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diff --git a/old/53916-8.txt b/old/53916-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index eef8ae8..0000000 --- a/old/53916-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,18333 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Ireland under the Stuarts and during the -Interregnum, Vol. II (of 3), 1642-1660, by Richard Bagwell - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Ireland under the Stuarts and during the Interregnum, Vol. II (of 3), 1642-1660 - -Author: Richard Bagwell - -Release Date: January 7, 2017 [EBook #53916] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IRELAND UNDER THE STUARTS, VOL 2 *** - - - - -Produced by Brownfox and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from -images generously made available by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - -IRELAND UNDER THE STUARTS - -VOL. II. - - - - -_By the same Author_ - - - IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS - - Vols. I. and II.--From the First Invasion of the - Northmen to the year 1578. - - 8vo. 32_s._ - - Vol. III.--1578-1603. 8vo. 18_s._ - - LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. - London, New York, Bombay, and Calcutta - - - - -IRELAND - -UNDER THE STUARTS - -AND - -DURING THE INTERREGNUM - -BY -RICHARD BAGWELL, M.A. -AUTHOR OF 'IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS' - -VOL. II. 1642-1660 - -_WITH MAP_ - -LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. -39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON -NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA -1909 - -All rights reserved - - - - -CONTENTS - -OF - -THE SECOND VOLUME - - - CHAPTER XXI - - MUNSTER AND CONNAUGHT, 1641-1642 - - PAGE - - The rebellion spreads to Munster 1 - The King's proclamation 3 - St. Leger, Cork, and Inchiquin 3 - State of Connaught 5 - Massacre at Shrule 6 - Clanricarde at Galway 7 - Weakness of the English party 8 - State of Clare--Ballyallia 10 - Cork and St. Leger 12 - - - CHAPTER XXII - - THE WAR TO THE BATTLE OF ROSS, 1642-1643 - - Scots army in Ulster--Monro 14 - Strongholds preserved in Ulster 16 - Ormonde in the Pale 17 - Battle of Kilrush 18 - The Catholic Confederation 19 - Owen Roe O'Neill 20 - Thomas Preston 21 - Loss of Limerick, St. Leger dies 22 - Battle of Liscarrol 23 - Fighting in Ulster 23 - General Assembly at Kilkenny 25 - The Supreme Council--foreign support 27 - Fighting in Leinster--Timahoe 29 - Parliamentary agents in Dublin 29 - Siege of New Ross 31 - Battle of Ross 32 - A papal nuncio talked of 34 - - - CHAPTER XXIII - - THE WAR TO THE FIRST CESSATION, 1642-1643 - - The Adventurers for land--Lord Forbes 36 - Forbes at Galway and elsewhere 38 - A pragmatic chaplain, Hugh Peters 40 - Forbes repulsed from Galway 41 - A useless expedition 42 - Siege and capture of Galway fort 43 - O'Neill, Leven, and Monro 44 - The King will negotiate 46 - Dismissal of Parsons 47 - Vavasour and Castlehaven 48 - The King presses for a truce 48 - Scarampi and Bellings 49 - A cessation of arms, but no peace 50 - Ormonde made Lord Lieutenant 51 - - - CHAPTER XXIV - - AFTER THE CESSATION, 1643-1644 - - The cessation condemned by Parliament 53 - The rout at Nantwich 54 - Monck advises the King 55 - The Solemn League and Covenant 55 - The Covenant taken in Ulster 57 - Monro seizes Belfast 59 - Dissensions between Leinster and Ulster 60 - Failure of Castlehaven's expedition 60 - Antrim and Montrose 61 - The Irish under Montrose--Alaster MacDonnell 62 - Rival diplomatists at Oxford 64 - Violence of both parties 66 - Failure of the Oxford negotiations 68 - Inchiquin supports the Parliament 69 - - - CHAPTER XXV - - INCHIQUIN, ORMONDE, AND GLAMORGAN, 1644-1645 - - The no quarter ordinance 72 - Roman Catholics expelled from Cork, Youghal, and Kinsale 73 - The Covenant in Munster 74 - Negotiations for peace 75 - Bellings at Paris and Rome 76 - Recruits for France and Spain 77 - Irish appeals for foreign help 78 - Siege of Duncannon Fort 80 - Mission of Glamorgan with extraordinary powers 84 - Glamorgan in Ireland 87 - The Glamorgan treaty 88 - - - CHAPTER XXVI - - FIGHTING NORTH AND SOUTH--RINUCCINI, 1645 - - Castlehaven in Munster 90 - Fall of Lismore, Youghal besieged 93 - Relief of Youghal 94 - Coote in Connaught 95 - Rinuccini appointed nuncio 96 - Scope of his mission 97 - King and Queen distrusted at Rome 98 - Rinuccini at Paris 99 - His voyage to Ireland 100 - Arrival in Kerry and welcome at Kilkenny 102 - - - CHAPTER XXVII - - THE ORMONDE PEACE, 1646 - - Glamorgan and Rinuccini 103 - Arrest of Glamorgan 104 - Charles repudiates him 106 - Mission of Sir Kenelm Digby 107 - Ireland must be sacrificed 108 - Sir Kenelm Digby's treaty 109 - Glamorgan swears fealty to the nuncio 111 - Ormonde's peace with the Confederacy 112 - Lord Digby's adventures 114 - The peace proclaimed at Dublin 115 - Siege of Bunratty 115 - Battle of Benburb 117 - Scots power in Ulster broken 120 - Rejoicings in Ireland and at Rome 121 - Rinuccini opposes the peace 122 - Which the clergy reject 123 - Riot at Limerick 125 - Ormonde at Kilkenny 126 - Triumph of Rinuccini 129 - Quarrels of O'Neill and Preston 130 - Lord Digby's intrigues 134 - Rinuccini loses his popularity 136 - Discords among the Confederates 137 - - - CHAPTER XXVIII - - SURRENDER OF DUBLIN AND AFTER, 1647 - - Dublin between two fires 140 - Mission of George Leyburn 141 - Ormonde's reasons for surrendering to Parliament 143 - Digby's last plots in Ireland 144 - Glamorgan as general 145 - His army adheres to Muskerry 146 - Preston routed at Dungan Hill 148 - Parliamentary neglect 149 - Victories of Inchiquin 150 - Lord Lisle's abortive viceroyalty 151 - Sack of Cashel 153 - Mahony's _Disputatio Apologetica_ 154 - Rinuccini and O'Neill 155 - Battle of Knocknanuss 157 - Declining fortunes of the Confederacy 158 - Fresh appeals for foreign aid 159 - Inchiquin distrusted by Parliament 161 - Ormonde goes to England and France 162 - - - CHAPTER XXIX - - INCHIQUIN, RINUCCINI, AND ORMONDE, 1648 - - Inchiquin deserts the Parliament 164 - His truce with the Confederacy 165 - Rinuccini dependent on O'Neill 166 - Who threatens Kilkenny 168 - O'Neill, Inchiquin, and Michael Jones 170 - O'Neill proclaimed traitor at Kilkenny 170 - Ormonde returns to Ireland 171 - His reception at Kilkenny 172 - Monck master in Ulster 173 - The Prince of Wales expected 174 - The Confederacy dissolved 175 - Rinuccini driven from Ireland 176 - - - CHAPTER XXX - - RINUCCINI TO CROMWELL, 1649 - - Ormonde's commanding position 179 - Charles II. proclaimed 180 - Milton and the Ulster Presbyterians 180 - Monck, O'Neill, and Coote in Ulster 182 - Inchiquin takes Drogheda 183 - Ormonde defeated by Jones at Rathmines 184 - Charles II. has thoughts of Ireland 186 - Prince Rupert at Kinsale 187 - Broghill consents to serve Parliament 189 - Cromwell leaves London 189 - - - CHAPTER XXXI - - CROMWELL IN IRELAND, 1649 - - Cromwell restores discipline in Dublin 191 - Storm of Drogheda 193 - Ormonde's treaty with O'Neill 196 - Death and character of Owen Roe O'Neill 197 - Cromwell at Wexford 198 - Storm of Wexford 200 - Cromwell takes New Ross 201 - Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal join Cromwell 203 - Operations after New Ross 204 - Siege of Waterford 205 - Siege raised 206 - Death of Michael Jones 206 - Cromwell winters at Youghal 208 - Broghill's campaign 208 - Carrickfergus taken 209 - The Clonmacnoise decrees 210 - - - CHAPTER XXXII - - CROMWELL IN IRELAND, 1650 - - Cromwell's declaration 212 - A lady's experience at Cork 213 - Cromwell's southern campaign 214 - Operations in Leinster--Castlehaven 216 - Cromwell takes Kilkenny 218 - Siege of Clonmel, assault repulsed 220 - The town capitulates 222 - Battle of Macroom, Cromwell leaves Ireland 223 - Submission of Protestant Royalists 225 - - - CHAPTER XXXIII - - ORMONDE'S LAST STRUGGLES, 1650 - - Dissensions among Irish Royalists 226 - O'Neill succeeded by Bishop Macmahon 227 - Englishmen turned out of the army 228 - Battle of Scariffhollis 230 - Assembly summoned to meet at Loughrea 232 - Ormonde excluded from Limerick 232 - Clanricarde excluded from Galway 233 - Surrender of Tecroghan and Carlow 234 - Waterford capitulates 235 - Charlemont taken 236 - Meeting of bishops at Jamestown 237 - Ormonde's adherents excommunicated 238 - Charles II. repudiates the Irish 239 - A conference at Galway 241 - The excommunication maintained--no Protestant governor 242 - The Loughrea assembly can do little 243 - Ormonde leaves Ireland, Clanricarde Deputy 243 - - - CHAPTER XXXIV - - CLANRICARDE AND IRETON, 1651 - - Plague and famine 245 - A regicide government 246 - Hugh O'Neill at Limerick 247 - Charles IV., Duke of Lorraine 249 - Taaffe's mission to Charles II. 251 - A Lorraine envoy in Ireland 253 - Extent of Lorraine succours 254 - Terms of agreement with the Duke 256 - Condemned by Ormonde and Clanricarde 257 - No help after Worcester 258 - Ireton passes the Shannon 261 - Coote and Reynolds elude Clanricarde 262 - Desperate defence of Gort--Ludlow 263 - Siege of Limerick 263 - Ludlow in Clare 266 - Broghill's victory at Knockbrack 268 - Capitulation of Limerick 271 - Treatment of the besieged 273 - Death and character of Ireton 277 - - - CHAPTER XXXV - - LAST PHASE OF THE WAR, 1652 - - Galway holds out 278 - The Irish in Scilly 279 - Meeting of officers at Kilkenny 280 - Horrors of guerrilla warfare 280 - Capitulation of Galway 283 - "Tame Tories" 284 - Clanricarde's last struggle 285 - Castlehaven leaves Ireland--his memoirs 286 - Clanricarde goes to England--his character 287 - Submission of Irish leaders 289 - Siege of Ross Castle 290 - The Parliament an avenger of blood 292 - The Leinster articles 293 - Richard Grace 294 - Ludlow's last service in the field 295 - Arrival of Fleetwood 298 - - - CHAPTER XXXVI - - END OF THE WAR, AND ITS PRICE - - Last stand at Innisbofin 298 - Last stand in Ulster 299 - Exhaustion of the country 300 - Treatment of priests 301 - Swordsmen sent abroad 303 - Fleetwood commander-in-chief 304 - Sir Phelim O'Neill tried and executed 305 - Alleged commission from Charles I. 307 - Lord Muskerry acquitted 308 - Primate O'Reilly pardoned 310 - Lord Mayo tried and shot 311 - The Crown bound by the Adventurers' Act 312 - - - CHAPTER XXXVII - - PEACE, SETTLEMENT, AND TRANSPLANTATION, 1652-1654 - - Magnitude of the problem 315 - Effect of the 1641 evidence 317 - The Act of Settlement 317 - Lambert's abortive appointment as Deputy 319 - Expulsion of the Long Parliament 320 - Barebone's Parliament--Irish members 321 - Casting lots for Ireland 322 - Claims of the army 322 - The Act of Satisfaction 324 - Transplantation proceeds slowly 325 - The Protectorate established 326 - Fleetwood Deputy 327 - Cromwell's first Parliament--Irish members 328 - Transplantation--Gookin and Lawrence 329 - Tories, name and thing 330 - The Waldensian massacre 332 - Difficulties of transplantation, Loughrea and Athlone 333 - Worsley and Petty--the Down survey 334 - Clarendon on the settlement 338 - Desolation of the towns 339 - Proposed transplantation of Presbyterians 341 - - - CHAPTER XXXVIII - - HENRY CROMWELL, 1655-1659 - - Henry Cromwell supersedes Fleetwood 343 - Deportation to the West Indies 344 - Henry and the sectaries 346 - Reduction of the army 347 - Oliver and his son 348 - Cromwell's second Parliament--Irish members 349 - The oath of abjuration 350 - Henry Lord Deputy 352 - Henry made Lord Lieutenant by his brother 354 - Ireland in the Parliament of 1659 355 - Petty and his detractors 356 - Henry recalled by the restored Rump 359 - Attempted estimate of Henry Cromwell 360 - - - CHAPTER XXXIX - - THE RESTORATION - - Provisional government, John Jones and Ludlow 362 - Monck interferes 363 - End of the revolutionary government 364 - The Irish army proves Royalist 365 - Monck gains Coote and Broghill 366 - Ludlow's last efforts 366 - Impeachment of Ludlow and others 368 - New commissioners of Government appointed 369 - General convention and declarations of officers 370 - Charles II. proclaimed in Dublin 371 - - - - -MAP - - - Ireland, to illustrate the Cromwellian settlement _to face p. 1_ - -[Illustration: IRELAND - -to illustrate the - -CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT] - - - - -IRELAND UNDER THE STUARTS - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -MUNSTER AND CONNAUGHT, 1641-1642 - - -[Sidenote: The rebellion spreads to Munster, December, 1641.] - -[Sidenote: St. Leger's raid.] - -There was no outbreak in Munster during November, but Lord President -St. Leger knew that he had no real means of resisting one. The Lords -Justices had drawn off most of the soldiers, the rest were occupied as -garrisons, and practically he had only his own troop of horse to depend -on. Before the end of the month the Leinster rebels had come nearly to -the Suir, and he repaired with what men he could collect to Clonmel -lest Lady Ormonde, who was at Carrick, should fall into the invaders' -hands. The gentlemen of Tipperary came to meet him, but could or would -do nothing. 'Every man stands at gaze, and suffers the rascals to rob -and pillage all the English about them.' Ormonde's own cattle were -driven off. St. Leger's brother-in-law having been pillaged, he took -indiscriminate vengeance, and some innocent men were probably killed. -He as good as told the Tipperary magnates that they were all rebels. -In the meantime the Leinster insurgents had crossed the estuary of the -Suir in boats, and ravaged the eastern part of Waterford. St. Leger -rode rapidly through the intervening mountains, though there was snow -on the ground, and fell upon a party of plunderers at Mothel, near -Carrick. The main body were pursued to the river, and for the most -part killed. About seventy prisoners were taken to Waterford and there -hanged. He returned to Clonmel and thence back to Doneraile, for he -could do no more. 'My horses,' he told Ormonde, 'are quite spent; -their saddles have been scarce off these fourteen days; nor myself nor -my friends have not had leisure to shift our shirts ... the like war -was never heard of--no man makes head, one parish robs another, go home -and share the goods, and there is an end of it, and this by a company -of naked rogues.'[1] - -[Sidenote: Mountgarret invades Munster.] - -[Sidenote: Another mock commission.] - -St. Leger's rough ways might furnish an excuse, but had no real effect -upon events. The flame steadily spread over the whole island, and -the contest fell more and more into the hands of extreme men. The -Tipperary insurgents were soon enrolled in companies, the leading -part being taken by Theobald Purcell, titular baron of Loughmoe, and -Patrick Purcell, who rose to distinction during the war. At the end -of January Mountgarret, who acted as general, invaded Munster with a -heterogeneous force. He was assisted by Michael Wall, a professional -soldier, and accompanied by Viscount Ikerrin, Lords Dunboyne and -Cahir, all three Butlers, and the Baron of Loughmoe. Kilmallock was -easily taken, and the Irish encamped at Redshard, near Kildorrery, at -the entry to the county of Cork. Broghill reckoned them at 10,000, of -whom half were unarmed. The President, who had 900 foot and 300 horse, -thought it impossible to dispute the passage, and preferred to parley. -Mountgarret demanded freedom of conscience, the preservation of the -royal prerogative, and equal privileges for natives with the English. -St. Leger answered that they had liberty of conscience already, that -he was not likely to do anything against the Crown, from whom he held -everything, and that he himself was a native. At last, on February 10, -articles were agreed upon by which the President agreed to abstain -from all further hostilities, both sides covenanting to do each other -no harm for one month. St. Leger was induced to grant these terms -mainly by the sight of a commission from Charles with the Great Seal -attached, but Broghill believed that this was a mere trick, and the -document fabricated. The President withdrew to Cork and Mountgarret -into Tipperary. The armistice was ill kept by the Irish, who were under -the influence of Patrick Purcell. Mountgarret never showed any military -ability.[2] - -[Sidenote: Muskerry joins the Irish.] - -[Sidenote: The King's proclamation.] - -[Sidenote: Cork beleaguered by the Irish.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin's first exploit, April 13, 1642.] - -St. Leger had long cherished the belief that Donough MacCarthy, -Viscount Muskerry, would remain staunch. Muskerry, who had great -possessions, and who was married to Ormonde's sister, seems to have -tried the impossible part of neutral, but was soon drawn into the -vortex, and it was to him that the supposed commission to raise 4000 -men had been made out. He tried to stop plundering, and even hanged a -few thieves, but the open country soon became untenable for English -settlers. Many flocked to Bandon, which was held by Cork's son Lord -Kinalmeaky. Others fled to Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal, to which latter -place Sir Charles Vavasour brought the first reinforcement of 1000 men. -Vavasour carried over the King's proclamation of January 1 against -the rebels, of which only forty copies had been printed, and Cork -immediately forwarded it to the Lord President. 'I like it exceedingly -well in all parts of it,' said St. Leger, 'save only that it is come -so late to light ... it were very good that we had some store of them -to disperse abroad, for of this one little notice can be taken.' -Cork maintained himself at Youghal and his sons in other places. St. -Leger, as soon as he had received reinforcements, relieved Broghill at -Lismore, and took Dungarvan from the Irish. Of all the old nobility -Lord Barrymore, who had married Cork's daughter, alone stood firm and -refused all offers from the Irish. On March 12 St. Leger wrote that he -was practically besieged in Cork by a 'vast body of the enemy lying -within four miles of the town, under my Lord of Muskerry, O'Sullivan -Roe, MacCarthy Reagh, and all the western gentry and forces to the -number of about 5000.' The nominal chief of this army was Colonel -Garret Barry, an experienced soldier, but without originality, and -more fit for a subordinate than for a chief command. On April 13, -two days before Ormonde's victory at Kilrush, Inchiquin--who was -married to St. Leger's daughter, and had studied war in the Spanish -service--persuaded his father-in-law to let him make a sally. With -only 300 foot and two troops of horse he surprised the Irish camp at -Rochfordstown, routed the ill-disciplined host completely, and pursued -them for some miles towards Ballincollig and Kilcrea. Muskerry's own -luggage fell into the victor's hands, and a great stock of corn, -which was very welcome. The only serious fighting was in the attack -of a small enclosure desperately defended by Florence McDonnell, -called Captain Sougane, perhaps in memory of the last Desmond rebel. -Inchiquin's loss was little or nothing, and he was soon able to ship -guns and take castles which obstructed the navigation of Cork harbour. -The southern capital was relieved from all immediate danger.[3] - -[Sidenote: Limerick.] - -[Sidenote: Waterford.] - -Limerick did not at first take any decided part, but stood upon its -defence. Clonmel and Dungarvan admitted the Leinster insurgents in -December, a few days after St. Leger's raid. A party commanded by -Ormonde's brother Richard came to the gate of Waterford on the day -after Christmas, but the mayor, Francis Briver, refused to let him -in. Two other attempts were made before Twelfth Day. The mob of the -town and a majority of the corporation were opposed to the mayor, but -he held his own for some time, received English fugitives within the -walls, and kept them there till shipping could be had for themselves -and such property as they had been able to carry away. His own life -was frequently in danger, and his hand was badly bitten by a rioter who -resisted arrest. On another day, says Mrs. Briver, who took an active -part, 'when I heard so many swords were drawn at the market cross -against my poor husband, I ran into the streets without either hat or -mantle and laid my hands about his neck and brought him in whether he -would or no ... This and much more the mayor has suffered seeking to -let their goods go with the English.' Mountgarret was excluded, but in -April his son Edmund was admitted with 300 men, and the townsmen gave -up their cannon.[4] - -[Sidenote: State of Connaught. Ranelagh and Clanricarde.] - -[Sidenote: Events at Galway.] - -[Sidenote: Hesitation of the Galway gentry.] - -Roger Jones, created Viscount Ranelagh, was Lord President of -Connaught, and lay at Athlone with only a troop of horse and two -companies of foot. The government of the county of Galway was vested -by special patent in the Earl of Clanricarde, who positively refused -the request of the Roscommon gentlemen to take command of their county, -and thus ignore the Lord President's authority. Mayo was entrusted by -the Lords Justices to Lord Mayo and to Dillon, Viscount Costello, who -were both at this time professing Protestants. Sir Francis Willoughby, -the governor of Galway fort, was in Dublin when the rebellion broke -out, and his son Anthony, who was young and violent, commanded in his -absence. Clanricarde was at Portumna when he heard of the outbreak, -and he at once warned the mayor of Galway to be on his guard. The -Lords Justices refused to send arms from Dublin on the ground that -the passage was not safe, but told him to take what he could find -at Galway. A hundred calivers, many of them unserviceable, and as -many pikes were all that could be had. His own castles of Portumna, -Loughrea, and Oranmore were in a defensible state, and he came to -Galway on November 6. Richard Boyle, Archbishop of Tuam, took refuge -in the fort, and Clanricarde's castle of Aghenure, on the western -shore of Lough Corrib, was seized by the O'Flahertys. On the 11th a -town-meeting was held, and the citizens resolved to hold Galway for -the King. During the next three months there were frequent acts of -violence on both sides, Willoughby treating the citizens as conquered, -and they retorting by capturing and confining his stray soldiers. On -December 29 the lords of the Pale invited the nobility and gentry of -the county of Galway to join them, urging the legal grievances under -which Roman Catholics laboured, and the severe measures of Coote and -others. This did not make Clanricarde's task easier, but he came to -Galway on February 5, and patched up an accommodation. On the 11th he -left the town for a fortnight, and during the interval an outrage was -committed in the neighbourhood which rivalled the worst of the Ulster -atrocities.[5] - -[Sidenote: The Shrule massacre, Feb. 1641-2.] - -[Sidenote: Humanity of Walter Burke.] - -According to the Rev. John Goldsmith, there were about 1000 English -and Scotch Protestants in Mayo, many of whom tried to save themselves -by going to mass. He had a brother a priest, and it was owing to the -Jesuit Malone and an unnamed friar that he escaped with his life. -Several Protestants, including one Buchanan of Strade, and John -Maxwell, Bishop of Killala, sought the protection of Sir Henry Bingham -at Castlebar, but he refused to admit Goldsmith, who was a convert from -Rome, lest his presence should increase the animosity of the Irish. -Lord Mayo promised to convoy the whole party safely to Galway fort, -and they set out on February 13, Malachy O'Queely, Roman Catholic -Archbishop of Tuam, 'faithfully promising the Lord of Mayo to accompany -them with his lordship and several priests and friars, to see them -safely conveyed and delivered in Galway, or at the Fort of Galway.' -The first night was spent at Ballycarra, the second at Ballinrobe, the -third at the Neale, and the fourth at Shrule, where a bridge joins -the counties of Mayo and Galway. Lord Mayo seems to have declined all -responsibility outside of his own county, and on Sunday the 17th he -dismissed his followers except one company commanded by Edmund Burke, -who proposed to go with them a few miles, and hand them over to an -escort of the county Galway. Burke's men began to plunder the unarmed -fugitives before they were out of Lord Mayo's sight, and he sent his -son Sir Theobald to keep order; according to Theobald's own account he -ran over the bridge with his sword drawn to help the English, but was -fired at and afterwards 'conveyed away for the safety of his life.' -The promised escort, consisting of two companies of the O'Flahertys, -then came up and joined the Mayo people in an indiscriminate massacre -of men, women, and children. The Bishop of Killala and a few others -were saved by the exertions of Ulick Burke, of Castle Hacket, but -those killed were not far short of a hundred, including Dean Forgie of -Killala and five other clergymen, of whom John Corbet was one. Thomas -Johnson, vicar of Turlough, escaped to the house of Walter Burke, who -treated him kindly and defended him. Young priests and friars asked -Stephen Lynch, prior of Strade, in his presence whether it was not -lawful to kill him as a heretic, and Lynch answered that it was as -lawful as to kill a sheep or a dog. The insurgents threatening to burn -Burke's house if he kept Johnson any longer, he managed to convey him -to Clanricarde's castle at Loughrea, and he 'ever after that time lived -by the noble and free charity of that good earl, until of late his -lordship sent him and divers other Protestants away with a convoy.'[6] - -[Sidenote: Murders at Galway.] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde and the clergy.] - -Clanricarde returned to Galway on March 1. After a fortnight's argument -he succeeded in getting both town and fort to make declarations of -loyalty and of peaceable intentions towards each other. As soon as his -back was turned the flames fanned by the clergy broke out afresh. A -party of armed townsmen disguised as boatmen seized an English ship, -murdered some of the crew, and towed her off in spite of Willoughby's -fire. When Galway surrendered to Coote in 1652 the perpetrators of -the outrage were specially excepted from pardon. The malcontents then -closed the gates, disarmed all the English within the walls, took an -oath of union, and invited the O'Flahertys and the Mayo insurgents -to join them. Willoughby burned some of the suburbs to prevent -the O'Flahertys from occupying them, and this military precaution -still further exasperated the citizens. But Clanricarde collected a -quantity of provisions at Oranmore and relieved the fort. His castle -of Tirellan, which commanded the river, enabled him to blockade the -town, the neighbourhood being constantly patrolled by cavalry. Supplies -ceased to reach the market, and before the end of April the leading -citizens were tired of resisting. While negotiations were proceeding -a man of war arrived with powder and provisions, and Clanricarde then -took high ground. In vain did the warden Walter Lynch, whom Rinuccini -afterwards made a bishop, fulminate the greater excommunication against -all who agreed to Clanricarde's articles. The mayor signed them -nevertheless, agreeing that all soldiers harboured in the town should -be sent away, that access to the town should be free and open, that -the Anglican clergy should enjoy their legal rights, and that no arms -or powder should be sold without Clanricarde's orders. The gates were -accordingly thrown open on May 13, the young men of the town laid down -their arms, and Clanricarde received the keys publicly from the mayor's -hands. Ormonde approved of these proceedings, but the Lords Justices -thought the rebellious town had been too leniently treated.[7] - -[Sidenote: Order against intercourse with the Irish.] - -[Sidenote: Sir James Dillon at Athlone.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde relieves Athlone.] - -[Sidenote: An English party destroyed.] - -Contrary to Ormonde's own judgment, though he signed with the rest, -the Lords Justices issued an order against holding any intercourse -with the Irish living near garrisons and against giving protection to -any of them. The soldiers were to prosecute the rebels with fire and -sword, and whenever Ormonde established a garrison the order in council -was to be sent to the commanders with directions for ensuring its -observance. This order bound both Ranelagh and Clanricarde, but neither -of them approved of it, and indeed it involved a censure upon the -latter's pacification at Galway. Athlone had since Christmas been beset -on the Leinster side by a mixed multitude under the general direction -of Sir James Dillon, who had made a truce with the Lord President so -far as to allow free access to the market. The castle, which stands -on the Connaught side of the Shannon, was thus provisioned and made -safe against assailants who had no battering train. After a time the -garrison began to make incursions into Westmeath, and this was regarded -by Dillon as a breach of faith. He had been distrusted by the Irish -for his moderation, but without gaining him the confidence of the -Government, and he thought it would be better to have at least one side -heartily with him. He accordingly seized the town on the Leinster side, -and threw up a work which prevented the garrison from crossing the -bridge. When he heard that Ormonde was coming to relieve the castle he -withdrew into the county of Longford. Ormonde left Dublin on June 14, -Mullingar and Ballymore being burnt at his approach, and on the 20th he -was at the village of Kilkenny, about seven English miles from Athlone. -There Ranelagh met him and took charge of the 2000 foot and two troops -of horse provided to reinforce him under Sir Michael Earnley. Ormonde -then returned to Dublin at once, though Clanricarde was most anxious -to meet him. Ranelagh put the new troops into various castles, three -hundred of them, under Captain Bertie, being assigned to a convent of -Poor Clares on Lough Ree. The nuns had been hurriedly conveyed away by -Dillon to an island in the lake, but the vestments remained and the -cellar was full. The soldiers drank the wine, and were masquerading -in the vestments when they were attacked by a party sent by Dillon. -Bertie fought bravely, but he and most of his men were killed. The Lord -President then concentrated his forces at Athlone and the open country -was left at the mercy of the Irish.[8] - -[Sidenote: Dissensions amongst the English.] - -[Sidenote: Fight at Ballintober, July 1642.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish grow stronger.] - -Ranelagh showed no energy, but he was in bad health and in want of -money and supplies. He said Earnley's men were rogues and gaol-birds, -and that he longed for a commission to raise men of his own country. -In the meantime he neglected to requisition the provisions available -in the neighbourhood, and the soldiers died of want and neglect. Coote -provided ten days' bread, and pressed him to do something while a few -men were left alive, whereupon he ordered an attack on Ballagh, which -was not taken without loss, and which Earnley says was quite useless. -Afterwards he joined his forces to those of Coote at Roscommon, and -Sir James Dillon attacked Athlone in his absence with 1500 men, but -was beaten off by the remnant left behind. A considerable Irish -force under O'Connor Roe and others assembled after some skirmishing -at Ballintober, where they were routed with a loss of six hundred -men. Coote and Earnley were not allowed to follow up the victory, -and Ranelagh refused to feed the latter's men any longer. They were -therefore dispersed among the garrisons which Coote commanded. Ranelagh -made no further attempt to keep the field, and in October he made -a truce for three months with the Irish. Clanricarde approved of -this, and would have been glad to have its operation extended, for -vengeance 'need not be so sharp here, as where blood doth call for -deserved punishment.' But the Lords Justices were all for war to the -knife, though they had not the means to wage it successfully, while -Lord Forbes and Captain Willoughby did their best to prevent peace. -The English Parliament were too busy at home to do much, while arms -and ammunition from the Continent poured in through Wexford and the -Ulster ports, with 'most of the colonels, officers, and engineers that -have served beyond seas for many years past ... which furnish all -parts of the kingdom but those few that adhere to me for his Majesty's -service.'[9] - -[Sidenote: The rebellion in Clare, 1641-2.] - -[Sidenote: Defence of Ballyallia, Feb.-Sept. 1642.] - -Strafford's proposed settlement of Clare was never carried out, but -the Earls of Thomond were Protestants, and encouraged English tenants, -so that a considerable colony had in fact been established. Inchiquin, -who had agreed to the abortive plantation, threw his influence in -the same direction; but the great mass of O'Briens, Macnamaras, and -others favoured the insurgents. The outbreak in the north and the -attempt on Dublin were known at the fair of Clare on November 1, but -it was not till the end of the month that certain news came of the -insurrection having spread to the part of Tipperary near the Shannon. -Barnabas Earl of Thomond, who had an English wife, tried to keep the -peace, and adopted a trimming policy, but soon lost all control over -the country, though he held Bunratty and some other places. Robberies -of the Protestants' cattle soon began, and by Christmas the owners -were generally on their guard in castles, of which thirty-one were in -friendly hands. Three weeks later the troops raised by Thomond were -siding openly with the rebels. Ballyallia Castle, on a lake near Ennis, -belonged to Sir Valentine Blake, of Galway, who was a noted member of -the Catholic confederacy, but was leased to a merchant named Maurice -Cuffe, and became a place of refuge for at least a hundred Protestants. -Others from the neighbourhood escaped to England in a Dutch vessel. -About a thousand of the Irish encamped near the castle and built -cabins, but without coming to close quarters. They captured Abraham -Baker, an English carpenter apparently, and with his aid constructed -a 'sow,' such as was frequently used during the war. It was a house -35 feet by 9 feet, built of beams upon four wheels, strengthened with -iron and covered by a sharp ridge roof, and was moved by levers worked -from inside. The whole was kept together by huge spike-nails, which -cost 5_l._, 'being intended for a house of correction which should -have been built at Ennis.' Captain Henry O'Grady summoned the castle, -pretending to have his Majesty's commission to banish all Protestants -out of Ireland. Whereupon 'a bullet was sent to examine his commission, -which went through his thigh, but he made a shift to rumbel [_sic_] to -the bushes and there fell down, but only lay by it sixteen weeks, in -which time unhappily it was cured.' A girl who fell into the hands of -the besiegers was tortured until she confessed that the shot was fired -by the Rev. Andrew Chaplin. The Irish had no artillery, but devised -a cannon made of half-tanned leather with a three-pound charge. The -breech was blown out at the first fire, and the ball remained inside. -The sow was soon taken and those within killed. A kind of loose -blockade lasted from the beginning of February until near midsummer. -The besieged often suffered much from want of water, but sometimes -they ventured to skirmish in the open, joining with the garrison of -Clare Castle and capturing cattle. Baker, who was taken in the sow, -joined his captors, whereupon 'the Irish immediately hewed in pieces -his son, Thomas Baker, a proper young man, who was with them in their -camp.' After the fall of Limerick Castle one piece of artillery was -brought against Ballyallia, but the gunner was at once shot, and little -was done. After this the siege was much closer, famine and sickness -reducing the garrison by one half. They got horseflesh at times, but -were driven to eat salted hides, dried sheepskins and cats, all fried -in tallow. At last they were forced to capitulate, and the terms were -ill-kept, but in the end the survivors escaped to Bunratty, nearly all -ill and stripped of everything.[10] - -[Sidenote: Cork and St. Leger, 1642.] - -[Sidenote: Youghal, Lismore and Bandon.] - -Cromwell is reported to have said that if there had been an Earl of -Cork in every county the Irish could never have raised a rebellion. -All his resources were expended in resisting it, and St. Leger, though -he co-operated with him, could not but feel bitterly the inferiority -of his own position. The Lords Justices never communicated with him, -and though they allowed him to levy forces, sent no money to pay them; -and indeed they had none to send. Earnest applications for cannon, -'six drakes and two curtoes,' were made in vain, and to take the -field without guns was impossible. 'If they have not wholly deserted -me,' he wrote to Ormonde, 'and bestowed the government on my Lord of -Cork, persuade them to disburden themselves of so much artillery as -they cannot themselves employ.' He died a few weeks later, leaving -the presidential authority in Inchiquin's hands. In the meantime Cork -himself had held Youghal, securing a landing-place for all succours -from England. His son Broghill defended Lismore, and Kinalmeaky was -governor of Bandon, which his father had walled and supplied with -artillery. Clonakilty was an open place, and the Protestant settlers -there and in the country round about escaped to Bandon, where the -townsmen made them pay well for their quarters. 'They were compelled,' -said Cork, 'to give more rent for their chamber or corner than my -tenants paid me for the whole house.' After Kinalmeaky's death at -Liscarrol Sir Charles Vavasour became governor, and the town was never -taken; the Bandonians making frequent sallies, like the Enniskilleners -in a later age. Lord Cork, who had enjoyed a rental of 50_l._ a day, -lost it all for the time, and was often in difficulties, but he saved -the English interest in Munster from total destruction.[11] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Carte's _Ormonde_, with the letters in vol. iii. of November 8, -13, 16, 18 and 22, and December 11. _Lismore Papers_, 2nd series, -vol. iv. St. Leger's letters of November 7, 10, and 28, and December -2 and 17. Bellings says 'some innocent labourers and husbandmen -suffered by martial law for the transgression of others,' and Carte -gives instances. St. Leger's letters from November 1 to December 11 in -_Egmont Papers_, i. 142-154. - -[2] The best account of this episode is Broghill's letter printed in -vol. ii. of Smith's _Hist. of Cork; Bellings_. - -[3] _Bellings_, i. 76; St. Leger's letters of February 26, March -26, and April 18, 1641-2, in _Lismore Papers_, 2nd Series. _Divers -Remarkable Occurrences_ by Thomas Baron, Esq., who lived fifteen years -six miles from Bandon and arrived in London July 2. This last contains -a curious dirge on Captain Sougane, beginning, 'O'Finnen McDonnell -McFinnen a Cree' which has these lines:-- - - Thy general Barry of three pounds a day, - With armed Lord Muskerry did both run away. - We Cork men bewail dee, but yet for dy glory - Tank heaven to have pulled de from purgatory, - For all our priests swear dou art not in hell, - Dear Finnen McDonnell McFinnen farewell. - - -[4] Lords Justices and Council to Leicester, _Confederation and War_, -ii. 28; Letters from Mr. and Mrs. Briver, _ib._ 7-22. - -[5] A good account in Hardiman's _Hist. of Galway_. Clanricarde's -letters, November 14 to January 23, 1641-2, in Carte's _Ormonde_, vol. -iii., and the lords of the Pale to the Galway gentry, December 29, -_ib._ Clanricarde's correspondence with the Roscommon gentry is in -_Contemporary Hist._ i. 380. - -[6] Deposition of Goldsmith in 1643 in _Hickson_, i. 375. Other -witnesses in 1653, _ib._ i. 387-399 and ii. 1-7. Henry Bringhurst's -evidence, as being rather favourable to Lord Mayo, has been chiefly -followed for the massacre. See also Hardiman's _Hist. of Galway_, p. -110, and the letters in Clanricarde's _Memoirs_, 1757, pp. 77, 80. The -Galway men tried to throw the blame on their Mayo neighbours, for fear -of Clanricarde. - -[7] Clanricarde to Essex, May 22, 1642; Ormonde to Clanricarde, June -13, in Carte's _Ormonde_. Hardiman's _Hist. of Galway_, p. 111. - -[8] Order in Council, May 28, 1642, in _Confederation and War_, ii. 45. -Earnley's account, _ib._ 134; _Bellings_, i. 85. Carte's _Ormonde_, i. -345. - -[9] Sir Michael Earnley's Relation (soon after July 20, 1642) in -_Confederation and War_, ii. 134. Clanricarde's letters of July 14 and -20, and October 26, in his _Memoirs_, pp. 190, 197, 281. - -[10] Narrative of Maurice Cuffe, printed by T. Crofton Croker, _Camden -Society_, 1841. Joseph Cuffe to H. Jones, November 12, 1658, MS. in -Trinity College, 844, No. 37. Burnet says (i. 29) guns partly made of -leather were used with effect by the Scots at Newburn. - -[11] St. Leger to Ormonde, May 12, 1642, in Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. -Appx. No. 78. Inchiquin to Cork, November 24, 1642, with the answer, in -Bennett's _History of Bandon_, chap. vii. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII - -THE WAR TO THE BATTLE OF ROSS, 1642-1643 - - -[Sidenote: A Scots army in Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: Major-General Monro.] - -When Charles received the news of the Irish insurrection, he at once -called upon the Scottish Parliament to aid him in suppressing it. They -replied that Ireland was dependent on England, that interference on -their part would be misunderstood, and that they could only act as -auxiliaries to the English people by agreement with them. Early in -November the Parliament at Westminster resolved to send 12,000 men from -England, and to ask the Scots to send 10,000 more. But Episcopalian -jealousy was aroused, and the demand on Scotland was reduced to 1,000. -Nothing was done for the moment, but on January 22, by which time some -of the English troops had reached Ireland, both Houses agreed to ask -for 2,500, and to this the Scots Commissioners in London assented. The -King hesitated about giving up Carrickfergus to the Scotch regiments, -but the Commissioners hoped that his Majesty, 'being their native king, -would not show less trust in them than their neighbour nation,' and -this appeal was successful. Money and military stores were stipulated -for, and it was agreed that if any other troops in Ulster should join -the Scots, their general was to command them as well as his own men, -and he had also power to enlarge his quarters to make such expeditions -as he might think fit. The Scottish estates had before offered 10,000 -men, but nothing like that number ever went. A little later the command -was given to Leven, who stayed but a short time and did nothing. The -expeditionary force remained in the hands of Major-General Robert -Monro, who had been employed to keep order at Aberdeen, and did so with -no light hand. He set up, says Spalding, 'ane timber mare, whereupon -runagate knaves and runaway soldiers should ride. Uncouth to see sic -discipline in Aberdeen, and more painful to the trespasser to suffer.' -Monro will live for ever in the form of Dugald Dalgetty, for whose -portrait he was the chief model. Sir James Turner, who contributed some -touches to the picture, says his great fault was a tendency to despise -his enemy. Monro's training was that of the Thirty Years' War, and -Turner, who belonged to the same school, thought he carried its lessons -too far.[12] - -[Sidenote: The Scots land April 1642.] - -[Sidenote: Newry retaken.] - -[Sidenote: Sir Phelim O'Neill burns Armagh.] - -Monro landed at Carrickfergus on April 15 with about 2500 men, Lord -Conway and Colonel Chichester retiring with their regiments to -Belfast. On the 28th he marched towards Newry, leaving a garrison -behind him, and was joined by Conway and the rest, making up his army -to near 4000 men. The Irish under Lord Iveagh were posted in a fort -at Ennislaughlin near Moira, but were easily dislodged next day, and -fled into the Kilwarlin woods. No quarter was given, to which Turner -strongly objects. On the third day they marched through Dromore, where -only the church was left standing, to Loughbrickland, where there was -a garrison in an island. Monro bribed six Highlanders to swim across, -and one of these succeeded in bringing away the only boat. The island -was then occupied and all the Irish there killed. No attempt was made -to defend the town of Newry, but the castle gave some trouble, and -Monro was unwilling to assault or burn it, lest the prisoners confined -there should suffer. The garrison were allowed to march out without -arms on May 3, but over sixty townsmen, including a Cistercian monk -and a secular priest, were hanged next day in cold blood. Turner -criticises Monro's conduct, and claims to have saved nearly 150 women -whom the soldiers proposed to kill. At least a dozen women were shot -or drowned, notwithstanding his interference. The natural result of -Monro's system was to make the Irish desperate, and O'Neill burned -Armagh, 'the cathedral with its steeple and with its bells, organ, and -glass windows, and the whole city, with the fine library, with all the -learned books of the English on divinity, logic, and philosophy.' Many -lives were also taken by the Irish in revenge for Monro's severities. -After leaving a garrison at Newry the army marched through the Mourne -mountains, and from one end of Down to the other. Turner mentions a -frightful storm attributed by the superstitious to Irish witches, which -if true he considered a good proof that their master was really prince -of the air. Some of the soldiers died from sheer cold. On the twelfth -day Monro returned to Carrickfergus. A detachment which he had left -in the outskirts of Belfast had been attacked during his absence and -driven off. A large number of cattle had been taken from the Magennises -and Macartans, but the English soldiers everywhere complained that the -Scots got most of the plunder.[13] - -[Sidenote: Sir Frederic Hamilton.] - -[Sidenote: His severities.] - -[Sidenote: Sir W. Cole at Enniskillen.] - -[Sidenote: The Laggan army.] - -Sir Frederic Hamilton was at Londonderry on October 24. On hearing -of the outbreak he rode hard with a dozen mounted servants, who made -a great show by blowing trumpets and carrying two lighted matches -each. The little party reached Donegal unmolested, succoured the -English settlers there, and at Ballyshannon killed some rogues on -the road, and reached Manor Hamilton in safety. Connor O'Rourke, -sheriff of Leitrim, visited Hamilton on the 31st, but his professions -of loyalty did not last long. The arrival of a few stray Scots -soldiers, some from Carlisle direct, increased the garrison to fifty -men. By December 4 twenty-four prisoners were taken, and to avenge -the deaths of Englishmen at Sligo, eight of them were hanged upon a -conspicuous gallows. Fifty-six persons, including one woman, died thus -by martial law between December 3, 1641, and February 18, 1642-3. -Hamilton complained bitterly that he was not supported by Sir William -Cole, and their quarrels became the subject of an inquiry by the -English Parliament. Cole held Enniskillen throughout, and without -much difficulty, while Captain Ffolliott maintained the important -post at Ballyshannon. Meanwhile the brothers Sir William and Sir -Robert Stewart, who were both professional soldiers, were active from -Rathmelton in Donegal to Newtown Stewart in Tyrone. Their levies grew -into an army which came to be known as the Laggan forces from a name -locally given to the district. Londonderry and Coleraine also held out, -and were never taken during the war.[14] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde wastes Kildare, April, 1642.] - -[Sidenote: George Monck.] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Kilrush, April 15.] - -Ormonde returned to Dublin in the middle of March, and on April 2 set -out again with 3000 foot, 500 horse, and five guns to waste the county -of Kildare. Captain Yarner, with two troops, burned ten or twelve -villages under the Wicklow mountains, and killed about the same number -of armed men. A trumpeter was killed by a shot from Tipper Castle, -near Naas, whereupon Coote blew up the house and put all to the sword. -Ormonde garrisoned Naas, established a Protestant corporation there, -and advanced to Maryborough, whence he sent most of his cavalry by -forced marches to relieve Burris in Ossory and Birr, and to return by -Portnahinch. The old men, women, and children of about sixty families -were brought away safely and settled at Naas. Monck, who now appears -for the first time in Ireland, was sent to secure their return passage -over the Barrow. Other detachments were sent to relieve Ballinakill, -Clogrennan and Carlow, and on the twelfth day Ormonde was back at Athy -without any loss except of a few over-ridden horses. Great numbers -of cattle were taken, and Coote gave 300 milch cows to the fugitives -at Naas on condition of selling milk to the troops at a halfpenny a -quart and making butter and cheese, and bread, he supplying corn at -ten shillings the Winchester barrel. Ormonde found that the enemy had -concentrated in the meantime at the ford of Mageney on the Barrow -with a view to intercept him on his return. Mountgarret and Roger -O'More were both present, as well as Hugh MacPhelim O'Byrne, who -was retreating from Drogheda to the Wicklow mountains, and they had -more than 6000 men, but badly armed and with very little powder. -Ormonde left Athy early in the morning of April 15, his force being -considerably reduced by the garrisons left behind. The Irish were -soon visible to the eastward trying to reach the pass at Ballyshannon -before him. As they had no baggage they would probably have got there -first, but Ormonde was superior in horse, and he sent on all that he -had under Sir Thomas Lucas. The Irish finding themselves forestalled, -had to fight in a less advantageous position at Kilrush. They had no -real head, and the Munster and Leinster men disputed about the division -of the spoil before the battle was won. The English cavalry had it all -their own way, Coote charging like a man of thirty. He lost his cap, -'but bare-headed scoured about the field, crying "Kill! kill!" and with -his hand gave the example, while my Lord of Ormonde secured the cannon -and victory with some divisions of foot, and beat their van into a -speedy retreat.' There was very little fighting, the Irish soon taking -refuge in a bog near at hand. The number of killed on their side is -uncertain, but it included some persons of rank, and the army simply -ceased to exist. O'More and his brother fled to their home at Ballina -near the Boyne, Mountgarret and others to Tullow, and the O'Byrnes -to their Wicklow mountains. Ormonde lost some twenty men. That night -he slept at Castlehaven's house at Maddenstown, where Antrim and the -Duchess of Buckingham were staying, and Coote 'to pleasure the lady,' -fired a salute of artillery and musketry. According to an Irish writer -Sir Charles boasted of the day's victory. The men were silent, but -the Duchess upbraided him as being less loyal than the Irish, and as -'a poor mechanical fellow, raised by blind fortune, as informer and -promoter against all that is just and godly, being chief instrument of -the shedding of many innocent blood [_sic_], and of the commencement -of the new distempers.' Coote, who was of a good old family, had served -three sovereigns faithfully both in peace and war, and fell three weeks -later fighting bravely against enormous odds.[15] - -[Sidenote: The Irish Parliament purged.] - -[Sidenote: Beginning of the Catholic Confederation.] - -[Sidenote: The oath of association.] - -On June 22 that part of the House of Commons in Dublin which accepted -the oath of supremacy expelled forty-one 'rotten and unprofitable -members' who were either in open rebellion or indicted of high treason. -Of these Richard Bellings, who sat for Callan, was the most important. -Among the others were Rory Maguire the northern leader, Sir Valentine -Blake of Galway, who was Clanricarde's friend, and Sir James Dillon. In -the meantime what claimed to be a new legislature was being gradually -formed. On May 10, 11, 13, and 14 a congregation of the Roman Catholic -hierarchy sat at Kilkenny. There were present three archbishops, six -bishops and the procurators of four more, with several abbots and other -dignitaries; and the plan of the proposed confederation was sketched -out. The prelates declared that the war had been justly undertaken -for religion and for the King, against sectaries and especially -against Puritans. Any province, county, or city making separate terms -with the enemy was to be held excommunicate. A number of lords and -gentlemen joined the prelates, and out of their joint deliberations -grew the Supreme Council in its first shape--two members out of each -province with Mountgarret as president. An oath of association was -framed binding the confederates to obey the council and to do nothing -without their consent. The main object was the establishment of the -Roman Catholic religion 'in as full and ample a manner as the Roman -Catholic secular clergy had or enjoyed the same within this realm at -any time during the reign of Henry VII.' Significantly, the regular -clergy are not mentioned at all. The secular clergy were to enjoy all -temporalities 'in as large and ample a manner as the late Protestant -clergy respectively enjoyed the same on October 1, 1641.' All laws to -the contrary made since 20 Henry VIII. were void. Before a more regular -assembly could meet Preston had landed in the south and O'Neill in the -north, and their arrival gave events a new turn.[16] - -[Sidenote: Owen Roe O'Neill.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill lands in Ulster, July 1642.] - -Owen Roe O'Neill was son of Art MacBaron, the great Tyrone's brother, -whence he was often called Owen MacArt. In the Spanish service he was -known as Don Eugenio O'Neill. He was a captain in Flanders in Henry -O'Neill's Irish regiment as early as 1607, and colonel of the regiment -about 1633. With the rank of _maître de camp_ he commanded the garrison -of Arras during the siege in 1640, and marched out with the honours -of war on August 9. For some time before the outbreak he had been in -frequent communication with the Irish leaders, but perhaps without -any well-formed intention of going over himself. When he heard that -the plot to seize Dublin had been discovered 'he was in a great rage -against O'Connolly, and said he wondered how or where that villain -should live, for if he were in Ireland, sure they would pull him in -pieces there; and if he lived in England there were footmen and other -Irishmen enough to kill him.' It was less than eight years since -another Irish colonel, Walter Butler, had murdered Wallenstein. O'Neill -then asked his general Francis de Mello to let him go to Ireland, and -the Spaniard answered that he should go and be well supplied for the -enterprise if he could find a safe landing-place in his own country. -It was, however, given out that he was in disgrace with the Spanish -authorities, and years afterwards, when Hyde was at Madrid, Don Luis -de Haro kept up the mystification and spoke of him as a deserter from -his sovereign's service. Where Spain was concerned there were always -long delays, and the summer of 1642 was well advanced before O'Neill -announced to Luke Wadding that he was about to start. Everything, he -said, was going on well in Ireland, but there was sad want of powder. -If the Pope knew, he said, how fatal that powder would be to heresy and -heretics he would make haste to procure a plentiful supply. O'Neill -sailed from Dunkirk round Scotland, and landed in Lough Swilly about -the last day of July. He captured two prizes at sea and detached a -small vessel to Wexford with arms, which arrived safely. O'Neill -brought to Ulster 'ammunition, arms and a few low-country officers and -soldiers of his own regiment,' and he sent his ships back to Flanders -for more. Sir Phelim sent 1500 men to join his kinsman, who went round -by Ballyshannon to Charlemont, where he arrived without having met an -enemy.[17] - -[Sidenote: Preston lands at Wexford, August 1642.] - -[Sidenote: His rivalry with O'Neill.] - -[Sidenote: Attitude of Richelieu.] - -Thomas Preston, a son of the fourth Viscount Gormanston, was fifty-six -years old when the Irish rebellion broke out. He was a captain in the -same regiment as Owen Roe O'Neill in 1607, but was never on good terms -with him. They were rivals in recruiting during the reign of Strafford, -who favoured the man of English descent as far as he could. In 1635 -Preston distinguished himself in the defence of Louvain against the -combined forces of France and Holland, and in 1641 in the defence of -Genappe against Frederick Henry of Orange. In 1642 his nephew, Lord -Gormanston, urged him to return to Ireland. In March of that year -Mountgarret sent Geoffrey Barron, Wadding's nephew, to Paris, and in -July he met Preston there. Richelieu, who had not forgotten Rochelle, -did not declare himself openly, but he discharged all the Irish -soldiers in the French service, allowed war material to be purchased in -France, and let it be understood that help would be forthcoming to the -extent of a million of crowns. Preston sailed from Dunkirk, accompanied -by several officers, and arrived in Wexford harbour at the beginning of -August. Here he was joined by at least a dozen vessels laden with war -material from St. Malo, Nantes, and Rochelle. He reconnoitred Duncannon -fort, which he thought could be taken in fifteen days, and then went -to Kilkenny, where the confederates were still assembled. Public -opinion quickly designated him as the fittest person to have military -command in Leinster, and Mountgarret, who was no soldier, was very -willing to yield the place to him.[18] - -[Sidenote: Limerick Castle taken, June 1642.] - -[Sidenote: Death of St. Leger. Inchiquin vice-president, June 1642.] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Liscarrol, Sept. 1642.] - -The army which Inchiquin had driven from before Cork came together -again at Limerick, and St. Leger had no force to molest it there. After -standing neutral for a time the city had joined the confederates, but -the castle was held by Captain George Courtenay with sixty men and -very little powder. Supplies were ordered by Parliament, but did not -reach the garrison. The Irish stretched a boom across the river, which -prevented any relief by water, and ran mines under the works, while -the garrison were harassed by a continual fire from the walls of the -cathedral. Courtenay capitulated on June 21, and Barry and Muskerry -went south again with three pieces of cannon taken in the castle. -Among these was a thirty-two pounder weighing about three tons, which -was laid in the scooped-out trunk of a tree and dragged up hills and -through bogs by twenty-five yoke of oxen. The whole county of Limerick -was soon in Irish hands. St. Leger died on July 2, and the sole -command then devolved on Inchiquin. His position as vice-president was -confirmed by the Lords Justices, who associated Lord Barrymore with him -for the civil government, but the latter died at Michaelmas. Patrick -Purcell, acting as major-general under Barry, took up a strong position -at Newtown near Charleville, but was beaten out of it by Inchiquin -with very inferior numbers. This check caused a long delay, but at -last Barry advanced with six thousand foot and five hundred horse and -sat down on August 20 before the strong castle of Liscarrol. Here he -was joined by Lord Dungarvan, who had just taken Ardmore Castle and -hanged 117 men, leaving the women and children at liberty. A garrison -of thirty men could do little against the fire of heavy guns, and -Liscarrol surrendered on September 2. On the 3rd, Cromwell's lucky day, -Inchiquin advanced, as he supposed, to their relief. His force of 3000 -foot and 400 horse was about half of Barry's, but much better armed and -disciplined. The Irish, having a good position under the walls of the -castle, were at first successful against the charge of a small division -of horse consisting of Cork and Bandon men, without even helmets; but -Lord Cork's son Kinalmeaky, 'who was clothed with armour of proof' -was shot dead. Though one else fell, his followers were driven back -in confusion and the battle seemed lost, but the foot stood firm, -and Inchiquin, coming up with some more regular cavalry, succeeded -in rallying the fugitives. He killed Oliver Stephenson, the Irish -cavalry leader, with his own hand, and had himself more than one narrow -escape, being wounded in the head and hand. The Irish were routed and -'recovered Sir William Pore's bog near Kilbolaine,' where they were -out of reach. Inchiquin only lost some twelve men killed, and Barry is -said to have lost seven hundred, but the victory was not of much use, -for there were neither money nor provisions to follow it up. Liscarroll -Castle was reoccupied, and three pieces of cannon brought from Limerick -were taken. Inchiquin then fell back to Mallow, and dispersed his men -in garrisons, while the Irish went to their several homes.