, and
-the result would be the more decisive the larger the portion of the
-Austrian army to be engaged. The king at once gave his assent. Moltke
-then wrote the two notes, which were sent off immediately.
-
-It was 11 p.m. when Voigts-Rhetz reached Gitschin. The letters were
-despatched at midnight. In that hour fall the reports of Voigts-Rhetz
-to the king and to Moltke; Moltke's deliberation and determination; his
-visit to the king's quarters and the writing and despatching of the
-notes. It appears from these data that there was no discussion, and
-that even at this period, the opening of their first great campaign,
-the king's confidence in Moltke was as thoroughly established as we
-know it to have been four years later.[2]
-
-
-
-[1] It might perhaps have been better to have given Scharnhorst and
-Gneisenau the actual command. In any case the arrangement adopted in
-1813 laid the foundation of the German system of the general staff.
-
-[2] In the Crown Prince's diary of the Franco-German War we read under
-the date January 15th, "Werder asks whether he would not do better now
-to abandon Belfort as he thinks he can still defend Alsace? Moltke
-read this out and added, with unshakeable icy calmness, 'Your Majesty
-will no doubt approve of General Werder being informed in reply that he
-has simply to stay where he is and beat the enemy where he finds him.'
-Moltke appeared to me admirable beyond all praise. In one second he
-had settled the whole affair." _Deutsche Rundschau_, October, 1888, p.
-25.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER III
-
-FIVE SHORT ORDERS
-
-In one sense there is nothing remarkable in the decision of the 2nd of
-July. Given two armies fighting on the same side and within a day's
-march of each other, and a hostile army within a day's march of both of
-them, it is not difficult to see what the two armies should do.
-Nothing is easier than to solve problems of this sort in the study.
-Even with the imperfect knowledge of the facts which the Prussians
-possessed, the arrangements made at Gitschin were no more than the
-suggestions of military common sense. But simple as the situation
-seems, nothing is so difficult as to secure such a solution in the
-practice of war. It is a common-place in that kind of military
-criticism which is wise after the event that Benedek might have avoided
-disaster if he had only acted on any reasonable plan and stuck to it.
-The merit of the Prussians lay in the system which gave military common
-sense its due place in the organization, so as to make sure that it
-would be applied when wanted. It was a matter of the judicious
-division of labour.
-
-At the headquarters of an army there are a hundred different anxieties.
-In peace there is the recruiting, training, clothing, feeding, and
-arming of the troops; the distribution of commands; the maintenance of
-discipline. In war most of these matters continue to require
-attention; subordinates must be kept to their appointed tasks; above
-all the field of politics must be watched from day to day, sometimes
-even from hour to hour. The Prussian system gave to the chief of the
-general staff the sole duty of attending to the movements of the
-armies, and, regarding each new situation as a problem in strategy, of
-explaining the solution which presented itself to his trained judgment
-as the best. Free from the pressure of other cares and
-responsibilities an officer in this position would be more likely to
-see clearly and judge coolly than one overloaded with work and
-distracted with the thousand worries of command. This is the division
-of labour according to kind, which gives each sort of work to a man
-specially trained for its performance. It is supplemented by an
-organization of responsibility which relieves a man from detail in
-proportion to the extent and grasp of his supervision. The army was
-broken up into minor armies each with its own commander and his chief
-of the staff, so that the chief of the general staff himself had to
-consider only the large problems of the campaign, the general nature of
-the movements to be effected by the two or three pieces on his board.
-The head of each army is told the general intention and the share of
-work assigned to his force. He in turn regards his army corps or
-divisions[1] as so many units, and besides a statement of the object to
-be aimed at gives only such general directions as the corps or division
-commanders cannot arrange for themselves. All the detail of the
-movements is left in the hands of the corps or division commanders and
-their special staffs.
-
-It is worth while showing by a convincing proof to what simplicity the
-system here described reduces the business of supreme command. On June
-21 a Prussian _parlementaire_ handed in to the Austrian outposts a
-notification of the commencement of hostilities. At that time the
-first army was concentrated opposite the Austrian frontier across the
-border that separates Saxony from Silesia; the second army was
-concentrated near Neisse. From that day until the decisive battle only
-five short orders from the king's headquarters are on record:--
-
-(1) _June_ 22.--Telegram from Berlin to both armies (at Görlitz and
-Neisse): "His Majesty orders both armies to advance into Bohemia and to
-seek to unite in the direction of Gitschin."
-
-A letter of the same date contained a slightly fuller explanation, and
-added, to Prince Frederick Charles, that as the second army had the
-difficult task of issuing from the mountains the first army must
-shorten the crisis by pushing on rapidly.
-
-(2) _June_ 29.--Telegram from Berlin to Prince Frederick Charles: "His
-Majesty expects that the first army by a quickened advance will
-disengage the second army which, in spite of a series of victorious
-actions, is still for the time being in a difficult situation."
-
-(A repetition to Prince Frederick Charles, who had been losing time by
-his timid and methodical movements, of his original instructions.)
-
-(3) _June_ 30.--Telegram from Kohlfurt (on the way from Berlin to the
-army) to both armies: instructing the second army to maintain itself on
-the Elbe and the first army to push forward towards Königgrätz. (A
-modification, to suit events, of the plan of No. 1.)
-
-(4) _July_ 2.--Gitschin. Order arranging for both armies to rest on
-July 3, while the country to the front and the Austrian supposed
-position should be reconnoitred. Cancelled the same evening by
-
-(5) Moltke's note (quoted p. 54) to the Crown Prince.
-
-The brevity and simplicity of these instructions find a counterpart in
-the orders issued by the army commanders. Moltke's note sent off from
-Gitschin at midnight on Monday was delivered at the Crown Prince's
-headquarters at Königinhof at four on Tuesday morning. At five General
-von Blumenthal, the chief of the general staff of the second army, sent
-out an army order of some twenty lines:--
-
-"According to information received here it is expected that the enemy
-will to-day attack the first army which is at Horsitz, Milowitz, and
-Cerekwitz. The second army will advance to its support as follows:--
-
-(l) "The first army corps will march in two columns by Zabres and Gr.
-Trotin to Gr. Burglitz." ...
-
-And so on for the other corps. In this way an army of 115,000 men
-(four army corps and a cavalry division) was directed by five sentences
-of two lines each. This was sufficient. The details were arranged for
-each army corps by the corps commander with the assistance of his staff
-officers.
-
-
-
-[1] In 1866 the first army was composed of divisions not combined into
-army corps. The second army was worked by army corps.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER IV
-
-PRELIMINARIES OF A CAMPAIGN
-
-The movements of an army during a campaign after the first serious
-engagements can rarely, if ever, be settled in detail before the war.
-They must needs depend largely on those of the enemy, which cannot be
-accurately foreseen. But before war is declared, before the fighting
-begins, while the troops are still in their own territory, a
-well-conducted government can make its preparations without hindrance.
-The army can be placed on a war footing, and assembled at whatever
-point or points are judged most advantageous. These preparations in
-Prussia fall in different degrees within the domain of the general
-staff.
-
-The changes by which the army is placed on a war footing, known
-collectively as mobilization, include the calling out of the reserves
-of men and horses; their distribution among the various corps and their
-equipment; and the creation and completion of the staffs and of the
-different services of supply. All these proceedings in Prussia the
-general staff had perfectly arranged and regulated down to the minutest
-detail, so that the order needed only to be issued, and the whole
-operation would take place as if by clockwork within a given number of
-days.[1] The process of mobilization is in essentials the same
-whatever be the frontier on which the war is to be fought. It places
-the troops ready at their ordinary headquarters, and in Prussia no
-regiment leaves its headquarters except in perfect readiness to take
-the field.
-
-On the other hand, the collection of the army on the frontier is the
-first stage of the actual operations, resembling the opening of a game
-of chess, and it is of the greatest importance that the points selected
-should be those best suited for the beginning of the particular
-campaign in prospect.
-
-The placing of an army on a war footing and its transport to a frontier
-are political acts of the gravest moment. They are therefore usually
-controlled almost as much by political as by military considerations,
-and it is impossible rightly to appreciate them without taking into
-account the political circumstances by which they are affected. The
-influence of politics upon the two processes is however different. In
-regard to mobilization, which may be compared to a mechanical process,
-the statesman may urge its postponement or its execution by gradual
-instalments. In neither case is the essential nature of the operation
-changed, though the amount of friction involved may be increased. But
-the assembling of an army is the immediate preliminary to attack or
-defence, and the statesman's unwillingness to attack may affect the
-choice of time and place for the collection of the force available.
-
-The King of Prussia was sincerely anxious to avoid a war, and until
-June 14 was determined not to take the initiative nor to agree to any
-measure which might savour of attack. He was with difficulty induced
-to consent to the successive stages of preparation. Not until the
-beginning of May, when the Austrian mobilization was far advanced and
-the transport to the frontiers impending, were the orders for the
-Prussian mobilization issued, and that not at once, but piecemeal
-between May 3 and May 12. The forces thus called out formed a total of
-326,000 combatants, divided into nine army corps,[2] a reserve corps at
-Berlin,[3] the corps of occupation in Holstein, and the corps collected
-at Wetzlar from the Prussian garrisons withdrawn from fortresses of the
-German confederation. The arrangements made for the disposition of
-these forces between May 12 and June 22 form the basis of the
-subsequent success, and may perhaps best be described in the form of a
-series of problems and their solutions.
-
-1. The first step of preparation for a war is the calculation of the
-force required.[4] In the case of our own small wars it is
-self-evident that such a calculation is necessary, and the campaign of
-1882 in Egypt is an instance in which it was worked out to a nicety.
-It might seem equally a matter of course that when two Continental
-states go to war each of them will assume from the beginning that its
-whole available force will be employed. Yet instances are numerous in
-which campaigns have been lost mainly through neglect to work out this
-calculation. In 1859 the Austrians undertook with little more than
-half their army a war against the combined forces of France and
-Sardinia; in 1885 King Milan attacked the Bulgarians without calling
-out the whole of the Servian army. In both cases defeat was largely
-due to this initial error.
-
-The basis of the calculation is furnished by an estimate of the force
-which will be at the disposal of the enemy. In 1866 the Prussian staff
-had to face the preliminary difficulty that it was uncertain even as
-late as May 8 which of the German states would be on the Prussian and
-which on the Austrian side. The least favourable assumption was made,
-and it was estimated that the hostile forces would be in North Germany
-36,000, in South Germany 100,000, and in Saxony and Austria 264,000,
-making a total of 400,000 men.[5] There could be no doubt that Prussia
-must employ the whole of her available forces.
-
-2. The next question was how to distribute the Prussian forces against
-these three sets of enemies. A proportionate division based on the
-estimate just given would have resulted in the employment of 215,000
-men against Austria and Saxony, of 30,000 against North Germany, and of
-80,000 against South Germany. The staff, however, expected that the
-South German forces would not be ready until a late stage of the war,
-and might in the first instance be neglected. Hanover and Hesse lying
-between the two halves of Prussia and separating Westphalia and Rhenish
-Prussia from the main body of the kingdom,[6] were more serious foes.
-It would be necessary to strike hard at them, if possible, before their
-preparations could be completed. But the fate of Prussia and of
-Germany really depended upon the issue of the conflict with Austria.
-If she were beaten here, Prussia would in any case be undone; if she
-were successful in this struggle, the minor states, even though not
-themselves beaten, must needs fall under her sway. It was decided to
-employ almost the whole army (eight and a half corps and the reserve
-corps, 278,000 men) against Austria and Saxony, and to meet the rest of
-the German enemies with a scratch army (48,000) made up of half the
-seventh corps and of the troops assembled in Holstein and at Wetzlar.
-This force was destined first of all to disarm Hesse and Hanover
-(capitulation of Langensalza June 29), and then to attack and defeat
-the South German contingents.
-
-3. The next problem is the choice of the point or points at which the
-army is to be assembled for the purpose of beginning the operations.
-This is the first act of generalship in the campaign, and a mistake
-here is usually the prelude of misfortune. Every general wishes, if
-possible, to meet with his whole force the divided forces of the enemy,
-and therefore his first thought is to assemble his army at one place,
-or at least to collect it so that all its parts may unite for battle.
-
-[Illustration: Sketch Map 2--PRUSSIA in 1866]
-
-The Prussian army, if assembled in Upper Silesia, would be at the point
-of Prussia nearest to the Austrian capital; if assembled at Görlitz,[7]
-it would interpose between Berlin or Breslau and an Austrian army
-approaching from Bohemia. These were, therefore, the most favourable
-points of assembly, the one for attack and the other for defence. But
-the position in Silesia would lose much of its value unless it were
-intended, as soon as the army should be ready, to march on Vienna; and
-this course in the middle of May was, to the king's mind, inadmissible.
-There was, however, a second quite unanswerable argument against
-assembling the whole army at either place. The movement could not be
-carried out in a reasonable time. To march to either district from the
-distant provinces would have been an affair of many weeks, and the
-concentration would run the risk of being too late. The difficulty
-could not be overcome by the use of the railways. To move a whole army
-corps by a single railway required, according to the nature of the
-line, irrespective of the distance, from nine to twelve days. But for
-the transport to Upper Silesia only one, and for that to Görlitz only
-two, through railways were available, so that a very long time would be
-required to move the whole army by rail to either point. Moreover,
-neither of the districts in question is so fertile as to be able to
-feed a large army for more than a few days. As the king was determined
-not to fight, if fighting could be avoided, it might become necessary
-to keep the army waiting for some weeks after its concentration. This
-would be to starve it before a shot had been fired. Thus it was
-impracticable in the political circumstances to collect all the nine
-corps into one army, either for offence or defence. Separate armies
-had to be formed, and considerations of defence to prevail. The
-principal centres of concentration were fixed in the neighbourhood of
-Görlitz and of Schweidnitz, points on the lines of an Austrian advance
-towards Berlin and Breslau respectively from Northern Bohemia, where at
-this time (the middle of May) the Austrian army was believed to be
-assembling.
-
-4. Upon the basis of this decision the movement of the troops to the
-frontier was arranged. The railway system, as has been seen, did not
-admit of moving the corps directly and speedily to Görlitz and
-Schweidnitz. Five railways in all were available, leading to points on
-the Prussian frontier facing the kingdom of Saxony and the Austrian
-Empire. They ended at Zeitz, Halle, Hertzberg, Görlitz, and
-Schweidnitz (or Neisse), places scattered along a curve some 250 miles
-long. The quickest practicable way of assembling the army was to use
-all these railways at once, and when the troops had thus been deposited
-on the frontier to continue the concentration by marches. The shortest
-lines of march to assemble the whole army would be the radii leading to
-the centre of the curve; but this was in the enemy's territory, so that
-these lines, if they had been for other reasons desirable, could not be
-adopted before war had been declared. The alternative was to
-concentrate by marches along the circumference, and this was the plan
-adopted. Each corps, as soon as its debarkation from the train was
-complete, was marched along the arc towards the point of concentration
-selected for it.
-
-The corps from Posen and Silesia, collected at Schweidnitz and Neisse
-(grouped together as the second army under the Crown Prince), were
-moved to their right to Landshut and Waldenburg.[8] Those of
-Westphalia (half a corps) and Rhenish Prussia were detrained at Zeitz
-and Halle, and marched round the frontier of Saxony to the point where
-the Elbe emerges from that kingdom. These troops, with the reserve
-corps from Berlin, formed the Elbe army, destined to continue its
-eastward movement by the invasion of Saxony. The corps from Pomerania,
-Brandenburg, and Prussian Saxony, were combined into the first army,
-under Prince Frederick Charles. They were first assembled between
-Torgau and Cottbus, and then marched along the frontier towards
-Görlitz, reaching the western corner of Silesia (neighbourhood of
-Hoyerswerda) about the end of the first week in June, when the other
-movements described were also completed.
-
-5. The staff was now anxious to begin the campaign. The three armies
-could not be united on Prussian soil without leaving some important
-district unprotected, nor await where they were the Austrian attack
-without the risk that one of them in isolation might be exposed to the
-blows of a superior force. This same risk only would be incurred in
-the attempt to meet by a concentric advance towards some point of
-Austrian territory; it would increase with every additional day allowed
-for the Austrian preparations. But the king still thought a settlement
-possible, and would not permit hostilities to commence.
-
-6. On June 11, the Prussian staff learned that of seven Austrian army
-corps destined to operate against Prussia six were in Moravia, not in
-Bohemia, as had been supposed. The inference was, that the Austrians
-contemplated advancing upon Breslau by way of Neisse, for which
-movement the data obtained showed that they would be able to cross the
-Silesian border with five or six army corps by about June 19. To meet
-this invasion, if it should take place, the second army was moved to
-the river Neisse, facing south, and was reinforced by the guard corps
-from Berlin, and by the first corps, moved originally from East Prussia
-by rail to Görlitz, and now by marching transferred from the first army
-to the second. At the same time the first army continued its eastward
-march as far as Görlitz, where it would be near enough to reach Breslau
-as soon as the Austrians, if they should really invade Silesia, or, if
-not required in that direction, could be moved readily into either
-Saxony or Bohemia. These movements were effected by June 19.
-
-The Elbe army was also to be moved to the east, to join the first army,
-but its most convenient route from Torgau to Görlitz lay through
-Dresden. While the changes just described were in the course of
-execution, the political situation also had changed. The hostile
-resolution of the diet on June 14 enabled the king to make up his mind.
-On June 15 war was declared against Saxony. On the 16th the Elbe army
-crossed the border; on the 18th occupied Dresden; and on the 19th,
-connection having been established with the first army, now about
-Görlitz, was placed under the command of Prince Frederick Charles.
-This prince concentrated the first army to the south of Görlitz, on the
-confines of Saxony and Silesia, close to the Bohemian border, while the
-Elbe army from Dresden rapidly closed up to his right flank. The
-intention was that both should advance as one army into Bohemia, and
-move, with the left wing skirting the foot of the Giant Mountains, to
-meet the second army. There had been no sign of an Austrian attack on
-Silesia, so the Crown Prince was ordered to prepare for a march
-westward into Bohemia to meet his cousin. On the 19th he was to send
-one corps in advance to Landshut, still keeping the rest of his force
-on the Neisse ready to face either south or west. A day or two later
-two more of his corps were withdrawn to the mountains, a single corps
-only remaining on the Neisse, and much trouble being taken to deceive
-the Austrians into the belief that the whole army was still there and
-was about to march towards Moravia. This was the position of both
-Prussian armies on June 22, when the telegram already quoted ordered
-them to cross the Bohemian frontier and to try to effect their union
-about Gitschin.
-
-[Illustration: Sketch map 3--THE OPENING MOVEMENTS OF THE CAMPAIGN OF
-1866.]
-
-It will be observed that from the first stage of the preparations one
-object, the concentration of as large a force as possible for the
-purpose of defeating the Austro-Saxon forces, had been followed by the
-chief of the staff. His arrangements were at first controlled by
-political considerations, the effect of which in the circumstances was
-to render impracticable the formation at the outset of a single army.
-Afterwards, before war had been finally decided upon, the armies were
-moved to meet the changed situation created by the Austrian
-arrangements at length known. The invasion of Saxony was a further
-stage in the general concentration. By June 22 it had become clear
-that the Austrians were not invading Silesia. The question was,
-whether to continue through Prussian territory the march of the first
-army towards the second--a safe course now that the Austrian position
-was known--or to take for both the shortest line of meeting, that into
-Bohemia, with the attendant risk to the second army. The bolder course
-was adopted, and was abundantly justified by success.
-
-
-
-[1] The details of the operation of mobilization are kept secret, but
-the elementary principles have everywhere been copied from the Prussian
-system and may be explained in an imaginary example. Suppose a company
-to have a peace strength of 120 men and to pass each year forty men
-into the reserve, receiving instead the same number of recruits, the
-war strength being 240. The public announcement of the decree for
-mobilization makes it the duty of each of the 120 reservists to proceed
-directly to the headquarters of the company, where they will arrive,
-according to the distance from their homes, say on the first, second,
-or third day of mobilization. The captain has a nominal list of the
-whole company, and keeps in store under his own responsibility the
-complete new war kit for each of the 240 men. As they arrive the men
-pass the doctor, receive their kits, and are told off to their posts in
-the completed company. According to the care with which the rules have
-been framed (this is the staff's principal share in the work) so as to
-divide the labour, occupying every man from the general to the bugler
-and giving to each that work which he can best do, and to none more
-than he can do in the time allowed, will be the rapidity, ease, and
-certainty with which the whole mobilization will be effected.
-
-[2] The guard with its peace quarters at Berlin, and corps I. to VIII.
-quartered in peace in districts corresponding in the main to the eight
-provinces: Prussia, Pomerania, Brandenburg, Prussian Saxony, Posen,
-Silesia, Westphalia, Rhenish Prussia. See sketch map 2.
-
-[3] Called out on May 19th.
-
-[4] "What king, going to make war against another king, sitteth not
-down first, and consulteth whether he be able with ten thousand to meet
-him that cometh against him with twenty thousand? Or else, while the
-other is yet a great way off, he sendeth an ambassage and desireth
-conditions of peace."
-
-[5] The numbers actually called out against Prussia proved to be:--
-
- North Germans . . . . . . 25,000
- South Germans . . . . . . 94,000
- Austrians and Saxons . . 271,000
- -------
- Total . . . . . . . . 390,000
-
-[6] See sketch map 2.
-
-[7] See sketch map 3.
-
-[8] See sketch map 3.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER V
-
-THE CRITICS
-
-Except the conduct of military operations there is nothing so difficult
-as to appreciate them truly. A multitude of considerations affect the
-leading of armies and many of them evade the research of the historian.
-The critic therefore can rarely be sure that he has placed himself in
-the exact position of the general whose acts he is studying. If, for
-example, he supposes a commander to have been without information which
-in fact he possessed, his judgment may be founded upon a picture
-completely distorted. Such mistakes are made even by the most careful
-historians. The Prussian staff history of the campaign of 1866 alleges
-that the Austrian commanders were unaware of the Crown Prince's march
-westwards from the Neisse. The Austrian staff history shows that very
-good information on the subject had reached the Austrian headquarters
-as early as June 25, before any of the Crown Prince's corps had crossed
-the border. Where it is so difficult to avoid error it is rash to be
-dogmatic. But it may be permissible to raise a doubt as to the value
-of some of the judgments that seem to have become traditional
-concerning this campaign. Mr. O'Connor Morris, for example, in the
-_Academy_ of March 23, 1889, wrote:--"The strategy of Moltke is not
-perfection, as worshippers of success have boasted, but he never
-attempted, in his invasion of France, to unite widely divided armies,
-within striking distance of a concentrated foe, as he did at Gitschin,
-under the very beard of Benedek."[1] A similar criticism, without the
-sneer, may be found in the Belgian _Précis_. But neither writer has
-explained where the mistake lay. Even the Austrian historian declares
-that, given the Prussian positions on the Neisse and in Lusatia, the
-only sound course was the advance to meet at Gitschin. Was the error
-in the original dispersion of the forces along the frontier? If so,
-the critics should explain what alternative was practicable in view of
-the political conditions and of the geography of the theatre of war.
-Would it not be safer to say that the preparations for the campaign of
-1866 show the influence upon strategy of a very complicated political
-situation? The opening of the campaign of 1870 presented in comparison
-a simple problem. There was a single enemy to be faced; and there was
-no motive for hesitation or delay. Moreover, the German staff could
-count upon beginning the campaign on the least favourable hypothesis
-with 330,000 men against 250,000.[2] Possibly in 1866 the strategists'
-task would have been easier, and posterity would have thought no worse
-of Prussian policy if the king had realized early in May that
-mobilization meant war, and had given Moltke from that time a free
-hand. But this again is a criticism easy to make twenty years after
-the event. The conflict was between Germans, and the general opinion
-at the time condemned the Prussian policy. Moreover, Prussia had then
-no important success on record since the decisive stroke at Waterloo.
-In these conditions the king's hesitation was natural enough, and even
-the anxiety to cover every part of Prussian territory is quite
-intelligible. Much must needs remain obscure, for it may be years
-before the personal history of the principal actors at this period is
-given to the world. Meanwhile, the function of criticism is to seek
-first of all to understand the events with which it deals.
-
-It is of little purpose to read a summary of the movements of the
-troops during a campaign, and to be given a list of the mistakes made
-by the generals on each side. Such a system leads the reader to
-suppose that generals as a rule have been remarkably careless, weak,
-and ignorant, and entirely conceals from him the difficulties which
-always beset the conduct of operations. But where a measure adopted in
-the field is shown by the result to have been attended with risks or
-followed by disaster, the attempt to ascertain why it was employed
-invariably throws light upon the nature of war; and this method of
-study, though it offers little satisfaction to the vanity that likes to
-take a side and to distribute praise or blame, rewards, by quickening
-the insight and forming the judgment, the labour which it requires.
-
-
-
-[1] If Mr. O'Connor Morris will mark on a map the positions of the
-Austrian and Prussian armies on June 22nd, the date of the order "to
-unite widely divided armies," etc., he will discover that the Austrian
-forces were distributed over an area not less extended than that which
-included both Prussian armies.
-
-[2] _German Staff History_, 1870-71, vol. i. p. 74.
-
-
-
-
- PART II
-
- _THE GENERAL STAFF AND THE ARMY_
-
-
-
-CHAPTER I
-
-THE SPIRIT OF PRUSSIAN MILITARY INSTITUTIONS
-
-The general staff has been described as the "brain of an army." The
-metaphor is peculiarly apt, for the staff, like the human brain, is not
-independent but a part of an organic whole. It can perform its
-functions only in connection with a body adapted to its control, and
-united with it by the ramifications of a nervous system. How then is
-the Prussian army adapted to receive the impulses conveyed from its
-intellectual centre?
-
-An army is what its officers make it, and in the Prussian army the
-officers take their profession seriously. It may be doubted whether
-there is in the world any body of men so entirely single-minded in
-their devotion to duty. Most of them are, according to English
-notions, ridiculously poor. Their pay is small, and they have never
-made the acquaintance of luxury.
-
-In 1874 the emperor in an official address to the army wrote, "The more
-general the spread of luxury and comfort, the more solemnly is the
-officer confronted by the duty never to forget that his honourable
-position in the state and in society has not been gained and cannot be
-maintained by material wealth. Not only does an enervating mode of
-life damage the combatant qualities of an officer, but the pursuit of
-gain and comfort would dangerously undermine the very ground upon which
-the officer's position is built up."[1] These words fairly express the
-spirit of those to whom they were addressed, and many an officer takes
-a pride in his poverty, and starves with cheerfulness and even with
-merriment. Some of the superior officers have set the example by
-abandoning the dearly-loved cigar, and a Prussian officer's mess has
-decidedly no attractions for the gourmet.
-
-"Teacher and leader in every department is the officer. This implies
-that he is superior to his men in knowledge, experience, and strength
-of character. Without fearing responsibility, every officer in all
-circumstances however extraordinary is to stake his whole personality
-for the fulfilment of his mission, even without waiting for orders."[2]
-This is the foundation stone of Prussian discipline, the secret by
-which is secured "the legitimate ascendency of the officers, the
-justified confidence of the soldiers, the daily interchange of mutual
-devotion, the conviction that each one is useful to all and that the
-chiefs are the most useful of all."[3] The attainment of the ideal
-thus officially set up is facilitated by the system of promotion. The
-principle of seniority, without which no public service can be a
-profession or offer a career, is allowed its legitimate place, being
-modified only by the retirement of the incapable, and by special
-selection for the general staff. "It is necessary that the higher
-commands should be attained only by such officers as unite
-distinguished abilities and military education with corresponding
-qualities of character and with bodily activity."[4] Moreover, "it is
-the special duty of the general commanding to see that all the
-commandants of fortresses, all the commanders of divisions, brigades,
-regiments, and battalions, and all the field-officers in the district
-of his army-corps, retain their posts only so long as they have the
-bodily activity necessary for service in the field, and the knowledge
-and capacity needed for their several particular callings. The moment
-he notices in this respect the slightest change to the detriment of my
-service, it is his duty, for which he will be held responsible, to
-inform me. He must also send me the names of all officers who
-distinguish themselves or are fit for a higher post."[5]
-
-The first feature, then, of the Prussian system is the method by which
-it is attempted, with considerable success, always to put the right man
-in the right place, and having done so, to see that he keeps up to the
-mark.
-
-
-
-[1] _Verordnung über die Ehrengerichte der Offiziere im Preussischen
-Heere_, May 2nd, 1874.
-
-[2] _Felddienstordnung_, 1887, § 6.
-
-[3] Taine, _L'Ancien Régime_, p. 108.
-
-[4] Cabinet order of May 8th, 1849.
-
-[5] Cabinet order, _i.e._ King's order in Cabinet of March 13th, 1816.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER II
-
-THE ORGANIZATION OF THE ARMY
-
-Organization implies that every man's work is defined; that he knows
-exactly what he must answer for, and that his authority is co-extensive
-with his responsibility.
-
-A modern army fights by army corps, and by army corps the Prussian army
-is managed, in peace as well as in war. Each province is an army corps
-district.[1] All the troops in it belong to the corps[2] and are under
-the command of the general, who has in military matters absolute
-authority, being independent of the Ministry of War and responsible
-directly to the king and to no one else. Every question that comes up
-in the corps can be finally settled by its commanding general, except a
-very few matters which require the king's assent, or an arrangement
-with the Ministry of War. But comparatively few questions of detail
-come as high as the commanding general.
-
-His corps is at all times organized very much as it would be in war.
-In the infantry four companies make a battalion, three battalions a
-regiment, two regiments a brigade, two infantry brigades with their due
-proportion of cavalry and artillery form an infantry division. In the
-cavalry four or five squadrons form the regiment, two or three
-regiments the brigade, and two or three brigades the division. In the
-artillery two or three batteries form a group (_Abtheilung_, now
-officially translated brigade division), two or three groups a
-regiment, and two regiments a brigade. The corps is made up of
-infantry divisions, a cavalry brigade or division,[3] and an artillery
-brigade.
-
-Responsibility and authority begin with the smallest units, the
-company, squadron, or battery. The captain, the commander of such a
-unit, is the lowest officer who has the power of punishment. In his
-hands lies in peace the training, and in war the leading of the
-company, squadron, or battery. The lieutenants and in a lower sphere
-the noncommissioned officers are his assistants acting under his
-responsibility. In the company, to take the infantry as the type, the
-captain is supreme. The methods of instruction, the distribution of
-time, and the order to be followed in the process are matters which he
-settles according to his own judgment. His superiors abstain from any
-interference. They are concerned only with the result, of which they
-satisfy themselves by inspection at the end of the period assigned to
-company training. If any of the soldiers have not been properly
-instructed, or if the company is not fit to take its place in the
-battalion, that is the captain's fault, and he is likely to lose his
-chance of promotion.
-
-The battalion commander receives his trained companies and practises
-them in battalion manoeuvres. His business is with the battalion as a
-body composed of four units, not with the internal affairs of the
-companies. In battle as on the parade ground this rule is observed.
-For example: "If a battalion receives the order to attack a farm its
-commander must assign to the several companies the part which each is
-to play, must prescribe the points of attack, and at least in general
-terms the directions of their advance. He must also arrange the time
-of their coming into action so that they may co-operate. But how each
-company is to accomplish the task assigned to it, in what formation it
-is to fight--these and similar details he will do well, if he knows
-that his captains have the necessary insight, to leave to them."[4]
-
-In this way authority and responsibility are graduated throughout the
-army corps. Every commander above the rank of captain deals with a
-body composed of units with the interior affairs of none of which he
-meddles, except in the case of failure on the part of the officer
-directly responsible. The higher the commander and the greater his
-authority, the more general becomes the supervision and the less the
-burden of detail. The superior prescribes the object to be attained.
-The subordinate is left free to choose the means, and is interfered
-with only in exceptional circumstances. Thus every officer in his own
-sphere is accustomed to the exercise of authority and to the free
-application of his own judgment.
-
-By this system the labour and responsibility of commanding an army
-corps are reduced to practicable dimensions. Regimental affairs are
-settled by the colonels; brigade affairs by the major-generals. The
-divisions commanded by lieutenant-generals are completely organized
-bodies capable, in case of need, of independent action and requiring
-little supervision from the corps commander. The general commanding
-the army corps has to deal directly with only a few subordinates, the
-commanders of his infantry divisions, of his cavalry brigade or
-division, and of his artillery brigade, and with the heads of the corps
-organizations for such purposes as supply and medical service. He
-inspects and tests the condition of all the various units, but he does
-not attempt to do the work of his subordinates. He is thus at liberty
-to keep his mind concentrated upon those essential matters which
-properly require his decision, for example, in war, whether he will
-advance or retire, whether he will move to the right or to the left,
-whether to fight or to postpone an engagement; how to distribute his
-force;--what portion he will at once engage and where he will place his
-reserve. When he receives an order from the army headquarters he is
-able to deliberate upon the best way of realizing the intention
-conveyed, for he is as far as possible unhampered by the worry of
-detail. He can make up his mind coolly, a very necessary process,
-seeing that he will stake life and reputation to carry out what he has
-once decided.
-
-
-
-[1] The civil and military boundaries are not quite identical.
-
-[2] The garrisons of fortresses are exceptions.
-
-[3] In recent years the cavalry division has been made independent of
-the army corps.
-
-[4] Blume, _Strategic_, p. 136.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER III
-
-THE SYSTEM OF TRAINING
-
-"The demands which war makes upon the troops must determine their
-training in peace.... The tasks of the soldier in war are simple. He
-must always be able to march and to use his weapon. He can do both
-only so far as his moral and intellectual qualities suffice and his
-bodily and military training has been effective. Moreover, his
-performance will be fully useful only when it is guided by the will of
-the leader and regulated by discipline."[1]
-
-The ideal here formulated is realized by devoting much time and
-attention to training and teaching each individual recruit. Next comes
-the exercise of the company, also as thorough as possible. These two
-stages of schooling occupy the greater part of the military year. Then
-when the companies are perfect they take their places in the battalion,
-and the battalions in due time in the regiment and in the brigade. The
-crown of the whole training is formed by the manoeuvres, in which
-divisions and occasionally army corps are assembled for practice,
-resembling as nearly as may be the operations of actual war.
-
-Several objects are served by these manoeuvres. In the first place,
-the separate exercise of brigades preceding the manoeuvres proper
-completes the formal training of the troops, and gives practice in the
-evolutions of large homogeneous masses of each of the three arms. The
-manoeuvres of divisions and army corps serve to accustom the three arms
-to act in concert, and to overcome the great friction which at first
-always impedes the movements of such large composite bodies. All the
-various manoeuvres, moreover, give the superior officers the
-opportunity of inspecting the work of their inferiors, that is, of
-ascertaining how far the training of the troops has been thorough, and
-with what degree of skill they are handled.
-
-Not the least important purpose of the manoeuvres is the training of
-commanders. The troops are divided into two parties supposed to be
-enemies at some stage of an imaginary war. The commander of each side
-learns from the umpire the nature of the supposed operations which have
-brought his forces into their actual situation, together with such
-information concerning the enemy as in real war he might be presumed to
-have obtained. He has then to act according to his own judgment. In
-this way the generals are practised and tested in the power of rapidly
-and surely grasping situations such as occur in war and of acting upon
-the insight thus gained. The arrangements are so made as to afford
-practice like this to as many officers as possible of all ranks, though
-it is chiefly the generals, the commanders of brigades, divisions, and
-army corps who profit by them.
-
-Thus the Prussian system of training produces as the net result on the
-one hand an army corps as an instrument pliable to its commander's
-touch, so that it can be surely and easily handled in any situation,
-and on the other hand a general skilled in the manipulation of this
-powerful and complicated instrument.
-
-
-
-[1] _Felddienstordnung_, §§ 1, 2.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER IV
-
-THE ARMY CORPS
-
-The Prussian army in 1866 consisted of nine army corps. The German
-army to-day has twenty, and in case of war the number would be
-increased. Large forces like these are rendered manageable by grouping
-them into armies of four or five corps, and dealing with the armies as
-units. It is evident that the working of the armies and therefore of
-the whole depends upon the ease and certainty with which the several
-corps are directed. Some of the means taken to secure this end have
-been already touched upon. In the first place each of the component
-parts of the corps must be perfectly trained and disciplined.