[19] - -[Sidenote: The Scots in Ulster, June 1642] - -[Sidenote: Kinard burned.] - -[Sidenote: Charlemont retained by the Irish.] - -There was perpetual fighting in Ulster during the summer of 1642. Monro -marched on June 17, with about 2000 men, from Carrickfergus to Lisburn, -where he was joined by Lord Montgomery and others with some 1100 foot -and four troops of horse. Lord Conway brought his regiment and five -troops of horse. Next morning the Scots general, with his own foot -and nearly all the horse, marched through the plain to Dromore, while -Montgomery cleared the woods of Killultagh, most of the Irish flying -across the Bann with their cattle and 'burning the country all along.' -The fighting was not severe, and the two divisions coalesced somewhere -near Banbridge. Monro, being short of provisions, decided not to follow -the enemy into Tyrone, and went off with some troops of cavalry towards -the Mourne mountains, leaving the other leaders to do the best they -could. Three hundred cows were captured, and the bulk of the army came -to Kinard. A priest was also taken, 'Chanter of Armagh and a prime -councillor to Sir Phelim O'Neill, who was since hanged, but would not -confess or discover anything.' The chief had gone to Charlemont, and -his men ran away who 'for haste did not kill any prisoners,' so his -house was burned, which was 'built of free stone and strong enough -to have kept out all the force we could make.' Two hundred miserable -captives were released, in rags and with faces like ghosts. The plunder -was considerable, including Sir Phelim's plate, which was on carts -ready to carry off. News was heard of Lady Caulfield, who was 'kept at -a stone house near Braintree woods,' and here Captain Rawdon found her -with her children, just in time to prevent the rebels from taking her -off into the forest. Rawdon was not so successful in the case of Lady -Blaney, who had been carried away into the wilds of Monaghan the night -before he came on the scene. As he rode through Kinard the second time -there was 'nothing left quick but angry dogs and embers.' Charlemont -had been strengthened with some skill, and there was no possibility of -taking it without guns, though Sir Phelim was nearly captured trying to -go there, and had to fly into Tyrone. Dungannon was afterwards taken -and garrisoned, with the usual hangings, Sir William Brownlow and -other prisoners there having overcome the rebel guard 'with the help -of some Irish that had formerly had relation to them.' Two brass guns -were taken, but they were not heavy enough to make the difference at -Charlemont, and on the eighth and ninth days the army returned from -Armagh through Loughbrickland to Lisburn. A great many cattle had been -taken, and all not eaten or stolen were divided among the men, one to -every four foot soldiers and to every two troopers.[20] - -[Sidenote: Desultory character of the war.] - -On June 25 Clotworthy left Antrim with 600 men in twelve boats built -for the service on Lough Neagh. On the flat Tyrone shore little -resistance was made, and Mountjoy was taken with no loss. Here he -entrenched himself strongly, and 'notwithstanding the next was the -Lord's day' spent it in building huts for his men. Before leaving it -to be maintained by a garrison of 250 men he scoured the woods as well -as he could, and lost very few men, though the pressure of hunger was -severe, for he could not catch cows without cavalry, and there were 500 -rescued British prisoners of both sexes and every age to feed along -with the soldiers. The want of horse was partly supplied by making -200 men strip to their shirts for lightness, and they did not object, -thinking it mean to wear armour against men that had none. Generally -speaking the Irish would not stand against them, but they seemed to -have ammunition enough, which was said to come from Limerick. One -hundred cows were taken near Moneymore, after which the soldiers fared -better, but there was much sickness from want of proper food, and from -having to sleep on the ground.[21] - -[Sidenote: A general assembly meets, Oct. 1642.] - -[Sidenote: The name of Parliament avoided.] - -[Sidenote: The Catholic Church first.] - -[Sidenote: The King second.] - -[Sidenote: The Supreme Council.] - -[Sidenote: Four generals appointed.] - -The provisional supreme council, which had been formed at Kilkenny -in the early summer, did what they could to give their organisation -something of a legal shape. 'Letters,' says Bellings, 'in nature of -writs were sent from this council to all the Lords spiritual and -temporal, and all the counties, cities, and corporate towns that -had right to send knights and burgesses to Parliament.' The general -assembly so constituted met on October 24, a year and a day after the -first outbreak in Ulster, at the house of Robert Shee, heir to Sir -Richard Shee. The Lords spiritual and temporal and Commons sat in -one room, Mr. Pat Darcy bareheaded upon a stool representing all or -some that sat in Parliament upon the woolsack. Mr. Nicholas Plunket -represented the Speaker of the Commons, and both Lords and Commons -addressed their speech to him. The Lords had an upper room for a -recess for private consultation, and upon resolutions taken the same -were delivered to the Commons by Mr. Darcy. The name of Parliament -was eschewed, and Plunket was called prolocutor or president, and -not speaker. Burgesses were to be paid five shillings a day, and -knights of the shire ten shillings during the session, and for ten -days before and after. The first act of the assembly was to establish -the Roman Catholic Church as it had been in the time of Henry VII., -and the statute law was to be observed so far as it was 'not against -the Catholic Roman religion.' Allegiance to King Charles came second. -For the protection of the King's subjects against murders, rapes and -robberies 'contrived and daily executed by the malignant party, and for -the exaltation of the Holy Roman Catholic Church and the advancement -of his Majesty's service,' a Supreme Council was appointed, with both -executive and judicial authority; control over all officers, even -generals, in the field; and power to hear and determine all matters -capital, criminal or civil, 'except the right or title of land.' Owen -Roe O'Neill was appointed general for Ulster, Preston for Leinster, and -Colonel Gerald Barry for Munster. For Connaught, Colonel John Bourke -was named lieutenant-general only, in the hope that Clanricarde would -be induced to join. There were some bickerings between Owen Roe and -Sir Phelim, who had just married Preston's daughter, and who wished to -be in command of his own province, and between Rory O'More and other -Leinster gentlemen, but they were smoothed over for the time. All the -generals had seen service on the Continent.[22] - -[Sidenote: Constitution of the Supreme Council.] - -[Sidenote: Provincial Councils.] - -The Supreme Council consisted of twenty-four persons, four taken from -each province. Of these only four, an O'Neill and a Magennis from -Ulster, an O'Brien from Munster and Lord Mayo, were not sworn in at the -time. Lord Mountgarret was appointed president, Bellings secretary, and -Richard Shee clerk. Of the whole twenty-four four were peers and five -bishops. Provincial and county councils were also constituted, but they -had no real existence, or a very shadowy one. That for Leinster was -appointed, but was overshadowed by the Supreme Council, and events soon -showed that military force and not new-fangled civil departments was -the determining quantity during the revolutionary period. - -[Sidenote: Protestants and neutrals to lose their estates.] - -[Sidenote: Church property to be transferred.] - -The assembly decreed that lands taken from their owners since October -1, 1641, should be restored on pain of the new possessor being treated -as an enemy; provided that if the old owner 'be declared a neuter -or enemy by the supreme or provincial,' then the land should be -surrendered not to him, but to the council, 'to be disposed of towards -the maintenance of the general cause.' The war was a religious one, -and thus the lands of all who were not prepared to espouse the Roman -Catholic cause were to be forfeited, or at the least sequestered. -English, Welsh and Scotch Roman Catholics were to be treated as well -as natives of Ireland. All Church temporalities were at one stroke -transferred from Protestants to Roman Catholics. It must have been from -the first evident to all cool observers that no accommodation on these -terms could ever be made with any settled English Government. After -sitting for about a month the assembly adjourned till May 20 next. They -had ordered 4000_l._ worth coin to be struck, and 5820 men to be raised -as the Leinster contingent. The Kilkenny government never had any real -authority, except in the south-east of Ireland.[23] - -[Sidenote: The royal authority slighted.] - -[Sidenote: Flags.] - -[Sidenote: Coinage.] - -[Sidenote: Indulgences and excommunications.] - -[Sidenote: Free trade.] - -The Supreme Council assumed sovereign power, the King figuring -largely in negotiations with Ormonde, but seldom appearing in -documents intended for home consumption. Flags were devised with -various religious emblems and mottoes; but in each case there was -an Irish cross on a green field, 'Vivat Rex Carolus' below, and -C R with a crown imperial above. Francis Oliver, a Fleming, was -appointed vice-admiral, and letters of marque to prey upon 'enemies -of the general Catholic cause' were freely granted. Half-crowns and -shillings and copper money were struck with Charles I. on one side -and St. Patrick on the other, but this was not done without much -opposition, for the coinage was unnecessary, and was an evident -encroachment upon the Crown. Agents were accredited to the Emperor, -the King of France, the Pope, the Duke of Bavaria, the Viceroy in -Belgium, and the Governor of Biscay. The Franciscan Luke Wadding, a -native of Waterford, was agent at Rome, and as this was emphatically -the Pope's war, the instructions to him are of special interest. The -first thing asked for was a supply of indulgences for the confederates -and of excommunications for all opponents and neutrals. The Pope was -requested to send letters in their favour to the Queen of England, -to the Catholic princes of Germany, Spain, France, Portugal, Poland, -and Bavaria, to Genoa, and to the Catholics of Holland. Wadding was -directed to impress upon his Holiness that the Catholic cause in -Protestant countries would be much advanced by the success of the -confederates. Free trade with France, Spain, and Holland was solicited -through the Pope's mediation. In general he was to be asked to give the -council power over ecclesiastical patronage, and not to admit appeals -during the war. In particular Thomas Dease, Bishop of Meath, had been -suspended by the provincial synod of Armagh for refusing to approve of -the war, and his appeal was to be rejected without trial. The Supreme -Council thus engrossed to themselves all the chief prerogatives of the -Crown which they professed to defend.[24] - -[Sidenote: Preston's first action, Dec. 1642.] - -Preston's first service in the field did not augur well for his -success as a general. Ormonde was anxious to relieve the garrison -of Ballinakill on the borders of Queen's County and Kilkenny, and -in December he sent Monck with a convoy and enough men to guard it. -This service was duly performed, but Preston and Castlehaven, with -a thousand foot and three troops of horse, attempted to cut him off -on his return to Dublin. Monck passed by Timahoe, where there was a -confederate garrison, who lined the hedges by the roadside; but hearing -that he was pursued, he avoided the snare by drawing aside to some -level ground backed by a hill, where he placed his foot to serve as -support in case the horse were worsted. The contrary happened, and -after the first charge the whole of Preston's force was driven under -the shelter of Timahoe. The numbers engaged on each side were about -equal, but a crowd of spectators on a distant hill were mistaken for -reinforcements, and Monck prudently continued his journey to Dublin. -Castlehaven thought most of the Irish foot would have been destroyed -had the enemy pursued their advantage.[25] - -[Sidenote: Parliamentary agents in Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: Lisle and Grenville.] - -'The check at Timahoe,' says Castlehaven, 'made us pretty quiet till -towards the spring following,' when the Lords Justices resolved upon -an expedition into Wexford. The sympathies of Parsons, who was the -ruling spirit, were certainly with the Parliament, but the event was -uncertain, and even after Edgehill it was hard to say whether the -King would succeed or not. Since the end of October there had been a -committee from the Parliament in Dublin consisting of Robert Reynolds -and Robert Goodwin, members of the House of Commons, and of Captain -William Tucker, agent for the English adventurers in Irish land. Part -of their business was to induce soldiers to take debentures in lieu of -pay. By the advice of the Chancellor Bolton these three were admitted -to sit at the Council board. Tucker kept a journal of the proceedings, -and it is clear that he was not much impressed by the wisdom of -the Irish Government. The sittings were generally occupied in mere -talk, and very little was done in the field. Thus, when Sir Francis -Willoughby took Maynooth Castle Tucker reports that the rebels ran away -after one day's siege, that four or five men were killed on each side, -and 'no service done at all, but only expectation and the gain of one -ass.' In the middle of January Lord Lisle, the Lord Lieutenant's son, -proposed to relieve the empty treasury by leading out fifteen hundred -men to live upon the enemy's country. Lisle was general of the horse, -and Sir Richard Grenville major of Leicester's own regiment, and it -was intended that these two officers should command in the field. -Grenville, according to Clarendon, was noted for his cruelty, but he -had served with credit at Kilrush, and he was major of Leicester's -regiment of horse. In January came a commission from the King giving -power to Ormonde, Clanricarde, and others to treat with the Irish, and -the Lords Justices supposed that the field would thus be left clear for -Lisle.[26] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde takes the field, March, 1642-3.] - -When the King's letter was read at the Council board Ormonde, according -to his chaplain's account, said he had no wish to be a commissioner to -hear Irish grievances, 'for I know that nothing grieves them more than -that they could not cut all our throats,' but that as general he would -command in the field. His right could not be denied, and he had lately -endeared himself to both officers and soldiers by his exertions to -obtain their pay and other advantages for them. But the Lords Justices -and the parliamentary commissioners, who had advanced money for Lord -Lisle, were not at all pleased. Tucker, indeed, held that the money -could not be decently denied to Ormonde, but his career and that of his -colleagues in Ireland was cut short before the campaign actually began. -In the middle of February came a letter from the King directing that -the committee should no longer be admitted to the Council-chamber, and -fearing arrest they returned to England before the end of the month. -On March 1 Ormonde set out with 2500 foot and 800 horse, and with two -siege-guns and four field-pieces.[27] - -[Sidenote: Bloody affair at Timolin.] - -[Sidenote: New Ross besieged.] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Ross, March 18, 1642-3.] - -[Sidenote: Effective artillery.] - -[Sidenote: Defeat of Preston.] - -At Timolin, which was reached on the third day, the Irish defended -the castle and an old church. One culverin reduced the former, and -all the men were killed before night. The besiegers had about thirty -killed and wounded in a premature attempt to storm, Lieutenant Oliver, -the only engineer in the army, being among the slain. The church -tower held out till next day, but the whole garrison, except one man, -were killed by shot or falling stones. The garrisons of Carlow and -Athy were strong enough to prevent Preston from being reinforced by -the Wicklow insurgents, but the latter had some prisoners whom they -proposed to exchange with the survivors of Timolin. 'There be not many -of them alive now,' said Monck, 'and what there is take you with you.' -According to Bellings, who is generally fair, part of the garrison -were slaughtered by the soldiers of Lisle's regiment after quarter had -been given by Ormonde. On the seventh day from Dublin the army passed, -without further fighting, through Clohamon in Wexford, where a fair -was being held, and some cattle were swept off by the soldiers. On the -tenth day New Ross was reached, 'where,' says Ormonde's chaplain, 'we -saw flags set up on the walls and the inhabitants making ready for a -siege.' Women and children were sent over the Barrow into Kilkenny, -and men were introduced in their places, so that the number of the -garrison soon equalled that of the besieging army. One culverin was -turned upon the south gate near the river, and a breach was soon made, -but the defenders dug a great trench inside, and attempts to storm -were frustrated. Another culverin was in position at the north end of -the town, but the shot failed to reach those who were maintaining the -breach, and Ormonde's soldiers suffered sorely from rain as well as -from musket balls, and no doubt envied the enemy, for they could see -the women plying them constantly with drink. Meanwhile there were two -English vessels of 120 and 60 tons, with eight guns between them, -lying in the tideway below the town. They could neither escape nor -get near enough to do much service, and when artillery was brought to -bear they were scuttled and abandoned. The victuals and ammunition -sank or were captured by the enemy, but the sailors joined Ormonde and -did excellent work afterwards as gunners. The supply of provisions -was very limited, and at the approach of Preston's army the siege -was practically raised. Six hundred men under Sir James Dillon came -from Westmeath as far as Ballyragget in Kilkenny, but few or none of -them ever joined Preston, having been attacked by the garrison of -Ballinakill on St. Patrick's night. 'They being very merry for honour -of their saint, and for that they expected a great victory the next -day, and being full of drink,' were cut to pieces or dispersed, and -all their arms taken. On the morning of March 18 Ormonde's army were -encamped on a heathy hill half a mile to the eastward of Old Ross, -but before ten o'clock they had taken up a position some three miles -to the north-west and a little short of a village called Ballinafeeg. -Mr. Brian Kavanagh voluntarily gave his services as a guide. The deep -glen of Poulmonty lay a little further on. Preston with 5000 foot and -600 horse had passed the Barrow at Graiguenemanagh, and now advanced -across the glen to attack Ormonde. Cullen and others tried to dissuade -him from fighting, pointing out that the English army was short of -provisions and must needs retire through a very difficult country to -Carlow, and that there would be many opportunities of attacking it at -great advantage. Ormonde had six guns with him, which he placed on a -rising ground behind his main body. The opposing armies did not come to -close quarters until after two o'clock in the afternoon. Preston's men -came up by a narrow lane, and on their serried masses every shot told. -The guns were admirably served by eleven of the sailors whose ships had -been destroyed, and who fired six rounds from each piece, right over -the heads of their friends. As the Irish horse came out into the open -Ormonde ordered his own cavalry under Lisle and Grenville to advance, -fire one round, and then fall back. This movement was punctually -executed, but some of the Irish horse mingled with them as they -retired, a panic followed, and they galloped off to the rear. Lisle -called out 'Ten pounds, twenty pounds for a guide to Duncannon,' and an -old apothecary, named Silyard, who was attached to the army, and who -was in his proper place among the baggage-waggons, reproached him for -running away, and a veteran officer named Morris, who lay wounded in a -litter, offered to rally the men if Lisle would lend him a horse. Then -Sir Richard Grenville clapped my Lord Lisle on the shoulder: 'Come, my -lord,' said he, 'we will yet recover it.' 'Never while you live,' said -Mr. Silyard, and to his friends that stood by "I mean his credit," said -Mr. Silyard.' Cullen got up to the guns, on one of which he laid his -hand saying, 'This is mine,' but he was soon surrounded by infantry and -taken prisoner, his life being saved by Ormonde's personal exertions. -The rout of Preston's army was completed by the return of Lisle and his -cavalry. 'A man might see them,' says the chaplain, 'through the smoke -of the gunpowder run twinkling like the motes in the sun.' The pursuit -was continued until darkness came on, with great loss to the defeated -army, who escaped into Kilkenny by the way which they came. Ormonde, -who spent the night on the ground, lost only about a dozen men.[28] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde returns to Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: Preston takes Ballinakill, May 1643.] - -Ormonde encamped on the second night at Graiguenemanagh, and on the -third at Burris, where his artillery oxen were stolen by 'two lusty -young clowns' of the Kavanaghs. Fresh beasts were obtained from -Carlow, and Dublin was reached on the 27th, without further fighting. -Lord Moore, hearing that the Irish had gathered from all sides, and -expecting to catch Ormonde in a trap, took advantage of the defenceless -state of Cavan and drove off much cattle without resistance. A great -part of Preston's army dispersed every man to his own village, but -Sir James Dillon, who had not taken part in the battle, joined him -with a strong unbroken regiment, and he made some pretence of pursuing -Ormonde in order to lessen the popular disgust at his defeat. What -he really did was to besiege Ballinakill, where Sir Thomas Ridgeway -had planted an English colony, and established ironworks. There being -thus no want of hands, Ridgeway's castle had been strengthened and his -fishponds utilised for filling wet ditches. The Protestant farmers on -the estate had driven in their cattle, and there was food enough for -all. Preston lay for about seven weeks before this place, where he -lost 100 men, and he could not have taken it but for the arrival of -two twenty-four pounders and a mortar from Spain. A shell fell on the -roof and penetrated the floors below, while 'the women within very -fearful, as not accustomed to such pastimes, cried out with every shot, -to the exceeding comfort of the assailants, and mighty disgust of the -defendants.' The contest had been carried on with great bitterness, -the garrison throwing the heads of their prisoners over the works, -while the besiegers stuck the heads of theirs upon poles within sight -of the wall. The place became untenable after the arrival of the -battering train, and capitulated on May 5, but Preston was glad to give -fair terms, and Castlehaven escorted all the English safely to the -neighbourhood of Dublin.[29] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde on the situation.] - -[Sidenote: First proposal to send a nuncio.] - -[Sidenote: The Pope would be welcome.] - -There were cool-headed Irish Catholics at home and abroad who saw -the essential weakness of the Confederates' position. Clanricarde -was Walsingham's grandson. Alone among men of his creed he held the -King's commission, and knew the real interests of the Crown, as well -as the impossibility of separating Ireland from England. Among the -insurgents were many who had been 'instruments of foul and horrid acts; -there being yet some who do boast and glory in those inhumanities. And -if God's judgment and wrath be not first appeased, it is much to be -feared there will be a long expectation of a more settled time.' The -Jesuit O'Hartegan, in daily communication with his countrymen and -with the nuncio at Paris, had none of Clanricarde's scruples, but he -had misgivings of his own. The hatred of the heretics would stop at -nothing, and the faithful had gone too far to retreat. Men and money -were available, but there was no head, no order or discipline; 'one of -our birth-attributes is never to submit ourselves willingly to any of -our own nation, to live as companions or equals, and think ourselves -as worthy of any command and of superiority as each other of our -compatriots.' Foreigners were always thought much of, even when there -were better men at home; and it was necessary to send a stranger to -take charge. He should be 'of long experience, of good learning, and -charitably affected for compassionating our infirmities, and it is -unquestionable these conditions do concur in an Italian best of all -nations.' Ireland could support 100,000 men, but a head was necessary. -To support this army O'Hartegan proposed to seize all Crown revenues -and rights; all goods of English, Scotch and Dutch heretics; all goods -of Irish heretics such as Ormonde, Kildare, Thomond, Barrymore and -Inchiquin; and of Catholic neutrals like Clanricarde and Antrim; all -Church lands and all lands confiscated from natives, including the -Desmonds. In such a cause, too, the people would readily pay heavy -taxes and submit to monopolies. In the absence of a supreme head every -commander and nobleman would cut and carve for himself, 'and every mere -Irish pretend his ancestors were illegally dispossessed.' A nuncio of -the highest rank, even the Pope himself, could be made comfortable at -Wexford, Waterford, Kilkenny, Clonmel, or Limerick.'[30] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[12] Sir James Turner's _Memoirs_, pp. 26, 28; Spalding's _Memorials_; -_Burton's History of Scotland_, chap. 73; May's _Long Parliament_, p. -431; _Rushworth_, iv. 407, 501; Gardiner's _History of England_, x. 70. - -[13] Monro's despatch to Leslie, May 18, printed in _Contemporary -History of Affairs in Ireland_, i. 419; Sir James Turner's _Memoirs_, -22; Roger Pike's narrative in _Ulster Archæological Journal_, viii. 77; -O'Mellan's narrative in Young's _Old Belfast_, p. 211. - -[14] _An exact Relation of the good service of Sir Frederick Hamilton_, -1643, _Information of Sir Frederick Hamilton_ ... to the committee of -both kingdoms, 1645. Audley Mervyn's _Relation_, 1642. The first of -these contains a letter from O'Connor Sligo, who urged Hamilton to -capitulate, all Sligo, Mayo, and Leitrim being against him. Hamilton -answered: 'Your loyalty to your King, your faith to your friends, -once broke, never more to be trusted by me, but revenged as God shall -enable the hands of him who was loving to your loyal predecessors, -whose course will contribute to your destruction, for extinguishing the -memory of their loyalties. Thus I rest with contempt and scorn to all -your base brags. Your scourge, if I can.--F. H.' - -[15] _Bellings_, i. 80, with a plan of the battle; _Aphorismical -Discovery_, i. 31; Carte's _Ormonde_; Captain Yarner's _Relation_, May -4, 1642. Yarner, who was personally consulted, testifies that Ormonde -made all the dispositions himself. He guesses at 500 as the probable -number killed; but Bellings says 'scarce one hundred and no prisoners.' - -[16] Bellings' narrative and documents in _Confederation and War_, -ii. 34, 47, 210. The acts of the ecclesiastical congregation are in -English, but the Latin version (probably the original form) is in -_Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 262. - -[17] State Papers, _Ireland_, July 22, 1607 (No. 297); Aphorismical -Discovery in _Contemp. Hist._ ed. Gilbert, with the evidence of Henry -MacCartan, _ib._ i. 396, and O'Neill's letter to Wadding, _ib._ 476; -Colonel O'Neill's Journal in _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, vol. ii.; -Clarendon's _Hist._ xii. 108; _Clarendon S.P._ ii. 144. - -[18] Bellings in _Confederation and War_, and the documents there, i. -xxxix.; ii. 67; Carte's _Ormonde_; Martin's _Hist. de France_, chap. 70. - -[19] _Bellings_, i. 92; Carte's _Ormonde_, i. 343; Smith's _Hist. -of Cork; A most exact Relation of a Victory_, &c., London, October -3, 1642; _Digitus Dei_, or a miraculous victory, London, September -20. The latter writer notes that Stephenson had 'an exceeding rich -saddle.' _A Journal of the most memorable passage in Ireland_, London, -October 19, 1642, by an eye-witness, notes that 'almost all the Lords -of Munster were present'--Roche, Muskerry, Ikerrin, Dunboyne, Brittas, -Castleconnell, and one of Ormonde's brothers. As to Ardmore, besides -the Journal, see _A True Relation of God's Providence in Munster_, -which says between seventy and eighty were hanged. The letter quoted in -_Several Passages_, &c., London, September 16, says 116, adding, 'this -is most true.' - -[20] _A Relation from Viscount Conway_, from June 17 to July 30, -London, 1642. This was sent to a worthy M.P., who published it; it is -well written, but badly printed. - -[21] _A True Relation of the Taking of Mountjoy_, &c., June 25 to July -8, London, August 4, 1642; _A Relation from Belfast_, London, August -17, carries this a little further. A good many cows were caught, and -the country, without taking Charlemont, was swept for some twelve miles -from Mountjoy. - -[22] Bellings in _Confederation and War_, i. 111; Acts of General -Assembly, _ib._ ii. 73; Richard Martin's letter of December 2, 1642, in -Clanricarde's _Memoirs_, 296. - -[23] Acts of General Assembly, _ut sup._ ii. 88. - -[24] Letters from the Supreme Council to foreign powers, November -and December 1642, _Confederation and War_, ii. 99-129. The oath of -association of the Confederates, _ib._ 210; also in _Cox_, appx. xiv. -and (omitting the last paragraph) in Walsh's _Remonstrance_, appx. i. -p. 31. The latter, dated July 26, 1644, is evidently not the earliest -form. In _Vindiciæ Catholicorum Hiberniæ_, Paris, 1650, p. 6, is a much -shorter Latin oath, which places the Church first, the King second, and -the national liberties third, but is called 'associationis juramentum,' -like the others. - -[25] _Bellings_, i. 90; _Castlehaven_, 35. - -[26] Tucker's Journal in _Confederation and War_, ii. 189, January 30, -1642-3. The Commission, dated January 11, is in Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. -No. 117. _Castlehaven._ - -[27] Tucker's Journal in _Confederation and War_, ii.; Creichton's -faithful account, _ib._ ii. 248. - -[28] Creichton's _Faithful Account_ and that of Bellings, p. 130, give -the official views on the two sides. The _Aphorismical Discovery_ is -much to the same effect, adding the usual bad language, and describing -Preston as 'either drunk, a fool, or a traitor.' Creichton exaggerates -the number of Preston's army; while Bellings unduly diminishes the -number of slain. 'Scarce one hundred slain upon the place' takes no -account of the pursuit. See also _Truth from Ireland expressed in Two -Letters_, London, April 22, 1643. - -[29] _Bellings_, i. 149-151; _Aphorismical Discovery_, i. 65; -_Castlehaven_, p. 36. - -[30] Clanricarde to Gormanston, December 21, 1642, in Carte's -_Ormonde_, iii. No. 115; O'Hartegan (Paris) to Wadding (Rome), November -7, 1642, in _Roman Transcripts_, R.O. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -THE WAR TO THE FIRST CESSATION, 1642-1643 - - -[Sidenote: The Adventurers for Irish land.] - -To gain possession of the land in English hands was at least one -main object of the Irish rebellion. Much property had been acquired -by various confiscations and plantations, but there was no idea of -abandoning that policy. The war would be extremely costly, and the -Irish were to be made to pay for it by giving up some of the land -which was still theirs. It was assumed that at least 2500 acres of -good land would be forfeited; and upon that security a large sum was -subscribed by Adventurers, as they were always called. It was provided -that the money should all go to the reduction of Ireland; but necessity -has no law, and much of it was spent in making head against the King -in England. It was not till the quarrel at home was settled that -Parliament could act effectively on the other side of St. George's -Channel.[31] - -[Sidenote: Expedition of Lord Forbes, July 1642.] - -[Sidenote: Gallant defence of Rathbarry.] - -In June 1642 the Adventurers determined to send an expedition to -Ireland. The arrangements were completed in a fortnight by a committee -of fifteen under the presidency of Sir Nicholas Crispe, afterwards the -noted Royalist, who had subscribed 1500_l._ Ten ships were hired, each -of which carried or towed a flat-bottomed barge for landing men and -ascending rivers. The admiral was Captain Benjamin Peters, with the -famous Rainsborough, one of the committee, a vice-admiral, and Captain -Thompson, also a member of the committee, as Rear-Admiral. Hugh Peters -was chaplain. One thousand soldiers were embarked under Alexander Lord -Forbes, and the expedition sailed from Dover on July 1, having lost two -of the barges in an easterly gale. In Mount's Bay they spoke a King's -ship with the late garrison of Limerick Castle on board. In mid-channel -a vessel was detached with a letter to St. Leger, reciting a commission -from the King and both Houses to raise additional forces, and asking -the Lord President to say where the expedition could be most usefully -employed. St. Leger had died before the letter was written, and Forbes -turned a deaf ear to Inchiquin's entreaties for help. On July 11 the -squadron was off the old head of Kinsale, and the town was found to -be full of justly suspected Irish and of Protestant refugees, 'living -in miserable holes and huts.' Lord Kinalmeaky came in from Bandon, of -which he was governor, and Peters preached on a Thursday. Next day -Forbes marched to Bandon with 600 men, of whom 100 were seamen, and two -small brass guns. Seven thousand English, including many clergymen, had -gathered round Kinalmeaky, many of them being in great distress. Peters -notes that the river was full of salmon. Next day Forbes went to the -relief of Captain Freke, who had been beset at Rathbarry ever since the -middle of February. About 1800 sheep, 200 cows, and 50 horses had been -captured by the troops and driven as far as Clonakilty, through which -the line of march lay. Forbes foolishly divided his force, leaving -three companies to guard the cattle. As soon as the main body were -out of sight the Irish attacked the detachment, and Captain Weldon -was killed with a great part of two companies. Captain Groves, whose -men were part of the Bandon garrison, and understood the work better, -fought his way through the enemy to a rath on the Rosscarbery road, and -there maintained himself till he was relieved. The Irish fled towards -the sea, and many of them were killed on the shore. After rescuing -Groves, Forbes went back to Bandon, and left Freke in worse case than -ever, for most of his men took the opportunity of deserting. A few sick -soldiers were left in their places, 'and so factious that I and my -servants were often endangered of our lives among them, and some that -had fled from the fight at Clonakilty much discouraged us with that -relation.' They held out, enduring almost incredible hardships, for -eleven weeks longer, when relief came under a more capable commander -than Forbes.[32] - -[Sidenote: Ill conduct of Forbes's army.] - -[Sidenote: Forbes at Galway.] - -[Sidenote: The mayor appeals to Clanricarde.] - -Forbes was repulsed with loss from Timoleague Castle. Lady -O'Shaughnessy, whose husband, Sir Roger, was loyal, offered to -surrender it to Kinalmeaky and Sir William Hull, but not to strangers. -The soldiers then burned the town and abbey containing a thousand -hogsheads of wine. Two spies were taken, but, says Ensign Jones, 'the -rogues slight death, for we could get nothing out of them; so our men -mangled them to pieces.' So Forbes returned to Kinsale, and on July 25 -sailed to Castlehaven. The Irish appeared in force on the hills, and -the castle of their chief, O'Donovan, was blown up with one barrel of -powder. It was sixty feet high with very thick walls, but it fell half -on one side and half on the other. O'Driscol's castle at Baltimore was -burned, and the neighbouring islands harried. About 100 camp-followers -of the worst kind followed Forbes's wake. They entered and plundered -houses without provocation, and even killed children within sight of -the soldiers. Meanwhile Forbes had been summoned to Galway, without -Clanricarde's knowledge, by Willoughby, who having a commission to -execute martial law from the Lords Justices, had hanged a sergeant -in Lord Clanmorris's company for extortion. Clanmorris retaliated -by hanging some soldiers of the fort who had strayed into the open -country. The Lords Justices sent Captain Ashley with his frigate to -Galway, and he and Willoughby combined to seize corn, cattle, and -timber upon requisition. Only tickets were given in exchange, and -Clanricarde's friends and tenants were injured. Forbes anchored off the -town on August 9, Willoughby and Ashley coming on board the same night, -and at once sent letters to Ranelagh, Clanricarde and the corporation -of Galway. The lieutenant-general of the additional forces by sea -and land, so he styled himself, proposed to join hands with the Lord -President, and so to subdue the rebellion. Ranelagh answered that he -would come from Athlone to Galway, though at some personal risk. 'I -observe,' he said, 'in your lordship's letter an inclination to make a -distinction of persons; and truly, my lord, if that course shall not be -held, I see little hope of a speedy reducing this kingdom to obedience, -seeing most men are possessed of an opinion that an utter extirpation -is intended, and that conceit being fomented by the priests and friars, -all are falling into such a course of desperation, that being once -engaged and their counsels and force united, will certainly be an -occasion to lengthen the war, and draw a vast charge upon the Crown to -make a complete conquest.' The only chance of peace, he thought, was in -'a just distinction between practick and passive rebels, with severity -to the one and moderation to the other.' Of the citizens of Galway -Forbes demanded that they should lay down their arms, admit a garrison, -and place themselves under his protection, submitting absolutely to -the King 'and the state of England, under whose blessed government -they had enjoyed a sweet and long-continued peace.' The mayor in reply -urged his grievances against Willoughby, and declined all further -answer till Clanricarde had been consulted, under whose government and -by whose mediation they had lately enjoyed some degree of peace. To -Clanricarde himself Forbes made much the same proposals as to Ranelagh, -with the additional suggestion that he should allow him to garrison -Tirellan as a basis of operation against the O'Flahertys, whom the Earl -had acknowledged to be 'out of protection and fit persons to receive -chastisement.' The invitation to give up a convenient private residence -to the soldiers who had burned his cousin's town of Timoleague was -politely declined, but Clanricarde was ready to come from Loughrea and -to receive Lord Forbes as a guest.[33] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde's difficulties.] - -[Sidenote: Forbes harries co. Galway.] - -Peters thought Clanricarde's letter in which he excused the Galway -people and laid the blame on Willoughby was well written and showed -the writer to be 'a man of wisdom and parts.' In the meantime John de -Burgo, titular bishop of Clonfert, let the head of his family know -that no one would fight for him if he sided with Forbes. While the -correspondence proceeded, a detachment from the English squadron was -landed on the Clare shore, and harried the lands of Daniel and Tirlogh -O'Brien, who had both helped to provision the fort. Peters says they -burned 'a whole town.' Two demi-culverins were landed on the west side -of Galway, but it was 'as strong and compact as most towns in Europe -for houses and walls.' Forbes said he would raze the latter if the -townsmen did not agree to his terms, but the task did not prove easy. -In the meantime Forbes's men landed at various points on the north side -of Galway Bay, burning every house and hamlet that they could reach as -in an enemy's country. - -[Sidenote: The pragmatic chaplain.] - -The country was so little safe that Clanricarde went to meet Ranelagh -at Carrowreagh ford on the Suck with 200 horse. Ranelagh brought -the same and as many foot, but no attack took place, and with the -horse only they rode the first night to Clonbrock and the second to -Loughrea. Clanricarde then sent to invite Forbes to dinner at Tirellan, -but he did not care to venture so far inland, and proposed that the -place of meeting should be the fort. Clanricarde, who took his stand -upon the royal commission to him as governor of Galway, objected to -this as beneath his dignity, especially after Forbes had refused his -hospitality, and also because some attempt might be made to detain -him. Ranelagh, who thought it unwise to stand upon mere points of -honour, and who did not believe any one would dare to touch him, made -no difficulty about entering the fort. He found Forbes much under the -influence of Peters--a 'pragmatic chaplain from London'--who urged him -to attack the town. In the meantime soldiers both from the fleet and -the fort ravaged the coast, many men and some women were killed, and -Clanricarde had the pleasure of seeing his tenants' houses burning. -Forbes propounded large schemes of conquest with the aid of the Scots -army in Ulster, over the impracticability of which Ranelagh and -Clanricarde had a good laugh together. The President tried to persuade -Forbes to go to Sligo, or to Tralee, whence help might be given from -the sea, but he preferred to press Clanricarde to admit his garrison -to Tirellan. Some forty guns were landed, but there was no wood to -make platforms, and Forbes soon recognised that he could not take -Galway, where every house was like a castle. Sir Charles Coote had been -expected, but he did not come. Clanricarde returned to Loughrea and -Ranelagh to Athlone, while Willoughby remained in command of the fort, -and on the worst terms with the townsmen.[34] - -[Sidenote: Forbes repulsed from Galway.] - -[Sidenote: Tralee taken.] - -[Sidenote: The Earl of Thomond.] - -[Sidenote: Glin taken.] - -[Sidenote: Result of Forbes's campaign.] - -[Sidenote: Opinions of Hugh Peters.] - -The officers knew that a strong town could not be taken with the means -at their disposal, but the sailors were 'readier to fall on nakedly -than forsake the work, and the soldiers no way backward.' The guns were -taken on board, and Forbes departed to the Shannon. Askeaton, which had -made so gallant a stand in the last Desmond war, surrendered without a -blow. Sir Edward Denny continued to press for the relief of his castle -at Tralee, but Forbes wasted two or three days in harrying the poor -islands of Arran, and when at last he arrived off Ballingarry in Kerry -it was only to hear that Tralee had fallen, the garrison having been -reduced to eating hides. The expedition then returned to the Shannon, -and captured a great piece of ordnance called 'roaring Meg' with which -the Irish had taken most of the castles thereabouts. The gun was found -in one boat and the carriage in another, so that this was an easy task. -It was then proposed to destroy Sir Daniel O'Brien's house at Clare -Castle on the ground that he was no friend to the Parliament. Yet he -acted in strict unison with the loyal and Protestant Earl of Thomond. -Even the latter was doubted, 'and in truth,' says Peters, 'his case is -nice, the chief of the country being his kindred and himself without -power saving fifty horses in his stable.' He was, however, unwilling -to see his country laid waste, and declined to join in the work. The -Limerick shore was devastated instead. The Knight of Glin sent a letter -of recommendation from Clanricarde, and offered to give cattle for -the use of the squadron. Glin Castle was nevertheless battered and -stormed, the defenders being short of bullets. 'Most matters,' says -Peters, 'fell as at the last siege forty years since,' but in shorter -time and with the loss of only four men. 'The plate and silver were -gone for Limerick, which receives most of which is in Ireland.' A -garrison was put in, and guns mounted on the walls. This was done on -September 26, and so the expedition ended, for the ships had only been -hired till Michaelmas. Five vessels had been taken worth 20,000_l._, -including one from Barbadoes with a cargo of tobacco, and corn to the -same value had been destroyed. Many Irish towns had been burned, and -many English relieved. Thousands of cattle had been taken or spoiled, -and a diversion had been made on the west coast. This is Peters's -own summary, and it does not amount to much. It is more certain that -Forbes did everything in his power to aggravate the bitterness of a -war which was already sufficiently horrible. The pragmatic chaplain's -political remarks are interesting. He had been assured that a million -of English had been murdered, and he hoped many more Irish slain. The -cause of the war was Popery on the one side and profaneness on the -other. The royalism of the Irish was a mere catchword. 'An Irish rebel -and an English cavalier in words and actions we found as unlike as an -egg is to an egg,' he adds rather ambiguously. Among the English there -were many abuses both in ecclesiastical and civil government, many -unfaithful ministers, and many scurrilous and ignorant congregations. -Ireland, he prophetically concludes, will be reduced 'when soldiers -and commanders there shall rather attend the present work than the -continuance of their trade.'[35] - -[Sidenote: The King praises Clanricarde,] - -[Sidenote: and repudiates Forbes.] - -[Sidenote: Galway fort besieged.] - -[Sidenote: The fort surrendered.] - -[Sidenote: Galway occupied by the Irish, Aug. 1648.] - -When Clanricarde returned from the conference at Trim he found things -in a bad way at Galway. Little or no support was given him from Dublin, -while agents of the confederates did all in their power, 'both by -spiritual and temporal practices,' to seduce his men and to sap his -great local influence. He was somewhat comforted by a letter from the -King, who approved of his conduct, protested that Lord Forbes had no -orders from him, and declared that he would support him rather than -'those who pretend that they do really serve us by rebelling against -us.' Colonel John Bourke was acting as lieutenant-general for the -confederates on Christmas Eve, and the question of closely besieging -the fort was at once entertained. Willoughby had exasperated the -townsmen by firing into their houses, and many were ready to retaliate, -though the more prudent hesitated. His necessities forced him to -drive cattle wherever he could, and he was not particular about the -exact opinions of the owners. On one occasion fifty of his men were -intercepted by a party from Galway, several being killed and others -taken prisoners. From accounts given by the latter general Bourke was -convinced that the fort might be starved out, and breastworks were -erected on the points at the mouth of the river to prevent relief by -sea. Chains were afterwards drawn across the channel. Of relief by -land there was little chance, for Clanricarde's castle of Claregalway -had been betrayed to the Irish, and it was as much as he could do to -provide for the safety of Loughrea and Portumna. Bourke had a garrison -at Athenry, and some of his troops watched Roscommon so as to prevent -Ranelagh from making any move. Preston had occupied Banagher, and -Inchiquin, though he wrote civil letters, could find neither men nor -money. Early in May Bourke besieged the fort in force, with about 1000 -men, but he made no approaches, and trusted to famine. On or about -June 10 Captain Brooke, who commanded a man-of-war in the bay, sent -in a flotilla of boats to attempt the relief of the fort, but they -were beaten back by boats from the town, assisted by the fire from the -breastworks. Willoughby believed this to be his last chance, and as -a choice of evils proposed to surrender his post into Clanricarde's -hands. This could not be done without the consent of the Irish, and the -terms offered by Bourke were such as Clanricarde could not in honour -entertain. He held the King's commission, and yet he was required to -take the confederate oath of association, and to do nothing without the -consent of the corporation of Galway, and of several other persons, -the betrayer of Claregalway being one. Negotiations upon this basis -necessarily failed, and Willoughby capitulated on the 20th without -making Clanricarde a party. The garrison marched out with the honours -of war, and were allowed to go on board ship. The post at Oranmore, -which belonged to Clanricarde, was surrendered on the same terms -without his consent. The day after the capitulation was signed a -squadron sailed into the bay, which had it come sooner would have -been able to relieve the fort. On August 6 Galway opened its gates to -Bourke and granted him 300_l._, which enabled him to proceed to the -siege of Castle Coote. The castles of Athlone and Roscommon in the Lord -President's hands, Loughrea, Portumna and Kildogan in Clanricarde's, -were the only other places in Connaught of which the Irish were not by -this time masters.[36] - -[Sidenote: Owen Roe and Sir Phelim O'Neill.] - -[Sidenote: Leven leaves Ireland.] - -Owen Roe O'Neill had been appointed general of Ulster by the -confederates, but it was some time before he was fully acknowledged, -for Sir Phelim was very unwilling to yield the first place. It was -found necessary to send primate O'Reilly as a peacemaker. Leven -arrived in Ireland soon after O'Neill, but attempted little, and -left the country in November, driven out, as Turner believed, by the -insubordinate action of the officers. O'Neill claimed him as an ally -if he was for the King, but would consider him an enemy if he was for -the Parliament. 'I charitably advise you,' he wrote, 'to abandon the -kingdom and defend your own native country.' According to O'Neill's -panegyrist this letter drove him away, but perhaps he really went -because the Parliament of England invited him. According to Turner he -appropriated 2500_l._ sent to him from England for the use of the army; -'and truly this earl who lived till past fourscore, was of so good a -memory that he was never known to forget himself, nay, not in extreme -old age.' When leaving Ireland he told Monro that O'Neill would be too -much for him, if ever he succeeded in getting an army together.[37] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill and Monro.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill defeated at Clones] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill in Meath. Lord Moore killed, Sept. 12.] - -O'Neill could get as many men as he wanted, but arms and ammunition -were not so plentiful. He succeeded, however, in equipping a force of -about 1500 men during the winter. In May 1643 Monro attacked him with -superior numbers near Charlemont, but without much result, though he -himself fought on foot to encourage his men, calling out 'Fay, fay, -run away from a wheen rebels.' A second attack some weeks later also -ended in nothing, but in July O'Neill was defeated by Robert Stewart -near Clones, with the loss of 150 men. Shouts of 'Whar's Macart?' -showed that the great object was to capture the Irish leader, and he -had a very narrow escape. O'Neill afterwards made his way to Mohill -in Leitrim, where he procured a small supply of arms from Kilkenny -and then encamped near Boyle. This camp was surprised in August by a -small English force, and about 160 men killed and wounded, the sentries -having been made drunk by Irish sutlers who brought them spirits from -the neighbouring garrisons. Immediately afterwards O'Neill was ordered -by the Supreme Council to join Sir James Dillon in Meath with as many -men as possible. He succeeded in collecting 3000, with whom he marched -across Cavan, taking castles on the way, till he came to Portlester -near Trim. The castle near the ford was taken after a short cannonade, -and O'Neill prepared to defend the passage of the Boyne against Lord -Moore, who was approaching from Dublin with a superior force. A short -fight took place, and Moore was cut in two by a cannon-ball, the gun -being laid by O'Neill himself, with the assistance of a 'perspective -glass.' The attempt to cross was then abandoned and the cessation was -agreed to three days later.[38] - -[Sidenote: The King decides to negotiate, Jan. 1642-3,] - -[Sidenote: but is not prepared to concede much.] - -[Sidenote: Conference at Trim, March, 1642-3.] - -In the meantime Charles had made up his mind to treat with the Irish. -As early as July 31, 1642, the nobility and gentry assembled at -Kilkenny had petitioned the King for an interview where they might -affirm their loyalty, and explain the grievances which had induced -them to take up arms. This was forwarded through Ormonde, who was -warned that if he refused to transmit it he would be held 'guilty of -all the evils that may ensue.' He first communicated with the Lords -Justices and Council, who agreed to forward a copy of the petition to -the King with remarks of their own, but as they took a long time about -it Ormonde sent over the original himself, 'being well assured that -his Majesty's judgment is not to be surprised with any colours these -rebels can cast upon their foul disloyalty.' Charles took no notice of -the document, and in December the Roman Catholics sent fresh petitions -both to the King and Queen. They asked to have a place appointed where -they might state their grievances at length. The result was a royal -commission, dated January 11, to Ormonde and others, authorising -them to meet representatives from the rebels and hear what they had -to say. Thomas Burke, one of the Irish Parliamentary Committee who -contributed to Strafford's condemnation, brought over the packet and -was himself joined in the commission, which made a very bad impression -on the Protestants, since he was believed to have been an abettor of -the original outbreak. 'We have not thought fit,' Charles wrote to -Ormonde at the same time, 'to admit any of them to our presence, who -have been actors or abettors in so odious a rebellion.' He also sent a -paper pointing out that an abrogation of the penal laws would be asked -for, but that nothing more could be granted than a mild administration -of laws which were never severe. A repeal of Poynings' Act, or any -measure tending to make the Irish Parliament independent, was refused -beforehand. Inquiries into forfeitures or titles could not be carried -further back than the beginning of the reign, and Recusants were never -to hold the majority of official posts. Drogheda was at first designed -as the place of meeting, but this was objected to by the Irish, and the -conference took place at Trim on March 17. Ormonde was absent in the -field, but the statement was received by Clanricarde, Moore, Roscommon, -and Sir Maurice Eustace, and by them transmitted to the King.[39] - -[Sidenote: Irish Remonstrance.] - -[Sidenote: Attack upon Parsons,] - -[Sidenote: who is dismissed.] - -The Remonstrance presented to Clanricarde and his colleagues at Trim is -an able paper, but it hardly afforded a basis for lasting peace between -parties whose objects were radically different. The remonstrants -objected to the penal laws, which resulted in driving all professors of -the old faith from the service of the state, and in employing in their -stead upstarts whose great aim was to enrich themselves. The attacks -upon property which Strafford had begun were continued after his death, -and Sir William Parsons in particular had incurred the gravest odium by -using his position as Lord Justice and Master of the Wards to oust the -old proprietors from their estates. They demanded a free Parliament, -that is, a Parliament in which they would have an overwhelming -majority. The Protestant party had never been the most numerous, and -with the country in military possession of their opponents they could -only hope to return very few members. The immediate result of the Trim -meeting was that Charles superseded Parsons and appointed Sir Henry -Tichborne Lord Justice in his stead. A few days later he authorised -and commanded Ormonde to conclude a truce for one year with the -Confederates, and when that was done to carry the Irish army over to -Chester.[40] - -Inchiquin had not much to fear in Munster from such a general as -Barry, but he had no money to support an army in the field. He sent -one part of his force to Kerry, where means of subsistence were found, -and another under Sir Charles Vavasour to the borders of Tipperary, -while he himself sat down before Kilmallock. He had no hope of being -able to effect anything without money or stores. Vavasour took -Cloghleagh Castle, near Mitchelstown, and after the surrender some of -his followers slaughtered the defenders, and apparently some women and -children with them. In the meantime Castlehaven received a pressing -invitation from some of the Cork gentry, who had no confidence in -their own general. He persuaded the council at Kilkenny to give him -money, with which he soon raised a body of horse, and on June 4 he -routed Vavasour near Kilworth. On Castlehaven's side only cavalry were -engaged, Barry, with the main body, being more than two miles off, -and the result was due to panic. Vavasour's horse for the most part -escaped, but he himself was taken prisoner and his force routed. This -action was important, because it was the first victory of the Irish in -the field since the beginning of the war, for the affair at Julianstown -scarcely counted as a battle. Cox, with all his prejudices, says it -was a just judgment on Vavasour and his followers, 'for suffering some -inferior officers to violate the quarter they had given to the garrison -of Cloghleagh.'[41] - -[Sidenote: King and Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and Preston.] - -[Sidenote: Arrest of Temple and other Privy Councillors, Aug. 1643.] - -[Sidenote: Arrival of Scarampi,] - -[Sidenote: who opposes any truce.] - -[Sidenote: Bellings opposes Scarampi.] - -During the spring and summer Charles continued to press for a cessation -of arms, full discretion as to terms being given to Ormonde. The -commission to him sets forth that the two Houses of Parliament 'to -whose care at their instance we left it' to manage the Irish war, -had long failed to support the army and to defend loyal subjects. -The general assembly of the Confederates met at Kilkenny on May 20, -and appointed commissioners with powers to treat, but nothing was -actually done for more than a month, when they delivered their first -proposition at Castlemartin in Kildare. Ormonde gave his answer within -a week, and the commissioners then asked for an adjournment till July -13. Time was in their favour, for the treaty would confirm each party -in possession of what they held, and they were gaining ground. On the -appointed day the commissioners returned a dilatory answer, and Ormonde -resolved if possible to try conclusions with Preston in the field. He -collected 5000 men and succeeded in retaking Edenderry and some other -strong places, but his opponent evaded a general action, and scarcity -of provisions soon forced him to return to Dublin. On August 1 orders -arrived from the King to arrest four Privy Councillors who sided with -the Parliament as much as they could, and against whom charges had been -brought. Sir John Temple, Sir Adam Loftus, and Sir R. Meredith were -accordingly shut up in the Castle, Parsons being excused on making -affidavit that confinement would injure his health. The opposition -was thus silenced, and Ormonde found himself complete master. In the -meantime Pier-Francesco Scarampi, an Oratorian, arrived at Kilkenny -with a commission from the Pope, and immediately threw his weight into -the scale against peace. The Confederates, he urged, appeared to be -winning, and if they continued to fight vigorously they would probably -get control of the country. Nothing was to be expected from the justice -of any English party, but if they made themselves formidable they might -extort respect from the victors, whether King or Parliament. Instead of -giving money to Charles 'to be converted by his ministers, our enemies, -to their own use,' it would be much better to employ their resources in -driving the Scots out of Ulster. The Scots would not be bound by the -cessation, which would be a sham as long as it was necessary to fight -them. Foreign princes would be offended if arms supplied by them were -laid down without their consent. The real object of Scarampi's mission -was to 'reinstate the Catholic religion and worship throughout the -whole country, and to restore to the entire island the splendour of -its ancient sanctity,' and not to beg an uncertain truce for a year. -Bellings, on the contrary, who expressed the official view taken by the -Supreme Council, argued that it was above all necessary to show that -they were no rebels, to join with the English to drive out the Scots, -and 'that the Catholic Church may, in safety and freedom, by a tacit -licence from the King, exercise her rights and jurisdiction among us.' -There was a great difference between what ultramontane priests were -determined to get, and what laymen, and especially lay landowners, -were willing to accept. There can be no doubt that Scarampi, and -Rinuccini after him, had plenty of justification for refusing to trust -the King, who could do nothing unless he were victorious in England, -and who would then be able to defy everyone.[42] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde unable to continue the war.] - -[Sidenote: The cessation concluded, Sept. 15.] - -[Sidenote: A truce not a peace.] - -[Sidenote: The Confederates make a grant to the King.] - -Ormonde offered to continue the war, in spite of the King's wishes, if -the Privy Council could find any means of feeding the army. This he -knew they could not do, and the Confederates knew it too. All the chief -officers declared that a truce was necessary. Both sides were fighting -in the King's name, and it did not suit either of them to disobey his -direct orders, so that the conference was renewed at Sigginstown, near -Naas, and there the terms of cessation were agreed to on September -15. The King's commission being to Ormonde personally, he signed the -articles alone on the one part. Ten persons signed on the part of the -Confederates, of whom Lord Muskerry, Sir Robert Talbot, and Geoffrey -Brown were perhaps the most notable. A meeting of the Privy Council was -held immediately afterwards, and the articles were solemnly approved. -Clanricarde and Inchiquin were present. In the articles of cessation -none of the grievances so often brought forward by the Confederates -were touched upon at all. On the other hand they refused to make any -stipulation as to sending an army to England. This they were willing -to do, but declined to bind themselves until after the conclusion -of a truce. There was a cessation of hostilities for one year and -nothing more, based upon the actual condition of affairs. All places -in possession of the King's Protestant or Roman Catholic subjects -respectively were to remain so during the year, and trade was to be -free. Prisoners were to be mutually restored. The practical meaning of -this was that Ormonde retained the coastline from below Bray up to and -including Belfast, and a strip of territory, including Naas, Navan, and -Lisburn, with detached garrisons at Athboy, Maryborough, and Carlow in -Leinster. In Ulster Londonderry, Coleraine, and Enniskillen were also -held by the Protestants, and in Munster they had the ports of Cork, -Youghal, Kinsale, and Courtmacsherry, and the valley of the Blackwater -from above Mallow to the sea. In Connaught Clanricarde, though not a -Protestant, yet adhering to Ormonde, retained Loughrea and Portumna, -while the Lord President kept the castle of Athlone, Roscommon, and -Castle Coote. Monro and his Scots held Carrickfergus and Lough Larne, -and all the rest of the island was in the hands of the Confederates. -Within a week the cessation was proclaimed at several places in the -Pale, and at the three Connaught fortresses, and directions for doing -the like were sent to all principal officers. On September 16, the -day after the signing of the articles, the Confederate commissioners -granted the King 30,000_l._, half in cash and half in bullocks, payable -by instalments extending over six months. A further sum of 800_l._ was -to be paid within two months to maintain the garrison at Naas.[43] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde made Lord-Lieutenant, Nov. 1643.] - -[Sidenote: The English Parliament against the cessation.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish Government insist on the truce,] - -[Sidenote: Parliament having failed to support the war.] - -In April 1642 Ormonde had received a jewel and the thanks of the House -of Commons for his services against the 'wicked, bloody rebels.' In the -following August, a few days after the raising of the royal standard, -Charles made him a marquis. After the cessation he was appointed Lord -Lieutenant, and the farce of Leicester's viceroyalty came to an end. -The latter was a very good but very weak man, and his vacillations -prevented his being trusted by any party. Meanwhile Ireland had been -left to substitutes without either the ability or the position required -to command success. The ruling party in the English Parliament, -whatever their shortcomings may have been, were opposed to the -cessation. The King having informed them of his commission to Ormonde, -they retorted that they had 'just cause to suspect an impious design on -foot to sell for nought the crying blood of many hundreds of thousands -of British Protestants, by a dishonourable, insufferable peace with -the rebels, and then to lay the blame and shame of this upon the -Parliament, a plot suitable to those counsels that have both projected -and fomented this unparalleled rebellion'; for those who contrived the -powder treason intended to lay it on the Puritans. The Lords Justices -and Council informed both King and Speaker that their position was bad -in the extreme, and that this was owing mainly to Parliament having -failed to send the necessary supplies. To this the two Houses replied -that they had made great efforts, and that in any case the direction -of the war belonged to them, as well as the privilege of acting as -bankers to the Irish Council. Full control had been conferred on them -by Act of Parliament, and the King had no power to deprive them of it. -This joint-letter is dated July 4, but was not delivered in Dublin -till October 6, after the cessation had been actually concluded. The -Lords Justices, with Ormonde and thirteen others of the Irish Council, -rejoined in greatest detail, reviewing all that had passed between the -two Governments. Such was the lack of money, after the great local -efforts, that the sack of Dublin by the unpaid soldiery was a calamity -daily expected. The parliamentary ships had failed to guard the coasts, -so that the Confederate cruisers often intercepted such scanty supplies -as were sent; and even captains employed by Parliament prevented the -passage of necessaries from Liverpool to Ireland. A cessation was -the only means of self-preservation, 'and seeing that the charge of -this war was referred to and undertaken by the Houses of Parliament -of England, and that by those despatches they fully understood the -condition of affairs here, we offer it to any man's consideration -whether or no we had not just cause to conceive and accordingly to -express, that our difficulties were occasioned through the Houses of -Parliament in England.'[44] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[31] Act for the speedy and effectual reducing of the rebels, &c., -_Scobell_, i. 26. The royal consent was given March 19, 1641-2. - -[32] Arthur Freke's Narrative, printed from the _Sloane MSS._ in -the Journal of the Cork Historical Society, 2nd series, i. 1; _True -Relation of God's Providence in Ireland_, by Hugh Peters, November 18, -1642; Day's edition of Smith's _Cork_, ii. 153, 1894; _Exceeding Good -and True News from Ireland_, London, August 20, and _Exceeding Joyful -News_, August 27. - -[33] Hugh Peters and Smith's _Cork_, _ut sup._; Clanricarde's -_Memoirs_, August 1642, pp. 203-215. - -[34] Clanricarde's _Memoirs_, August and September, 1642; _Bellings_, -i. 139-148; Hugh Peters, _ut sup._ - -[35] Hugh Peters, _ut sup._ The narrative was ordered to be printed by -a committee of the House of Commons immediately after Forbes's return. -Two letters from Forbes to the two Houses, dated Glin, September 27 and -28, were brought over by Peters and published October 11. He says the -Irish were 'so impudently bold as to father their rebellion upon his -sacred Majesty,' though they had never seen any warrant. Their 'priests -and prime commanders' tried to make them fight desperately by saying -there was no hope of pardon. - -[36] Clanricarde's _Memoirs_, April to August; _Bellings_, i. - -[37] Sir James Turner's _Memoirs_, p. 25; _Aphorismical Discovery_, -i. 45; O'Neill's _Journal_; _Bellings_, i. 116. Leven was back at -Edinburgh, November 30, 1642, Spalding's _Hist. of the Troubles_, ii. -100. - -[38] O'Neill's _Journal_; _Bellings_, i. 152; _Aphorismical Discovery_, -i. 72; Letter of Monck and other officers, September 12, in -_Confederation and War_, ii. 363. Some wit produced the following:-- - - 'Contra Romanos mores, res mira, dynasta - Morus ab Eugenio canonizatus erat.' - - -[39] Ormonde to Nicholas, August 13, 1642, in appendix to Carte's -_Ormonde_; _Confederation and War_, ii. 50, 129, 139, 243. - -[40] Remonstrance of grievances, March 17; the King's letters and -Commission, April 23, _Confederation and War_, ii. 248, 265. - -[41] Inchiquin to Cork, May 25, in Smith's _History of Cork_; -_Castlehaven_, p. 41. - -[42] Commission dated Oxford, April 23, in _Confederation and War_, i. -267; Propositions of the Confederates, June 24, with Ormonde's answer, -June 29; Bellings' reasons in favour of a cessation and Scarampi's -answer, July and August. The above are in _Confederation and War_, -ii.; _Bellings_, i. 160; Carte's _Ormonde_. See the observations in -Gardiner's _Great Civil War_, chap. xi. - -[43] _Confederation and War_, ii. 364-384; _Bellings_, i. 156, 163; -Declaration of Clanricarde, Inchiquin, and fifteen others that the -cessation was necessary, printed by Cox, ii. 133. - -[44] Lords Justices and Council to the King, May 11, 1643, and to -the two Houses, October 28; the Speakers of both Houses to the Lords -Justices and Council, July 4--all in Clarendon's _Hist. of the -Rebellion_, book vii. 334, 366. Ormonde was appointed Lord Lieutenant -November 13, and sworn in January 21 following. As to Leicester, see -the preface to Blencowe's _Sydney Papers_ and his letter of complaint -to the Queen in Collins's _Sydney Papers_, ii. 673. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIV - -AFTER THE CESSATION, 1643-1644 - - -[Sidenote: The cessation condemned by Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: Changed relations of parties.] - -[Sidenote: Troops sent to England.] - -[Sidenote: The rout at Nantwich, Jan. 1643-4.] - -After the cessation had been concluded, but before its actual terms -were known in London, the two Houses published a declaration against -it, as destructive of the Protestant interest, and for the benefit -of the 'furious, bloodthirsty Papists.' Protestant opinion even in -Ireland was certainly against the cessation, and yet it was evidently -a military necessity. If the troops left Dublin the Irish would be -able to take it, and in the meantime, being unpaid, they robbed and -plundered almost as if they had been in an enemy's city. The general -result was that Ormonde and the thoroughgoing Royalists were henceforth -engaged, not in endeavouring to suppress a rebellion, but in trying to -make terms with misguided belligerents. Those Protestants who thought -more of religion and less of loyalty gravitated towards the Parliament. -Ormonde lost no time in obeying the King's order about sending troops -to England. Before the end of October one regiment from Munster had -landed at Minehead, and another at Bristol, under Vavasour and Paulet. -They were, says Clarendon, very good and excellently officered, but not -many in number, and they went to swell Hopton's ill-fated army. The -common men sympathised largely with the Parliament, though discipline -and the hope of reward kept them together. About the middle of November -2500 men from Leinster landed at Mostyn, in Flintshire. About the -same number came partly to Beaumaris and partly to the Dee early in -the next year, but before that the first detachment had suffered a -great disaster. Nantwich was garrisoned for the Parliament, and Sir -William Brereton faced Lord Byron in the field. Hawarden, Beeston, and -Northwich quickly fell into the hands of the Royalists, and about -the beginning of January Byron summoned Nantwich, which was soon hard -pressed. Fairfax spent his Christmas in Lincolnshire, and after the -capture of Gainsborough a message from Stamford informed him that -Brereton was hard pressed in Cheshire. At Manchester, which he did -not reach till January 12, he collected every available man, and on -the 21st marched towards Nantwich with 2500 foot and 28 troops of -horse. Byron's force was about the same or perhaps a little stronger. -Fairfax gained a complete victory, a large part of the contingent from -Ireland being captured in Acton church. Seventy officers and about -1600 men were taken prisoners, including Monck, who was present as a -volunteer, Colonel Warren, who commanded his late regiment, being also -taken. 'Warren's regiment,' says Sir Robert Byron, 'though they had -their beloved Colonel Monck in the head of them, was no sooner charged -than they broke, and being rallied again, the next charge ran quite -away.' Their hearts were not in the work, and some 800 men chiefly from -this regiment afterwards took service under the Parliament. They were -Englishmen and Protestants, but this was not generally believed, and -nothing made the King's cause so hopeless as the imputation of having -brought an army of Irish Papists into England. Lord Byron wished that -reinforcements should be 'rather Irish than English' because they would -have no seditious sympathies and he did not see why the King should not -employ them, 'or the Turks if they would serve him.'[45] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde breaks with the Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: Monck's advice to the King.] - -Ormonde had misgivings about the royalism of his army, and events -showed that they were well founded. To make things as safe as possible -he obliged all who went to England to sign a protestation of allegiance -to the King and the Church, with a promise to hold no communication -with Essex or any other parliamentary officer. The soldiers were so -anxious to get out of Ireland, where they had been starving and in -rags, that they made no difficulty. Colonel Monck and Colonel Lawrence -Crawford were the only officers who refused. Crawford, who was a -covenanted Scot, was threatened with imprisonment, and took refuge -with Monro. Monck, who objected to political pledges, was deprived -of his regiment and allowed to go to Bristol, where he was arrested -by direction of Ormonde in a private letter, but was soon allowed to -go to the King at Oxford. Digby procured him an audience in Christ -Church garden, where he told Charles that the war was ill-managed, and -that the army should be reduced to 10,000 men, thoroughly equipped -and with professional officers trained in the Low Countries. A -commission was given him to raise a fresh regiment with the promise of -a major-general's command. Not having done the work before Nantwich, -he preferred to fight there in the ranks, and when taken was sent to -the Tower, where he remained in a destitute condition for two years, -writing his book on military affairs and making love to Ann Radford. -Charles, who had little to spare, once sent him 100_l._, a kindness -which Monck never forgot.[46] - -[Sidenote: The Solemn League and Covenant.] - -[Sidenote: Ireland a party to the Covenant.] - -While Ormonde was negotiating with the Confederates under the title -of 'His Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects now in arms'--he had not -allowed them to style themselves 'Catholics' simply--a common danger -was drawing the Scottish estates and the English Parliament into a -closer alliance. One week after the conclusion of the Irish cessation -the solemn League and Covenant was published by order of the House -of Commons. The word League was introduced by Vane to emphasise the -political character of the compact, for the growing Independent party -had no idea of submitting themselves to the strict yoke of Presbyterian -polity. Making this reservation and reducing the sum promised to -30,000_l._, we may accept Baillie's account: 'The authority of a -General Assembly and Convention of Estate was great; the penalties -set down in print before the Covenant, and read with it, were great; -the chief aim of it was for the propagation of our Church discipline -to England and Ireland; the great good, and honour of our nation; -also the Parliament's advantage at Gloucester and Newbury, but most -of all the Irish cessation, made the minds of our people embrace that -means of safety; for when it was seen in print from Dublin, that in -July his Majesty had sent a commission to the Marquis of Ormonde, the -judges, and committee there, to treat with these miscreants; that -the dissenting commissioners were cast in prison; that the agreement -was proclaimed, accepting the sum of 300,000_l._ sterling from these -idolatrous butchers, and giving them, over the name of Roman Catholic -subjects now in arms, a sure peace for a year, with full liberty to -bring in what men, arms, money they could from all the world, and -to exterminate all who should not agree to that proclamation;--we -thought it clear that the Popish party was so far countenanced, as it -was necessary for all Protestants to join more strictly for their own -safety; and that so much the more, as ambassadors from France were come -both to England and us, with open threat of hostility from that Crown.' -Monro refused to be bound by the cessation, but abstained from open -hostilities until orders came from Scotland. 'Here,' says Turner, 'was -strange work, a man not able to prosecute a war, yet will not admit of -a cessation. It cost us dear, for since the King's restoration, all our -arrears were paid us by telling us we were not in the King's pay, since -we refused to obey his commands; and very justly we were so served.' By -a clever stroke of the politicians rather than the theologians Ireland -was made a party to the Covenant as 'by the providence of God living -under one King, and being of one reformed religion,' thus excluding the -Irish confederates from the rights of subjects.[47] - -[Sidenote: Jealousies among the Confederates.] - -[Sidenote: Antrim's nominal command.] - -The confederate assembly sat at Waterford in the early part of -November, and summoned O'Neill to meet them there. It was determined -to attack Monro, and indeed a chief object of the cessation was to -have their hands free for so doing. Their great difficulty was about -the choice of a general. O'Neill was the ablest officer available, -but they feared to put so much power into his hands, and were -influenced by 'that ancient and everlasting difference' between -the North and South. They could not name Preston, between whom and -General Owen O'Neill there was 'such an antipathy as, from their first -apprenticeship in soldiery, which they had passed at least thirty -years before, notwithstanding their having served for all that time -the same princes, and been employed in the same actions of war, could -not be removed.' After much discussion Castlehaven was chosen, for he -was generally liked, and no one suspected him of personal ambition. -O'Neill was pleased at the rejection of his enemy, but he wished to -be general-in-chief, and the evils of divided command were not long -in showing themselves. In the mean time Antrim came to Waterford, and -there were some who thought good might be done at the English Court by -giving him the title of Lieutenant-General. It was, however, expressly -stipulated that he should have no real military authority in Ireland. -He did not so understand it himself, or perhaps he only pretended not -to understand, and proposed to carry into England the very forces which -had been provided for the invasion of Ulster. This claim was quickly -set aside, and Castlehaven was ordered to continue his preparations.[48] - -[Sidenote: The Covenant taken in Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: A deputation from the General Assembly.] - -Early in December, Owen O'Connolly arrived in Ulster with instructions -from Westminster, and at once invited the English to take the Covenant. -Lord Montgomery, his uncle Sir James, Sir Robert Stewart, Sir William -Cole, Colonels Arthur Chichester, Hill, and Mervyn, and Robert -Thornton, mayor of Londonderry, met at Belfast on January 2 and decided -not to do so, but to consider themselves under Ormonde's orders, which -involved acceptance of the cessation. In writing to the Parliament they -merely asked for money to prosecute the war against the rebels. But -the bulk of the men composing what were called the British regiments, -as distinguished from Monro's Scots, were of Scottish origin, and were -induced to take the Covenant by the Presbyterian ministers, who were -vigorously supported by Sir Frederick Hamilton. All were required -at the same time to repudiate Strafford's black oath and to confess -their fault in taking it. A deputation of four ministers, one of whom -was William Adair, was sent over by the Scotch General Assembly, and -reached Carrickfergus at the end of March. Monro readily embraced the -Covenant with all his officers and soldiers except Major Dalzell, -whom Adair calls an 'atheist,' and who afterwards served in Russia, -where he learned methods of warfare which made him no less odious as -a persecutor than Claverhouse or the Laird of Lag. The country people -followed the example of the soldiers. At Belfast, where Chichester -commanded, the ministers met with some opposition, for he had published -the proclamation against the Covenant by Ormonde's orders; but -everywhere else they were received gladly. At Coleraine, Colonel Audley -Mervyn and Sir Robert Stewart were at first hostile, but the majority -were favourable. At Londonderry Adair and his colleagues appeared in -the market-place while the Church of England service was going on in -the principal church, and the mayor and others,'coming from their -sacrament, stood somewhat amazed,' but did not molest the meeting. At -Enniskillen they were equally successful, Sir William Cole, after some -little hesitation, taking the Covenant himself. They went as far west -as Rathmelton and Ballyshannon, and on their return to Londonderry -Mervyn took the Covenant, the soldiers greeting him with shouts of -'Welcome, Colonel.' Sir Robert Stewart followed suit at Coleraine.[49] - -[Sidenote: Monro commands in Ulster for the Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: He seizes Belfast, May 14, 1644,] - -[Sidenote: and secures general obedience.] - -Towards the end of December the English Parliament resolved to put the -British and Scottish forces in Ulster under one commander, and Leven -was named. He did not return to Ireland, but was authorised to appoint -a lieutenant, and so at the end of April 1644 Monro obtained the full -command. Some of his unfed and unpaid troops had gone back to Scotland, -but the remonstrances of the Ulster Protestants prevailed, and the -policy of withdrawing from Ireland was not persevered in. The colonels -of the British regiments met at Belfast on May 13 to deliberate as to -what degree of obedience they would give Monro, and he resolved to -anticipate their decision. In spite of Chichester and his proclamation -the Covenant was popular in Belfast, and had many friends among the -soldiers. Scouts were sent out during the night after the meeting -of the colonels in consequence of reports as to hostile intentions -on Monro's part. They returned about six in the morning, saying -that they had been within three miles of Carrickfergus and had seen -nothing, the probability being that they had met the Scots and come -to an understanding with them. At seven Monro appeared, and Captain -MacAdam's sergeant, who commanded the guard, at once opened the gate. -Monro marched through the town unopposed, seized the gate at the other -end, and took possession of all the cannon. Chichester was allowed to -remain in the castle, which was his own house, with 100 men, but the -other regiments were quartered outside the town. As soon as Belfast was -secured, Monro marched on to Lisburn, but there he found the garrison -on their guard and devoted to Ormonde. The English regiments were left -in possession, but Monro succeeded in getting all the Protestant troops -in Ulster to serve under him. On the last day of June he had collected -10,000 foot and 1000 horse at Armagh, and with these he marched to -Cavan.[50] - -[Sidenote: Expedition to Ulster under Castlehaven, July, 1644.] - -[Sidenote: Leinster and Ulster cannot agree.] - -[Sidenote: The expedition a failure.] - -Castlehaven's army of 6000 foot and 1000 horse were in the meantime -ordered to assemble at Granard, but not more than half had arrived -when Monro's approach was announced. He left Mountgarret's brother, -John Butler, to defend the passage into Leinster at Finnea between -Lough Sheelin and Lough Kinale. According to an Irish writer, Butler -was given to carousing at critical times, and he failed to maintain -his position. Monro advanced as far as Carlanstown Castle, which he -burned, but finding that Castlehaven and O'Neill had joined forces at -Portlester in Meath, he withdrew northwards again. He had started with -provisions for only three weeks. Castlehaven then called on O'Neill -to perform his promise of co-operating in an invasion of Ulster with -4000 foot and 400 horse, and O'Neill assured him that he should have no -reason to complain when actually operating in the northern province. -During the greater part of August and September, Castlehaven lay at -Charlemont and Monro at Tanderagee, but there was no general action, -and O'Neill was ill nearly all the time. In a skirmish at Scarva on -the borders of Down and Armagh, Captain Blair was taken, and about -100 Scots killed. In another encounter between Benburb and Caledon -three of O'Neill's officers fell, Colonel Ffennell looking on with -some of Castlehaven's horse, but doing nothing to save them. There was -evidently no love lost between the Leinster and Ulster men, and at -last, about the beginning of October, Castlehaven returned to his own -province. O'Neill upbraided him with the conduct of his officer, 'a -gentleman I see here, Lieutenant-Colonel Ffennell, with the feather, -a cowardly cock, for seeing my kinsmen overpowered by the enemy, some -of them hacked before his face, and a strong brigade of horse under -his command, and never offered to relieve them.' Castlehaven had very -little help from the Ulster Irish, except in the way of provisions. -'O'Neill,' he said, 'began to be very weary sometimes of assisting me -with cows,' and attributes the ill-success of the whole expedition to -the 'failing, or something else, of General Owen Roe O'Neill.' On the -other hand, we are told that O'Neill went to Kilkenny and demanded an -inquiry, saying that the foreign residents would think very little -of the Confederacy if neither general lost his head. A committee sat -accordingly, but no report transpired.[51] - -[Sidenote: Designs of Antrim.] - -[Sidenote: His agreement with Montrose, January 1643-44.] - -Having failed to acquire any real influence at Kilkenny, Antrim went -to England, and arrived at Oxford December 16, 1643. He talked about -providing an army of 10,000, but was not at first taken very seriously. -'We know the person well,' said Digby, 'and therefore wondered to find -those probabilities which he made appear unto us of his power with -the Irish.' But Montrose was at Oxford, and saw his chance at once. -On January 28, an agreement was made between Montrose, 'his Majesty's -Lieutenant-General' for Scotland and Antrim, 'his Majesty's General -of the isles and highlands of Scotland,' binding both to appear in -arms by April 1. Antrim's share of the work was to levy all the men he -could in Ireland and in the Scottish isles, 'and with the said forces -invade the Marquis of Argyle's country in Scotland.' The witnesses were -Digby, Robert Spotswoode, and Daniel O'Neill. The King himself directed -Ormonde to give Antrim every possible assistance, and Daniel O'Neill -was sent with him 'by way of ballast,' and as 'the fittest person to -steer him.' It was very hard to bring the King to this point, for he -distrusted Antrim and disliked O'Neill. But Digby was in his element, -and he persuaded Charles to give Antrim a marquisate, which he vainly -imagined would make him Ormonde's equal, and to appoint O'Neill a -Gentleman of the Bedchamber, which was his great object of ambition. -At Oxford Antrim talked chiefly of the moderate courses to which he -intended to lead the Irish, but at Kilkenny he had encouraged them to -hope that by his interest all their objects would be easily gained.[52] - -[Sidenote: The Confederates hesitate to send troops to England.] - -[Sidenote: Antrim raises a small force,] - -[Sidenote: under Alaster Macdonnell,] - -[Sidenote: who joins Montrose.] - -Antrim and O'Neill reached Kilkenny on February 23. In obedience to -the King's instructions, their first business was to persuade the -Confederates to send him '10,000 men, well armed, to be transported -into England with all possible expedition,' and to provide them with -artillery, ammunition, and shipping. The Supreme Council replied -that they would wait until they had a report from their agents at -Oxford. Prince Rupert's application for muskets and powder was also -set aside, but some were sent in the following autumn. The expedition -to the Scottish isles was agreed to, and the Council undertook to -provide '2000 muskets, 2400 pounds of powder, proportionable match, 200 -barrels of oatmeal, by May 1, upon knowledge first had that all other -accommodations be concurring, and a safe and convenient port provided -in Ulster; provided the same port be commanded by Walter Bagenal.' -Ormonde objected to put Carlingford or Greencastle into the hands of -the Confederates' nominee, and also to Bagenal's being made governor of -Newry, the rather that he had hereditary claims there which might prove -awkward. After much wrangling, the Council agreed that the expedition -should embark at Passage in Waterford harbour, but the flotilla, -consisting of two Flemish and one Irish vessel, did not sail till June -27. The delay was aggravated by the difficulty of finding shipping, and -by the necessity of watching the parliamentary cruisers. According to -Antrim's own account, the number of men sent was about 1600, and 800 -more were discharged for want of shipping. Three weeks later Ormonde -informed Digby that Antrim had sent 'from Waterford and other adjacent -places,' 2500 men well armed and provisions for two months. The chief -of the expedition was Alaster, or Alexander McColl MacDonnell, often, -but incorrectly, called Colkitto. He was a man of great courage, -remarkable for his strength and stature, and Leven thought him the -most formidable leader of the Irish. On the way to Scotland several -prizes were taken, on one of which were three ministers named Weir, -Watson, and Hamilton, being among those who had gone over to administer -the Covenant. Weir and Watson died in prison after enduring dreadful -hardships, but Hamilton lived to be exchanged after ten months' -confinement. MacDonnell reached the Sound of Mull in safety, and -seized upon the castles of Mingarry and Lochaline. The prospect was so -unpromising that he thought of re-embarking; but Argyle, with the help -of two English vessels, mastered his ships, and he was forced to go on. -The Flemings surrendered at once, but the Irish sailors, who fought -desperately, were all killed and their ship burned to the water's -edge. He harried all the Campbell territory that he could reach, and -afterwards that of the Mackenzies, and then tried to recruit his forces -on the Spey. In the meantime Montrose had entered Scotland and summoned -MacDonnell to meet him at Blair Athol. The Irish contingent took part -in the victory of Tippermuir on September 1.[53] - -[Sidenote: Importance of the Irish to Montrose.] - -[Sidenote: Their barbarous proceedings.] - -[Sidenote: Alaster Macdonnell deserts Montrose.] - -[Sidenote: Cruelty of the Covenanters.] - -The epic of Montrose belongs to Scotland, but it should be remembered -that the Irish, as they are always called, formed the nucleus and the -only stable part of his army, and that when Alaster Macdonnell forsook -him, victory forsook him too. Antrim was Tyrone's grandson, and the -remains of the Ulster clans had no objection to follow him, though some -of his levies were islemen or Hebrideans settled in Ireland. Patrick -Gordon calls them 'strangers and foreigners,' adding that they showed -no pity or humanity, nor made any distinction between man and beast, -'killing men with the same careless neglect that they kill a hen or -capon for supper. And they were also without all shame, most brutishly -given to uncleanness and filthy lust; as for excessive drinking, when -they came where it might be had, there was no limit to their beastly -appetites.' Spalding, who was present when Montrose sullied his fame -by allowing the sack of Aberdeen, says they murdered and ravished for -four days. The corpses lay unburied until women ventured to move them, -for no man could show himself: 'the wife durst not cry nor weep at -her husband's slaughter before her eyes, nor the mother for the son, -nor daughter for the father; which if they were heard, then were they -presently slain also.' As long as the business consisted in harrying -Campbells or Mackenzies, Alaster Macdonnell had no difficulty in -getting recruits from his fellow tribesmen on the main land, but after -Kilsyth he and his Highlanders, who were gorged with plunder, deserted -Montrose that they might carry their acquisitions home. No commands or -entreaties of their general could prevail, says Sir James Turner, 'to -Cantire they would go, and to Cantire they did go.' They cared nothing -for Lowland or English politics. Some 500 Irish remained faithful -'because they had no place of retreat,' and these were cut to pieces -at Philiphaugh, 300 of their wives being butchered there, and many -others later at Linlithgow, where the horrors of Portadown bridge were -repeated with the parts reversed. Those who are disposed to deny the -Ulster massacres may ponder the words of Spalding and Gordon, while -nothing can excuse the cruelty practised in retaliation.[54] - -[Sidenote: Confederate agents at Oxford, March 1644.] - -[Sidenote: Protestant agents follow, April.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish Government separately represented.] - -As early as November 1643 the Supreme Council of the Confederates, -acting by order of their General Assembly, nominated seven -commissioners as agents to attend the King and to state their -grievances to him. The persons chosen were Lord Muskerry, Antrim's -brother Alexander Macdonnell, Sir Robert Talbot, Nicholas Plunket, -Dermot O'Brien, Geoffrey Brown, and Richard Martin. There is some -doubt about Martin, but all the others went over. The Lords Justices -granted them a safe conduct in January, but there was considerable -delay first at Kilkenny, and afterwards in waiting for a wind at -Wexford. They landed in Cornwall and reached Oxford March 24. As soon -as it was known in Ireland that the King would be likely to receive -the Confederate agents, the more zealous Protestants began to prepare -for a counter-mission. Charles expressed himself ready to hear both -sides. Lords Kildare, Montgomery, and Blayney were the chiefs of the -Protestant movement, and a deputation waited on Ormonde the day after -he was sworn in as Lord Lieutenant. Michael Jones was the spokesman. -Ormonde answered that he was somewhat taken by surprise, but 'for -you English and Protestants, I assure you both of assistance and -protection, and that, if need be, to the hazard even of my life and -fortunes.' The envoys first chosen were Sir Francis Hamilton, Captains -Ridgeway and Jones, and Fenton Parsons. Jones, whose parliamentary -sympathies led him to avoid the Court, refused to go, and Sir Charles -Coote was substituted with the King's consent. A petition of the -Protestants was read in the Irish House of Commons on February 17, and -approved by the House. The agents did not reach Oxford till April 17, -and the King received them next day 'in the garden at Christ Church,' -and desired them to prepare definite proposals. Charles had sent to -Ireland for Chief Justice Lowther, Sir Philip Perceval, Sir William -Stewart, and Mr. Justice Donnellan, who arrived about this time, -accompanied by Sambach, the Irish Solicitor-General. Sir H. Tichborne -and others went over later. Strafford's old secretary, Radcliffe, who -was already at Oxford, was ordered to join in their consultations. The -whole case was then handed over to a committee of the Privy Council, -consisting of the Earls of Bristol and Portland, Lord Digby, Secretary -Nicholas, Colepepper, and Hyde.[55] - -[Sidenote: Attitude of Hyde, Digby and others.] - -[Sidenote: Revised demands of Confederates.] - -Hyde and Colepepper were hostile to the Confederates' demands, and -Radcliffe was even violent, 'which,' says a correspondent of Ormonde, -'makes the Irish swagger very severely.' Digby, who was much more -favourable to them, said their first propositions were scandalous, -and that all negotiations would have to be broken off unless they -amended them. Muskerry, on the contrary, had assured Ormonde that -their demands were an irreducible minimum. 'Neither,' he said, 'is -the highest of them such a rock, but that the King may find a way -to satisfy his people in Ireland without prejudice to his party in -England. And the real advantage of the assurance of our kingdom, -and of a nation so faithfully affected to his service, is much more -considerable than the fears and jealousies to discontent a party.' -Unfortunately for this argument, Ireland was divided into parties -quite as much as England, and concessions to Irish national feeling -were certain to deprive the King of all effective English support. -In spite of Muskerry's assurance, Digby found him and his colleagues -'beyond expectation counsellable, and they have this day, instead of -the former, presented these enclosed propositions, which though in many -things unreasonable for the King to grant, yet are not very scandalous -for them to ask.' Ormonde wrote to Muskerry advising moderation, and -foretold that the time might come when 'his Majesty might with more -safety grant, than he can as yet hear propounded' such of the agents' -desires as were in themselves just. The amended propositions demanded -the repeal of all penal laws affecting the Roman Catholics, their -relief from disabilities of every kind, and that a free Parliament, -entirely independent of the English legislature, should at once be -called. All proceedings of the Irish Parliament since August 7, -1641, should be annulled, as well as all outlawries, attainders, and -other acts affecting the Roman Catholics prejudicially since that -date. All forfeitures to the Crown in Connaught, Clare, Tipperary, -Limerick, Kilkenny, and Wicklow since 1634 were to be abandoned, and -the ancient possessors confirmed by law, the Court of Wards abolished, -and trained bands established in every Irish county. The other demands -were of less importance. Among the proposals waived by the agents -was one which virtually placed all titles to land created since the -beginning of Elizabeth's reign at the mercy of the Irish Parliament. -Another clause proposed to deprive the King of all right to maintain -a standing army in Ireland. It was also required 'that the present -Government of the said Catholics may continue within their quarters and -jurisdictions until the Parliament, and after until their grievances -be redressed by Acts of Parliament, and for a convenient time for the -execution thereof.' The original propositions were such as might -have been dictated by the victors to a conquered country. The amended -propositions, though containing many things 'in themselves just,' -involved the complete subjection of the Protestants in Ireland, and -could never be granted by an English Government. If the King granted -them it would only be because he had no longer any real power. The -Irish Privy Councillors at Oxford, though more moderate than Coote and -his colleagues, held that the toleration of Romish priests had been the -cause of the rebellion, that what was called a free Parliament would -contain few or no Protestants, most of them having been murdered or -exiled, and that Poynings' Act was one of the wisest ever made and 'one -of the precious jewels of his Majesty's imperial diadem.'[56] - -[Sidenote: Protestant proposals equally extreme.] - -[Sidenote: No compromise appears possible.] - -If the propositions of the Confederate agents seemed scandalous to -Digby, those of Coote and his colleagues will not seem less so to -modern readers. They demanded, among other things, that all penal laws -should be strictly executed, that all the Roman Catholic clergy should -be banished out of Ireland, that the oath of supremacy should be taken -by every member of Parliament, mayor, sheriff, or magistrate; that no -lawyer refusing to take that oath should be allowed to practise; and -that there should be a 'competent Protestant army.' After a few days, -the Protestant agents were summoned to meet Ussher, Henry Leslie, -Radcliffe, and others. Radcliffe, on behalf of the Committee of -Council, said their proposals were unreasonable, and that peace could -never be made on any such terms. The agents then agreed to modify the -demands, but still insisted firmly on the full execution of the penal -laws, on maintaining the existing Parliament and Poynings' law, on the -encouragement of plantations, and on disabling lawyers who refused the -oath of supremacy. They waived the expulsion of Roman Catholic priests -and the oath _ex officio_, and also the demand that all churches -should be restored to them, rebuilt and refitted 'at the charge of the -Confederate Roman Catholics.' A week later the agents were summoned -before the King in council. Charles asked them whether they wanted -peace or war. They said they preferred peace, but only upon honourable -terms; and the King answered that he also would choose the hazard of -war rather than that they should suffer by a peace of his making. He -could not, he added, help them with men, money, arms, ammunition, or -victuals, nor could he allow them to join with those who had taken -the Covenant. It was consistent with Charles's love for tortuous ways -that he had tried to prevent Coote and his friends from knowing what -the propositions of the Confederate agents were. They had oozed out, -of course, and, making a virtue of necessity, the King now gave them -a copy and requested their answers. This was done, and the absolute -incompatibility of the two sets of agents was conclusively shown.[57] - -[Sidenote: Failure of Oxford negotiations.] - -[Sidenote: Both parties are referred to Ormonde,] - -[Sidenote: who is authorised to make peace.] - -[Sidenote: An impossible task.] - -Muskerry and his colleagues left Oxford first, and were followed by -the Protestant agents on the last day of May. Both missions were -dismissed civilly enough, but neither had gained their point. Percival -told Ormonde that the failure of the Council to make any decision -was reported to be the work 'of one that labours to be commanded to -Ireland, and hopes to rule all there.' This points unmistakably to -Digby, who probably encouraged the King to refer everything back to -Ormonde. This was done by a commission dated June 24, and to enable -the Lord Lieutenant to arrive at a decision, all the propositions by -both sides during the Oxford negotiations were sent to him, and also -the King's answer to the Confederate agents. They were told that the -King would not 'declare Acts in themselves lawful to be void,' but that -the penal laws had never been harshly executed; and that if his Irish -subjects would live peaceably and loyally, they should be as moderately -administered 'as in the most favourable times of Queen Elizabeth and -King James.' He would allow a new Parliament to assemble, but 'would -by no means consent to the suspension of Poynings' Act.' Many lesser -demands were wholly or partly conceded, but religious toleration and -the Irish Parliament would still depend on the King's will. If the -Confederates could be got to accept such terms, Ormonde was authorised -to conclude peace upon that basis, and to go further if he found it -consistent with the present preservation of the Irish Protestants. If -peace could not be had on reasonable terms, then he might renew the -cessation for as long as he thought expedient. Ormonde lost no time in -informing Muskerry and his colleagues that he was commissioned to treat -for a peace or truce, and asked them to prepare the ground among their -friends. 'Let me tell you,' wrote that astute courtier Daniel O'Neill, -'that our friend the Marquis of Ormonde has a hard task put upon him: -for it is imposed upon him to end that in Ireland which all the Council -durst not look upon in England.'[58] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin visits Oxford,] - -[Sidenote: and returns discontented.] - -[Sidenote: He sides with the Parliament,] - -[Sidenote: and secures Cork, Youghal, Kinsale and Bandon.] - -During St. Leger's illness and since his death, Inchiquin had been -acting-President of Munster. His services had been great, and he -was not willing to see anyone put over his head. 'If the King,' he -wrote to Ormonde from Cork, 'have bestowed the 'presidency on any -other (though more worthy) personage, I hope your lordship will not -command my stay longer here.' Ormonde disliked his going, but gave no -direct order, and Inchiquin was at Oxford early in February. It soon -appeared that the King had many years before promised the presidency -to Portland, and though Radcliffe and Digby were in despair, the most -that could be obtained for Inchiquin was the reversion. As Portland -would not waive his claim, this really amounted to nothing. Inchiquin -received a warrant for an earldom; but that was not what he wanted, -and he did not use it. Hopes were held out to him of commanding the -Munster troops in England; but his best regiments had been assigned to -Hopton and others, and he saw no chance of anything in that direction. -At Oxford he dissembled his ill-humour, but before the end of March -it was generally known in Ireland that he 'came discontented from -Court.' Ormonde's idea was to keep the presidency of Munster vacant, -so that Inchiquin should be kept quiet by seeing the great prize -always dangling before him. Portland's object was to sell his interest -without going to Ireland; but he does not appear to have offered it to -Inchiquin, who kept pretty quiet during the spring and early summer. -When the result of the Oxford negotiations was known, he and the other -Munster officers declared strongly against a peace which could not be -had without abandoning the Protestants. As a proof of their danger, -they cited a Franciscan named Matthews who had been executed as a spy -after having confessed that he was concerned in a plot to betray Cork -to Muskerry. Ormonde had heard reports that there was some plot. After -Marston Moor it became evident that the King was powerless to protect -the Irish Protestants, and Inchiquin resolved to throw in his lot with -the Parliament. Broghill afterwards told Ludlow that he persuaded -him without much difficulty to take this step. The letter in which -Inchiquin declared himself--for he assured Ormonde that this was his -first advance--was signed also by Broghill as governor of Youghal, and -by the governors of Cork, Kinsale, and Bandon. Each of the subscribers -offered to go on board a parliamentary ship as a hostage, there to -remain until all four towns were in sure hands. A letter with the same -signatures was also sent to the King, who was urged to come to terms -with the Parliament as the only means of saving the Irish Protestants. -Aware that he might be distrusted, Inchiquin reminded the governor of -Portsmouth that he was forsaking a plentiful fortune 'for the good of -the cause,' and that he was ready to make room if another commander was -thought fitter to subdue the Irish rebels. Bandon was easily secured, -for it was a Protestant place; but Inchiquin took the strong step of -expelling the Irish inhabitants from Cork, Youghal, and Kinsale. This -was a very harsh measure, especially for a chief of the O'Briens; but -it may be defended on military grounds, the only defence of the Munster -Protestants lying in the four garrisons, without which they would be -quite cut off from England. Inchiquin's brother Henry, after making -great professions of attachment to the King, surrendered Wareham on -August 24 and brought his regiment over to serve the Parliament in -Ireland.[59] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[45] Bell's _Memorials of the Civil War_ (Fairfax Correspondence), i. -68; Dugdale's Journal in his _Short View_. Fairfax's report to Essex -is in _Rushworth_, v. 302; the accounts of Byron and his brother -Robert in Carte's _Original Letters_, i. 36-42. See also Fairfax's -_Short Memorials_ in Somers Tracts, v. 387; Clarendon's _Hist. of the -Rebellion_, vii. 403; and Gardiner's _Civil War_, i. 346. - -[46] Gumble's _Life of Monck_, 18; Carte's _Life of Ormonde_, i. p. -468. Crawford wrote an account of his proceedings under the title of -_Ireland's Ingratitude to the Parliament of England_, &c., which was -published by order of the House of Commons, February 3, 1643; and see -_Carlyle_, i. 173. - -[47] Text of the Solemn League and Covenant in _Rushworth_; Baillie's -_Letters_, ii. 102-103; Sir James Turner's _Memoirs_, p. 29. - -[48] Colonel O'Neill's _Journal_; _Castlehaven_, p. 46; _Bellings_, -iii. 3-7. - -[49] Rev. Patrick Adair's MS. in Reid's _Presbyterian Church_, ii. -439-454. Adair's narrative was published at Belfast in 1867. - -[50] Benn's _Hist. of Belfast_, 103-109; Turner's _Memoirs_, p. 33; -Report to Ormonde, May 27, 1644, in _Contemp. Hist._ i. 586. - -[51] Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, 48-53; O'Neill's Journal in _Contemp. -Hist._ iii. 202-4; British armies in Ulster to Ormonde, _ib._ i. 602. -The abusive account in the _Aphorismical Discovery_ may be neglected; -it absurdly states that Castlehaven was 'no soldier,' _ib._ i. 84. -_Bellings_, iii. 11. - -[52] The agreement between Montrose and Antrim is printed from the -original in Hill's _Macdonnells of Antrim_, 267. If the date, January -28, be right, then the King's and Digby's letter to Ormonde of the 20th -were not despatched for several days. Digby to Ormonde, February 8, -1644-5, in appendix to Carte's _Ormonde_. The intrigues at Oxford are -amusingly described by Clarendon, _Hist. of the Rebellion_, book viii. -264-278. - -[53] The King's instructions to Antrim, January 12, 1643-4, in -_Confederation and War_, iii. 88; Negotiation at Kilkenny, _ib._ 112; -Bellings to Ormonde, _ib._ iv. 276; Letters of Daniel O'Neill in -_Contemp. Hist._ i. 569; Antrim to Ormonde, June 27, 1644, in appendix -to Carte's _Ormonde_; Ormonde to Digby, _ib._ July 17, and to Nicholas, -July 22; Narrative by one of Macdonnell's officers in Carte's _Original -Letters_, i. 73; Reid's _Presbyterian Church_, i. 459-464; Napier's -_Memoirs of Montrose_, chap. 22. Turner (_Memoirs_, 39), who, however, -was not present at Tippermuir, says Montrose won with 'a handful of -Irish, very ill-armed.' - -[54] Spalding's _Hist. of the Troubles_, ii. 265-7; Patrick Gordon's -_Abridgment_, 65, 133, 161, 181. Wishart thinks Alaster 'Macdonaldorum -res privatas impendio curasse: de publico parum solicitum.' See also -Napier's _Memoirs of Montrose_, chaps. 22-27, and Gardiner's _Civil -War_, chaps. 26, 30, 33, and 36; Turner's _Memoirs_, p. 240. - -[55] _Bellings_, iii. 6, and in the same volume, Safe conduct for -agents, January 4, 1643-4, and letter to Bellings, April 7-10; -Michael Jones's speech, January 22, in appendix to Carte's _Ormonde_; -_Rushworth_, v. 897-900. The names of the Committee of Council are -given by Carte, but in the first letter to Bellings, mentioned above, -Cottington is added and Hyde omitted. It appears from Rushworth that -both attended the Committee. - -[56] The original propositions are in _Confederation and War_, iii. -128; the amended ones in _Rushworth_, v. 909. See also the following -letters in appendix to Carte's _Ormonde_: Arthur Trevor to Ormonde, -March 25, 1644; Radcliffe to Ormonde, April 2; Digby to Ormonde, -April 2; Muskerry to Ormonde, March 29; Ormonde to Muskerry, April -29. Statement by the delegates of the Council of Ireland in _Egmont -Papers_, i. 212-229, which seems to have been read or spoken by Lowther -or one of his colleagues to Charles's Privy Council. - -[57] _Rushworth_, v. 901-917. A manifesto published in French at Lille, -January 26, 1642-3, and intended for foreign consumption, contains the -following demands of the Confederates: '(1) That the Catholic religion, -the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and the religious orders be restored, and -no sect or heresy tolerated, except that of Protestants existing (_qui -a vogue_) in England, Germany, and some other provinces; that there be -no bishop other than Catholic; that the priests enjoy all benefices -and Church revenues; and that the Protestant ministers enjoy only such -bishoprics [_sic_] or benefices as those of their sect shall procure -them for a living. (2) That we be governed by a Catholic President, -Council, and officers; that all governors of castles, fortresses, -towns, and districts be Catholics,' &c. Reprinted in _Confederation and -War_, iii. 336. - -[58] Sir Philip Percival to Ormonde, May 23, in appendix to Carte's -_Ormonde_; the King's commission to Ormonde, his instructions, and his -answers to the Confederate agents, in _Confederation and War_, iii. -175, 198, 208; Daniel O'Neill to Arthur Trevor, July 26, in Carte's -_Original Letters_. - -[59] Inchiquin to Ormonde, January 3 and February 10, 1643-4, in -appendix to Carte's _Ormonde_, and in the same volume letters from -Radcliffe and Digby to Ormonde, February 8-20, and Ormonde to Digby, -March 8; _Bellings_, iii. 14, and one of March 29 from the Supreme -Council to Ormonde; Inchiquin to Ormonde, July 23 and August 4, -in Calendar of _Clarendon S.P._; Letters of Inchiquin, Broghill, -and others to the King and Parliament, and Declaration of Munster -Protestants, July 17 and 18, in _Rushworth_, v. 918-924; Ludlow's -_Memoirs_, ed. Firth, i. 85. Besides those in _Rushworth_, Inchiquin's -letters to Jephson, governor of Portsmouth, to Colonel St. Leger, and -to Sir J. Powlet were published in pamphlet form in 1644. For Henry -O'Brien, see Walker's _Discourses_, p. 46, and _Bellings_, iv. 10. - - - - -CHAPTER XXV - -INCHIQUIN, ORMONDE AND GLAMORGAN, 1644-1645 - - -[Sidenote: No truce with the Parliament.] - -Protestants in Ireland complained with reason that they got little help -from England during the truce, while communication with the Continent -was quite free to the Confederates. There were parliamentary cruisers, -but not nearly enough to do the work, and a Spanish captain named -Antonio was engaged by Castlehaven to keep them at a distance. His -frigate of 400 tons and sixteen guns appears to have been cast away at -Dungarvan; but he commanded other ships and was active to the very end -of the war. Letters of marque were issued from Kilkenny, and it was -long before even the port of Waterford was closed. The numerous inlets -on the west coast it was impossible to blockade at all. There were -endless complaints on both sides as to breaches of the truce, but the -recriminations on this subject are scarcely worth discussing. After he -had once taken the Parliamentary side, Inchiquin gave himself a free -hand.[60] - -[Sidenote: The no-quarter ordinance] - -On October 24, 1644, both Houses at Westminster passed an ordinance -to the effect that no quarter should be given to any Irishman, nor to -any Papist born in Ireland, taken in hostility against the Parliament -in England and Wales or on the high seas. All officers by land and sea -were therefore ordered to leave all such Irishmen and Papists out of -every capitulation, agreement, or composition. If taken, they were to -be 'forthwith put to death.' When the French National Convention made -a similar order about British prisoners, French officers refused to -carry it out; and the majority in the Long Parliament evidently feared -such a refusal, for they declared that every officer neglecting to -observe their ordinance should be 'reputed a favourer of that bloody -rebellion in Ireland,' and liable to such condign punishment as both -Houses might inflict. Pym and Hampden were dead, and it is uncertain -under whose influence this savage decree was passed; but it seems that -Captain Swanley and others had anticipated it by throwing prisoners -into the sea, and that they had been blamed for so doing, as there -were many English prisoners in Ireland upon whom it would be easy to -retaliate.[61] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin at Cork and Kinsale.] - -[Sidenote: Harsh treatment of the citizens.] - -[Sidenote: Broghill at Youghal.] - -[Sidenote: The Covenant.] - -[Sidenote: The Queen on Irish Protestants.] - -Cork had some time ago agreed to give 4000_l._ for the support of the -army, and a part of this sum still remained unpaid. Inchiquin's first -order during the last week in July was that the citizens should pay the -balance or make up its value in provisions and bedding. All the Roman -Catholic inhabitants were ordered to leave the town, except the mayor -and aldermen and their families, one hundred men selected by the rest, -the widows of aldermen, and the sick. They were to carry out nothing -with them, but if the supplies required were provided, they were to be -allowed to return from time to time and carry off all their property, -but not to remain in the town during the night. Robert Coppinger, the -mayor, made the best fight he could, but, according to his own account, -Inchiquin exacted more corn and money than was owing, and was very -harsh in other ways. He gave warrants, says Coppinger, to enter the -houses of the banished inhabitants, to carry off almost everything -that might be useful to the garrison, 'leaving all the doors of the -houses wide open, and exposed, with all the rest of the goods therein -remaining to the insolency of the common soldiers.' When the people -came back for their property, according to the proclamation, there was -very little left. From the nature of the case, and from what we know -of Inchiquin, it is not likely that the work was very gently done; -but it is nowhere alleged that any life was lost. Similar measures -were taken at Youghal and Kinsale. Broghill was governor of the former -town, and he forbade all officers, soldiers, and others 'to break open -the houses of any persons who have in obedience to my proclamation -left this town,' or to plunder any Irish Papists 'on pain of death.' -On August 24 eleven parliamentary ships entered Cork harbour, while -seven appeared at Youghal and six at Kinsale. Proclamation was at once -made that all civilians should leave Cork unless specially licensed -to remain, giving security to keep themselves in provisions for six -weeks. All Irish Roman Catholics were henceforth to leave the town at -six until Michaelmas, and at five after that day, so that the garrison -might be always ready to resist an attack. A market was established -outside the north gate. The Youghal people took the Covenant, and -Inchiquin told Ormonde that he should be compelled to do the same, -unless the Lord Lieutenant put himself at the head of the Protestant -movement. A stringent oath was at the same time administered to -Protestants, who declared themselves allied for defence and swore never -to make peace until the terms were approved by Parliament as well as -by the King. Colonel Brockett, governor of Kinsale, wrote to Ormonde -in commendation of Inchiquin's zeal, and announced that a ship laden -with provisions had come from Middleburgh to Cork for the relief of -the distressed Protestants. A little later in the year there was a -curious intrigue, the object on both sides being probably to see how -far Ormonde would go. Major Muschamp, the governor of Cork fort, let -Muskerry know that he had Royalist leanings and might be induced to -surrender his post to the Lord Lieutenant. Muskerry forged an order -from Ormonde to deliver the place to him. Muschamp said the order -must be placed in his hands; but this Muskerry refused for obvious -reasons. The plot came to nothing, and Muschamp told the whole story -to Inchiquin in presence of his staff. Ormonde was doing his best to -serve the King without betraying the Protestant cause, but he had -little thanks from anyone. That Henrietta Maria should call Inchiquin -a miserable knave was not to be wondered at. As to Ormonde, she is -reported to have said it was hard to trust him or 'any Irishman that is -a Protestant, for every Irishman that goes to church does it against -his conscience, and knows he betrays God.' The letter containing -this passage was intercepted, and a certified copy came to Ormonde's -hands.