-Secondly, the corps must have had so much practice in working together
-as a whole that it has none of the weaknesses of a "scratch team."
-Thirdly, the general must be a real commander, able to read a
-battle-field, to judge a situation coolly, and to decide promptly.
-These qualities are secured partly by the selection[1] exercised in the
-appointment of generals, partly by the frequent opportunities for
-practice and testing afforded by the manoeuvres.
-
-But it is not enough to secure a general of tactical and strategical
-ability and experience. He must be protected against the danger of
-being absorbed by the worries of administration.
-
-Before a body of 30,000 men can be assembled on the ground selected for
-manoeuvres or on the field of battle, a vast amount of business must be
-transacted, requiring for its performance abilities of quite another
-sort than those needed to handle and lead the troops in action. The
-men must all be clothed and equipped. They must be properly and
-regularly fed. The task of supplying an army corps with provisions is
-like that of feeding a small town which, instead of remaining in its
-place, moves every day to a new site ten or fifteen miles distant from
-the old one. Among 30,000 men there will always be a number of sick
-who require attention. If the corps should meet the enemy there may be
-thousands of wounded to be tended, removed, protected, and fed. Order
-must be maintained, so that a special set of functionaries is needed to
-apply and enforce the laws by which the army is regulated. The numbers
-of the corps can be maintained only by a constant stream of fresh men,
-trained soldiers not before employed in the war, arriving from its
-peace quarters.
-
-Every one of these matters needs constant attention, or the whole
-machine would get out of gear and cease to work.
-
-The friction that inevitably arises from these complicated necessities
-is diminished and to some extent overcome by the organization of
-responsibility among the several bodies composing the army corps. But
-the anxieties of the commanding general can never be removed. In order
-to realize the magnitude and variety of his cares, the attempt may be
-made to draw a rough picture of the army corps at work during a
-campaign.
-
-The corps is moving westward along one of the great Continental
-high-roads. A vast forest spreading on each side for many miles
-confines the troops to the actual roadway.
-
-The cavalry division is looking out for the enemy in the open country
-twenty miles in advance to the west of the forest. Parties of hussars
-in every road, lane, and bypath are watching the country as they move
-on across a front of eight or nine miles, followed two or three miles
-behind on the main road by the rest of the division, a column two miles
-long of dragoons, uhlans, and horse artillery. At the head of this
-column is the lieutenant-general commanding the cavalry division, with
-his staff. It is ten o'clock in the morning, and under the hot July
-sun a cloud of dust envelops all but the leading squadron as horse and
-guns move on at a steady trot. Now and then a fitful breeze carries
-the dust towards the south and reveals for a moment the long cavalcade.
-
-The pace has just slackened to a walk as two horsemen gallop towards
-the road from the north-west. They are a young officer of hussars and
-a private whose bandaged arm shows that he has been wounded. Both are
-covered with dust, and their horses show signs of extreme fatigue. As
-they approach the road the general and his suite move on to a pasture
-field to the right to meet them, the column continuing along the road.
-The lieutenant respectfully salutes and tells his story briefly. A few
-questions are asked and answered. The column is halted, and during the
-short rest which ensues the general dictates a note which is written by
-one of his officers. The note is handed to an uhlan, who gallops off
-at once along the road towards the rear. A few minutes later the
-signal to mount is given, and the whole mass of horsemen and guns in a
-succession of parallel columns leaves the road and trots over the
-fields to the north-west, soon disappearing in a fold of the ground.
-
-The uhlan sent back with the letter approaches after a five-mile gallop
-a group of comrades lying by the roadside, with their horses tethered
-near in the grass. One of the horses is saddled and bridled, and as
-the messenger comes up its rider springs into the saddle. A few
-sentences are exchanged as the new-comer, dismounting, hands the note
-to the fresh rider, who in turn gallops off along the road towards the
-rear. Three times the note thus changes hands. The fourth rider,
-whose station was five miles from the western edge of the forest
-region, is continually meeting troops on the march. He passes first a
-few squadrons of cuirassiers, then a mile or two further infantry,
-guns, more infantry, and then a string of waggons a mile long, laden
-with cartridges, shell, bridging material, and appliances for the
-comfort of wounded men. All this is merely the advanced guard of the
-army corps.
-
-As the rider draws nearer to the wood he finds a mile of clear road,
-and then meets the general commanding the corps to whom his note is
-addressed.
-
-The hussar lieutenant had started before dawn, and after riding many
-miles to the front, evading the enemy's scouting parties, had watched a
-hostile cavalry division break up from its bivouac. He had been able
-to identify the division and to ascertain that it was unusually strong
-both in cavalry and horse artillery. On his return he had been seen by
-an enemy's patrol, and had escaped capture only by running the gauntlet.
-
-The information thus obtained is of great importance, not only to the
-cavalry division, whose commander has promptly acted upon it, but to
-the army corps and to the army of which it is a part. The general
-commanding the army corps therefore sends an officer with the report
-and a further note from himself to the army headquarters in rear, on
-the east of the forest. This officer having to follow the high-road,
-meets and rides past the main body of the army corps on the march.
-
-The leading brigade of infantry, with a number of guns and ammunition
-waggons, covers the road for a mile and three-quarters; then for
-another mile and a half is the corps' artillery, then the whole second
-division of infantry (with its cavalry regiment and its artillery)
-trailing its length for four and a half miles. Then after having the
-road to himself for a quarter of an hour, as he emerges from the forest
-on its eastern side, the rider passes the heavy baggage, a line of
-military carts and waggons conveying those requisites which the troops
-need every night for comfort, and which cannot be carried in the
-knapsacks. These waggons stretch for a mile and a half along the road.
-Soon after passing them the rider takes a cross-road leading to the
-north, just as he is meeting the foremost portion of the army corps
-trains, which in their turn would cover the road for eleven or twelve
-miles with their long succession of vehicles: ammunition waggons for
-guns and small arms; provision stores for four days for 30,000 men; hay
-and oats for the horses of cavalry, artillery, and waggons; the corps
-pontoon train; the hospital carts, and a multitude of country carts
-pressed into the service to enable extra stores of provisions to be
-taken on, and to relieve the military waggons.
-
-Thus from the general to the rear of the baggage proper would be nearly
-twelve miles, from the rear of the baggage to the rear of the trains,
-if all were on the march at the same time, another twelve miles, while
-the general himself was found nearly five miles behind the front of the
-advanced guard of the corps.
-
-When the officer, late in the afternoon, rides back from the army
-headquarters with a letter for the corps commander, he finds a
-different scene. At a village in the middle of the forest the leading
-waggons of the train are beginning to form up north and south of the
-road. There is here an extensive open space, which before night will
-be packed with waggons. Farther on the road is clear. The heavy
-baggage has dispersed among the cross-roads, each set of waggons
-seeking the quarters of its regiment. At the western edge of the
-forest the troops of the army corps have taken possession of all the
-villages on the road and in the neighbourhood, so that within a radius
-of six miles from where the road enters the open country every farm or
-cluster of buildings is tenanted by its company or battery. The
-villages farthest to the west contain the advanced guard, and beyond
-them still the outposts have placed picquets and sentries in all the
-roads and lanes leading to the west.
-
-The general's quarters are in a straggling village on the main road, at
-the White Cross Inn. In front of the house an officer is explaining to
-an old farmer that the provisions produced by the villagers are
-satisfactory, that no further requisition will be made, but that for a
-further supply of oats, cheese, and bacon, if delivered next morning,
-payment will be made in cash. In a small parlour of the inn two
-officers are busy examining the contents of half a dozen mail bags
-collected from post-offices in the district.
-
-Upstairs the general, who has just come in from the outposts, is
-hearing reports. The corps intendant proposes to form a temporary
-depot at the village where the trains are parked, and to send back the
-requisitioned carts next morning to the railway terminus assigned to
-the corps. Another officer announces that the telegraph from army
-headquarters will by evening be opened as far as the same village, a
-third that 150 horses are unserviceable, and that it will be two days
-before fresh horses from home will reach the depot. A fourth brings a
-list of the number of men who are disabled by sore feet, diarrhoea, and
-sunstroke. At this moment comes the letter from army headquarters,
-which instructs the general to be ready at short notice to march his
-whole corps towards the north, along the front of the forest. This
-involves the movement of the trains along a cross-road through the
-forest, and arrangements must be made to ensure this road, which is a
-bad one, being cleared of hindrances and made fit to bear the heavy
-traffic.
-
-The examination of the mail bags has yielded fresh information about
-the enemy. All the officers but one are dismissed, and the general,
-with his confidential secretary, is proceeding to study the new
-situation thus revealed when a fresh messenger gallops up to the house
-with a note to the effect that the advanced guard of the neighbouring
-corps ten miles to the south is attacked by a superior force of the
-enemy, and that its commander begs the general to move his corps to its
-assistance, so as to be able to join in the action before noon next day.
-
-This picture is a mere shadow of the reality.[2] It may help however
-to illustrate the dual nature of the cares by which a general is
-distracted. He has at the same time to perform the military functions
-of command and to superintend the business of management. His duty as
-a commander involves continuous attention to the enemy's movements and
-to the instructions of his own chief. He must study the intentions of
-the army commander to whom he is subordinate and conform to them in his
-own movements against the enemy. But the mere management of his corps
-requires an effort which tends to absorb his energies and make him
-forget both his commander and the enemy.
-
-A good system must as far as possible relieve the general from these
-cares of management, so that he can keep his mind free to study his
-instructions and watch his foe. Accordingly side by side with that
-distribution of authority among the combatant units which facilitates
-the exercise of the general command is an organization upon similar
-principles of the administrative services. The supervision of each
-branch is in the hands of an executive officer in the _entourage_ of
-the general.
-
-The corps intendant is responsible for the supplies of provisions,
-stores, and money, and for their transport. The hospitals and
-ambulance work are controlled by the surgeon-general. The legal
-business is conducted and prepared for the general's decision by an
-officer called the corps auditeur.
-
-The strictly military functions of command fall naturally into two
-classes, according as they are concerned with the direction of the
-troops as pieces in the game played against the enemy, or with their
-internal management. The everyday life of a soldier is to a great
-extent a matter of routine. In every regiment there are at all times
-guards and sentries and an officer of the day; there are patrols and
-fatigue parties. These duties are undertaken by all in turn, and they
-therefore need to be equitably distributed from day to day. A roll of
-the regiment is therefore made every day accounting for all the
-officers and men. The working of all this internal mechanism is in
-every regiment arranged by the adjutant, under the authority and
-supervision of the commanding officer. The brigade, the division, and
-the army corps are each of them in like manner provided with an
-adjutancy, which in the case of an army corps is formed by a bureau of
-four officers.
-
-
-
-[1] The thoroughness of this selection has increased in recent years,
-inasmuch as most of the generals appointed have enjoyed the special
-training of the staff. An incapable, of any rank is ruthlessly retired.
-
-[2] The details of organization on which it is based are those of the
-German army in the period between 1875 and 1885. The materials for a
-similar account of the Prussian army corps of 1866 are not accessible.
-The reader may imagine the confusion which would follow a battle,
-especially a defeat which might compel the corps to retreat as best it
-could through the forest, with its trains perhaps entangled in the
-cross-road leading north.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER V
-
-THE GENERAL STAFF IN THE ARMY CORPS
-
-There remain as the general's special province the communication with
-the army headquarters and the direction of the troops as fighting
-bodies; the regulation of marches, halts, and combats; the
-reconnaissance of the country with a view to these operations; the
-collection and sifting of news about the enemy; and the compilation of
-reports for the information of the higher commanders and for the
-records of the army corps.
-
-The bureau or department which assists the general in these matters is
-the general staff of the army corps. It consists of a colonel or
-lieutenant-colonel as chief, one field officer, and two captains.[1]
-The functions of the general staff of a division or army corps during
-war may be summarised under the following heads:[2]--
-
-(1) Elaboration in accordance with the situation from time to time of
-all arrangements concerning the fighting, marching, repose, and safety
-of the troops.
-
-(2) Communication of these arrangements in the form of orders.
-
-(3) Collection, sifting, and appreciation of all information about the
-enemy.
-
-(4) Maintenance of the efficiency of the division or army corps and of
-an uninterrupted knowledge of its condition in every respect.
-
-(5) Keeping record of all operations.
-
-(6) Reconnaissances.
-
-
-The peace duties of the bureau are a preparation for those of war.
-They embrace the elaboration of the arrangements for mobilization,
-which require periodical, almost continuous revision, all arrangements
-for marching and quarterings, the selection of a site and all other
-preparations for the autumn manoeuvres, and the superintendence of the
-railway and telegraph service of the army corps.
-
-The chief of the general staff of the army corps is authorized to
-represent the general in his absence and to issue in his name such
-orders as will admit of no delay. Accordingly he has a general
-supervision over the whole staff and may control not merely his direct
-subordinates, but the adjutants, the intendant, and the auditeur.
-
-It is one of the duties of the general staff to attend to the material
-well-being of the troops, so as to secure their being at all times in
-condition to march or to fight. The heads of the several departments
-specially concerned with this care can work efficiently only in so far
-as they are kept in touch of the military situation. They must know,
-for example, when an advance or retreat is contemplated, or a battle is
-in prospect, so as to make their arrangements accordingly. For this
-purpose the chief of the general staff of the army corps is the organ
-of communication between them and the commanding general. All the
-orders for the movement of the troops and for their distribution in
-quarters pass through his hands, and he is also responsible for the
-collecting and sifting of information concerning the enemy. His three
-assistants relieve him from too much absorption in mechanical detail.
-He is thus a sort of confidential secretary to the general, preparing
-for him all important correspondence and serving as an _alter ego_. He
-knows the general's views and intentions and can therefore see with the
-general's eyes. He is familiar with the methods and ideas of the army
-headquarters, for he has been trained in the great general staff at
-Berlin under the personal influence of its chief. He is familiar with
-the working of the army corps, for he has held his post during years of
-peace before the war, and has been responsible for the arrangement of
-the corps manoeuvres. Thus his training and experience peculiarly
-qualify him to be the general's right-hand man, to translate the
-general's wishes into detailed orders, and to submit for his approval
-at any time such suggestions as will meet the situation.
-
-The system here described provides as effectively as may be for the
-judicious employment of the army corps. Each branch of administration
-is so organized as to centre in a competent special manager whose
-decisions, though they must be submitted to the general, will seldom
-require to be revised or reversed. The general, while in this way in
-touch with all that is done in and for his corps, can give his main
-attention to the military operations. These also are prepared for him
-and the details elaborated by a group of officers specially trained and
-practised in this particular branch: the art of command.
-
-
-
-[1] In peace there is usually only one captain. The lieutenant-general
-commanding a division has the assistance of a single officer of the
-general staff, usually a captain or a major. In the smaller units,
-comprising only a single arm, the general staff is not represented.
-
-[2] Bronsart von Schellendorf, _Der Dienst des Generalstabes_, vol. i.,
-p. 4.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VI
-
-COMPOSITION OF THE GENERAL STAFF AND ITS DISTRIBUTION THROUGH THE ARMY
-
-The Prussian general staff forms a corps by itself. The officers
-belonging to it wear a special uniform, and their names do not appear
-in any regimental lists. The proposals for their promotion are made by
-the chief of the staff of the army,[1] and advancement in its ranks is
-quicker than in the army generally.
-
-The corps thus constituted is, however, not a close corporation. By
-the rule that regimental service must alternate with employment on the
-general staff, the connection between the army and the staff is
-maintained, and the practical competence of the staff officers is
-secured. The first appointment to the staff and the subsequent return
-to it are alike dependent upon selection, or, in other words, upon
-special merit.
-
-A captain on the staff after four or five years' work is transferred to
-a regiment. A year or two later he may be again selected for the staff
-as major. After a further term he will receive the command of a
-battalion, then return to work on the staff, and afterwards be promoted
-to the command of a regiment. From this post he may again be chosen to
-the staff, returning eventually as a major-general to the command of a
-brigade.
-
-Those officers who are selected for the purely scientific work of the
-general staff, such, for instance, as the geographical and
-topographical surveys, are considered to have embraced a special career
-and to have given up the prospect of command in the field. They are
-placed on an auxiliary establishment or side list of the general staff.
-As a rule they are students rather than fighting men, or officers of
-distinguished scientific attainments who have not the bodily activity
-required for service in the field. They remain on the auxiliary
-establishment, and do not revert to the wider field of active service
-among the combatants.
-
-The Prussian general staff numbers altogether about 200 officers, 90 of
-whom are distributed among the divisions and army corps,[2] whilst
-about 100, half of whom belong to the auxiliary establishment, form the
-great general staff at Berlin. Service in the staff office of a
-division or army corps alternates with employment on the great general
-staff, so that the officer whose diligence and ability have opened for
-him the staff career, and whose performance secures his periodical
-return to it, passes through the various stages of regimental service,
-of service on the general staff of the great constituent units of the
-army, and of employment in the great central agency of direction.
-
-Thus the general staff is not merely the intellectual spring which
-gives the impulse to the whole army, but it forms also a medium of
-circulation by which all the parts are kept in uninterrupted
-communication with the centre. At the great general staff the art of
-command is studied with special reference to the employment of the
-German army as a weapon against France, Russia, or any other probable
-adversary, and in conjunction with the Austrian, Italian, or any other
-allied army. The wide views thus acquired are applied to the handling
-of the several units of which the army is composed, while the central
-office in all its general studies has the benefit of the practical
-experience obtained in the management of the company, the squadron, and
-the battery, as well as of every unit up to the division and the army
-corps.
-
-The influence of the general staff is not limited to the work of the
-200 officers who comprise it at any given time. Many of the commanders
-of regiments and battalions have been members of the general staff, and
-are taking their turn of practice with the troops. Nearly all the
-higher commanders have passed through the various stages of duty in the
-general staff. The great general staff is perpetually training fresh
-generations. Some sixty junior officers are temporarily attached to it
-without being incorporated, that is, without ceasing to belong to their
-regiments. They are the pick of the 100 lieutenants who every year
-leave the Kriegsakademie, or Staff College, at Berlin. They work for a
-year at the central general staff office, under the personal
-supervision of the chief of the general staff of the army, who thus
-acquires an intimate knowledge of their ability and character. At the
-end of their year they rejoin their regiments. After a term of
-regimental work the best of them will be chosen as captains to the
-general staff to fill up vacancies caused by promotions. In this way
-the general staff keeps up its numbers by the continual selection of
-the fittest.
-
-
-
-[1] In the case of regimental officers these proposals are made by the
-commander of the regiment; cf. Cabinet order of March 22, 1864.
-
-[2] Four of the German army corps--those of Saxony, Würtemberg, and
-Bavaria (two corps)--do not belong to the Prussian army.
-
-
-
-
- PART III
-
- _THE GREAT GENERAL STAFF_
-
-
-
-CHAPTER I
-
-AN INTELLIGENCE DEPARTMENT
-
-The chief of the general staff of the army, assisted by the great
-general staff, which is his special organ, and which has its permanent
-abode in Berlin, is occupied during peace with preparations for the
-conduct of the army in war. The work undertaken with this object
-divides itself naturally into three branches, according as it consists
-in actual arrangements for particular wars regarded as probable, in the
-training of officers to the art of command, or in the scientific study
-of war as a means of forming and exercising the faculty of generalship.
-
-The direct preparation for probable wars consists in arranging, in
-anticipation of each of the various possible complications, the most
-suitable distribution of the forces available, their concentration on
-the frontier, and their transport from the peace quarters to the
-districts selected for this purpose.[1] These matters require for
-their decision a thorough knowledge of the countries forming the
-theatre of war and of the armies of all the probable combatants.
-
-The great general staff in time of peace is constantly engaged in the
-collection and digestion of such information. For this purpose it is
-organized into three divisions,[2] to each of which a portion of Europe
-is assigned. The first division deals with Sweden, Norway, Russia,
-Turkey, and Austria; the second with Germany, Denmark, Italy, and
-Switzerland; the third with the western states of Europe and with
-America. Of the thoroughness with which the work is done some idea may
-be formed by an examination of the reference index,[3] which was for
-many years (1869-1883) annually printed and published. The reader who
-opens one of these volumes at the chapter headed "British Empire" will
-find there a mass of ordered information such as is hardly anywhere
-else accessible. It begins with a detailed account of the progress of
-the Ordnance survey during the year, dealing separately with England,
-Scotland, and Ireland, and with the Admiralty surveys. Then under the
-heading land and people, comes a list of new statistical publications,
-an abstract of the census and of the Registrar-General's reports, and a
-note of any works that illustrate the subjects. Succeeding headings,
-worked out with great minuteness, are: constitution, administration,
-and finance, intellectual culture, emigration, mining, agriculture,
-forestry, and marine economy, industry and trade. Communications are
-subdivided into railways, post, telegraphs, and inland navigation.
-Several pages are devoted to an exhaustive catalogue of every
-publication issued during the year, English or foreign, bearing upon
-the British army, including official publications, controversial
-pamphlets, and magazine and newspaper articles. The navy is treated in
-a similar manner, though less space is devoted to it; and lastly, there
-is a review of all new guide-books, books of travel, and maps relating
-to Great Britain, especially of county guides, histories, maps and
-plans. The progress of the British colonies is followed in the same
-fashion.
-
-The minute systematic study which is thus devoted to the resources of
-every European country gives a basis for judging of its fighting power
-far more certain than the collection of mere military statistics. For
-the reference index is only a groundwork upon which the military study
-of the countries can be founded. It is not the product of the three
-divisions, but of the geographical and statistical section, which
-belongs to the auxiliary establishment, and in this way it prepares the
-materials upon which the three divisions are to work.
-
-The index is no longer given to the world; but the volumes already
-published are a monument of systematic research, and reveal the depth
-and breadth of the foundation upon which the great general staff
-builds, in other words, the accuracy and fulness of the knowledge at
-the disposal of its chief when he frames a plan of operations. It is
-therefore not a matter of surprise that in 1866 the chief of the
-Prussian general staff was well informed concerning the position and
-condition of every part of the Austrian army up to the time when the
-special preparations for the war began; was able to gauge very fairly
-the time that would be required for its mobilization and transport, and
-knew perhaps as well as any one in Austria the difficulties in which
-that empire would be placed by an effort to continue the struggle. A
-still more complete knowledge of the adversary's military and other
-resources was revealed by the German general staff at the opening of
-the campaign of 1870.
-
-The German staff has now no longer a monopoly of these studies, as may
-be seen by a glance at the _Revue Militaire de l'Étranger_, published
-fortnightly (since 1872) by the second bureau of the French general
-staff. The intelligence division[4] of our own War Office performs
-somewhat similar duties of geographical and statistical research.
-
-The transport of the portions of the army from their peace quarters to
-the places of assembly selected for the commencement of operations has
-been referred to in the account of the campaign of 1866. It was then
-effected partly by marching, partly by railway. Immediately after that
-campaign the veteran critic Jomini, in an essay upon its lessons, urged
-the importance of "the serious study of the modifications which
-railways will cause from this time onwards in the general direction of
-the operations of war, _i.e._ in strategy," and spoke of the want of
-this study as "the gap at present existing in the theory of the art of
-war."[5] The gap, one would think, had been pretty well filled up
-already by a staff which in twenty-one days had moved 197,000 men,
-55,000 horses, and 5,300 military vehicles over distances varying from
-120 to 360 miles without a single accident, and without any serious
-departure from the pre-arranged time-tables.
-
-The great general staff has a special division devoted to the
-manipulation of railways in war, and the attempt is made to give every
-officer of the general staff the benefit of a period of service in this
-particular branch.
-
-The production of maps for the army is so closely connected with the
-study of the various probable theatres of war that the two duties
-cannot safely be entrusted to different institutions. In Germany the
-principal government geographical establishment is a branch of the
-great general staff, the officers employed in it being on the auxiliary
-list. This service is arranged in three departments, the
-trigonometric, the topographic, and the cartographic, all of which are
-under the supervision of the chief of the National Survey, who is
-himself a subordinate of the chief of the general staff of the army.
-
-
-
-[1] See Part I. Chap. IV.
-
-[2] The details of this organization have been modified in recent years.
-
-[3] _Registrande der Geographisch-Statistischen Abtheilung des Grossen
-Generalstabes_. Berlin, 1869-83.
-
-[4] See a lecture delivered at the Royal United Service Institution in
-1875 by the late Major-General, then Major C. B. Brackenbury, R.A.,
-entitled "The Intelligence Duties of the Staff at Home and Abroad," in
-reading which, however, the date of its production should be remembered.
-
-[5] Jomini, _Troisième Appendice au Précis de l'Art de la Guerre_.
-Paris, 1866.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER II
-
-A MILITARY UNIVERSITY
-
-The distinctive feature of the regeneration by which modern Prussia was
-raised up, after the Prussia of Frederick the Great had been shattered
-in the first conflict with Napoleon, was the effort to lay a solid
-foundation in healthy institutions and especially in a sound education.
-The work which was done for Prussian institutions by Stein and for
-liberal education by Humboldt, was done for the army by Scharnhorst, to
-whom military education was the corner-stone of army reform. The
-University of Berlin began its work on October 15th, 1810, and on the
-same day[1] was opened the War School for officers, the great military
-high school of Germany, now known as the War Academy. It was the
-creation of Scharnhorst, whose greatness is nowhere more conspicuous
-than in his educational work.
-
-As early as 1792, before he had ever seen a battle, he had published a
-_Soldier's Pocket-book_, in which the principles and details of field
-service were explained and illustrated by examples from then recent
-wars. The experiences of his first campaigns in 1793 and 1794 led him
-during his last years in the Hanoverian service to draw up a series of
-memoirs in which military education occupies a prominent place, and
-when in 1801 he joined the Prussian service, one of his first
-appointments was that of lecturer to the classes of young officers
-which had been instituted by Frederick the Great and still continued to
-be held. Scharnhorst rearranged and extended the courses of
-instruction, and himself as "Director of the Academy" taught to the
-higher class the important subjects of tactics and strategy. The
-lectures which he gave between 1801 and 1805 have been preserved in a
-fragmentary state, and show that he was the first to concentrate the
-attention of his pupils on the conduct of the operations of war,
-instead of merely busying them with the details of the several
-technical arts and sciences which subserve that end. The regulations
-for the Academy which he drafted in 1805 contain the outlines of the
-system which in a more developed form is still characteristic of the
-highest Prussian military education. Scharnhorst's best pupil at this
-time was Carl von Clausewitz, who in after years attributed to these
-early lessons the intellectual impulse which produced his masterly
-essays, and the historical method in which all his theory has its
-roots. Lectures and classes were abruptly ended by the mobilization of
-1805, which was followed in 1806 by the great catastrophe.
-
-The War School of 1810 aimed at the higher training of selected
-officers whose ability gave promise of a career in the superior ranks.
-It was distinct from the lower schools intended to give a professional
-training to young men preparing to become officers, and was closely
-connected with the general staff, in which Scharnhorst, at this time
-its chief, paid great attention to the instruction of the younger
-members. One of the first professors appointed was Clausewitz.
-
-The wars of liberation practically dissolved the War School, which,
-however, after the peace of 1815 was re-established without substantial
-modification, though it was placed in the department, not of the chief
-of the staff, but of the inspector-general of military education.
-During the subsequent long period of peace, the Academy had the
-services of many distinguished men. From 1818 to 1830 Clausewitz was
-its director. The great geographer Karl Ritter was from 1820 to 1859
-one of its professors. In 1859 the title of War Academy was definitely
-adopted, and in 1872 the institution was again placed under the
-superintendence of the chief of the general staff.
-
-The regulations at present in force, though of recent date, are little
-more than a codification of the system which has been gradually
-developed on the foundations laid by Scharnhorst, and their value and
-the authority which attaches to them are in great measure due to the
-long and unbroken tradition which they represent.
-
-They are embodied in two short codes entitled respectively "Order of
-Service," and "Order of Teaching of the War Academy." A concise
-account of these documents will best explain the workings of this
-institution.
-
-The Order of Service is one of the few results of the brief reign of
-the lamented Emperor Frederick, whose signature it bears. It begins in
-true German fashion with a definition: "The object of the War Academy
-is to initiate into the higher branches of the military sciences a
-number of officers of the necessary capacity belonging to the various
-arms, and thus to enlarge and extend their military knowledge and to
-clear and quicken their military judgment.
-
-"Side by side with this direct training for their profession, they are
-to endeavour, in proportion to the requirements of the army, to
-penetrate deeper into certain departments of formal science, and to
-acquire mastery in speaking and writing one or two modern foreign
-languages."
-
-The Academy in its scientific working--as an institution for teaching
-and study--is under the chief of the general staff of the army, who is
-responsible for the appointment of the teachers, for the selection of
-officers as students ("the call to the Academy"), for their dismissal
-in case of need, and for the permission to attend a particular course
-occasionally granted to officers not "called." For the discipline and
-management of the Academy, the director, a general, is responsible. He
-is assisted by one or two deputies and by a Board of Studies, over
-whose nomination the chief of the staff has a controlling influence.
-The duties of the board are to approve of the programmes of the several
-professors' courses, and to conduct the examinations at the beginning
-and at the end of the course. The complete course lasts three years,
-with a long vacation of three months each summer. The appointment or
-"call" of students is in each case only for a year, its renewal
-depending upon diligence and good conduct. Any officer of five years'
-service not yet within four years from his turn of promotion to captain
-may apply for admission to the Academy, which is regulated by
-examination.
-
-"The object of the entrance examination is to ascertain whether the
-candidate possesses the degree of general education and the knowledge
-requisite for a profitable attendance at the lectures of the Academy.
-The examination is also to determine whether the candidates have the
-power of judgment, without which there could be no hope of their
-further progress." The questions set are to be such as cannot be
-answered merely from knowledge stored up in the memory, and should test
-the capacity for clear, collected, and consistent expression. The
-military subjects required are tactics, formal and applied, the nature
-and construction of firearms, fortification and surveying. The general
-subjects are history, geography, mathematics, and French. The paper in
-applied tactics must be as simple as possible. It must consist of a
-problem for solution, so as to oblige the candidate to make a decision
-and give his reasons for it. Each candidate must send in an essay
-written at home on one of a list of subjects announced some months
-beforehand. This is particularly intended to test his power of
-judgment and the degree of general education he has attained. It may
-be either in German or French. "Of those officers whose work is judged
-the best (by the Board of Studies) the director may submit to the chief
-of the general staff of the army, with a view to their being called to
-the Academy, the names of any number not exceeding a hundred. The
-chief of the staff communicates his decisions to the generals
-commanding army corps, who inform the officers concerned."
-
-The _Order of Service_ lays down that in the instruction given at the
-Academy certain practical applications shall never be omitted:--
-
-"As a continuous commentary on the lectures, the students, under the
-guidance of their professors, are to visit the military workshops,
-technical institutions, and exercising grounds at Berlin and Spandau,
-and the fortifications of Spandau. They are to attend the exercises of
-the railway regiment, and make journeys of instruction on the military
-railway.
-
-"The lessons in tactics, fortification, and transport are to be
-supplemented by practical exercises. Moreover, during a portion of the
-holidays after the first and the second year, each officer is attached
-for instruction to a regiment of one of the two arms to which he does
-not properly belong. Lastly, the third year's course is always to
-conclude with a three weeks' tour, for practical instruction in staff
-duties."
-
-The _Order of Service_ concerns itself no further with the scope and
-method of teaching, but decrees that these shall be determined by the
-order of teaching to be issued by the chief of the general staff of the
-army.
-
-The _Order of Teaching_ of the War Academy at present in force was
-issued by Count Moltke at the close of his career at the head of the
-Prussian staff.[2] Its value can be made clear only by a reproduction
-of its principal clauses. But a true judgment of an educational
-institution must be based upon the existence of a standard of
-comparison, an ideal which may be readily accepted as the measure of
-perfection. Such a normal type may be sought in the best University
-training of the present day, of which the spirit may perhaps be
-expressed in a few sentences.
-
-A system of instruction, intended not for children but for men, which
-is not an attempt to make good the defects of early education, but
-addresses itself to minds already trained and disciplined, cannot be
-regulated mechanically. In all intelligent education the order of
-teaching is at once natural and rational. The subjects group
-themselves by their relation to the end in view, and the necessity of
-each new advance is evident to the student as soon as he is prepared
-for it. Such a course of study has a unity, and a completeness, which
-is of great significance in view of the formation of a type of
-character. The highest education, however, has features peculiarly its
-own. It is founded in the conception of science, not as a department
-of knowledge, but as "the proper method of knowing and apprehending the
-facts in any department whatever."[3] From this idea of method flow
-practical consequences. The student, as soon as maturity is
-approached, abandons the general realm of knowledge, and concentrates
-himself upon a single province,[4] in which, however, he becomes not
-merely a follower, but an independent worker, seeing and judging for
-himself and co-operating with his teacher in advancing the bounds of
-knowledge. Above all, "it is not the substance of what is
-communicated, but the act of communication between the older and the
-younger mind, which is the important matter."[5]
-
-From this educational standpoint, Count Moltke's _Order of Teaching_
-deserves a close examination. Its opening paragraphs must be given in
-full:--
-
-
-"THE COURSE OF STUDY.
-
-"In accordance with the objects for which the Military Academy is
-instituted, its course of study must aim at a thorough professional
-education; it must not lose itself in the wide field of general
-scientific studies.
-
-"A sound formal education is the indispensable pre-requisite of a
-thorough military professional education. The deepening of the formal
-training, of the general intelligence and judgment, must therefore
-never be lost sight of during, and side by side with, the professional
-studies. Accordingly the course will be based upon the knowledge
-gained in the cadet corps, the military schools, the school for
-artillery and engineers, and, as regards general knowledge, in the
-gymnasia. But a simple repetition of things already known, by way of
-refreshing the memory, cannot be sufficient. As the whole course aims
-at a higher culture, it must proceed independently, entirely free from
-the constraint of a school.
-
-"The practical abilities of the officers, acquired during five years'
-service, offer in many respects a foundation upon which the teachers
-can build.
-
-
-"METHOD OF INSTRUCTION.
-
-"The instruction at the Military Academy begins with the elements of
-the various subjects, the object being, in the first instance, to
-strengthen and enlarge the grasp of what has already been learned. It
-proceeds, as the subjects develop, to more difficult matters, aiming,
-as its ultimate goal, at the thorough preparation of the officer for
-the modern requirements of war. The instruction in the formal sciences
-must for this purpose proceed in a different manner from that adopted
-in the military subjects. The scientific teaching may take the form of
-lectures, which appeal merely to the comprehension and the memory of
-the hearer, while in the military subjects, everything depends upon the
-pupil learning to apply and to make the most of the knowledge which he
-acquires. It is, moreover, essential to bring about an active process
-of mental give and take between teacher and pupils, so as to stimulate
-the pupils to become fellow-workers. The awakening effects of
-co-operation like this will never be seen where the one only expounds,
-and the other only listens. But it will naturally be produced by the
-combination of clear exposition, with practice in the application to
-specific concrete cases of the knowledge gained. (The so-called
-'applicatory method' of teaching. Cp. p. 187, note.)
-
-"Accordingly, in the purely military subjects the lectures are, as far
-as possible, to be interspersed with practical examples, in which the
-details are explained upon the map. Moreover, in this department,
-there will be opportunities of encouraging the pupils from time to time
-to deliver original addresses, the preparation of which should lead to
-the formation of independent opinions. The subjects of these addresses
-are to be military, and never merely scientific.
-
-"If the teacher succeeds by the force of his word and his person in
-developing the mental powers of his pupils so that they eagerly look
-forward to the next year's course and are thoroughly roused to work for
-themselves, he has accomplished his task. For the Academy is not to
-give fragments of disconnected knowledge; in its course of teaching the
-necessity of every new subject must rest upon truths which the pupils
-have already perceived and made their own."
-
-The general framework being thus erected, the _Order of Teaching_
-proceeds to review the several subjects[6] taught in the Academy,
-indicating in each case the reason why the particular subject is to be
-taken up, and the manner in which it is to be treated.