[62] - -[Sidenote: First negotiations for peace, September 1644.] - -The result of Ormonde's application to Muskerry and his colleagues -in the Oxford business was a letter from the general assembly of -the Confederates appointing commissioners to treat for peace. The -Oxford agents, all lawyers except Muskerry, Antrim's brother, and -Colonel O'Brien, were nominated, with the addition of Mountgarret, -Antrim, Archbishop Fleming, Sir Richard Everard, Patrick Darcy, and -John Dillon. Of these commissioners, Martin, Dillon and Barron were -afterwards proposed by the Confederates as judges of the superior -courts, and nearly all the others as Privy Councillors. Ormonde -objected at once to 'your Archbishop of Dublin, who, though a man as -free from exception (as unto his person) as any we could expect to be -treated with, for we have heard exceeding much good of him, and we -do believe no less, so as if we were to admit any of his function he -should be the man.' He had already announced that he would not treat -with any clergyman, and the Confederates gave way. Some delay had been -caused, and the commissioners did not meet Ormonde until September 1, -when they practically repeated the Oxford propositions. The cessation -was at once prolonged to December 1, and questions of statute law and -of title to land being involved, a committee of lawyers was appointed -to assist the Lord Lieutenant. The chief demands were the repeal of the -penal laws, the suspension of Poynings' Act, and the power of their -'free Parliament' to try offences. They were all rejected. - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's difficult position.] - -The negotiations were then suspended for a time. Sir Henry Tichborne, -who thought the cessation very dishonourable, left Oxford on December -31. He and others were taken at sea by one of Swanley's captains, and -were sent to the Tower. Tichborne was soon released, and afterwards -sided definitely with the Parliament in Ireland. About the same time -Swanley intercepted some correspondence between the Confederates -and their foreign allies, and he sent copies to Ormonde, cautioning -him about the dangers hanging over his 'truly honoured family' and -his ambiguous position with regard to the Protestants. The Lord -Lieutenant's task was indeed a hard one. The question of a universal -act of oblivion was left undecided, the Confederates contending that -their oath of association precluded all exceptions, while Ormonde was -unwilling to pardon criminals merely because the country had been in a -state of war. In the end, Charles conceded the act of oblivion to 'all -treasons and offences, capital, criminal, and personal' on land, and to -piracy and its attendant crimes in the Irish seas.[63] - -[Sidenote: Confederate diplomacy.] - -[Sidenote: Bellings at Paris. Mazarin.] - -[Sidenote: Bellings at Rome. Rinuccini.] - -[Sidenote: Attitude of Innocent X.] - -[Sidenote: Barren sympathies.] - -The negotiations dragged along slowly and intermittently throughout -1644 and 1645, but peace, as between Ormonde and the Confederates, was -preserved by frequent renewals of the cessation. In the meantime the -Kilkenny government sought eagerly for foreign support. Bellings left -Galway on the last day of December 1644 with credentials addressed to -Louis XIV., Anne of Austria, Henrietta Maria, Mazarin, Innocent X., -the Grand Duke of Tuscany, Cardinals Grimaldi and Bentivoglio, and the -Governments of Venice, Genoa, and Belgium. He had not intended to visit -anyone at Paris except Henrietta Maria; but the Jesuit O'Hartegan, who -was resident agent for the Confederates, persuaded him to see Mazarin. -The Cardinal was very inquisitive, and might stop Bellings in France if -thwarted. He did not like the application of the Confederates to Rome, -because Innocent X. was much under Spanish influence; but Bellings -answered that though his employers were bound to neutrality as among -Catholic princes, yet their natural leaning was to France, where their -exiled Queen had found shelter. Bellings himself had certainly French -sympathies, and told Mazarin that it was from France that Ireland -really expected help. 'And in truth,' he adds, 'the promises given now -and often before, had they been performed, might well have satisfied -our expectation.' On reaching Rome, Bellings found that Rinuccini was -already appointed nuncio. The two men disliked each other from the -first. When Bellings found that Innocent was sending a moderate sum of -money, he importuned for more, but was told that the late war in Italy -and preparations against the Turks had exhausted the papal treasury. He -then loudly proclaimed that he was quite satisfied with the Pope, lest -his backwardness should be an excuse for others. Innocent was at least -liberal with his briefs, but they had no effect either at Florence or -Genoa. Bellings did not even visit Venice, the Cretan war being excuse -enough for the republic. On his return to Paris he found that there -was little or no hope from France without assuming a hostile attitude -to Spain. As the final result of his long expedition Bellings reported -that 'all men wished well to the cause, but no man was in condition to -assist it.' He accompanied Rinuccini to Ireland.[64] - -[Sidenote: French and Spanish crimps.] - -[Sidenote: Foisset and Monnerie.] - -Bellings understood that the help of France and Spain 'rather seemed a -traffic for men and a gratification for the levies made in Ireland for -the service of both crowns, than marks of a royal bounty and a real -will to assist them.' Early in 1643 the Confederates allowed Spain -to recruit in Ireland, the number of men, after some haggling, being -fixed at 2000. Philip IV. then made them a present of 20,000 crowns, -which was laid out in arms and ammunition. With the Parliamentarians in -command of the sea, it took a long time to get the men away, and they -could not be spared till after the cessation. Then it became necessary -to promise the same number of soldiers to France. At last, in February -1643-4, the Spanish agent or envoy was received by the Supreme Council, -and told that he should have his men by June 25. He was a Burgundian -named Foisset, and came, not from Spain, but from Don Francisco de -Melo in the Netherlands. Next day the French representative, De la -Monnerie, was received and had exactly the same answer. Monnerie was -a gentleman of the bedchamber, and his sole business was to get as -much food for powder as possible in Ireland. It would seem that both -agents were privately told that the great object of the Council was to -favour their respective sovereigns. Meanwhile their lawful King was -calling for Irish troops in vain. Monnerie did manage to get off 1300 -men from Galway early in 1645, not being able to get shipping for more -in Ireland, and Mazarin failing to send the vessels which he promised; -but the recruiting still continued. Monnerie seems to have done better -than his rival, and reported that 'the Spaniard who is here' began to -lose heart and to declare loudly that the Supreme Council was quite -French. It was Mazarin against Don Luis de Haro. A Colonel Plunket was -promised forty crowns by Ottavio Piccolomini for every man he could -land in Flanders, but the Kilkenny authorities would not let him do the -work.[65] - -[Sidenote: Confederate envoys. Talbot and O'Sullivan.] - -[Sidenote: Hugh Bourke.] - -[Sidenote: The story told abroad.] - -[Sidenote: Heresy to be extirpated.] - -Immediately after the outbreak in 1641 the Irish of Western Munster -had sent Francis O'Sullivan, a Franciscan, to solicit the help of -Spain. A little later, James Talbot, an Augustinian, was sent on the -same errand, and returned with 3000_l._ in silver, 4000 muskets, -four pieces of cannon and other stores, purchased with the 20,000 -crowns obtained from Philip IV., but not without much bickering as to -whether the Celtic O'Sullivan or the Anglo-Norman Talbot deserved the -credit. In acknowledgment, it was proposed to send 1000 men to Spain; -but there was a difficulty about transport, and they never started. -Talbot was sent again in June 1643 with an offer of two thousand and -directions as to how he should spend any further sum he might receive. -The landing of the money and arms at Dungarvan during the negotiations -for a cessation made Ormonde's task harder; but the Spanish Government -had transferred the matter to the Governor of the Netherlands. Talbot -went there instead of to Spain, and returned with Foisset. He perhaps -thought it the best thing to do, but the Supreme Council never fully -trusted him afterwards. It was found that unauthorised persons had been -begging in Spain for the Irish cause, and had kept the money received, -and it was thought expedient to cancel all former credentials and to -send a new envoy to Spain. The person selected was Hugh Bourke, a -Franciscan, who had been doing good service in the Netherlands, whence -he was transferred directly. He went by Paris, where he met Rinuccini -on his way to Ireland, and impressed him by his cleverness and energy. -The instructions to Bourke, dated December 12, 1644, throw great light -upon the position of the Confederates. The war was represented as being -purely a struggle 'for the Catholic Church in its splendour.' Nothing -at all is said about the Ulster barbarities, but the Protestant party -are simply described as 'taking advantage, before we were provided of -arms and ammunition, to destroy many thousands of people unarmed, and -exercise barbarous cruelties against man, woman, and child, sparing -none that did come within their power, and intending to extirpate the -whole nation.' Nevertheless, the Confederates, having received some -arms from abroad, had re-established the Catholic religion in full -splendour and been victorious everywhere except 'in some particular -places and parts of the kingdom.' Among those particular places, -unfortunately, were Dublin, Cork, Youghal, and Kinsale, Londonderry -and Coleraine, Carrickfergus and the rising settlement of Belfast. -If the Spaniard inquired why such a victorious party had agreed to -a truce with Ormonde, Bourke was to reply that it was thought wise -to be on terms with one hostile party so as to be free to crush the -other. Nor had the calculation been unsuccessful, for Ormonde had sent -12,000 men to England, most of whom had been killed. As to the Oxford -propositions, the Confederates had thought it expedient to ask for -freedom of religion only, and 'you may inculcate the reason (which God -knows to be true), it was to win time, and our construction shall be -freedom in splendour if holpen with possibility of subsistence.' The -ultimate goal was to be an Ireland whose victorious soldiers 'would -not rest satisfied, but try their valours elsewhere for religion, as -long as any heretics did remain in the neighbouring provinces.' The -duplicity of Charles I. was rightly complained of by the Confederates; -but it was not greater than their own.[66] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Duncannon, Jan.-March 1644-5.] - -[Sidenote: Parties in the garrison.] - -[Sidenote: The cessation ignored.] - -[Sidenote: Lord Esmond's difficulties.] - -[Sidenote: A rival governor] - -[Sidenote: The Covenant.] - -[Sidenote: Charles I. characterised.] - -Duncannon Fort in Wexford guards the approach both by the Suir to -Waterford and by the Barrow to New Ross. Every large ship must -necessarily pass under the guns, but the place is very weak on the -land side, being commanded by higher ground. The defences had been -strengthened in 1611 by Sir Josias Bodley, a younger brother of Sir -Thomas, who founded the Oxford library. Bodley was a skilful engineer, -and was fully aware of Duncannon's weak point, though he probably -considered his works strong enough to resist a purely Irish attack. -When the rebellion broke out the governor of the fort was Laurence Lord -Esmond, a strong Protestant Royalist, and he held it for the King; but -the majority of his men were much more inclined to the Parliament. -Summoned by the Confederates to join them as the loyal party, Esmond -refused to do so without orders from the Lords Justices, and those -orders were of course never given. He made great efforts to maintain -discipline, but as he could neither pay nor feed his men they were -forced to drive cattle and otherwise spoil the country. With the -help of some English ships they burned Dunmore in Waterford, which -was too near a neighbour, but in an attempt to seize the Hook Tower, -their over-enterprising leader, Captain Aston, and some sixty of the -garrison, were taken or slaughtered, having been surrounded in a fog -by a large number of the natives. This was as early as July 1642, and -it settled the question as to whether the fort was really friendly to -the Confederates or not. The garrison continued to plunder in 1643 -and 1644 without regard to the cessation, and it was soon resolved at -Kilkenny that the fort must, if possible, be reduced. Among Esmond's -officers two should be mentioned, Major Ralph Capron, who said he -was 'too old to forego his loyalty,' and Lawrence Larcan, lieutenant -of Esmond's own company of foot, who made no secret of his adhesion -to the English Parliament. Esmond made great efforts to obtain relief -from Ormonde, but nothing effectual could be done for him, and early in -August Inchiquin sent Captain Smithwick to induce him to declare for -the Parliament. This he steadfastly refused to do, but told Ormonde -that his life was not safe 'among so desperate and mutinous a pack,' -as the garrison had become. 'Poverty is the cause of this, and to tell -truth, my lord, they are indeed naked.' A month later Captain Bright -arrived in the Parliamentary vessel _Jeremie_, and anchored off the -fort. He brought with him the Covenant and a commission from Inchiquin -appointing Larcan to the command. The Covenant was eagerly subscribed -by all but Esmond himself, Capron, Richard Underwood the principal -chaplain, and perhaps one or two other officers. Captain Bright -promised supplies, and the soldiers refused to obey Capron, whom Esmond -accordingly sent with despatches to Dublin. Larcan, who is described as -active and witty and a leader of men, said 'the King was a tyrant, an -extortioner, an oppressor of the subject, and a Papist,' and he hoped -that the Parliament would soon 'scour' him. In the meantime Larcan -did what he could to scour the country, while Parliamentary captains -were busy at sea. The fort became such a scourge that the Confederates -resolved to besiege it.[67] - -[Sidenote: Preston at Duncannon. A French engineer.] - -[Sidenote: Failure to relieve from the sea.] - -[Sidenote: An unsuccessful assault.] - -[Sidenote: Vice-Admiral Smyth's advice.] - -[Sidenote: The fort capitulates.] - -[Sidenote: High mass] - -Preston sat down before Duncannon on January 20, 1644-5, with about -1500 foot. He had both cannon and mortars, and the wonder is that the -place held out at all. There was a garrison of about 150 men with -twenty-two guns, but no proper supply of water inside the fort, and no -doctor or surgeon. A French engineer named Lalue directed the siege -operations, which dragged out to a great length. Three weeks after -the first investment Inchiquin wrote to say that he could give no -relief unless help first arrived from England, and he pointed out that -the Confederates might have easily mastered all the Munster towns if -they had not exhausted their strength in the Ulster expedition under -Castlehaven. Admiral Swanley wrote about the same time from Milford to -say that he was sending a collier under convoy to give the garrison -fuel, and also shipping to convey reinforcements for Inchiquin, but -that 'as for the soldiers from this country (England), they are not -to be drawn from this service without an inevitable prejudice.' -Inchiquin could hardly hold his own, nor could he trust unpaid men. -Communications between the fort and the sea were never interrupted, -and small supplies were sent in from time to time, and thirty-eight -seamen took their part in the defence on shore. At the beginning of -the siege an attempt was made by the Parliamentary ships to drive the -assailants from their works, but very few shot went even near the mark. -Fire from a floating platform is seldom satisfactory against an enemy -on a hill. As Lalue drew his lines closer and advanced his guns, still -less could be done from the sea. On February 19, five ships anchored -under Credan Head in full view of the fort, but their commanders dared -not come within reach of the plunging fire, by which one Parliamentary -vessel had already been sunk. Frequent sallies of the garrison annoyed -the enemy, who suffered from bad weather and from the labour of making -approaches in the rocky ground. Lalue contrived an infernal machine -which appears in advance of his time. A trunk filled with explosives -and calculated to go off when opened was left near the gate of the -fort. Esmond suspected a snare, and advised that the trunk should be -soaked in the sea for some hours, but the soldiers were too impatient, -and the explosion took place. The besiegers heard the noise and -expected great results, but only one person was killed, a woman who had -drawn near out of curiosity. There were some men in the fort who sided -secretly with the besiegers, and when the trenches approached the ditch -communicated with them by letters tied to bullets and flung by hand. At -last an assault was made, but, says Bellings, the musketeers who were -to cover the storming party had their pieces rendered unserviceable -by a whirlwind which blew away the priming and filled the pans with -gravel. The assailants were beaten off with great loss, but Larcan, who -had been the soul of the defence, was hit by a stone which a round shot -had displaced. A surgeon might have saved him, but there was none, and -he died. The sap went on until a mine was brought up to the rampart, -and the second assault was likely to be successful. Vice-Admiral -Smyth with the _Swallow_ and other vessels lay in the offing, and to -him Esmond made a last appeal. 'Your lordship,' the sailor quaintly -answered, 'hath but two things to consider of: first, the potency of -the enemy; next, your abilities to subsist. For, before any relief can -overtake you, it will be ten or eight days at soonest. Now, if you find -in your strength a disability, then our Saviour Jesus Christ gives you -the best counsel, who sayeth: agree with thy adversary quickly while -thou art in the way.' If they waited for the assault, he argued, they -would all be put to the sword, but if they capitulated so many gallant -men would be available for future service, and might perhaps even have -a hand in recapturing the fort. As for the guns, they must go with the -place, for if they were 'all of beaten gold' there was no means of -embarking them. The poor old governor could only lament that he had -been encouraged to hope for help which had never come, and replied that -he would try one stratagem more by asking for a Protestant garrison -named by Ormonde. Two days later he still defied Preston, and declared -that he would not surrender without the direct orders of the King or -the Lord Lieutenant. Larcan being gone, the other officers prepared to -take Smyth's advice, and Esmond was at last forced to ask for a parley. -Preston was not bloodthirsty, and on March 19, being the fifty-ninth -day of the siege, the garrison marched out with the honours of war, and -were allowed to go to Dublin, Bristol, or Youghal, as they themselves -preferred. A few men took service with Preston. Esmond waited till -a carriage could be got, but died at Adamstown on the road to -Enniscorthy. The fort was not without provisions or ammunition at the -time of surrender, but the want of fresh water was very pressing. There -had been torrents of rain, but either from want of time or from want -of vessels it had not been sufficiently utilised. Only about thirty -men had been killed, though the besiegers had burned 19,000 pounds of -powder. Duncannon was taken on March 19, and on Lady Day Scarampi came -in and said high mass. The Confederates boasted much of their success, -in announcing to their friends at Paris the capture of what they call -the 'impregnable fort of Duncannon.'[68] - -[Sidenote: The Glamorgan mission] - -[Sidenote: An extraordinary patent, April 1644.] - -Charles had handed over the reduction of the Irish rebels to Parliament -early in the day, and had told the Protestant agents at Oxford that -he would rather have war than peace at their expense. As long as -negotiations were entirely in Ormonde's hands this was no empty -promise, but when the King decided to employ a private envoy as well, -the situation was a good deal modified. The person selected was -Lord Herbert, eldest son of the Marquis of Worcester, who had made -immense sacrifices for the royal cause. Both father and son were Roman -Catholics, and ardent champions of their faith. In history the latter -is best known as Earl of Glamorgan, and so Charles styled him, though -the creation was never formally made. On April 1, 1644, when the Irish -agents were at Oxford, the King had granted him under the Great Seal -a patent of so extraordinary a character that its main provisions -must be repeated, though perhaps no episode in English history has -been more thoroughly discussed. By this document he was constituted -generalissimo with extraordinary powers of three armies, English, -Irish, and foreign, and admiral of a fleet at sea; with authority to -raise money by pledging wardships, customs, woods, and other hereditary -property of the Crown. 'Persons of generosity' were to be encouraged -to subscribe in return for titles of honour, 'for whom,' the King -wrote, 'we have intrusted you with several patents under our Great -Seal of England, from a marquis to a baronet, which we give you full -power and authority to date and dispose of without knowing our further -pleasure.' Charles solemnly bound himself to ratify all the patentee's -acts, and and to give his daughter Elizabeth to Glamorgan's son -Plantagenet 'with 300,000_l._ in dower or portion, most part whereof we -acknowledge spent and disbursed by your father and you in our service.' -Finally he was promised the dukedom of Somerset with power to 'put on -the George and blue ribbon' at his pleasure, and to bear the garter -in his coat of arms. The affixing of the seal to this patent may have -been an amateur performance, the joint work of Endymion Porter and of -Glamorgan himself, 'with rollers and no screw press,' but the document -was genuine, and the king knew all about it.[69] - -[Sidenote: Introduction of Glamorgan to Ormonde.] - -[Sidenote: Three commissions Jan.-March, 1644-5] - -[Sidenote: Glamorgan's instructions.] - -His sanguine hopes of Irish and foreign forces having been dashed, and -Marston Moor having been fought, Charles turned to Glamorgan again. The -latter had married Lady Margaret O'Brien, the late Earl of Thomond's -daughter, and his many Irish connections might give him influence. -Ormonde was informed that 'Lord Herbert'--the title of Glamorgan was -dropped here--had business of his own in Ireland, and that he might be -found incidentally useful in bringing about a peace. 'His honesty or -affection to my service,' says the King in a cypher postscript, 'will -not deceive you; but I will not answer for his judgment.' Yet to this -man of more than doubtful discretion were given three commissions, -the first of which authorised him to levy an unlimited number of men -in Ireland and other parts beyond sea. By the second Charles promised -'in the word of a King and a Christian' to confirm all Glamorgan -might do, whatever irregularities might appear when his powers came -to be criticised. The third was a royal warrant to treat with the -Confederate Roman Catholics of Ireland, proceeding with all possible -secrecy. Ormonde was warned by friends in England to be on his guard -against Glamorgan, who left Oxford soon after receiving the last -commission, but circumstances changed a good deal before the latter -reached Ireland. He sailed from the Welsh coast, but was chased by a -Parliamentary ship and driven to Lancashire, whence he made his way to -Skipton Castle, and there stayed for three months, during which Naseby -was fought. In his instructions to Glamorgan which preceded the first -of the three commissions above mentioned, the King promised solemnly to -ratify whatever should be 'consented unto by our Lieutenant the Marquis -of Ormonde,' but authorised him to supply if possible anything 'upon -necessity to be condescended unto and yet the Lord Marquis not willing -to be seen therein, or not fit for us at the present publicly to own.' -Glamorgan seems to have given a verbal promise to consult Ormonde in -everything, but there is no evidence that the Lord Lieutenant knew -this, and it is only known to historians because Glamorgan, after his -failure, was reproached by the King for not having done so.[70] - -[Sidenote: Charles lays down conditions of peace,] - -[Sidenote: but soon changes his mind.] - -[Sidenote: Still sanguine after Naseby.] - -A few days after giving Glamorgan his instructions, Charles wrote to -Ormonde defining clearly the extreme point of his possible concessions -to the Roman Catholics. He promised that 'the penal statutes should not -be put into execution, the peace being made and they remaining in their -due obedience. And further that when the Irish give me that assistance -which they have promised, for the suppressing of this rebellion, and I -shall be restored to my rights, then I will consent to the repeal of -them by a law. But all those against appeals to Rome and _Præmunire_ -must stand.' A month later the orders were that Ormonde should hasten -the peace upon the terms already granted, but that if he could not do -so he was to avoid a rupture and to continue the cessation. Only three -days later came a 'command to conclude a peace with the Irish, whatever -it cost, so that my Protestant subjects there may be secured and my -regal authority preserved.' Charles said he would not think it a hard -bargain if the Irish could be heartily engaged on his side in England -or Scotland, upon condition of repealing the penal laws at once, and of -suspending Poynings' Act for that and kindred purposes. But he did not -tell Ormonde whether he still considered the statutes against foreign -ecclesiastical jurisdiction part of his 'regal authority,' and he -directed him to 'make the best bargain he could, and not to discover -his enlargement of power till he needs must.' The King's position -remained substantially unaltered during the spring and early summer, -but four days after Naseby he told Ormonde that Irish help was more -necessary than ever. 'If,' he wrote, 'within two months you could send -me a considerable assistance, I am confident that both my last loss -would be soon forgotten, and likewise it may (by the grace of God) put -such a turn to my affairs, as to make me in a far better condition -before winter than I have been at any time since the rebellion began.' -The Lord Lieutenant was to conclude the peace as quickly as possible, -and then to come over himself at the head of an army. The course of -events was destined to be very different.[71] - -[Sidenote: Glamorgan in Ireland. August 1645.] - -[Sidenote: The Glamorgan Treaty, August 25.] - -[Sidenote: An army offered in payment.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde is kept in the dark.] - -When Glamorgan reached Dublin about the beginning of August, he -found no peace signed and no army ready to embark. As Charles's -necessities grew, so did the demands of the Irish bishops, and the -King's orders to conceal his powers prevented Ormonde from saying at -once what was the furthest point to which he could go. Glamorgan was -present at some of the meetings between the Lord Lieutenant and the -Confederate commissioners, and he then went to Kilkenny. Ormonde told -his brother-in-law Muskerry, who went there also, that the news of -Naseby had made the conclusion of peace more needful than ever. He -urged him to help Glamorgan, but at the same time acknowledged his -independence, and to some extent deprecated the idea that he was -acting in concert with him. 'I know,' he wrote, 'no subject in England -upon whose favour and authority with his Majesty, and real and innate -nobility you can better rely than upon his lordship's.' Muskerry, who -was anxious to come to terms with the King, no doubt made full use of -this testimonial, and so Glamorgan, relying entirely on his commission -of March 12, proceeded to 'engage his Majesty's royal and public -faith' for the due performance of the articles known as 'the first -Glamorgan treaty.' Ormonde was no party to them in fact or in name. -'Free and public use and exercise of the Roman Catholic religion' was -granted to all without exception. All churches possessed by the Roman -Catholics at any time since October 23, 1641, were granted to them, -'and all other churches in Ireland other than such as are now actually -enjoyed by his Majesty's Protestant subjects.' All jurisdiction of the -Protestant clergy over Roman Catholics was taken away, and an Act of -Parliament was promised to abrogate the penalties for breaches of the -Acts of supremacy and uniformity. Glamorgan also promised 'on behalf -of his Majesty,' confirmation to the Roman Catholic clergy of all -temporalities possessed by them at any time since the fatal October 23, -two-thirds of the profits for three years or during the continuance -of the war being applicable to the royal service and one-third to -the support of the clergy. Glamorgan afterwards explained that he -intended the immediate wants of the Protestant clergy to be provided -for out of the two-thirds reserved to the King. That any English -Protestants at that time were willing to grant unlimited toleration -may well be doubted, but it is certain that there were none ready to -confirm everything that had been done against their own clergy since -the rebellion began. The consideration offered by the Confederates was -10,000 men, armed one half with muskets and one half with pikes, to be -shipped by Glamorgan to any port he might choose. These troops were -to be kept together in one entire body under the Earl's leadership, -all other officers being appointed by the General Assembly or Supreme -Council. Ten days later Glamorgan solemnly swore to tell the King -everything, and 'not to permit the army entrusted to his charge to -adventure itself, or any considerable part thereof, until conditions -from his Majesty and by his Majesty be performed.' In the meantime the -treaty was kept secret, and the negotiations between Ormonde and the -commissioners of the Confederates went on pretty much as before.[72] - -[Sidenote: Copies of the treaty are secretly circulated,] - -[Sidenote: and thus becomes public.] - -[Sidenote: Charles writes to the Pope.] - -Glamorgan soon returned to Dublin, leaving the original of his treaty -in the hands of the Confederates, but Archbishop Walsh ordered copies -to be given to several ecclesiastics, and the secret was not very long -kept. Meanwhile the negotiations with Ormonde dragged their slow length -along, and the arrival of Lord Digby, who in those days was an Anglican -champion, did not make concessions on ecclesiastical matters more -probable. The appearance of a papal nuncio at this stage was the one -thing needful to make the situation hopeless. After Rinuccini landed in -Kerry, but before he reached Kilkenny, Archbishop Queely was killed in -a skirmish before Sligo, and a certified copy of the Glamorgan treaty -was found upon his person. As early as the previous April Charles had -written two letters, one to the nuncio and one to the Pope, and had -entrusted them to Glamorgan for delivery. He promised Rinuccini to -perform all that he should agree upon with Glamorgan, whom he praises -in exaggerated language. 'This,' he concludes, 'is the first letter -that we have ever written directly to any minister of the Pope, hoping -that it will not be the last, but that after you and the said Earl have -done your business, we shall openly show ourselves, as we have assured -him, your friend.' When the King wrote this dangerous letter, Rinuccini -was already at Genoa on his way to Ireland.[73] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[60] Castlehaven to Ormonde, November 7, 1643, in _Confederation and -War_, iii. 40; La Boulaye Le Gouz, _Tour in Ireland_ (1644), p. 35. - -[61] Husband's _Collection_, p. 576; Gardiner's _Great Civil War_, i. -396; La Boulaye Le Gouz, _Tour_, pp. 2, 135. - -[62] For the expulsion of the Cork citizens see _Confederation and -War_, iii. 221-230 and 235-247; for Broghill's proceedings Caulfield's -_Youghal Council Book_, p. 545; Calendar of _Clarendon S.P._, July -31-November 27, 1644. For the Protestant oath and for Henrietta Maria's -opinions, as reported by the Jesuit O'Hartegan, see _Confederation and -War_, iv. 49, 84; Muskerry to Ormonde, February 2, 1644-5, in appendix -to Carte's _Ormonde_. - -[63] Ormonde to Digby, October 1644, in _Confederation and War_, iii. -29, with the documents referred to at foot; and see _ib._ v. 296; -Brabazon, Tichborne, and Ware to Ormonde, January 5, 1644-5, _ib._ -iv. 116, and Swanley's letter, 121; Tichborne's letter to his wife, -appended to _Temple_, pp. 327, 330. - -[64] _Bellings_, iv. 1-6, and Monnerie to Mazarin, February 20, 1644-5, -in the same volume. - -[65] Receptions of Foisset and Monnerie, February 1643-4, in -_Confederation and War_, iii. 102, 106; Monnerie to Mazarin, February -20, 1644-5, _ib._ iv. 147. - -[66] _Aphorismical Discovery_, i. 32, 49; _Bellings_, iii. 8, and the -receipt to Talbot for the Spanish money in the same vol., p. 273. For -Bourke's mission, _ib._ 126 and iv. 90; Rinuccini's _Embassy_, 106, 307. - -[67] Bodley to Salisbury, October 15, 1611, in State Papers, _Ireland_, -and to Carew, in _Carew Cal._ 123; preface to _Confederation and War_, -iv. xxvii-xl, and in the same vol. 381-2; Captain Thomas Aston's _Brief -Relation of passages at Duncannon since June 8_, July 22, 1642, written -very shortly before the writer was killed. - -[68] Preface to _Confederation and War_, iv. xl-xlvii, and in the same -vol., which contains three plans of Duncannon, a diary of the siege, -written by Bonaventure Barron, the famous Latinist, in his favourite -tongue, 189; Depositions of officers and soldiers, 210-237; Letters of -Supreme Council, 203-209; Letters of Smyth, Swanley, &c., and articles -of capitulation, 177-183. The author of the _Aphorismical Discovery_, -i. 102, says 'the defendants behaved themselves exceedingly well.' - -[69] Dated Oxford, April 1, 1644: 'and for your greater honour and in -testimony of our reality we have with our own hand affixed our Great -Seal of England unto these our commission and letters, making them -patents.' Printed in Birch's _Inquiry_, p. 22, and elsewhere; S. R. -Gardiner in _English Historical Review_, ii. 687. - -[70] The instructions to Glamorgan are dated January 2, 1644-5, the -three commissions referred to in the text being of January 6 and 12 -and March 12 respectively. The King to Ormonde, December 27, 1644, in -Carte's _Ormonde_, appendix to vol. ii., No. 13. - -[71] The King to Ormonde, January 18, 1644-5; February 16, February 27, -May 21, 1645; June 18 and 26--all in Carte's _Ormonde_, appendix to -vol. ii. - -[72] Carte Papers, vol. xv., from which the letters, &c., are printed -in _Confederation and War_, v. 62-79; and the treaty dated August 25, -1645, printed from Husband's _Collection_, p. 821. When examined before -the Lord Lieutenant and Council, Glamorgan said he 'did not consult or -advise with any person whatsoever concerning any the matters contained' -in the treaty, _ib._ 220. - -[73] Charles I. to Rinuccini, April 30, 1645 (in French), printed by -Birch from the Holkham MS. Archbishop Queely was killed on October 17. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVI - -FIGHTING NORTH AND SOUTH--RINUCCINI, 1645 - - -[Sidenote: Castlehaven in Munster.] - -[Sidenote: Cappoquin] - -[Sidenote: Mitchelstown.] - -[Sidenote: Action near Castle Lyons.] - -Military operations in Munster, though contributing towards the general -result of the war, did not at the moment interrupt the negotiations -between Dublin and Kilkenny. As Lord President of Munster for the -Parliament, Inchiquin was not bound by any truces but those of his -own making, and Broghill as governor of Youghal was practically in -the same position. Duncannon being taken, and the truce expiring soon -after, Castlehaven invaded Munster with 5000 foot and 1000 horse. -'The enemy,' wrote Castlehaven long afterwards, 'in this province had -always been victorious, beating the Confederates in every encounter ... -every gentleman's house or castle was garrisoned, and kept the country -in awe. To begin, therefore, this field I made my first rendezvous -at Clonmel, and the army encamped not far from it. Thither came Dean -Boyle, now Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and then married to my Lord -Inchiquin's sister; his business was to persuade me to spare Doneraile -and other houses and castles not tenable.' They parted friends, but -Castlehaven made no promise, and marched to Cappoquin, where he -summoned the castle, believing that the failure to take it before -had been owing to the town being attacked first. Here and elsewhere -his terms were fair quarter in case of immediate surrender, but 'no -quarter at all' in case of prolonged resistance. Cappoquin preferred -the first alternative, but the commandant was afterwards executed by -court-martial for cowardice. According to Broghill and others, articles -of capitulation were not always well observed, but from what we know -of Castlehaven this may have been the fault of his subordinates. The -possession of Cappoquin bridge enabled him to pass the Blackwater at -will, and Inchiquin was too weak both in men and supplies to oppose him -seriously. Youghal was summoned with the boast that mass should be said -there in six days, but Broghill replied that God should be worshipped -there for six months. Mitchelstown refused the first summons, but soon -yielded at discretion, when 'two or three,' says Bellings, 'of which -one was a minister, that were charged to have been upon several actions -cruel to the Irish were hanged for their unsoldierly obstinacy.' The -logic or morality of this is not very clear. Dromana surrendered, as -well as Knockmone, which Sir Richard Osborne had defended since the -beginning; but Lismore held out under Major Power. In the meantime a -strong body of horse under Broghill had crossed the Blackwater by the -ford of Fermoy, and Purcell persuaded Castlehaven to detach his own -cavalry, 'which I count certainly among my other follies.' As Purcell -came on, Broghill retired over the river and faced about at Kilcruig, -half-way between the ford and Castle Lyons, with a scrubby wood between -him and his pursuers. The Irish straggled through the covert, and -before they had time to reform, Broghill charged and defeated them -with great loss. The main body of Castlehaven's army being visible in -the distance, he retired to Castle Lyons and sent all the men he could -spare to Inchiquin.[74] - -[Sidenote: Castlehaven generally successful,] - -[Sidenote: but Inchiquin holds his own,] - -[Sidenote: and Youghal still resists.] - -From Fermoy Castlehaven proceeded to clear the country north of the -Blackwater. Mallow, Doneraile, and Liscarroll were taken with little or -no resistance, but Milltown, which had made a brave defence in 1641, -threatened to give trouble. Some boys who made a hole in the courtyard -wall to steal cattle found a way into the castle: soldiers followed, -and the place was taken by assault. Annagh Castle, which was then -surrounded by bog, made a brave resistance under Lieutenant Fisher. -A breach was made with the artillery and the garrison was put to the -sword. The English account says this was done in cold blood after -Fisher had been treacherously killed during a parley in sight of his -own men. Bellings acknowledges the slaughter, but says it was during -an assault. While Castlehaven was busy to the north of the Blackwater -Inchiquin fell upon the district of Imokilly between Cork and Youghal. -Rostellan and Castle Martyr both held for his uncle Edmond Fitzgerald. -In the final division of the spoils the first fell to his lot, and the -second to Broghill's, and no doubt both leaders intended something of -the kind from the first. At Rostellan, says Bellings, 'Sir Richard -Meagh, the Catholic Dean of Cork, and Captain William FitzJames Barry -were hanged, which actions, how justifiable soever by arms, yet made -a great noise and increased the animosities between them, the clergy -of both sides being therein concerned. Hearing of Inchiquin's raid, -Castlehaven hurried to the relief of Castlemartyr, but was delayed by -a flood at Fermoy, and when he passed the river met the late garrison. -He thought that 140 men with plenty of arms and provisions ought to -have made a better fight. He found the castle burned, and having just -failed to intercept part of the Youghal garrison who retreated with -their guns at his approach, he seized Cloyne and Aghada and recaptured -Rostellan after a short struggle. Thomas Barham, Dean of Ross, was -hanged to match the other dean, and Inchiquin's brother Henry, 'one -of the most malicious of our enemies,' would have had the same fate, -but that the officers preferred to reserve him for special judgment -by the King. This was just before Naseby. Ballyhooly and Castle Lyons -were also taken, and at Conna Castlehaven made an example 'by putting -to the sword some, and hanging the rest.' He believed that the siege -of Youghal would 'rather be a work of hours than days,' but there were -plenty of men there, and the sea was open. Broghill hurried off to -England for help and to place his wife and his sister, Lady Barrymore, -with the young Earl, in a place of safety.[75] - -[Sidenote: Two baronies depopulated.] - -[Sidenote: Fall of Lismore.] - -[Sidenote: The Naseby prisoners.] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Youghal.] - -[Sidenote: Broghill relieves Youghal,] - -[Sidenote: and Castlehaven's army is dispersed] - -Castlehaven reported that he had cleared the baronies of Imokilly and -Barrymore completely both of people and cattle. 'I conceive in this I -have done my Lord of Inchiquin more mischief than in killing a thousand -of his men,' for this source of supply was quite cut off. He hoped to -take Youghal and to besiege Cork before harvest, but this sanguine -letter was written two days after Naseby. Lismore was taken at last -after a gallant defence by Major Power, and the garrison admitted to -quarter. Templemichael capitulated, Castlehaven undertaking the safe -custody of the garrison to Youghal, but Broghill complains that he -kept them for a fortnight and sent them in when nearly starved. The -general's proceedings at Mogeely and Strancally were also objected -to, but both banks of the Blackwater from Mallow to the sea were in -his hands before the end of June. Several hundreds of the King's -soldiers taken at Naseby were sent to relieve Youghal, but the curious -experiment was hardly successful, for when provisions ran short they -deserted. 'I could wish,' writes a zealous Protestant, 'no more might -be sent over. They are brutes, void of reason or understanding, or -they would never hasten so much to the herd of unclean beasts.' Some -of them, however, might have taken the oath of allegiance devised for -the benefit of Protestant Royalists, involving the independence of -the Irish Parliament and co-operation with 'the Confederate Catholics -(saving in the freedom of religion).' About the middle of July an -Irish vessel reached Nantes with the news that Youghal had fallen, -and that Castlehaven was on his way to Cork, but the wish was father -to the thought. Inchiquin sent some reinforcements from Kinsale, but -the _Duncannon_ frigate with many men was blown up in Youghal harbour -during an artillery duel with one of the Confederate batteries. After -this Youghal was effectively blockaded on both sides of the river, but -the besiegers never came to close quarters. At the beginning of October -Preston came with his army, but finding that in Munster he would be -only second to Castlehaven, went back in dudgeon to his own province, -leaving the country, as Bellings mildly puts it, 'much offended at the -unusual liberty the soldiers assumed in his return.' Youghal was no -longer in danger, having been relieved early in September by Broghill, -who brought over reinforcements from England. Inchiquin also was -able to send supplies from Cork and Kinsale, and the Parliamentary -Vice-Admiral Crowther commanded the sea. After Preston left him, -Castlehaven attempted to take the great island in Cork harbour, which -was of the highest importance to Inchiquin. The bridge at Belvelly -appears not to have been then in being, and the attempt to cross the -narrow channel failed, both horses and men sticking in the mud. After -some indecisive skirmishing in the direction of Blarney, Castlehaven -returned to Youghal, where he found his army dwindling away, and -disheartened by Preston's desertion. Those who remained were dispersed -into winter quarters, and Youghal was left to itself. So far as Munster -is concerned, this failure may be called the turning point of the -war.[76] - -[Sidenote: Three presidents of Connaught.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and the Scots.] - -[Sidenote: Activity of Coote] - -[Sidenote: Sligo taken, July 8] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Sligo, October 17.] - -[Sidenote: Four days later Rinuccini landed in Kerry.] - -While Castlehaven was in Munster the Scots threatened Connaught, where -there were now virtually three provincial presidents--Lord Dillon -of Costello for the King, Sir Charles Coote for the Parliament, and -Archbishop Queely for the Kilkenny Confederacy. Ormonde steadfastly -abstaining from denouncing the Scots as rebels, for many who had taken -the Covenant were really Royalists, and those who had refused it were -still worse disposed to the Parliament, whose promises of help had not -been kept. The hard treatment of the King at Uxbridge and Montrose's -successes in Scotland had a great effect in Ulster, and for a moment -Ormonde thought it possible to unite the English and Scots forces -there under his own banner. The officers of the British forces in -Ulster--excluding Monro and the new Scots--met at Antrim on May 17 and -agreed to receive commissioners from the Parliament. They proposed, in -spite of all the misery they had undergone, to continue the war until -the conclusion of a safe and honourable peace by consent of King and -Parliament, but, they significantly added, they 'called heaven and -earth to witness that it was not their fault, if they were forced to -take any other way whatever for their preservation and subsistence.' -Five days before this Coote, who was in England, received a commission -as President of Connaught. He hurried over to Ireland, and the presence -of so resolute an officer with the necessary authority soon changed the -aspect of affairs. First he entered his province at Ballinasloe and -ravaged the country almost up to Galway. His next thought was to take -Sligo, which was held by Teige O'Connor with a colonel's commission -from the Confederates. Four thousand foot and 500 horse assembled -at Augher in Tyrone on June 17, consisting both of English and old -Scots, and battering guns were sent to Sligo by sea. At the instance -of Clanricarde, Ormonde gave a commission to Lord Taaffe, authorising -him to raise troops and resist all who invaded Connaught in breach -of the cessation, and Lord-President Dillon was directed to use his -services in the last resort; but the appointment was ineffectual for -the immediate purpose. Ten days later cannon were brought to bear upon -Sligo Castle, and O'Connor surrendered. The town was defended a little -longer, but was carried by assault with great slaughter. The Irish -accounts say that men, women, and children were killed after quarter -had been promised, 'so as never a man escaped but two men and two -women'; but these charges were generally made by both sides during the -war, and it is not always possible to test them. The Sligo district -was now at the mercy of Sir Frederick Hamilton and his allies, but -recruits flocked to Taaffe's standard in considerable numbers, and he -turned his attention to Roscommon. Tulsk was taken by storm, and Major -Robert Ormsby, a redoubtable partisan of the Parliament, was taken -prisoner. Carrigdrumrusk and Boyle also fell, and then Lord Taaffe was -recalled to Dublin. The chief authority in Connaught was for a short -time in Archbishop Queely's hands, but Major Luke Taaffe appears to -have commanded the force which attempted to recover Sligo in October. -A priest is out of place at the head of any army, and probably some -of the evils attending a divided command were felt. At all events a -very bad look-out was kept. On October 17 a cavalry detachment from -Sir Robert Stewart's army, under Lord Coloony and another Coote, fell -upon the Irish and put them to flight. Sir Frederick Hamilton came up -in time to take part in the pursuit, and there was great slaughter. -Archbishop Queely was killed, and upon him was found the copy of the -Glamorgan treaty which played so important a part.[77] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio Rinuccini.] - -[Sidenote: His instructions.] - -[Sidenote: The Curia imperfectly informed.] - -[Sidenote: Scope of the nuncio's mission] - -Giovanni Battista Rinuccini was of a good old Florentine family, and -had been carefully educated. He was in his fifty-third year, and had -been Bishop of Fermo since 1625. In 1631 he refused the archbishopric -of Florence, telling the Grand Duke Ferdinand II. that he was too much -attached to his flock to leave them. When the Irish Confederacy begged -for a regular nuncio, Luigi Omodei, afterwards a cardinal, was first -chosen, but passed over as a Spanish subject, whose appointment might -be disagreeable to France. This was the reason given, and it seems -sufficient, but according to Bellings Rinuccini was preferred to please -Ferdinand, and that the revenues of Fermo might be applied for a time -in liquidation of the bishop's debts. He was given almost unlimited -ecclesiastical authority and patronage in Ireland, with power to visit -all monasteries and nunneries, even exempt jurisdictions, and to settle -disputes between the various orders. He was directed to be chiefly -guided by the advice of archbishop Queely and Bishop Emer Macmahon, -and he was to establish the Tridentine decrees firmly. With regard to -church lands in lay hands, he was to use his own discretion, treating -each case on its merits, and giving grants or leases as he thought -best, but always with the proviso that a sufficient part of the profits -should be retained for the support of the clergy. About ecclesiastical -matters in Ireland the Roman court was very well informed, Luke Wadding -being at hand to answer every question. But political affairs were less -well understood. Rinuccini was told, for instance, that the Parliament -had 'bound themselves by a sacrilegious oath to maintain and defend -what they called the true reformed Protestant religion against all -Popish inventions and innovations, and determined to extinguish every -spark of the Catholic religion, by extirpating all who adhered to that -faith, not only in England and Scotland, but even in Ireland. This -dreadful sentence came to the knowledge of the Irish at a time when -four thousand men were in arms, who had been levied for the service of -the King of Spain, but were then detained in Ireland by order of the -Parliament.' The detention of the troops was indeed one great cause of -the outbreak in 1641, but the men had been levied originally not for -any foreign prince, but to enable Charles and Strafford to crush the -English Parliament and their Scots allies. Parliament was undoubtedly -ready to oppress the Roman Catholics, but there is no evidence of any -intention to extirpate them. The friars persuaded the people that -this had been determined on, and the argument was too convenient to -be neglected. The main object of Rinuccini's mission was to 'restore -and re-establish the public exercise of the Catholic religion in -the island of Ireland, and further to lead her people, if not as -tributaries to the Holy See, such as they were five centuries ago, to -subject themselves to the mild yoke of the Pontiff, at least in all -spiritual affairs--thus to gain over souls innumerable to the glories -of Paradise.'[78] - -[Sidenote: Opinion held of Ormonde.] - -[Sidenote: The Queen distrusted,] - -[Sidenote: as well as the King.] - -The nuncio was informed that the cessation and its various renewals -had done no good, and that peace was unlikely because Ormonde would -'never yield save by force to the wishes of the Catholics.' The Lord -Lieutenant's Protestantism was sincere, but in Rinuccini's secret -instruction a lingering hope is expressed that he might be gained over, -perhaps through the Queen or 'any particular predilection of which -advantage might be taken.' He had one predilection, the supremacy of -the Crown in Church and State. The same secret instructions declared -that Henrietta Maria must be kept out of Ireland, because Royalist -heretics would flock round her and make the Irish suspicious, and -because queens are expensive people to maintain. The Pope would give -no help to the faithful in England except on condition that all -disabilities affecting them should be taken away, the oath of supremacy -abolished, and no peace made until these concessions were confirmed by -Parliament. 'To secure these conditions all the fortresses in Ireland -must be put into the hands of English and Irish Catholics, because -without some such pledge, their Majesties' promises can not be depended -on.' No Irish army was to be landed in England if of less force than -10,000 men, 'who may be able to defend themselves without danger of -being cut to pieces by the English who serve under the King ... the -Irish Catholics are so hated by the English Protestants that they would -be in constant danger of treachery, if marching with cavalry, commanded -by Protestant officers,' and therefore the provision of a body of -English Catholic cavalry proportionate to the Irish infantry was a -condition precedent to the latter serving in England, and there is much -more of the same kind. Had Charles known what ideas prevailed at Rome -there would have been no Glamorgan treaty, no royal letters to the Pope -or nuncio, and very probably no battle of Naseby.[79] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio's journey to Paris.] - -[Sidenote: French parties.] - -[Sidenote: Effects of Naseby.] - -[Sidenote: Attitude of Mazarin and Henrietta Maria.] - -Rinuccini travelled by Florence and Genoa, where the Doge's attentions -much delighted him, to Marseilles, and thence by Lyons, where the -cardinal archbishop was barely civil, and he reached Paris at the -end of the third week in May. He had strict orders not to linger -long in the French capital, 'lest the ill-affected should warn the -Parliament of the enterprise.' They were not likely to be ignorant, -for the English merchants at Leghorn had plotted to intercept him at -sea between Genoa and Cannes. He carried with him the golden rose, -which was a dead secret, and he was ordered not to deliver it to Anne -of Austria unless he was sure that it would be well received. There -was some ill-feeling on account of the Pope's late refusal to make -Mazarin's brother a cardinal, and this was increased by the mistake -of a secretary who infringed diplomatic usage by neglecting to inform -the nuncio at Paris of Rinuccini's mission. The refusal to give up -Beaupuis, who was implicated in the conspiracy of the _Importants_, -and had been arrested at Rome at the French queen's instance, made -matters worse, and Rinuccini soon determined not to offer the rose, -which would probably be refused under the circumstances. The Irish -flocked to the nuncio with requests and advice, but the French were not -enthusiastic. The Duke of Orleans, indeed, and the Prince of Condé, -were friendly, the latter expressing the most extravagant devotion to -the Holy See, but Mazarin was merely smooth and cautious. Jealousy -of Spain was much more apparent in Court circles than sympathy with -Ireland, but the devout Duke of Ventadour promoted a subscription of -100,000 crowns. After the news of Naseby the French became cooler than -ever, but Henrietta Maria begged Rinuccini to bring about peace between -the Irish, saying that she was empowered to do this by her husband. The -persons trusted by her in the matter were the Jesuit O'Hartegan, whom -Charles considered a knave; Bellings, who had reached Paris soon after -the nuncio; and the inevitable Jermyn. Scarampi in the meantime was -writing from Ireland that 'the peace, if concluded, would be fatal.' -Rinuccini's long stay in France was so far favourable to Scarampi's -views that the Confederates were unwilling to conclude anything until -he arrived, and in the meantime the King's necessities grew more -pressing. 'I have observed,' says the nuncio, 'that many in France are -anxious to assist the King of England, but would rather it should be by -the help of others, and consequently they would greatly like he should -be aided by the Irish. Mazarin, who made some difficulty about an -audience, gave vague promises, but was very cautious. Henrietta Maria -offered to see Rinuccini privately, but he declined anything short of -an official reception. It is perhaps true that she tried to prevent -him from going to Ireland, for Scarampi showed from her letters that -she was 'always ready to treat of peace without one word concerning -religion,' and indeed it was quite impossible for her to act so as to -alienate Protestant Royalists. It was equally impossible for her to -please all parties.[80] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini leaves Paris.] - -[Sidenote: The voyage to Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio lands in Kerry, October 11/21] - -[Sidenote: The journey to Limerick.] - -[Sidenote: Reception at Kilkenny.] - -Bellings, who is a very hostile witness, says Rinuccini disliked the -idea of Ireland, and tried to get himself appointed nuncio to France -instead of Monsignor dei Bagni, and Mazarin seems to have been of the -same opinion. However that may be, it is certain that he lingered for -more than three months in Paris, and that he was severely reprimanded -by the Pope for doing so without showing a sufficient reason to vary -his original instructions on that point. At the date of that reproof -he had got as far as Tours on his way to the coast. He succeeded in -wringing 25,000 crowns from Mazarin, and persuaded Bellings to go to -Flanders in the hope of preventing him from getting first to Ireland. -O'Hartegan had letters in his possession which showed that Charles was -trying to use the Irish for his own purposes, and had taken care that -they should be known in Ireland, his object being to prevent any peace -without extraordinary securities. Rinuccini sailed at last from the -island of Rhé, more than six months after leaving Florence, accompanied -by Bellings and about twenty Italians, of whom the most remarkable was -Massari, Dean of Fermo. A nephew of the great Spinola, who soon died -at Kilkenny, was sent before to explain or excuse the delay. There had -been much difficulty about shipping, but the frigate _San Pietro_ was -obtained with Mazarin's money. The cardinal said the French flag would -protect all on board, but this turned out not to be the case. Rinuccini -carried with him a considerable sum in specie and a large quantity of -arms purchased in France, a consignment of swords, pistols, and muskets -with 20,000 pounds of powder having preceded him to Ireland. The total -amount received from Rome and from Mazarin was about 200,000 dollars, -and of this nearly one-half had been laid out in arms and other warlike -material. At sea the nuncio was chased first by an English squadron -and afterwards by Plunket, a notorious rover or pirate, who, having -become 'a Puritan,' was trusted by the English Parliament. Superior -speed averted the first danger, but Plunket would have succeeded had -not a fire broken out in his galley. 'The frigate,' says Rinuccini, -'was dedicated to St. Peter, whose gilded image was placed at the poop -... and truly I see the hand of the Saint in the miraculous issue -of this pursuit.' In spite of this it was thought too dangerous to -approach Waterford, and after six days at sea the _San Pietro_ at -last found shelter in Kenmare bay. The nuncio's first letters are -dated from Ardtully, about four miles to the eastward of Kenmare. 'And -here,' he writes, 'I may give your Eminence another proof of the Divine -providence towards me in having discovered and touched land on October -21 and 22, which seem to be consecrated to an archbishop of Fermo, as -on the 21st my Church celebrates the feast of Saint Mabel, one of the -11,000 virgins, whose head we have at Fermo, and whom we believe on no -slight grounds to have been of Irish birth; while on the 22nd we also -celebrate the martyrdom of St. Philip, Bishop of Fermo.... My first -lodging was in a shepherd's hut, in which animals also took shelter.' -The arms were temporarily stored in Ardtully Castle, and to avoid -Inchiquin, Rinuccini proceeded by Macroom and Millstreet through the -mountains to Limerick. The ruggedness of the roads and the steepness -of the passes were, he says, indescribable, but the faithful flocked -to meet him, and Ormonde's brother Richard, specially sent by the -Supreme Council, was among those who escorted him. At Limerick he found -Scarampi, who had succeeded in making the hitherto neutral city declare -itself, and heard of Archbishop Queely's death. He reached Kilkenny -on November 12, and was received with much pomp, which he evidently -enjoyed. The Supreme Council held a special sitting in the Castle, and -the nuncio had a chair covered with 'red damask enriched with gold and -handsomer than the president's,' but Mountgarret did not leave his -place either at the beginning or end of the ceremony. The arrangements -were made by Bellings, who would be sure to preserve the dignity of the -civil power.'[81] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[74] Castlehaven's summons to Cappoquin is dated April 14, 1645, -_Youghal Council Book_, 552. Mitchelstown fell May 7 or 8, _ib._ lii. -Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, 54-56. For Castlehaven's effort to make his -soldiers respect capitulations, see _ib._ 61. _Bellings_, iv. 8. -Writing to the Parliament, Broghill says Colonel 'Ridgway, though -drunk, killed nine men that day with his own hand. His drunkenness -was owing to two tumblers of ryley ale, which he had from the Irish -sutler'--Smith's _Cork_, ed. Day, ii. 88. - -[75] Smith's _Cork_, ed. Day, i. 289, ii. 87, where the Egmont MS. -is cited; _Bellings_, iv. 8-11; Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, pp. 58-60; -Castlehaven to the Supreme Council, June 17, 1645, in _Confederation -and War_, ii. 281-4. Lady Broghill was Lady Margaret Howard, daughter -of the second Earl of Suffolk, and is supposed to have been the heroine -of Suckling's delightful lines, 'I tell thee, Dick, where I have been,' -&c. - -[76] Rinuccini, _Embassy_, p. 45; Broghill's _Letter-book_, Additional -MS. 25, 287; _Bellings_, iv. 11-16; Castlehaven to the Supreme Council, -June 17, 1675, in _Confederation and War_, iv. 281. As to the bad -relations between Preston and Castlehaven, Bellings agrees with the -_Aphorismical Discovery_, i. 196: 'Two generals with unsubordinate -power in one and the same army, neither obeying the other, or either -said by a council of war.' _Youghal Council Book_, lii. - -[77] Carte's _Ormonde_, i. 54; _Confederation and War_, iv. 353; -_Bellings_, iv. 16; _Aphorismical Discovery_, i. 93. The authorities -are collected in the two modern histories of Sligo by Archdeacon -O'Rorke and Colonel Wood-Martin. Scarampi wrote: 'Posteaquam se pactis -dediderant, occiderunt barbare præsidium nostrum circa ducentorum -militum necnon omnes pueros et mulieres'--_Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. -293. The Irish Cabinet containing the captured papers is in Husband's -_Collection_, p. 782, reprinted in _Harl. Misc._ v. 485, and in _Somers -Tracts_, v. 542. _Good News from Ireland_, communicated to Parliament, -January 12, 1645-6, and printed by authority, January 15. As to Coote's -first movements, Clanricarde to Ormonde, May 6, _Carte MSS._ vol. -lxiii. f. 443. - -[78] Papal brief of March 15, 1645 (Latin), in _Embassy in Ireland_, -xiii. Instructions to Rinuccini, _ib._ xxvii. - -[79] Secret Instructions to Rinuccini in _Embassy_, li.; Memoranda for -him, _ib._ lvii. - -[80] _Embassy in Ireland_, pp. 8-52, particularly Rinuccini's letters -of August 4 and 11; Scarampi's letter of May 8, _ib._ 553; and of July -14, in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 292; _Aphorismical Discovery_, i. -91. - -[81] Rinuccini's _Embassy_, p. 90; _Bellings_, iv. 5-7. See also the -translation of a paper preserved at Rome, reprinted in appendix to -Meehan's _Confederation_, from the _Dublin Review_ for 1845. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVII - -THE ORMONDE PEACE, 1646 - - -[Sidenote: Glamorgan and the nuncio.] - -[Sidenote: Digby in Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini and the Confederates not in accord.] - -[Sidenote: Attitude of Henrietta Maria.] - -While at Rochelle waiting for his ship, Rinuccini had seen Geoffrey -Baron, treasurer of the Confederation, who told him that no peace had -yet been made in Ireland, and who brought a letter from Glamorgan. -Baron, 'a cavalier of excellent countenance and very affable manner,' -was on his way to Paris to succeed O'Hartegan, who seems to have -returned to Ireland a little later. Glamorgan returned from Dublin -to Kilkenny one week after the nuncio's arrival, and in due course -delivered the King's letter to him. Of that to the Pope he only showed -the address, but he disclosed the contents of two 'patents in which -the King gives him secret but full powers to conclude a peace with the -Irish, on whatever terms he thinks advisable.' In the meantime Lord -Digby, who bore the now empty title of principal secretary of state, -had arrived in Dublin. It was characteristic of Charles's diplomacy -that his English minister was even more ignorant of Glamorgan's -business than his Irish viceroy. Glamorgan was sanguine that the nuncio -would agree to everything required; but Ormonde calls him 'the Italian -bishop,' and an 'unbidden guest,' which he would not have done had he -known of the King's letter to him. Rinuccini found that the majority of -the Confederates were inclined to accept Ormonde's political articles, -and to leave the religious question for later consideration. Noblemen -and lawyers saw plainly enough that the King could not grant what would -satisfy the Pope without making his position in England hopeless, and -they wished to save their properties with the hope of later concessions -in church matters. The certain ruin of the royal cause was the worst -thing that could happen, for from the Parliament nothing but evil was -to be expected. Some, says Rinuccini, 'audaciously declare that the -Catholic interest could not fail to prosper under the government of a -nobleman so warmly attached to the cause of Ireland as the Marquis of -Ormonde; others are not ashamed to say that it is sufficient to perform -the Catholic service in secret, provided it can be done in safety, and -that to expect more than this from the King, restricted as he is at the -present moment in his liberty, would be open injustice; and finally, -that it is not lawful to contend with him in this cause. No one holds -forth more loudly in favour of this doctrine than that priest Leyburn -sent here six months ago by the Queen, and whose words almost amount to -sedition.' Leyburn's mission was known and feared at Rome, where it was -well understood that Henrietta Maria was willing to make peace 'without -one word concerning religion,' and considered 'the whole well-being of -the Catholics to depend on peace with the Protestants.' A still greater -obstacle to peace on Rinuccini's terms was the personal popularity of -Ormonde, and the fact that the Council 'were mostly relations, friends, -clients, or dependants of his house.'[82] - -[Sidenote: Arrest of Glamorgan.] - -[Sidenote: Examination of Glamorgan.] - -[Sidenote: His answer.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish Government horror-struck.] - -A copy of the Glamorgan treaty came into Ormonde's hands, and was shown -to Digby, who was in Dublin before the end of November. Glamorgan -himself reached the Irish capital on Christmas Eve, and on St. -Stephen's Day he was arrested at Digby's instance, and closely confined -to the Castle, 'yet with needful attendance and accommodation,' and -not as Rinuccini heard, 'without even a servant left to attend him.' -The prisoner being brought before the Council, Digby produced copies -of the treaty, of the 'pretended authority' of March 12, 1644-5, and -of the oath taken by Glamorgan. The King complained at this time that -Ormonde had been long without writing, the fact probably being that -he knew just enough to make him cautious and not enough to enable -him to advise. The fatal papers were read to the Irish Council, Digby -declaring that the commission was either forged or obtained by fraud, -or at the very least limited by other instructions. It was 'destructive -both to his regality and religion,' and such as the King would -never grant to save his Crown or life, or the lives of his wife and -children. Next day Glamorgan was examined on interrogatories, framed -so as to shield Charles while accumulating blame upon his agent. It -was not sought to prove that he had forged the King's commissions of -January 12 and March 12, for probably both Ormonde and Digby knew in -their hearts that they were genuine, though they had not seen them -before the conclusion of the treaty. The fourth interrogatory was as -follows: 'Did your lordship grant, conclude, and agree, on the behalf -of his Majesty, his heirs and successors ... that the Roman Catholic -clergy of Ireland should and might from thenceforth for ever hold and -enjoy all and every such lands, tenements, tithes, and hereditaments -whatsoever by them respectively enjoyed within this kingdom, or by -them possessed at any time since October 23, 1641, and all other such -lands, tenements, tithes, and hereditaments belonging to the clergy -within this kingdom, other than such as are now actually enjoyed by his -Majesty's Protestant clergy?' In reply Glamorgan acknowledged the words -of the treaty, while considering them 'not obligatory to his Majesty.' -He was afterwards allowed to add the words 'and yet without any just -blemish of my honour, my honesty, or my conscience.' At the end of four -days Glamorgan was released from close imprisonment, but confined to -the walls of the Castle for more than three weeks longer. In reporting -to the King the Lord Lieutenant and Council confess that they were -'stricken with most wonderful horror and astonishment to find so sacred -a majesty so highly scandalled and dishonoured.' And, said Ormonde for -himself, 'it is manifest that the retarding of the peace is no way -on the part of me the Lieutenant, but ought rather to be attributed -to that underhand dealing of the said Earl, whereby that party have -been encouraged to hope for such concessions as they themselves had -before receded from, as wanting confidence to insist on matters so -unreasonable.' It was pointed out that Glamorgan had mis-recited -the commission authorising Ormonde to treat for peace, that he had -acknowledged Mountgarret's 'usurped style and title' as Lord President -of the Supreme Council, and that 'he had strangely misinterpreted the -facts of the case when he discerned the alacrity and cheerfulness of -the said Catholics to embrace honourable conditions of peace.' They had -shown their loyalty by 'entertaining a nuncio from the Pope,' and at -the same time negotiating with a messenger from the King of Spain, 'and -how comely it is that such treaty with foreigners should be held at the -same time that they are in treaty with his Majesty's commissioners we -humbly submit to his Majesty's high wisdom.'[83] - -[Sidenote: Charles repudiates Glamorgan.] - -[Sidenote: Negotiations for peace interrupted.] - -[Sidenote: Glamorgan released on bail.] - -As soon as Charles heard of the proceedings in Dublin, he proceeded -characteristically to repudiate Glamorgan, to whom, he said, he had -given a commission to raise and employ troops, 'and to that purpose -only.' All his other doings were without warrant, and 'framed of his -own head.' For himself the King was quite ready to go to London and to -confer with the two Houses on the basis of making no peace in Ireland -without their consent. Failing such a conference, Ormonde was to make -a treaty which would preserve the Irish Protestants and the Crown, -without being derogatory to the King's honour and public professions. -With chivalrous loyalty, which cannot be too much commended, Glamorgan -kept silence under this undeserved rebuke. He had already shown Ormonde -the original and given him an attested copy of a document which was -probably the patent of April 1, 1644, strictly charging him to keep -it secret. It might be useful to the Lord Lieutenant for his 'future -warrantry to his Majesty,' but publication would not be for the King's -service. Ormonde sent a copy of this paper to the King, describing it -as 'of an extraordinary nature and way of penning,' but expressing -no doubts of its genuineness. The Supreme Council at Kilkenny said -negotiations could not go on nor Chester be relieved until 'a nobleman, -so highly esteemed by the nation, and chosen general of that army -by the unanimous vote of the Confederate Catholics, were released.' -To Ormonde Charles averred 'on the word of a Christian' that he -never intended Glamorgan to do anything without his approbation. A -prosecution of the Earl was necessary to clear his Majesty's honour, -but he had been actuated by mistaken zeal. The King was quite satisfied -with the Lord Lieutenant, and begged him not to sentence Glamorgan, -unless he found it too dangerous not to do so. Glamorgan was liberated -after nearly a month's detention, but bound to appear within thirty -days after summons, bail being given for 40,000_l._, half on his own -part and half on that of the Earls of Clanricarde and Kildare. Both the -sureties had houses in Dame Street, where service was declared good. -Glamorgan went back to Kilkenny, entering the town late 'to avoid the -vanity' of popular demonstrations in his favour, and Rinuccini was -rather sorry to see him, because his return removed one obstacle to the -conclusion of peace. The interest of Rome was to continue the war, and -the nuncio pleaded hard for delay, at least until the articles came to -which the Pope had agreed.[84] - -[Sidenote: Mission of Sir Kenelm Digby.] - -[Sidenote: The Queen's religion.] - -[Sidenote: The broken reed to be sacrificed.] - -In the spring of 1645 Henrietta Maria sent Sir Kenelm Digby to Rome. -The choice of this fantastic genius was not a happy one, and the -cool-headed Italians soon found that he was not a serious diplomatist. -He could show no authority from the King, and that derived from an -exiled Queen, who was hated in England and not much loved in Ireland, -hardly afforded security enough. He received an order for 20,000 -Roman crowns to be laid out in munitions of war, and carried with him -articles to which he undertook to get the royal consent. He left Rome -in December for Paris, where he was to see the Queen. After that he -proposed to visit the King in England and the nuncio in Ireland. He -was at Nantes at the end of January and on the point of sailing for -Ireland, but returned to Paris instead, whence he made his way back to -Rome a few months later. 'Let him say what he will,' wrote Bonaventure -Barron to Wadding, 'this is certainly true that excepting going to -mass, the Queen has no other religion than the Lord Jermyn's, and -that both are all agreeing in this, that while there is any hope of -relieving the King by a Protestant, a Catholic shall never be admitted -to his succour, and while they think the Scots can do it, the Irish -shall never be admitted to a communication in the work, much less to -any good conditions for our nation, which is equally hated by the King, -Parliament, Scots, Queen, and Jermyn.' This was written in May, after -Charles had left Oxford on that sad journey which ended in the Scotch -camp, but the learned Franciscan was well informed, and had perhaps -seen some of the letters received by the Queen. In January the King had -told his wife that Ireland 'must at all times be sacrificed to save the -crown of England, Montreuil assuring me that France, rather than fail, -will assist me in satisfying the Scots' arrears.' His later letters to -her are in the same spirit, and with some reason from his own point of -view, he declares the Irish wanting in generosity. Colepepper about the -same time pronounced Ireland to be a broken reed, and the same simile -was applied at Rome to the heretics upon whom King and Queen alike were -disposed to lean.[85] - -[Sidenote: Sir Kenelm Digby's treaty.] - -[Sidenote: Protestants to be excluded from office.] - -[Sidenote: An Irish invasion of England.] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio throws over Glamorgan,] - -[Sidenote: who gives up his treaty.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's reflections on the business.] - -A copy of the articles agreed to with Digby was sent to Rinuccini -early in November 1645, and reached him in due course. This paper -was unsigned, and differed in some respects from the formally -authenticated version entrusted to Sir Kenelm himself, but the main -points were the same. Seven articles applied to Ireland, and by -them the King was required to grant the free and public exercise of -the Roman Catholic religion, and to restore the hierarchy, with all -churches and church property. The abbey lands 'pretended' to have been -confirmed to lay grantees by Cardinal Pole were to be left to a free -Parliament, and so were the bishoprics in the King's hands. All penal -laws passed since 'the defection of Henry VIII.' were to be first -abrogated by the King and then repealed by a free Irish Parliament, -'independent of that of England.' The viceroy and all the chief -placeholders were to be Catholics, and all towns, including Dublin, -to be placed in Catholic hands, and the King was to join his forces -with those of the Confederate Catholics so as to drive the Scots and -the Parliamentarians out of Ireland. When the King had done these -things, 'and whatever else Monsignor Rinuccini may add to or alter in -these articles,' the Pope would give the Queen 100,000 Roman crowns. -In England all penal laws were to be repealed and all disabilities -removed, and the kingdom was to be invaded by 12,000 infantry under -Irish chiefs, who were to be assisted by at least 2,500 English cavalry -with Catholic officers. As soon as a landing and junction had been -effected the Pope was to pay his money in twelve monthly instalments, -a like sum to be paid in the second and third year if circumstances -justified it. By an article added afterwards six months were given -for the ratification of the Irish articles, and ten for the English, -'after which his Holiness will not be bound by his present promise.' -Rinuccini received this document in February while the General Assembly -was sitting at Kilkenny. Glamorgan, not without some wry faces and -much to the disgust of his friends, at once agreed to abandon his own -treaty and to adopt Sir Kenelm Digby's. It was an excuse for delay that -the original had not yet come to hand, and that was the nuncio's main -object. Glamorgan was reminded that he had exceeded his instructions, -that he had talked at Dublin about what he had orders to keep secret, -that he had spoken of using an Irish army to force the King's hand, -and in short that he could only cast off his load of responsibility -by submitting to the Pope. It was evident that he could do nothing by -himself, and that his promises had melted into air, 'Lord Digby having -declared that the Protestants would rather throw the King out of window -than permit his Majesty to confirm them.' Speaking in the assembly -Rinuccini said that Glamorgan's treaty was worthless because its -confirmation depended on the will of another, and that the Roman treaty -was every way preferable. Both were really waste paper, and everyone -at Kilkenny knew it except the clergy and the clericals. Ormonde -reminded Glamorgan that the chief object of the peace was to relieve -Chester, and that could not be done unless troops were sent at once. -To this the poor man answered that the Queen's powerful hand effaced -the 'clandestine hopes' of his own endeavours. A burnt child, he said, -dreads the fire, and he would most willingly leave treaty-making to the -Lord Lieutenant, who could not as 'a great and public minister of State -and real Protestant' appear publicly, but who might give a hint to his -friends at Kilkenny to deal with the nuncio. For himself he proposed -to raise 100,000_l._ in Catholic countries, which was impossible if -the Pope were 'irritated,' or the nuncio 'disgusted.' Rinuccini, he -added, had agreed to let 3000 men go at once for the relief of Chester, -and he believed shipping could be readily had. When this was written -Chester had fallen, and a rumour had reached Ormonde when he penned -an answer in his best manner. 'My Lord,' he said, 'my affections and -interests are so tied to his Majesty's cause that it were madness in me -to disgust any man that hath power and inclination to relieve him, in -the sad condition he is in, and therefore your Lordship may securely -go on in the ways you have proposed to yourself to serve the King -without fear of interruption from me, or so much as inquiring into the -means you work by.' For himself he had a commission to treat with the -Confederates, and he intended to do so without venturing 'upon any new -negotiation foreign to the powers he had received.' In the meantime -the proposed succours were likely to be too late.[86] - -[Sidenote: Glamorgan's oath of fealty.] - -[Sidenote: Conclusion of peace.] - -Glamorgan was not satisfied with abandoning as worthless the treaty -which had cost him so much, he must needs swear fealty to the nuncio in -terms such as perhaps no other English layman has ever used. 'I swear,' -he wrote, 'to obey all your commands readily without reluctance and -with a joyful mind. I make this perpetual protestation on my bended -knees to your most illustrious and reverend lordship, not only as the -Pope's minister but also as a remarkable personage, and as witnesses -of the purity of my intentions I invoke the Blessed Virgin and all the -Saints of Paradise.' The result of this alliance was the consent of the -Supreme Council to prolong the cessation till May 1, so as to give time -for the arrival of Sir Kenelm Digby's original articles. Neither Digby -nor the documents ever reached Ireland, for the Queen did not choose -that they should, and peace was concluded with Ormonde on March 28, -on the understanding that the terms were not to be divulged until May -1, Rinuccini failing to get a further postponement. 'I command you,' -Charles had written, 'to conclude a peace with the Irish, whatever it -cost; so that my Protestant subjects there may be secure, and my regal -authority preserved. But for all this, you are to make the best bargain -you can, and not to discover your enlargement of power till you needs -must.' This was early in 1645. Six months later, after Naseby, the King -'absolutely and without reply,' commanded Ormonde to make the peace, -with the consent of his Council if possible, but to make it anyhow. -The contracting parties were Ormonde alone on the King's part and the -following commissioners for the Confederate Catholics: Ormonde's uncle, -Viscount Mountgarret, and his brother-in-law, Viscount Muskerry, Sir -Robert Talbot, Tyrconnel's eldest brother; Colonel Dermot O'Brien; -Patrick Darcy of Plattin; Geoffrey Brown and John Dillon, two lawyers -who were designated as future judges. The conditions of a peace -which was no peace might seem hardly worth dwelling on, but that -they mark clearly the furthest point to which Charles would openly, -if not altogether willingly, go in his dealings with the Irish Roman -Catholics. A few weeks after the peace was signed, and before it was -published, he ceased to be a free agent, and the desperate expedients -of a prisoner scarcely count. The articles occupy twenty-two printed -pages, but the principal points may be clearly brought out in a short -abstract. - -[Sidenote: Summary of the articles.] - -1. The oath of supremacy to be abolished, so far as concerns Roman -Catholics, in the next Irish Parliament; and an oath of allegiance -substituted. All statutory penalties and disabilities to be repealed -by the same Act. 'That his Majesty's said Roman Catholic subjects be -referred to his Majesty's gracious favour and further concessions.' - -2. An Irish Parliament to be held before November 30, when all the -articles were to be performed by law, the King undertaking to make no -alterations under Poynings' Act. - -3. All legal acts done against Roman Catholics since August 7, 1641, to -be vacated. Debts to remain as they stood before the outbreak. - -6. Titles to land to be confirmed under the graces of 1628. - -7. All educational disabilities affecting Roman Catholics to be removed. - -8. All offices, civil and military, to be open to Roman Catholics. - -9. The Court of Wards to be abolished on payment of 12,000_l._ - -10, 11. Peers without estates in Ireland to have no votes. Irish -Parliament to be as independent as it ever had been. - -12. Titles to land to be decided by law and not by the Council. - -13. Acts in restraint of trade to be repealed. - -14. Viceroys to hold for a limited term of years and not to acquire -estates. - -15. An Act of oblivion for all offences civil and criminal since -October 23, 1641, with some exceptions to be hereafter specified. - -16. Officials and judges to have no interest in the revenue. - -17. Monopolies abolished. - -18. To regulate the court of Castle-chamber. - -19. 'That two Acts lately passed in this kingdom, prohibiting the -ploughing with horses by the tail, and the other prohibiting the -burning of oats in the straw, be repealed.' - -20. Breakers of the cessation or of this peace to be punished. - -21, 22. Simplification of legal remedies. - -23, 24. Quit-rents increased by Strafford to be reduced again. - -25. Commissioners named to raise and transport to England 10,000 men -for the King's service, and to collect overdue taxes. - -26, 27. Commissioners named to appoint to judicial offices until -Parliament meets, but without power to decide questions of title, and -no other judges to have power within the Confederate quarters. - -28. The _status quo_ as to garrisons. - -29. Further details as to taxation. - -30. The judicial commissioners to have jurisdiction in every case, -including murder, arising since September 15, 1643.[87] - -[Sidenote: Delay fatal to Charles.] - -[Sidenote: Digby repulsed from Scilly.] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio's opinion of Charles I.] - -[Sidenote: Glamorgan's forlorn condition.] - -[Sidenote: The peace proclaimed at Dublin, July 30, 1646.] - -These articles when duly executed were placed in Clanricarde's hands, -to be kept secret until such time after May 1 as Ormonde might choose -for their publication. Before that day the Parliamentary fleets had -begun their summer cruises and the sea was entirely at their mercy. -Chester having fallen, it was almost out of the question to land -men in Wales. Six thousand of the promised troops were ready, and -orders were given for levying the remainder, but shipping could not -be provided, and there was no money either at Dublin or Kilkenny. The -attempt to put down the English people with Irish troops failed as it -had failed in the days of Strafford, and as it was destined to fail -in the days of Tyrconnel. In the meantime Lord Digby found a plan of -his own for bringing the Prince of Wales to Ireland and rallying round -him there all the forces opposed to the Parliament. Rinuccini dreaded -the success of this scheme, but it was not he who prevented it. Digby -sailed with two small frigates and 300 men to Scilly, where the Prince -remained from March 4 to April 16, but did not get there till after the -latter date. 'The men of the island,' wrote Plunket to Ormonde, 'put -themselves in arms and loudly cried that no Irish rebels should land -there, the Lord Digby thereupon parted thence with one frigate, and one -hundred of the men to Guernsey or Jersey.' The other frigate with the -remaining men returned to Waterford. According to Daniel O'Neill, the -King's principal secretary was 'drunk nine days out of ten with white -wine' during the preparation of his little expedition, which may have -had something to do with its being late. The Confederates depended -on Glamorgan's treaty for relief to their religion further than that -promised by Ormonde. It was true that both sets of articles depended -really upon the King's word and upon his ability to keep it, but as -professed Royalists they could not reject the first nor assume the -permanent absence of the second. Rinuccini, who had no duties except to -the Church, very rightly held that Charles's word was worth nothing, -and it was evident to him that if the royal power was destroyed in -England it could not long survive in Ireland without foreign help. The -King had justified the nuncio's opinion by repudiating Glamorgan, and -when this was known at Kilkenny he lost all credit, 'with the merchants -in particular, so that he really had not enough to live upon.' He -spoke to the French agent Dumoulin about leading the troops intended -for England into Louis XIV.'s service, but there was no chance of that -being allowed. The nuncio's position was strengthened by a royal -letter to Ormonde written from Newcastle under Scotch influence. 'We -think fit,' the King said, 'to require you to proceed no further in -treaty with the rebels nor to engage us upon conditions with them after -sight hereof'; the alleged motive being anxiety for the safety of the -Irish Protestants. This came to Ormonde's hands three months after the -signature of the Dublin peace. A very few days later Digby returned -from France, where a letter had been received from the King in which he -declared that he was no longer free, and that Ormonde was to proceed -as before. Digby accordingly publicly declared the Newcastle letter to -be a forgery or written under duress. This satisfied the Council, and -the peace was proclaimed in Dublin on July 30. On August 3 the Supreme -Council at Kilkenny followed suit. 'We require,' they wrote, 'the -above proclamation to be printed, and do order and require the same -to be published, and due obedience to be given thereunto by all the -Confederate Catholics of Ireland.'[88] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Bunratty, March-July, 1646.] - -[Sidenote: The castle in its grandeur] - -[Sidenote: Fight at Sixmilebridge, April 1.] - -Barnabas O'Brien, sixth Earl of Thomond, had endeavoured to stand -neutral during the early years of the war, and to live quietly in -Clare. As a Protestant his natural leaning was to Ormonde, who could -not protect him; and in October 1644 the Kilkenny assembly, treating -neutrals as enemies, ordered his tenants to pay no rent, and took steps -to sequestrate his vast estates for the benefit of the Confederacy. -Finding his position intolerable, Thomond surrendered Bunratty to -the Parliament in March 1646, and soon went himself to England. A -Parliamentary fleet under Penn lay in the Shannon, and there was no -difficulty about putting a garrison of 700 men under Colonel MacAdam -into Bunratty Castle, which lies upon the estuary of the Ogarney river. -It is now the most melancholy of ruins; but Rinuccini, who beheld it -in its days of grandeur, thought it the finest thing he had ever seen, -and Bellings's description bears him out. 'It is,' he says, 'a noble -structure, reputed strong when engines of battery were not so frequent, -and before time and experience had brought the art of taking in places -to perfection. On the south it hath the river of the Shannon, distant -from it about a mile of marsh and meadow ground. On the east it is -washed by the river which falling to the Shannon at the end of a goodly -plain, ebbs and flows with it. To the north at some distance from the -castle it is environed with an eminent ridge of earth, which bounds a -goodly park, save that it wanted the ornament of timber trees; it was -then stored with the largest deer in the kingdom.' Glamorgan, who was -now entirely in the nuncio's hands, went to Limerick and busied himself -about preparations for the recovery of Bunratty; but the garrison were -at first successful. A party of Irish, consisting of 120 horse and 300 -foot, came from Sixmilebridge and burned a few houses, but were routed -by a sally and lost eighty men, their commander, Captain Magrath, -and his lieutenant, being taken prisoners. In the afternoon of the -same day the victors, amounting to fifty horse and 600 foot, went to -Sixmilebridge and attacked the Irish camp. About 1400 men were strongly -entrenched there, but were driven out and took to the woods. A few were -slain, but a more important success was the capture of 250 barrels of -meal, which supplied the garrison of Bunratty with bread for six weeks. -Next day they went as far as Ballyquin, where the Irish had first -encamped, burned a large store of corn, and returned with some plunder -to Bunratty. Magrath and his subaltern both died of their wounds and -were buried with military honours. - -[Sidenote: Muskerry presses the siege.] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini joins the besiegers.] - -[Sidenote: Bunratty capitulates, July 14.] - -It was not till the middle of May that the Irish began to press the -siege by taking the outlying castles of Cappagh and Rossmanagher. The -works of Bunratty itself were strengthened by the labour and skill -of the sailors, but it became difficult to supply the garrison with -food and ammunition. The besiegers encamped in the park, where the -underwood supplied material for gabions and fascines, and ate the deer, -which they roasted with the dry wood of the palings. Muskerry arrived -at the end of the month, and after that the siege became closer. -Letters were received from Broghill, but no relief came. Rinuccini came -to Limerick about the middle of May, where he had the satisfaction -of superintending the rejoicings for Benburb, but he found that the -siege of Bunratty was likely to be raised for want of money to pay the -soldiers. There were frequent sallies from the garrison, but nothing -decisive on either side. The nuncio went himself to the camp at the -end of June with all that remained of the Pope's money, to which he -added some of his own, and the attack was after that pressed with more -vigour. Colonel MacAdam was killed by a stray round shot which came in -at a window, and his loss proved fatal to the defence. Eighteen bags of -money and some of Thomond's plate had been guarded by the commandant; -but this treasure was now divided among themselves by the officers -who found it, in spite of Penn's remonstrances. When Muskerry's men -succeeded in getting heavy guns down to the shore where the action of -the defenders was weak, ships could no longer lie near, and want of -provisions soon became felt. On July 14 the garrison capitulated, and -were carried off in Penn's boats. Rinuccini was satisfied that his -presence and assistance during the siege would cause 'the people to -recognise it as an apostolic undertaking,' and a _Te Deum_ was sung in -the cathedral, where ten captured colours were displayed.[89] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Benburb, June 5, 1646.] - -While Rinuccini was at Limerick, and before Bunratty was taken, O'Neill -gained his great victory at Benburb. The tidings were peculiarly -grateful to the nuncio, in that success was entirely due to the Ulster -Irish, and in no sense to the Supreme Council or to any who favoured -Ormonde's peace. And, moreover, the efficiency of O'Neill's army -was mainly due to the Pope's money, brought over and distributed by -Rinuccini himself. - -[Sidenote: Monro plans an attack on Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: Over-confidence of the Scots.] - -[Sidenote: Owen Roe's speech.] - -In the early summer of 1646 the Confederacy was so weakened by internal -dissensions that Monro thought it possible to take Kilkenny. It was -arranged that Sir Robert Stewart's army should enter Connaught while -he engaged O'Neill. In the event of both attacks being successful, he -could then march southwards without any great probability of meeting -an enemy that could stop him. He had 3400 foot 'effective under -arms,' with eleven troops of horse and six field pieces. Campbell -of Auchinbreck was left in command at Carrickfergus. The general's -nephew, Colonel George Monro, was to join him at Glaslough in Monaghan, -bringing 240 musketeers and three troops of horse from Coleraine. Monro -left the neighbourhood of Belfast on June 2, and spent the night of the -3rd at or near Dromore. On the following morning he detached a troop -of horse, under Daniel Monro, with orders to cross the Blackwater at -Benburb and meet his namesake at Dungannon. At Armagh Daniel learned -from a prisoner that O'Neill was concentrating his forces at Benburb, -and the fear lest George Monro should be cut off probably accounts for -the Scottish general's subsequent proceedings. The army spent the night -of the 4th at Hamilton's Bawn, and in the morning Monro went through -Armagh to view the bridges and ford at Benburb. Both are commanded by -high rocks crowned by Shane O'Neill's castle, and it was impossible -to attempt the passage in front of the Irish army. Monro then marched -to Caledon, where he crossed the Blackwater, doubled back on the left -bank, and faced the enemy late in the afternoon. After the long march -it would have been prudent to halt till the morning; and, moreover, sun -and wind were in the eyes of the Scots, but they were overconfident of -victory. 'All our army,' says Monro, 'foot and horse, did earnestly -covet fighting, which was impossible for me to gainstand without being -reproached of cowardice.' Sir James Turner, however, declared that his -greatest fault as a general was a tendency to underrate his enemy. -O'Neill had with him about 5000 men, including 500 horse, 'such as they -were,' and took up a position on hilly ground to the west of Benburb. -He detached the greater portion of his mounted men to intercept George -Monro, but they scarcely did more than neutralise that skilful leader. -The two armies met at Drumflugh, between the Oona brook and Benburb. -O'Neill made a short speech to his men, reminding them that they -were the ancient inhabitants of Ulster, professing the same faith as -those who first brought Christianity into Ireland. 'You have arms in -your hands,' he said, 'you are as numerous as they are; and now try -your valour and your strength on those that have banished you and now -resolve to destroy you bud and branch. So let your manhood be seen by -your push of pike; and I will engage, if you do so, by God's assistance -and the intercession of His blessed mother and all the holy saints in -heaven, that the day will be your own. Your word is _Sancta Maria_; and -so, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, advance, and give -not fire till you are within picket-length.'[90] - -[Sidenote: The Scots completely defeated,] - -[Sidenote: with great slaughter.] - -[Sidenote: Monro's apology.] - -[Sidenote: An old soldier's comments.] - -The battle did not begin till about six in the evening, by which time -the sun was well in the eyes of the Scots. The wind was also against -them, and there were clouds of dust and smoke. Monro's guns were placed -on high ground, but they did little damage, the round shot going over -the heads of O'Neill's men as they descended into the plain, which -was full of bushes and scrubby timber. Monro's front was too narrow, -and there were no proper intervals for his rear divisions to come -out in front. So learned a general might have remembered something -about the Roman maniples. Overcrowding resulted in confusion, and -this was increased by a squadron of his own cavalry, 'consisting,' -as he says, 'for the most part of Irish riders, although under the -English command, who did not charge, but retreated disorderly through -our foot, making the enemies' horse for to follow them at least one -squadron.' He thought they were at least half traitors. The foot fought -on bravely till sunset, when they broke and fled. The majority sought -the neighbouring ford of the Blackwater, where Battleford Bridge now -is, and the slaughter there was frightful. Sir Phelim O'Neill, who -commanded the horse, specially charged his men to take no prisoners -and to give no quarter. Others fled towards Caledon, and many of them -were drowned in Knocknacloy Lake. Of those who crossed the river a -large number were killed in passing through the county of Armagh. -Most of the horse escaped with Monro, who acknowledges a loss of 500 -or 600 men; but the Irish accounts say that from 3000 to 4000 bodies -were counted. A long train of carts followed the army, so that many -camp-followers were probably killed, and the truth is likely to be -somewhere between the two extremes. The Irish slain were under forty, -and the wounded under 250. George Monro got back to Coleraine without -the loss of a man. Monro's wig, cloak, sword, and cap fell into the -victor's hands with thirty-two colours and the standard of the cavalry. -Even those who escaped for the most part threw away their arms, which -enabled O'Neill to enrol fresh men. Lord Blayney, who commanded the -artillery, was killed, all his guns being taken. Lord Montgomery of -Ardes, who led the cavalry during the battle, was taken prisoner with -about twenty other officers. Monro's army was not annihilated, but it -was to a great extent disarmed, and ceased to be an aggressive force. -Over-confidence was certainly one main cause of his defeat. 'The Lord -of Hosts,' he says himself, 'had a controversy with us to rub shame -on our faces, as on other armies, till once we shall be humbled; for -a greater confidence did I never see.' The 'British Officer' agrees -that this was the chief cause of disaster; also mentioning the sun and -wind and the long march, and that the soldiers, who had had little -rest or refreshment since leaving Lisburn, stood to their arms for at -least five hours. Another reason, he adds, is 'that the Irish pikes -were longer by a foot or two than the Scottish pikes, and far better to -pierce, being four square and small, and the other pikes broad-headed, -which are the worst in the world. Withal to my knowledge, the soldiers, -I mean some that were not strong in the British army for his pike on a -windy day, would cut off a foot, and some two, of their pikes--which is -a damned thing to be suffered.'[91] - -[Sidenote: Small results of the victory.] - -[Sidenote: Rejoicings at Limerick,] - -[Sidenote: and at Rome.] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio's donative.] - -Military authorities are agreed that the general who wins a great -victory ought to pursue his beaten enemy to the uttermost. One reason -why O'Neill did not do this may have been that he was afraid of Sir -Robert Stewart falling upon Tyrone in his absence; but he was a man of -few words, and it does not appear that he ever said as much. He raised -new regiments, which he armed with the spoils of victory, and waited -for orders from Kilkenny. Want of money was no doubt a cause of delay. -His appearance at Augher caused Stewart to retire towards Londonderry, -and O'Neill lay inactive, first at Tanderagee and then at Loughanlea in -Cavan. Four days after the battle he sent Boetius MacEgan, an eminent -Franciscan, to Limerick with a letter to Rinuccini, who was quite -certain that a miracle had taken place. The Jesuit O'Hartegan, who had -returned from France, followed with the captured colours, which were -carried in procession through Limerick to the cathedral. The people -filled the streets and windows, the _Te Deum_ was sung by the nuncio's -choir, and high mass afterwards by the Dean of Fermo in the presence of -four bishops and of the civic magistrates. When the news reached Rome, -Innocent X. attended at Santa Maria Maggiore and heard a _Te Deum_ sung -there also. Rinuccini was sure that if he had only money enough he -could make the greater part of Ireland obedient to the Pope. All his -letters declare that money would do almost everything in Ireland; but -it was a scarce commodity, and without it even the clergy could not -'keep the soldiers quiet and united.' The nuncio had still a little -left, and he despatched Dean Massari to Ulster, who gave three rials to -each soldier and larger sums to the officers. The donative was small, -but it tended to foster the notion that it was the nuncio's war, and -that little regard need be paid to the viceroy or to the Council at -Kilkenny, where Anglo-Irish influences were in the ascendant. - -[Sidenote: Roscommon taken.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill forced to let his men plunder.] - -Preston had also been successful in Connaught, but the capture of -Roscommon, though important, paled before the glories of Benburb. -Neither general was in a condition to attack Sligo. Preston had no -ammunition for a siege, no means of drawing his guns over the Curlew -hills, and no money to pay his men. Even the sums promised--for they -had not arrived at the end of July--were not enough to last for a week -on active service. The country was so wasted that everyone would have -to carry a month's provisions with him, and this could only be had -for ready money. Ormonde urged Preston to reduce Connaught before the -summer season slipped away, but admitted that little help in money -for the Leinster army could be expected from Leinster. Both Preston -and O'Neill offered Rinuccini to march on Dublin, looking no doubt to -him for the means; but he refused because Dumoulin, the French agent, -was there, lest the Pope might be embroiled with the Most Christian -King. The part of that province which bordered on Ulster was overrun -by O'Neill's men, who plundered all classes and creeds impartially, so -that they appeared as conquerors rather than allies. Ormonde attributed -it 'to the necessities imposed on General O'Neill for want of means to -go on or to keep his men in better order where he is.'[92] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini works against the peace.] - -[Sidenote: The clergy at Waterford.] - -[Sidenote: The peace not proclaimed at Waterford.] - -Want of money and ill-feeling between the native and Anglo-Irish -notables prevented the greatest of Irish victories from having any -permanent results. Rinuccini left the Supreme Council at Limerick -under the impression that he would not object further to Ormonde's -peace, but he continued to counter-mine it while they despatched -Muskerry, who would have been more useful in Munster, to be present -at the proclamation in Dublin. Arriving at Waterford at the beginning -of August, the nuncio summoned the clergy to meet him there in order -to take steps for constituting a national synod. When he had got them -together, they immediately fell to debate the peace; and this had, no -doubt, been his real object. Scarampi, who had not yet sailed, was -authorised to write letters urging the municipalities of Limerick, -Cashel, Clonmel, Kilkenny, Galway, Wexford, and New Ross not to allow -the peace to be published. In the meantime, Ulster King-at-Arms had -arrived at Waterford with orders from Ormonde to proclaim the peace -there. The mayor and aldermen refused him permission on various -grounds. They had already been warned by the previous appearance of a -pursuivant, who had to give a little boy sixpence to show him the way -to the mayor's house, and who declared that there were 'by imagination -about a thousand priests and friars gazing' upon him and Ulster when -they had succeeded in getting an interview with the corporation. After -two days they were allowed to go in peace to Kilkenny, not without -covert threats of violence if their departure were longer delayed. -Scarampi's letters were written before they left Waterford, though the -attitude of the civic authorities was nominally due to the fact that -proclamation had not been first made at Kilkenny and by order of the -Supreme Council. Waterford was preferred on the ground that it was the -most ancient city of Ireland after Dublin; but perhaps Ormonde hoped -that his herald would create dissension enough to break up the clerical -assembly.[93] - -[Sidenote: The clergy reject the peace.] - -[Sidenote: Peace proclaimed at Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: Callan, Fethard and Cashel follow Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: Clonmel follows Waterford.] - -The Supreme Council at Kilkenny transmitted the original articles of -the peace to Waterford by the hands of Nicholas Plunket and Patrick -Darcy. The nuncio had not seen them before, though he was, of course, -well acquainted with their substance. After several days' debate it -was decided 'that all and singular the Confederate Catholics, who -shall adhere to such a peace, or consent to the fautors thereof, or -otherwise embrace the same, be held absolutely perjured: especially -for this cause, that in these articles there is no mention made of -the Catholic religion, and the security thereof, nor any care had for -conservation of the privileges of the country as is found promised in -the oath [of association]; but rather all things are referred to the -will of the most serene King, from whom in his present state nothing -certain can be had.' In the meantime everything remained subject to the -authority of Protestant officials, 'to free ourselves from which we -took that oath.' And it was plainly hinted that excommunication would -follow in due course. The document was signed by the nuncio himself, -by two archbishops, ten bishops, and many vicars-general and heads -of religious houses. It professes to be absolutely unanimous; but -Archbishop Bourke of Tuam, Bishop Dease of Meath, and the Franciscan -Peter Walsh, whose stormy career in Ireland now begins, did not sign, -though they took part in the debates and were among those to whom the -question was referred. On the same day the peace was proclaimed at -Kilkenny 'in the presence of the mayor and the magistrates only, the -people not choosing to appear,' according to Rinuccini, who says the -Supreme Council terrorised the city with soldiers. At Callan, Fethard, -and Cashel proclamation was made in spite of clerical opposition, but -there was no popular enthusiasm. The corporation of Clonmel declared -that they would do as Waterford had done. The town had received -supplies of arms from the nuncio and was subservient to the clergy, -though some of the more prudent inhabitants would have complied. The -most the herald could obtain was a promise to reopen the question after -proclamation had been made at Limerick.[94] - -[Sidenote: A herald's adventures at Limerick.] - -[Sidenote: The drum ecclesiastic.] - -[Sidenote: Gaol the only safe place.] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio approves of the riot.] - -The proclamation at Kilkenny was an open declaration of war with the -nuncio, who immediately sent Dean Massari to Rome to explain that both -clergy and people were against the peace, and that its few supporters -could do no harm. Meanwhile, Ulster went on his way to Limerick. -Arriving after the gates were shut, he was refused admittance, and had -to pass the night in an old house outside. Next day he was received by -Sir John Bourke, the mayor, and at first it seemed that all would go -smoothly; but the civic authorities went on arguing the question till -the following day was well advanced, and time was thus given for a -formidable agitation to grow. James Wolfe, a Dominican friar, harangued -a mob in the streets, and declared that all who adhered to the peace -would incur the penalties of excommunication. The chief citizens -assembled at the mayor's house, where Dr. Walter Lynch, warden of the -Galway college, employed his eloquence in the same cause. A third -priest 'carried a great crucifix through the streets on the top of a -pole.' The mayor, nevertheless, favoured the proclamation and tried to -protect the herald while doing his office, but stones flew like hail, -and his house was wrecked. He was himself knocked down and nearly -murdered, while Ulster was hunted from the room, the friars calling out -in Irish, 'Kill, kill! I will absolve you.' He received two serious -wounds on the head and one in the hand, while his body was covered -with cuts and bruises. Dr. Thomas Arthur, a famous physician, who had -succeeded twenty years before in curing Archbishop Ussher of a disease -which had puzzled the London faculty, did what he could to pacify his -co-religionists and to save the herald's life at the risk of his own. -Appeals to the law of nations which protects heralds were fruitless, -and the more moderate citizens were forced to carry Roberts to gaol for -safety and to give out that he was dead. He and his companions were -detained for ten days, when Rinuccini said they might be discharged. -Bourke was deposed from the mayoralty, and Thomas Fanning, a leader -of the rioters, was installed in his room. The new mayor received the -nuncio's thanks and apostolical benediction for his good conduct in the -matter.[95] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and the Protestant hierarchy.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde at Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and Owen Roe O'Neill.] - -While the Congregation at Waterford were fulminating their censures -against all who adhered to the peace with Ormonde, the Protestant -clergy who had taken refuge in Dublin were congratulating him on having -'preserved not only in this city, but also in all the out-garrisons, -the free and full exercise of the true reformed religion.' They -besought him to continue in this way as the only means to make Ireland -obedient to the King, and to provide them with some maintenance until -they could return to their benefices. 'If any of our number,' they -concluded, 'be found disaffected to the religion, book of service, -public worship, government of the Church, his Majesty's service, or -disturbers of the present peace, we do not supplicate for such, but -leave them to your lordship to be proceeded with as you shall find -convenient.' This was signed by eleven archbishops and bishops and by -seventy-seven other clergymen, many of whom afterwards rose high in the -Church. Ormonde's loyalty to the Church of England was incompatible -with Rinuccini's views; but it did not prevent the Council at Kilkenny -from inviting the King's representative to his own town and castle. -He left Dublin on August 28 and reached Kilkenny on the 31st, where -he was received with triumphal arches and many demonstrations of joy; -and even succeeded in collecting some of his long-lost rents. Ormonde -left 1500 foot at Gowran, under Sir Francis Willoughby, and took 500 -horse on with him, whom he quartered about Bennetsbridge. In passing -Naas he took the precaution of borrowing eight barrels of powder from -Sir John Sherlock, the governor, and they proved very useful. Digby -and Clanricarde accompanied him to Kilkenny. His previous negotiations -with Preston led him to believe that that general would keep the -victorious Ulster army at a distance. Ormonde's last act before -leaving Dublin was to send Daniel O'Neill to his uncle, Owen Roe, -with power to make him great offers if he would adhere to the peace. -These included the custody of all lands in O'Neill-land belonging to -men who questioned the King's authority and of all Lord Caulfield's -estate, and confirmation in his command. These were promises, while the -nuncio was able to give hard cash, without which an army could not be -moved--4000_l._ at first out of the Pope's money, and 5000_l._ later -from the contributions of the faithful, or by means of an advance from -the Spanish agent.[96] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini denounces the peace.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill and Preston.] - -[Sidenote: Limitation of Irish loyalty.] - -After staying a few days at Kilkenny, Ormonde went to his other house -at Carrick, so that he might be near Waterford and in a position to -confer with the clergy; but they were past the reach of argument. -Rinuccini issued a decree ordering them all to denounce the peace -publicly and to threaten actual excommunication by himself of all -who favoured it. He had seen, he said, 'with grief of heart that the -Protestant ministers in some places appear, and threaten that they will -recover both the churches and the exercise of their religion.' Finding -that nothing could be done on the Waterford side, Ormonde set out for -Cashel, intending to encourage those who had proclaimed the peace -there; but he was met on the road by a messenger from the mayor begging -him not to draw down upon the town the vengeance of O'Neill, who was -already at Roscrea. Piers MacThomas Fitzgerald, with the Munster horse, -'appeared upon a hill to the left hand, near Clonmel.' Preston had been -summoned to attend, but he pleaded ill-health, and a few days later -declared that, though he distrusted the Ulster army, he had 'received a -positive inhibition from the clergy that neither myself nor any of my -commanders, upon pain of excommunication, shall obey any orders from -my Lord lieutenant.' The position of Ireland could scarcely be better -described than in this letter of Preston's. The Confederates had all -along professed loyalty to the Crown, and had never denied that Ormonde -was the King's representative. But when it came to a trial of strength -between the viceroy and the papal nuncio, it was the latter that they -were forced to obey.[97] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde driven back to Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: The many-headed monster.] - -Castlehaven was sent to sound the clergy at Waterford, but he found -them impracticable, rejoined Ormonde near Cashel, and persuaded -him to get back to Dublin as quickly as possible, lest he should -be intercepted and captured. Castlehaven argued that the clerical -party was getting stronger every day, 'and that the Supreme Council -were dissolved on the proclamation of peace, and consequently of no -authority to make good the public faith.' Other advices were to the -same effect, and it seemed probable that O'Neill's object was to get -between the viceroy and his capital. Castlehaven tried in vain to gain -over MacThomas, who followed Ormonde as far as Callan, but without -coming to blows. Orders were sent to Willoughby to seize the fortified -pass over the Barrow at Leighlin Bridge with his infantry. Colonel -Walter Bagenal, who was in command there, offered no opposition, and -Ormonde joined the main body at Kilcullen. He had sent Castlehaven -and his brother-in-law, Sir George Hamilton, to the corporation of -Kilkenny, offering to stand by them if they wished it and would adhere -to the peace, but they begged him to pass on his way. The mob plundered -his baggage, and the very men, says Bellings, 'who a fortnight before -had employed both cost and invention in erecting statues and triumphal -arches adorned with inscriptions, setting forth his own actions, and -the trophies of his ancestors, were suddenly as busy in pulling them -down, and defacing the monuments of his solemn entry, lest the northern -army, which could have easily mastered, might be incensed to their -destruction.' Willoughby, when expecting an attack, found that the -bulk of his powder, which had been given in part payment of 30,000_l._ -by the Confederates at the first cessation, was so bad as to be quite -useless, and but for the eight barrels lately borrowed from Sir John -Sherlock he would have been in no condition to fight.