-
-The following paragraphs, which deal with the four principal subjects
-of instruction, give a sufficient insight into the system:--
-
-
-"TACTICS.
-
-"The object of the tactical instruction, to which, above all,
-pre-eminent importance must be attached, is (1) to give the officers a
-thorough knowledge of the tactical regulations in force in our army and
-those of our great neighbours, and (2) by teaching and by setting
-problems to make them familiar with the endless diversity of the
-conditions of modern battle.
-
-"The first year's course comprises (_a_) the outlines of the historical
-growth of our army organization and of our tactical forms; (_b_) our
-drill-books, order of field service and musketry instruction, so far as
-they are important for the use of the troops in the field; (_c_)
-thorough explanation of the forms of battle of the great European
-armies of to-day.
-
-"Hand in hand with this formal instruction, the German regulations
-dealing with march, combat, and rest must be illustrated by problems
-involving a small detachment of all arms. In these problems the
-principal stress is to be laid on the co-operation and mutual support
-of the various arms.
-
-"In the second and third years' course only applied tactics will be
-taught. During the second year the duties of the infantry and cavalry
-division, with special regard to the issue of orders and the conduct of
-battle, must be thoroughly studied. The third year's course embraces
-the functions of an army corps acting as a portion of an army.
-
-"The teacher must throughout endeavour to make his instruction
-suggestive by examples and by exercises on the map and in the open air.
-In this he will be successful in proportion as he makes use of the
-experiences of modern and of recent wars.
-
-
-"MILITARY HISTORY.
-
-"The lectures upon military history offer the most effective means of
-teaching war during peace, and of awakening a genuine interest in the
-study of important campaigns. These lectures should bring into relief
-the unchangeable fundamental conditions of good generalship in their
-relation to changeable tactical forms, and should place in a true light
-the influence of eminent characters upon the course of events and the
-weight of moral forces in contrast to that of mere material instruments.
-
-"These lectures must not degenerate into a mere succession of
-unconnected descriptions of military occurrences. They must regard
-events in their causal connections, must concern themselves with the
-leadership, and must at the same time bring out the ideas of war
-peculiar to each age. They will acquire a high value if the teacher
-succeeds in bringing into exercise the judgment of his pupils.
-
-"This judgment, however, must never degenerate into mere negative
-criticism, but must clothe itself in the form of distinct suggestions
-as to what ought to have been done and decided.
-
-"The lectures in the first year's course will treat of one or more of
-the campaigns of Frederick the Great; in the second year's course,
-campaigns of the Revolution or of Napoleon I.; and in the third year's
-course, campaigns of the period since Napoleon, especially those of the
-time of the Emperor William I.
-
-
-"HISTORY.
-
-"A thorough historical knowledge is a necessary part of general
-scientific education, and is also of manifold value in the professional
-life of an officer. Accordingly, the lectures which are to lay the
-foundations for it are continued throughout the three years' course.
-Their object is to show consecutively the general development of the
-human race in the successive stages of religious conceptions, of
-political and social forms, and in the results of science, art, and
-philosophy. All these phases of human progress are to be illustrated
-in the history of representative nations and individuals. Growing
-forms are to be explained in connection with previous conditions, and
-finally the exposition must reach the present time, the ground upon
-which the officer's work is founded, and of which therefore he must
-understand the gradual historical growth.
-
-
-"GENERAL STAFF DUTIES AND PRACTICE TOUR.
-
-"This course is to deal with the functions of the general staff, and
-with the service of the general staff officer in peace and war. It
-includes, in any order preferred by the teacher--
-
-"The historical development of our general staff.
-
-"The corresponding arrangements of the other Great Powers.
-
-"The subdivision of our army as based upon the Imperial Constitution,
-the military laws, and the conventions.[7]
-
-"The office work of the general staff officer in its general outlines;
-the preparations for the manoeuvres and for mobilization; the various
-constituent parts of the mobile army.
-
-"Railways and transport.
-
-"The duties of the general staff officer in the field, especially his
-position and functions in relation to the general command.
-
-"The principles of the supply of armies in peace and war, the resources
-and means available for the purpose, and the methods employed.
-
-"The war strength and composition of the armies of our great neighbours.
-
-"The practice tour[8] with which the course terminates offers the
-opportunity of testing the capacity, knowledge, and endurance of each
-officer--of finding what he can do. Upon the basis of simple general
-and special ideas, usually framed by the teacher who conducts the
-exercise, the decisions of the general commanding and the general staff
-officer's share in the measures adopted will be illustrated. For this
-purpose it will be useful to form two sides, neither of which should,
-as a rule, exceed the strength of an imaginary infantry division on a
-war footing. The exercise should be so arranged as to occasion in turn
-practice in formal work such as may promote facility in the issue of
-orders and a knowledge of the arrangements of our army, discussions
-upon the spot of tactical situations, analyses of the effects upon the
-troops of dispositions given, and lastly, comprehensive examinations of
-the situation presented by the campaign or battle. Each officer who
-joins the tour should have the opportunity of grappling with as many as
-possible of these various kinds of difficulties."
-
-The advocates of original research as the true instrument of higher
-education may not at first sight recognise their ideal in Moltke's
-_Order of Teaching_. They may smile at an academy where natural
-science and history are taught in lectures appealing only to the
-intelligence and the memory. But the school at Berlin has a practical
-aim. It is a school of war, and in all that relates to war the German
-staff officer learns to apply that science which consists in the true
-method of apprehending. Moreover, the _Order of Teaching_, like all
-other German military regulations, does not fully reveal the
-thoroughness of the work executed in obedience to its precepts. In
-military history, for instance, it lays down that the third year's
-course is to deal with "campaigns of the time of William I." This
-phrase would be met by very superficial work. The letter would be
-fulfilled by a perusal of a _précis_ of the campaigns of 1866 or of
-1870. A study of one of these campaigns in the official history might
-seem completely to fulfil the requirements. But in practice the
-students at the Academy work out the selected campaign on a still wider
-basis. In the probationary year which follows the Academy course they
-are allowed access to the materials from which the staff histories were
-written, and are expected to form their own judgment on the campaign
-from the study of the original documents themselves. This is the very
-ideal of the ideal professor of history.
-
-There is no doubt another point of view from which the War Academy may
-be differently judged. A University, strictly speaking, is a school of
-free thought, and should give to those who have lived its life and
-breathed its spirit a view of the world, of nature and of humanity, of
-which the characteristic is freedom, spontaneity, independence. The
-man who in this sense has had a liberal education may be reactionary or
-progressive in his sympathies, may be democratic or authoritative in
-his leanings, but in any case if the University has done its work he
-will choose his own way. He will take his bearings for himself, and
-his thought will be conditioned by no ordinances and limited by no
-authority. At this intellectual freedom the War Academy does not aim.
-Its business is not with the progress of humanity, but with the
-training of good servants for the King of Prussia. Whether this
-immediate object is a means to the higher end is a question for the
-historian in some future century.
-
-
-
-[1] Schwartz, _Leben des Generals Carl von Clausewitz_, etc., vol. i.
-p. 151.
-
-[2] It is dated August 12th, 1888; Count Moltke's resignation as chief
-of the general staff of the army is dated in the _Gazette_, August
-10th, 1888.
-
-[3] Mark Pattison's _Suggestions on Academical Organisation, with
-Especial Reference to Oxford_, p. 307.
-
-[4] Cp. Pattison's _Suggestions_, p. 262.
-
-[5] Cp. Paulson's _Suggestions_, p. 165.
-
-[6] List of the subjects taught in the Academy, with number of hours
-per week in each year's course devoted to each:--
-
- 1st 2nd 3rd
- MILITARY SUBJECTS. year's year's year's
- course. course. course.
-
- Tactics . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 4 2
- Military history . . . . . . . . 3 4 4
- Early history of armies . . . . . 1 -- --
- Construction and nature of weapons 3 -- --
- Fortification . . . . . . . . . . 3 -- --
- Means of communication . . . . . -- 2 --
- Military surveying . . . . . . . -- 2 --
- Military law . . . . . . . . . . -- 1 --
- Military hygiene . . . . . . . . -- 1 --
- Military geography . . . . . . . -- 2 --
- Duties of the general staff . . . -- -- 4
- Siege warfare . . . . . . . . . . -- -- 3
-
- NON-MILITARY SUBJECTS.
-
- History . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 3 3
- General geography . . . . . . . . 2 -- --
- Administration and law, including
- international law . . . . . . . -- -- 2
- Mathematics (Mathematical ) 4 3 2
- Physical Geography (sciences as ) 2 -- --
- Physics . . . . . (alternatives ) -- 3 --
- Geodesy . . . . . (for language.) -- -- 3
- Chemistry . . . . ( ) -- -- 2
- French . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 6 6
- or . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
- Russian . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 6 6
-
-Every candidate for admission to the Academy is required to say whether
-he proposes to take up the subjects grouped as mathematical sciences,
-or a language, and if a language whether French or Russian.
-
-[7] The conventions are the agreements with Prussia by which the armies
-of Saxony, Bavaria, and Würtemberg are regulated.
-
-[8] The practice tour (_Uebungsreise_) is a sham fight, or rather a
-sham campaign, carried out in the district chosen for the purpose by
-officers without men. The troops are imaginary, but the officers
-taking part in the exercise are assigned to the several posts of
-command, and upon the basis of the imaginary situation, communicated by
-the umpire, work out all the necessary orders and dispositions.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER III
-
-THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING
-
-The condition of success in the higher education is that the teacher
-should be himself a student. He should have in his subject that vital
-interest which comes of the endeavour to extend his mastery and to
-widen in his own particular branch the existing bounds of knowledge and
-achievement. The true teacher does not study his subject in order to
-be able to teach, but teaches because he is possessed by his subject.
-The benefits of teaching in the higher stages are therefore never
-one-sided. The pupil returns in a different form the help which he
-receives. For while the elucidation of principles acquires a peculiar
-freshness and force in the hands of an active pioneer of knowledge, the
-necessities of exposition compel the investigator to keep his
-researches in contact with the system or body of doctrine which he
-expounds. This fundamental relation between teaching and research is
-realized in the connection between the War Academy and the great
-general staff.
-
-It has already been shown how the great general staff is the organ by
-which during peace its chief collects and sifts the information upon
-which he bases his plan for the opening of a campaign, and how, when
-the operations have begun, the general staff, through its several
-ramifications, keeps him supplied with the data concerning his own army
-and that of the enemy which he requires from time to time in order to
-shape his further decisions.
-
-All this is but preliminary or preparatory work. The decisive act is
-that by which the chief of the staff, from the information he has thus
-acquired, constructs a problem and designs its solution--puts to
-himself the question, What is now to be done? and answers it. Thus in
-the last analysis the soul of the organism resides in the chief of the
-staff, and is manifested in the exercise of his peculiar faculties. It
-therefore becomes necessary to investigate the nature and origin of the
-qualities in virtue of which he is fitted for his post.
-
-The _Order of Teaching_ of the War Academy explains the method by
-which, in an elementary stage, the intellectual faculties requisite for
-command are developed and trained. The mental outfit of the ideal
-general is there analyzed into its constituent parts, which are
-classified according to their importance. The highest place is
-assigned to military history as "the most effective means of teaching
-war during peace."[1] Accordingly the study of military history, to
-which so large a space is assigned in the course of the War Academy, is
-pursued on a higher plane by the great general staff, which has a
-special department for its cultivation. In this historical work, and
-in the method on which it is conducted, lies the secret of Prussian
-generalship.
-
-The leading ideas of the school must be sought in the writings of
-Clausewitz,[2] the great exponent of the lessons learned in Prussia
-from the wars against Napoleon. Clausewitz distinguishes the mere
-narration of events, which gives at most the superficial relations of
-cause and effect, from their critical examination. In the critical
-method applied to military history he defines[3] three stages or
-operations. There is first the historical process proper, which has
-for its object the ascertainment of the facts so far as this is
-possible with the existing materials. Upon the basis thus furnished
-the military student will proceed to seek to understand the events in
-their relations as cause and effect, and then when their real
-historical connection[4] has thus been determined will undertake to
-form a judgment as to the fitness of the means employed for the ends
-which it was sought to attain.
-
-It is in this last process that the educational value of military
-history is to be sought. The Prussian School aims not only at
-developing the power of comprehension, but also at forming the
-character.[5] Accordingly it requires that the student should not
-merely make himself acquainted with the facts of a campaign, and with
-the general bearings of theory upon its events. He is expected in
-every case to form a definite conclusion as to what ought to have been
-done. He must clearly make up his mind what course he would himself
-have adopted in the circumstances which confronted the general whose
-operations he is studying.
-
-The influence of the ideas of Clausewitz upon the historical studies of
-the general staff is clearly marked. In 1862 was published "The
-Italian Campaign of the year 1859, compiled by the Historical
-Department of the General Staff of the Royal Prussian Army." It is an
-open secret that this work was written by Moltke himself; and therefore
-it is worth noting that the preface describes the object of the book
-almost in the words of Clausewitz: "to ascertain as accurately as
-possible the nature of the events in Northern Italy during those few
-eventful weeks, to deduce them from their causes--in short, to exercise
-that objective criticism without which the facts themselves do not
-afford effective instruction for our own benefit." The history of the
-Italian campaign is a model of this positive criticism. At, every
-stage the writer places himself in turn in the position of the
-commander of each side, and sketches clearly and concisely the measures
-which at that moment would, in his opinion, have been the most
-appropriate. This is undoubtedly the true method of teaching the
-general's art, and the best exercise in peace that can be devised for
-those who have acquired its mastery.
-
-In 1867 appeared "The Campaign of 1866 in Germany, compiled by the
-Department for Military History of the Great General Staff." This work
-is described in its preface as "drawn from the official reports of the
-Prussian troops, and intended in the first instance for their use. The
-description," the writer goes on to say, "is one-sided, because
-hitherto our late antagonists have not made disclosures such as would
-suffice to explain the motives of their action." A similar
-qualification may be applied to the account of the Franco-German war
-published by the great general staff. But both works supply, within
-the limits laid down by their authors, precisely the kind of history
-which is of the greatest value to the military student. The utmost
-pains have been taken to secure a true statement of facts, and a clear
-exposition of the guiding motives on the Prussian or German side.
-Accordingly these works, and the account published more recently of the
-campaign of 1864 in Denmark, form rich storehouses of material for that
-"objective criticism" in the exercise of which lies the principal means
-of maturing the military judgment.
-
-The great general staff began in 1883 to publish a series of historical
-monographs, of which the object is, in the case of subjects chosen from
-recent campaigns, "to throw light upon important questions relating to
-the art of command, in particular the mode of employing, and the
-performance possible to, the several arms; the service of security;
-minor warfare; fortification; the composition and preservation of
-armies." Those of the essays which take their subjects from earlier
-campaigns are intended "to enrich our insight into the nature of war,
-and to make possible a profounder and more correct judgment of events,
-and of the persons concerned in them."
-
-The _Order of Teaching_ of the War Academy describes the purpose of all
-these studies in military history. They are to lead to a knowledge of
-"the unchanging conditions upon which good generalship depends, in
-their connection with changing tactical forms." Before there can be
-good practice there must be a true theory, and a true theory can be
-acquired only from historical study pursued according to a sound
-method. Moreover, the theory can never have an independent existence;
-it must always derive its sustenance from fresh contact with the
-historical reality of which it is the abstract. It is like the giant
-Antasus, whose strength fails whenever he is lifted up from the touch
-of his mother Earth. On the other hand, historical study which did not
-yield a theory would be barren and useless.
-
-This connection between history and theory finds expression in the
-tradition of the Prussian service. The general staff has been no less
-active in the production of theoretical works than in that of
-historical studies. But in the department of theory each work is
-published on the responsibility of its author. There is no official
-theory;[6] only the theories of individual officers. A short account
-of the principal works which in this way emanated from the general
-staff during the reign of King William I. will show that the accepted
-body of military doctrine is almost entirely due to this one source.
-
-In 1865 appeared as a supplement to a military newspaper an anonymous
-memorandum of eight pages, headed "Remarks on the Influence of the
-Improved Firearms upon Battle." This short essay, of which the
-authorship was afterwards acknowledged by Moltke, gave a searching
-analysis, based upon exact historical data, of the modifications in the
-handling of troops on the battlefield to be looked for from the
-adoption of rifled cannon and breechloading rifles. The writer drew
-with a master's hand in a few strokes the characteristics of the
-physiology and psychology of the modern battlefield, as results of the
-new arms. The rifled gun can change its target without changing its
-position. Its long range and its accuracy, where the distance is known
-and the target visible, must prevent the enemy from employing large
-columns within a mile. The breech-loading rifle requires soldiers
-carefully taught to shoot. But sharpshooting must be the exception.
-Decisive results on a large scale must be sought by reserving the fire
-for those short ranges at which errors in estimating the distance are
-immaterial. A strict control of the fire by the officers must prevent
-the waste of ammunition. The formation for firing will be the line two
-deep; that for manoeuvring in the range of the enemy's rifled guns will
-be a line of small columns, which can rapidly deploy, are easily
-handled, and admit of the full use of the ground for protection and
-concealment when in motion. The new firearms produce their full effect
-only on open ground. Accordingly the defender will seek positions such
-as are formed by a gentle slope of the ground offering a free and
-extensive field of fire. The attacker will seek for his advance the
-protection afforded by broken ground or by woods and villages. Though
-in the abstract the new weapons are favourable to the defence, so that
-a general on the defensive will try to force the enemy to attack him in
-a good position, the breechloading rifle, if it can be brought within
-effective range of the defender, will quickly bring about a decision.
-The defenders will not be able to sustain the hail of bullets, and if
-they attempt to charge with the bayonet will be effectually stopped by
-the rapid fire of the needle-gun.[7]
-
-The views here expressed were put into practice, and proved to be
-sound, on the battlefields of 1866. The battle of Nachod, in which the
-Crown Prince's left column, emerging from the mountains, defeated the
-Austrian corps which tried to prevent its debouching, illustrated the
-leading ideas of Moltke's essay. The position was on the crest of a
-long slope, up which the Austrians attacked. The Prussian troops were
-handled in small columns, which deployed to resist by steady and rapid
-fire at short ranges the advance of the Austrian masses. After the
-war, a younger officer of the general staff, Major, afterwards
-Lieutenant-General Kühne, published a critical history of these early
-battles of the Crown Prince; and it is worth noting that he found the
-chief cause of success on the actual battlefields to have lain in the
-thoroughness with which the men had been taught to handle the
-needle-gun, and in the judgment with which the officers applied the
-small column for manoeuvre and the deployed formations for firing. At
-Königgrätz itself was illustrated the view that the attack would find
-its advantage in broken or covered ground, for the decisive blow was
-prepared essentially by Fransecky's hard fighting in the wood of
-Maslowed.
-
-After the war of 1870, the Prussian staff was for many years engaged
-upon its history, which was not complete until 1881. During this
-period the main business of military criticism was the sifting of that
-war, with a view to the improvement of theory, in other words to the
-better management of future wars. It has always been thought
-remarkable that this criticism should have been undertaken by the
-Germans themselves. The bulk of this work also was done by the general
-staff, in the shape of unofficial publications by members of that body.
-Between 1870 and 1875 appeared the studies of Verdy du Vernois in _The
-Art of Command_, works which have exercised the profoundest influence
-on the military literature of our time, and which recall the efforts of
-Scharnhorst to teach, not a series of disconnected sciences, but a
-doctrine of the conduct of war.[8] Verdy's studies were based on his
-work in the historical department of the staff, where he was engaged on
-the records of both the great campaigns. In 1882 appeared the essay on
-_Strategy_ of Blume, who had prepared for it by a strategical history,
-published in 1872, of the campaign of 1870 from the battle of Sedan
-onwards. In 1883 was published the brilliant popular work of Von der
-Goltz, _The Nation in Arms_, also the outcome of extensive historical
-studies.[9] All these writers were members of the Prussian general
-staff.
-
-The tactical discussions which immediately followed the war were
-conducted in the main by writers whose experience had been gained, not
-on the staff, but in the actual command of fighting units.
-Boguslawski, Laymann, Tellenbach, and May had been company leaders on
-the French or Bohemian battlefields. But even here the influence of
-the staff was considerable. Bronsart von Schellendorf, who wrote the
-reply to May's _Tactical Retrospect_, Von Scherff, whose essays on
-formal tactics were very widely read at the time of their publication
-(1873), and Meckel, whose treatise on tactics in 1881 condensed into a
-systematic shape the substantial results of the ten years' controversy,
-were all officers of the general staff. Thus it is hardly too much to
-say that for more than twenty years the Prussian general staff has done
-a great part of the military thinking of Europe.
-
-The school through which a Prussian officer must pass before he can
-become a general has now been described, at least in its most striking
-features. After five years' service as a lieutenant he has mastered
-the elementary duties, and assimilated the spirit of his class, with
-its ideals of work and intelligent but absolute obedience. In three
-years at the War Academy he has learned the nature of war, and acquired
-an insight into the conduct of the armies. At the same time he has
-been taught to deal in a practical way with practical questions, never
-allowing himself to shrink from the effort of forming a decision. He
-has now arrived at full maturity in frame, intelligence, and character,
-and spends the more active years of manhood in the higher studies of
-the great general staff, the executive and practical activities of
-command, and the comprehensive and instructive functions of the general
-staff of the division or the army corps. During these years and in all
-these varied occupations his energies are put forth to their full
-extent, for advancement can only be secured by valuable work in each
-successive sphere. By the time he attains to general rank he has
-acquired a vast and varied experience; a practised eye, whose rapid and
-penetrating glance on the march and in the field seems to the layman
-almost miraculous; and a sureness and swiftness of judgment which
-decides without fail in an instant nine-tenths of the questions which
-arise in the exercise of command.
-
-It is not contended that the system here described is perfect. Every
-system has its failures, and there is no possibility of entirely
-excluding the influences of favour or prejudice. But it may be
-asserted with confidence that the high average of practical ability
-secured in the superior officers of the Prussian army is due in the
-main to the practice of selection, the careful inspection by the
-superiors, at every stage, and to the mature wisdom by which the higher
-education of the general staff is directed. The intellectual
-advancement of the officers of every army is confronted by a peculiar
-difficulty. The foundations of all military institutions are authority
-and obedience--principles which appear to be directly opposed to the
-free movement of intelligence. Every army is constantly in danger of
-decay from mental stagnation. Free criticism is liable to undermine
-discipline, and the habit of unconditional obedience too often destroys
-the independence of judgment without which moral and intellectual
-progress is impossible. The Prussian general staff has escaped from
-this dilemma by itself taking the lead in scientific progress, and
-organizing itself, in regard to all that concerns the business of
-national defence, as an institution for the advancement of learning.
-
-
-
-[1] Cf. Colonel Maurice in the _Encyclopedia Britannica_ article "War,"
-p. 345: "There does not exist, and never has existed ... an 'art of
-war' which was something other than the methodic study of military
-history."
-
-[2] It is interesting to note that Moltke was a pupil at the War
-Academy from 1823 to 1826, while Clausewitz was its director. The
-director, however, is not a teacher, and Clausewitz did not publish any
-of his principal works during his lifetime, so that the evidence does
-not prove a personal influence of Clausewitz upon Moltke.
-
-[3] See Vom Kriege, _Hinterlassenes Werk des Generals Carl von
-Clausewitz_, Zweites Buch, Fünftes Capitel.
-
-[4] Clausewitz is fully aware of the difficulty with which this
-critical study has to contend, that the real causes, the motives which
-led to the adoption of a particular measure, are in many cases unknown.
-
-[5] It may be interesting to compare with what follows Foster's _Essay
-on Decision of Character_, Letter VI., in which the value of a
-"conclusive manner of thinking" is discussed.
-
-[6] The drill-books and regulations for field service embody an
-official theory, and it is, of course, indispensable that they should.
-But these books are not prepared under the responsibility of the
-general staff. The usual practice is to appoint a committee composed
-of a number of combatant officers of all ranks,--a general commanding
-an army corps, commanders of divisions, brigades, regiments, and
-battalions. They will, as a rule, have had the general staff training,
-but it is as experienced commanders that their judgment is asked. They
-prepare a draft code of regulations, which is first issued
-experimentally, and only adopted after full criticism and revision.
-
-[7] The précis given in the text needs only the alteration of two words
-to bring it perfectly up to date. For "a mile" substitute "two miles,"
-and for a "line two deep" substitute "line in single rank"="line of
-skirmishers." For a recent and interesting but heterodox discussion of
-tactical questions the reader may be referred to _Ein
-Sommernachtstraum_ (_Midsummer Night's Dream_), which is by a
-well-known officer, long a member of the general staff.
-
-[8] Verdy's practice is to use the history of a campaign real or
-imaginary as a series of problems set to the student. This is called
-in Germany "the applicatory method," and its introduction is ascribed
-to General von Peucker, who was Director of Military Education in
-Prussia from 1854 to 1872.
-
-[9] Von der Goltz's papers on Rossbach and Jena appeared in 1882.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER IV
-
-THE CHIEF OF THE GENERAL STAFF
-
-In the best work the man is more than the school. An ordinary man
-gives out no more than has been put into him. All his performances can
-be explained by his antecedents. But the best workers contribute from
-themselves an element which no analysis can adequately explain. A
-Newton or a Columbus, a Stanley or a Whitworth, has some unseen spring
-of force and insight.
-
-A man of this stamp is required at the head of an army, and above all
-at the head of the organization entrusted with the design of operations.
-
-The eve of a war is always accompanied by a great outburst of feeling,
-which in ninety-nine men out of a hundred manifests itself as an
-excitement, a disturbance, interfering with the action of the judgment
-and distorting the view of persons and events. But this is the very
-time when the weightiest decisions must be taken. The provisional plan
-of concentration, the result of careful preparation in quieter times,
-has to be reconsidered in relation to the circumstances of the moment,
-and definitely settled and adopted. The judgment of the strategist
-must therefore be perfectly clear, uninfluenced by the emotions which
-he shares with the rest of his countrymen.
-
-When the concentration has been ordered, and while the armies are in
-movement, come the first collisions, following one another in quick
-succession. Every day brings its surprises, even to the best informed
-and best prepared headquarters. The strategist's equilibrium must be
-disturbed as little by unexpected events as by the throbs of national
-emotion. He must prepare the way for a decisive battle. No one knows
-better than he the terrible nature of the sacrifices which it will
-involve, and the stakes which are risked upon its issue. The lives of
-thousands will be lost; many thousands will be wounded; a mistake,
-miscalculation, or mishap may lead to defeat, with far-reaching,
-perhaps disastrous, consequences to his country. But under the weight
-of this vast responsibility the strategist's judgment must work
-smoothly and easily, like the compass in a storm, with no derangement
-of its delicate equipoise.
-
-The man whose insight remains clear, whose judgment retains its even
-balance, when the greater part of mankind are stunned with the awe of
-great events, who remains true to himself while others are carried away
-by what seems an irresistible current, is not cast in the common mould.
-Ordinary men shrink into insignificance beside him. He is separated
-from the average officer by a gulf which no system of training can
-bridge. The inner calm which neither great occurrences, nor danger,
-nor responsibility can disturb cannot be imparted, and no method can be
-prescribed for its acquisition.
-
-The natural place for a leader of men is in the supreme command. Where
-a general of this type is at the head of an army he will himself
-superintend the work of strategical preparation such as is carried on
-in the office of the great general staff at Berlin. His chief of the
-staff will be a confidential assistant, whose main function will be to
-lighten for him the burden of detail, and the two men will stand to one
-another in the same relation as that which subsists between the general
-commanding an army corps and the chief of the general staff of the
-corps.
-
-In Prussia the king is the head of the army, and there are good reasons
-why he should take the field in person--reasons which have not been
-weakened by his becoming also German Emperor. A king who keeps in his
-own hands the general direction of the Government cannot very well work
-out for himself the problems involved in the strategical preparation of
-a campaign. His chief of the staff becomes his strategical adviser,
-alike during peace and war, and occupies a position of far greater
-importance than the assistant to a professional commander-in-chief.
-King William I., in the two great wars in which he took the field,
-reposed entire confidence in his chosen chief of the staff; and to the
-fine character which could do this without loss of dignity, as well as
-to the genius of Moltke, must be attributed the success with which in
-these wars the armies were directed. Moltke always attributed to the
-king the responsibility for the strategical decisions, and that quite
-correctly; but the king equally correctly regarded Moltke as their
-source, and attributed the success of the army to Moltke's "conduct of
-the operations."[1] The victories of Prussia in 1866, and of Germany
-under Prussian guidance in 1870, were due to the perfect understanding
-between the king and Moltke, a relation equally creditable to them
-both. It must not be forgotten, moreover, that the king exercised the
-supreme political as well as the supreme military authority, and that
-in the political department, too, he had in Bismarck a trusted adviser,
-the counterpart of Moltke. Thus was secured the harmony between the
-political and the military direction which is essential to great
-success in war. From the exceptional characters of the king, of
-Bismarck, and of Moltke, and from the equally exceptional relation
-between them, it would be rash to deduce a system, which in any case
-could be applicable only to the case of a king wielding the entire
-executive power.
-
-The relation between the Commander-in-Chief and his chief of the staff
-must thus be regarded as a personal one, which will vary in its nature
-according to the characters and gifts of the two men. If the commander
-has in himself the necessary intellectual power, the chief of the staff
-should be of subordinate mould; if the commander requires help in the
-conception of the operations, his assistant must be able to supply the
-initiative required. It is evident that the case in which the
-subordinate is the source of inspiration implies on the part of the
-commander a magnanimity far from common, and that, therefore, this
-arrangement must be considered to be rather the exception than the rule.
-
-The element of permanent value in the Prussian system is the
-classification of duties according to which it regulates the division
-of labour. The whole authority of the Government is concentrated in
-the person of the king who is the head of the army. The king does
-nothing himself; every part of the work is done for him. The whole of
-the business of the army is divided up into compartments, so as to
-leave nothing over, and at the head of each compartment is an officer,
-who within it exercises the king's authority. The king's supervision
-does not appear to consist in his doing over again the work of these
-officers. They submit to him any important new decisions which they
-propose, for they are responsible to him. But in case the king is
-unable to agree with the course proposed, there is reason to believe
-that the officer who suggests it retires, his place being filled by a
-successor who shares the king's view. In this way the authority of the
-king is maintained without impairing the initiative of his chosen and
-authorized assistants.
-
-The actual command of the troops is in the hands of the generals
-commanding army corps and of the governors of fortresses; they account
-directly to the king, and all their subordinates to or through them.
-The general concerns of the army pass through one of three departments.
-Personal matters, such as the appointment and promotion of officers,
-retirements, rewards, and decorations go to the king's military
-cabinet, which has its own chief. Administrative affairs, that is
-questions of organization, equipment, armament, and fortification,
-belong to the ministry of war. The third department, that of the
-general staff, is principally occupied with the strategical and
-tactical rather than with the administrative direction of the army.
-These various departments communicate directly with one another, a
-process which is facilitated by regulations leaving no doubt which of
-them upon any given point has the power to decide.
-
-It thus appears that the institution of a general staff as one of the
-organs of the management of an army is based upon a true analysis
-applying equally to all civilized armies, and to all ordered warfare.
-
-Military success requires primarily the intelligent direction against
-the enemy of the forces employed. The general staff originated as the
-auxiliary instrument of this direction, and as such is found, at least
-in a rudimentary form, in every army. In Prussia alone its full
-importance was understood, and it received an organization peculiarly
-suited to its purpose. The distinction was steadily kept in view
-between the all-important conduct of the operations against an enemy
-and the subordinate though necessary business of administration.[2]
-Every function directly bearing upon the conception or design of the
-action of the army or of its principal parts against the enemy was
-assigned to the general staff, which thus became an enlargement of the
-commander's mind, serving to facilitate his performance of his most
-characteristic and most difficult duty. To the command thus
-strengthened the army was rendered pliable partly by means of a
-suitable subdivision into permanent autonomous bodies, and partly
-through the organization of the administrative side by side with the
-military services.
-
-The army corps--managing its own internal affairs--having its
-adjutancy, its auditoriat, and its intendancy to supply its needs with
-the assistance of and in connection with the ministry of war--is a body
-easily amenable to the strategical direction proceeding from a general
-centre. Thus the growth of the organ of strategical direction was
-necessarily accompanied by a corresponding development of other
-military institutions by which the perfect adaptability of the organism
-to the directing agency was attained and preserved.
-
-The importance of the office of chief of the general staff of the army
-led to its being filled by selection. The confidence reposed in a
-chosen chief implied that he should be unhampered in the means of
-fulfilling his duties. He was therefore entrusted with the selection,
-and eventually with the training, of the officers for his own
-department.
-
-The design of military operation involves the most complete knowledge
-of the military sciences, and the most perfect mastery of the military
-art. Accordingly the great general staff has become a school of
-generalship, from which have emanated a series of masterpieces of
-military history and historical criticism, while its individual members
-have produced valuable works dealing with the various branches of the
-theory of the art of war.
-
-The attachment of the War Academy to the general staff for which it is
-the training school is the means of raising to the highest level the
-standard of military education.
-
-The common devotion of the general staff in all its branches to that
-portion of military activity which makes the most exacting demands upon
-the intellectual faculties as well as upon the will, finds its
-expression in the unity of the general staff through all the branches
-of the army. A consequence of the selection by which the corps is
-composed, and of the requirement of practical familiarity with the
-duties of leadership and with the life and spirit of the troops, is the
-constant passage of officers to and fro between regimental and general
-staff service, and their alternate employment in the various branches
-of the general staff itself.
-
-The general staff, in short, is the brain, and something more than the
-brain, of the army.
-
-"Its chief and his 200 officers prepare beforehand for all probable
-campaigns; they follow the progress of the armies of their neighbours
-at the same time that they study the several theatres of war; they work
-out together the methods of war; they familiarize themselves with the
-machinery of the army, bringing their influence to bear upon all
-questions of organization and training; they form an organism whose
-arteries spread all through the army, gathering practical experience
-and carrying wherever they go the same continuous stream of principles
-and of doctrines."[3]
-
-
-
-[1] See the king's letters to Moltke of Oct. 28, 1870: "Ihrer ...
-weisen Führung der Operationen," and of March 22, 1871: "Die
-unübertreffliche Leitung der Kriegsoperationen." Moltke, _Gesammelte
-Schriften_, i., 268, 9.
-
-[2] The function of the military administrator is to transform into
-military force so much of the resources of the State as the Government
-thinks proper. The process is continuous, and goes on during war as
-well as during peace. In Prussia it is conducted by the ministry of
-war, the channel or instrument by which the resources of the country
-are rendered available for employment against the enemy. Cp. p. 61.
-
-[3] _Revue militaire de l'Étranger_, vol. xxxii. p. 261.
-
-
-
-THE END.
-
-
-
-Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London.
-
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-CONTENTS.
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-INTRODUCTION:--I. NATIONAL PARALYSIS. II. THE REMEDY.
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- III. THE PARTITION OF TURKEY AND THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE.
- IV. THE USE OF ARMIES.
- V. THE SECRET OF THE SEA.
- VI. EGYPT.
- VII. A WARNING FROM GERMANY.
- VIII. THE EXPANSION OF FRANCE.
- IX. INDIA.
- X. THE CHEAT ALTERNATIVE.
- XI. THE REVIVAL OF DUTY.
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-
-The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Brain of an Army, by Spenser Wilkinson
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: The Brain of an Army
- A Popular Account of the German General Staff
-
-Author: Spenser Wilkinson
-
-Release Date: July 1, 2017 [EBook #55022]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BRAIN OF AN ARMY ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Al Haines
-
-
-
-
-
-</pre>
-
-
-<h1>
-<br /><br />
- THE<br />
- BRAIN OF AN ARMY<br />
-</h1>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3b">
- A POPULAR ACCOUNT<br />
- OF THE<br />
- GERMAN GENERAL STAFF<br />
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
- BY<br />
- SPENSER WILKINSON<br />
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
- NEW EDITION<br />
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
- WITH LETTERS FROM<br />
- COUNT MOLTKE AND LORD ROBERTS<br />
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
- WESTMINSTER<br />
- ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE<br />
- &amp; CO 1895<br />
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
- BY THE SAME AUTHOR<br />
-<br />
- <i>THE COMMAND OF THE SEA</i><br />
- <i>THE BRAIN OF A NAVY</i><br />
- <i>THE GREAT ALTERNATIVE</i><br />
-<br />
- <i>and in conjunction with</i><br />
-<br />
- SIR CHARLES W. DILKE, BART.<br />
-<br />
- <i>IMPERIAL DEFENCE</i><br />
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-[Transcriber's note: the errata items below have been applied
-to this text.]
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-ERRATA.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-page 9, line 6 for <i>have</i> read <i>has</i>
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-page 10, line 21, for <i>occasion</i> read <i>occasions</i>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap00b"></a></p>
-
-<h3>
-PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-Six years ago a Royal Commission, under the
-presidency of Lord Hartington, was known to be
-inquiring into the administration of the national
-defence. There was much talk in the newspapers
-about the Prussian staff, and many were the
-advocates of its imitation in this country. Very
-few of those who took part in the discussions
-seemed to know what the Prussian staff was, and
-I thought it might be useful to the Royal
-Commission and to the public to have a true account
-of that institution, written in plain English, so
-that any one could understand it. The essay was
-published on the 11th of February, 1890, the day
-on which the Report of Lord Hartington's
-Commission was signed.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The essential feature of the Prussian staff
-system consists in the classification of duties out
-of which it has arisen. Every general in the
-field requires a number of assistants, collectively
-forming his staff, to relieve him of matters of
-detail, to act as his confidential secretaries, and
-to represent him at places where he cannot be
-himself. The duties of command are so multifarious
-that some consistent distribution of functions
-among the officers of a large staff is
-indispensable. In Prussia this distribution is
-based on a thoroughly rational and practical
-principle. The general's work is subdivided into
-classes, according as it is concerned with
-administration and discipline or with the direction
-of the operations against the enemy. All that
-belongs to administration and discipline is put
-upon one side of a dividing line, and upon the
-other side all that directly affects the preparation
-for or the management of the fighting&mdash;in
-technical language, all that falls within the
-domain of strategy and tactics. The officers
-entrusted with the personal assistance of the
-general in this latter group of duties are in
-Prussia called his "general staff." They are
-specially trained in the art of conducting
-operations against an enemy, that is in the specific
-function of generalship, which has thus in the
-Prussian army received more systematic attention
-than in any other. In the British army the
-assistants of a general are also grouped into
-classes for the performance of specific functions
-in his relief. But the grouping of duties is
-accidental, and follows no principle. It has arisen
-by chance, and been stereotyped by usage. The
-officers of a staff belong to the adjutant-general's
-branch or to the quartermaster-general's branch,
-but no rational criterion exists by which to
-discover whether a particular function falls to one
-branch or to the other. That this is an evil is
-evident, because it is manifest that there can be
-no scientific training for a group of duties which
-have no inherent affinity with one another. The
-evil has long been felt, for the attempt has
-been made to remedy it by amalgamating the
-two branches in order to sever them again upon
-a rational plane of cleavage.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But while the essence of the Prussian general
-staff lies deeply embedded in the organization
-of the Prussian army, the interest of the
-general public has been attracted by the fact
-that the great strategist to whom the victories
-of 1866 and 1870 are ascribed was not the
-commander of the Prussian army, but merely
-the chief of the general staff of a royal
-commander-in-chief. It may well be doubted whether
-this feature of the Prussian system is suitable
-for imitation elsewhere. The Germans themselves
-evidently regard it as accidental rather
-than essential, for in organizing their navy they
-have, after much experiment and deliberation,
-adopted a different plan. They have appointed
-their chosen admiral to be, not chief of the staff
-to an Emperor who in war, as he takes the
-field with the army, cannot undertake the
-command of the navy, but to be "the commanding
-admiral."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-I refrained in the first edition of this essay
-from drawing from the German institution which
-it describes a moral to be applied to the
-British army, and was content with a warning
-against overhasty imitation. At that time the
-nature of the relation between Moltke and the
-King was still to some extent veiled in official
-language, and nothing so far as I am aware
-had been published which allowed the facts to
-rest upon well authenticated, direct evidence as
-distinguished from inference. Since then the
-posthumous publication of Moltke's private
-correspondence,[<a id="chap00bfn1text"></a><a href="#chap00bfn1">1</a>] and of the first instalment of his
-military correspondence,[<a id="chap00bfn2text"></a><a href="#chap00bfn2">2</a>] has thrown a flood of
-light upon the whole subject. I had the good
-fortune to be furnished with an earlier clue.
-As soon as my essay was ready for the press
-I ventured to send a proof to Count Moltke,
-with a request that he would allow me in a
-dedication to couple his name with studies of
-which his work had been the subject. He was
-good enough to reply in a letter of which the
-following is a translation:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-BERLIN, January 20, 1890.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-DEAR SIR,&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p>
-I have read your essay on the German general staff with
-great interest.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-I am glad that on p. 63 you dispose of the ever-recurring
-legend according to which before every important decision a
-council of war is assembled. I can assure you that in 1866
-and in 1870-71 a council of war was never called.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-If the commander after consultation with his authorized
-adviser feels the need of asking others what he ought to do,
-the command is in weak hands.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-If King William I. ever really used the expression attributed
-to him on p. 58, he did himself a great injustice. The
-king judged the perpetually changing military situation with
-an uncommonly clear eye. He was much more than "a
-great strategist." It was he who took upon himself an
-immeasurable responsibility, and for the conduct of an army
-character weighs more than knowledge and science. I think
-your excellent work would lose nothing if that passage were
-omitted.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-You touch on p. 112[<a id="chap00bfn3text"></a><a href="#chap00bfn3">3</a>] upon the relation between the
-commander and the statesman. Neither of the two can set up
-for himself in advance a goal to be certainly reached. The
-plan of campaign modifies itself after the first great collision
-with the enemy. Success or failure in a battle occasions
-operations originally not intended. On the other hand the
-final claims of the statesman will be very different according
-as he has to reckon with defeats or with a series of
-uninterrupted victories. In the course of the campaign the
-balance between the military will and the considerations of
-diplomacy can be held only by the supreme authority.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It has not escaped your penetration that a general staff
-cannot be improvised on the outbreak of war, that it must
-be prepared long beforehand in peace, and be in practical
-activity and in close intercourse with the troops. But even
-that is not enough. It must know who is to be its future
-commander, must be in communication with him and
-gain his confidence, without which its position is untenable.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Great is the advantage if the head of the State is also the
-leader in war. He knows his general staff and his troops,
-and is known by them. In such armies there are no
-pronunciamentoes.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The constitution, however, does not in every country admit
-of placing the head of the State at the head of the army. If
-the Government will and can select in advance the most
-qualified general for the post, that officer must also be given
-during peace the authority to influence the troops and their
-leaders and to create an understanding between himself and
-his general staff. This chosen general will seldom be the
-minister of war, who during the whole war is indispensable
-at home, where all the threads of administration come
-together.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-You have expressed the kind intention of dedicating your
-interesting essay to me, but I suggest that you should
-consider whether without such a dedication it would not still
-better preserve the character of perfectly independent
-judgment.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-With best thanks for your kind communication,<br />
- &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;I am, dear sir, yours very truly,<br />
- &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;COUNT MOLTKE,<br />
- &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Field Marshal.<br />
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p>
-It was hardly possible for Moltke, bound as he
-was by his own high position, to have expressed
-more plainly his opinion of the kind of reform
-needed in the British army, nor to have better
-illustrated than by that opinion the precise nature
-of his own work.[<a id="chap00bfn4text"></a><a href="#chap00bfn4">4</a>]
-</p>
-
-<p>
-With Moltke's view that the peculiar position
-which he held was not necessarily the model best
-suited for the circumstances of the British army
-it is interesting to compare the judgment
-expressed quite independently by Lord Roberts,
-who kindly allows me to publish the following
-letter:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p><br />
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-SIMLA,<br />
- &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;11<i>th September</i>, 1891.<br />
-</p>
-
-<p class="nindent">
-DEAR MR. WILKINSON,&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p>
-I am much obliged to you for so kindly sending me <i>The
-Brain of an Army</i> and the other military works which
-reached me two or three mails ago. Some of the books I
-had seen before, and <i>The Brain of an Army</i> I had often
-heard of, and meant to study whenever sufficient leisure was
-vouchsafed to me, which, alas! is but seldom. I have now
-read it with great interest.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-One point that strikes me is the strong inclination
-evinced at present to assume that the German system of
-apportioning the duties of command and staff is deserving
-of universal adoption because under exceptional
-circumstances, and with quite an exceptional man to act as
-head of the Staff, it proved eminently successful in the
-wars between Prussia and Austria and Prussia and
-France.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The idea of a Chief of the Staff who is to regulate the
-preparations for and the operations during a campaign, and
-who is to possess a predominant influence in determining
-the military policy of a nation, is quite opposed to the views
-of some of the ablest commanders and strategists, as
-summarized at pages 17 and 18 of Home's <i>Précis of Modern
-Tactics</i>, Edition 1882; and I doubt whether any really
-competent general or Commander-in-Chief would contentedly
-acquiesce in the dissociation of command and
-responsibility which the German procedure necessarily entails.
-That Von Moltke was the virtual Commander-in-Chief
-of the German forces during the wars in question, and that
-the nominal commanders had really very little to say to the
-movements they were called upon to execute, seems to be
-clearly proved by the third volume of the Field Marshal's
-writings, reviewed in <i>The Times</i> of the 21st August last.
-Von Moltke was a soldier of extraordinary ability, he acted
-in the Emperor's name, the orders he initiated were
-implicitly obeyed, and the military machine worked smoothly.
-But had the orders not been uniformly judicious, had a
-check or reverse been experienced, and had one or more of
-the subordinate commanders possessed greater capacity
-and resolution than the Chief of the Staff, the result might
-have been very different.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In military nations a Chief of the Staff of the German
-type may perhaps be essential, more especially when, as in
-Germany, the Emperor is the head of the Army and its
-titular Commander-in-Chief. The reasons for this are that,
-in the first place, he may not possess the qualities required
-in a Commander-in-Chief who has to lead the Army in
-war; and in the second place, even if he does possess those
-qualities, there are so many other matters connected with
-the civil administration of his own country, and with its
-political relations towards other countries, that the time of
-a King or Emperor may be too fully occupied to admit of
-his devoting that exclusive attention to military matters
-which is so necessary in a Commander-in-Chief, if he
-desires to have an efficient Army. A Chief of the Staff
-then becomes essential; he is indeed the Commander-in-Chief.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In a small army like ours, however, where the Commander-in-Chief
-is a soldier by profession, I am inclined to think
-that a Chief of the Staff is not required in the same way as
-he is in Germany. With us, the man of the stamp sketched
-in chapter iv. of <i>The Brain of an Army</i> should be the
-head of the Army&mdash;the Commander-in-Chief to whom
-every one in the Army looks up, and whom every one on
-service trusts implicitly. The note at page 12 [61] of your
-little book expresses my meaning exactly. Blucher required
-a Scharnhorst or a Gneisenau "to keep him straight," but
-would it not have been better, as suggested in your note,
-"to have given Scharnhorst and Gneisenau the actual
-command"?
-</p>
-
-<p>
-I think, too, that an Emperor or King would be more
-likely than a man of inferior social standing to take the
-advice of a Chief of the Staff. The former would be so
-immeasurably above all those about him that he could
-afford to listen to advice&mdash;as the Emperor of Germany
-undoubtedly did to that of Von Moltke on the occasion
-mentioned in the note at page 14 [64]. But the Commander
-of about much the same standing socially as his Chief of the
-Staff, and possibly not much the latter's senior in the Army,
-would be apt to resent what he might consider uncalled-for
-interference; and this would be specially the case if he
-were of a narrow-minded, obstinate disposition. Indeed, I
-think that such a feeling would be almost sure to arise,
-unless the Commander-in-Chief were one of those easy-going,
-soft natures which ought never to be placed in such
-a high position.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-My personal experience is, of course, very slight, but I
-have been a Commander with a Chief of the Staff, and I
-have been (in a very small way) the Chief of the Staff to a
-Commander, with whom I was sent "to keep him straight." It
-was not a pleasant position, and one which I should not
-like to fill a second time. In my own Chief of the Staff (the
-late Sir Charles Macgregor) I was particularly fortunate;
-he was of the greatest possible assistance to me; but
-without thinking myself narrow-minded and obstinate, I
-should have objected if he had acted as if he were "at the
-head of the Army."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-I have been referring hitherto more to war than peace,
-but even in peace time I doubt if a Chief of the Staff of the
-German type is suitable to our organization, and to the
-comparative smallness of our army. In war time it might
-easily lead to disaster. The less capacity possessed by the
-nominal Commander-in-Chief the greater might be his
-obstinacy, and the more capacity he possessed the more he
-would resent anything which might savour of interference.
-Altogether I think that the office of Chief of the Staff, as
-understood in Germany, might easily be made impossible
-under the conditions of our service. My opinion is that the
-Army Head-Quarters Staff are capable of doing exactly the
-same work as the Grand General Staff of the German Army
-perform, and that there is no need to upset our present
-system. We have only to bring the Intelligence and
-Mobilization Departments more closely into communication
-with, and into subordination to, the Adjutant-General and
-Quarter-Master-General, as is now being done in India with
-the best results.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-You will understand that the foregoing remarks are based
-on the assumption that in the British Service the office of
-Commander-in-Chief is held by the soldier who, from his
-abilities and experience, has commended himself to the
-Government as being best qualified to organize the Army for
-war, and if requisite to take command in the field. If,
-however, for reasons of State it is thought desirable to
-approximate our system to the German system in the selection
-of the head of the Army, it might become necessary to
-appoint a Chief of the Staff of the German type to act as the
-responsible military adviser of the Commander-in-Chief and
-the Cabinet. But in this case the responsibility of the
-Officer in question should be fully recognised and clearly
-defined.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-Believe me,<br />
- &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Yours very truly,<br />
- &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;FRED ROBERTS.<br />
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-To SPENSER WILKINSON, Esq.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p>
-The Report of Lord Hartington's Commission,
-which appeared in the spring of 1890, seemed
-to justify the apprehension which had caused me
-to write, for it recommended the creation, under
-the name of a general staff, of a department
-bearing little resemblance to the model which it
-professed to copy. The Commission, however,
-was in a most awkward dilemma. It was
-confronted in regard to the command of the army
-with two problems, one of which was administrative,
-the other constitutional. The public was
-anxious to have an army efficient for its purpose
-of fighting the enemies of Great Britain. The
-statesmen on the Commission were intent upon
-having an army obedient to the Government.
-The tradition that the command of the army
-being a royal prerogative could be exercised
-otherwise than through the constituted advisers
-of the Crown was not in practice altogether
-extinct. It can hardly be doubted that the
-Commission was right in wishing to establish the
-principle that the army is a branch of the public
-service, administered and governed under the
-authority of the Cabinet in precisely the same
-way as the post office. No other theory is possible
-in the England of our day. But the attempt
-to make the theory into the practice touched
-certain susceptibilities which it was felt ought
-to be respected, and the Commission perhaps
-attached more importance to this kind of
-consideration than to the necessity of preparing the
-war office for war.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It was no doubt of the first importance to
-guard against the recurrence of a state of things
-in which all attempts to bring the army into
-harmony with the needs of the time and of the
-nation were frustrated by an authority not
-entirely amenable to the control of the Secretary of
-State. Not less important, however, was the
-requirement that any change by which this result,
-in itself so desirable, might be attained should
-at the same time contribute to the supreme end
-of readiness for conflict with any of the Great
-Powers whose rivalry with Great Britain has in
-recent times become so acute.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In the war of which a part is examined in
-the following pages a chief of the staff is seen
-drafting the orders by which the whole army is
-guided. He has no authority; the orders are
-issued in the name of the commander,&mdash;that is
-in Prussia, of the king. When, as was the case in
-1866 and in 1870-1, the king shows his entire
-confidence in the chief of the staff by invariably
-accepting his drafts, the direction of the army,
-the generalship of the campaign, is really the
-work of the chief of the staff, though that officer
-has never had a command, and has been sheltered
-throughout under the authority of another. The
-generalship or strategy of the campaigns of 1866
-and 1870-1 was Moltke's, and Moltke's alone, and
-no one has borne more explicit testimony to this
-fact than the king. At the same time no one
-has more emphasized the other fact, that he was
-covered by the king's responsibility, than Moltke
-himself.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The work of generalship can rarely be given to
-any one but the commander of an army. When
-the commander owes his position to other than
-military considerations, as is the case in Prussia,
-where the king is born to be commander-in-chief
-as he is born to be king, he is wise to select a
-good professional general to do the work. But
-where a government is free to choose its
-commander, that officer will wish to do his own work
-himself, and will resent the suggestion that an
-assistant should prompt and guide him. The
-Hartington Commission proposed at the same
-time to abolish the office of commander-in-chief,
-and to create that of a "chief of the staff." This
-new officer was to advise the Secretary of State&mdash;that
-is, the Government&mdash;upon all the most important
-military questions. He was to discuss the
-strength and distribution of the army, and the
-defence of the Empire; to plan the general
-arrangements for defence, and to shape the estimates
-according to his plan. In a word, he was to
-perform many of the most important duties of a
-commander-in-chief. But he was to be the adviser
-or assistant, not of a military commander, but of
-a civilian governor-general of the army.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-An army cannot be directed in war nor
-commanded in peace under the immediate authority
-of a civilian. There must be a military
-commander, the obedient servant of the Government,
-supported by the Government in the exercise of
-his powers to discipline and direct the army,
-and sheltered by the Government against all
-such criticism as would weaken his authority or
-diminish its own responsibility. The scheme
-propounded by the Hartington Commission evaded
-the cardinal question which has to be settled:
-that of the military command of the army in war.
-War cannot be carried on unless full and
-undivided authority is given to the general entrusted
-by the Government with the conduct of the military
-operations. That officer will necessarily
-be liable to account to the Government for
-all that is done, for the design and for its
-execution.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The Report of the Commission made no provision
-whatever for the command of the army in
-war. The proposed "chief of the staff" was to
-be entrusted during peace with the duty of the
-design of operations. Had the Commission's
-scheme been adopted, the Government would, upon
-the near approach of war, still have had to select
-its commander. The selection must fall either
-upon the "chief of the staff" or upon some other
-person. But no general worth his salt will be
-found to stake his own reputation and the fate of
-the nation upon the execution of designs supplied
-to him at second-hand. No man with a particle
-of self-respect would undertake the defence of his
-country upon the condition that he should conduct
-it upon a plan as to which he had never been
-consulted, and which, at the time of his appointment,
-it was too late to modify. Accordingly,
-if the scheme of the Commission had been adopted,
-it would have been necessary to entrust the
-command in war to the officer who during peace had
-been chief of the staff. But this officer being in
-peace out of all personal relation with the army
-could not have the moral authority which is
-indispensable for its command. The scheme of the
-Hartington Commission could therefore not be
-adopted, except at the risk of disaster in the event
-of war.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-While I am revising the proof of this preface
-come the announcements, first, that Lord Wolseley
-is to succeed the Duke of Cambridge, and,
-secondly, that though the title of Commander-in-Chief
-is to be retained, the duties attaching to
-the office are to be modified and its authority
-diminished.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The proposed changes in the status of the
-Commander-in-Chief show that the present
-Government is suffering from the pressure of an
-anxiety exactly like that which paralysed Lord
-Hartington's Commission, while from the speeches
-in which the new scheme has been explained
-the idea of war is altogether absent. The Government
-contemplates depriving the Commander-in-Chief
-of his authority over the Adjutant-General
-and the Quartermaster-General, as well as over
-the heads of some other military departments.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The Adjutant-General's department embraces
-among other matters all that directly concerns
-the discipline, training, and education of the
-army; while such business as the quartering and
-movements of troops passes through the office
-of the Quartermaster-General. These officers
-are to become the direct subordinates of the
-Secretary of State. In other words, the staff
-at the headquarters of the army is to be the
-staff, not of the nominal Commander-in-Chief,
-but of the Secretary of State, who is thus to
-be made the real Commander-in-Chief of the
-army.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This is evidently a momentous change, not
-to be lightly or rashly approved or condemned.
-The first duty is to discover, if possible, the
-motives by which the Government is actuated
-in proposing it. Mr. Balfour, speaking in the
-House of Commons on the 31st of August,
-explained the view of the Government.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p>
-"What," he said, "is the substance and essence of the
-criticisms passed by the Harrington Commission upon
-the War Office system, which has now been in force in
-this country for many years? The essence of the
-criticisms of the Commissioners was that by having a single
-Commander-in-Chief, through whom, and through whom
-alone, army opinion, army matters, and army advice
-would come to the Secretary of State for War, you were,
-in the first place, throwing upon the Commander-in-Chief
-a burden which no single individual could possibly
-support; and, secondly, you were practically destroying the
-responsibility of the Secretary of State for War, who
-nominally is the head of the department. If you put
-the Secretary of State for War in direct communication
-with the Commander-in-Chief alone, I do not see how
-the Secretary of State for War can be anything else
-than the administrative puppet of the great soldier who
-is at the head of the army. He may come down to the
-House and express the views of that great officer, but if
-he is to take official advice from the Commander-in-Chief
-alone it is absolutely impossible that the Secretary of
-State should be really responsible, and in this House the
-Secretary of State will be no more than the mouthpiece
-of the Commander-in-Chief."
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p>
-Mr. Balfour's first point is that the burden
-thrown upon a single Commander-in-Chief is too
-great for one man to bear. Marlborough,
-Wellington or Napoleon would, perhaps, hardly have
-accepted this view. But supposing it were true,
-the remedy proposed is infinitely worse than
-the disease. In 1887 the Royal Commission,
-over which the late Sir James Stephen presided,
-examined with judicial impartiality the duties
-of the Secretary of State for War. That
-Commission in its report wrote as follows:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p>
-"The first part of the system to be considered is the
-Secretary of State. On him we have to observe, <i>first</i>,
-that the scope of his duties is immense; <i>secondly</i>, that
-he performs them under extreme disadvantages. He is
-charged with five separate great functions, any one of
-which would be sufficient to occupy the whole time of a
-man of first-rate industry, ability, and knowledge.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"<i>First</i>, he is a member of the Cabinet, and a Member
-of Parliament, in which capacity he has to give his
-attention, not only to the matters of his own department,
-but to all the leading political questions of the day. He
-has to take part in debates on the great topics of discussion,
-and on many occasions to speak upon them in his
-place in Parliament.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"<i>Secondly</i>, he is the head, as has been already
-observed, of the political department of the army. He
-may have to consider, and that at the shortest notice,
-the whole conduct of a war; all the important points
-connected with an expedition to any part of the globe;
-political questions like the abolition of purchase;
-legislative questions like the Discipline Act, and many others
-of the same kind.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"<i>Thirdly</i>, he is the head of the Ordnance Department,
-which includes all the questions relating to cannon,
-small arms, and ammunition, and all the questions that
-arise upon the management of four great factories, and
-the care of an enormous mass of stores of every
-description.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"<i>Fourthly</i>, he has to deal with all the questions
-connected with fortifications and the commissariat.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"<i>Fifthly</i>, he is responsible for framing the Military
-Estimates, which override all the other departments, and
-regulate the expenditure of from £16,000,000 to £18,000,000
-of public money.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"It is morally and physically impossible that any one
-man should discharge all these functions in a satisfactory
-manner. No one man could possess either the time or the
-strength or the knowledge which would be indispensable
-for that purpose; but even if such a physical and
-intellectual prodigy were to be found, he would have to do
-his duty under disadvantages which would reduce him
-practically to impotence."
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p>
-If, then, the Commander-in-Chief is overburdened,
-it is at least certain that the right way
-to relieve him cannot possibly consist in adding
-to the functions of the Secretary of State.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The real point of Mr. Balfour's statement of
-the case is in what follows. If you have a single
-Commander-in-Chief through whom, and through
-whom alone, army opinion, army matters, and
-army advice would come to the Secretary of
-State, then, according to Mr. Balfour, you practically
-destroy the responsibility of the Secretary
-of State.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It is a mark of the hastiness of debate that
-the word responsibility has crept in here. No
-word in the political vocabulary is so dangerous,
-because none is so ambiguous. Properly
-speaking, a person is said to be responsible
-when he is liable to be called to account for
-his acts, a liability which implies that he is
-free to act in one way or another. These two
-aspects of the term, the liability and the
-freedom of choice implied, lead to its use in two
-opposite senses. Sometimes responsibility means
-that a man must answer for what he does, and
-sometimes that he may do as he pleases
-without being controlled by any one. The word is
-as often as not a synonym for authority.
-When Moltke speaks of the "immeasurable
-responsibility" of the King of Prussia, he really
-means that the King took upon himself as his
-own acts decisions of the gravest moment which
-were prompted by his advisers, and that by so
-doing he covered them as against the rest of
-the world; he did not mean that the King had
-to account for his conduct except to his own
-conscience and at the bar of history. A
-Secretary of State for War, in his relations with the
-army, wields the whole authority of the Government.
-The only thing which he cannot do is to
-act in opposition to the wishes of his colleagues,
-for if he did he would immediately cease to be
-Secretary of State. As long as they are agreed
-with him he is the master of the army. But
-his liability to be called to account is infinitely
-small. The worst that can happen to him is
-that if the party to which he belongs should
-lose its majority in the House of Commons the
-Cabinet of which he is a member may have to
-resign. That is an event always possible quite
-apart from his conduct, and his actions will
-as a rule not bring it about unless for other
-reasons it is already impending. Whenever,
-therefore, the phrase "the responsibility of the
-Secretary of State" occurs, we ought to substitute
-for it the more precise words: "the power
-of the Cabinet to decide any matter as it pleases,
-subject to the chance of its losing its majority."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-What Mr. Balfour deprecates is a single
-Commander-in-Chief, and it is important to grasp the
-real nature of his objection. If the whole
-business of the army be conceived to be a single
-department of which the Commander-in-Chief is
-the head, so that the authority of the Secretary
-of State extends to no other matters than those
-which lie within the jurisdiction of the
-Commander-in-Chief, then undoubtedly the Secretary
-of State and the Commander-in-Chief are each
-of them in a false position, for one of them is
-unnecessary. The Secretary of State must either
-simply confirm the Commander-in-Chief's decisions,
-in which case his position as superior
-authority is a mere form, or he must enter into
-the reasons for and against and decide afresh,
-in which case the Commander-in-Chief becomes
-superfluous. It is bad organization to have two
-men, one over the other, both to do the same
-business.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Mr. Balfour's objection to this arrangement is,
-however, not that it sins against the principles of
-good organization, but that it practically abolishes
-the Secretary of State. It leaves the decision
-of questions which arise within the War Office
-and the army in the hands of a person who is
-outside the Cabinet. In this way it diminishes
-the power of the Cabinet, which rests partly
-upon the solidarity of that body, and partly
-upon the practice by which every branch of
-Government business is under the control of one
-or other of its members.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Both these objections appear to me to rest upon
-false premises. I shall show presently that the
-duties of the Secretary of State must necessarily
-include matters which do not properly come
-within the scope of a Commander-in-Chief, and I
-cannot see how the authority of the Cabinet to
-manage the army rationally would be impaired
-by a War Office with a military head, the
-subordinate of the Secretary of State.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But both objections, supposing them to be
-valid, would be overcome by making the
-Commander-in-Chief Secretary of State&mdash;that is, by
-abolishing the office of Secretary of State for
-War, and entrusting his duties to the
-Commander-in-Chief as a member of the Cabinet. Why,
-then, does not the Government adopt this plan,
-which at first sight appears so simple? There
-is a good reason. The Cabinet is a committee of
-peers and members of Parliament selected by the
-leader of a party from among his followers. The
-bond between its members is a party bond, and
-their necessary main purpose is to retain their
-majority in the House of Commons. A military
-Commander-in-Chief means an officer selected as
-the representative, not of a party, but of a subject.
-He is the embodiment of strategical wisdom,
-and to secure that strategical knowledge and
-judgment receive due attention in the councils
-of government is the purpose of his official
-existence. To make him a member of the Cabinet
-would be to disturb the harmony of that body by
-introducing into it a principle other than that of
-party allegiance, and the harmony could not be
-restored except either by subordinating strategy
-to party, which would be a perversion of the
-Commander-in-Chief, or by subordinating party
-to strategy, a sacrifice which the leaders of a
-party will not make except under the supreme
-pressure of actual or visibly impending war.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The preliminary decision, then, which may be
-taken as settled&mdash;for the other party if it had
-been in power would certainly have come to
-the same conclusion&mdash;is that no military officer,
-either within or without the Cabinet, is to have
-in his hands the whole management of the army;
-the absolute power of the Cabinet must be
-preserved, and therefore no military officer is to
-have more than departmental authority; the
-threads are not to be united in any hands other
-than those of the Secretary of State. This
-determination appears to me most unfortunate, for
-to my eye the time seems big with great events
-requiring a British Government to attach more
-importance to preparation for conflict than to
-the rigorous assertion of Cabinet supremacy. Be
-that as it may, the practical question is whether
-the proposed sub-division of the business of the
-War Office into departments is a good or a bad
-one. I think it incurably bad, because it follows
-no principle of classification inherent in the
-nature of the work to be done.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-To find the natural and necessary classification
-of duties in the management of an army we
-must look not at the War Office but at war.
-Suppose the country to be engaged in a serious
-war, in which the army, or a large portion of it
-is employed against an enemy, who it may be
-hoped will not have succeeded in invading this
-island. In that case we can distinguish clearly
-between two functions. There must be an
-authority directing against the enemy the troops
-in the field; a general with full powers,
-implicitly obeyed by all the officers and officials
-accompanying his army. There must also be an
-administrative officer at home, whose function
-will be to procure and convey to the army in
-the field all that it requires&mdash;food, ammunition,
-clothing and pay, fresh men and fresh horses to
-replace casualties. This officer at home cannot
-be the same person as the general in the field;
-for the two duties must be carried on in two
-different places at the same time. The two
-functions, moreover, correspond to two different
-arts or branches of the military art. The
-commander in the field requires to excel in
-generalship, or the art of command; the head of the
-supply department at home requires to be a
-skilled military administrator in the sense not
-of a wielder of discipline or trainer of troops,
-but of a clever buyer, a producer and distributor
-on a large scale. Neither of these officers can
-be identical with the Secretary of State, whose
-principal duty in war is to mediate between
-the political intentions of the Government and
-the military action conducted by the commander
-in the field. This duty makes him the superior
-of the commander; while the officer charged
-with military supply, though he need not be the
-formal subordinate of the commander, must yet
-conform his efforts to the needs of the army in
-the field.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-There are many important matters which
-cannot be confined either to the department of
-command or to that of supply. Under this
-head fall the terms of service for soldiers, the
-conditions of recruiting, the regulations for the
-appointment and promotion of officers. These
-are properly the subjects of deliberation in which
-not only military, but civil opinions and interests
-must be represented; for their definition the
-Secretary of State will do well to refer to a
-general council of his assistants, and the ultimate
-settlement will require the judgment of the
-Cabinet, and sometimes also the sanction of
-Parliament. In time of war it is generally necessary
-quickly to levy extra men, and to drain into
-the army a large part of the resources of the
-country. Such measures must be thought out
-and arranged in advance during peace, for the
-greatest care is required in all decisions which
-involve the appropriation by the State of more
-than the usual share of the energies, the time
-and the money of its citizens. Regulations of
-this kind can seldom be framed except as the
-result of the deliberations of a council of military
-and civil officers of experience. These, then,
-are the rational sub-divisions of army business.
-There is the department of command, embracing
-the discipline and training of the troops, their
-organization as combatant bodies, the arrangement
-of their movements and distribution in
-peace and war, and all that belongs to the
-functions of generalship. These matters form
-the proper domain of a Commander-in-Chief.
-Side by side with them is the department of
-supply, which procures for the commander the
-materials out of which his fighting machine is
-put together and kept in condition. Harmony
-between them is secured by the authority of
-the Government, wielded by the Secretary of
-State, who regulates according to the state of
-the national policy and of the exchequer the
-amount to be spent by each department, and who
-presides over the great council which lays down
-the conditions under which the services of the
-citizens in money, in property, or in person are
-to be claimed by the State for its defence.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The examination, then, of the conditions of
-war, and the application, during peace, of the
-distribution of duties which war must render
-necessary, lead to the true solution of the difficulty
-raised by Mr. Balfour. The internal affairs
-of the army are indeed one department, but the
-position of head of that department, while it
-could properly be filled by a Commander-in
-Chief, is not and cannot be identical with that
-of the minister who personifies the Cabinet in
-relation to the army. The minister ought to be
-concerned chiefly with the connexion between
-the national policy and the military means of
-giving it effect. The intention to make the
-Secretary of State head of the military department
-seems to me to prove that the Government really
-takes no account of what should be his higher
-duties. The lack of the conception of a national
-policy is thus about to embarrass the military
-management of the army.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It is not my object here to consider in detail
-how the principles of organization for war
-should be applied to the British army. That
-subject has been fully treated by Sir Charles
-Dilke and myself in the last chapter of our
-"Imperial Defence," a chapter which has not been
-criticised except with approval. But I am
-concerned to show that the German practice
-cannot at any point be quoted in support either
-of the recommendations of the Hartington
-Commission or of the proposals now announced by
-the Government, which to any one who regards
-them from the point of view of the nation, that
-is of the defence of the Empire, must appear to
-be at once unnecessary, rash and inopportune.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-3, MADEIRA ROAD,<br />
- &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;STREATHAM, S.W.<br />
- &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<i>September</i> 3<i>rd</i>, 1895.<br />
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap00bfn1"></a>
-[<a href="#chap00bfn1text">1</a>] See in particular the passage in Moltke, <i>Gesammelte
-Schriften</i>, V. 298-9, which I have translated in an essay
-entitled "The Brain of the Navy," p. 28.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap00bfn2"></a>
-[<a href="#chap00bfn2text">2</a>] It seems incredible that so important and so interesting
-a work as Moltke's military correspondence in relation to the
-Danish war of 1864 should hitherto have been ignored by
-English military writers.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap00bfn3"></a>
-[<a href="#chap00bfn3text">3</a>] The reference is to a passage in the last chapter of the
-first edition, which has been rewritten.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap00bfn4"></a>
-[<a href="#chap00bfn4text">4</a>] The passage which Moltke disliked was erased in the
-first edition, its place being supplied by words borrowed
-from his letter. In this edition it is printed as it was first
-written, in order to make the letter intelligible. The last
-chapter has in this edition been condensed, and I hope
-made simpler and clearer. One or two other slight changes
-in expression arise from the reconsideration of phrases
-which Count Moltke marked in reading the proof.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap00c"></a></p>
-
-<h3>
-PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-In May, 1887, a Select Committee was appointed
-to examine into the Army and Navy Estimates.