[98] - -[Sidenote: Lord Digby's proposals.] - -[Sidenote: Triumph of Rinuccini,] - -[Sidenote: who imprisons the Supreme Council.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill and Preston at Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde ignores Glamorgan.] - -Digby remained at Kilkenny and made one more effort for the King. He -proposed that the nuncio and three or four bishops should give an -undertaking in writing to support the peace and unite with Ormonde -against the common enemy, on condition of receiving a firm private -assurance that the penal laws should be repealed and that they should -not be disturbed in their church possessions until a meeting of a new -Parliament to carry out the articles. Rinuccini would hear of nothing -less than Glamorgan's treaty fortified by part of Sir Kenelm Digby's. -Of the latter he never received the official text, and his instructions -were not to proceed without it. He entered Kilkenny in triumph and took -the city into his protection, relieving it from the interdict which -Roth, Bishop of Ossory, had proclaimed. O'Neill's army encamped in the -immediate neighbourhood and made all resistance impossible. Rinuccini -then proceeded to imprison the old Supreme Council. Mountgarret's -eldest son Edmond, Bellings the secretary and historian, and Lord -Muskerry, the viceroy's brother-in-law, were among those confined -in the castle. Geoffrey Brown, who had been conspicuous among the -commissioners for concluding the peace, and was intended to be a judge, -was arrested at Galway, but the citizens refused to send him to the -nuncio. O'Neill and Preston both entered Kilkenny, and assisted 'the -lord nuncio and congregation of the clergy' in choosing a new council -of seventeen members. Four were bishops, Walsh of Cashel, Bourke of -Clonfert, Macmahon of Clogher, and French of Ferns; among the others -were Glamorgan, who was appointed general of Munster in Muskerry's -place, Owen Roe O'Neill, Preston, and Sir Phelim O'Neill. The great -object was now to take Dublin, and Ormonde was told that he had no -chance of defending himself against 17,000 foot and 1700 horse. If -the city was taken by assault it was likely that neither man, woman, -nor child would be spared, but this might be averted if Ormonde would -adhere to the Glamorgan treaty. 'If,' was the Lord-Lieutenant's answer, -'I could have assured the clergy my lord of Glamorgan's conditions, I -had not retired hither. They are things I have nothing to do with, nor -will have. If they be valid in themselves, they need no corroboration; -if invalid, I have no power to give them strength.' After this -Rinuccini concluded that if he wanted Dublin he would have to get it -taken, while Ormonde, who felt his weakness, opened communications with -the English Parliament.[99] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill threatens Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: His army.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill and Preston on bad terms.] - -[Sidenote: A clerical commissary.] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio and his generals.] - -Rinuccini wished O'Neill to attack Dublin before Ormonde could return -thither; but the Ulster general excused himself on the ground that -he had no artillery, and came to Kilkenny instead. Benburb had been -fought and won by men who were defending a strong position in their own -country, and the means for a serious siege were wanting. An officer who -was with the northern army near Birr described it as consisting of 5000 -infantry, of which rather more than half were pretty well armed, 'the -rest as the rabble used to be in the beginning of the distractions.' -The horse were under 400, good and bad, and there were only five -field-pieces 'of about a foot and a half long.' When O'Neill was at -Kilkenny a month later Ormonde learned that his army was composed of -8000 foot, more than half of them without muskets, and seventeen or -eighteen small troops of miserable horse 'whereof not above two armed -with pistol, and none with defensive arms.' About 8000 'of the Ulster -families, unarmed,' accompanied the troops. Preston's cavalry were -well appointed, but it was estimated that the combined armies could -not in any case exceed 13,000, with five pieces of artillery and very -few stores of any kind. The two generals acted quite independently. -O'Neill took all the castles and towns in Queen's County, and made -himself master of Athlone. Preston temporised, and both were much -more intent upon outwitting each other than upon taking Dublin. The -Leinster people did not like to see the hungry northerns devouring -their province, and they flocked to Preston's standard, so that he -became as least as strong as his rival. Early in October Rinuccini went -to Kilkea, then in the possession of Robert Nugent, provincial of the -Jesuits, to whom it had been granted for the use of the Society by his -kinswoman Elizabeth Countess of Kildare. Nugent lent 1500_l._ to the -nuncio, and voluntarily undertook the task of victualling the army; -but this clerical commissary was not more successful than a clerical -general proved to be later on. 'The good man,' says Bellings, 'how -perfect soever his mathematical demonstrations might have been, failed -in the practice, which affords a thousand circumstances that commonly -lie out of the road of divinity and speculation.' The two armies were -together, though not united, in the neighbourhood of Kilcock, whence -they advanced by Harristown and Naas to Lucan, within seven miles of -Dublin. The Leinster men thought O'Neill's object was to conquer them, -while he believed, or perhaps only professed to believe, that Preston -was conspiring with Ormonde to place him between two fires. Successful -joint action under these circumstances was impossible, and it appeared -to the nuncio that 'arms at first devoted to religion were about to -minister to private passions alone.' The two generals met at Lucan, but -could not agree, and Rinuccini joined them there in hopes of at least -preventing a collision between Leinster and Ulster.[100] - -[Sidenote: Ulster and Leinster irreconcilable.] - -[Sidenote: Dublin in danger.] - -[Sidenote: Negotiations with the Scots,] - -[Sidenote: and with the Parliament,] - -[Sidenote: but nothing is settled.] - -'Besides the hatred of the generals,' Digby wrote from the midst of -Rinuccini's partisans, 'their men have a greater animosity one against -another, than those at Dublin have against either.' But for this the -capital might probably have been taken, for the defences were very -weak, ammunition was scarce, and famine was always in sight. The -fortifications were, however, repaired as well as possible, the ladies, -with the Marchioness of Ormonde at their head, setting an example -to the citizens by carrying baskets of earth. Ormonde had destroyed -the bridges over the Liffey, and the mills, so that the Irish had -great difficulties about food. Negotiations were opened by the Lord -Lieutenant with the Ulster Scots, but they ended in nothing, for the -survivors of Benburb were too few and too much discouraged to play an -active part. Colonel George Monro, whose Royalist proclivities were -doubtless known to Ormonde, apologised for his enforced inactivity. -The Lord Lieutenant suggested that 500 Scots should come to Dublin, -but the officers did not see their way to go so far south, though they -were willing to act as a garrison for Drogheda. The Lord Lieutenant -was not likely to accept such an offer, for Drogheda was in no danger. -Negotiations had also been opened with the Parliament, whose fleet -lay out in the bay. Sir Francis Willoughby, Sir Gerald Lowther, Chief -Baron, and Sir Paul Davis, clerk of the Council, sailed on Michaelmas -Day, and reached London a fortnight later. They were heard by a -committee of the Commons, and five commissioners, of whom Sir John -Clotworthy was one, reached Dublin on November 12 with power to treat -for its surrender. The negotiations lasted for ten days, failing at -last mainly because Ormonde would not deliver up the sword of state -without actual orders from the King, and thus dissolve the remnant of -the Irish Parliament on which the Protestants relied. The other points -upon which the Lord Lieutenant insisted and the commissioners failed -to satisfy him, were that they could give him no assurance for their -estates 'to the Papists who adhered to his Majesty's Government since -October 22, 1641'; that the Covenant should not be pressed, nor the -Book of Common Prayer suppressed; and that official vested interests -should be preserved. Ormonde was perhaps less anxious to come to terms -because the mere appearance of the commissioners had averted the danger -of a siege, and because he had been allowed to procure powder from the -Parliamentary ships. The supplies intended for Dublin were carried by -Clotworthy and his colleagues to Ulster.[101] - -[Sidenote: Vacillation of Preston.] - -[Sidenote: One of Digby's schemes.] - -[Sidenote: Preston's mental reservations.] - -The conduct of Preston throughout the whole of these proceedings -showed the weakness of the Confederate position as well as of his -own character. First he gave Ormonde to understand that he would -prevent O'Neill from marching southwards, and then he let the nuncio -persuade him to join forces with the northern general in the attempt to -intercept Ormonde and in threatening Dublin. On August 26 he wrote to -invite the Lord Lieutenant's commands as to the disposition of troops -to prevent O'Neill from entering Leinster. On September 5 he excused -himself from personal attendance. On the 17th he lamented that clerical -threats of excommunication prevented him from obeying any of the Lord -Lieutenant's orders. On October 10 he found that the peace published -in his camp and by his authority was 'destructive to my religion and -liberty of the nation,' and contrary to his oath as a Confederate. On -the 21st he swore solemnly to aid O'Neill in attacking Dublin, to 'use -and exercise all acts of hostility against the Lord Marquis of Ormonde -and his party,' and to damage him in every possible way. Digby, who was -a sanguine man, thought it possible to kidnap O'Neill and Rinuccini -and carry them to Dublin, and to spike Preston's guns, and he was also -inclined to believe that something might be done with that vacillating -general. Ormonde was less hopeful, but his patience was inexhaustible, -and he resolved to make another effort, and Preston took care to let -him know privately that he was not really irreconcilable, and would not -join O'Neill, and that if he captured towns or castles it was only to -prevent the Ulster general from getting them. Clanricarde was sent for -from Portumna, and came to Luttrellstown, where he was in a position to -communicate with all parties.[102] - -[Sidenote: Extreme demands of the nuncio.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's distrust of the Confederates.] - -[Sidenote: Agreement between Digby and Preston.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde does not adopt it.] - -[Sidenote: Proposed treatment of Protestants.] - -[Sidenote: Dublin cannot be taken.] - -Preston never really co-operated with O'Neill, but he joined him -in making certain proposals to Ormonde in which the nuncio's hand -can be very clearly seen. The first was that the Roman Catholic -religion should be exercised in every part of Ireland as in Paris or -Brussels. The third was 'that Dublin, Drogheda, Trim, Newry, Carlow, -Carlingford, and all the garrisons within the Protestant quarters be -garrisoned by the Confederate Catholics.' They were to be held for -the King, but only in name. 'The madness of their propositions to -you,' Digby wrote to Ormonde after he had joined Clanricarde, 'makes -him almost despair of doing any good with Preston.' Ormonde did not -condescend to discuss the propositions at all, but contented himself -with asking who composed the Council of the Confederates and by whose -authority they were established. 'These questions,' says Bellings, -pithily, 'were too knotty to be resolved on the sudden, and therefore, -as it is the custom in such cases, they were not answered.' Four days -later Clanricarde was at Tecroghan, near Trim, and at once opened -communications with Preston. Safe-conducts were granted to him and -Digby, but to the latter, who was still nominally Secretary of State, -not without great difficulty. 'I conjure you,' said Ormonde, '(as you -expect to serve our master, or his hereafter) not to venture any more -among so faithless a generation, if you have any probable hope of -getting away from thence. For, if I have any judgment, your coming will -be fruitless.' And fruitless it was. Two days later the Parliamentary -commissioners reached Dublin, and O'Neill, probably fearing to be -caught in a trap, threw an extempore bridge over the Liffey at Leixlip, -collected his men by firing a gun, and passed them all over to the left -bank. It was thought that Sir Phelim O'Neill, who was jealous of Owen -Roe's supremacy in Ulster and who had married Preston's daughter, might -be induced to join the latter. Digby's plan was to make Clanricarde -general, who would thus be in a position to make the best terms for -his own Church, while loyally co-operating with the Lord Lieutenant. -Preston and his friends bound themselves most solemnly to embrace the -peace in consideration of such additional securities as Clanricarde -undertook to procure. These included the repeal of the penal laws and -enjoyment by Catholics of such churches and ecclesiastical possessions -as they held at the conclusion of the peace, until a settlement by -a free Irish Parliament, 'his Majesty being in a free condition -himself.' To confirm these promises Clanricarde was to procure an -engagement under the King's hand as well as from the Queen and Prince -of Wales and the French crown. The peace once concluded on these -terms the Catholics were to be 'forthwith invested in such commands -by his Majesty's authority, both in field and garrison, as may pass -for a very sufficient part of the security.' Ormonde was no party to -this treaty, which could not be performed without his help, and he -was not anxious for it after he had got rid both of O'Neill and the -Parliamentary commissioners. Rinuccini's influence was at work all the -time, and it was insisted that the first thing should be the admission -of a Prestonian garrison into Dublin. Ormonde insisted on the original -peace being first accepted, and so the negotiations fell through. -Digby thought that if Preston had been promptly dealt with he would -have attacked O'Neill, but his judgment is not for a moment to be -set against Ormonde's. Preston was satisfied, and in a letter to the -mayor and citizens of Kilkenny, urged the acceptance of Clanricarde's -terms. What the ultimate position of the Protestants would have been -may be judged from this document. 'We have,' he said, 'by the divine -Providence, wrought the splendour of religion to that extension as -from Bunratty to Dublin there is Catholic religion publicly professed -and exercised, and from Waterford to the lower parts of Tyrone, -and confined heresy in this province to Dublin, Drogheda, Dundalk, -and Trim, these places which in four days will be garrisoned by my -army, by God's help; and then think you in what posture of religion -these parts are in, for us and ours, having all penal laws against -Catholics repealed; all in our own hands, churches and church livings -secured till the King in a free Parliament declare the same for us; -the government in the Catholics' hands; petitions of right allowed -the parties grieved; and, to make this good, our arms in our own -hands.' This was written under the impression that Dublin would soon -be in his hands, though in the same letter he admits that he could -not take it even with O'Neill's help. Rinuccini and his council had -already left the camp, and Preston's officers were soon induced to -break with Clanricarde on the ground that no concessions would be of -any use without a garrison in Dublin. 'That being denied did beget a -desperation of future performances.'[103] - -[Sidenote: The popular tide turns against Rinuccini.] - -[Sidenote: The Supreme Council released.] - -[Sidenote: The Confederate constitution breaks down.] - -[Sidenote: Officers not 'excommunication-proof.'] - -[Sidenote: Preston submits to the nuncio.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde in Westmeath.] - -The nuncio, says Bellings, entered Kilkenny, 'very incognito in his -single litter without guards or attendance, and the council and -congregation dropped in one after another without pomp or ceremony.' -The tide had turned, and the odium which so often attaches to authority -in Ireland, especially when it fails to make itself feared, was borne -by the clerical party. Rinuccini, yielding very unwillingly to Nicholas -Plunket and fearing lest the mob should do it without his leave, -allowed the old council to be liberated, and devoted his attention -to the elections for the next general assembly. All over the country -the clergy administered oaths to candidates binding them to reject -the peace. Absolution for other sins was denied to those who refuse -to take such an oath, and O'Neill's soldiers were everywhere called -in to enforce the clerical decrees. The vacant places in the Ulster -returns were filled up from the creaghts or nomad herdsmen whom Owen -Roe had planted in the Queen's County--'nay,' says Bellings, 'with -such an overcharge of supernumeraries, as for some boroughs three -have been returned and actually voted.' When the session began, the -verification of these returns proved to be impossible, and after much -wrangling the assembled members turned as they were to other business, -'and all formalities, how necessary soever, were quite omitted.' In -the meantime Preston had again gone over to the nuncio. On December -10 Walter Bagenal wrote by his orders to Ormonde, pressing him to -advance at once so as to join forces against the northern army, all -the nobility and gentry being ready to support him. 'If you fail or -delay,' Bagenal concluded, 'you ruin us all and yourself in us.' On the -same day that this was written, Preston made his submission to the -nuncio, who had threatened excommunication. Ormonde advanced to the -neighbourhood of Gowran, which was to be the place of meeting. He found -reason to believe that there was another plot to cut him off. A letter -from Preston to Clanricarde was brought to him at Grangebeg in which -the general said that 'his officers not being excommunication-proof, -were fallen from him to the nuncio's party.' On first receiving this -Clanricarde had so far forgotten his usual serenity as to call Preston -traitor. It was followed by a similar letter to Ormonde, and by an -abject declaration of obedience to the nuncio's commands. Ormonde -professed to believe that the letter, which was printed and circulated, -was 'a forgery, as also the reports raised that some of your army -are gathered in a body at Castle Dermot, with intent to intercept -my return, or destroy the remainder of my quarters.' He withdrew -into Westmeath and Longford, where there was still some country -undevastated by O'Neill, and where he maintained good discipline among -his men. Dublin was relieved for a short time without distressing -the country, and the Westmeath gentry actually scraped together a -voluntary contribution of 1000_l._ At Kells an attack was made upon -some of Ormonde's men by a party of O'Neill's soldiers. Ormonde -says two officers were barbarously murdered. Bellings admits that a -very bad impression was made, but O'Neill was hardly a party to the -negotiations. After conferring with the Lord Lieutenant, Clanricarde -went to Kilkenny in the vain hope that he might to some extent -counteract the nuncio and induce the assembly to embrace moderate -ideas. Ormonde soon found it necessary to reopen communications with -the English Parliament.[104] - -[Sidenote: Discord at Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: A clerical majority.] - -[Sidenote: The things that are Cæsar's.] - -[Sidenote: Mazarin supports the peace,] - -[Sidenote: but it is rejected publicly, Feb. 2, 1646-7.] - -The Confederate assembly met at Kilkenny on January 10, 'with all those -signs,' said Rinuccini, 'of discord and intrigues which generally -reign in such meetings.' The tempers of the old council had not been -improved by imprisonment, while the clergy, knowing that they had a -majority, were in no conciliatory mood. Bellings admits that former -assemblies had been turbulent 'and loud in their ayes and noes, yet now -it was grown clean another thing.' Edmond Dempsy, Bishop of Leighlin, -who was a famous preacher, and had probably a good voice, sat upon a -lofty bench which recalls the revolutionary Mountain. He had only to -wave his hat to raise a storm, the mass of members, 'like a set of -organ-pipes, as senseless and louder, depending for their squeaking, -or being still, on the hand of another.' After a few days the turmoil -partially subsided, and then the nuncio demanded an audience. He was -received with the same ceremony as at first, and proceeded to justify -his assumption of dictatorial power. He declared in plain terms that -the ecclesiastical authority was superior to the temporal, 'and that -ignorance of the true source of power had ruined the neighbouring -kingdom.' Above all things he urged the assembly to reject the peace -with Ormonde, and to take a fresh oath adverse to it. A letter was -read from Dumoulin, the French agent, who had positive orders from -his government to press for confirmation of the peace, but this had -no effect, though a letter from Mazarin had been previously received -urging them to merit help from France by re-establishing the King of -England. A remarkable speech of Walter Bagenal's has been preserved by -Bellings, in which he urged them to remember how strong England was -and how certainly they would be overwhelmed if they did not support -the King. Ormonde sent Lord Taaffe and Colonel John Barry to represent -him at Kilkenny, but the clericals would listen to nothing, and it -soon became evident that the peace would be rejected publicly. This -was done after three weeks' wrangling, but by no means unanimously, -and Scarampi started at once to carry the news to Rome. It was found -necessary at the same time to declare that the commissioners and others -who had a hand in the peace had 'faithfully and sincerely carried and -demeaned themselves in their said negotiation pursuant and according to -the trust reposed in them, and given thereof a due acceptable account -to this assembly.' This important matter being settled, a new and -stringent oath of association was taken by which all bound themselves -to make no peace without the consent of the General Assembly. One of -the conditions precedent was that the Roman Catholic clergy should -enjoy all churches and church property in as ample a manner as the -Protestants enjoyed them on October 1, 1641, in all places which the -Confederates should at any time possess 'saving the rights of Roman -Catholic laymen according to the laws of this kingdom.' The law, in -other words, was to protect Roman Catholics, but not Protestants. -All this referred to the secular clergy only, for the question of -abbey-lands was too dangerous to touch. To avoid the appearance of an -open breach with the Lord Lieutenant, Dr. Fennell and Geoffrey Baron, -who had just returned from France, were deputed to see him. Their -proposals for a sort of offensive and defensive alliance with Ormonde -came to nothing, but successive truces were patched up until April -10.[105] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[82] _Embassy in Ireland_, November and December, 1645, pp. 98, -103, 554, 569. Correspondence between Glamorgan and Ormonde in -_Confederation and War_, v. 197-200; 208-210. It appears from -Dumoulin's letters to Mazarin that Leyburn was at Limerick in April -1645, _ib._ 314, 325. - -[83] Lord Lieutenant and Council to Secretary Nicholas, January 5, -1645-6, printed in appendix to Carte's _Ormonde_ and in _Confederation -and War_, v. 234. Interrogatories, etc., _ib._ 211-222. Digby's letter -to Nicholas, January 4, 1645-6, was one of those which Fairfax rescued -from the sea at Padstow, _Husband_, p. 816. - -[84] The King's declaration, January 24, 1645-6, printed (from Reliquiæ -Sacræ Carolinæ) in _Confederation and War_, v. 252. Glamorgan to -Ormonde, January 7, 20 and 29, _ib._ 244, 255; Supreme Council to -Ormonde, January 16, _ib._ 246; _Embassy_, p. 115; the King to Ormonde, -January 30, _Carte MSS._ vol. lxiii. _f._ 386. - -[85] Rinuccini to Pamphili, March 5, 1645-6, in _Embassy_; Fr. Barron -to Wadding, May 11, 1646, in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, ii. 24; Charles -I. to Henrietta Maria, January 8 and February 8, 1645-6. Nuncio's -Memoirs (April or May) in Birch's _Inquiry_--"Pamphilius et nuncius -in hoc negotio caste et sincere partes egerunt suas; alii vero Regem -Reginamque impulerunt ad deferendum tractatum pontificium, et spem in -baculo arundineo, hæreticorum brachio, collocandam." Colepepper to -Ashburnham, Feb. Cal. of _Clarendon S.P._ 2135. - -[86] Sir Kenelm Digby's articles were printed by Birch, and are also -in _Embassy_, pp. 573, 577. The nuncio's advice to Glamorgan, _ib._ p. -120, and his speech, p. 122; Ormonde to Glamorgan, February 3, 1645-6, -_Carte MSS._, vol. lxiii. f. 354; Glamorgan to Ormonde, February 8, in -_Confederation and War_, v. 258, and Ormonde's answer, February 11, in -appendix to Carte's _Ormonde_. Chester surrendered on February 3. - -[87] The articles were printed in London in September 1646, and are -reprinted in _Confederation and War_, v. 286. Glamorgan's oath of -allegiance to Rinuccini, February 16, 1645-6, is given (Latin) in -Gardiner's _Civil War_, ii. 420. The King to Ormonde, February 27, -1644-5; May 22, 1645, in Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. and July 31 in -Halliwell's _Letters of the Kings of England_. On August 24, 1646, -Charles wrote to his wife: 'I have returned two messengers into Ireland -with my approving the peace there, to which I shall firmly stick,' -_Charles I. in 1646_. - -[88] N. Plunket to Ormonde, May 7, 1646, in _Confederation and War_ v. -335; Digby's Declaration, July 28, and Proclamation of Peace, July 30 -and August 3, _ib._ vi. 55-60; Daniel O'Neill to Ormonde, April 18, in -_Contemp. Hist._, i. 671; Rinuccini's letter, March 22, in _Embassy_, -p. 153; the Newcastle letter, June 11, in Birch's _Inquiry_, p. 208. - -[89] There are accounts of this siege in _Bellings_, v. 20-24; in -Penn's _Memorials_, i. 165-210; and in Rinuccini's _Embassy_, pp. -182-191; and see Frost's _Hist. of Clare_, pp. 371-376. - -[90] All the contemporary accounts mention O'Neill's short speech, -which evidently made a great impression. None say whether it was in -English or Irish. The 'British Officer' has been followed in the -text, 'MacArt spoke in the front of his own men these words, as I was -told, or to that effect.' The much longer speech in the _Aphorismical -Discovery_ is obviously a mere grammarian's figment containing allusion -to Gratian, Hannibal, Scipio, Plutarch, Polybius, the Maccabees, etc. -The number of Monro's army are given from his account, but the 'British -Officer' thinks the foot were near 5000. The numbers of the Irish are -from O'Neill's journal, and O'Mellan says nearly the same. - -[91] The battle is described by Bellings and in the _Aphorismical -Discovery_. In _Contemp. Hist. of Affairs in Ireland_, i. 676-686, are -printed (1) a short notice from _Carte Papers_, xvii. 25; (2) Monro's -despatch to the Scotch estates; (3) a London tract dated June 15, 1646; -(4) Rinuccini's account (Italian) published as a tract at Rome and -Florence; (5) the 'British Officer's' account from _Hist. of the Wars -in Ireland_. An eighth account is in Colonel O'Neill's journal, _ib._ -iii. 204. A ninth--not the least valuable--is in Young's _Old Belfast_, -being a translation from the Irish of O'Mellan the Franciscan, who was -chaplain to Sir Phelim O'Neill. The Rev. W. T. Latimer, in his _Hist. -of Irish Presbyterians_ (Belfast, 1893) identifies the localities from -O'Mellan and from his own local knowledge. I have satisfied myself by -actual inspection that he is right. A tenth account is in O'Neill's -letter (Latin) to Rinuccini printed in _Confederation and War_, v. - -[92] Officers of Preston's army to the Supreme Council, July 27, 1646; -Ormonde to Preston, August 3, and to Bellings, August 10--all in -_Confederation and War_, vi. Rinuccini's _Embassy_, pp. 173, 181, 189; -_Bellings_, v. 16; O'Mellan's _Narrative_. - -[93] William Roberts, Ulster, to Ormonde, August 11, 1646; Declaration -of William Kirkby, pursuivant; Letters by Scarampi--all in -_Confederation and War_, vi. 67, 110, 126. Rinuccini in _Embassy_, pp. -192, 197; _Bellings_, vi. 16. - -[94] Decree of Ecclesiastical Congregation, August 12, 1646, in -_Confederation and War_, vi. 69; _Bellings_, _ib._ 17; Roberts to -Ormonde, August 17, _ib._ 115; _Embassy_, p. 198. - -[95] Narratives of Roberts and Kirkby in _Confederation and War_, vi. -119-130; Rinuccini's letter, August 22, _ib._ 96; _Embassy_, p. 200. - -[96] Carte's _Ormonde_, i. 580-587; Remonstrance of the bishops and -clergy, August 13, 1646, _ib._ ii. appendix No. 471. - -[97] _Bellings_, vi. 18; Decree of Excommunication, September 1, 1646, -in _Confederation and War_, vi. 132; Sall, Mayor of Cashel, to Ormonde, -September 10, _ib._ 134; Preston to Ormonde September 5 and 17, _ib._ -132, 139. - -[98] _Castlehaven_, p. 66; _Bellings_, vi. 19; _Aphorismical -Discovery_, i. 125; Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. 580-583. - -[99] _Bellings_, vi. 21. Order by Rinuccini and the generals, September -26, 1646, in _Confederation and War_, vi. 144; Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. -583. - -[100] Rinuccini's letters, September 21 to December 29, 1646, in -_Embassy_, pp. 204, 224 _sqq._ The nuncio was with the two generals -at Lucan on November 11. Sir Robert Talbot to Ormonde, September 10; -Captain Cadogan to same, September 12; Ormonde to the Council, October -11--all in _Contemp. Hist._, i. 703-713. Digby to Ormonde, October 13, -in Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. 506. _Bellings_, vi. 22, 36. - -[101] The negotiations between Ormonde and the Parliamentary -commissioners are given fully in _Rushworth_, vi. 418-444. Bellings -(vi. 28-35) gives the correspondence with the Ulster Scots. Digby to -Ormonde, October 13, 1646; Ormonde to Digby, October 12 and November -20, in Carte's _Ormonde_, vol. iii. - -[102] Preston's letters, of which the dates are in the text, are all in -_Confederation and War_, vol. vi. Ormonde to Digby, October 22, 1646, -and all Digby's letters at this time in Carte's _Ormonde_, vol. iii. - -[103] Preston and O'Neill to Ormonde, November 2, 1646, and the answer, -November 4, in _Contemp. Hist._ i. 713; Ormonde to Digby, November 10, -in Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. 512, and all the letters there till November -26. Negotiations between Preston and Clanricarde in _Confederation and -War_, vi. 151-162. Preston's letters to the mayor of Kilkenny (from -Lucan), November 24, _ib._ 162; Theobald Butler to Ormonde, _ib._ 165. - -[104] _Bellings_, vi. 46; vii. 18. Papers of December 1646, in -_Confederation and War_, vi. 164-168, and in Carte's _Ormonde_, vol. -iii. _Embassy_, p. 347; Walter Bagenal to Ormonde, December 10, _Carte -MSS._, vol. lxiii. - -[105] Rinuccini's narrative and speech in _Embassy_, pp. 241, 244, -250; _Bellings_, vii. 1-12. The new oath of the Confederacy in -_Confederation and War_, vi. 168; Declaration by the General Assembly -against the peace, February 2, 1646-7, _ib._ 177; overtures of Fennell -and Baron, March 3, _ib._ 185. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVIII - -SURRENDER OF DUBLIN AND AFTER, 1647 - - -[Sidenote: Ormonde determined to surrender Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: An emissary from the Queen.] - -[Sidenote: Hostilities resumed.] - -Rinuccini's attempt on Dublin had completely failed, but Ormonde's -position there was nevertheless made worse. The two armies had -descended like locusts upon the districts from which he had drawn his -chief supplies. Excise could no longer be levied, and the citizens were -reduced to penury for the support of the garrison, and yet the soldiers -were half paid and half fed. As soon as it became evident that the -Kilkenny assembly would reject the peace Ormonde offered to surrender -the sword and his garrisons to the Parliament on the terms lately -offered by their representatives. The despatch was long delayed upon -the road, but the Parliamentary commissioners in Ulster at once agreed -to the terms proposed. English or Anglo-Irish soldiers who had hitherto -obeyed Ormonde found no difficulty in following where he led. Sir Henry -Tichborne was continued as governor of Drogheda, and 'embraced it with -cheerfulness.' In the meantime George Leyburn, whose diplomatic name -was Winter Grant, visited Ireland for the second time with powers -from Henrietta Maria and the Prince of Wales 'to renew,' in Ormonde's -words, 'motions of peace or accommodation.' He was a learned English -priest, educated chiefly at Douai, and one of the Queen's chaplains -since 1630. He had been for a time in the Tower, and knew Monck, whose -future greatness he foretold. Leyburn was sent to Dublin, but was -driven by wind to Waterford, and found that the assembly at Kilkenny -had just broken up. He had letters for the nuncio and clergy, but was -forbidden by his instructions to deliver them until after showing them -and all his other papers to Ormonde. The Queen would have made peace -on almost any terms, but the clerical party at Kilkenny maintained -their position. Dr. Fennell and Geoffrey Brown, who were despatched to -Kilkenny, would not commit themselves so far as to make proposals in -writing, nor even sign what Ormonde took down from their mouths. He -asked for a continuation of the truce, but this was refused, and on -April 10, the day on which it ended, Preston invested Carlow, which -resisted only for a few days. Still Ormonde professed himself willing -to delay the reception of Parliamentary troops in consideration of a -truce, but to this no answer was given. Both parties were anxious to -have the credit of making the last peaceful overture, the Confederates -because they were alarmed at Inchiquin's progress, Ormonde in order -to make it clear that he did not close with Parliament till the last -possible moment.[106] - -[Sidenote: Mission of Leyburn.] - -[Sidenote: A truce refused.] - -[Sidenote: Leyburn and the nuncio.] - -[Sidenote: Proposals from O'Neill.] - -[Sidenote: Lord Digby's schemes.] - -[Sidenote: He is driven abroad.] - -At Kilkenny Leyburn attended the council, where his chair was placed -next to Antrim's, who presided. He told them that the Queen and Prince -were anxious for peace, without which the Catholic religion would -be ruined, but that he must see Ormonde first of all. Horses were -provided and he was passed on to Dublin. The Lord Lieutenant, says -Leyburn, expressed himself ready to cast away one son if necessary -for the King's service, but would 'give up those places under his -command rather to the English rebels than the Irish rebels, of which -opinion he thought every good Englishman was. To this I answered -nothing.' It took the inexperienced diplomatist two days to decipher -his instructions, which he then presented to Ormonde, who requested -him to go back to Kilkenny and obtain a truce for three weeks from -April 17 if possible, without binding him not to receive fresh -Parliamentary forces during its continuance. Leyburn consulted the -French agents Dumoulin, De la Monnerie, and Tallon, according to his -instructions, but he found the Council sanguine about the probable -successes of their army, and they refused any truce for less than six -months. There were already two thousand Parliamentarians in Dublin, -and Leyburn did not think it prudent to re-enter the city; but he was -in constant communication with Digby, who had found quarters in Sir -Nicholas White's house at Leixlip, and who professed to know Ormonde's -mind. Leyburn accompanied Bishop Macmahon to Kilkenny, and informed -the nuncio that the conditions of peace concerning religion had been -referred to France, and that Ormonde would not treat except on the -basis of the peace which the clergy had already rejected. Rinuccini -said he wished for peace, but was against a preliminary truce, which -Ormonde, who had already once deceived him, wanted only to gain time, -and that he could not trust him. 'I could see,' says Leyburn, 'he was -not my Lord Lieutenant's friend.... I found in him great animosity to -my Lord of Ormonde's person, my Lord of Clogher being a better hider of -his thoughts.' The Council of the Confederates as well as the clergy -came to Clonmel about the beginning of June, and Daniel O'Neill brought -a proposal from his uncle to establish a sort of joint government -between the Lord Lieutenant and the Council; but he was arrested for -not having a pass. Leyburn handed in the paper for him, but all these -delays had been fatal, for a letter came to Digby to say that the -Parliamentary commissioners had landed at Dublin with 1500 men, and -that Ormonde would now be forced to conclude matters with them. Leyburn -could come to no terms with the clergy, who would have nothing to say -to the rejected peace, while Ormonde would treat on no other basis. -They said God was not once mentioned in it, and he could only reply -that questions of religion might be settled later. He continued to -discuss matters with Digby and his secretary, Edward Walsingham, who, -according to Nicholas, was 'a great babbler of all his most secret -employments,' but it all led to nothing. Leyburn, however, persuaded -Clanricarde not to leave Ireland, which he had made up his mind to -do. In the end the best he could do for Digby was to procure him a -safe-conduct through the Confederate quarters, and he escaped to France -with some difficulty. At his earnest request Leyburn himself remained -in Ireland, and was sheltered by Clanricarde at Galway from August 1647 -until the following March. In November he received a letter of recall -from the Queen dated three months back, and in February another from -Digby to the like effect. He sailed in the same ship with Glamorgan and -his wife, who had now become Lord and Lady Worcester, and reached Havre -in five days.[107] - -[Sidenote: Leyburn's opinions.] - -[Sidenote: Effect of the cessation.] - -Leyburn, who was a very honest as well as intelligent man, favoured the -peace of 1646. The demand for a Catholic governor, he says, was one -which the King could not grant, and the objection to Ormonde's religion -was therefore invalid. He thought the divisions of Irish parties made -effective action hopeless, and that the hatred of the Leinster men to -O'Neill and the old Irish 'overbalanced their reason.' The cause of -the rebellion and of its savage character was that the 'Irish had not -enjoyed such a pleasant bondage under the English, but that they had -contracted ill will enough against their masters ... they ran hastily -and furiously to all kind of bloody executions, and as their rebellion -was without order so were their actions without measure, none that -was called English and was within reach escaping their fury ... they -either killed the English or forced them to forsake their habitations.' -The men of the Pale joined in because they had no arms, and were not -trusted by the Government. The massacres had been amply revenged -with much cruelty, the one committed 'by a rude, headless multitude, -the other by soldiers under order and command.' Insurgent slaves, he -says, seldom make good soldiers, and the Irish were always beaten -until Charles drew away to England the army which had been 'with his -consent employed against them by the Parliament,' which is perhaps the -strongest argument against the cessation of 1643. - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's reasons for surrender.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde leaves Ireland.] - -'The marquis,' says Clarendon 'in his defence of Ormonde, believed -it much more prudent, and agreeable to the trust reposed in him, to -deposit the King's interest and right of the Crown in the hands of the -Lords and Commons of England, who still made great professions of duty -and subjection to his Majesty, and from whom (how rebellious soever -their present actions were) it must probably revert to the Crown, by -treaty or otherwise, in a short time, than to trust it with the Irish, -from whom less than a very chargeable war would never recover it, in -what state soever the affairs of England should be; and how lasting -and bloody and costly that war might prove, by the intermeddling -and pretences of foreign princes, was not hard to conclude.' To -the Lord Lieutenant Ireland was essentially part of the same State -as England, and the King being temporarily in abeyance, the actual -wielders of power were trustees for the Crown. Parliamentary troops -began to be received in Dublin at the end of March, and on June 7 the -new commissioners arrived. At their head was Arthur Annesley, son of -Strafford's Mountnorris, and afterwards well known as Earl of Anglesey. -Other forces followed, and arrangements were soon made. Ormonde sailed -from Dublin on July 28, having left the sword of state in the hands -of the Parliamentary commissioners. 'He was,' says Carte, 'attended -by the prayers of the distressed clergy, great numbers of whom, with -their wives and children, had been kept from perishing through want by -his and his lady's bounty, and landed on August 2 at Bristol.' Colonel -Michael Jones became governor of Dublin for the Parliament. His father, -the Bishop of Killaloe, had died there just nine months before.[108] - -[Sidenote: Digby and Ormonde.] - -[Sidenote: Parliament prevents foreign enlistment.] - -Lord Digby's schemes were always unsuccessful, but he continued -plotting to the last moment. After a meeting at Leixlip with Bellings, -Sir Robert Talbot, and others of the Confederates who were more or less -opposed to Rinuccini, Digby urged Ormonde not to leave Ireland after -delivering the sword, but to go to Rathfarnham or some other country -where his presence would be a protection to the well-affected. He -might raise a force and transport it to France with Muskerry's help, -who was absolute in Munster. In this way he would avoid all appearance -of joining with the English Parliament. Ormonde received this strange -proposal only five days before he sailed. He replied that Preston and -the rest who refused his help while he still possessed an army and -fortresses would not be much impressed by his arguments in a private -capacity, that the Parliament commanded the seas, and that the very -worst way to get their leave to transport troops was to put himself -into the power of the Confederates. For himself, he could always go -from England to France, but to go from France to England would be -virtually impossible. True to the policy which had prevailed since -Strafford's time, the dominant party in England refused to allow troops -to be sent from Ireland into the service of any foreign prince. It was -evident that they might be used against England if France or Spain -were to espouse the King's cause. Yet it is probable that unrestrained -foreign enlistment would have gone far to settle the Irish question, -and might have made Cromwell's terrible campaign unnecessary.[109] - -[Sidenote: Glamorgan as general.] - -[Sidenote: Character of his army.] - -[Sidenote: He is ousted by Muskerry.] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini forced out of Leinster.] - -At the beginning of 1647 Clanricarde reported that Glamorgan was -despised and dejected, and Ormonde said it mattered little what became -of him or of Antrim 'if it were not for a natural propension in this -people to love their cozeners.' But the Kilkenny assembly had made -Glamorgan general of Munster, and an effort was required to make the -appointment a reality. He told the King that he had been forced to -undergo a seeming commission which should put him at the head of 12,000 -foot and 2500 horse, but that his enemies never rested and that he had -small hope of success. Rinuccini and his council moved to Clonmel at -the beginning of June, and for a moment it seemed as if they were going -to have their own way. Glamorgan, though not much of a soldier, had -had some experience in raising troops, but in Munster he did little, -finding it easier to multiply officers under the King's commission of -January 6, 1644-5, so that later on it was difficult to 'dissolve even -this airy structure, and to proportion the officers to the men the -province was able to contain.' Rinuccini, with the help of these new -colonels and captains, thought he could establish clerical supremacy -in Munster and displace all who adhered to Ormonde's peace. Of these -last Muskerry was by far the most important, for he had the confidence -of the soldiers, and the nuncio had been unable to exclude him from -the council. But his life was thought to be in danger, for three -Dominican chaplains suggested that it would be no harm to murder him or -the Munster commissioners. This kind of casuistry, as Rinuccini saw, -'made the impression to be expected on these idiots.' Muskerry came to -Clonmel and took his seat amongst the hostile clericals, but feared -a second arrest, and escaped to the camp. He found the old officers -friendly and afraid of being superseded by Glamorgan's creatures. -Moreover they professed themselves excommunication-proof, and declared -that they were ready to live and die with Muskerry. The men were then -mustered, and it was explained to them that their pay would be diverted -to the new officers, for that the province could not bear both. They -gladly followed suit, joyfully repeating Muskerry's name with cheers -and casting up of hats. 'And thus,' says Bellings, 'was the army, in -the space of one hour, without noise, save what witnessed their public -satisfaction, placed under his command.' Their resolution proved -irrevocable, and though the nuncio himself might be respected, his -adherents could not venture into the camp. Rinuccini therefore went to -Galway, and the Council returned to Kilkenny.'[110] - -[Sidenote: Preston's army.] - -[Sidenote: A sluggish general.] - -[Sidenote: Preston's vacillations.] - -[Sidenote: Design against Dublin.] - -While Ormonde was making his arrangements with Annesley and Jones, -Preston was at Monasterevan collecting an army with which he hoped to -neutralise the Parliamentarians in Dublin. Digby still struggled to -make this force available for the King's service, and his secretary -Walsingham wrote from Monasterevan that he had been cherished and -received as an angel of peace. When mustered a few days later on the -Curragh of Kildare, Preston's army amounted to 7000 foot and 1200 -horse, well officered and well appointed. Leyburn says the foot were -'as lusty appearing men, and as well accoutred with arms and clothes -as ever I did see,' and the horse up to the average. Jones, with a -much inferior force, advanced to Naas, while Preston encamped on the -left bank of the Liffey not far off. Jones drew back to Johnstown, -and then detached some cavalry to go round by the south of Naas and -intercept some of Preston's men. Leyburn had warned the latter of the -danger he incurred from the superiority of the English horse, but -there was a moment when they might have been annihilated between Naas -and Johnstown, and Bellings himself remonstrated with the sluggish -general, but it was then too late, and Jones was allowed to rally all -his men in safety on a hill near Kill, whence they reached Dublin -without further fighting. Preston's next encampment was at the Boyne -close to Trim. Walsingham came there by appointment, but found that -the political wind had changed, and that the general had changed with -it as usual. The presence of Bishop French was probably fatal to any -negotiation, and the unfortunate private secretary returned to Dublin. -Trim was held by an English garrison, and Preston wished to take, while -Jones was anxious to relieve it. Hearing that the Ulster Protestants -had come as far as Dundalk on their way to join Jones, but that they -would be obliged to retire in ten days for want of provisions, Preston -withdrew to an unassailable position at Portlester, where he intended -to remain until the invasion was passed. But Bishop French and Sir -Nicholas Plunket advised him to take active measures lest his own -supplies should run short. Jones, who in Bellings's words 'fought but -for bread and elbow-room about Dublin,' could not have kept the field -long, and Preston, by taking the advice of a priest and a lawyer on a -military question, lost the advantage of dividing his enemy's forces -and perhaps beating them in detail. Sir Henry Tichborne and others came -to Skreen with nearly 2000 men and two guns, and the united forces -marched through Trim. Jones mustered his army at the famous hill of -Tara, and found himself almost equal in strength to Preston, and rather -superior in horse, of which he despatched 500 under Major Harman to -reconnoitre at Portlester, but they lost their way. Preston left his -almost impregnable position and marched to Agher, south of Trim, where -he again took up strong ground. But news came from Leixlip that there -were only 500 soldiers in Dublin, and the Irish general, as rash as he -was generally supine, decided to make a dash for the capital through -Maynooth, which had already 'by especial Providence' voluntarily -surrendered to Jones. Preston left Agher on August 8, Harman with -his troopers hanging upon his skirts, and causing as much delay as -possible.[111] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Dungan Hill, August 8, 1647.] - -The wheel of a waggon which came off at a ford delayed Preston's march, -and the bulk of the enemy's cavalry gradually drew up to Harman's -support, while their whole army was visible in the distance. Jones was -upon Lynch's Knock or Summerhill, and Preston upon Dungan Hill, after -which the battle is generally named. It was evident that Maynooth -would never be reached without fighting, and Preston prepared for -battle in what he thought was a good position. Without any preliminary -cannonade the Parliamentary army advanced across the interval between -the two hills. The Irish horse were routed at the first charge, having -been posted in a narrow lane with high quickset hedges and without -power of forming line to the front. Perhaps the real cause of their -misfortune was that they were commanded by Lord Costello instead of by -their well-tried leader MacThomas Fitzgerald. Costello knew nothing of -war, but he was a recent convert, and that seems to have been thought -sufficient. A large part of the infantry stood in some very tall wheat, -where they were useless. Battalions were separated from each other by -high banks, and no manoeuvring was possible. The best fight was made -by four hundred Scotch Islanders under a Glengarry, but most of them -were killed. The bulk of the infantry took refuge in a bog, where they -were first surrounded, and then 'our foot,' says Jones, 'followed into -the bog, where they put to the sword all not admitted to quarter; such -of the rebels as left the bog fell into the power of our horse.' There -is the usual dispute as to whether men were slain after quarter given -or not. Bellings says 'most of the officers and some soldiers repaired -to the red colours, and to preserve them Colonel Flower commanded his -regiment to stand to their arms in a body; and having brought them to -Colonel Jones, they had quarter.' Jones's own account tallies pretty -well with this, for he says ninety-five commissioned officers were -taken prisoners, and only about 300 non-commissioned officers and men. -Five thousand four hundred and seventy bodies were counted on the -field, and many stragglers were afterwards killed by the troopers. No -mercy was shown to any English, nor to such of the Anglo-Irish as had -changed sides. Jones thought scarcely 500 of the infantry escaped. -The English lost three officers, of whom one, Captain Gibbs, really -died of drinking ditch-water when heated. The total number killed was -under twenty. Four twelve-pounders with sixty-four draught oxen, and -what was even more important, Preston's papers fell into the victor's -hands. All the colours were taken, which Jones 'could not be persuaded -to be brought into Dublin in triumph, as savouring (said he) of -ostentation, and attributing unto men the glory of this great work due -to the Lord only,' but there was a public thanksgiving in all the city -churches.[112] - -[Sidenote: The Parliament neglect Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: Victories of Inchiquin.] - -[Sidenote: Dungarvan.] - -[Sidenote: Bunratty.] - -[Sidenote: Adare.] - -The House of Commons voted 1000_l._ each to Jones and to Fenwick, who -commanded at Trim, 500_l._ to Colonel Conway, 200_l._, to Tichborne, -who commanded the rear guard, and 100_l._ to Colonel Culme, who -brought the letter. They also talked about sending provisions, but -these were long delayed. One thousand five hundred pounds borrowed on -personal security was looked upon as a god-send. Preston retired to -Carlow, giving up Naas and other places in Kildare, and busied himself -in collecting another army. In the meantime Inchiquin had become -formidable in Munster. Early in May 1647 he took Cappoquin, where there -was no powder to fire a shot, and Dromana, where the garrison only -fired four or five. Inchiquin had studied these places, and in 1642 had -pointed out how easy it would be to take Dromana and how troublesome -to take Dungarvan. The latter did in fact make a stout resistance, but -Inchiquin made himself master of the water-supply, which soon settled -the matter. All the garrisons were allowed to march out with military -honours, 'but some twenty Englishmen of the red-coats that had run to -the rebels were hanged.' Three thousand cows and two thousand sheep -were cut out from under the walls of Waterford. Dungarvan, being a -seaport, completed Inchiquin's chain of posts from Kinsale to the mouth -of the Suir, and its loss was much felt by the Confederates. The victor -has a bad name, but many grumbled at his comparative lenity. Rinuccini -attributed these disasters to general dissension among high and low, -and to the non-payment of the soldiers. About midsummer Inchiquin -invaded the county Limerick, and destroyed many castles, forced the -passage of the Mulkear at or near Barrington's Bridge, and plundered -the country up to the Shannon. A party crossed where O'Brien's Bridge -had once stood, and the terrified Irish of Clare burned Bunratty, which -had been so troublesome to take. Inchiquin then returned to Cork to -rest his troops, who were 'generally barefooted and extreme naked,' -but scarcely hungry after driving homewards 8000 cows and 5000 sheep. -In the meantime Colonel Byron, starting from the new base at Dungarvan -and Cappoquin, took Castle Grace in Tipperary, 'put the rogues to the -sword,' entered Limerick and stormed Adare 'where four friars were -burned and three took prisoners.' Byron's party also drove off between -two and three thousand cattle. Seven thousand pounds were voted to -Inchiquin by Parliament about the same time, and Preston's defeat at -Dungan Hill greatly increased his relative strength.[113] - -[Sidenote: Lord Lisle appointed Lord Lieutenant.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin will not obey Lisle.] - -[Sidenote: The officers support Inchiquin.] - -[Sidenote: Lisle leaves Ireland.] - -In January 1646 the House of Commons resolved that the Government of -Ireland should be vested in a single person of honour, and that there -should be a fresh appointment every year. In April Philip Lord Lisle, -who as Leicester's son might be supposed to have some claim, was made -Lord Lieutenant accordingly, with power to appoint officers for two -regiments of foot and one of horse, and with the command of all troops -raised and to be raised for the reduction of Ireland. The Parliament -exercised the power of naming a chief governor, and perhaps that was -the real object, for no attempt was made to provide him with the means -of doing anything. Lisle lingered in England for a year, and arrived at -Cork on March 9, 1647, George Monck being one of those who accompanied -him. Sir Adam Loftus and Sir John Temple were sent as commissioners for -the civil government of Munster, but Lisle's appointment expired on -April 15, and Inchiquin dissembled until then. Lisle lost no time in -reporting that he was equally ready to return to England or to remain -in Ireland if his commission were prolonged, but that he could do -nothing to reduce the rebels without further supplies. Then Inchiquin, -who had been expecting to be arrested, exhibited his own patent as -Lord President under the Great Seal, declared Lisle a private person, -and hinted at putting him under restraint if he interfered any further -with the troops. Most of the officers sided with him in spite of all -the efforts of Broghill, Loftus, and Temple. Lisle, finding himself -powerless, proposed to sail with his baggage on Vice-Admiral Crowther's -ship, but here again he was foiled. Crowther said he would do nothing -without the Lord President's orders, which were not given until Lisle's -trunks had been searched, and in the end the late Lord Lieutenant -was glad to get out of Ireland with his property and ten officers -who refused to serve under Inchiquin. Among them was Monck, who soon -returned to command all forces, both English and Scotch, in Ulster, -except those in charge of Sir Charles Coote. Broghill, Loftus and -Temple went with Lisle, Parliament having in the meantime decided not -to send a chief governor. The whole authority in Munster, both civil -and military, remained in Inchiquin's hands.[114] - -[Sidenote: Taaffe and Inchiquin.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin takes Cahir, &c.] - -[Sidenote: Sack of Cashel, Sept. 4.] - -When Ormonde left Ireland, Lord Taaffe, who had been and was to be his -adherent, took the oath to the Confederacy. Muskerry, having got rid -of Glamorgan, thought he could counteract Rinuccini most effectually -by attending the Council regularly; and he handed over the command -in Munster to Taaffe. The new general, who was perhaps not very sure -of his troops, invaded the county of Cork, but avoided an encounter -with Inchiquin, who disregarded him and made a dash into Tipperary, -which had hitherto suffered little by the war, and where there were -cows to be lifted and towns to be sacked. He reported the capture of -twelve castles, of which Cahir was the most important. There were a -hundred men in this strong place, which might have defied him if it -had been bravely defended. One of his soldiers was wounded and taken -in a plundering affray, and Colonel Hippesley, who had some skill in -surgery, obtained access to him in the guise of a doctor. He used his -opportunity to notice that there was a weak point in the courtyard -wall, and that a timorous spirit prevailed among the garrison. The -outer wall was carried by storm, and the castle surrendered on -condition that the soldiers' lives should be spared. The moral effect -of this success was great, for it was supposed then, and it has often -been said since, that Cahir held out for two months against Essex. -It is true that that ill-starred favourite wasted several weeks in -Munster, but his siege of Cahir lasted only three days. On September -4 Inchiquin came before Cashel, where there was a garrison of four -hundred men. A panic was caused by the fate of Cahir, and the soldiers -with a large part of the inhabitants took refuge on the famous rock, -which was well supplied with water and surrounded by strong walls. -Others wisely distrusted the acropolis, and hid themselves in the -woods and fields. Inchiquin offered to let the garrison march out with -the honours of war, without any conditions for the clergy and citizens; -but the officers bravely refused. The assailants had no cannon, but -trusted to fire within the walls. One account says Inchiquin piled turf -against the defences; another, that firebrands were thrown over the -battlements. The fine September weather did the rest. The assailants -swarmed in over the north wall, and a terrible carnage ensued. About a -thousand of the besieged perished, some women being killed and others -stripped. 