-On the 8th of July Major-General (now
-Lieut-General) Brackenbury, in the course of
-examination by the Committee, made a series of
-comparisons between the English and the German
-systems of army management. He referred
-particularly to the great general staff of the
-German army, which he described as "the
-keystone of the whole system of German military
-organization ... the cause of the great
-efficiency of the German army ... acting
-as the powerful brain of the military body, to the
-designs of which brain the whole body is made to
-work." "I cannot but feel," he said, "that to the
-want of any such great central thinking department
-is due that want of economy and efficiency
-which to a certain extent exists in our army."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-If at any time a statesman should be found to
-undertake the work of an English Minister of
-War, his first wish would be to grasp the nature
-of this keystone of the German system, to
-distinguish in it between essentials and accessories,
-to perceive which of its peculiarities are local,
-temporary, and personal; and what are the
-unchangeable principles in virtue of which it has
-prospered. Equipped with this knowledge, he
-would be able to reform without destroying, to
-rise above that servile imitation which copies
-defects as well as excellences, and, without
-sacrificing its national features, to infuse into the
-English system the merits of the German.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-For such a statesman, and for the public upon
-whose support he must depend, this book has
-been written. It is an endeavour to describe the
-German general staff and its relation to the
-military institutions from which it is inseparable.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-To illustrate the general staff at work in war,
-the campaign of 1866, rather than that of 1870,
-has been chosen, because it better exemplifies
-some of the relations between strategy and policy.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-<i>December</i>, 1889.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap00d"></a></p>
-
-<p class="t3b">
-TABLE OF CONTENTS
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-PART I
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<i>THE GENERAL STAFF IN THE MANAGEMENT OF A CAMPAIGN</i>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<a href="#chap0101">CHAPTER I</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-THE EVE OF KÖNIGGRÄTZ
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-Political and military situation on the 2nd of
-July&mdash;Position of the Prussian armies&mdash;-Topography of the
-district&mdash;Supposed position of the Austrian army,
-and consequent arrangements for July 3rd&mdash;True
-position of the Austrian army discovered&mdash;Consequent
-fresh orders for July 3rd&mdash;Which result in a
-decisive victory
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<a href="#chap0102">CHAPTER II</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-BEHIND THE SCENES
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-The secret of King William's military success&mdash;His
-selection of a single adviser, and resolute adherence to
-his proposals&mdash;History of the office of chief of the
-general staff&mdash;Proceedings at Gitschin the night
-before the battle
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<a href="#chap0103">CHAPTER III</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-FIVE SHORT ORDERS
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-Prussian system of division of labour and organization of
-responsibility&mdash;Simplicity of its working illustrated
-from the fewness and brevity of the orders issued
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<a href="#chap0104">CHAPTER IV</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-PRELIMINARIES OF A CAMPAIGN
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-Nature of the preparations for a
-campaign&mdash;Mobilization&mdash;Concentration&mdash;Influence
-of considerations of policy&mdash;King
-William in 1866 anxious to avoid war&mdash;Problems
-solved by the Prussian staff in preparation
-for the campaign: calculation of the force required&mdash;Its
-distribution in the theatre of war&mdash;Choice of
-points of concentration; formation of two armies
-in 1866 inevitable&mdash;Movement of troops to the points
-selected; transport by rail and subsequent
-marches&mdash;Position on June 6th&mdash;Opening of campaign
-postponed for political reasons&mdash;Delay leads to better
-knowledge of Austrian movements, and corresponding
-modification of Prussian arrangements&mdash;King
-William finally decides for war&mdash;Invasion of
-Saxony&mdash;Position of Prussian armies on June 22nd&mdash;Summary
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<a href="#chap0105">CHAPTER V</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-THE CRITICS
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-Difficulties which beset the judgment of the conduct of a
-campaign&mdash;Insufficiency of the attainable knowledge
-of the motives which guided the commanders&mdash;Reserve
-therefore incumbent on the military critic&mdash;Illustration
-of hasty judgment&mdash;Impartiality consists
-only in the attempt to understand
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-PART II
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<i>THE GENERAL STAFF AND THE ARMY</i>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<a href="#chap0201">CHAPTER I</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-THE SPIRIT OF PRUSSIAN MILITARY INSTITUTIONS
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-Spirit of the Prussian officers&mdash;The officer the teacher and
-leader of his men&mdash;System of promotion&mdash;Selection
-for the higher commands&mdash;Superiors responsible for
-the efficiency of their subordinates
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<a href="#chap0202">CHAPTER II</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-THE ORGANIZATION OF THE ARMY
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-The army corps and its subdivisions&mdash;The company,
-squadron, and battery commanders&mdash;The superior
-prescribes the object, and leaves to his subordinate
-the choice of means&mdash;Graduation of authority and
-responsibility&mdash;Resulting in freedom of superiors
-from the burden of detail
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<a href="#chap0203">CHAPTER III</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-THE SYSTEM OF TRAINING
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-Peace training determined solely by the requirements of
-war&mdash;It culminates in the manoeuvres&mdash;Which
-complete the training of the troops&mdash;And develop
-and test the capacity of the generals
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<a href="#chap0204">CHAPTER IV</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-THE ARMY CORPS
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-Review of the means adopted to secure its proper
-handling&mdash;Vastness of the administrative tasks involved
-in its management&mdash;Sketch of a mobilized Prussian
-army corps on the march and in quarters&mdash;Dual
-nature of its commander's anxieties&mdash;System devised
-to relieve him&mdash;Administrative services organized
-under two or three responsible heads&mdash;Military
-functions partly those of direction, partly those of
-routine&mdash;The latter dealt with by the adjutancy
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<a href="#chap0205">CHAPTER V</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-THE GENERAL STAFF IN THE ARMY CORPS
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-The bureau which assists the general in the military
-direction&mdash;Enumeration of its functions in war&mdash;And in
-peace&mdash;The chief of the general staff of the army
-corps&mdash;Summary
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<a href="#chap0206">CHAPTER VI</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-COMPOSITION OF THE GENERAL STAFF AND ITS DISTRIBUTION<br />
-THROUGH THE ARMY
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-Forms a corps by itself, but not a close corporation&mdash;Alternation
-between service on the general staff and
-service with the troops&mdash;No career merely on the
-staff except for scientific work, involving
-abandonment of prospect of command&mdash;Numbers and
-distribution of general staff&mdash;Alternative service on
-great general staff, and on general staff of a
-constituent part of the army&mdash;Influence on the work of the
-experience thus acquired&mdash;Members of the general
-staff dispersed throughout the army&mdash;The general
-staff recruited from the pick of the young combatant
-officers
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-PART III
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<i>THE GREAT GENERAL STAFF</i>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<a href="#chap0301">CHAPTER I</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-AN INTELLIGENCE DEPARTMENT
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-Direct preparation for war consists in determining
-beforehand the distribution of the forces, their concentration
-and transport to the frontier&mdash;Information on which
-these arrangements are based collected by general
-staff&mdash;Its subdivision for the purpose&mdash;Thoroughness
-of the work&mdash;The <i>Registrande</i>&mdash;Merely a preliminary
-groundwork&mdash;Explains Prussian knowledge of
-enemy's resources in 1866 and 1870&mdash;Similar
-organization in other armies&mdash;Railway
-arrangements&mdash;Production of maps
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<a href="#chap0302">CHAPTER II</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-A MILITARY UNIVERSITY
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-Regeneration of Prussia assisted by education&mdash;War
-school founded by Scharnhorst in 1810&mdash;Scharnhorst's
-earlier educational work&mdash;History of the war
-academy since 1810&mdash;The present regulations&mdash;The
-order of service&mdash;Object of the war academy&mdash;Constitution
-and management&mdash;Entrance examination&mdash;Practical
-lessons compulsory&mdash;The order of teaching&mdash;Standard
-by which to judge it&mdash;-Course of study
-at the academy&mdash;Method of instruction&mdash;Tactics&mdash;Military
-history&mdash;History&mdash;Staff duties and tour&mdash;Comparison
-with the university ideal
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<a href="#chap0303">CHAPTER III</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-Relation between teaching and research&mdash;Exemplified in
-practice of general staff&mdash;Military history&mdash;School
-of Clausewitz&mdash;The critical method&mdash;Historical works
-of the Prussian general staff&mdash;Campaign of 1859&mdash;The
-"applicatory method"&mdash;Campaigns of 1866
-and of 1870-71&mdash;Historical monographs&mdash;Connection
-between military history and theory&mdash;Theory in
-Prussia the work of individuals&mdash;Moltke's paper
-on the influence of new firearms upon tactics&mdash;His
-views justified by the events of 1866&mdash;Contributions
-to military doctrine by individual members of the
-Prussian staff&mdash;Moral influence of the intellectual
-lead taken by the general staff
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<a href="#chap0304">CHAPTER IV</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-THE CHIEF OF THE GENERAL STAFF
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-Character needed for a strategist&mdash;Relation between a
-commander-in-chief and the chief of his staff&mdash;Element
-of permanent value in the Prussian system&mdash;Classification
-of duties&mdash;General summary
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-SKETCH MAPS
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-I. <a href="#img-map1">THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF KÖNIGGRÄTZ</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-II. <a href="#img-map2">PRUSSIA IN 1866</a>
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-III. <a href="#img-map3">THE OPENING MOVEMENTS OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1866</a>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap0101"></a></p>
-
-<h2>
-PART I
-<br />
-<i>THE GENERAL STAFF<br />
-IN THE<br />
-MANAGEMENT OF A CAMPAIGN</i>
-</h2>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t2">
-THE BRAIN OF AN ARMY
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h3>
-CHAPTER I
-<br />
-THE EVE OF KÖNIGGRÄTZ
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-On the afternoon of Monday, the 2nd of July,
-1866, King William of Prussia with his retinue
-drove into the little town of Gitschin, in the hilly
-region of Northern Bohemia, on the southern side
-of the Giant Mountains. His upright bearing
-scarcely showed the burden of his sixty-nine
-years, nor did his frank expression reveal the
-weight of care that pressed upon him. After
-months of weary diplomacy, the political crisis
-had been brought to a head by a resolution of the
-Diet of the Germanic Confederation to the effect
-that Prussia had violated "the peace of the
-Confederation," and that the armies of the confederated
-States were to be called out. This resolution,
-not three weeks old, meant that Prussia was at
-war with Saxony, Hanover, Hesse, Bavaria and
-Würtemberg, and with the Austrian Empire.
-Besides this long array of enemies there were
-friends of various degrees of good and ill will to
-be considered. Russia was a benevolent onlooker;
-Italy an active ally, not indeed very formidable in
-the field, but able to occupy a portion of the
-Austrian forces. France was the ambiguous
-busybody, waiting to take a side according to
-the prospect of advantage, and the French
-ambassador was on his way to pay his unwelcome
-respects to the Prussian king. Even at home
-there were grave difficulties. The Prussian Parliament,
-representing at that time a liberal electorate,
-was directly opposed to the whole policy of which
-the war was a part. The king had left Berlin to
-join the army only on Saturday morning, after a
-fortnight of constant anxiety over the complicated
-operations which had resulted in the capture of
-the Hanoverian army and the occupation without
-fighting of the kingdom of Saxony.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The invasion of Bohemia by two separate
-armies had been ordered on June 22nd. Each of
-these armies had passed the mountain wall that
-shelters Bohemia on the north, and they were
-now only a day's march apart quartered in
-scattered villages a few hours' drive to the east
-of Gitschin. The troops were fatigued with a
-week's hard work. The Crown Prince coming
-from Silesia with 115,000 men had with various
-portions of his army fought three severe battles
-and as many serious skirmishes. His force lay on
-the left bank of the Elbe around his headquarters
-at Königinhof, twenty-one miles due east of
-Gitschin.[<a id="chap0101fn1text"></a><a href="#chap0101fn1">1</a>] Prince Frederick Charles, the king's
-nephew, commanded the other army of 140,000
-men, which had met with little serious resistance,
-though the troops were tired with the needless
-marching caused by ill-considered arrangements.
-This prince had come to report in person to
-Gitschin from his headquarters at Kamenitz, six
-or seven miles to the east.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The exact whereabouts of the Austrian army
-was unknown. It was supposed to have placed
-itself in position behind the Elbe, which here
-being about the size of the Isis above Oxford,
-runs from north to south with a gentle curve to the
-east. From Königinhof to Königgrätz the straight
-line, five-and-twenty miles long, runs due north
-and south. If this line be taken as a bowstring,
-the Elbe corresponds to the bow, of which the
-handle is the fortress of Josephstadt. Königgrätz,
-the southern point of the bow, is in a straight line
-twenty-seven miles from Gitschin, and the high
-road roughly coincides with this line. On the
-Monday afternoon at Gitschin it was believed
-that the Austrian army was on the left (eastern)
-bank of the Elbe, with its flanks covered by the
-fortresses of Königgrätz and Josephstadt. This
-was an awkward position to attack, and it had
-been decided to let both Prussian armies rest next
-day, while officers should be sent to study the
-approaches and make arrangements for a turning
-manoeuvre.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Prince Frederick Charles on returning to his
-headquarters at Kamenitz learned that the whole
-supposition was wrong. Some of his officers
-reconnoitring towards Königgrätz had found large
-bodies of Austrian troops in bivouac on both
-sides of the high road along the valley of the
-Bistritz brook, which runs nearly parallel with the
-Elbe about seven miles to the west of that river.
-A comparison of reports showed that there must
-be at least four Austrian army corps behind the
-Bistritz, so Frederick Charles, interpreting this as
-indicating the intention to attack him next morning,
-determined to be beforehand with the enemy
-and himself to attack at daybreak. At 9 p.m. he
-issued his orders for this movement, and at 9.45
-sent off to Königinhof a letter asking the Crown
-Prince to send one or more corps towards
-Josephstadt to occupy the enemy in that quarter. The
-chief of his staff was sent to Gitschin to report to
-the king, and arrived there at 11 p.m.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The king[<a id="chap0101fn2text"></a><a href="#chap0101fn2">2</a>] at once decided to attack the enemy
-in front of the Elbe with all his forces, whether
-the whole Austrian army or only a large portion
-of it should be found there.... Accordingly
-by his Majesty's command the following
-communication to the second army [that of the Crown
-Prince] was at once prepared":&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p>
-"According to the information received by the
-first army the enemy in the strength of about three
-corps, which, however, may be further reinforced,
-has advanced beyond the line formed by the
-Bistritz at Sadowa, where an encounter with the
-first army is to be expected very early in the morning.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"According to the orders issued, the first army
-will stand to-morrow morning, July 3rd, at 2 a.m.,
-with two divisions at Horsitz with one at Milowitz,
-one at Cerekwitz, with two at Pschanek and Briskan,
-the cavalry corps at Gutwasser.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"Your Royal Highness will at once make the
-arrangements necessary to be able to move with
-all your forces in support of the first army against
-the right flank of the enemy's expected advance,
-and to come into action as soon as possible. The
-orders sent from here this afternoon under other
-conditions are no longer valid.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-"V. MOLTKE."
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="capcenter">
-<a id="img-map1"></a>
-<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-map1.jpg" alt="Sketch Map 1--THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF KÖNIGGRÄTZ." />
-<br />
-Sketch Map 1&mdash;THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF KÖNIGGRÄTZ.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This note, with a shorter note to the commander
-of one of the corps lying between Gitschin and
-Königinhof (the only part of the second army at
-this time west of the Elbe), telling him to be ready
-for the Crown Prince's orders, was despatched at
-midnight.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The whole Austro-Saxon army (eight corps)
-was in fact concentrated between the Elbe and the
-Bistritz, not indeed for attack but for the defence
-of a strong position on the left bank of the brook,
-facing westwards. Had the arrangements of
-Prince Frederick Charles not been supplemented,
-the 3rd of July might have been an unfortunate
-day for Prussia. The first army would have been
-engaged against an enemy strongly posted and
-counting nearly double its numbers. The
-detachment by the second army of one corps towards
-Josephstadt could hardly have produced a
-decisive effect, and the rest of the second army
-would have been too far away to co-operate in
-time. But the order sent from Gitschin entirely
-met the situation. Without interfering with
-Prince Frederick Charles's attack it brought the
-entire second army to his help in the direction
-where its action would produce the greatest
-effect&mdash;on the enemy's flank.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-When the morning came, the attack of the first
-army as it developed, disclosed the great strength
-of the Austrian position and the numbers by which
-it was defended. Prince Frederick Charles was
-unable to do much more than keep the Austrians
-engaged until the second army came up. The
-attack of the Crown Prince's leading divisions
-decided the day. With their capture and
-maintenance of Chlum, the key of the position, the
-situation of the Austrian army became critical,
-and the issue not only of the fight but of the
-whole campaign was practically settled. The
-resolution formed between eleven and twelve at
-night on July 2nd, in the Lion Inn at Gitschin,
-had secured the victory of Königgrätz, perhaps
-the greatest battle of modern times,[<a id="chap0101fn3text"></a><a href="#chap0101fn3">3</a>] and without
-exception the most decisive in its results.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0101fn1"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0101fn1text">1</a>] See <a href="#img-map1">sketch map 1</a>.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0101fn2"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0101fn2text">2</a>] <i>Der Feldzitg von</i> 1866 <i>in Deutschland</i>. Redigirt von
-der Kriegsgeschichtlichen Abtheilung des groszen
-Generalstabes, p. 249.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0101fn3"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0101fn3text">3</a>] There is a doubt whether the number of combatants
-was greater at Leipsic or at Königgrätz. According to the
-Belgian Précis (<i>Bibliothèque Internationale d'Histoire
-militaire</i>) the figures are:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<pre>
- At Leipsic: Allies . . . . . . . . . 300,000
- " French . . . . . . . . . 180,000
- -------
- Total . . . . . . . 480,000
- =======
-
- At Königgrätz: Austrians . . . . . . 215,000
- " Prussians . . . . . . 220,000
- -------
- Total . . . . . . . 435,000
- =======
-</pre>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-According to Rüstow (<i>Feldhernkunst des 19ten
-Jahrhunderts</i>) the numbers engaged were:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<pre>
- At Leipsic (Oct. 18th): French . . . 130,000
- " " Allies . . . 290,000
- -------
- Total . . . . . . 430,000
- =======
- At Königgrätz, total of both sides 450,000
- =======
-</pre>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap0102"></a></p>
-
-<h3>
-CHAPTER II
-<br />
-BEHIND THE SCENES
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-The King of Prussia is reputed to have been a
-modest man and to have known the limits of his
-faculties. He was not a great strategist. He once
-said to his brother (the father of Prince Frederick
-Charles), "If I had not been born a Hohenzollern
-I should have been a sergeant-major." How then
-did he make the swift decision resulting in a
-success that would have done credit to the genius
-of Frederick the Great or Napoleon? The answer
-is supplied by the Prussian historian of the Italian
-campaign of 1859. "There are generals," says this
-writer, "who need no counsel, who deliberate and
-resolve in their own minds, those about them
-having only to carry out their intentions. But such
-generals are stars of the first magnitude who
-scarcely appear once in a century. In the great
-majority of cases the leader of an army will not be
-willing to dispense with advice. The suggestions
-made may very well be the result of the deliberations
-of a smaller or greater number of men
-specially qualified by training and experience to
-form a correct judgment. But even among them
-only one opinion ought to assert itself. The
-organization of the military hierarchy should
-promote subordination even in thought. This one
-opinion only should be submitted for the
-consideration of the commander-in-chief by the one
-person to whom this particular service is assigned.
-Him let the general choose, not according to rank
-or seniority, but in accordance with his own
-personal confidence. Though the advice given may
-not always be unconditionally the best, yet, if the
-action taken be consistent and the leading idea
-once adopted be steadfastly followed, the affair
-may always be brought to a satisfactory issue.
-The commander-in-chief retains as against his
-adviser the infinitely weightier merit of taking
-upon himself the responsibility for all that is
-done.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"But surround a commander with a number of
-independent men&mdash;-the more numerous, the more
-distinguished, the abler they are and the worse it
-will be&mdash;let him hear the advice now of one now
-of another; let him carry out up to a certain point
-a measure judicious in itself, then adopt a still
-more judicious but different plan, and then be
-convinced by the thoroughly sound objections of a
-third adviser and the remedial suggestions of a
-fourth,&mdash;it is a hundred to one that though for
-each of his measures excellent reasons can be
-given, he will lose the campaign."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The one authorised adviser here described was
-by the Prussian system provided for the king in
-the person of the chief of the general staff of the
-army. This office had risen to importance during
-the wars of liberation, though at that epoch the
-general staff was in the peace organization a
-subordinate branch of the Ministry of War. The
-Prussians fighting Napoleon, had had no Napoleon
-to pit against him. The best they could do was
-to put Blücher in command with Scharnhorst, and
-after Scharnhorst's death with Gneisenau to keep
-him straight.[<a id="chap0102fn1text"></a><a href="#chap0102fn1">1</a>] In the period that followed the
-peace of 1815 the position of the general staff
-received strict definition. In 1821 Müffling was
-appointed its chief, and it was settled that he
-should not be subordinate to the Minister of War
-but directly responsible to the king. This
-constitution of the office on a new basis outside of
-and independent of the Ministry of War was an
-advance in the division of labour implying the
-want of a fresh organ to perform functions not
-before satisfactorily exercised. The business of
-the Ministry of War was to raise, maintain and
-administer the army. The business of the staff
-was to direct the army in war, and during peace
-to make such special preparations as might be
-necessary to this end. In order to be able to
-devote all its energies to the conduct of armies
-fighting in the field, unhampered by the details of
-daily administration, the general staff was placed
-on an independent footing. In 1829 Müffling was
-succeeded by Lieut-Gen. von Krauseneck, whose
-successor (in 1848) was Lieut-Gen. von Reyher.
-Reyher died in 1857, when the duties of the
-office were intrusted to Major-General von
-Moltke.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The division of labour between the royal
-commander-in-chief and the chief of the staff may be
-illustrated by the proceedings of the evening before
-the battle of Königgrätz. When General von
-Voigts-Rhetz (the chief of Prince Frederick
-Charles' staff) reached Gitschin and reported to
-the king, who was just going to bed, the king sent
-him to Moltke saying, "If General Moltke thinks
-this information involves a fresh decision he is to
-come for orders whatever be the time of
-night." Voigts-Rhetz went to Moltke's quarters and made
-his report. Moltke made up his mind what ought
-to be done, and then went to the king, whom he
-found in bed, and explained his view that whether
-the whole Austrian army or only a part of it was
-at Sadowa the sound course was to move forward
-both Prussian armies, so as to take the Austrians
-in front and flank. An attack like this from two
-sides at once must in any case give the Prussians
-the best chance of victory they could hope for, and
-the result would be the more decisive the larger
-the portion of the Austrian army to be engaged.
-The king at once gave his assent. Moltke then
-wrote the two notes, which were sent off immediately.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It was 11 p.m. when Voigts-Rhetz reached
-Gitschin. The letters were despatched at midnight.
-In that hour fall the reports of Voigts-Rhetz to
-the king and to Moltke; Moltke's deliberation
-and determination; his visit to the king's quarters
-and the writing and despatching of the notes. It
-appears from these data that there was no discussion,
-and that even at this period, the opening of
-their first great campaign, the king's confidence in
-Moltke was as thoroughly established as we know
-it to have been four years later.[<a id="chap0102fn2text"></a><a href="#chap0102fn2">2</a>]
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0102fn1"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0102fn1text">1</a>] It might perhaps have been better to have given
-Scharnhorst and Gneisenau the actual command. In any case the
-arrangement adopted in 1813 laid the foundation of the
-German system of the general staff.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0102fn2"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0102fn2text">2</a>] In the Crown Prince's diary of the Franco-German War
-we read under the date January 15th, "Werder asks whether
-he would not do better now to abandon Belfort as he thinks
-he can still defend Alsace? Moltke read this out and
-added, with unshakeable icy calmness, 'Your Majesty will
-no doubt approve of General Werder being informed in
-reply that he has simply to stay where he is and beat the
-enemy where he finds him.' Moltke appeared to me admirable
-beyond all praise. In one second he had settled the
-whole affair." <i>Deutsche Rundschau</i>, October, 1888, p. 25.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap0103"></a></p>
-
-<h3>
-CHAPTER III
-<br />
-FIVE SHORT ORDERS
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-In one sense there is nothing remarkable in the
-decision of the 2nd of July. Given two armies
-fighting on the same side and within a day's march
-of each other, and a hostile army within a day's
-march of both of them, it is not difficult to see
-what the two armies should do. Nothing is easier
-than to solve problems of this sort in the study.
-Even with the imperfect knowledge of the facts
-which the Prussians possessed, the arrangements
-made at Gitschin were no more than the suggestions
-of military common sense. But simple as the
-situation seems, nothing is so difficult as to secure
-such a solution in the practice of war. It is a
-common-place in that kind of military criticism
-which is wise after the event that Benedek might
-have avoided disaster if he had only acted on any
-reasonable plan and stuck to it. The merit of the
-Prussians lay in the system which gave military
-common sense its due place in the organization, so
-as to make sure that it would be applied when
-wanted. It was a matter of the judicious division
-of labour.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-At the headquarters of an army there are a
-hundred different anxieties. In peace there is the
-recruiting, training, clothing, feeding, and arming
-of the troops; the distribution of commands; the
-maintenance of discipline. In war most of these
-matters continue to require attention; subordinates
-must be kept to their appointed tasks; above all
-the field of politics must be watched from day to
-day, sometimes even from hour to hour. The
-Prussian system gave to the chief of the general
-staff the sole duty of attending to the movements
-of the armies, and, regarding each new situation
-as a problem in strategy, of explaining the solution
-which presented itself to his trained judgment as
-the best. Free from the pressure of other cares
-and responsibilities an officer in this position would
-be more likely to see clearly and judge coolly than
-one overloaded with work and distracted with the
-thousand worries of command. This is the division
-of labour according to kind, which gives each sort
-of work to a man specially trained for its
-performance. It is supplemented by an organization of
-responsibility which relieves a man from detail in
-proportion to the extent and grasp of his
-supervision. The army was broken up into minor armies
-each with its own commander and his chief of
-the staff, so that the chief of the general staff
-himself had to consider only the large problems of the
-campaign, the general nature of the movements to
-be effected by the two or three pieces on his board.
-The head of each army is told the general intention
-and the share of work assigned to his force.
-He in turn regards his army corps or divisions[<a id="chap0103fn1text"></a><a href="#chap0103fn1">1</a>]
-as so many units, and besides a statement of the
-object to be aimed at gives only such general
-directions as the corps or division commanders
-cannot arrange for themselves. All the detail of
-the movements is left in the hands of the corps or
-division commanders and their special staffs.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It is worth while showing by a convincing proof
-to what simplicity the system here described
-reduces the business of supreme command. On
-June 21 a Prussian <i>parlementaire</i> handed in to the
-Austrian outposts a notification of the commencement
-of hostilities. At that time the first army
-was concentrated opposite the Austrian frontier
-across the border that separates Saxony from
-Silesia; the second army was concentrated near
-Neisse. From that day until the decisive battle
-only five short orders from the king's
-headquarters are on record:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p>
-(1) <i>June</i> 22.&mdash;Telegram from Berlin to both
-armies (at Görlitz and Neisse): "His Majesty
-orders both armies to advance into Bohemia and
-to seek to unite in the direction of Gitschin."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-A letter of the same date contained a slightly
-fuller explanation, and added, to Prince Frederick
-Charles, that as the second army had the difficult
-task of issuing from the mountains the first army
-must shorten the crisis by pushing on rapidly.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-(2) <i>June</i> 29.&mdash;Telegram from Berlin to Prince
-Frederick Charles: "His Majesty expects that the
-first army by a quickened advance will disengage
-the second army which, in spite of a series of
-victorious actions, is still for the time being in a
-difficult situation."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-(A repetition to Prince Frederick Charles, who
-had been losing time by his timid and methodical
-movements, of his original instructions.)
-</p>
-
-<p>
-(3) <i>June</i> 30.&mdash;Telegram from Kohlfurt (on the
-way from Berlin to the army) to both armies:
-instructing the second army to maintain itself on
-the Elbe and the first army to push forward towards
-Königgrätz. (A modification, to suit events,
-of the plan of No. 1.)
-</p>
-
-<p>
-(4) <i>July</i> 2.&mdash;Gitschin. Order arranging for both
-armies to rest on July 3, while the country to the
-front and the Austrian supposed position should
-be reconnoitred. Cancelled the same evening
-by
-</p>
-
-<p>
-(5) Moltke's note (quoted p. 54) to the Crown
-Prince.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The brevity and simplicity of these instructions
-find a counterpart in the orders issued by the
-army commanders. Moltke's note sent off from
-Gitschin at midnight on Monday was delivered at
-the Crown Prince's headquarters at Königinhof
-at four on Tuesday morning. At five General von
-Blumenthal, the chief of the general staff of the
-second army, sent out an army order of some
-twenty lines:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"According to information received here it is
-expected that the enemy will to-day attack the
-first army which is at Horsitz, Milowitz, and
-Cerekwitz. The second army will advance to its
-support as follows:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p>
-(l) "The first army corps will march in two
-columns by Zabres and Gr. Trotin to Gr. Burglitz." ...
-</p>
-
-<p>
-And so on for the other corps. In this way an
-army of 115,000 men (four army corps and a
-cavalry division) was directed by five sentences of
-two lines each. This was sufficient. The details
-were arranged for each army corps by the corps
-commander with the assistance of his staff officers.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0103fn1"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0103fn1text">1</a>] In 1866 the first army was composed of divisions not
-combined into army corps. The second army was worked
-by army corps.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap0104"></a></p>
-
-<h3>
-CHAPTER IV
-<br />
-PRELIMINARIES OF A CAMPAIGN
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-The movements of an army during a campaign
-after the first serious engagements can rarely, if
-ever, be settled in detail before the war. They
-must needs depend largely on those of the enemy,
-which cannot be accurately foreseen. But before
-war is declared, before the fighting begins,
-while the troops are still in their own territory,
-a well-conducted government can make its
-preparations without hindrance. The army can be
-placed on a war footing, and assembled at whatever
-point or points are judged most advantageous.
-These preparations in Prussia fall in different
-degrees within the domain of the general staff.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The changes by which the army is placed on
-a war footing, known collectively as mobilization,
-include the calling out of the reserves of men
-and horses; their distribution among the various
-corps and their equipment; and the creation and
-completion of the staffs and of the different
-services of supply. All these proceedings in
-Prussia the general staff had perfectly arranged
-and regulated down to the minutest detail, so that
-the order needed only to be issued, and the whole
-operation would take place as if by clockwork
-within a given number of days.[<a id="chap0104fn1text"></a><a href="#chap0104fn1">1</a>] The process
-of mobilization is in essentials the same
-whatever be the frontier on which the war is to be
-fought. It places the troops ready at their
-ordinary headquarters, and in Prussia no regiment
-leaves its headquarters except in perfect readiness
-to take the field.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On the other hand, the collection of the army
-on the frontier is the first stage of the actual
-operations, resembling the opening of a game of
-chess, and it is of the greatest importance that
-the points selected should be those best suited
-for the beginning of the particular campaign in
-prospect.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The placing of an army on a war footing and
-its transport to a frontier are political acts of the
-gravest moment. They are therefore usually
-controlled almost as much by political as by military
-considerations, and it is impossible rightly to
-appreciate them without taking into account the
-political circumstances by which they are affected.
-The influence of politics upon the two processes
-is however different. In regard to mobilization,
-which may be compared to a mechanical
-process, the statesman may urge its postponement
-or its execution by gradual instalments. In
-neither case is the essential nature of the
-operation changed, though the amount of friction
-involved may be increased. But the assembling of
-an army is the immediate preliminary to attack
-or defence, and the statesman's unwillingness to
-attack may affect the choice of time and place
-for the collection of the force available.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The King of Prussia was sincerely anxious to
-avoid a war, and until June 14 was determined
-not to take the initiative nor to agree to any
-measure which might savour of attack. He was
-with difficulty induced to consent to the successive
-stages of preparation. Not until the beginning
-of May, when the Austrian mobilization was
-far advanced and the transport to the frontiers
-impending, were the orders for the Prussian
-mobilization issued, and that not at once, but
-piecemeal between May 3 and May 12. The
-forces thus called out formed a total of 326,000
-combatants, divided into nine army corps,[<a id="chap0104fn2text"></a><a href="#chap0104fn2">2</a>] a
-reserve corps at Berlin,[<a id="chap0104fn3text"></a><a href="#chap0104fn3">3</a>] the corps of occupation
-in Holstein, and the corps collected at Wetzlar
-from the Prussian garrisons withdrawn from
-fortresses of the German confederation. The
-arrangements made for the disposition of these
-forces between May 12 and June 22 form the
-basis of the subsequent success, and may perhaps
-best be described in the form of a series of
-problems and their solutions.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-1. The first step of preparation for a war is
-the calculation of the force required.[<a id="chap0104fn4text"></a><a href="#chap0104fn4">4</a>] In the
-case of our own small wars it is self-evident that
-such a calculation is necessary, and the campaign
-of 1882 in Egypt is an instance in which it was
-worked out to a nicety. It might seem equally
-a matter of course that when two Continental
-states go to war each of them will assume from
-the beginning that its whole available force will
-be employed. Yet instances are numerous in
-which campaigns have been lost mainly through
-neglect to work out this calculation. In 1859
-the Austrians undertook with little more than
-half their army a war against the combined
-forces of France and Sardinia; in 1885 King
-Milan attacked the Bulgarians without calling
-out the whole of the Servian army. In both
-cases defeat was largely due to this initial error.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The basis of the calculation is furnished by
-an estimate of the force which will be at the
-disposal of the enemy. In 1866 the Prussian
-staff had to face the preliminary difficulty that
-it was uncertain even as late as May 8 which
-of the German states would be on the Prussian
-and which on the Austrian side. The least
-favourable assumption was made, and it was
-estimated that the hostile forces would be in
-North Germany 36,000, in South Germany
-100,000, and in Saxony and Austria 264,000,
-making a total of 400,000 men.[<a id="chap0104fn5text"></a><a href="#chap0104fn5">5</a>] There could
-be no doubt that Prussia must employ the
-whole of her available forces.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-2. The next question was how to distribute
-the Prussian forces against these three sets of
-enemies. A proportionate division based on the
-estimate just given would have resulted in the
-employment of 215,000 men against Austria and
-Saxony, of 30,000 against North Germany, and
-of 80,000 against South Germany. The staff,
-however, expected that the South German forces
-would not be ready until a late stage of the
-war, and might in the first instance be neglected.
-Hanover and Hesse lying between the two
-halves of Prussia and separating Westphalia
-and Rhenish Prussia from the main body of the
-kingdom,[<a id="chap0104fn6text"></a><a href="#chap0104fn6">6</a>] were more serious foes. It would be
-necessary to strike hard at them, if possible,
-before their preparations could be completed.
-But the fate of Prussia and of Germany really
-depended upon the issue of the conflict with
-Austria. If she were beaten here, Prussia
-would in any case be undone; if she were
-successful in this struggle, the minor states,
-even though not themselves beaten, must needs
-fall under her sway. It was decided to employ
-almost the whole army (eight and a half corps
-and the reserve corps, 278,000 men) against
-Austria and Saxony, and to meet the rest
-of the German enemies with a scratch army
-(48,000) made up of half the seventh corps
-and of the troops assembled in Holstein and
-at Wetzlar. This force was destined first of
-all to disarm Hesse and Hanover (capitulation
-of Langensalza June 29), and then to attack and
-defeat the South German contingents.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-3. The next problem is the choice of the
-point or points at which the army is to be
-assembled for the purpose of beginning the
-operations. This is the first act of generalship
-in the campaign, and a mistake here is
-usually the prelude of misfortune. Every general
-wishes, if possible, to meet with his whole force
-the divided forces of the enemy, and therefore
-his first thought is to assemble his army at one
-place, or at least to collect it so that all its
-parts may unite for battle.
-</p>
-
-<p class="capcenter">
-<a id="img-map2"></a>
-<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-map2.jpg" alt="Sketch Map 2--PRUSSIA in 1866" />
-<br />
-Sketch Map 2&mdash;PRUSSIA in 1866
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The Prussian army, if assembled in Upper
-Silesia, would be at the point of Prussia nearest
-to the Austrian capital; if assembled at
-Görlitz,[<a id="chap0104fn7text"></a><a href="#chap0104fn7">7</a>] it would interpose between Berlin or
-Breslau and an Austrian army approaching
-from Bohemia. These were, therefore, the most
-favourable points of assembly, the one for
-attack and the other for defence. But the
-position in Silesia would lose much of its value
-unless it were intended, as soon as the army
-should be ready, to march on Vienna; and this
-course in the middle of May was, to the king's
-mind, inadmissible. There was, however, a
-second quite unanswerable argument against
-assembling the whole army at either place. The
-movement could not be carried out in a reasonable
-time. To march to either district from the
-distant provinces would have been an affair of
-many weeks, and the concentration would run
-the risk of being too late. The difficulty could
-not be overcome by the use of the railways.