'Three of the secular clergy, the prior of the Dominicans, -and one of our society (the Jesuits) fell in the performance of their -sacred duties.' A bishop who was present managed to hide himself, -as did the mayor and some others; but no respect was paid to the -church or even to the altar. According to the account most favourable -to Inchiquin, he tried to stop the slaughter as soon as he reached -the cathedral, but is said to have donned the archiepiscopal mitre, -boasting that he was governor of Munster and archbishop of Cashel too. -Ludlow says he 'put 3000 to the sword, taking the priests even from -under the altar: of such force is ambition when it seizes upon the -minds of men.' The soldiers sold the plunder, including the sacred -vessels, to the people who flocked in from the neighbouring villages -'as if to a fair.' Pictures of saints were used as horse-cloths, and -insults were offered to statues of the Virgin.[115] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini without money.] - -[Sidenote: _Disputatio Apologetica._] - -[Sidenote: The book publicly burnt at Kilkenny,] - -[Sidenote: and condemned at Lisbon.] - -Money was expected from Rome at the beginning of the year, but did not -come for twelve months, during which Rinuccini's influence waned; and -to this delay he attributed the expulsion of Glamorgan, the action -of Muskerry, and the defeat of Preston. Six thousand crowns would -have prevented it all. With eight thousand more O'Neill could have -retaken Sligo, subdued Connaught, and 'marched into Ulster to reduce -the fort of Enniskillen, and to take possession of the Holy Place of -St. Patrick's Purgatory, now about one hundred years in the hands of -the heretics.' Having seen Ormonde safe out of Ireland, the nuncio -himself withdrew to Galway, where his presence would still have some -of the charm of novelty and where he might expect less resistance than -at Kilkenny or Clonmel. But Clanricarde carefully avoided paying him -any attention, and he was confronted with a new difficulty immediately -after his arrival. A Jesuit named Cornelius Mahony, a native of Cork -but living at Lisbon, published in 1645 what he called an 'apologetic -disputation,' with an exhortation to his countrymen. He proves to his -own satisfaction that the English Crown had no claims upon Ireland, -having broken the conditions of Adrian's bull, and urges the Irish to -'elect a Catholic king, a vernacular or natural Irishman.' 'You have -already,' he says, 'killed 150,000 enemies in these four or five years, -as your very adversaries' howling openly confess in their writings, -and you do not deny. I think more heretic enemies have been killed: -would that they had all been! It remains for you to slay all the other -heretics, or expel them from the bounds of Ireland, lest they infect -our Catholic country with their heresies and errors.' A copy of this -incendiary production reached Ireland from France, and others followed -from Portugal. At Kilkenny the book was publicly burned, and close -search was made at Galway. Rinuccini expressed no disapproval of its -doctrines, and refused to punish John Bane, parish priest of Athlone, -with whom a copy was found. He attributed the outcry against it to -those who were in possession of ecclesiastical lands, and to those -who hated O'Neill, the only possible 'natural and vernacular' hero -who could be chosen king. The Portuguese kingdom had only lately been -re-established, and Mahony argued that the Irish had just the same -right to upset a heretic dynasty as the Portuguese had to drive out -their Castilian oppressors. Nevertheless, King John condemned the book, -and the possession of a copy was forbidden under grievous penalties. -Peter Walsh preached nine sermons against it on five successive Sundays -and holidays in St. Canice's Cathedral, and had no difficulty in -showing that loyalty to a Protestant king was an essential part of the -Confederacy's political creed.[116] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio dislikes O'Neill.] - -[Sidenote: The Church held responsible for Ulster savagery] - -[Sidenote: Mutiny in O'Neill's army.] - -[Sidenote: Devastation of the Pale.] - -[Sidenote: Munster refuses O'Neill's help.] - -Rinuccini, though O'Neill was his only champion, came to hate him -almost as much as he hated Ormonde. He even made excuses for Preston, -whose intrigues with the latter might be explained by O'Neill's -ambition 'under cover of religion.' After Benburb, the northern -general had increased his army without orders, and he thirsted for the -plunder of Leinster. Monck took care that he should have no supplies -from Eastern Ulster. 'If I had not sent my confessor to dissuade him -from so unjust a resolution,' said the nuncio, 'Kilkenny would have -been sacked and much innocent blood shed.' Wherever O'Neill went, the -Ulster soldiers, 'barbarous enough by nature, although good Catholics,' -spread terror and destruction around. The worst of it was that they -called themselves the army of Pope and Church, and when they 'perform -any act of cruelty or robbery, the sufferers execrate his Holiness -and me, and curse the clergy, whom they consider the patrons of this -army.' Two regiments harried the property of Mountgarret, who brought -a crowd of women to the nuncio's house, 'where they made a dreadful -uproar with howls and lamentations, thus giving it to be understood -that I countenanced the cruelties perpetrated by the Ulster men.' -After the failure of the attack on Dublin, O'Neill was made general of -Connaught, and devoted himself to the affairs of that province. He was -at Boyle, preparing to march against Sligo, when the news of Dungan -Hill reached him, with a pressing summons to enter Leinster again, so -as to prevent Inchiquin from joining hands with Jones. Muskerry was a -party to this, for he could see no other means of safety; but O'Neill -refused to move. The personal entreaties of Bishop Macmahon at last -prevailed, but many of his officers, with Alexander MacDonnell at their -head, refused to obey. Partly by persuasion and partly by turning his -guns on the mutineers, the general pacified them for the time, and -established his quarters at Castlejordan in Meath, until November 1647. -He had then collected about 12,000 foot and 1500 horse, and with these -he proceeded to make a famine round Dublin. Tichborne followed the -northern army everywhere, and cut off many stragglers. The destroyers -passed near the scene of Preston's defeat to Dunboyne and Clonee, -and all southern Meath was burned or spoiled. Turning northwards, -they went almost to Balbriggan. Two hundred fires were counted at one -time from St. Audoen's steeple in Dublin. On the sixth day, between -Ratoath and Garristown, Jones and Tichborne showed themselves; and the -latter wished to fight, but was overruled, so that O'Neill returned -to Castlejordan without having to strike a blow. He offered to -quarter 4000 men in Munster, who were to spare the Confederates while -galling Inchiquin's partisans; but the provincials refused such help. -Inchiquin's methods of making war were not gentle, but there was some -excuse for doubting whether the deliverers would be much better.[117] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin's soldiers hungry,] - -[Sidenote: but anxious to fight.] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Knocknanuss Nov. 13.] - -[Sidenote: Alaster Macdonnell again.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin completely victorious.] - -[Sidenote: Death of Macdonnell.] - -Having access to a sea which their friends commanded, neither Jones -nor Inchiquin were easy to assail. They could always retire into their -coast towns and exist there somehow. Yet the Munster Protestants were -in miserable state enough. 'It would make your soul bleed,' writes a -resident in Cork to his cousin in England, 'to see the poor common -soldier march out with never a whole rag to his back, nor shoe to his -foot, feeble and faint for want of what should suffice nature.' The -prospect of a battle was a relief, and 'those that were sickish skipped -for joy.' Taaffe, says the author of the 'Aphorismical Discovery,' 'was -a well-spoken man of both art and delivery, a fencer, a runner of a -tilt, a brave, generous gamester, and an exceeding good potator in -any liquor you please.' He was a brave soldier, but more diplomatist -than general. In the King's interest, Digby had urged him to avoid a -general action, but Fabian tactics require a Fabius, and probably he -was forced to fight by the feeling which Inchiquin's doings at Cashel -had excited. At all events, he drew his forces together early in -November, when Inchiquin concentrated his at Mallow, and went to look -for him. Taaffe, with 7000 foot and 1200 horse, was strongly posted on -the hill of Knocknanuss, about three miles to the eastward of Kanturk. -A bog and stream ran along his front. Inchiquin with a much smaller -force advanced to a place called Garryduff on November 12, where he -received a letter from Taaffe, who declared that he was fighting in -the King's cause, and proposed a contest between 2000 foot a side, -'more for recreation' than for any serious military reason. Inchiquin -retorted that Taaffe was not really preserving the King's interest, and -that he would wait till the morning before engaging in a battle for -recreation. He sheltered his army in a wood for the night, and when the -first light disclosed Taaffe's position, suggested in his turn that he -should descend from his hill, cross the stream, and fight 'upon a very -fair piece of ground.' Taaffe answered verbally that he was soldier -enough to improve the advantage that he had. He refused to abandon his -position, but did what was nearly as bad by shifting his men in sight -of the enemy and finally posting them so that the bend of the hill hid -his two wings from one another. The right, under Alexander MacDonnell, -consisted of Scots islanders and Ulstermen, the Munster troops being -on the left, where Taaffe himself stood. Inchiquin began the attack -with his artillery, but the Highlanders, having fired a volley, threw -away their muskets and rushed sword-in-hand upon the guns, of which -they retained possession for an hour. Inchiquin's left was driven -back towards Mallow, but on the right he was completely victorious. -Rupert's faults were not his, and he did not pursue, but turned back -to look after his defeated wing. The Highlanders and Purcell's horse, -believing the battle won, were scattered all over the country, and -made no effective resistance. Half of Taaffe's army were slain, the -remainder flying to Liscarroll and Newmarket; while Inchiquin lost -only about 150 men. 'We were killing till night,' he says; and few -prisoners were made, except among the officers. The arms of 6000 men -strewed the field, and Taaffe's commission from the Confederates as -general of Munster was taken with his baggage. Bellings had heard -that Alexander Macdonnell was killed by an officer in cold blood, -after quarter given; but the English accounts give no hint of this; -and Rinuccini says distinctly that he refused quarter. The result of -the battle was to place all Munster at Inchiquin's discretion, except -Limerick, Waterford, Clonmel, and Kilmallock. He received the thanks of -Parliament, and 1000_l._ were voted to buy horses.[118] - -[Sidenote: The dwindling Assembly at Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio's party outnumbered] - -[Sidenote: A property qualification.] - -The General Assembly of the Confederates met at Kilkenny on November -12, the day before the battle of Knocknanuss. In the previous year -there had been seventy-three members to represent Ulster, and these had -given Rinuccini his majority. This time, 'from poverty or some other -cause,' only nine appeared, who claimed to hold proxies for the whole -number. This claim was disallowed, and Munster and Connaught, being -under-represented owing to the difficulties of travel, the powers lay -with 'the mob of Leinster, many of them the minions of Muskerry.' On -the very day of meeting, apparently, the Assembly proceeded to pass -what was in effect a new constitution. This document, extending to -fifteen printed pages, and no doubt carefully prepared beforehand, -begins by setting forth the ruin wrought by military violence. To -repress this for the future a new Supreme Council was appointed, -consisting of twelve from each province; but the real power was given -to a committee of twelve 'residents,' three for each province, chosen -out of the larger number. Bellings was one of the twelve, only two -of whom were bishops; of these, Edmund O'Dwyer, Bishop of Limerick, -was a pronounced Ormondist; while Emer Macmahon of Clogher was by -no means averse to treating with the Lord Lieutenant. When seven, -being an absolute majority of the committee, came to any decision, -the dissidents were to sign as if they had been assenting parties. -Elaborate orders were made for the repression of malefactors, for -raising money, and for the arming and training of a militia consisting -of all men between sixteen and sixty, 'forcing such as are able to -provide for themselves swords and muskets, and the rest pikes and -skeyns.' It was recited that in all former assemblies many of the -members had been 'serving-men and men uninterested in the kingdom,' -and ordered that only estated gentlemen should be eligible in future. -Finally, orders were given for the regulation of the 'creaghts' or -nomad herdsmen of Ulster, who had followed Owen Roe O'Neill into the -other three provinces and settled upon them like locusts, turning the -cultivated country into a desert.[119] - -[Sidenote: The Queen's opinion about Ireland] - -[Sidenote: Envoys sent to Rome,] - -[Sidenote: to Spain,] - -[Sidenote: and to France.] - -'I wonder,' wrote Henrietta Maria to her husband a few days before the -Assembly met at Kilkenny, 'that the Irish do not give themselves to -some foreign king; you will force them to it in the end, when they see -themselves offered as a sacrifice.' Many in Ireland were of the same -opinion, and Rinuccini feared that Louis XIV. would be chosen. His own -sympathies were rather Spanish, but he could not deny that France was -likely to be the best paymaster and the most vigorous protector. A -neutral would be preferable, and, like a good Florentine, he suggested -the Grand Duke Ferdinand II. who had sent or promised some arms. But -the Assembly had no thought of repudiating the English Crown, though -they eagerly sought help from Continental sovereigns, and even from -the Dutch States-General. None of the envoys chosen were such as -Rinuccini approved. Bishop French and Sir Nicholas Plunket were sent -to Rome, and in this case he could say that the object of the Council -was to get good men out of the way. They were to represent generally -the fidelity of Ireland and her need of help, and in particular to beg -the Pope's intercession with the Queen and Prince, with the sovereigns -of France and Spain, and with all other Christian princes. If all else -failed, they were empowered to invite Innocent to be himself protector -of Ireland, and they were to ask his help even if matters should be -accommodated with the Queen and Prince. Sir Richard Blake, a decided -opponent of the nuncio, was sent to Spain with instructions to offer -the protectorship to the King; but only in the last resort and after -they had heard the result of the Roman mission. The same instructions -were given to those who went to France. Viscount Muskerry, Bishop -Emer Macmahon, and Geoffrey Brown were at first chosen; but Macmahon -positively refused to go on the grounds that the Queen hated him, that -Jermyn and Digby had threatened his life for opposing the Ormonde -peace, and that he spoke neither French nor English. The latter can -hardly have been strictly the case, but perhaps he did not speak well -enough for diplomacy. It was nevertheless carried by a majority that -he should be compelled to go. 'He then rose,' says Rinuccini, 'and, -with much displeasure, added the following words: "You, sirs, have -gained your victory, but I say that under no circumstances will I go -to France."' More than fifty members left the hall, exclaiming that -the Confederation was at end; but a bishop said that the disaffection -of one need not dissolve the union of others. Muskerry, Taaffe, and -Preston wished to imprison Macmahon, but the mayor sheltered him. -There was a cry that O'Neill was coming, and the city gates were shut. -Preston went to look for soldiers, and when Macmahon returned to the -Assembly next day he was driven away as being himself under discussion. -The lawyers said a bishop might be imprisoned, but the clergy objected, -and the Council contented themselves with forbidding him to leave the -city. In the end, Antrim was substituted for the bishop as envoy to -France, and the matter dropped for the time.[120] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin's bare-footed army] - -[Sidenote: is everywhere victorious.] - -[Sidenote: Flight of the Supreme Council.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin ill-supported by Parliament,] - -[Sidenote: which he resolves to desert.] - -On December 16 Inchiquin marched out of Cork with 1000 foot and a few -horse, 'and was fain to have a gathering among the poor inhabitants -to get so much monies as to buy them brogues to keep their feet from -being cut to pieces by ice.' Owing to the difficulty of feeding men -and horses, he could not increase his force materially. But, small -as it was, Rinuccini reported at the end of January that it met with -no resistance anywhere. A few days later Inchiquin relieved Cahir, -occupied Carrick, and repaired the bridge there; threatened Waterford, -where Rinuccini then was, and, turning northward, took Callan by -assault. No artillery was used, all the gates being blown down with -petards, and three hundred men were put to the sword, 'besides some -women, which the soldiers' mercy would not extend to, notwithstanding -orders to the contrary.' The victors were unpaid and half starved, -and even the officers underwent 'intolerable extremities.' Fethard -was also in Inchiquin's hands, and the Council of the Confederates -fled in haste to Kilkenny from Clonmel, whither they had gone to -compose local differences. Rinuccini went to Waterford, and Inchiquin -raised contributions up to the very walls of Kilkenny. Perhaps he -did not really want to take it, being already suspected of a wish -to turn against the Parliament which had supplied his wants so ill. -His officers continued to protest their fidelity, but dwelt upon the -'improbable successes' which they had attained without help. The -Derby House Committee promised money and clothes, which either never -came or came in ridiculously small quantities, showing that they were -distrusted. They would be obliged to make terms with the rebels, unless -Parliament sent shipping to fetch them off. The officers' remonstrance -was not read in the House of Commons until March 27, but Inchiquin had -been for some time in communication with Ormonde. This did not prevent -him from attempting a junction with Jones, which was prevented by -O'Neill, or from sending Major Patterson to Edinburgh, offering to join -the Scots with 6000 men if they would declare for the King against the -English Parliament.[121] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde in England, Aug.-Feb., 1647-8.] - -[Sidenote: He escapes to France.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish envoys at Paris, March, 1647-8.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde advises an evasive answer.] - -On landing in England, Ormonde went for a few days to Acton, near -Bristol, where he stayed with his uncle, Sir Robert Poyntz. Having -received a pass from Fairfax, he went to London and to the King at -Hampton Court, to whom he presented an elaborate account of his -proceedings in Ireland. He had a friendly meeting with Fairfax at -Putney, and lived for some time at Kingston, to be near the King; but -the army became jealous of the Royalist confabulations at Hampton -Court, and on October 9 he had to take leave of Charles, whom he -never saw again. He returned to Acton, which was conveniently near to -Ireland, and sent, first, Colonel John Barry, and then Edward Synge, -afterwards Bishop of Cloyne, to negotiate with Inchiquin. Fearing that -he might be arrested, he crossed the country to Hastings and escaped in -a fishing-boat to Dieppe. Many believed that he had gone to Scotland. -He reached Paris early in March where he met Glamorgan and Antrim, each -of them hoping to be the 'Catholic viceroy' for whom Rinuccini had so -long contended. Muskerry and Brown reached St. Malo on March 14, and -on April 2 made written proposals to the Queen and Prince. They were -debarred from considering religious matters until the return of the -envoys from Rome, and were content to stand for the present upon the -terms of the Ormonde peace. In the case of property they were more -specific, insisting that all lands forfeited since the first year of -James and reconquered since October 23, 1641, from 'any of the party -adverse to us' should be confirmed to the actual holders, that all who -had lost their estates since the accession should be allowed to recover -them, no statute or patent being pleadable to the contrary. No king of -England could have granted these terms, and Henrietta was surrounded -by English Protestants. Ormonde advised a friendly answer without any -definite promises, and this course was taken. The Queen and Prince -regretted the violation of the late peace, declined to discuss matters -of religion with men who were not authorised to treat, and promised -to send someone to Ireland empowered to 'condescend to whatever may -consist with justice and with his Majesty's honour and interest to -grant unto the said Confederated Catholics.' This answer was not given -till May 13, by which time the situation in Ireland had materially -changed.[122] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[106] George Leyburn's _Memoirs_, 1722; Tichborne's _Letter_ to his -wife, June 8, 1657; _Bellings_, vii. 15 _sqq._ - -[107] Leyburn's _Memoirs_; Digby's letters in Carte's _Ormonde_, vol. -iii., appendix. - -[108] All the material facts for this paragraph are in Carte's -_Ormonde_, and Rinuccini's _Embassy_, pp. 276-329; Clarendon's _Hist. -of the Rebellion, Ireland_, p. 39. The garrisons surrendered with -Dublin were Drogheda, Naas, Trim, Dundalk, Carlingford, Narrow-water, -Newry, Greencastle, Slane. - -[109] Letters of Digby and Ormonde in Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. 17-23, -July. - -[110] Clanricarde to Ormonde, January 8, 1646-7, with Ormonde's -answer of same date, in Carte's _Ormonde_, iii.; _Bellings_, vii. -21-27; Rinuccini's _Embassy_, June 18 and August 22, 1647; Muskerry -to Clanricarde, June 17, 'from the camp, near Kilmallock,' in -_Confederation and War_, vii. 203; Glamorgan to the King, March 31, -_Additional MSS._, 28,938, _f._ 129. - -[111] _Bellings_, vii. 27-32; Culme's Diary referred to below; -Leyburn's _Memoirs_. - -[112] _Bellings_, vii. 32, 349; Jones's account in _Rushworth_, vii. -779; Rinuccini's account in _Embassy_, p. 306; Borlase's _Rebellion; A -Diary of Passages_, August 1-10, 1647, brought to London on August 18 -by Lieut.-Colonel Arthur Culme, who was present, and presented by him -to Parliament, to which a list of prisoners is appended, giving the -names of 101 commissioned and twenty-five non-commissioned officers, -with 241 privates not named. Lord Westmeath is at the head of the list. - -[113] Culme's _Diary_, _ut sup._; Lismore Papers, 2nd series, p. 111; -_Rushworth_, vi. 486, 562, 632 and vii. 787 (Letter of August 12, 1647) -_Two letters_ from Lord Inchiquin to the Speaker, May 4 and 10, 1647, -ordered to be printed May 18. - -[114] _Rushworth_, vi. 248, 455; _Whitelock_, March 9, 1646-7; -_Confederation and War_, iv. 19-25; Blencowe's _Sydney Papers_, pp. 6, -13, 17; _A True and Brief Relation_ of Lord Lisle's departure (a letter -from Cork), 1647. Monck's Ulster appointment was made in July 1647. - -[115] For the sack of Cashel I have chiefly followed Father Andrew -Sall, S.J., who was a native of the place, and who appears from -internal evidence to have been at least in the neighbourhood. A -translation from his Italian narrative is printed in Murphy's _Cromwell -in Ireland_, pp. 388-392. The _Aphorismical Discovery_ (i. 182) says -thirty priests and friars were killed; Carte says 'near twenty.' -Carte's _Ormonde_, ii. 7; Ludlow's _Memoirs_, ed. Firth, i. 85; -Lenihan's _Limerick_, p. 161. - -[116] I have used the very scarce Dublin reprint of the _Disputatio -Apologetica_: the original is, of course, still scarcer. Nearly all -that is known of Mahony is in Walsh's _Remonstrance_, part ii. sec. 22. -The Portuguese decrees are in _Contemporary Hist._ i. 739; Rinuccini's -_Embassy_, p. 321. - -[117] Rinuccini's report on O'Neill's proceedings, 1647, in _Embassy_, -p. 281. For the great and increasing hatred excited by the Ulster -troops, _ib._, 290, 309, 324, 347, 353-4, 357, 359; O'Neill's Journal, -1647, in _Contemporary Hist._, iii. 206; Sir H. Tichborne's _Letter_ to -his wife; Sir Maurice Eustace to Ormonde in _Confederation and War_, -vi. 207. - -[118] Letters in _Rushworth_, vii. 916, 947; Inchiquin's letter to -Taaffe is in Meehan's _Confederation of Kilkenny_; Carte's _Ormonde_, -ii. 9; Smith's _Cork_; Rinuccini's official account of battle in -_Embassy_, p. 335, and further particulars at p. 519; _Bellings_, vii. -34, 350; Inchiquin to Lenthall, November 18, 1647, ordered by the House -of Commons to be printed, November 30. _A Perfect Narrative_ of the -battle of Knocknanuss, by an officer present, 1647; _A Mighty Victory_ -in Ireland, November 29, 1647, being a letter from William More written -in the field on November 13. - -[119] Rinuccini's _Embassy_, p. 343; _Confederation and War_, vi. 208, -232. - -[120] The Queen to the King, December 1/11; 1647, in Bruce's _Charles -I. in 1646_; Rinuccini's _Embassy_, pp. 330, 332, 340, 343; _Bellings_, -vii. 36. Instructions for the agents to Rome, France, and Spain in -_Confederation and War_, vi. 223-227. Speech of the agent in Holland, -_ib._ 232. - -[121] Letter in _Rushworth_, vii. 947; _ib._ 1006, 1029, 1041; -Rinuccini's _Embassy_, pp. 367, 370; _Thurloe_, i. 93; _Bellings_, vii. -36-39. - -[122] Carte's _Ormonde_, ii. 15. Ormonde's report on Ireland to the -King is _ib._ iii. appendix No. 565; _Rushworth_, vii. 795. The Paris -negotiations in _Confederation and War_, vi. 228-232. _Bellings_, vii. -37. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIX - -INCHIQUIN, RINUCCINI, AND ORMONDE, 1648 - - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin and the Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: He is distrusted,] - -[Sidenote: and voted a traitor, April 14, 1648.] - -Inchiquin's espousal of the Parliamentary cause had been generally -attributed to his disgust at the King's foolish appointment of -Portland to be President of Munster over his head. But the motives of -men are, for the most part, mixed, and he may have thought, as was -indeed the fact, that he was taking the best course to protect the -Protestants of southern Ireland. Ormonde could do little for them, -and the masters of the sea could do much. But Parliament was torn -by factions, and help was sent to Ireland grudgingly. Having gained -two great victories and successfully maintained the three seaports, -Inchiquin thought he deserved better treatment. Besides all this, he -disliked the Independents and dreaded their growing power. In November -1642 he assured Ormonde that he was no Roundhead; and in August 1645, -after Naseby and after his expulsion of the Roman Catholics from -Cork and Youghal, he told his brother-in-law, Michael Boyle, that -he would waive all dependence on Parliament if he could see safety -for the Protestants by any other means. Even before the battle of -Knocknanuss he was distrusted in Parliamentary circles, and after it -he began to draw towards Ormonde. The Confederacy was evidently on the -decline, and there was some chance of a general combination against -Owen Roe O'Neill. Purely selfish considerations would probably have -confirmed him in his allegiance to the Parliament; for since Cornet -Joyce's raid it was easy to see that the 'Roundheads' were going to -win. On March 30, after the letter from Inchiquin's officers had been -considered, three members of the House of Commons were appointed to go -as commissioners to the Munster army. A fortnight later Major Elsing, -one of the officers who refused to follow their general, reported his -defection to the House, who thereupon recalled their commissioners, -cancelled all Inchiquin's powers, and voted him a rebel and traitor. -Before declaring himself openly he had taken the precaution of -bespeaking a welcome in France in case the worst came to the worst. -Broghill, his rival in Munster, was also intriguing with Ormonde and -the Queen; but in his case it came to nothing. His cousin, Sir W. -Fenton, and other officers who refused to declare for the King, had -been imprisoned by Inchiquin, and this may have tended to prevent -Broghill from joining him.[123] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin's truce with the Confederacy] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini's opposition.] - -[Sidenote: The truce condemned by the bishops, April 27.] - -Inchiquin having declared himself a Royalist, there was nothing to -prevent those who had made the Ormonde peace from coming to terms -with him also. When the late raid was fresh in his memory, even -Rinuccini had seen the necessity of doing something of the kind. Now -that Kilkenny and Waterford seemed safe he strenuously opposed any -cessation or truce on the ground that it would leave things as before. -Inchiquin's change of front had left him without allies, and this -was the time to crush the author of the Cashel massacre. The Supreme -Council urged that they were in no condition to maintain a war, and -that even if they were it would be bad policy to drive Inchiquin to -desperation. The result would be to deliver Cork, Youghal, and Kinsale -to the Parliament, who would always grant him fair terms for such -valuable possessions. Inchiquin was certainly very anti-Catholic, -'yet, as we are informed, he suffers our priests to live and mass to -be celebrated within his quarters,' and he would allow tithes to be -paid in Tipperary and 'Cashel and all the churches which were profaned -there' to be restored to their old uses. Michael Jones was making -great preparations in Dublin, and the Confederacy would soon have to -reckon with him. 'Your lordship knows by experience,' they reminded -the nuncio, 'that when the enemy insulted over your lordship at the -walls of Waterford, and stood at defiance with us at the gates of -Kilkenny, how slow our forces were drawing to a head, when after -orders upon orders, ten times at least, issued by us, one on the neck -of another, to General Preston, General O'Neill, and the Lord Taaffe, -scarce three thousand men could be brought into the city before the -enemy retreated.' But Rinuccini above all things dreaded the return -of Ormonde, and persisted in opposing a truce 'with any of a contrary -religion,' though he was willing to agree to an 'accommodation, -confederacy, or some such like contract,' based not upon the _status -quo_, but upon a distinct advantage to be gained. He held a meeting of -fourteen bishops, who decided that no one could with a safe conscience -agree to the truce. There was a minority of six, but, according to the -custom on such occasions, they signed with the rest.[124] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini goes to the Ulster army.] - -[Sidenote: The truce concluded in his absence, May 20.] - -[Sidenote: Interdict and excommunication follows.] - -'The nuncio,' says Bellings, 'seeing that no opposition he could give -was of force to interrupt the cessation, judging it, perhaps, unfit -for him to be present at the publishing of it, left the town in such -a manner as might well persuade the people somewhat had been plotted -against his person, for, passing through the garden of Mr. Shea's -house, where he lived, and mounting to the town wall by a ladder, -he went out at the gate, and thence to the northern army in Leix, -where the Ulster creaghts, from the time Owen O'Neill had taken the -fort of Maryborough on his advance to the siege of Dublin, had been -planted.' Bishop Macmahon left Kilkenny next day. Some monks had told -the nuncio that a plot against his life had been revealed to them -under the seal of confession. Somebody may have said this to drive him -away, but that there was such a plot is quite incredible, and it may -be doubted whether Rinuccini believed it himself. He fled to O'Neill -at Maryborough, and when he was gone the truce was quickly concluded. -The Council, more for the sake of popularity than because they wished -for his presence, made great efforts to induce him to return, but he -was irreconcilable, and was destined never to see Kilkenny again. -The truce was concluded without his consent on May 20, to last until -November 1, upon the basis of each party retaining its own and of a -mutual exchange of prisoners. Inchiquin's quarters were defined as -the counties of Cork, Kerry, and Waterford, with the proviso that he -should not tax the baronies of Glenaheiry, near Clonmel, and Gaultier, -near Waterford, nor the towns of Dingle and Tralee. He undertook not -to interfere with the free exercise of religion outside his garrison -towns. A week later the nuncio excommunicated all who accepted the -truce, and laid an interdict on towns and villages receiving it. -Macmahon and four other bishops signed the document, and the penalties -of excommunication were declared to be incurred by all who removed or -defaced it.[125] - -[Sidenote: The Supreme Council appeal to Rome.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill supports the nuncio.] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone's sword.] - -[Sidenote: Preston and O'Neill at war.] - -'The lord nuncio's excommunications,' says Bellings, 'had now by his -often thundering of them, grown more cheap.' A sense of this may have -been the reason why he made it as stringent as possible, though he was -without books or canonists, and therefore open to criticism in point -of form. In the letters written at the time he admits that the result -varied very much in different places, but in the narrative composed -after he left Ireland he says he 'knew of no occasion when the censure -has better deserved the name of a thunderbolt,' and that it had at -once sent 2000 of Preston's soldiers over to O'Neill. The paper was -publicly posted in Kilkenny, and the Supreme Council at once appealed -to Rome. O'Neill and his officers declared unreservedly for the nuncio, -professing to believe that Ormonde was really a partisan of the -Parliament, and that those who adhered to him were inclined the same -way. The Council thereupon revoked his commission as general of Ulster, -and advised him and his officers by letter. O'Neill collected these -missives and burned them publicly in the presence of Bishop Macmahon -and others, and proceeded to increase his forces as fast as possible. -Some money brought from Rome by Dean Massari enabled him to do this. -The Dean had also brought a sword from Luke Wadding, which was said to -have been Tyrone's, and for which he had a splendid scabbard made at -Paris. As a former Pope had sent Tyrone a crown of peacock's feathers, -so this was thought to be a confirmation of the report that Owen -O'Neill was designated as king in Mahony's pamphlet. The sword never -came into O'Neill's hands, and there is no evidence that he had any -such ideas, though the nature of his ambition must always be somewhat -questionable. Things came to a head about the end of July, when James -Preston, the general's son, besieged Athy, which was held by Shane -O'Hagan against the Confederates, and where O'Neill had established a -bakery for ammunition-bread. Summoned by O'Hagan to his relief, the -northern general came from Longford without meeting much resistance, -and passed the flooded Barrow by felling an oak tree across it. Preston -drew off at his approach, and he encamped a few days later in Lord -Mountgarret's park at Dunmore with 10,000 foot and 500 horse. His men -ate the deer and drank the good ale in the lodge. He made no attempt on -the town, about which Preston had collected some troops, and after a -stay of five days drew off into Queen's County, Inchiquin following him -with a much inferior force.[126] - -[Sidenote: Panic at Kilkenny, May-August.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin urges Ormonde to return.] - -While O'Neill's tents were visible from the walls of Kilkenny there -was great confusion inside. Some churches were shut; others, in -defiance of the interdict, remained open. A letter was intercepted in -which Paul King, guardian of the Franciscans and a special confidant -of the nuncio's, invited the northern general to take possession. -The Council imprisoned King and made Peter Walsh guardian. Walsh was -employed to draw up queries and answers, which were afterwards signed -by Bishop Rothe, against the validity of Rinuccini's censures. 'I -remember very well,' writes the learned friar, 'how (besides others) -Richard Bellings, Esq., a leading member and chief secretary of the -said Council, came several times from them to my chamber to hasten my -despatch, and to tell me of the great danger of delay, being the enemy -was in sight and the people so divided.' He worked for five days and -nights consecutively without closing his eyes, and preached in the -cathedral at the end of it. A respectable number of divines followed -Rothe and Walsh, but it was evident that the Confederacy could not be -restored. O'Neill, who alone of the Irish generals had the prestige -of victory, openly defied the authority of the Council and adhered to -the nuncio. Jones was gradually growing stronger in Dublin, and it was -evident that no one except Ormonde could have the weight necessary. -Inchiquin had urged him to come as soon as the truce was concluded. -'Divers of my men,' he said, 'have died of hunger, after they had a -while lived upon cats and dogs, as many do now. And if, while I am in -this condition, the Parliament shipping should arrive according to our -expectation, grounded upon good advertisement, with some officers, -money, clothes, and victuals, and make tender thereof unto our -soldiers, if they will give up the officers they have now, a greater -strait than I shall be in cannot be imagined.'[127] - -[Sidenote: Activity of O'Neill, August-September.] - -[Sidenote: He is generally unsuccessful.] - -After leaving Kilkenny, O'Neill marched to Borrisoleigh in Tipperary. -Here he received an invitation to visit Clare, and went to Killaloe, -whence he detached Rory Maguire to surprise Banagher. He then turned -back into Tipperary, and sent another detachment to Nenagh, which was -taken by storm. From Silvermines he went to Birr, where he heard that -Athy was again closely besieged by Preston, and sent a party to relieve -it. Inchiquin, in the meantime, recovered Nenagh by undermining the -wall, while his men were sheltered with wooden barriers. The garrison -surrendered before the mine was fired, and Inchiquin then went to -Banagher, where he was joined by Clanricarde and Taaffe. They were so -well posted that O'Neill was unable to raise the siege, and retired -by Tullamore to the neighbourhood of Belturbet in Cavan. Athlone was -already in Clanricarde's hands, so that the party opposed to Rinuccini -had been successful all along the line. O'Neill's object had been -to reach Kerry, which had not been devastated and where there were -harbours to receive foreign supplies, and mountains suited to his -peculiar tactics. He remained inactive in Ulster for the rest of the -year.[128] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill makes advances to Inchiquin,] - -[Sidenote: and to Michael Jones,] - -[Sidenote: and denounces the Confederates.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill proclaimed traitor, Sept. 30.] - -Early in September O'Neill employed Rory O'More, the original plotter -of the rebellion, on a mission to Inchiquin. He offered to leave him -the whole of Munster without any condition but that of non-interference -in the other provinces. Adopting Rinuccini's view that anything was -better than the Supreme Council, he also entered into negotiations -with the governor of Dublin. Jones was represented by his brother, -the Bishop of Clogher, while Macmahon, who claimed the same see, was -hand-and-glove with O'Neill. The General Assembly declared that 'as -Owen Roe and the Bishop of Clogher (Macmahon) mislead those adhering -unto them with deep protestations of their loyalty, and desires to -advance the Catholic religion, and his Majesty's interests, and his -aversion to Jones and his ways; so of the other side Jones with his -Protestant Bishop of Clogher, by the same acts and illusions (while -they be practisers with Owen O'Neill) endeavours to persuade his -officers and soldiers that he intends to prosecute him as a pestilent -blood-sucker, and a sworn enemy to the English nation and Government; -and we are informed that when despatches come from Owen O'Neill, and -the messengers of Vicar-General Edmond O'Reilly are seen at Dublin, -Jones gives out that they are sent from the Council at Kilkenny.' In -his declaration against the truce with Inchiquin O'Neill denounced the -Confederates for surrendering all to Ormonde, 'the great personage whom -in their souls they know to be wholly disposed to betray the kingdom to -the Parliament.' It is hard to believe that O'Neill thought any such -thing; at all events, he heartily congratulated the great personage -on his safe arrival in Ireland. 'None,' he said, 'shall be found in -the kingdom more obedient and dutiful to his Majesty, and consequently -to your Excellency.' Ormonde replied that he would have no reason to -complain if his actions were agreeable to his professions. In the -meantime the Supreme Council had proclaimed O'Neill a traitor, along -with Bishop Macmahon, Vicar-General O'Reilly, Dominic Fanning, and -others, and had ordered all their adherents to lay down their arms -before October 25 on pain of being held traitors likewise.[129] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde lands at Cork, Sept. 29.] - -[Sidenote: The King's orders to him.] - -Ormonde reached Cork harbour on Michaelmas Day. Inchiquin begged him -to come, with or without money, but to multiply the real sum by four -so as to encourage the soldiers. What he actually brought was thirty -pistoles, his slender resources having been expended through various -accidents and delays before he left France. He issued an address to -the Munster army, declaring that he had come 'to employ his utmost -endeavours for the settlement of the Protestant religion, for defence -of the King in his prerogatives, and for maintaining the privileges -and freedom of Parliament, as well as the liberty of the subject.' -Independency he would do his best to suppress. He had still all the -legal authority of a viceroy, but his special powers to treat with the -Irish had been exhausted in 1646. He had fresh powers from the Prince -of Wales, but they might be objected to, and the King was applied to -for their confirmation. 'I must command you two things,' wrote Charles -from Newport, 'first, to obey all my wife's commands; then, not to -obey any commands of mine until I send you word that I am free from -restraint. Lastly, be not startled at my great concessions concerning -Ireland, for that they will come to nothing.' Ormonde stayed a few days -at Cork, and then went to his own house at Carrick, so as to be near -Kilkenny.[130] - -[Sidenote: Riot at Galway, July.] - -[Sidenote: The archbishop defies the nuncio.] - -[Sidenote: The General Assembly denounce the nuncio's party,] - -[Sidenote: and welcome Ormonde to Kilkenny.] - -The mayor of Galway attempted to proclaim the truce, as Kilkenny had -done, but Rinuccini opposed him in person, and in the riot which -followed some lives were lost. The mob generally sided with the -nuncio, and he had the bell of the Carmelites' church taken down, -that order having opposed him. Two priests were posted at the door -'to keep Catholics from the mass, to the great scandal of Catholic -religion in the country, where there are many Protestants that, by -good example, might be converted to the Catholic faith.' Archbishop de -Burgo reached the town at this juncture, and demanded the production of -the warrant under which Rinuccini acted. 'I won't show it,' said the -nuncio. 'And I won't obey you,' replied the archbishop, and ordered -the church doors to be forcibly opened by a man who got in through -a hole in the roof. The archbishop celebrated mass in spite of the -interdict. In order to neutralise the action of the Kilkenny Council, -Rinuccini summoned a national synod to meet at Galway on August 15; -but Clanricarde, who had the assistance of Inchiquin, surrounded the -town and quite prevented any episcopal gathering there. No letters -reached the nuncio, and it was with great difficulty that he despatched -any. On August 30 he published a declaration, which was signed by six -bishops and some other dignitaries, setting forth that adhesion to the -truce with Inchiquin was 'a deadly sin against the law of God and His -Church.' This did not prevent the Assembly from meeting at Kilkenny -on September 4, who denounced the malice and irregularity of those -who signed the declaration, and pronounced them guilty of the late -bloodshed at Galway. A few days later they sent John Roe, provincial -of the barefooted Carmelites, to Rome with letters for the Pope. They -had fought, they said, for the faith for seven years, and their reward -was to have the papal thunders loosened upon their heads by the nuncio. -As soon as Ormonde arrived they congratulated him, and announced their -willingness to conclude 'a well-grounded and lasting peace' with him. -Commissioners, of whom Sir Phelim O'Neill was one, were appointed to -carry on the negotiations. Early in November Ormonde was invited to -Kilkenny, and entered the town with great pomp, the members of the -Assembly going out along the road to meet him and conducting him to his -own castle. It was just three years since Rinuccini had been received -with equal or greater rejoicing.[131] - -[Sidenote: Antrim tries to thwart Ormonde] - -Antrim was much disgusted at not being made Lord Lieutenant, and -reached Ireland about the same time as Ormonde, with the intention of -thwarting him. He was not trusted by the Confederates, and the most -important part of the Paris negotiations had been hidden from him. -Wexford favoured the nuncio, and Antrim collected about a thousand -men there with a view of making a diversion in aid of Owen O'Neill. -They consisted of a battalion of Highlanders, under Macdonald of -Glengarry, and of levies made among the O'Byrnes and Kavanaghs. They -were attacked on the road between Wexford and Arklow by the Confederate -forces, and routed by MacThomas and his cavalry. This is what Antrim -in his autobiographical memoir calls 'living privately at Wexford and -Waterford.' He escaped by boat to Arklow, and thence to O'Neill's -garrison at Rebane in Kildare. In the following year he became a -pensioner of Cromwell.[132] - -[Sidenote: The Parliament masters of Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: Monck takes Carrickfergus and Belfast, September.] - -In the meantime the aspect of affairs in Ulster had changed very much. -Coote was governor of Londonderry, but much straitened by the fort -of Culmore, which was held by Sir Robert Stewart. Stewart was now a -decided Royalist, and his guns commanded the channel of the Foyle -so that supplies reached the city with difficulty. Monro still held -Carrickfergus and Belfast, while Monck held O'Neill in check from -Dundalk and Lisburn. When Monro's nephew George, who had escaped so -narrowly at Benburb, went over to Scotland for the King, he took with -him men from most of the Scottish regiments. This was done with his -uncle's connivance, and Monck had strict orders from the Parliament to -seize Belfast. During the night of September 12 he arrived accordingly -before Carrickfergus with a strong force. The captain of the guard -opened the gate, Monro was taken in his bed, and sent over to England. -Belfast then surrendered without resistance. The thanks of Parliament, -which was in good humour after Preston, were given to Monck, who was -voted 500_l._, and made governor of Belfast and Carrickfergus. A few -weeks later, Coote was equally successful, and he also received the -thanks of Parliament. Stewart was inveigled into Londonderry to attend -a christening, and was seized, along with Audley Mervyn. They were sent -over to England, and Culmore fort soon surrendered to Coote, as did -Lifford and some other places. With the exception of Charlemont, which -the Irish had held since 1641, every fortified place in Ulster was in -Parliamentary hands by the end of the year.[133] - -[Sidenote: Mutiny in Inchiquin's army.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde at Cork, November.] - -[Sidenote: The Prince of Wales expected.] - -While Ormonde was negotiating at Kilkenny, a serious mutiny occurred -among the cavalry of Inchiquin's army. Many of the officers were not -Royalists, and many of the men had received no pay. It was true that -their wants had been neglected by Parliament; but the Houses had at -least the means of becoming prompt paymasters, while Ormonde could only -give promises. The proceedings in Ulster showed that the Parliamentary -cause was gaining ground. By simultaneously seizing several of the -chief officers, by offering an indemnity for the past, and by promising -to detain no man against his will, Inchiquin quelled the mutiny; but it -was thought desirable that Ormonde should visit Cork, and he left the -Assembly sitting at Kilkenny. Richard Fanshawe reached Kinsale at this -juncture with letters from the Prince of Wales and power to announce -that Rupert was coming with his fleet and supplies. The Duke of York -was expected at once, and his elder brother as soon as he had recovered -from an attack of smallpox. Ormonde urged the Prince of Wales to come, -for his presence was the one thing necessary to restore the confidence -of 'a discouraged rather than disaffected army.' Money and additional -men would be very useful, but Charles himself much more so. Having done -what he could in Munster, the Lord Lieutenant returned to Kilkenny -within a fortnight as he had promised.[134] - -[Sidenote: No help from Rome.] - -[Sidenote: Peace concluded, January, 1648-9.] - -[Sidenote: Commissioners of Trust appointed.] - -Ormonde was ill after his return to Kilkenny, and the discussions -about the peace were suspended till December 19; but the Confederates -were in no condition to drive a hard bargain. Bishop French and -Sir Nicholas Plunket had returned from Rome empty-handed, the Pope -alleging troubles in Crete and a possible invasion of Italy by the -Turks as reasons for turning a deaf ear to Ireland. The agents were -also reminded that no account had been given of the large sum sent -over by Massari. The Remonstrance of the army in England became known -at Kilkenny about the same time, and it had a very sobering effect. -The Assembly receded from its extreme claim in the matter of religion, -and on January 17 a peace was concluded which differed but slightly -from that made in 1646 and afterwards rejected by Rinuccini's advice. -Everything was referred to a free Parliament to be held in Ireland -in six months, or as soon after as possible, and no man was to be -molested for any matter of religion in the meantime. The Confederacy -was dissolved and the powers of a provisional government were vested -in twelve lay notables, of whom three were peers, afterwards known as -the 'Commissioners of Trust.' The peace was signed at Kilkenny and -proclaimed on the same day, and a circular letter was also sent out by -nine bishops. These prelates advised their co-religionists to accept -the peace loyally. 'In the present concessions,' they said, 'and in the -expectation of further gracious favours from his Majesty's goodness, we -have received a good satisfaction for the being and safety of religion; -and the substance thereof, as to the concessions for religion, is -better than the sound; by the temporal articles lives, liberties, and -the estates of men are well provided for ... you fight fiercely against -sectaries and rebels for God and Cæsar, and under those banners you may -well hope for victories.'[135] - -[Sidenote: The nuncio loses all credit.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde on ultramontane politics.] - -While Ormonde was negotiating at Kilkenny, Rinuccini was in low -estate at Galway. 'For eight months,' he wrote, 'I have seen none -of my attendants, and am reduced to such a point, that however bad -the vessel, the sea is almost safer for me than the land.' He sent -his confessor, Giuseppe Arcamoni, a Theatine, to Rome in order to -counterbalance the efforts of the Carmelite Roe. The Confederates -had gone so far as to order him out of Ireland to make his defence -before the Pope in person, and to forbid him in the meantime to -'intermeddle directly or indirectly' in Irish affairs. A duplicate of -this letter was sent to the Corporation of Galway, and both original -and copy were accompanied by a long statement of charges against the -nuncio. The corporation were peremptorily ordered to have no further -dealings with the 'lord archbishop of Fermo.' He was accused generally -of arbitrary and tyrannical conduct, of endeavouring to subvert -fundamental laws and to withdraw the people from their allegiance to -the Crown, and of plotting to 'introduce a foreign, arbitrary, and -tyrannical government.' In a paper drawn up about this time Ormonde -says, 'the nuncio is a foreigner, and no subject of his Majesty's; -therefore not at all interested in any agreement between his Majesty -and his subjects, and may have aims prejudicial to both, wherefore his -satisfaction may be as difficult as unnecessary.'[136] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini leaves Ireland, February 1648-9.] - -[Sidenote: Reasons of his failure.] - -[Sidenote: What was thought at Rome.] - -Rinuccini was completely beaten, though the great bulk of the clergy -were with him. He could claim seventeen bishops against eight, and the -vast majority of the religious orders, excepting the Jesuits. He had -with him the Celtic population, as represented by Owen Roe O'Neill, -and the poorer classes generally, who cared much for the Church and -very little for the Crown. But the nobility and the legal profession -were against him. 'A few days,' he wrote, 'after my arrival in Kilkenny -some lawyers inquired from Father Scarampi if I were going to erect a -tribunal. When he said yes, they replied that they would not put up -with it by any means.... In the public assembly Viscount Muskerry said -that the day of my arrival was a fatal one for the country; in short, -they have shown in every action that they cannot endure the authority -of the Pope; they are even not ashamed to say in private and in print -that his succours were mere empty hopes, vanity, and vexation. It may -be therefore by the will of God that a people Catholic only in name, -and so irreverent towards the Church, should feel the thunderbolt of -the Holy See, and draw upon themselves the anger which is the meed of -the scorner.' Rinuccini declared that a nuncio to a heretic viceroy -was an absurdity, and prepared to leave the country. With difficulty -he succeeded in securing the very _San Pietro_ on board of which he -had first come. Plunket and French went to Galway to report the result -of their Roman mission, but he did not await their arrival, and it -was thought that he feared orders from the Pope incompatible with his -late proceedings. He sailed on February 23, crowds of weeping people -accompanying him to the ship; the poor were much better Catholics -than the lords and lawyers. The demonstration on his arrival had been -less than 'on the completion of his mission to a poor and persecuted -minister, and could not be ascribed to the hopes of assistance which -they entertained.' He thought the corrupted nations nearer Rome should -'journey to a distant clime where the sun is never seen, that they may -fully comprehend the due subjection of the faithful to their head.' -In the meantime he sent his confessor to Rome with instructions to -press for certain specific measures. The authorities were called upon -to suspend Bishop Rothe of Ossory, to summon Archbishop de Burgo to -Rome, to call Peter Walsh 'before the Inquisition or any other tribunal -in Rome,' to summon the chiefs of the recalcitrant Carmelites, and -to order Malone, provincial of the Irish Jesuits, out of Ireland. -Arcamoni arrived in March, but Rinuccini lingered long in France and -in his native Florence, and did not reach Rome till the second week -in November. No one there approved of his proceedings in Ireland, and -the Pope accused him of rashness. More than two years before he had -abstained from making him a cardinal, though urged to do so by Bishop -Macmahon.[137] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[123] _Bellings_, vii. 37; _Rushworth_, vii. 1060; Carte's _Ormonde_, -ii. 24-31. - -[124] _Bellings_, vii. 37-58, where the documents are all given. The -episcopal declaration is dated April 27. Rinuccini's _Embassy_, pp. -380-391. The printed declaration and protestation of Lord Inchiquin and -his officers, dated May 6, 1648, attributes their action to the fact -that the Independents had denied them supplies. - -[125] Rinuccini's _Embassy_, p. 393. The articles with Inchiquin in -_Confederation and War_, vi. 235; the Excommunication in _Aphorismical -Discovery_, i. 194; _Bellings_, vii. 69. - -[126] O'Neill's _Journal_; _Bellings_, vii. 98, 104; _Aphorismical -Discovery_, i. 240. - -[127] Walsh's _Remonstrance_, xlvi.; the Queries, _ib._, appendix 1; -_Bellings_, vii. 103-12; Inchiquin to Ormonde, May 29, 1648, in Carte's -_Ormonde_, iii. - -[128] _Bellings_, vii. 104-108; O'Neill's _Journal_, September, 1648. - -[129] Documents in _Contemporary Hist._, i. 745-754, September and -October, 1648. - -[130] Carte's _Ormonde_, ii. 39-41; the King to Ormonde, October 28, -in Carte's _Original Letters_; Ormonde to Sir R. Blake, Walker's -_Discourses_, p. 71. - -[131] Rinuccini's _Embassy_, August and September; Hardiman's _Hist. of -Galway_; Letter to the Pope, September 17, in _Confederation and War_, -vi. 280; _ib._, 300. - -[132] Hill's _Macdonnells of Antrim_, pp. 278-303; _Bellings_, vii. -114; Carte's _Ormonde_, ii. 42. - -[133] Benn's _Hist. of Belfast_, p. 122; _Rushworth_, vii. 1277, 1282, -1386; Lodge's _Peerage_, vi. 244. - -[134] Ormonde to the Prince of Wales from Cork, November 27, 1648, in -_Confederation and War_, vii. 149; Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. 44-47. On -December 12, Digby reported, but without believing the story, that a -'she correspondent' of Jermyn had told him that Inchiquin had agreed -with the Derby House Committee and promised to give up Ormonde, _Carte -MSS._ vol. 63, _f._ 565. - -[135] Articles of peace, proclamation of same, and circular of -prelates, January 17, 1648-9, in _Confederation and War_, vii. 184-213. -The Commissioners of Trust were Viscounts Dillon and Muskerry, Lord -Athenry, Alexander MacDonnell (Antrim's brother), Sirs Lucas Dillon, -Nicholas Plunket, and Richard Barnewall, Geoffrey Brown, Donogh -O'Callaghan, Turlagh O'Neill, Miles O'Reilly, and Gerald Fennell -Esquires. - -[136] Rinuccini's _Embassy_, October 31, 1648; Sir Richard Blake to -Rinuccini and to the town of Galway, October 19, with enclosure, in -_Confederation and War_, vi. 294; Notes by Ormonde in _Contemp. Hist._ -i. 756. - -[137] Rinuccini's _Embassy_, pp. 436, 467. The Pope's words to -Rinuccini, as reported by Father Roe to Peter Walsh, were _Temerarie -te gessisti_,--_Hist. of the Remonstrance_, xxxiv. Castlehaven alludes -to them, and may have had his information from either Roe or Walsh. -Macmahon to the Pope in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 303; Robert -Meynell to Hyde and Cottington, Rome, October 18, 1849, in _Clarendon -S.P._, and Father Roe to Hyde, Nov. 27, _ib._ - - - - -CHAPTER XXX - -RINUCCINI TO CROMWELL, 1649 - - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's commanding position.] - -[Sidenote: He tries to gain O'Neill.