-To move a whole army corps by a single
-railway required, according to the nature of the
-line, irrespective of the distance, from nine to
-twelve days. But for the transport to Upper
-Silesia only one, and for that to Görlitz only
-two, through railways were available, so that a
-very long time would be required to move the
-whole army by rail to either point. Moreover,
-neither of the districts in question is so fertile
-as to be able to feed a large army for more
-than a few days. As the king was determined
-not to fight, if fighting could be avoided, it
-might become necessary to keep the army waiting
-for some weeks after its concentration. This
-would be to starve it before a shot had been
-fired. Thus it was impracticable in the political
-circumstances to collect all the nine corps into
-one army, either for offence or defence.
-Separate armies had to be formed, and
-considerations of defence to prevail. The principal
-centres of concentration were fixed in the
-neighbourhood of Görlitz and of Schweidnitz, points
-on the lines of an Austrian advance towards
-Berlin and Breslau respectively from Northern
-Bohemia, where at this time (the middle of
-May) the Austrian army was believed to be
-assembling.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-4. Upon the basis of this decision the movement
-of the troops to the frontier was arranged.
-The railway system, as has been seen, did not
-admit of moving the corps directly and speedily
-to Görlitz and Schweidnitz. Five railways in
-all were available, leading to points on the
-Prussian frontier facing the kingdom of Saxony
-and the Austrian Empire. They ended at Zeitz,
-Halle, Hertzberg, Görlitz, and Schweidnitz (or
-Neisse), places scattered along a curve some 250
-miles long. The quickest practicable way of
-assembling the army was to use all these
-railways at once, and when the troops had thus
-been deposited on the frontier to continue the
-concentration by marches. The shortest lines of
-march to assemble the whole army would be
-the radii leading to the centre of the curve;
-but this was in the enemy's territory, so that
-these lines, if they had been for other reasons
-desirable, could not be adopted before war had
-been declared. The alternative was to concentrate
-by marches along the circumference, and
-this was the plan adopted. Each corps, as soon
-as its debarkation from the train was complete,
-was marched along the arc towards the point of
-concentration selected for it.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The corps from Posen and Silesia, collected at
-Schweidnitz and Neisse (grouped together as
-the second army under the Crown Prince), were
-moved to their right to Landshut and
-Waldenburg.[<a id="chap0104fn8text"></a><a href="#chap0104fn8">8</a>] Those of Westphalia (half a corps) and
-Rhenish Prussia were detrained at Zeitz and
-Halle, and marched round the frontier of Saxony
-to the point where the Elbe emerges from that
-kingdom. These troops, with the reserve corps
-from Berlin, formed the Elbe army, destined to
-continue its eastward movement by the invasion
-of Saxony. The corps from Pomerania,
-Brandenburg, and Prussian Saxony, were combined
-into the first army, under Prince Frederick
-Charles. They were first assembled between
-Torgau and Cottbus, and then marched along
-the frontier towards Görlitz, reaching the western
-corner of Silesia (neighbourhood of Hoyerswerda)
-about the end of the first week in June, when the
-other movements described were also completed.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-5. The staff was now anxious to begin the
-campaign. The three armies could not be
-united on Prussian soil without leaving some
-important district unprotected, nor await where
-they were the Austrian attack without the risk
-that one of them in isolation might be exposed
-to the blows of a superior force. This same
-risk only would be incurred in the attempt to
-meet by a concentric advance towards some
-point of Austrian territory; it would increase
-with every additional day allowed for the
-Austrian preparations. But the king still thought
-a settlement possible, and would not permit
-hostilities to commence.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-6. On June 11, the Prussian staff learned
-that of seven Austrian army corps destined to
-operate against Prussia six were in Moravia, not
-in Bohemia, as had been supposed. The
-inference was, that the Austrians contemplated
-advancing upon Breslau by way of Neisse, for
-which movement the data obtained showed that
-they would be able to cross the Silesian border
-with five or six army corps by about June 19.
-To meet this invasion, if it should take place,
-the second army was moved to the river Neisse,
-facing south, and was reinforced by the guard
-corps from Berlin, and by the first corps, moved
-originally from East Prussia by rail to Görlitz,
-and now by marching transferred from the first
-army to the second. At the same time the first
-army continued its eastward march as far as
-Görlitz, where it would be near enough to reach
-Breslau as soon as the Austrians, if they should
-really invade Silesia, or, if not required in that
-direction, could be moved readily into either
-Saxony or Bohemia. These movements were
-effected by June 19.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The Elbe army was also to be moved to the
-east, to join the first army, but its most
-convenient route from Torgau to Görlitz lay
-through Dresden. While the changes just
-described were in the course of execution, the
-political situation also had changed. The
-hostile resolution of the diet on June 14 enabled
-the king to make up his mind. On June 15
-war was declared against Saxony. On the 16th
-the Elbe army crossed the border; on the 18th
-occupied Dresden; and on the 19th, connection
-having been established with the first army, now
-about Görlitz, was placed under the command
-of Prince Frederick Charles. This prince
-concentrated the first army to the south of Görlitz,
-on the confines of Saxony and Silesia, close
-to the Bohemian border, while the Elbe army
-from Dresden rapidly closed up to his right
-flank. The intention was that both should
-advance as one army into Bohemia, and move,
-with the left wing skirting the foot of the
-Giant Mountains, to meet the second army.
-There had been no sign of an Austrian attack
-on Silesia, so the Crown Prince was ordered
-to prepare for a march westward into Bohemia
-to meet his cousin. On the 19th he was to
-send one corps in advance to Landshut, still
-keeping the rest of his force on the Neisse
-ready to face either south or west. A day or
-two later two more of his corps were withdrawn
-to the mountains, a single corps only
-remaining on the Neisse, and much trouble being
-taken to deceive the Austrians into the belief
-that the whole army was still there and was
-about to march towards Moravia. This was the
-position of both Prussian armies on June 22,
-when the telegram already quoted ordered them
-to cross the Bohemian frontier and to try to
-effect their union about Gitschin.
-</p>
-
-<p class="capcenter">
-<a id="img-map3"></a>
-<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-map3.jpg" alt="Sketch map 3--THE OPENING MOVEMENTS OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1866." />
-<br />
-Sketch map 3&mdash;THE OPENING MOVEMENTS OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1866.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It will be observed that from the first stage
-of the preparations one object, the concentration
-of as large a force as possible for the
-purpose of defeating the Austro-Saxon forces,
-had been followed by the chief of the staff.
-His arrangements were at first controlled by
-political considerations, the effect of which in
-the circumstances was to render impracticable
-the formation at the outset of a single army.
-Afterwards, before war had been finally decided
-upon, the armies were moved to meet the
-changed situation created by the Austrian
-arrangements at length known. The invasion of
-Saxony was a further stage in the general
-concentration. By June 22 it had become clear
-that the Austrians were not invading Silesia.
-The question was, whether to continue through
-Prussian territory the march of the first army
-towards the second&mdash;a safe course now that the
-Austrian position was known&mdash;or to take for
-both the shortest line of meeting, that into
-Bohemia, with the attendant risk to the second
-army. The bolder course was adopted, and was
-abundantly justified by success.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0104fn1"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0104fn1text">1</a>] The details of the operation of mobilization are kept
-secret, but the elementary principles have everywhere been
-copied from the Prussian system and may be explained in
-an imaginary example. Suppose a company to have a
-peace strength of 120 men and to pass each year forty
-men into the reserve, receiving instead the same number
-of recruits, the war strength being 240. The public
-announcement of the decree for mobilization makes it the
-duty of each of the 120 reservists to proceed directly to
-the headquarters of the company, where they will arrive,
-according to the distance from their homes, say on the
-first, second, or third day of mobilization. The captain
-has a nominal list of the whole company, and keeps in
-store under his own responsibility the complete new war
-kit for each of the 240 men. As they arrive the men pass
-the doctor, receive their kits, and are told off to their posts
-in the completed company. According to the care with
-which the rules have been framed (this is the staff's
-principal share in the work) so as to divide the labour,
-occupying every man from the general to the bugler and
-giving to each that work which he can best do, and to
-none more than he can do in the time allowed, will be
-the rapidity, ease, and certainty with which the whole
-mobilization will be effected.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0104fn2"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0104fn2text">2</a>] The guard with its peace quarters at Berlin, and corps
-I. to VIII. quartered in peace in districts corresponding
-in the main to the eight provinces: Prussia, Pomerania,
-Brandenburg, Prussian Saxony, Posen, Silesia, Westphalia,
-Rhenish Prussia. See <a href="#img-map2">sketch map 2</a>.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0104fn3"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0104fn3text">3</a>] Called out on May 19th.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0104fn4"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0104fn4text">4</a>] "What king, going to make war against another king,
-sitteth not down first, and consulteth whether he be able
-with ten thousand to meet him that cometh against him
-with twenty thousand? Or else, while the other is yet a
-great way off, he sendeth an ambassage and desireth
-conditions of peace."
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0104fn5"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0104fn5text">5</a>] The numbers actually called out against Prussia proved
-to be:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<pre>
- North Germans . . . . . . 25,000
- South Germans . . . . . . 94,000
- Austrians and Saxons . . 271,000
- -------
- Total . . . . . . . . 390,000
-</pre>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0104fn6"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0104fn6text">6</a>] See <a href="#img-map2">sketch map 2</a>.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0104fn7"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0104fn7text">7</a>] See <a href="#img-map3">sketch map 3</a>.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0104fn8"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0104fn8text">8</a>] See <a href="#img-map3">sketch map 3</a>.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap0105"></a></p>
-
-<h3>
-CHAPTER V
-<br />
-THE CRITICS
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-Except the conduct of military operations there
-is nothing so difficult as to appreciate them truly.
-A multitude of considerations affect the leading of
-armies and many of them evade the research of
-the historian. The critic therefore can rarely be
-sure that he has placed himself in the exact position
-of the general whose acts he is studying. If,
-for example, he supposes a commander to have
-been without information which in fact he
-possessed, his judgment may be founded upon a
-picture completely distorted. Such mistakes are
-made even by the most careful historians. The
-Prussian staff history of the campaign of 1866
-alleges that the Austrian commanders were
-unaware of the Crown Prince's march westwards
-from the Neisse. The Austrian staff history
-shows that very good information on the subject
-had reached the Austrian headquarters as early
-as June 25, before any of the Crown Prince's
-corps had crossed the border. Where it is so
-difficult to avoid error it is rash to be dogmatic.
-But it may be permissible to raise a doubt as to
-the value of some of the judgments that seem to
-have become traditional concerning this
-campaign. Mr. O'Connor Morris, for example, in
-the <i>Academy</i> of March 23, 1889, wrote:&mdash;"The
-strategy of Moltke is not perfection, as
-worshippers of success have boasted, but he never
-attempted, in his invasion of France, to unite
-widely divided armies, within striking distance
-of a concentrated foe, as he did at Gitschin, under
-the very beard of Benedek."[<a id="chap0105fn1text"></a><a href="#chap0105fn1">1</a>] A similar criticism,
-without the sneer, may be found in the Belgian
-<i>Précis</i>. But neither writer has explained where
-the mistake lay. Even the Austrian historian
-declares that, given the Prussian positions on the
-Neisse and in Lusatia, the only sound course was
-the advance to meet at Gitschin. Was the error
-in the original dispersion of the forces along the
-frontier? If so, the critics should explain what
-alternative was practicable in view of the political
-conditions and of the geography of the theatre of
-war. Would it not be safer to say that the
-preparations for the campaign of 1866 show the
-influence upon strategy of a very complicated
-political situation? The opening of the campaign
-of 1870 presented in comparison a simple problem.
-There was a single enemy to be faced; and there
-was no motive for hesitation or delay. Moreover,
-the German staff could count upon beginning the
-campaign on the least favourable hypothesis with
-330,000 men against 250,000.[<a id="chap0105fn2text"></a><a href="#chap0105fn2">2</a>] Possibly in 1866
-the strategists' task would have been easier, and
-posterity would have thought no worse of Prussian
-policy if the king had realized early in May that
-mobilization meant war, and had given Moltke
-from that time a free hand. But this again is a
-criticism easy to make twenty years after the
-event. The conflict was between Germans, and
-the general opinion at the time condemned the
-Prussian policy. Moreover, Prussia had then no
-important success on record since the decisive
-stroke at Waterloo. In these conditions the
-king's hesitation was natural enough, and even
-the anxiety to cover every part of Prussian
-territory is quite intelligible. Much must needs
-remain obscure, for it may be years before the
-personal history of the principal actors at this
-period is given to the world. Meanwhile, the
-function of criticism is to seek first of all to
-understand the events with which it deals.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It is of little purpose to read a summary of the
-movements of the troops during a campaign, and
-to be given a list of the mistakes made by the
-generals on each side. Such a system leads the
-reader to suppose that generals as a rule have
-been remarkably careless, weak, and ignorant, and
-entirely conceals from him the difficulties which
-always beset the conduct of operations. But
-where a measure adopted in the field is shown
-by the result to have been attended with risks
-or followed by disaster, the attempt to ascertain
-why it was employed invariably throws light
-upon the nature of war; and this method of
-study, though it offers little satisfaction to the
-vanity that likes to take a side and to distribute
-praise or blame, rewards, by quickening the
-insight and forming the judgment, the labour
-which it requires.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0105fn1"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0105fn1text">1</a>] If Mr. O'Connor Morris will mark on a map the positions
-of the Austrian and Prussian armies on June 22nd, the
-date of the order "to unite widely divided armies," etc., he
-will discover that the Austrian forces were distributed over
-an area not less extended than that which included both
-Prussian armies.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0105fn2"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0105fn2text">2</a>] <i>German Staff History</i>, 1870-71, vol. i. p. 74.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap0201"></a></p>
-
-<h2>
-PART II
-<br />
-<i>THE GENERAL STAFF AND THE ARMY</i>
-</h2>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h3>
-CHAPTER I
-<br />
-THE SPIRIT OF PRUSSIAN MILITARY INSTITUTIONS
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-The general staff has been described as the
-"brain of an army." The metaphor is peculiarly
-apt, for the staff, like the human brain, is not
-independent but a part of an organic whole. It
-can perform its functions only in connection with
-a body adapted to its control, and united with it
-by the ramifications of a nervous system. How
-then is the Prussian army adapted to receive
-the impulses conveyed from its intellectual
-centre?
-</p>
-
-<p>
-An army is what its officers make it, and in
-the Prussian army the officers take their profession
-seriously. It may be doubted whether there is
-in the world any body of men so entirely
-single-minded in their devotion to duty. Most of them
-are, according to English notions, ridiculously
-poor. Their pay is small, and they have never
-made the acquaintance of luxury.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In 1874 the emperor in an official address to
-the army wrote, "The more general the spread of
-luxury and comfort, the more solemnly is the
-officer confronted by the duty never to forget that
-his honourable position in the state and in society
-has not been gained and cannot be maintained
-by material wealth. Not only does an enervating
-mode of life damage the combatant qualities of
-an officer, but the pursuit of gain and comfort
-would dangerously undermine the very ground
-upon which the officer's position is built up."[<a id="chap0201fn1text"></a><a href="#chap0201fn1">1</a>] These
-words fairly express the spirit of those to
-whom they were addressed, and many an officer
-takes a pride in his poverty, and starves with
-cheerfulness and even with merriment. Some of
-the superior officers have set the example by
-abandoning the dearly-loved cigar, and a Prussian
-officer's mess has decidedly no attractions for the
-gourmet.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"Teacher and leader in every department is the
-officer. This implies that he is superior to his
-men in knowledge, experience, and strength of
-character. Without fearing responsibility, every
-officer in all circumstances however extraordinary
-is to stake his whole personality for the fulfilment
-of his mission, even without waiting for orders."[<a id="chap0201fn2text"></a><a href="#chap0201fn2">2</a>] This
-is the foundation stone of Prussian discipline,
-the secret by which is secured "the legitimate
-ascendency of the officers, the justified confidence
-of the soldiers, the daily interchange of mutual
-devotion, the conviction that each one is useful
-to all and that the chiefs are the most useful of
-all."[<a id="chap0201fn3text"></a><a href="#chap0201fn3">3</a>] The attainment of the ideal thus officially
-set up is facilitated by the system of promotion.
-The principle of seniority, without which no
-public service can be a profession or offer a career,
-is allowed its legitimate place, being modified only
-by the retirement of the incapable, and by special
-selection for the general staff. "It is necessary
-that the higher commands should be attained
-only by such officers as unite distinguished
-abilities and military education with corresponding
-qualities of character and with bodily
-activity."[<a id="chap0201fn4text"></a><a href="#chap0201fn4">4</a>] Moreover, "it is the special duty of
-the general commanding to see that all the
-commandants of fortresses, all the commanders
-of divisions, brigades, regiments, and battalions,
-and all the field-officers in the district of his
-army-corps, retain their posts only so long as
-they have the bodily activity necessary for
-service in the field, and the knowledge and capacity
-needed for their several particular callings. The
-moment he notices in this respect the slightest
-change to the detriment of my service, it is his
-duty, for which he will be held responsible, to
-inform me. He must also send me the names
-of all officers who distinguish themselves or are
-fit for a higher post."[<a id="chap0201fn5text"></a><a href="#chap0201fn5">5</a>]
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The first feature, then, of the Prussian system
-is the method by which it is attempted, with
-considerable success, always to put the right man
-in the right place, and having done so, to see that
-he keeps up to the mark.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0201fn1"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0201fn1text">1</a>] <i>Verordnung über die Ehrengerichte der Offiziere im
-Preussischen Heere</i>, May 2nd, 1874.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0201fn2"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0201fn2text">2</a>] <i>Felddienstordnung</i>, 1887, § 6.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0201fn3"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0201fn3text">3</a>] Taine, <i>L'Ancien Régime</i>, p. 108.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0201fn4"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0201fn4text">4</a>] Cabinet order of May 8th, 1849.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0201fn5"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0201fn5text">5</a>] Cabinet order, <i>i.e.</i> King's order in Cabinet of March
-13th, 1816.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap0202"></a></p>
-
-<h3>
-CHAPTER II
-<br />
-THE ORGANIZATION OF THE ARMY
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-Organization implies that every man's work is
-defined; that he knows exactly what he must
-answer for, and that his authority is co-extensive
-with his responsibility.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-A modern army fights by army corps, and by
-army corps the Prussian army is managed, in
-peace as well as in war. Each province is an
-army corps district.[<a id="chap0202fn1text"></a><a href="#chap0202fn1">1</a>] All the troops in it belong
-to the corps[<a id="chap0202fn2text"></a><a href="#chap0202fn2">2</a>] and are under the command of the
-general, who has in military matters absolute
-authority, being independent of the Ministry of
-War and responsible directly to the king and to
-no one else. Every question that comes up in the
-corps can be finally settled by its commanding
-general, except a very few matters which require
-the king's assent, or an arrangement with the
-Ministry of War. But comparatively few questions
-of detail come as high as the commanding general.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-His corps is at all times organized very much
-as it would be in war. In the infantry four
-companies make a battalion, three battalions a
-regiment, two regiments a brigade, two infantry
-brigades with their due proportion of cavalry and
-artillery form an infantry division. In the cavalry
-four or five squadrons form the regiment, two or
-three regiments the brigade, and two or three
-brigades the division. In the artillery two or
-three batteries form a group (<i>Abtheilung</i>, now
-officially translated brigade division), two or three
-groups a regiment, and two regiments a brigade.
-The corps is made up of infantry divisions, a
-cavalry brigade or division,[<a id="chap0202fn3text"></a><a href="#chap0202fn3">3</a>] and an artillery
-brigade.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Responsibility and authority begin with the
-smallest units, the company, squadron, or battery.
-The captain, the commander of such a unit, is the
-lowest officer who has the power of punishment.
-In his hands lies in peace the training, and in war
-the leading of the company, squadron, or battery.
-The lieutenants and in a lower sphere the
-noncommissioned officers are his assistants acting
-under his responsibility. In the company, to take
-the infantry as the type, the captain is supreme.
-The methods of instruction, the distribution of
-time, and the order to be followed in the process
-are matters which he settles according to his own
-judgment. His superiors abstain from any
-interference. They are concerned only with the result,
-of which they satisfy themselves by inspection at
-the end of the period assigned to company training.
-If any of the soldiers have not been properly
-instructed, or if the company is not fit to take its
-place in the battalion, that is the captain's fault,
-and he is likely to lose his chance of promotion.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The battalion commander receives his trained
-companies and practises them in battalion manoeuvres.
-His business is with the battalion as a body
-composed of four units, not with the internal
-affairs of the companies. In battle as on the
-parade ground this rule is observed. For example:
-"If a battalion receives the order to attack a farm
-its commander must assign to the several
-companies the part which each is to play, must
-prescribe the points of attack, and at least in
-general terms the directions of their advance. He
-must also arrange the time of their coming into
-action so that they may co-operate. But how
-each company is to accomplish the task assigned
-to it, in what formation it is to fight&mdash;these and
-similar details he will do well, if he knows that
-his captains have the necessary insight, to leave to
-them."[<a id="chap0202fn4text"></a><a href="#chap0202fn4">4</a>]
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In this way authority and responsibility are
-graduated throughout the army corps. Every
-commander above the rank of captain deals with
-a body composed of units with the interior affairs
-of none of which he meddles, except in the case of
-failure on the part of the officer directly
-responsible. The higher the commander and the greater
-his authority, the more general becomes the
-supervision and the less the burden of detail. The
-superior prescribes the object to be attained. The
-subordinate is left free to choose the means, and is
-interfered with only in exceptional circumstances.
-Thus every officer in his own sphere is accustomed
-to the exercise of authority and to the free
-application of his own judgment.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-By this system the labour and responsibility of
-commanding an army corps are reduced to practicable
-dimensions. Regimental affairs are settled
-by the colonels; brigade affairs by the major-generals.
-The divisions commanded by lieutenant-generals
-are completely organized bodies capable,
-in case of need, of independent action and
-requiring little supervision from the corps commander.
-The general commanding the army corps has to
-deal directly with only a few subordinates, the
-commanders of his infantry divisions, of his cavalry
-brigade or division, and of his artillery brigade,
-and with the heads of the corps organizations for
-such purposes as supply and medical service. He
-inspects and tests the condition of all the various
-units, but he does not attempt to do the work of
-his subordinates. He is thus at liberty to keep
-his mind concentrated upon those essential matters
-which properly require his decision, for example,
-in war, whether he will advance or retire, whether
-he will move to the right or to the left, whether to
-fight or to postpone an engagement; how to
-distribute his force;&mdash;what portion he will at once
-engage and where he will place his reserve. When
-he receives an order from the army headquarters
-he is able to deliberate upon the best way of
-realizing the intention conveyed, for he is as far as
-possible unhampered by the worry of detail. He
-can make up his mind coolly, a very necessary
-process, seeing that he will stake life and reputation
-to carry out what he has once decided.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0202fn1"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0202fn1text">1</a>] The civil and military boundaries are not quite identical.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0202fn2"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0202fn2text">2</a>] The garrisons of fortresses are exceptions.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0202fn3"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0202fn3text">3</a>] In recent years the cavalry division has been made
-independent of the army corps.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0202fn4"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0202fn4text">4</a>] Blume, <i>Strategic</i>, p. 136.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap0203"></a></p>
-
-<h3>
-CHAPTER III
-<br />
-THE SYSTEM OF TRAINING
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-"The demands which war makes upon the troops
-must determine their training in peace....
-The tasks of the soldier in war are simple. He
-must always be able to march and to use his
-weapon. He can do both only so far as his
-moral and intellectual qualities suffice and his
-bodily and military training has been effective.
-Moreover, his performance will be fully useful
-only when it is guided by the will of the leader
-and regulated by discipline."[<a id="chap0203fn1text"></a><a href="#chap0203fn1">1</a>]
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The ideal here formulated is realized by
-devoting much time and attention to training and
-teaching each individual recruit. Next comes the
-exercise of the company, also as thorough as
-possible. These two stages of schooling occupy
-the greater part of the military year. Then when
-the companies are perfect they take their places
-in the battalion, and the battalions in due time
-in the regiment and in the brigade. The crown
-of the whole training is formed by the manoeuvres,
-in which divisions and occasionally army corps
-are assembled for practice, resembling as nearly
-as may be the operations of actual war.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Several objects are served by these manoeuvres.
-In the first place, the separate exercise of brigades
-preceding the manoeuvres proper completes the
-formal training of the troops, and gives practice
-in the evolutions of large homogeneous masses
-of each of the three arms. The manoeuvres of
-divisions and army corps serve to accustom the
-three arms to act in concert, and to overcome
-the great friction which at first always impedes
-the movements of such large composite bodies.
-All the various manoeuvres, moreover, give the
-superior officers the opportunity of inspecting the
-work of their inferiors, that is, of ascertaining
-how far the training of the troops has been
-thorough, and with what degree of skill they are
-handled.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Not the least important purpose of the
-manoeuvres is the training of commanders. The
-troops are divided into two parties supposed to
-be enemies at some stage of an imaginary war.
-The commander of each side learns from the
-umpire the nature of the supposed operations
-which have brought his forces into their actual
-situation, together with such information
-concerning the enemy as in real war he might be
-presumed to have obtained. He has then to act
-according to his own judgment. In this way the
-generals are practised and tested in the power of
-rapidly and surely grasping situations such as
-occur in war and of acting upon the insight
-thus gained. The arrangements are so made as
-to afford practice like this to as many officers as
-possible of all ranks, though it is chiefly the
-generals, the commanders of brigades, divisions,
-and army corps who profit by them.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Thus the Prussian system of training produces
-as the net result on the one hand an army corps
-as an instrument pliable to its commander's
-touch, so that it can be surely and easily handled
-in any situation, and on the other hand a general
-skilled in the manipulation of this powerful and
-complicated instrument.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0203fn1"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0203fn1text">1</a>] <i>Felddienstordnung</i>, §§ 1, 2.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap0204"></a></p>
-
-<h3>
-CHAPTER IV
-<br />
-THE ARMY CORPS
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-The Prussian army in 1866 consisted of nine
-army corps. The German army to-day has
-twenty, and in case of war the number would be
-increased. Large forces like these are rendered
-manageable by grouping them into armies of
-four or five corps, and dealing with the armies as
-units. It is evident that the working of the
-armies and therefore of the whole depends upon
-the ease and certainty with which the several corps
-are directed. Some of the means taken to secure
-this end have been already touched upon. In
-the first place each of the component parts of the
-corps must be perfectly trained and disciplined.
-Secondly, the corps must have had so much
-practice in working together as a whole that it
-has none of the weaknesses of a "scratch team." Thirdly,
-the general must be a real commander,
-able to read a battle-field, to judge a situation
-coolly, and to decide promptly. These qualities
-are secured partly by the selection[<a id="chap0204fn1text"></a><a href="#chap0204fn1">1</a>] exercised in
-the appointment of generals, partly by the
-frequent opportunities for practice and testing
-afforded by the manoeuvres.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But it is not enough to secure a general of
-tactical and strategical ability and experience.
-He must be protected against the danger of
-being absorbed by the worries of administration.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Before a body of 30,000 men can be assembled
-on the ground selected for manoeuvres or on the
-field of battle, a vast amount of business must
-be transacted, requiring for its performance
-abilities of quite another sort than those needed
-to handle and lead the troops in action. The
-men must all be clothed and equipped. They
-must be properly and regularly fed. The task
-of supplying an army corps with provisions is
-like that of feeding a small town which, instead
-of remaining in its place, moves every day to
-a new site ten or fifteen miles distant from the
-old one. Among 30,000 men there will always
-be a number of sick who require attention. If
-the corps should meet the enemy there may be
-thousands of wounded to be tended, removed,
-protected, and fed. Order must be maintained,
-so that a special set of functionaries is needed
-to apply and enforce the laws by which the
-army is regulated. The numbers of the corps
-can be maintained only by a constant stream of
-fresh men, trained soldiers not before employed
-in the war, arriving from its peace quarters.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Every one of these matters needs constant
-attention, or the whole machine would get out
-of gear and cease to work.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The friction that inevitably arises from these
-complicated necessities is diminished and to some
-extent overcome by the organization of responsibility
-among the several bodies composing the
-army corps. But the anxieties of the commanding
-general can never be removed. In order to realize
-the magnitude and variety of his cares, the attempt
-may be made to draw a rough picture of the
-army corps at work during a campaign.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The corps is moving westward along one of
-the great Continental high-roads. A vast forest
-spreading on each side for many miles confines
-the troops to the actual roadway.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The cavalry division is looking out for the
-enemy in the open country twenty miles in
-advance to the west of the forest. Parties of
-hussars in every road, lane, and bypath are
-watching the country as they move on across a
-front of eight or nine miles, followed two or
-three miles behind on the main road by the rest
-of the division, a column two miles long of
-dragoons, uhlans, and horse artillery. At the
-head of this column is the lieutenant-general
-commanding the cavalry division, with his staff.
-It is ten o'clock in the morning, and under the
-hot July sun a cloud of dust envelops all but
-the leading squadron as horse and guns move on
-at a steady trot. Now and then a fitful breeze
-carries the dust towards the south and reveals
-for a moment the long cavalcade.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The pace has just slackened to a walk as two
-horsemen gallop towards the road from the
-north-west. They are a young officer of hussars
-and a private whose bandaged arm shows that
-he has been wounded. Both are covered with
-dust, and their horses show signs of extreme
-fatigue. As they approach the road the general
-and his suite move on to a pasture field to the
-right to meet them, the column continuing along
-the road. The lieutenant respectfully salutes and
-tells his story briefly. A few questions are asked
-and answered. The column is halted, and during
-the short rest which ensues the general dictates
-a note which is written by one of his officers.
-The note is handed to an uhlan, who gallops off
-at once along the road towards the rear. A few
-minutes later the signal to mount is given, and
-the whole mass of horsemen and guns in a
-succession of parallel columns leaves the road and
-trots over the fields to the north-west, soon
-disappearing in a fold of the ground.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The uhlan sent back with the letter approaches
-after a five-mile gallop a group of comrades
-lying by the roadside, with their horses tethered
-near in the grass. One of the horses is saddled
-and bridled, and as the messenger comes up its
-rider springs into the saddle. A few sentences
-are exchanged as the new-comer, dismounting,
-hands the note to the fresh rider, who in turn
-gallops off along the road towards the rear.
-Three times the note thus changes hands. The
-fourth rider, whose station was five miles from
-the western edge of the forest region, is
-continually meeting troops on the march. He passes
-first a few squadrons of cuirassiers, then a mile
-or two further infantry, guns, more infantry, and
-then a string of waggons a mile long, laden with
-cartridges, shell, bridging material, and
-appliances for the comfort of wounded men. All
-this is merely the advanced guard of the army
-corps.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-As the rider draws nearer to the wood he
-finds a mile of clear road, and then meets the
-general commanding the corps to whom his note
-is addressed.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The hussar lieutenant had started before dawn,
-and after riding many miles to the front, evading
-the enemy's scouting parties, had watched a hostile
-cavalry division break up from its bivouac. He
-had been able to identify the division and to
-ascertain that it was unusually strong both in
-cavalry and horse artillery. On his return he
-had been seen by an enemy's patrol, and had
-escaped capture only by running the gauntlet.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The information thus obtained is of great
-importance, not only to the cavalry division, whose
-commander has promptly acted upon it, but to
-the army corps and to the army of which it is a
-part. The general commanding the army corps
-therefore sends an officer with the report and a
-further note from himself to the army
-headquarters in rear, on the east of the forest. This
-officer having to follow the high-road, meets and
-rides past the main body of the army corps on
-the march.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The leading brigade of infantry, with a number
-of guns and ammunition waggons, covers the
-road for a mile and three-quarters; then for
-another mile and a half is the corps' artillery,
-then the whole second division of infantry (with
-its cavalry regiment and its artillery) trailing its
-length for four and a half miles. Then after
-having the road to himself for a quarter of an
-hour, as he emerges from the forest on its
-eastern side, the rider passes the heavy baggage,
-a line of military carts and waggons conveying
-those requisites which the troops need every night
-for comfort, and which cannot be carried in the
-knapsacks. These waggons stretch for a mile
-and a half along the road. Soon after passing
-them the rider takes a cross-road leading to the
-north, just as he is meeting the foremost portion
-of the army corps trains, which in their turn
-would cover the road for eleven or twelve miles
-with their long succession of vehicles:
-ammunition waggons for guns and small arms;
-provision stores for four days for 30,000 men; hay
-and oats for the horses of cavalry, artillery,
-and waggons; the corps pontoon train; the
-hospital carts, and a multitude of country carts
-pressed into the service to enable extra stores
-of provisions to be taken on, and to relieve the
-military waggons.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Thus from the general to the rear of the
-baggage proper would be nearly twelve miles,
-from the rear of the baggage to the rear of
-the trains, if all were on the march at the same
-time, another twelve miles, while the general
-himself was found nearly five miles behind the front
-of the advanced guard of the corps.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-When the officer, late in the afternoon, rides
-back from the army headquarters with a letter
-for the corps commander, he finds a different
-scene. At a village in the middle of the forest
-the leading waggons of the train are beginning
-to form up north and south of the road. There
-is here an extensive open space, which before
-night will be packed with waggons. Farther on
-the road is clear. The heavy baggage has
-dispersed among the cross-roads, each set of waggons
-seeking the quarters of its regiment. At the
-western edge of the forest the troops of the
-army corps have taken possession of all the
-villages on the road and in the neighbourhood,
-so that within a radius of six miles from
-where the road enters the open country every
-farm or cluster of buildings is tenanted by its
-company or battery. The villages farthest to the
-west contain the advanced guard, and beyond
-them still the outposts have placed picquets
-and sentries in all the roads and lanes leading
-to the west.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The general's quarters are in a straggling
-village on the main road, at the White Cross
-Inn. In front of the house an officer is explaining
-to an old farmer that the provisions produced
-by the villagers are satisfactory, that no further
-requisition will be made, but that for a further
-supply of oats, cheese, and bacon, if delivered next
-morning, payment will be made in cash. In a
-small parlour of the inn two officers are busy
-examining the contents of half a dozen mail bags
-collected from post-offices in the district.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Upstairs the general, who has just come in
-from the outposts, is hearing reports. The corps
-intendant proposes to form a temporary depot
-at the village where the trains are parked,
-and to send back the requisitioned carts next
-morning to the railway terminus assigned to the
-corps. Another officer announces that the
-telegraph from army headquarters will by evening
-be opened as far as the same village, a third
-that 150 horses are unserviceable, and that it will
-be two days before fresh horses from home will
-reach the depot. A fourth brings a list of the
-number of men who are disabled by sore feet,
-diarrhoea, and sunstroke. At this moment comes
-the letter from army headquarters, which instructs
-the general to be ready at short notice to march
-his whole corps towards the north, along the
-front of the forest. This involves the movement
-of the trains along a cross-road through the
-forest, and arrangements must be made to ensure
-this road, which is a bad one, being cleared of
-hindrances and made fit to bear the heavy
-traffic.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The examination of the mail bags has yielded
-fresh information about the enemy. All the
-officers but one are dismissed, and the general,
-with his confidential secretary, is proceeding to
-study the new situation thus revealed when a
-fresh messenger gallops up to the house with a
-note to the effect that the advanced guard of
-the neighbouring corps ten miles to the south
-is attacked by a superior force of the enemy,
-and that its commander begs the general to
-move his corps to its assistance, so as to be able
-to join in the action before noon next day.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This picture is a mere shadow of the reality.[<a id="chap0204fn2text"></a><a href="#chap0204fn2">2</a>] It
-may help however to illustrate the dual nature
-of the cares by which a general is distracted.
-He has at the same time to perform the military
-functions of command and to superintend the
-business of management. His duty as a
-commander involves continuous attention to the
-enemy's movements and to the instructions of his
-own chief. He must study the intentions of the
-army commander to whom he is subordinate and
-conform to them in his own movements against
-the enemy. But the mere management of his
-corps requires an effort which tends to absorb
-his energies and make him forget both his
-commander and the enemy.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-A good system must as far as possible relieve
-the general from these cares of management, so
-that he can keep his mind free to study his
-instructions and watch his foe. Accordingly side
-by side with that distribution of authority among
-the combatant units which facilitates the exercise
-of the general command is an organization upon
-similar principles of the administrative services.
-The supervision of each branch is in the hands
-of an executive officer in the <i>entourage</i> of the
-general.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The corps intendant is responsible for the
-supplies of provisions, stores, and money, and for
-their transport. The hospitals and ambulance
-work are controlled by the surgeon-general. The
-legal business is conducted and prepared for the
-general's decision by an officer called the corps
-auditeur.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The strictly military functions of command
-fall naturally into two classes, according as they
-are concerned with the direction of the troops
-as pieces in the game played against the enemy,
-or with their internal management. The everyday
-life of a soldier is to a great extent a
-matter of routine. In every regiment there are
-at all times guards and sentries and an officer
-of the day; there are patrols and fatigue parties.
-These duties are undertaken by all in turn, and
-they therefore need to be equitably distributed
-from day to day. A roll of the regiment is
-therefore made every day accounting for all the
-officers and men. The working of all this
-internal mechanism is in every regiment arranged
-by the adjutant, under the authority and
-supervision of the commanding officer. The brigade,
-the division, and the army corps are each of them
-in like manner provided with an adjutancy, which
-in the case of an army corps is formed by a
-bureau of four officers.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0204fn1"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0204fn1text">1</a>] The thoroughness of this selection has increased in
-recent years, inasmuch as most of the generals appointed
-have enjoyed the special training of the staff. An incapable,
-of any rank is ruthlessly retired.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0204fn2"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0204fn2text">2</a>] The details of organization on which it is based are
-those of the German army in the period between 1875 and
-1885. The materials for a similar account of the Prussian
-army corps of 1866 are not accessible. The reader may
-imagine the confusion which would follow a battle,
-especially a defeat which might compel the corps to retreat as
-best it could through the forest, with its trains perhaps
-entangled in the cross-road leading north.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap0205"></a></p>
-
-<h3>
-CHAPTER V
-<br />
-THE GENERAL STAFF IN THE ARMY CORPS
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-There remain as the general's special province
-the communication with the army headquarters
-and the direction of the troops as fighting
-bodies; the regulation of marches, halts, and
-combats; the reconnaissance of the country with
-a view to these operations; the collection and
-sifting of news about the enemy; and the
-compilation of reports for the information of the
-higher commanders and for the records of the
-army corps.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The bureau or department which assists the
-general in these matters is the general staff of
-the army corps. It consists of a colonel or
-lieutenant-colonel as chief, one field officer, and two
-captains.[<a id="chap0205fn1text"></a><a href="#chap0205fn1">1</a>] The functions of the general staff of
-a division or army corps during war may be
-summarised under the following heads:[<a id="chap0205fn2text"></a><a href="#chap0205fn2">2</a>]&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p>
-(1) Elaboration in accordance with the situation
-from time to time of all arrangements concerning
-the fighting, marching, repose, and safety
-of the troops.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-(2) Communication of these arrangements in
-the form of orders.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-(3) Collection, sifting, and appreciation of all
-information about the enemy.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-(4) Maintenance of the efficiency of the division
-or army corps and of an uninterrupted knowledge
-of its condition in every respect.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-(5) Keeping record of all operations.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-(6) Reconnaissances.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p>
-The peace duties of the bureau are a preparation
-for those of war. They embrace the elaboration
-of the arrangements for mobilization, which
-require periodical, almost continuous revision,
-all arrangements for marching and quarterings,
-the selection of a site and all other preparations
-for the autumn manoeuvres, and the superintendence
-of the railway and telegraph service of the
-army corps.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The chief of the general staff of the army
-corps is authorized to represent the general in
-his absence and to issue in his name such orders
-as will admit of no delay. Accordingly he has a
-general supervision over the whole staff and may
-control not merely his direct subordinates, but
-the adjutants, the intendant, and the auditeur.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It is one of the duties of the general staff to
-attend to the material well-being of the troops,
-so as to secure their being at all times in
-condition to march or to fight. The heads of the
-several departments specially concerned with this
-care can work efficiently only in so far as they
-are kept in touch of the military situation. They
-must know, for example, when an advance or
-retreat is contemplated, or a battle is in prospect,
-so as to make their arrangements accordingly.
-For this purpose the chief of the general staff
-of the army corps is the organ of communication
-between them and the commanding general.
-All the orders for the movement of the troops
-and for their distribution in quarters pass through
-his hands, and he is also responsible for the
-collecting and sifting of information concerning the
-enemy. His three assistants relieve him from
-too much absorption in mechanical detail. He
-is thus a sort of confidential secretary to the
-general, preparing for him all important
-correspondence and serving as an <i>alter ego</i>. He
-knows the general's views and intentions and can
-therefore see with the general's eyes. He is
-familiar with the methods and ideas of the army
-headquarters, for he has been trained in the great
-general staff at Berlin under the personal influence
-of its chief. He is familiar with the working
-of the army corps, for he has held his post
-during years of peace before the war, and has
-been responsible for the arrangement of the corps
-manoeuvres. Thus his training and experience
-peculiarly qualify him to be the general's
-right-hand man, to translate the general's wishes into
-detailed orders, and to submit for his approval
-at any time such suggestions as will meet the
-situation.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The system here described provides as effectively
-as may be for the judicious employment
-of the army corps. Each branch of administration
-is so organized as to centre in a competent
-special manager whose decisions, though they
-must be submitted to the general, will seldom
-require to be revised or reversed. The general,
-while in this way in touch with all that is done
-in and for his corps, can give his main attention
-to the military operations. These also are
-prepared for him and the details elaborated by a
-group of officers specially trained and practised
-in this particular branch: the art of command.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0205fn1"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0205fn1text">1</a>] In peace there is usually only one captain. The
-lieutenant-general commanding a division has the assistance
-of a single officer of the general staff, usually a
-captain or a major. In the smaller units, comprising only
-a single arm, the general staff is not represented.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0205fn2"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0205fn2text">2</a>] Bronsart von Schellendorf, <i>Der Dienst des
-Generalstabes</i>, vol. i., p. 4.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap0206"></a></p>
-
-<h3>
-CHAPTER VI
-<br />
-COMPOSITION OF THE GENERAL STAFF AND ITS<br />
-DISTRIBUTION THROUGH THE ARMY
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-The Prussian general staff forms a corps by
-itself. The officers belonging to it wear a special
-uniform, and their names do not appear in any
-regimental lists. The proposals for their
-promotion are made by the chief of the staff of the
-army,[<a id="chap0206fn1text"></a><a href="#chap0206fn1">1</a>] and advancement in its ranks is quicker
-than in the army generally.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The corps thus constituted is, however, not a
-close corporation. By the rule that regimental
-service must alternate with employment on the
-general staff, the connection between the army
-and the staff is maintained, and the practical
-competence of the staff officers is secured. The
-first appointment to the staff and the subsequent
-return to it are alike dependent upon selection,
-or, in other words, upon special merit.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-A captain on the staff after four or five years'
-work is transferred to a regiment. A year or two
-later he may be again selected for the staff as
-major. After a further term he will receive the
-command of a battalion, then return to work on
-the staff, and afterwards be promoted to the
-command of a regiment. From this post he may
-again be chosen to the staff, returning eventually
-as a major-general to the command of a brigade.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Those officers who are selected for the purely
-scientific work of the general staff, such, for
-instance, as the geographical and topographical
-surveys, are considered to have embraced a special
-career and to have given up the prospect of
-command in the field. They are placed on an
-auxiliary establishment or side list of the general
-staff. As a rule they are students rather than
-fighting men, or officers of distinguished scientific
-attainments who have not the bodily activity
-required for service in the field. They remain on
-the auxiliary establishment, and do not revert to
-the wider field of active service among the
-combatants.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The Prussian general staff numbers altogether
-about 200 officers, 90 of whom are distributed
-among the divisions and army corps,[<a id="chap0206fn2text"></a><a href="#chap0206fn2">2</a>] whilst
-about 100, half of whom belong to the auxiliary
-establishment, form the great general staff at
-Berlin. Service in the staff office of a division
-or army corps alternates with employment on
-the great general staff, so that the officer whose
-diligence and ability have opened for him the
-staff career, and whose performance secures his
-periodical return to it, passes through the various
-stages of regimental service, of service on the
-general staff of the great constituent units of the
-army, and of employment in the great central
-agency of direction.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Thus the general staff is not merely the
-intellectual spring which gives the impulse to the
-whole army, but it forms also a medium of
-circulation by which all the parts are kept in
-uninterrupted communication with the centre. At
-the great general staff the art of command is
-studied with special reference to the employment
-of the German army as a weapon against
-France, Russia, or any other probable adversary,
-and in conjunction with the Austrian, Italian, or
-any other allied army. The wide views thus
-acquired are applied to the handling of the
-several units of which the army is composed,
-while the central office in all its general studies
-has the benefit of the practical experience
-obtained in the management of the company, the
-squadron, and the battery, as well as of every
-unit up to the division and the army corps.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The influence of the general staff is not limited
-to the work of the 200 officers who comprise it
-at any given time. Many of the commanders of
-regiments and battalions have been members of
-the general staff, and are taking their turn of
-practice with the troops. Nearly all the higher
-commanders have passed through the various stages of
-duty in the general staff. The great general staff
-is perpetually training fresh generations. Some
-sixty junior officers are temporarily attached to
-it without being incorporated, that is, without
-ceasing to belong to their regiments. They are
-the pick of the 100 lieutenants who every year
-leave the Kriegsakademie, or Staff College, at
-Berlin. They work for a year at the central
-general staff office, under the personal supervision
-of the chief of the general staff of the army,
-who thus acquires an intimate knowledge of their
-ability and character. At the end of their year
-they rejoin their regiments. After a term of
-regimental work the best of them will be chosen
-as captains to the general staff to fill up vacancies
-caused by promotions. In this way the general
-staff keeps up its numbers by the continual
-selection of the fittest.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0206fn1"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0206fn1text">1</a>] In the case of regimental officers these proposals are
-made by the commander of the regiment; cf. Cabinet
-order of March 22, 1864.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0206fn2"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0206fn2text">2</a>] Four of the German army corps&mdash;those of Saxony,
-Würtemberg, and Bavaria (two corps)&mdash;do not belong to
-the Prussian army.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap0301"></a></p>
-
-<h2>
-PART III
-<br />
-<i>THE GREAT GENERAL STAFF</i>
-</h2>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h3>
-CHAPTER I
-<br />
-AN INTELLIGENCE DEPARTMENT
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-The chief of the general staff of the army,
-assisted by the great general staff, which is his
-special organ, and which has its permanent
-abode in Berlin, is occupied during peace with
-preparations for the conduct of the army in war.
-The work undertaken with this object divides
-itself naturally into three branches, according as
-it consists in actual arrangements for particular
-wars regarded as probable, in the training of
-officers to the art of command, or in the scientific
-study of war as a means of forming and exercising
-the faculty of generalship.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The direct preparation for probable wars
-consists in arranging, in anticipation of each of
-the various possible complications, the most
-suitable distribution of the forces available, their
-concentration on the frontier, and their transport
-from the peace quarters to the districts selected
-for this purpose.[<a id="chap0301fn1text"></a><a href="#chap0301fn1">1</a>] These matters require for
-their decision a thorough knowledge of the
-countries forming the theatre of war and of
-the armies of all the probable combatants.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The great general staff in time of peace is
-constantly engaged in the collection and digestion
-of such information. For this purpose it is
-organized into three divisions,[<a id="chap0301fn2text"></a><a href="#chap0301fn2">2</a>] to each of which
-a portion of Europe is assigned. The first
-division deals with Sweden, Norway, Russia,
-Turkey, and Austria; the second with
-Germany, Denmark, Italy, and Switzerland; the
-third with the western states of Europe
-and with America. Of the thoroughness with
-which the work is done some idea may be
-formed by an examination of the reference
-index,[<a id="chap0301fn3text"></a><a href="#chap0301fn3">3</a>] which was for many years (1869-1883)
-annually printed and published. The reader
-who opens one of these volumes at the chapter
-headed "British Empire" will find there a mass
-of ordered information such as is hardly anywhere
-else accessible. It begins with a detailed
-account of the progress of the Ordnance survey
-during the year, dealing separately with
-England, Scotland, and Ireland, and with the
-Admiralty surveys. Then under the heading land
-and people, comes a list of new statistical
-publications, an abstract of the census and of the
-Registrar-General's reports, and a note of any
-works that illustrate the subjects. Succeeding
-headings, worked out with great minuteness,
-are: constitution, administration, and finance,
-intellectual culture, emigration, mining,
-agriculture, forestry, and marine economy, industry
-and trade. Communications are subdivided into
-railways, post, telegraphs, and inland navigation.
-Several pages are devoted to an exhaustive
-catalogue of every publication issued during
-the year, English or foreign, bearing upon the
-British army, including official publications,
-controversial pamphlets, and magazine and
-newspaper articles. The navy is treated in a
-similar manner, though less space is devoted
-to it; and lastly, there is a review of all new
-guide-books, books of travel, and maps relating
-to Great Britain, especially of county guides,
-histories, maps and plans. The progress of the
-British colonies is followed in the same fashion.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The minute systematic study which is thus
-devoted to the resources of every European
-country gives a basis for judging of its fighting
-power far more certain than the collection of
-mere military statistics. For the reference index
-is only a groundwork upon which the military
-study of the countries can be founded. It is
-not the product of the three divisions, but of
-the geographical and statistical section, which
-belongs to the auxiliary establishment, and in
-this way it prepares the materials upon which
-the three divisions are to work.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The index is no longer given to the world;
-but the volumes already published are a monument
-of systematic research, and reveal the depth
-and breadth of the foundation upon which the
-great general staff builds, in other words, the
-accuracy and fulness of the knowledge at the
-disposal of its chief when he frames a plan of
-operations. It is therefore not a matter of
-surprise that in 1866 the chief of the Prussian
-general staff was well informed concerning the
-position and condition of every part of the
-Austrian army up to the time when the special
-preparations for the war began; was able to
-gauge very fairly the time that would be
-required for its mobilization and transport, and
-knew perhaps as well as any one in Austria
-the difficulties in which that empire would be
-placed by an effort to continue the struggle.
-A still more complete knowledge of the adversary's
-military and other resources was revealed
-by the German general staff at the opening of
-the campaign of 1870.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The German staff has now no longer a
-monopoly of these studies, as may be seen by a glance
-at the <i>Revue Militaire de l'Étranger</i>, published
-fortnightly (since 1872) by the second bureau of
-the French general staff. The intelligence
-division[<a id="chap0301fn4text"></a><a href="#chap0301fn4">4</a>] of our own War Office performs somewhat
-similar duties of geographical and statistical
-research.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The transport of the portions of the army from
-their peace quarters to the places of assembly
-selected for the commencement of operations
-has been referred to in the account of the
-campaign of 1866. It was then effected partly by
-marching, partly by railway. Immediately after
-that campaign the veteran critic Jomini, in an
-essay upon its lessons, urged the importance of
-"the serious study of the modifications which
-railways will cause from this time onwards in
-the general direction of the operations of war,
-<i>i.e.</i> in strategy," and spoke of the want of this
-study as "the gap at present existing in the
-theory of the art of war."[<a id="chap0301fn5text"></a><a href="#chap0301fn5">5</a>] The gap, one would
-think, had been pretty well filled up already by
-a staff which in twenty-one days had moved
-197,000 men, 55,000 horses, and 5,300 military
-vehicles over distances varying from 120 to 360
-miles without a single accident, and without
-any serious departure from the pre-arranged
-time-tables.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The great general staff has a special division
-devoted to the manipulation of railways in war,
-and the attempt is made to give every officer
-of the general staff the benefit of a period of
-service in this particular branch.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The production of maps for the army is so
-closely connected with the study of the various
-probable theatres of war that the two duties
-cannot safely be entrusted to different
-institutions. In Germany the principal government
-geographical establishment is a branch of the
-great general staff, the officers employed in it
-being on the auxiliary list. This service is
-arranged in three departments, the trigonometric,
-the topographic, and the cartographic, all of
-which are under the supervision of the chief
-of the National Survey, who is himself a
-subordinate of the chief of the general staff of
-the army.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0301fn1"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0301fn1text">1</a>] See Part I. Chap. IV.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0301fn2"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0301fn2text">2</a>] The details of this organization have been modified in
-recent years.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0301fn3"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0301fn3text">3</a>] <i>Registrande der Geographisch-Statistischen Abtheilung
-des Grossen Generalstabes</i>. Berlin, 1869-83.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0301fn4"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0301fn4text">4</a>] See a lecture delivered at the Royal United Service
-Institution in 1875 by the late Major-General, then Major
-C. B. Brackenbury, R.A., entitled "The Intelligence Duties
-of the Staff at Home and Abroad," in reading which,
-however, the date of its production should be remembered.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0301fn5"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0301fn5text">5</a>] Jomini, <i>Troisième Appendice au Précis de l'Art de la
-Guerre</i>. Paris, 1866.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap0302"></a></p>
-
-<h3>
-CHAPTER II
-<br />
-A MILITARY UNIVERSITY
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-The distinctive feature of the regeneration by
-which modern Prussia was raised up, after the
-Prussia of Frederick the Great had been shattered
-in the first conflict with Napoleon, was the effort
-to lay a solid foundation in healthy institutions
-and especially in a sound education. The work
-which was done for Prussian institutions by Stein
-and for liberal education by Humboldt, was done
-for the army by Scharnhorst, to whom military
-education was the corner-stone of army reform.
-The University of Berlin began its work on
-October 15th, 1810, and on the same day[<a id="chap0302fn1text"></a><a href="#chap0302fn1">1</a>] was
-opened the War School for officers, the great
-military high school of Germany, now known
-as the War Academy. It was the creation of
-Scharnhorst, whose greatness is nowhere more
-conspicuous than in his educational work.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-As early as 1792, before he had ever seen a
-battle, he had published a <i>Soldier's Pocket-book</i>,
-in which the principles and details of field service
-were explained and illustrated by examples from
-then recent wars. The experiences of his first
-campaigns in 1793 and 1794 led him during his
-last years in the Hanoverian service to draw up
-a series of memoirs in which military education
-occupies a prominent place, and when in 1801
-he joined the Prussian service, one of his first
-appointments was that of lecturer to the classes
-of young officers which had been instituted by
-Frederick the Great and still continued to be
-held. Scharnhorst rearranged and extended the
-courses of instruction, and himself as "Director
-of the Academy" taught to the higher class the
-important subjects of tactics and strategy. The
-lectures which he gave between 1801 and 1805
-have been preserved in a fragmentary state, and
-show that he was the first to concentrate the
-attention of his pupils on the conduct of the
-operations of war, instead of merely busying
-them with the details of the several technical
-arts and sciences which subserve that end. The
-regulations for the Academy which he drafted
-in 1805 contain the outlines of the system which
-in a more developed form is still characteristic
-of the highest Prussian military education.
-Scharnhorst's best pupil at this time was Carl
-von Clausewitz, who in after years attributed to
-these early lessons the intellectual impulse which
-produced his masterly essays, and the historical
-method in which all his theory has its roots.
-Lectures and classes were abruptly ended by
-the mobilization of 1805, which was followed in
-1806 by the great catastrophe.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The War School of 1810 aimed at the higher
-training of selected officers whose ability gave
-promise of a career in the superior ranks. It
-was distinct from the lower schools intended to
-give a professional training to young men
-preparing to become officers, and was closely
-connected with the general staff, in which Scharnhorst,
-at this time its chief, paid great attention to the
-instruction of the younger members. One of the
-first professors appointed was Clausewitz.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The wars of liberation practically dissolved the
-War School, which, however, after the peace of
-1815 was re-established without substantial
-modification, though it was placed in the department,
-not of the chief of the staff, but of the inspector-general
-of military education. During the subsequent
-long period of peace, the Academy had
-the services of many distinguished men. From
-1818 to 1830 Clausewitz was its director. The
-great geographer Karl Ritter was from 1820 to
-1859 one of its professors. In 1859 the title of
-War Academy was definitely adopted, and in
-1872 the institution was again placed under the
-superintendence of the chief of the general staff.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The regulations at present in force, though of
-recent date, are little more than a codification
-of the system which has been gradually developed
-on the foundations laid by Scharnhorst, and their
-value and the authority which attaches to them
-are in great measure due to the long and
-unbroken tradition which they represent.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-They are embodied in two short codes entitled
-respectively "Order of Service," and "Order of
-Teaching of the War Academy." A concise
-account of these documents will best explain the
-workings of this institution.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The Order of Service is one of the few results
-of the brief reign of the lamented Emperor
-Frederick, whose signature it bears. It begins in
-true German fashion with a definition: "The
-object of the War Academy is to initiate into the
-higher branches of the military sciences a number
-of officers of the necessary capacity belonging to
-the various arms, and thus to enlarge and extend
-their military knowledge and to clear and quicken
-their military judgment.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"Side by side with this direct training for their
-profession, they are to endeavour, in proportion to
-the requirements of the army, to penetrate deeper
-into certain departments of formal science, and to
-acquire mastery in speaking and writing one or
-two modern foreign languages."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The Academy in its scientific working&mdash;as an
-institution for teaching and study&mdash;is under the
-chief of the general staff of the army, who is
-responsible for the appointment of the teachers,
-for the selection of officers as students ("the call
-to the Academy"), for their dismissal in case of
-need, and for the permission to attend a particular
-course occasionally granted to officers not "called." For
-the discipline and management of the Academy,
-the director, a general, is responsible. He
-is assisted by one or two deputies and by a Board
-of Studies, over whose nomination the chief of
-the staff has a controlling influence. The duties
-of the board are to approve of the programmes of
-the several professors' courses, and to conduct
-the examinations at the beginning and at the end
-of the course. The complete course lasts three
-years, with a long vacation of three months each
-summer. The appointment or "call" of students
-is in each case only for a year, its renewal
-depending upon diligence and good conduct. Any
-officer of five years' service not yet within four
-years from his turn of promotion to captain may
-apply for admission to the Academy, which is
-regulated by examination.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The object of the entrance examination is
-to ascertain whether the candidate possesses the
-degree of general education and the knowledge
-requisite for a profitable attendance at the
-lectures of the Academy. The examination is
-also to determine whether the candidates have
-the power of judgment, without which there could
-be no hope of their further progress." The
-questions set are to be such as cannot be
-answered merely from knowledge stored up in
-the memory, and should test the capacity for
-clear, collected, and consistent expression. The
-military subjects required are tactics, formal and
-applied, the nature and construction of firearms,
-fortification and surveying. The general subjects
-are history, geography, mathematics, and French.
-The paper in applied tactics must be as simple as
-possible. It must consist of a problem for
-solution, so as to oblige the candidate to make a
-decision and give his reasons for it. Each
-candidate must send in an essay written at home
-on one of a list of subjects announced some
-months beforehand. This is particularly intended
-to test his power of judgment and the degree of
-general education he has attained. It may be
-either in German or French. "Of those officers
-whose work is judged the best (by the Board of
-Studies) the director may submit to the chief of
-the general staff of the army, with a view to their
-being called to the Academy, the names of any
-number not exceeding a hundred. The chief of
-the staff communicates his decisions to the
-generals commanding army corps, who inform the
-officers concerned."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The <i>Order of Service</i> lays down that in the
-instruction given at the Academy certain practical
-applications shall never be omitted:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"As a continuous commentary on the lectures,
-the students, under the guidance of their
-professors, are to visit the military workshops,
-technical institutions, and exercising grounds at
-Berlin and Spandau, and the fortifications of
-Spandau. They are to attend the exercises of
-the railway regiment, and make journeys of
-instruction on the military railway.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The lessons in tactics, fortification, and transport
-are to be supplemented by practical exercises.
-Moreover, during a portion of the holidays after
-the first and the second year, each officer is
-attached for instruction to a regiment of one of
-the two arms to which he does not properly
-belong. Lastly, the third year's course is always
-to conclude with a three weeks' tour, for practical
-instruction in staff duties."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The <i>Order of Service</i> concerns itself no further
-with the scope and method of teaching, but
-decrees that these shall be determined by the
-order of teaching to be issued by the chief of the
-general staff of the army.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The <i>Order of Teaching</i> of the War Academy at
-present in force was issued by Count Moltke at
-the close of his career at the head of the Prussian
-staff.[<a id="chap0302fn2text"></a><a href="#chap0302fn2">2</a>] Its value can be made clear only by a
-reproduction of its principal clauses. But a true
-judgment of an educational institution must be
-based upon the existence of a standard of
-comparison, an ideal which may be readily accepted
-as the measure of perfection. Such a normal
-type may be sought in the best University training
-of the present day, of which the spirit may
-perhaps be expressed in a few sentences.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-A system of instruction, intended not for
-children but for men, which is not an attempt to
-make good the defects of early education, but
-addresses itself to minds already trained and
-disciplined, cannot be regulated mechanically.
-In all intelligent education the order of teaching
-is at once natural and rational. The subjects
-group themselves by their relation to the end in
-view, and the necessity of each new advance is
-evident to the student as soon as he is prepared
-for it. Such a course of study has a unity, and
-a completeness, which is of great significance in
-view of the formation of a type of character. The
-highest education, however, has features peculiarly
-its own. It is founded in the conception of
-science, not as a department of knowledge, but as
-"the proper method of knowing and apprehending
-the facts in any department whatever."[<a id="chap0302fn3text"></a><a href="#chap0302fn3">3</a>] From
-this idea of method flow practical consequences.
-The student, as soon as maturity is approached,
-abandons the general realm of knowledge, and
-concentrates himself upon a single province,[<a id="chap0302fn4text"></a><a href="#chap0302fn4">4</a>] in
-which, however, he becomes not merely a follower,
-but an independent worker, seeing and judging
-for himself and co-operating with his teacher in
-advancing the bounds of knowledge. Above all,
-"it is not the substance of what is communicated,
-but the act of communication between the older and
-the younger mind, which is the important matter."[<a id="chap0302fn5text"></a><a href="#chap0302fn5">5</a>]
-</p>
-
-<p>
-From this educational standpoint, Count Moltke's
-<i>Order of Teaching</i> deserves a close examination.
-Its opening paragraphs must be given in full:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-"THE COURSE OF STUDY.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"In accordance with the objects for which the
-Military Academy is instituted, its course of study
-must aim at a thorough professional education; it
-must not lose itself in the wide field of general
-scientific studies.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"A sound formal education is the indispensable
-pre-requisite of a thorough military professional
-education. The deepening of the formal training,
-of the general intelligence and judgment, must
-therefore never be lost sight of during, and side
-by side with, the professional studies. Accordingly
-the course will be based upon the knowledge
-gained in the cadet corps, the military schools, the
-school for artillery and engineers, and, as regards
-general knowledge, in the gymnasia. But a
-simple repetition of things already known, by way
-of refreshing the memory, cannot be sufficient.
-As the whole course aims at a higher culture, it
-must proceed independently, entirely free from
-the constraint of a school.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The practical abilities of the officers, acquired
-during five years' service, offer in many respects a
-foundation upon which the teachers can build.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-"METHOD OF INSTRUCTION.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The instruction at the Military Academy
-begins with the elements of the various subjects,
-the object being, in the first instance, to strengthen
-and enlarge the grasp of what has already been
-learned. It proceeds, as the subjects develop, to
-more difficult matters, aiming, as its ultimate
-goal, at the thorough preparation of the officer for
-the modern requirements of war. The instruction
-in the formal sciences must for this purpose
-proceed in a different manner from that adopted in
-the military subjects. The scientific teaching may
-take the form of lectures, which appeal merely to
-the comprehension and the memory of the hearer,
-while in the military subjects, everything depends
-upon the pupil learning to apply and to make the
-most of the knowledge which he acquires. It is,
-moreover, essential to bring about an active
-process of mental give and take between teacher
-and pupils, so as to stimulate the pupils to
-become fellow-workers. The awakening effects
-of co-operation like this will never be seen where
-the one only expounds, and the other only listens.
-But it will naturally be produced by the
-combination of clear exposition, with practice in the
-application to specific concrete cases of the
-knowledge gained. (The so-called 'applicatory
-method' of teaching. Cp. p. 187, note.)
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"Accordingly, in the purely military subjects
-the lectures are, as far as possible, to be
-interspersed with practical examples, in which the
-details are explained upon the map. Moreover,
-in this department, there will be opportunities of
-encouraging the pupils from time to time to
-deliver original addresses, the preparation of
-which should lead to the formation of independent
-opinions. The subjects of these addresses are to
-be military, and never merely scientific.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"If the teacher succeeds by the force of his
-word and his person in developing the mental
-powers of his pupils so that they eagerly look
-forward to the next year's course and are
-thoroughly roused to work for themselves, he has
-accomplished his task. For the Academy is not
-to give fragments of disconnected knowledge; in
-its course of teaching the necessity of every new
-subject must rest upon truths which the pupils
-have already perceived and made their own."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The general framework being thus erected, the
-<i>Order of Teaching</i> proceeds to review the several
-subjects[<a id="chap0302fn6text"></a><a href="#chap0302fn6">6</a>] taught in the Academy, indicating in
-each case the reason why the particular subject is
-to be taken up, and the manner in which it is to
-be treated.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The following paragraphs, which deal with the
-four principal subjects of instruction, give a
-sufficient insight into the system:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-"TACTICS.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The object of the tactical instruction, to which,
-above all, pre-eminent importance must be
-attached, is (1) to give the officers a thorough
-knowledge of the tactical regulations in force in
-our army and those of our great neighbours, and
-(2) by teaching and by setting problems to make
-them familiar with the endless diversity of the
-conditions of modern battle.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The first year's course comprises (<i>a</i>) the
-outlines of the historical growth of our army
-organization and of our tactical forms; (<i>b</i>) our
-drill-books, order of field service and musketry
-instruction, so far as they are important for the
-use of the troops in the field; (<i>c</i>) thorough
-explanation of the forms of battle of the great
-European armies of to-day.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"Hand in hand with this formal instruction, the
-German regulations dealing with march, combat,
-and rest must be illustrated by problems involving
-a small detachment of all arms. In these
-problems the principal stress is to be laid on the
-co-operation and mutual support of the various
-arms.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"In the second and third years' course only
-applied tactics will be taught. During the second
-year the duties of the infantry and cavalry
-division, with special regard to the issue of orders
-and the conduct of battle, must be thoroughly
-studied. The third year's course embraces the
-functions of an army corps acting as a portion of
-an army.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The teacher must throughout endeavour to
-make his instruction suggestive by examples and
-by exercises on the map and in the open air. In
-this he will be successful in proportion as he
-makes use of the experiences of modern and of
-recent wars.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-"MILITARY HISTORY.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The lectures upon military history offer the
-most effective means of teaching war during
-peace, and of awakening a genuine interest in the
-study of important campaigns. These lectures
-should bring into relief the unchangeable
-fundamental conditions of good generalship in their
-relation to changeable tactical forms, and should
-place in a true light the influence of eminent
-characters upon the course of events and the
-weight of moral forces in contrast to that of mere
-material instruments.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"These lectures must not degenerate into a
-mere succession of unconnected descriptions of
-military occurrences. They must regard events in
-their causal connections, must concern themselves
-with the leadership, and must at the same time
-bring out the ideas of war peculiar to each age.
-They will acquire a high value if the teacher
-succeeds in bringing into exercise the judgment
-of his pupils.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"This judgment, however, must never degenerate
-into mere negative criticism, but must clothe itself
-in the form of distinct suggestions as to what
-ought to have been done and decided.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The lectures in the first year's course will treat
-of one or more of the campaigns of Frederick the
-Great; in the second year's course, campaigns of
-the Revolution or of Napoleon I.; and in the
-third year's course, campaigns of the period since
-Napoleon, especially those of the time of the
-Emperor William I.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-"HISTORY.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"A thorough historical knowledge is a necessary
-part of general scientific education, and is also of
-manifold value in the professional life of an
-officer. Accordingly, the lectures which are to
-lay the foundations for it are continued throughout
-the three years' course. Their object is to
-show consecutively the general development of the
-human race in the successive stages of religious
-conceptions, of political and social forms, and in
-the results of science, art, and philosophy. All
-these phases of human progress are to be
-illustrated in the history of representative nations
-and individuals. Growing forms are to be
-explained in connection with previous conditions,
-and finally the exposition must reach the present
-time, the ground upon which the officer's work is
-founded, and of which therefore he must
-understand the gradual historical growth.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-"GENERAL STAFF DUTIES AND PRACTICE TOUR.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"This course is to deal with the functions of the
-general staff, and with the service of the general
-staff officer in peace and war. It includes, in any
-order preferred by the teacher&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The historical development of our general staff.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The corresponding arrangements of the other
-Great Powers.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The subdivision of our army as based upon
-the Imperial Constitution, the military laws, and
-the conventions.[<a id="chap0302fn7text"></a><a href="#chap0302fn7">7</a>]
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The office work of the general staff officer in
-its general outlines; the preparations for the
-manoeuvres and for mobilization; the various
-constituent parts of the mobile army.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"Railways and transport.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The duties of the general staff officer in the
-field, especially his position and functions in
-relation to the general command.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The principles of the supply of armies in
-peace and war, the resources and means available
-for the purpose, and the methods employed.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The war strength and composition of the
-armies of our great neighbours.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The practice tour[<a id="chap0302fn8text"></a><a href="#chap0302fn8">8</a>] with which the course
-terminates offers the opportunity of testing the
-capacity, knowledge, and endurance of each
-officer&mdash;of finding what he can do. Upon the
-basis of simple general and special ideas, usually
-framed by the teacher who conducts the exercise,
-the decisions of the general commanding and the
-general staff officer's share in the measures
-adopted will be illustrated. For this purpose it
-will be useful to form two sides, neither of which
-should, as a rule, exceed the strength of an
-imaginary infantry division on a war footing.
-The exercise should be so arranged as to
-occasion in turn practice in formal work such as may
-promote facility in the issue of orders and a
-knowledge of the arrangements of our army,
-discussions upon the spot of tactical situations,
-analyses of the effects upon the troops of
-dispositions given, and lastly, comprehensive
-examinations of the situation presented by the campaign
-or battle. Each officer who joins the tour should
-have the opportunity of grappling with as many
-as possible of these various kinds of difficulties."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The advocates of original research as the true
-instrument of higher education may not at first
-sight recognise their ideal in Moltke's <i>Order of
-Teaching</i>. They may smile at an academy where
-natural science and history are taught in lectures
-appealing only to the intelligence and the memory.
-But the school at Berlin has a practical aim. It
-is a school of war, and in all that relates to war
-the German staff officer learns to apply that
-science which consists in the true method of
-apprehending. Moreover, the <i>Order of Teaching</i>,
-like all other German military regulations, does
-not fully reveal the thoroughness of the work
-executed in obedience to its precepts. In military
-history, for instance, it lays down that the third
-year's course is to deal with "campaigns of the
-time of William I." This phrase would be met
-by very superficial work. The letter would be
-fulfilled by a perusal of a <i>précis</i> of the campaigns
-of 1866 or of 1870. A study of one of these
-campaigns in the official history might seem
-completely to fulfil the requirements. But in practice
-the students at the Academy work out the
-selected campaign on a still wider basis. In the
-probationary year which follows the Academy
-course they are allowed access to the materials
-from which the staff histories were written, and
-are expected to form their own judgment on the
-campaign from the study of the original documents
-themselves. This is the very ideal of the ideal
-professor of history.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-There is no doubt another point of view from
-which the War Academy may be differently
-judged. A University, strictly speaking, is a
-school of free thought, and should give to those
-who have lived its life and breathed its spirit a
-view of the world, of nature and of humanity, of
-which the characteristic is freedom, spontaneity,
-independence. The man who in this sense has
-had a liberal education may be reactionary or
-progressive in his sympathies, may be democratic
-or authoritative in his leanings, but in any case if
-the University has done its work he will choose
-his own way. He will take his bearings for
-himself, and his thought will be conditioned by no
-ordinances and limited by no authority. At this
-intellectual freedom the War Academy does not
-aim. Its business is not with the progress of
-humanity, but with the training of good servants
-for the King of Prussia. Whether this immediate
-object is a means to the higher end is a question
-for the historian in some future century.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0302fn1"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0302fn1text">1</a>] Schwartz, <i>Leben des Generals Carl von Clausewitz</i>, etc.,
-vol. i. p. 151.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0302fn2"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0302fn2text">2</a>] It is dated August 12th, 1888; Count Moltke's
-resignation as chief of the general staff
-of the army is dated in the
-<i>Gazette</i>, August 10th, 1888.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0302fn3"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0302fn3text">3</a>] Mark Pattison's <i>Suggestions on Academical
-Organisation, with Especial Reference to Oxford</i>, p. 307.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0302fn4"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0302fn4text">4</a>] Cp. Pattison's <i>Suggestions</i>, p. 262.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0302fn5"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0302fn5text">5</a>] Cp. Paulson's <i>Suggestions</i>, p. 165.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0302fn6"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0302fn6text">6</a>] List of the subjects taught in the Academy, with
-number of hours per week in each year's course devoted
-to each:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<pre>
- 1st 2nd 3rd
- MILITARY SUBJECTS. year's year's year's
- course. course. course.
-
- Tactics . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 4 2
- Military history . . . . . . . . 3 4 4
- Early history of armies . . . . . 1 -- --
- Construction and nature of weapons 3 -- --
- Fortification . . . . . . . . . . 3 -- --
- Means of communication . . . . . -- 2 --
- Military surveying . . . . . . . -- 2 --
- Military law . . . . . . . . . . -- 1 --
- Military hygiene . . . . . . . . -- 1 --
- Military geography . . . . . . . -- 2 --
- Duties of the general staff . . . -- -- 4
- Siege warfare . . . . . . . . . . -- -- 3
-
- NON-MILITARY SUBJECTS.
-
- History . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 3 3
- General geography . . . . . . . . 2 -- --
- Administration and law, including
- international law . . . . . . . -- -- 2
- Mathematics (Mathematical ) 4 3 2
- Physical Geography (sciences as ) 2 -- --
- Physics . . . . . (alternatives ) -- 3 --
- Geodesy . . . . . (for language.) -- -- 3
- Chemistry . . . . ( ) -- -- 2
- French . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 6 6
- or . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
- Russian . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 6 6
-</pre>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-Every candidate for admission to the Academy is required
-to say whether he proposes to take up the subjects grouped
-as mathematical sciences, or a language, and if a language
-whether French or Russian.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0302fn7"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0302fn7text">7</a>] The conventions are the agreements with Prussia by
-which the armies of Saxony, Bavaria, and Würtemberg are
-regulated.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0302fn8"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0302fn8text">8</a>] The practice tour (<i>Uebungsreise</i>) is a sham fight, or
-rather a sham campaign, carried out in the district chosen
-for the purpose by officers without men. The troops are
-imaginary, but the officers taking part in the exercise are
-assigned to the several posts of command, and upon the
-basis of the imaginary situation, communicated by the
-umpire, work out all the necessary orders and dispositions.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap0303"></a></p>
-
-<h3>
-CHAPTER III
-<br />
-THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-The condition of success in the higher education
-is that the teacher should be himself a student.
-He should have in his subject that vital interest
-which comes of the endeavour to extend his
-mastery and to widen in his own particular
-branch the existing bounds of knowledge and
-achievement. The true teacher does not study
-his subject in order to be able to teach, but
-teaches because he is possessed by his subject.
-The benefits of teaching in the higher stages are
-therefore never one-sided. The pupil returns in a
-different form the help which he receives. For
-while the elucidation of principles acquires a
-peculiar freshness and force in the hands of an
-active pioneer of knowledge, the necessities of
-exposition compel the investigator to keep his
-researches in contact with the system or body of
-doctrine which he expounds. This fundamental
-relation between teaching and research is realized
-in the connection between the War Academy and
-the great general staff.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It has already been shown how the great
-general staff is the organ by which during peace
-its chief collects and sifts the information upon
-which he bases his plan for the opening of a
-campaign, and how, when the operations have
-begun, the general staff, through its several
-ramifications, keeps him supplied with the data
-concerning his own army and that of the enemy
-which he requires from time to time in order to
-shape his further decisions.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-All this is but preliminary or preparatory work.
-The decisive act is that by which the chief of the
-staff, from the information he has thus acquired,
-constructs a problem and designs its solution&mdash;puts
-to himself the question, What is now to be
-done? and answers it. Thus in the last analysis
-the soul of the organism resides in the chief of
-the staff, and is manifested in the exercise of his
-peculiar faculties. It therefore becomes necessary
-to investigate the nature and origin of the qualities
-in virtue of which he is fitted for his post.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The <i>Order of Teaching</i> of the War Academy
-explains the method by which, in an elementary
-stage, the intellectual faculties requisite for
-command are developed and trained. The mental
-outfit of the ideal general is there analyzed into
-its constituent parts, which are classified according
-to their importance. The highest place is assigned
-to military history as "the most effective means
-of teaching war during peace."[<a id="chap0303fn1text"></a><a href="#chap0303fn1">1</a>] Accordingly the
-study of military history, to which so large a space
-is assigned in the course of the War Academy,
-is pursued on a higher plane by the great general
-staff, which has a special department for its
-cultivation. In this historical work, and in the method
-on which it is conducted, lies the secret of Prussian
-generalship.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The leading ideas of the school must be sought
-in the writings of Clausewitz,[<a id="chap0303fn2text"></a><a href="#chap0303fn2">2</a>] the great exponent
-of the lessons learned in Prussia from the wars
-against Napoleon. Clausewitz distinguishes the
-mere narration of events, which gives at most the
-superficial relations of cause and effect, from their
-critical examination. In the critical method
-applied to military history he defines[<a id="chap0303fn3text"></a><a href="#chap0303fn3">3</a>] three stages
-or operations. There is first the historical
-process proper, which has for its object the
-ascertainment of the facts so far as this is possible
-with the existing materials. Upon the basis thus
-furnished the military student will proceed to
-seek to understand the events in their relations
-as cause and effect, and then when their real
-historical connection[<a id="chap0303fn4text"></a><a href="#chap0303fn4">4</a>] has thus been determined
-will undertake to form a judgment as to the fitness
-of the means employed for the ends which it was
-sought to attain.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It is in this last process that the educational
-value of military history is to be sought. The
-Prussian School aims not only at developing the
-power of comprehension, but also at forming the
-character.[<a id="chap0303fn5text"></a><a href="#chap0303fn5">5</a>] Accordingly it requires that the
-student should not merely make himself
-acquainted with the facts of a campaign, and with
-the general bearings of theory upon its events.
-He is expected in every case to form a definite
-conclusion as to what ought to have been done.
-He must clearly make up his mind what course
-he would himself have adopted in the
-circumstances which confronted the general whose
-operations he is studying.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The influence of the ideas of Clausewitz upon
-the historical studies of the general staff is clearly
-marked. In 1862 was published "The Italian
-Campaign of the year 1859, compiled by the
-Historical Department of the General Staff of the
-Royal Prussian Army." It is an open secret that
-this work was written by Moltke himself; and
-therefore it is worth noting that the preface
-describes the object of the book almost in the words
-of Clausewitz: "to ascertain as accurately as
-possible the nature of the events in Northern
-Italy during those few eventful weeks, to deduce
-them from their causes&mdash;in short, to exercise that
-objective criticism without which the facts
-themselves do not afford effective instruction for our
-own benefit." The history of the Italian campaign
-is a model of this positive criticism. At,
-every stage the writer places himself in turn in
-the position of the commander of each side, and
-sketches clearly and concisely the measures which
-at that moment would, in his opinion, have been
-the most appropriate. This is undoubtedly the
-true method of teaching the general's art, and the
-best exercise in peace that can be devised for
-those who have acquired its mastery.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In 1867 appeared "The Campaign of 1866 in
-Germany, compiled by the Department for Military
-History of the Great General Staff." This
-work is described in its preface as "drawn from
-the official reports of the Prussian troops, and
-intended in the first instance for their use. The
-description," the writer goes on to say, "is
-one-sided, because hitherto our late antagonists have
-not made disclosures such as would suffice to
-explain the motives of their action." A similar
-qualification may be applied to the account of
-the Franco-German war published by the great
-general staff. But both works supply, within the
-limits laid down by their authors, precisely the
-kind of history which is of the greatest value
-to the military student. The utmost pains have
-been taken to secure a true statement of facts,
-and a clear exposition of the guiding motives on
-the Prussian or German side. Accordingly these
-works, and the account published more recently
-of the campaign of 1864 in Denmark, form rich
-storehouses of material for that "objective
-criticism" in the exercise of which lies the
-principal means of maturing the military judgment.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The great general staff began in 1883 to
-publish a series of historical monographs, of
-which the object is, in the case of subjects
-chosen from recent campaigns, "to throw light
-upon important questions relating to the art of
-command, in particular the mode of employing,
-and the performance possible to, the several arms;
-the service of security; minor warfare; fortification;
-the composition and preservation of armies." Those
-of the essays which take their subjects
-from earlier campaigns are intended "to enrich
-our insight into the nature of war, and to make
-possible a profounder and more correct judgment
-of events, and of the persons concerned in them."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The <i>Order of Teaching</i> of the War Academy
-describes the purpose of all these studies in
-military history. They are to lead to a
-knowledge of "the unchanging conditions upon which
-good generalship depends, in their connection
-with changing tactical forms." Before there can
-be good practice there must be a true theory, and
-a true theory can be acquired only from historical
-study pursued according to a sound method.
-Moreover, the theory can never have an
-independent existence; it must always derive its
-sustenance from fresh contact with the historical
-reality of which it is the abstract. It is like the
-giant Antasus, whose strength fails whenever he
-is lifted up from the touch of his mother Earth.
-On the other hand, historical study which did
-not yield a theory would be barren and useless.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This connection between history and theory
-finds expression in the tradition of the Prussian
-service. The general staff has been no less active
-in the production of theoretical works than in
-that of historical studies. But in the department
-of theory each work is published on the responsibility
-of its author. There is no official theory;[<a id="chap0303fn6text"></a><a href="#chap0303fn6">6</a>]
-only the theories of individual officers. A short
-account of the principal works which in this
-way emanated from the general staff during the
-reign of King William I. will show that the
-accepted body of military doctrine is almost
-entirely due to this one source.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In 1865 appeared as a supplement to a
-military newspaper an anonymous memorandum of
-eight pages, headed "Remarks on the Influence
-of the Improved Firearms upon Battle." This
-short essay, of which the authorship was
-afterwards acknowledged by Moltke, gave a searching
-analysis, based upon exact historical data, of the
-modifications in the handling of troops on the
-battlefield to be looked for from the adoption of
-rifled cannon and breechloading rifles. The writer
-drew with a master's hand in a few strokes the
-characteristics of the physiology and psychology
-of the modern battlefield, as results of the new
-arms. The rifled gun can change its target
-without changing its position. Its long range and its
-accuracy, where the distance is known and the
-target visible, must prevent the enemy from
-employing large columns within a mile. The
-breech-loading rifle requires soldiers carefully taught to
-shoot. But sharpshooting must be the exception.
-Decisive results on a large scale must be
-sought by reserving the fire for those short ranges
-at which errors in estimating the distance are
-immaterial. A strict control of the fire by the
-officers must prevent the waste of ammunition.
-The formation for firing will be the line two deep;
-that for manoeuvring in the range of the enemy's
-rifled guns will be a line of small columns, which
-can rapidly deploy, are easily handled, and admit
-of the full use of the ground for protection and
-concealment when in motion. The new firearms
-produce their full effect only on open ground.
-Accordingly the defender will seek positions such
-as are formed by a gentle slope of the ground
-offering a free and extensive field of fire. The
-attacker will seek for his advance the protection
-afforded by broken ground or by woods and
-villages. Though in the abstract the new weapons
-are favourable to the defence, so that a general
-on the defensive will try to force the enemy to
-attack him in a good position, the breechloading
-rifle, if it can be brought within effective range
-of the defender, will quickly bring about a
-decision. The defenders will not be able to sustain
-the hail of bullets, and if they attempt to charge
-with the bayonet will be effectually stopped by
-the rapid fire of the needle-gun.[<a id="chap0303fn7text"></a><a href="#chap0303fn7">7</a>]
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The views here expressed were put into practice,
-and proved to be sound, on the battlefields
-of 1866. The battle of Nachod, in which the
-Crown Prince's left column, emerging from the
-mountains, defeated the Austrian corps which
-tried to prevent its debouching, illustrated the
-leading ideas of Moltke's essay. The position
-was on the crest of a long slope, up which the
-Austrians attacked. The Prussian troops were
-handled in small columns, which deployed to
-resist by steady and rapid fire at short ranges
-the advance of the Austrian masses. After the
-war, a younger officer of the general staff, Major,
-afterwards Lieutenant-General Kühne, published
-a critical history of these early battles of the
-Crown Prince; and it is worth noting that he
-found the chief cause of success on the actual
-battlefields to have lain in the thoroughness with
-which the men had been taught to handle the
-needle-gun, and in the judgment with which the
-officers applied the small column for manoeuvre
-and the deployed formations for firing. At
-Königgrätz itself was illustrated the view that
-the attack would find its advantage in broken or
-covered ground, for the decisive blow was prepared
-essentially by Fransecky's hard fighting
-in the wood of Maslowed.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-After the war of 1870, the Prussian staff was
-for many years engaged upon its history, which
-was not complete until 1881. During this period
-the main business of military criticism was the
-sifting of that war, with a view to the improvement
-of theory, in other words to the better
-management of future wars. It has always been
-thought remarkable that this criticism should
-have been undertaken by the Germans themselves.
-The bulk of this work also was done
-by the general staff, in the shape of unofficial
-publications by members of that body. Between
-1870 and 1875 appeared the studies of Verdy
-du Vernois in <i>The Art of Command</i>, works which
-have exercised the profoundest influence on the
-military literature of our time, and which recall
-the efforts of Scharnhorst to teach, not a series
-of disconnected sciences, but a doctrine of the
-conduct of war.[<a id="chap0303fn8text"></a><a href="#chap0303fn8">8</a>] Verdy's studies were based
-on his work in the historical department of the
-staff, where he was engaged on the records of
-both the great campaigns. In 1882 appeared the
-essay on <i>Strategy</i> of Blume, who had prepared for
-it by a strategical history, published in 1872, of
-the campaign of 1870 from the battle of Sedan
-onwards. In 1883 was published the brilliant
-popular work of Von der Goltz, <i>The Nation in
-Arms</i>, also the outcome of extensive historical
-studies.[<a id="chap0303fn9text"></a><a href="#chap0303fn9">9</a>] All these writers were members of
-the Prussian general staff.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The tactical discussions which immediately
-followed the war were conducted in the main
-by writers whose experience had been gained,
-not on the staff, but in the actual command of
-fighting units. Boguslawski, Laymann,
-Tellenbach, and May had been company leaders on
-the French or Bohemian battlefields. But even
-here the influence of the staff was considerable.
-Bronsart von Schellendorf, who wrote the reply
-to May's <i>Tactical Retrospect</i>, Von Scherff, whose
-essays on formal tactics were very widely read
-at the time of their publication (1873), and
-Meckel, whose treatise on tactics in 1881
-condensed into a systematic shape the substantial
-results of the ten years' controversy, were all
-officers of the general staff. Thus it is hardly
-too much to say that for more than twenty
-years the Prussian general staff has done a
-great part of the military thinking of Europe.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The school through which a Prussian officer
-must pass before he can become a general has
-now been described, at least in its most striking
-features. After five years' service as a lieutenant
-he has mastered the elementary duties, and
-assimilated the spirit of his class, with its
-ideals of work and intelligent but absolute
-obedience. In three years at the War Academy
-he has learned the nature of war, and acquired
-an insight into the conduct of the armies. At
-the same time he has been taught to deal in
-a practical way with practical questions, never
-allowing himself to shrink from the effort of
-forming a decision. He has now arrived at
-full maturity in frame, intelligence, and
-character, and spends the more active years of
-manhood in the higher studies of the great
-general staff, the executive and practical
-activities of command, and the comprehensive and
-instructive functions of the general staff of
-the division or the army corps. During these
-years and in all these varied occupations his
-energies are put forth to their full extent, for
-advancement can only be secured by valuable
-work in each successive sphere. By the time
-he attains to general rank he has acquired a vast
-and varied experience; a practised eye, whose
-rapid and penetrating glance on the march
-and in the field seems to the layman almost
-miraculous; and a sureness and swiftness of
-judgment which decides without fail in an
-instant nine-tenths of the questions which arise
-in the exercise of command.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It is not contended that the system here
-described is perfect. Every system has its
-failures, and there is no possibility of entirely
-excluding the influences of favour or prejudice.
-But it may be asserted with confidence that
-the high average of practical ability secured
-in the superior officers of the Prussian army
-is due in the main to the practice of selection,
-the careful inspection by the superiors, at every
-stage, and to the mature wisdom by which the
-higher education of the general staff is directed.
-The intellectual advancement of the officers
-of every army is confronted by a peculiar
-difficulty. The foundations of all military
-institutions are authority and obedience&mdash;principles
-which appear to be directly opposed to the
-free movement of intelligence. Every army is
-constantly in danger of decay from mental
-stagnation. Free criticism is liable to
-undermine discipline, and the habit of unconditional
-obedience too often destroys the independence
-of judgment without which moral and intellectual
-progress is impossible. The Prussian
-general staff has escaped from this dilemma
-by itself taking the lead in scientific progress,
-and organizing itself, in regard to all that
-concerns the business of national defence, as
-an institution for the advancement of learning.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0303fn1"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0303fn1text">1</a>] Cf. Colonel Maurice in the <i>Encyclopedia Britannica</i>
-article "War," p. 345: "There does not exist, and never
-has existed ... an 'art of war' which was something
-other than the methodic study of military history."
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0303fn2"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0303fn2text">2</a>] It is interesting to note that Moltke was a pupil at
-the War Academy from 1823 to 1826, while Clausewitz
-was its director. The director, however, is not a teacher,
-and Clausewitz did not publish any of his principal works
-during his lifetime, so that the evidence does not prove a
-personal influence of Clausewitz upon Moltke.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0303fn3"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0303fn3text">3</a>] See Vom Kriege, <i>Hinterlassenes Werk des Generals
-Carl von Clausewitz</i>, Zweites Buch, Fünftes Capitel.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0303fn4"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0303fn4text">4</a>] Clausewitz is fully aware of the difficulty with which
-this critical study has to contend, that the real causes, the
-motives which led to the adoption of a particular measure,
-are in many cases unknown.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0303fn5"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0303fn5text">5</a>] It may be interesting to compare with what follows
-Foster's <i>Essay on Decision of Character</i>, Letter VI., in
-which the value of a "conclusive manner of thinking" is
-discussed.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0303fn6"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0303fn6text">6</a>] The drill-books and regulations for field service embody
-an official theory, and it is, of course, indispensable that
-they should. But these books are not prepared under the
-responsibility of the general staff. The usual practice is to
-appoint a committee composed of a number of combatant
-officers of all ranks,&mdash;a general commanding an army
-corps, commanders of divisions, brigades, regiments, and
-battalions. They will, as a rule, have had the general staff
-training, but it is as experienced commanders that their
-judgment is asked. They prepare a draft code of regulations,
-which is first issued experimentally, and only adopted
-after full criticism and revision.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0303fn7"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0303fn7text">7</a>] The précis given in the text needs only the alteration
-of two words to bring it perfectly up to date. For "a
-mile" substitute "two miles," and for a "line two deep"
-substitute "line in single rank"="line of skirmishers." For
-a recent and interesting but heterodox discussion of
-tactical questions the reader may be referred to <i>Ein
-Sommernachtstraum</i> (<i>Midsummer Night's Dream</i>), which is by
-a well-known officer, long a member of the general staff.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0303fn8"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0303fn8text">8</a>] Verdy's practice is to use the history of a campaign real
-or imaginary as a series of problems set to the student.
-This is called in Germany "the applicatory method," and
-its introduction is ascribed to General von Peucker, who
-was Director of Military Education in Prussia from 1854
-to 1872.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0303fn9"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0303fn9text">9</a>] Von der Goltz's papers on Rossbach and Jena appeared
-in 1882.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap0304"></a></p>
-
-<h3>
-CHAPTER IV
-<br />
-THE CHIEF OF THE GENERAL STAFF
-</h3>
-
-<p>
-In the best work the man is more than the school.
-An ordinary man gives out no more than has
-been put into him. All his performances can
-be explained by his antecedents. But the best
-workers contribute from themselves an element
-which no analysis can adequately explain. A
-Newton or a Columbus, a Stanley or a Whitworth,
-has some unseen spring of force and
-insight.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-A man of this stamp is required at the head
-of an army, and above all at the head of the
-organization entrusted with the design of operations.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The eve of a war is always accompanied by
-a great outburst of feeling, which in ninety-nine
-men out of a hundred manifests itself as an
-excitement, a disturbance, interfering with the
-action of the judgment and distorting the view
-of persons and events. But this is the very
-time when the weightiest decisions must be
-taken. The provisional plan of concentration,
-the result of careful preparation in quieter times,
-has to be reconsidered in relation to the
-circumstances of the moment, and definitely settled
-and adopted. The judgment of the strategist
-must therefore be perfectly clear, uninfluenced
-by the emotions which he shares with the rest
-of his countrymen.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-When the concentration has been ordered,
-and while the armies are in movement, come
-the first collisions, following one another in
-quick succession. Every day brings its
-surprises, even to the best informed and best
-prepared headquarters. The strategist's equilibrium
-must be disturbed as little by unexpected
-events as by the throbs of national emotion.
-He must prepare the way for a decisive battle.
-No one knows better than he the terrible nature
-of the sacrifices which it will involve, and the
-stakes which are risked upon its issue. The
-lives of thousands will be lost; many thousands
-will be wounded; a mistake, miscalculation, or
-mishap may lead to defeat, with far-reaching,
-perhaps disastrous, consequences to his country.
-But under the weight of this vast responsibility
-the strategist's judgment must work smoothly
-and easily, like the compass in a storm, with no
-derangement of its delicate equipoise.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The man whose insight remains clear, whose
-judgment retains its even balance, when the
-greater part of mankind are stunned with the
-awe of great events, who remains true to himself
-while others are carried away by what seems an
-irresistible current, is not cast in the common
-mould. Ordinary men shrink into insignificance
-beside him. He is separated from the average
-officer by a gulf which no system of training
-can bridge. The inner calm which neither great
-occurrences, nor danger, nor responsibility can
-disturb cannot be imparted, and no method can
-be prescribed for its acquisition.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The natural place for a leader of men is in
-the supreme command. Where a general of this
-type is at the head of an army he will himself
-superintend the work of strategical preparation
-such as is carried on in the office of the great
-general staff at Berlin. His chief of the staff
-will be a confidential assistant, whose main
-function will be to lighten for him the burden
-of detail, and the two men will stand to one
-another in the same relation as that which
-subsists between the general commanding an army
-corps and the chief of the general staff of the
-corps.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In Prussia the king is the head of the army,
-and there are good reasons why he should take
-the field in person&mdash;reasons which have not been
-weakened by his becoming also German Emperor.
-A king who keeps in his own hands the general
-direction of the Government cannot very well
-work out for himself the problems involved in
-the strategical preparation of a campaign. His
-chief of the staff becomes his strategical adviser,
-alike during peace and war, and occupies a position
-of far greater importance than the assistant
-to a professional commander-in-chief. King William
-I., in the two great wars in which he took
-the field, reposed entire confidence in his chosen
-chief of the staff; and to the fine character which
-could do this without loss of dignity, as well as
-to the genius of Moltke, must be attributed the
-success with which in these wars the armies were
-directed. Moltke always attributed to the king the
-responsibility for the strategical decisions, and that
-quite correctly; but the king equally correctly
-regarded Moltke as their source, and attributed
-the success of the army to Moltke's "conduct of
-the operations."[<a id="chap0304fn1text"></a><a href="#chap0304fn1">1</a>] The victories of Prussia in
-1866, and of Germany under Prussian guidance
-in 1870, were due to the perfect understanding
-between the king and Moltke, a relation equally
-creditable to them both. It must not be forgotten,
-moreover, that the king exercised the supreme
-political as well as the supreme military authority,
-and that in the political department, too, he had
-in Bismarck a trusted adviser, the counterpart of
-Moltke. Thus was secured the harmony between
-the political and the military direction which is
-essential to great success in war. From the
-exceptional characters of the king, of Bismarck,
-and of Moltke, and from the equally exceptional
-relation between them, it would be rash to deduce
-a system, which in any case could be applicable
-only to the case of a king wielding the entire
-executive power.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The relation between the Commander-in-Chief
-and his chief of the staff must thus be regarded
-as a personal one, which will vary in its nature
-according to the characters and gifts of the two men.
-If the commander has in himself the necessary
-intellectual power, the chief of the staff should be
-of subordinate mould; if the commander requires
-help in the conception of the operations, his
-assistant must be able to supply the initiative
-required. It is evident that the case in which the
-subordinate is the source of inspiration implies on
-the part of the commander a magnanimity far
-from common, and that, therefore, this arrangement
-must be considered to be rather the exception
-than the rule.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The element of permanent value in the
-Prussian system is the classification of duties
-according to which it regulates the division of
-labour. The whole authority of the Government
-is concentrated in the person of the king who is
-the head of the army. The king does nothing
-himself; every part of the work is done for him.
-The whole of the business of the army is divided
-up into compartments, so as to leave nothing
-over, and at the head of each compartment is an
-officer, who within it exercises the king's
-authority. The king's supervision does not appear to
-consist in his doing over again the work of these
-officers. They submit to him any important new
-decisions which they propose, for they are
-responsible to him. But in case the king is unable
-to agree with the course proposed, there is reason
-to believe that the officer who suggests it retires,
-his place being filled by a successor who shares
-the king's view. In this way the authority of the
-king is maintained without impairing the initiative
-of his chosen and authorized assistants.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The actual command of the troops is in the
-hands of the generals commanding army corps
-and of the governors of fortresses; they account
-directly to the king, and all their subordinates to
-or through them. The general concerns of the
-army pass through one of three departments.
-Personal matters, such as the appointment and
-promotion of officers, retirements, rewards, and
-decorations go to the king's military cabinet,
-which has its own chief. Administrative affairs,
-that is questions of organization, equipment,
-armament, and fortification, belong to the
-ministry of war. The third department, that of the
-general staff, is principally occupied with the
-strategical and tactical rather than with the
-administrative direction of the army. These
-various departments communicate directly with
-one another, a process which is facilitated by
-regulations leaving no doubt which of them upon
-any given point has the power to decide.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It thus appears that the institution of a
-general staff as one of the organs of the management
-of an army is based upon a true analysis
-applying equally to all civilized armies, and to
-all ordered warfare.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Military success requires primarily the intelligent
-direction against the enemy of the forces
-employed. The general staff originated as the
-auxiliary instrument of this direction, and as
-such is found, at least in a rudimentary form,
-in every army. In Prussia alone its full importance
-was understood, and it received an organization
-peculiarly suited to its purpose. The
-distinction was steadily kept in view between the
-all-important conduct of the operations against
-an enemy and the subordinate though necessary
-business of administration.[<a id="chap0304fn2text"></a><a href="#chap0304fn2">2</a>] Every function
-directly bearing upon the conception or design
-of the action of the army or of its principal parts
-against the enemy was assigned to the general
-staff, which thus became an enlargement of the
-commander's mind, serving to facilitate his
-performance of his most characteristic and most
-difficult duty. To the command thus strengthened
-the army was rendered pliable partly by means
-of a suitable subdivision into permanent autonomous
-bodies, and partly through the organization
-of the administrative side by side with the
-military services.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The army corps&mdash;managing its own internal
-affairs&mdash;having its adjutancy, its auditoriat, and
-its intendancy to supply its needs with the
-assistance of and in connection with the ministry
-of war&mdash;is a body easily amenable to the
-strategical direction proceeding from a general
-centre. Thus the growth of the organ of strategical
-direction was necessarily accompanied by a
-corresponding development of other military
-institutions by which the perfect adaptability of
-the organism to the directing agency was attained
-and preserved.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The importance of the office of chief of the
-general staff of the army led to its being filled
-by selection. The confidence reposed in a chosen
-chief implied that he should be unhampered in
-the means of fulfilling his duties. He was therefore
-entrusted with the selection, and eventually
-with the training, of the officers for his own
-department.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The design of military operation involves the
-most complete knowledge of the military sciences,
-and the most perfect mastery of the military art.
-Accordingly the great general staff has become
-a school of generalship, from which have emanated
-a series of masterpieces of military history and
-historical criticism, while its individual members
-have produced valuable works dealing with the
-various branches of the theory of the art of war.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The attachment of the War Academy to the
-general staff for which it is the training school is
-the means of raising to the highest level the
-standard of military education.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The common devotion of the general staff in
-all its branches to that portion of military
-activity which makes the most exacting demands
-upon the intellectual faculties as well as upon
-the will, finds its expression in the unity of the
-general staff through all the branches of the army.
-A consequence of the selection by which the
-corps is composed, and of the requirement of
-practical familiarity with the duties of leadership
-and with the life and spirit of the troops,
-is the constant passage of officers to and fro
-between regimental and general staff service, and
-their alternate employment in the various branches
-of the general staff itself.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The general staff, in short, is the brain, and
-something more than the brain, of the army.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"Its chief and his 200 officers prepare beforehand
-for all probable campaigns; they follow the
-progress of the armies of their neighbours at the
-same time that they study the several theatres
-of war; they work out together the methods of
-war; they familiarize themselves with the
-machinery of the army, bringing their influence to
-bear upon all questions of organization and training;
-they form an organism whose arteries spread
-all through the army, gathering practical
-experience and carrying wherever they go the same
-continuous stream of principles and of doctrines."[<a id="chap0304fn3text"></a><a href="#chap0304fn3">3</a>]
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0304fn1"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0304fn1text">1</a>] See the king's letters to Moltke of Oct. 28, 1870:
-"Ihrer ... weisen Führung der Operationen," and of March
-22, 1871: "Die unübertreffliche Leitung der
-Kriegsoperationen." Moltke, <i>Gesammelte Schriften</i>, i., 268, 9.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0304fn2"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0304fn2text">2</a>] The function of the military administrator is to
-transform into military force so much of the resources of the
-State as the Government thinks proper. The process is
-continuous, and goes on during war as well as during peace.
-In Prussia it is conducted by the ministry of war, the
-channel or instrument by which the resources of the country
-are rendered available for employment against the enemy.
-Cp. p. 61.
-</p>
-
-<p class="footnote">
-<a id="chap0304fn3"></a>
-[<a href="#chap0304fn3text">3</a>] <i>Revue militaire de l'Étranger</i>, vol. xxxii. p. 261.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-THE END.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t4">
-Butler &amp; Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="thought">
-********
-<br />
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p><a id="chap04"></a></p>
-
-<p class="t2">
-THE GREAT ALTERNATIVE:
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-A PLEA FOR A NATIONAL POLICY.
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-BY
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-SPENSER WILKINSON.
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<i>Small Demy 8vo, 7s. 6d.</i>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-CONTENTS.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-INTRODUCTION:&mdash;I. NATIONAL PARALYSIS. II. THE REMEDY.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
- I. THE EASTERN QUESTION.<br />
- II. THE UNION OF GERMANY.<br />
- III. THE PARTITION OF TURKEY AND THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE.<br />
- IV. THE USE OF ARMIES.<br />
- V. THE SECRET OF THE SEA.<br />
- VI. EGYPT.<br />
- VII. A WARNING FROM GERMANY.<br />
- VIII. THE EXPANSION OF FRANCE.<br />
- IX. INDIA.<br />
- X. THE CHEAT ALTERNATIVE.<br />
- XI. THE REVIVAL OF DUTY.<br />
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-SWAN SONNENSCHEIN &amp; CO.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="thought">
-*****
-<br />
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t2">
-THE COMMAND OF THE SEA.
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-BY SPENSER WILKINSON.
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<i>Second Edition. Crown 8vo, Coloured Wrapper, 1s.</i>
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-CONTENTS.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
- SEA POWER AND LAND POWER.<br />
- NATIONAL POLICY.<br />
- THE MEDITERRANEAN.<br />
- DEFENCE BY A NAVY.<br />
- THE SECRET OF SUCCESS.<br />
- READINESS IN THE RIGHT PLACE.<br />
- THE ACTUAL SITUATION.<br />
- A SPECIFIC PROPOSAL.<br />
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"What is Unionism to an Empire shaken, or Home Rule to four
-impoverished nations, or an eight hours' day to working classes
-thrown out of employment, or Socialism to a people fighting for its
-life? ... There are still some thousands of Englishmen to whom
-the security of the Empire is dearer than the most highly advertised
-party nostrums."
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-A. CONSTABLE &amp; CO., WESTMINSTER.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="thought">
-*****
-<br />
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t2">
-PUBLICATIONS OF THE
-<br />
-MANCHESTER TACTICAL SOCIETY.
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-TO BE OBTAINED FROM
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-EDWARD STANFORD, 26 and 27, COCKSPUR STREET, LONDON, S.W.; AND
-<br />
-J. E. CORNISH, 16, ST. ANN'S SQUARE, MANCHESTER.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-THE ORDER OF FIELD SERVICE OF THE GERMAN ARMY.
-Authorized translation by MAJOR J. M. GAWNE, and SPENSER WILKINSON,
-1893. Price, 3s. 6d.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-APPENDIX TO THE ORDER OF FIELD SERVICE OF THE GERMAN
-ARMY. Translated for the Intelligence Division, War Office, by SPENSER
-WILKINSON, 1895. Price, 6d.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-SUGGESTIONS FOR A NEW FIELD EXERCISE FOR THE VOLUNTEER
-INFANTRY, By SPENSER WILKINSON, Captain 20th L.R.V.
-Price, 6d.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-ENGLISH DRILL. An Historical Sketch, by J. L. ASPLAND, Lieut.-Colonel
-20th L.R.V. Price, 6d.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-ESSAYS ON THE WAR GAME. By SPENSER WILKINSON, Captain 20th
-L.R.V. Out of Print.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-EXERCISES IN STRATEGY AND TACTICS, Translated from the German
-by SPENSER WILKINSON, Captain 20th L.R.V. Price, 2s. 6d.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-WAR GAME MAPS. By HENRY T. CROOK, C.E., Captain 1st Lancashire
-Engineer Volunteers. Price, 6d.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-FIELD ARTILLERY FOR HOME SERVICE. By R. K. BIRLEY, Major
-and Hon. Lieut. Colonel the Manchester Artillery. Price, 6d.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-THE CONDUCT OF INFANTRY FIRE ACCORDING TO THE FRENCH
-REGULATIONS of 1888. Translated, with an introduction, by A. P. LEDWARD,
-late Captain 20th L.R.V. Price, 6d.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-MAP MANOEUVRES: An Elementary Account of the War Game. By
-A. G. HAYWOOD, Captain 6th V.B. Lancashire Division R.A. Price, 6d.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-EXERCISES IN STRATEGY AND TACTICS. Second Series. By H. VON
-GIZYCKI, Col.-Commandant 18th Field Artillery Regiment. Translated from
-the German by HENRY L. ROCCA, Lieut.-Col. Commandant and Hon. Colonel
-5th (Ardwick) Volunteer Battalion, the Manchester Regiment. Price, 1s.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-THE COMMAND OF ARTILLERY IN THE ARMY CORPS AND
-THE INFANTRY DIVISION. By MAJOR-GENERAL HOFFBAUER.
-Translated from the German by SPENSER WILKINSON. Price, 2s. 6d.
-</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">
-A SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION FOR SMALL PATROLS. Translated
-from the French by J. FORMBY, Major 3rd Vol. Batt. The King's Liverpool
-Regiment. Price, 6d.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="thought">
-*****
-<br />
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t2">
-IMPERIAL DEFENCE.
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-BY
-<br />
-The RIGHT HON. SIR CHARLES W. DILKE, BART.,
-<br />
-Author of "Greater Britain" and "Problems<br />
-of Greater Britain,"
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-AND
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-SPENSER WILKINSON, Author of "Citizen<br />
-Soldiers" and "The Brain of an Army."
-</p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-<i>Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d.</i>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p class="t3">
-MACMILLAN &amp; CO., LONDON.
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-<pre>
-
-
-
-
-
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