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill, Jones and Coote.] - -Having pacified the Confederates and driven away Rinuccini, Ormonde was -now for the moment almost master of Ireland. If he could only regain -Dublin before Cromwell was ready, the chances of war and politics might -yet turn in the young King's favour. He attempted to win over O'Neill, -who had still 5000 foot and 300 horse, though many chiefs had deserted -him and 2000 of his men had gone to Spain under O'Sullivan Bere. -O'Neill was willing to accept the peace if he might be allowed 6000 -foot and 800 horse at the expense of the country, but the Commissioners -of Trust, with whom all such questions rested, would not agree to more -than 4000 foot and 600 horse. When at last they yielded it was only on -condition that the regiments of Sir Phelim O'Neill and others who had -deserted the Ulster general should form part of the force. Suspecting -ill-faith, Owen O'Neill turned to Jones and Monck, from whom he might -expect a supply of powder, and the former actually sold him some. -Ormonde then approached Michael Jones, but he refused to abandon those -from whom he held his command. Coote professed himself ready to obey -the King's orders as soon as his Majesty was in a position to enable -him to do so safely. He was, however, deserted by some of Sir Robert -Stewart's old officers, who seized Enniskillen, imprisoned Sir William -Cole, and declared for the King. Ormonde pressed Charles to come to -Ireland, but Scotch influences proved too strong.[138] - -[Sidenote: Charles II. proclaimed, February.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and Jones.] - -[Sidenote: Attitude of Jones.] - -[Sidenote: Milton and the Ulster Scots.] - -[Sidenote: The Scots a hired army.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and Cromwell compared.] - -[Sidenote: All the treaties with the Irish condemned.] - -Ormonde went to Cork early in February in order to communicate with -Prince Rupert. At Youghal on his return he heard of the King's -execution, and immediately proclaimed Charles II. The same was done -wherever his authority extended, and the new sovereign lost no time in -renewing his commission as Lord Lieutenant with the fullest powers. -His negotiations with O'Neill at this time had no result, but he had -some hope that the King's execution would detach Michael Jones from -the Parliament. There was, he said, an evident intention to abolish -monarchy, 'unless their aim be first to constitute an elective kingdom -and Cromwell or some such John of Leyden being elected then by the -same force to establish a perfect Turkish tyranny.' Nothing better -could be expected from 'the dregs and scum of the House of Commons -picked and awed by the army,' which was all that remained of the -ancient constitution. Jones in his answer pointed out that the peace -just concluded scarcely gave any protection to Protestants, and that -none was to be expected from a Papist army. His business was not to -meddle in affairs of State, but to carry out the work for which he was -appointed. The intermeddling of Irish governors with English parties -had always had the effect of weakening the colony, and Ormonde himself -had provided a case in point by sending most of his English army across -the channel, and thus very nearly abandoning Ireland to the rebels. -The English interest could evidently only be preserved by the English, -and it was upon that ground that he had surrendered Dublin to the -Parliament, 'from which clear principle I am sorry to see your lordship -now receding.' Jones said nothing either in approval or condemnation -of the King's execution, but he did not allow it to affect his action. -The Scots in Ulster, while condemning it unreservedly, did not think -it a reason for supporting Ormonde. The Presbytery of Belfast were -chiefly anxious to overthrow the sectaries who had departed from the -Solemn League and Covenant, and even showed an intention of tolerating -all religions, even 'paganism and Judaism.' But they were scarcely -less bitter against those who 'combined themselves with Papists and -other notorious malignants.' Milton, who was just beginning his -career as Latin secretary, was employed by the House of Commons to -answer both Ormonde and the Ulster presbyters. With the latter he had -little difficulty, for they admitted that Ireland was dependent upon -England and not upon Scotland. 'The Presbytery of Belfast, a small -town in Ulster,' said the poet, should have enough to do in overseeing -their own flock, without meddling in affairs of State. The House of -Commons were accused of seizing upon the King's person, 'but was he -not surrendered into their hands an enemy and captive by their own -subordinate and paid army of Scots in England?' And Knox, who was -the founder of Scotch presbytery, 'taught professedly the doctrine -of deposing and of killing kings.' Ormonde on his part made a great -mistake in comparing Cromwell to John of Leyden, for never was any -man more unlike the Puritan chief than the polygamous scoundrel who -had enjoyed a brief royalty at Münster. Cromwell, said Milton, had -'done in few years more eminent and remarkable deeds whereon to found -nobility in his house though it were wanting, and perpetual renown to -posterity, than Ormonde and all his ancestors put together can show -from any record of their Irish exploits, the widest scene of their -glory.' Dealing with the articles of the peace in greater detail than -Jones had done, Milton shows that the Protestants of Ireland were -really left at the mercy of those who were more or less responsible for -the massacres. The cessation of 1643 and the abortive articles of 1646 -were open to the same objection, but this last treaty went further in -proposing to give an Irish Parliament power to repeal Poynings' Act, -and by abandoning the militia, 'a trust which the King swore by God at -Newmarket he would not commit to his Parliament of England, no, not for -an hour.' Nor did Milton omit to notice the article 'more ridiculous -than dangerous' which provided for the repeal of laws against ploughing -by the tail and burning in the straw, showing how 'indocible and averse -from all civility and amendment,' the Irish rebels were.[139] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill and Monck.] - -[Sidenote: They combine against Ormonde and Inchiquin.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill helps Coote.] - -George Monck was governor of Ulster for the Parliament. Being deserted -by the Scots under Sir Robert Stewart and Sir George Monro, he found -it hard to maintain himself, but he was able to victual Londonderry, -Coleraine, Greencastle, and Lisburn. He himself lay at Dundalk, where -he feared to be attacked on all sides. To keep O'Neill from joining -with Ormonde was therefore his chief object. Sooner or later O'Neill -would have had to accept the Lord Lieutenant's overtures, for he was -entirely cut off from the sea and had no other means of replenishing -his stock of powder. Monck, who knew that help was coming from England, -resolved to give the necessary powder on condition of an offensive and -defensive alliance for three months, during which O'Neill bound himself -to make no terms with Ormonde or Inchiquin or with any opponent of the -Parliament. Each of these two silent men, who were soldiers and not -politicians, thought the preservation of his army the first object. -O'Neill was responsible to no one; but Monck took the precaution -of reporting all he had done to Cromwell, who would understand the -military argument, and see that political prudery was out of place in -the midst of war. The immediate result of the treaty was to reduce the -activity of the Scots by whom Londonderry was beset. Later on Coote -followed Monck's example, and O'Neill's help enabled him to hold out -until relief came from England. Ormonde, on the other hand, drove -O'Neill out of Leinster, Maryborough, Athy, and other garrisons being -taken by Castlehaven during the month of May.[140] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde before Dublin, June.] - -[Sidenote: Rupert gave no help.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin takes Drogheda, June 28.] - -[Sidenote: Monck gives powder to O'Neill,] - -[Sidenote: but Inchiquin captures it.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill relieves Londonderry.] - -On June 19 Ormonde, with 7000 foot and 3000 horse, advanced almost to -the walls of Dublin, and fixed his camp at Finglas, about three miles -north of the town, his tents being visible to the besieged. Jones -had nearly as many foot, besides armed citizens, but only about 500 -horse. Outside the capital Parliament now held only Drogheda, Trim, and -Dundalk in Leinster. Jones had no hay or oats for horses and oxen, and -was short of provisions, there being neither fish nor flesh in the -market; but while the sea was open that was not likely to last, though -a more enterprising general might perhaps have succeeded in a sudden -attack. The army, however, as it turned out, was not a very good one, -and doubtless Ormonde knew it. Rupert was at Kinsale with his piratical -fleet, and Ormonde urged him to blockade Dublin, but the prince either -could not or would not comply while the possibility existed, and after -Blake's arrival on May 22 even the possibility ceased. Pressed probably -by want of forage Jones sent most of his cavalry to Drogheda, but -they were attacked on the road by Inchiquin and suffered great loss. -Inchiquin was then detached with 2000 foot and 1500 horse to beleaguer -Drogheda, and on the 28th it capitulated. The garrison were allowed to -go where they pleased, and a few joined Jones, but the greater part -went over to Ormonde. O'Neill's chief strength was at this time in -Cavan and Monaghan, and at the beginning of May he held a provincial -council at Belturbet, where it was decided to help Coote if he would -give the necessary ammunition. This negotiation failed at the time, -and in June O'Neill drew down with 3000 men to the neighbourhood of -Dundalk, where he encamped. Monck was ready to give the powder if -O'Neill would bring it off, and Colonel Ferral with the requisite -carts and an escort of 500 men was sent on this duty. From the town to -the camp was only about seven miles, and the road was open. Inchiquin -found out what was going on, and sent Colonel Trevor with a strong -body of horse to attack the convoy. The Irish soldiers had got drunk -in Dundalk, and made but a poor resistance, so that the stores were -captured and most of the escort killed or taken. O'Neill immediately -fell back to Clones and renewed his negotiations with Coote, who was -now willing to give thirty barrels of powder with sufficient match, and -either three hundred beeves or 400_l._ in money. As soon as O'Neill -approached Londonderry the Scots marched away, and the bulwark of the -North was threatened no more. Inchiquin was left free to deal with -Dundalk, which Monck had no idea of surrendering, had his men allowed -him to hold it. But they were hungry, they were unpaid, and to their -eyes it seemed that their chief was engaged in an unholy transaction -with the authors of the Ulster massacre. Dundalk opened its gates and -Monck was allowed to go where he pleased. He went to England to tell -his own story.[141] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde encamps at Rathmines.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin is detached to Munster.] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Rathmines, August 2.] - -[Sidenote: Total defeat of the Royalists.] - -After Drogheda and Dundalk were taken Ormonde crossed the Liffey and -established his camp at Rathmines, leaving Lord Dillon at Finglas -with a small force. On the same day Jones received a reinforcement of -1500 foot and 600 horse under Reynolds and Venables, and the chance -of taking Dublin was proportionately diminished, for the garrison -had become more numerous than the besieging army. 'We had it,' says -Ormonde, 'from many good hands out of England and from Dublin, that -Cromwell was at the seaside ready to embark for this kingdom, and that -his design was for Munster.' Lest Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal should -fall while Dublin was still untaken it was decided by a council of war -to send Inchiquin to Munster with three regiments of horse. This proved -fatal, but it was supposed that Cromwell meant to land the greater part -of his army in the south, and his intention was made known by some who -came in the ships which brought fresh troops to Jones. Ormonde realised -that if he did not take Dublin before Cromwell came he was not likely -to take it after. He diverted the conduit which brought the Dodder -water from near Templeoge to Dublin, and thus stopped the mills, though -there was still enough to drink from other sources. Wheat was selling -in Dublin at 5_l._ 10_s._ a quarter and rye at 4_l._ 10_s._, yet the -garrison would hardly starve while they had command of the river, but -it was different with the horses who depended upon the grazing of the -meadows between Trinity College and the mouth of the Dodder. Having -first reduced Rathfarnham, which annoyed his rear, Ormonde decided to -fortify Baggotrath Castle, which stood near the point where Waterloo -Road now joins Upper Baggot Street, and thus deprive Jones's cavalry -of their supply of fodder. Soon after dark on the night of August 1 he -sent Purcell with 1500 men to occupy the place, which had already been -examined carefully, and he expected to find tenable entrenchments there -in the morning. The distance was scarcely a mile, and Purcell had been -at Baggotrath during the day; but he wandered about all night, and when -the morning broke nothing had been done. This was attributed to the -treachery of a guide, and Peter Walsh says Edmund O'Reilly, afterwards -Archbishop of Armagh, had been engaged in conducting an intrigue -between Owen O'Neill and Jones, and that he was guilty of betraying the -camp at Rathmines. Ormonde sat up during the night to write despatches, -but rode to Baggotrath with the first light. He found very little -progress made with the entrenchments, while the garrison of Dublin were -evidently on the alert and busily moving about under shelter of their -works. Jones had 4000 foot and 1200 horse under arms, having at first -no intention but to prevent the Royalists from establishing themselves -on the shore, but the first encounter gradually developed into a -general engagement, when the superior quality of the Parliamentarian -troops soon became manifest. Expecting no attack, Ormonde had lain down -to rest about nine o'clock, and some of his officers left their posts, -so that the troops were partly surprised. He himself was roused by -the firing about ten, and most of his men made but slight resistance, -'many of them running away towards the hills of Wicklow, where some -of them were bred, and whither they knew the way but too well.' The -fighting continued for about two hours and ended in a complete rout, -the cavalry dispersing after the death of their commander, Sir William -Vaughan. Jones's loss in killed was not above twenty, and he reported -that he had taken 2517 prisoners and that 4000 Royalists were killed; -but the latter figure is doubtless much exaggerated. A vast quantity -of arms and stores of all kinds fell into the victor's hands. Ormonde -escaped with very few followers, having totally failed to rally his -broken regiments, but that portion of his army which had remained on -the north bank of the Liffey escaped to Drogheda and Trim. Many of -Inchiquin's old soldiers afterwards took service with Jones, and not -a few of Ormonde's did the same, declaring with loud shouts that they -would return to their own countrymen. Jones secured all the guns, and -Ormonde lost his papers, besides 'velvets, silk, scarlets, wines, -grocery, and some convenient quantity of money.' He went to Kilkenny, -and a week after started for Drogheda with 300 horse. Jones, who had -moved northwards to attack that town, thereupon withdrew into Dublin -and awaited Cromwell's arrival. Rathfarnham, Maynooth, and other strong -places near Dublin fell into the victor's hands, but Ormonde took -Ballyshannon immediately after the battle, persuading the governor that -Dublin had surrendered. When the truth was known Inchiquin's soldiers -in Munster began to desert and enter the Parliamentary ranks.[142] - -[Sidenote: Charles II. invited to Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: But Scotch influences prevail.] - -The peace was signed on January 17, and on the 22nd Ormonde sent Lord -Byron to invite the Prince of Wales to Ireland. If he could bring money -and supplies with him he would be doubly welcome, but in any case his -presence would be of the greatest value. All England and Scotland -were either engaged in rebellion or subdued by the rebels, otherwise -Ormonde would not have invited the Prince 'so far from the more vital -part of his hopes.' Byron found Charles at the Hague nearly two months -later surrounded by Scotch lords, who were for the most part opposed -to an Irish venture, though Montrose strongly favoured it. On his way -through Paris Byron had seen Henrietta Maria, who thought the change -of her son's condition from prince to king 'an argument rather to -hasten than retard his repair thither.' Charles himself was anxious -to go, but he had no money and the States would give none unless he -would go to Scotland and take the Covenant. Among the Scots the extreme -Presbyterians even insisted on his parting with Montrose. The idea of -going to Ireland was not abandoned for some months, but the means were -wanting, and Charles spent some time at St. Germains, where he divided -his attentions between Lucy Walter and Mademoiselle de Montpensier. -He reached Jersey in the middle of September, and there heard for the -first time of the defeat at Rathmines. Henry Seymour, who carried a -garter for Ormonde, was sent to find out how things were really going -in Ireland, but the news of the fall of Drogheda and of Cromwell's -progress arrived before he could start. When he reached Ireland he -found Ormonde still anxious for the King's appearance, but he must have -seen that the cause was hopeless. Seymour was back in Jersey about -the end of January 1650, and Charles left the island, which he had -found intolerably dull, about a fortnight later. He went to Breda to -make arrangements for becoming a covenanted King of Scotland and for -denouncing Ormonde's treaty with the Irish Confederates, with which he -had before declared himself highly satisfied.[143] - -[Sidenote: Prince Rupert at Kinsale.] - -[Sidenote: His behaviour in Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: Blockaded by Blake.] - -Prince Rupert left Helvoetsluys January 21, 1649, with 'three -flagships, four frigates and one prize ... in company with the -_Amsterdam_, a Dutch ship of 1000 tons, and two others of less burden.' -His own second-rate had but forty sailors and eighty soldiers instead -of the normal complement of 300. The frigates, whose business it -was to prey upon merchantmen, were a little better manned. The Duke -of York was invited to sail with this fleet, but Hyde says he was -dissuaded by 'his old Presbyterian counsellors.' Rupert was blown as -far as Crookhaven, but by the end of the month he had collected his -ships at Kinsale. Fanshawe was at hand to receive such part of the -expected plunder as might help to fill the exiled King's exchequer, -and Hyde impressed upon him the importance of maintaining friendly -relations between Rupert and Ormonde. The Prince of Wales wrote to -the same effect, but Rupert preferred to play an obscure game of his -own and to intrigue with Antrim, O'Neill, and the Irish generally -against the Lord Lieutenant. As a sea-rover he was at first successful -enough, keeping a squadron at Scilly, which had revolted from the -Parliament, and announcing his intention to make a second Venice of -the little archipelago. A great many prizes were taken, but Rupert -lost one frigate, taken at sea by Parliamentarian cruisers. His great -difficulty was want of men, but he picked them up wherever he could -about the Irish coast in sufficient numbers to man some extra ships. -The depredations upon commerce lasted until May, when a powerful fleet -under Deane, Popham, and Blake came before Kinsale. Towards the end of -June Rupert made a show of attempting to break through the blockade, -but had to draw back without fighting. He had greatly strengthened the -fortifications at the harbour's mouth, which prevented the republican -squadron from entering. Then provisions and crews began to dwindle -again, and nothing more was attempted throughout the summer. In -October Blake was driven off the coast by a storm. Rupert seized the -opportunity to slip out, and Ireland knew him no more. His presence at -Kinsale had no real influence on events.[144] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell sent to Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: Broghill persuaded to serve.] - -When there had been a difficulty about getting soldiers for Ireland -in the spring of 1647 the officers in Saffron Walden church, had -shouted 'Fairfax and Cromwell and we all go.' Skippon was chosen, much -against his will, but he never crossed the channel. It was not till -March 1649 that Cromwell was appointed, and he hesitated to accept -the command. He was ready to go where Parliament sent him, but could -hope for no success unless the soldiers were satisfied as to their pay -and arrears. He was much impressed with the importance of reducing -Ireland, lest England should be attacked by Presbyterians and Papists -at once. He would rather see the Cavaliers triumphant than the Scots, -but a predominant Irish interest would be the most dangerous of all. -The money difficulties were got over, and it was decided to send -12,000 men to Ireland, the regiments casting lots for the danger or -honour. No individual was forced to go against his will, but those who -refused were dismissed from the army, and their places easily filled by -volunteers. The troubles with the Levellers followed, and it was not -till July that Cromwell was ready to start. His first idea was to land -in Munster, where the allegiance of Inchiquin's troops was known to be -shaken, but reinforcements were sent to Jones, which enabled him to win -the battle of Rathmines. In the meantime Broghill, who had been for -some time inactive and thought of joining Charles abroad, was gained -over by Cromwell on the understanding that he was expected to fight -only against the Irish.[145] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell leaves London, July 10.] - -[Sidenote: Lands at Dublin, August 15.] - -On July 10 Cromwell left London 'in very noble equipage, with -coaches and six horses apiece, his lifeguard of eighty, who had all -been officers, and a great number of attendants.' Many well-wishers -accompanied him as far as Brentford. It was fifty years and a few weeks -since Essex had started on his ill-fated expedition with the same title -of Lord Lieutenant. Cromwell was at Bristol four days later, where -he spent some days with his wife and other members of his family. A -hundred thousand pounds, the want of which had doubtless caused this -delay, was despatched at the end of the month, and he then pushed on -to Milford Haven, where he saw Monck, who probably dissuaded him from -going with his whole force to Munster. Cromwell was on board ship on -August 13, and 'as sea-sick,' says Hugh Peters, 'as ever I saw a man -in my life,' but before sailing he had the news of Rathmines, which he -described as 'an astonishing mercy.' He reached Dublin two days later, -with about 3000 men in thirty-five vessels. Ireton, with a second and -stronger division, contained in seventy-seven ships, went as far as the -mouth of Youghal harbour, where he, perhaps, expected a welcome; but -the pear was not yet ripe, and he was soon driven by stress of weather -to Dublin. By the middle of September the whole force was assembled in -and about the Irish capital.[146] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[138] Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. 55-65; Owen O'Neill to Ormonde, March -24, 1648-9; to Plunket and Barnewall, March 25; Relation from Ireland, -April 13--all in _Contemp. Hist. of Affairs_. - -[139] _Observations on the Articles of Peace_, May 1649, in Milton's -prose works, Bohn's ed. ii. 139. The articles with Ormonde's and -Jones's letters and the Representation of the Belfast Presbytery are -given in full. - -[140] Agreement between Monck and O'Neill, May 8, 1649, with other -papers, reprinted in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 216 _sqq._ - -[141] O'Neill's _Journal_; Monck's letters _ut sup._; _The Present -Condition of Dublin_ (two letters), London, June 22, 1649. - -[142] Ormonde's account is in a letter to the King, August 8, and in -one to Lord Byron, September 29, Carte's _Original Letters_, ii. 392, -407; and see his answer to the Jamestown prelates, October 2, 1650, -in appendix 48 to Cox's _Hibernia Anglicana_. Colonel John Moore to -Fairfax, August 4, _Egerton MSS._ 2618, _f._ 36. Jones's account, -dated August 6, is in Cary's _Memorials of the Civil War_, ii. 159; -Clarendon's account is virtually Ormonde's, _Hist. of the Rebellion, -Ireland_, pp. 77-79; Walsh's _Hist. of the Remonstrance_, p. 609; the -account given by _Bellings_, vii. 127, does not differ materially -from Clarendon's. The discipline of Ormonde's heterogeneous army was -probably bad. The author of the _Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 102, -says the Lord Lieutenant 'kept rather a mart of wares, a tribunal of -pleadings, or a great inn of play, drinking, and pleasure, than a -well-ordered camp of soldiers.' For the topography of the battle I -have used Mr. Ellington Ball's article in the _Journal of the Royal -Society of Antiquaries of Ireland_, vol. xxxii. For the plunder taken -see _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 158, and a version of Jones's account rather -fuller than that given by Cary in Z. Grey's _Examination of Neal_, iv. -appendix 6. As to the state of the garrison _see Two Great Fights in -Ireland_, London, 1649, and a _Bloody Fight at Dublin_, July 4. - -[143] Ormonde to the Prince of Wales, January 22, 1648-9, in appendix -to Carte's _Ormonde_, No. 601; Lord Byron to Ormonde, March 30 and -April 1, 1649, N.S., in Carte's _Original Letters_, i. 237, and October -12, _ib._ 319; Charles II. to Ormonde, February 2, 1649-50, in Carte's -_Ormonde_, i. 108. - -[144] MS. quoted in Warburton's _Life of Rupert_, iii. 281; Hyde to -Fanshawe, January 21, 1648-9, _ib._ 279; Rupert's letter of April 12, -ib. 288; Prince of Wales to Ormonde, _Carte MSS._ vol. lxiii. _f._ 570; -letters of Blake and Deane, May 22, July 10, _Leyborne-Popham Papers_, -pp. 17-21; Carte's _Ormonde_, ii. 65; Relation taken at Havre, April -13, 1649, printed from the Clarendon MSS. in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 204, -where it is noted that Rupert had met Ormonde at Cork; Sir W. Penn's -_Memorials_, i. 291. - -[145] Cromwell's speech to the officers is in _Clarke Papers_, ii. 200, -and in the appendix to the new edition of _Carlyle_. For the episode of -the Levellers, which hardly belongs to Irish history, _see_ Gardiner's -_Commonwealth_, chap. 2, and as to Broghill, _ib._ i. 106. - -[146] It is evident from the dates collected in Gardiner's -_Commonwealth_, i. 115, 116, that Monck went from London to Milford and -back again between August 1 and 10. Cromwell's letter to his daughter -Dorothy, August 13, 'aboard the _John_'; Robert Coytmor to Popham, -August 25; Blake to same, September 10; Deane to same, September 14, in -_Leyborne-Popham Papers_, Hist. MSS. Comm. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXI - -CROMWELL IN IRELAND, 1649 - - -[Sidenote: Reception of Cromwell in Dublin, August 1649.] - -[Sidenote: He restores discipline.] - -[Sidenote: Civil liberty for peaceful people.] - -Jones had pretty well cleared Dublin of all but Protestants, and -it is, therefore, not surprising that the new Lord Lieutenant was -received with much rejoicing. He made a speech, of which no full -report is extant, promising favour and reward to all who helped -'against the barbarous and bloodthirsty Irish, and all their adherents -and confederates, for the propagating of the Gospel of Christ, the -establishing of truth and peace, and restoring of this bleeding nation -of Ireland to its former happiness and tranquillity.' And the people -shouted 'We will live and die with you.' When he had had a week to -look about him, he found that profane swearing and drunkenness were -prevalent, and issued a declaration to the citizens against them. -These offences were forbidden both by civil and military law, and all -officers and soldiers were ordered under the severest penalties to -co-operate with the mayor in suppressing them. A separate declaration -to the army recited the too frequent practice of 'abusing, robbing, -pillaging, and executing cruelties upon the country people.' He was -resolved, he said, to put down such wickedness by the most stringent -enforcement of the articles of war, and officers found negligent would -be cashiered. A free market was granted to all in every garrison, and -ready money was to be always paid. A general protection was granted -till January 1, during which time the inhabitants of the country would -have time to make up their minds. Those who intended to plough and -sow were to apply to the Attorney-General or other authorised persons -for further protection. Some officers who appeared incorrigible -were actually got rid of, and proper discipline was henceforth -established.[147] - -[Sidenote: The garrison of Drogheda.] - -[Sidenote: Sir Arthur Aston.] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell's advance.] - -Ormonde's first care when he had rallied after Rathmines was to -garrison Drogheda with about 2000 foot and 300 horse, the flower of -his remaining force, and to victual it for a long siege. Ludlow and -Bate say the majority of the garrison were English, but this has been -denied by modern critics, and there is really no satisfactory evidence -on the point. The choice of a Roman Catholic governor may be thought -to indicate that the defenders were mainly Irish, but Sir Arthur Aston -had been governor of Oxford under the late King's immediate eye, and no -Royalist would be likely to take offence at his appointment. Wood says -he brought 'the flower of the English veterans' to Ireland. Aston was -a brave soldier, and had made a good defence of Reading against Essex, -but he was an unpopular man, and Clarendon, who was at Oxford during -his command there, has little good to say of him. He lost a leg from -the effects of a fall 'when curvetting on horseback in Bullingdon Green -before certain ladies.' At Drogheda he had much trouble with ladies -who insisted on corresponding with Jones. A boy was employed to carry -letters, 'whom, I fear, is of too small a size to be hanged.' Ormonde -did not think there was any serious plot, expressing an opinion that -'woman is given much to make little factions.' On September 2, Aston -sent out men to seize the neighbouring castles, but Cromwell's advanced -parties were beforehand with him, and no outlying obstacle could be -raised against his main body. Next day the infantry made its appearance -with some small field-pieces, and the Boyne was forded at Oldbridge, -but the garrison sallied forth and drove them back. In announcing this -small success to Ormonde the governor hoped 'shortly to understand of -his Excellency's march with a gallant army.'[148] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Drogheda, Sept. 3-11.] - -[Sidenote: The town carried by storm.] - -[Sidenote: No quarter.] - -[Sidenote: An avenger of blood.] - -On August 31 Cromwell mustered a field force consisting of eight -regiments of foot and six of horse, with some dragoons, in a field -three miles north of Dublin. He marched next day and encamped next -night at Ballygarth on the Nanny River, very near Julianstown, where -the English forces had been routed eight years before. On September -3, Cromwell's lucky day, he was close to Drogheda, where there was a -week's delay before the batteries could be got ready, and the heavy -guns landed below the town. On the 7th, Aston made a successful sally, -but without in any way interrupting the assailants' preparations. -On the morning of the 10th Cromwell summoned the town in the name -of Parliament. 'To the end,' he wrote, 'effusion of blood may be -prevented, I thought fit to summon you to deliver the same into my -hands to their use. If this be refused you will have no cause to -blame me.' Aston did refuse, and a cannonade was opened against the -south-east angle of the town, one battery being against the east, and -the other against the south side of St. Mary's Church. The steeple -fell, but the breach did not prove practicable until the next day. Some -of the siege guns carried shot of sixty-four pounds weight, and the -cannon of the defenders must have been quite overmatched. No regular -approaches were necessary, and about five on the second day the breach -was assaulted. The stormers were repulsed once, according to Cromwell -and Ludlow, twice according to Royalist accounts. The general entered -the breach himself at the head of a reserve of infantry, who carried -the church and some trenches which the defenders had made inside -the walls. These inner works really helped the assailants, for they -prevented Aston from using his cavalry. The bank was too steep for -the English horse, but the foot soldiers seized the entrenchments and -drove a large part of the garrison 'into the Mill-mount, a place very -strong and of difficult access, being exceeding high, having a good -graft and strongly palisaded; the governor, Sir Arthur Aston, and -divers considerable officers being there, our men getting up to them -were ordered by me to put all to the sword; and, indeed, being in the -heat of action, I forbade them to spare any that there were in arms in -the town.' This is Cromwell's own account, and he estimates the slain -at about 2000. A part of the defenders were driven across the bridge -and as far as St. Sunday's Gate, at the far end of the town, where a -tower was occupied, as was another near the west gate. About a hundred -took refuge in St. Peter's Church tower, which was fired by Cromwell's -orders. The parties near the two gates surrendered next day, and in -one case, where fatal shots had been fired, 'the officers were knocked -on the head, and every tenth man of the soldiers killed and the rest -shipped for the Barbadoes; the soldiers in the other tower were all -spared as to their lives only, and shipped likewise for the Barbadoes. -I am persuaded that this is a righteous judgment of God upon these -barbarous wretches, who have imbrued their hands in so much innocent -blood, and that it will tend to prevent the effusion of blood for the -future, which are the satisfactory grounds to such actions, which -otherwise cannot but work remorse and regret.' Sir Arthur Aston was -known to be fond of money, and it was rumoured that much was hidden in -his wooden leg. This turned out not to be the case, but 200 gold pieces -were found in his belt. According to Wood's account he was actually -despatched with this wooden leg. Several friars were in the town, and -they were all killed. That some others of the slain were not soldiers -is at least highly probable, for Cromwell himself mentions 'many -inhabitants,' and in this the case of Drogheda does not differ from a -hundred others, in which no special blame rests on the general. Ormonde -says not a word about women having suffered; but Bate, who was not in -Ireland, states in a book published in the following year that 'there -was not any great respect had to either sex.' The stories attributed to -Thomas Wood, the great antiquary's brother, rest entirely on hearsay -evidence, and Thomas was a noted buffoon.[149] - -[Sidenote: The carnage lasted for two days.] - -[Sidenote: Richard Talbot.] - -[Sidenote: Demoralisation of Ormonde's followers.] - -That a garrison duly summoned should be put to the sword after the -storming of their works was not contrary to the laws of war in those -days. Ormonde speaks of 'the book of Martyrs, and the relation of -Amboyna,' but the case of Magdeburg would have been more to the point. -Ludlow says 'The slaughter was continued all that day and the next, -which extraordinary severity, I presume, was used to discourage others -from making opposition,' but he says nothing more, though he did not -love Cromwell. 'And truly I believe,' wrote Oliver to Bradshaw, 'this -bitterness will save much effusion of blood.' The charge that many -were killed after quarter given may be founded on fact, but if quarter -was anywhere promised it was by persons not authorised to give it, for -Cromwell himself says that he forbade it immediately after entering the -town. English and Irish alike were treated as accomplices in the Ulster -massacre, though very few even of the latter could have had anything -to say to it. Among those who escaped was Cornet Richard Talbot, -afterwards Duke of Tyrconnel, who owed his safety to the humanity of -Colonel John Reynolds. According to Hugh Peters the total number slain -was 3552, the loss to the Parliamentarians being only sixty-four, -while Cromwell estimates his killed at under a hundred, but with many -wounded. Aston expected to be relieved, and was himself expected to -hold out much longer. He complained that ammunition ran out fast, but -it was certainly not exhausted when Cromwell forced the place, and -Ormonde expressly states that there was enough for a long siege. He -was not in a position to do anything, though he had about 3000 men, -for they were demoralised by the Rathmines disaster, and decreased -daily, either by going to their own homes, 'or by the revolt of some -officers and many private soldiers, the rest showing such dejection -of courage, and upon all occasions of want, which are very frequent -with us, venting their discontent in such dangerous words, that it -was held unsafe to bring them within that distance of the enemy, as -was necessary to have kept him united, and consequently, one side of -the town open to receive continual supplies.' As many as forty-three -troopers deserted in one batch. Colonel Mark Trevor, with a strong -party of horse, was in charge of ammunition and provisions at Ardee, -but was unable to approach Drogheda on the north side.[150] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's treaty with O'Neill, Oct. 20.] - -[Sidenote: Terms of their agreement.] - -Even before the loss of Drogheda, Ormonde saw clearly that his only -chance was in an alliance with Owen Roe O'Neill, who could still -dispose of 6000 foot and 500 horse. He wrote to him immediately after -the battle of Rathmines, and a few days later sent John Leslie, Bishop -of Raphoe, and Audley Mervyn to confer with him. They were followed by -the ubiquitous Daniel O'Neill, who was believed to have influence with -his silent uncle. Immediately before the attack on Drogheda, Charles -II. wrote from St. Germains to the Irish general, urging him to return -to his allegiance, and Father Thomas Talbot, an elder brother of the -more famous Richard, was sent by him to Ireland. Talbot was directed by -Ormonde to carry his letters to Owen O'Neill, along with others for his -nephew, 'and to proceed by the said Daniel his advice and direction, -and not otherwise.' The negotiations ended in a treaty, but this was -not concluded until October 20, and a great deal had happened in the -meantime. The terms finally agreed upon were that the Kilkenny peace -should include Ulster, and that O'Neill should be general of that -province with 6000 foot and 800 horse. In case of his death or removal, -the provincial nobility and gentry were to nominate a successor for -the approval of the King's Lord Lieutenant. A part of the Ulster army -co-operated with Ormonde, but O'Neill was already ill and unable to -lead them himself after the capture of Drogheda.[151] - -[Sidenote: Dundalk and Trim abandoned] - -[Sidenote: Carlingford, Newry, Lisburn, and Belfast taken.] - -[Sidenote: Coleraine taken.] - -[Sidenote: Death of O'Neill, Nov. 6.] - -[Sidenote: His last letter to Ormonde.] - -[Sidenote: His character.] - -Ormonde had given directions to burn and abandon Dundalk and Trim, -but the garrisons fled in too great haste, leaving their guns behind -them. Having secured these important places Cromwell sent Venables to -join Coote, while he turned his own steps southwards. Carlingford, -which contained the largest magazine in Ulster, capitulated after -some well-directed shots had been fired at Captain Fern's frigate; -seven cannon and a thousand muskets, with much powder and many pikes, -fell into the victor's hands. Newry also surrendered on articles. At -Lisburn, Trevor with his cavalry surprised Venables' camp by night and -very nearly gained a complete victory, but the trained soldiers soon -recovered from their panic, and re-formed in a position where horsemen -could not reach them. Trevor had to fall back as far as the Bann, and -Belfast capitulated soon afterwards, leaving guns and powder to the -enemy. A large number of the Scotch inhabitants were driven out. Coote -made himself master of Coleraine, and by the end of November Ormonde -reported that Carrickfergus, Charlemont, and Enniskillen were the -only considerable Ulster garrisons still in Royalist hands. Before -that time Owen Roe O'Neill had died at Cloughoughter, in Cavan. In -the previous May he had likened Ormonde to Baal, and rejoiced that he -was one of those who had not bowed the knee; but he saw clearly that -it would be necessary to join either the King's or the Parliament's -party, though opposed to both, unless help came from abroad. He was -driven to extremity, and could not otherwise support his army, which he -regarded as the last hope of Ireland. It was with this object that he -had dealings with Coote, Monck, and Jones, and was driven finally to -unite with Ormonde, to whom he wrote only five days before his death. -'Being now in my death-bed,' he wrote, 'I call my Saviour to witness -that, as I hope for salvation, my resolution, ways, and intentions from -first to last of these unhappy wars tended to no particular ambition or -private interest of my own, notwithstanding what was or may be thought -to the contrary, but truly and sincerely to the preservation of my -religion, the advancement of his Majesty's service, and just liberties -of this nation, whereof, and of my particular reality and willingness -to serve your Excellency (above any other in this kingdom), I hope that -God will permit me to give ample and sufficient testimony in the view -of the world ere it be long.' He concludes by recommending his son -Henry to Ormonde's care. As a soldier all accounts agree in praising -O'Neill, whose word was always kept, and who is not charged with any -acts of cruelty or unnecessary severity. Of his patriotism there can -be no doubt, but of Ireland as a separate nation he seems to have had -no definite idea. He was a Royalist, and his natural leaning would -have been towards Ormonde as the special representative of the Crown. -But he was above all things attached to the religion of Rome, and -Rinuccini's ban weighed heavily upon him. It was this that separated -him so long from his natural ally, while it did not prevent him from -helping Monck and Coote. 'The Bishop of Raphoe and Sir Nicholas -Plunket,' wrote Daniel O'Neill, 'have agreed upon an expedient about -the excommunication which has so troubled that superstitious old uncle -of mine in his sickness that I could render him to no reason.' The -expedient was a letter signed by Plunket and Barnewall on behalf of the -nuncio's opponents in the late Confederation, who agreed to petition -the Pope to remove his censure, and also to write a sort of apology 'in -a loving and friendly manner' to Rinuccini himself.[152] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Wexford, Oct. 1-11.] - -[Sidenote: Ulster troops in the town] - -[Sidenote: Proposals of the governor.] - -[Sidenote: Terms offered by Cromwell] - -After a few days' rest in Dublin, Cromwell marched towards Wexford. -Fortified posts near Delgany, at Arklow, 'which was the first seat -and honour of the Marquis of Ormonde's family,' and at Limerick, 'the -ancient seat of the Esmonds,' were taken without firing a shot. Ferns -and Enniscorthy also surrendered without resistance, and on October 1 -the army came before Wexford, where there was a garrison under Colonel -David Synnott, who was an old adherent of Preston, and therefore not -very popular with the townsmen, who had favoured the nuncio. Two days -later a summons was sent in the usual terms 'to the end effusion -of blood may be prevented,' and Synnott was willing to parley, but -Cromwell refused any truce during negotiations, 'because our tents -are not so good a covering as your houses.' It was arranged that four -persons should come out under safe conduct, but while Cromwell was -expecting them Castlehaven managed to introduce 1500 Ulster foot on -the north side of the town, and Synnott then changed his mind. The -safe conduct was withdrawn, and in the meantime Jones led a party -of horse and foot round to the long point of Rosslare, at the end -of which was a fort whose defenders at once took to the water and -were all captured by the Parliamentary fleet. The weather was rough, -and it took some days to land the siege train, but all was ready by -the evening of the 10th. The battery was placed at the south-east -corner of the town opposite the castle, which was outside the wall, -Cromwell seeing that if it was once taken the town could make little -further resistance. After nearly a hundred shots had been fired, 'the -governor's stomach came down,' and he sent out four representatives on -safe conduct with written propositions, which Cromwell forwarded to -Lenthall 'for their abominableness, manifesting also the impudency of -the men.' The principal demands were that the inhabitants should for -ever have liberty publicly to profess and practise the Roman Catholic -religion, retaining all the churches and religious houses without -interference, that Bishop French and his successors should have full -jurisdiction in the diocese of Ferns, that the garrison should march -out with flying colours, and be escorted to Ross with all their arms -and other possessions, and that the townsmen should be guaranteed -their municipal privileges, lives, and properties. Cromwell engaged to -protect the civilians, to give private soldiers leave to go home, 'with -their wearing clothes,' on condition of bearing arms no more against -Parliament, and to spare the lives of the officers, they remaining -prisoners of war.[153] - -[Sidenote: Dissensions among the garrison.] - -[Sidenote: The castle surrendered.] - -[Sidenote: Great slaughter after the assault.] - -Considering the state of affairs, Cromwell's terms were not very -hard, but there were divided counsels in Wexford. Synnott did not -command confidence, and Ormonde, who appeared near the river, sent -Sir Edmund Butler to supersede him with a further relief of 500 men. -There was no truce during negotiations, and Captain James Stafford, who -commanded in the castle, was so much alarmed that he surrendered his -post before Synnott's answer was given. The men on the nearest part -of the town wall were panic-stricken when they saw what had happened, -and the Cromwellians scrambled over the battlements with the help -of their pikes. Sir Edmund Butler had just arrived, but had no time -to ferry over his men, and was killed by a shot while attempting to -rejoin them by swimming. Barricades and cables had been drawn across -the streets, and the passage of the assailants was hotly disputed by -the garrison and by many armed citizens. The final contest was in -the market-place, and the total number slain between soldiers and -townsfolk was not far short of 2000. The loss of the besiegers was -trifling, perhaps not more than twenty. For this slaughter Cromwell -is not personally liable as he is for Drogheda, and he expresses some -regret for it, but not very much. He mentions two instances in which, -as he was informed, the Wexford people showed little mercy to others. -'About seven or eight score poor Protestants were put by them into -an old vessel, which being, as some say, bulged by them, the vessel -sank, and they were all presently drowned in the harbour. The other -was thus: they put divers Protestants into a chapel (which since they -have used for a mass-house, and in which one or more of their priests -were now killed), where they were famished to death.' A very large -number of guns and several valuable ships were taken. As at Drogheda, -little or no mercy was shown to priests or friars, the deaths of seven -Franciscans being particularly recorded. As to the tradition of 300 -women being slaughtered, the story first appears in Macgeohegan's -history, published in 1758, and Bishop French, writing in 1673, made no -mention of anything of the kind. A contemporary account says 'There was -more sparing of lives of the soldiery part of the enemy here than at -Drogheda.' An empty town remained in the victors' hands.[154] - -[Sidenote: New Ross taken, Oct. 19.] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell on liberty of conscience.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin's men join Cromwell.] - -Less than a week after the capture of Wexford, Cromwell marched to -New Ross, on the right bank of the Barrow, below its junction with -the Nore. There was then no bridge, and Ormonde with Castlehaven and -Lord Montgomery of Ards were able to ferry over 2500 men into the -town, many of them under Cromwell's very eyes. The governor was Lucas -Taaffe, who made some show of resistance when Cromwell appeared and -sent the usual summons 'to avoid effusion of blood.' Two days later a -breach was effected, and Colonel Ingoldsby was chosen by lot to lead -the stormers. Taaffe knew very well that the case was hopeless, and -accepted the very liberal terms offered. The garrison were to march -away with colours flying and with their arms, leaving the artillery -behind, and 'protection from the injury and violence of the soldiers' -was guaranteed to the inhabitants. Those who wished to depart with -their goods were given three months to think it over. 'For what you -mention,' wrote Cromwell, 'concerning liberty of conscience, I meddle -not with any man's conscience, but if by liberty of conscience you mean -a liberty to exercise the mass, I judge it best to use plain dealing, -and to let you know, where the Parliament of England have power, that -will not be allowed of.' He told Lenthall that there was nothing to -prevent the garrison from recrossing the river without his leave. About -500 English soldiers of the garrison, many of them from Munster, here -joined Cromwell, as they had probably been long anxious to do. There -was a considerable delay after this, for Oliver was determined before -moving to make a satisfactory bridge for access to Kilkenny and the -interior generally. Before the work was completed Cork and Youghal -surrendered, and Inchiquin's once formidable army practically ceased to -exist.[155] - -[Sidenote: Broghill adheres to Cromwell.] - -[Sidenote: Broghill and Inchiquin.] - -[Sidenote: Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal join Cromwell. November.] - -Lord Broghill had played a very important part in the earlier years -of the civil war, his last considerable exploit being the relief of -Youghal in September 1645. He was never on very cordial terms with -Inchiquin, but could work with him as the champion of the Protestant -interest in Munster. The scene changed when Inchiquin deserted the -Parliament, and Ormonde was fain to ally himself with the Kilkenny -Confederates. Broghill retired to Marston Bigot in Somersetshire, -which his father had bought for him, and waited there for the times -to disentangle themselves. The execution of Charles I. seems to have -been too much for him, and the Royalist idea prevailed so far that he -was preparing to go to Spa, nominally for the gout, but really to be -within reach of Charles II. According to the Rev. Thomas Morrice, who -is the sole and not very trustworthy authority for this passage of -Broghill's life, Cromwell visited him at this juncture, and offered -him his choice between the Tower and a general's command in Ireland. -He accepted the latter on the understanding that he was not expected -to fight against any but the Irish. It is at all events certain that -he was with Cromwell not very long after his arrival in Ireland, and -that he told Inchiquin that he served upon some such terms and would be -glad to do him personal service, 'though, perhaps, I might not believe -it.' The promise of a general's commission is doubtful from what -Ludlow says, but work was soon found for Broghill, who, in Cromwell's -own words had 'a great interest in the men that came from Inchiquin.' -At the beginning of November 1649, he was at Cork and Youghal as a -commissioner for Munster, along with Sir William Fenton, the two famous -seamen Blake and Deane, and Colonel Phaire, who was on duty at the -late King's execution. The military authority was at first in Phaire's -hands, but a troop of reformadoes--that is, unemployed officers--was -given to Broghill, and before Christmas he was in command of at least -1200 horse. Kinsale was the first Munster garrison to declare for -Cromwell; Cork soon followed, and commissioners from the English -inhabitants were with him before he left Ross. Their first request, -'out of a sense of the former good service and tender care of the Lord -of Inchiquin to and for them,' was that he should enjoy his estate -and have his arrears paid up to the last peace, and that an Act of -oblivion should be passed in his favour. This article Cromwell refused -to answer, but promised that Inchiquin's defection should not be -remembered to their prejudice, and that their charter should be renewed -in its old form. Similar terms were given to the Youghal people, who -abstained by Broghill's advice from making any conditions. He informed -Cromwell that he and his colleagues were received at Youghal 'with all -the real demonstrations of gladness an overjoyed people were capable -of.'[156] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin attempts a diversion,] - -[Sidenote: but is defeated.] - -After the capture of Ross Cromwell lay there for about a month, his men -being occupied in making a bridge of boats over the Barrow, below its -junction with the Nore. He ordered the invalided soldiers in Dublin -to march along the coast to Wexford, which they did to the number of -1200, of whom nearly one-third were cavalry. Many of them were but -imperfectly recovered. At Glascarrig near Cahore Inchiquin set upon -them with a greatly superior force, the detachment sent to meet them -not arriving in time. 'But it pleased God,' says Cromwell, 'we sent -them word by a nearer way, to march close and be circumspect,' so that -they were not entirely surprised. Inchiquin overtook their rear, but -the passage was narrow between high sand-hills and the sea, so that the -number of his cavalry was of comparatively little advantage. After a -sharp fight the Dublin party were victorious, and pursued Inchiquin's -men for a short distance, after which they proceeded to Wexford without -further molestation. Not many fell on either side, but Colonel Trevor, -who had showed so much enterprise as a cavalry leader, was dangerously -wounded.[157] - -[Sidenote: The bridge at Ross.] - -[Sidenote: Carrick-on-Suir taken.] - -Cromwell was very ill during a part of his stay at Ross, but the bridge -greatly impressed the Irish with a sense of his power as Cæsar's -had impressed the Germans in an earlier age. 'A stupendous work,' -says the author of the 'Aphorismical Discovery,' 'for there were two -main rivers, Nore and Barrow, joining there unto one bed, and the -sea-tide passing over the town in the said rivers six or seven miles, -he was building this bridge upon this swift and boisterous-running -tide-water with barrels, planks, casks and cables.' Ormonde had a -superior force in the neighbourhood, but the dissensions between his -officers and between the English and Irish elements of his army made -it impossible to risk a pitched battle. Taaffe made an unsuccessful -attempt to destroy the unfinished bridge, and Cromwell lost no time in -fortifying Rosbercon, on the Kilkenny bank. Ireton and Jones occupied -Inistioge without fighting, but found the bridge at Thomastown broken -down and the walled town garrisoned, while the bulk of Ormonde's army -retired towards Kilkenny. The road into Tipperary was, however, open -from Inistioge, and Reynolds was detached with a body of cavalry to -Carrick-on-Suir. While he was parleying with the garrison at one gate, -a part of his men surprised the other and took more than a hundred -prisoners, the remainder escaping in boats over the Suir. The castle, -'one of the ancientest seats belonging to the Lord of Ormonde,' made -no further resistance, and Cromwell with the main body of his army, -having taken Knocktopher by the way, passed through Carrick towards -Waterford, which he summoned on November 21.[158] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Waterford Nov.-Dec.] - -[Sidenote: Castlehaven relieves Duncannon,] - -[Sidenote: but is refused admission to Waterford.] - -Waterford was unassailable from the left bank of the Suir, and -Cromwell, like Mountjoy before him, had to cross at Carrick. Before -the naval superiority of the Parliament could be made available it was -necessary to secure the forts at Duncannon and Passage below the city. -Duncannon had been in the hands of the Confederates since 1645, and was -commanded by Captain Thomas Roche, a very incompetent officer. Jones -was detached from Ross with 2000 men to besiege the place, and he took -Ballyhack, commanding the ordinary communication between the Fort and -Waterford. Parliamentary ships lay near, and seeing that Duncannon was -in danger Ormonde sent Captain Edward Wogan to supersede Roche. As a -deserter from the Parliamentary army Wogan fought with a rope round -his neck, and he restored the courage of the garrison. Ormonde then -sent Castlehaven to Passage opposite Ballyhack, whence he managed to -get to Duncannon in a boat. After consultation with Wogan, Castlehaven -returned, and that night embarked eighty horses without riders in -boats, which slipped into Duncannon on the tide. Wogan mounted officers -and picked men on the horses thus provided, and immediately attacked -the Parliamentary camp. The appearance of cavalry where there had -been none before seemed to indicate the approach of an army, and the -siege was raised next morning. After this piece of service Ormonde -made Castlehaven governor of Waterford with 1000 men, but the citizens -refused to admit him or his soldiers.[159] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde garrisons Waterford.] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin repulsed from Carrick, Nov. 24.] - -While Cromwell was threatening Waterford, Ormonde brought his whole -army to Carrick, the recapture of which he left to Taaffe and -Inchiquin, while he marched on with the tidal river between him and -the Parliamentary host. The city was open on the river side, and -there was no difficulty in ferrying over 1500 Ulster soldiers with -Lieut.-General Ferrall as governor. Jones had previously succeeded in -occupying Passage, 'a very large fort with a castle in the midst of -it, having five guns planted in it, and commanding the river better -than Duncannon.' The garrison surrendered on condition of quarter only, -and Ballyhack being already in Cromwell's hands, Waterford was pretty -thoroughly cut off from the sea. The attempt to recapture Carrick -failed, perhaps for want of a good engineer, for the assailants' mine -exploded to their own injury, and without damaging the wall. Reynolds's -men spared their ammunition and defended themselves mainly with stones. -The gates were burned, but quickly barricaded inside with rubble, -and Inchiquin, having no stock of provisions, was forced to retreat -with heavy loss. Ormonde on his return was very nearly captured, for -he expected to find Carrick in the hands of friends, and had to ride -twenty miles round to join his men at Clonmel. He met the Tipperary -rustics flying in all directions with their portable goods, so as to -escape being plundered by the soldiers.[160] - -[Sidenote: The siege of Waterford raised, Dec. 2.] - -[Sidenote: Death of Michael Jones.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's difficulties.] - -Ormonde said that if the weather 'proved but as usual at this time of -the year,' Cromwell might be repulsed from Waterford. Two days later -the siege was abandoned for this very reason, a great part of the men -being sick, and Cromwell marched to Kilmacthomas on 'as terrible a day' -as he had ever known. He found poor quarters, but in the morning was -encouraged by a messenger from Broghill, who lay at Dungarvan, which -had lately surrendered to him, with about twelve or thirteen hundred -men. Michael Jones died at Dungarvan of 'a pestilent and contagious -spotted fever,' contracted during a cold and wet march, and Cromwell -lamented his loss both as a friend and as a public servant. The -Parliamentary cause certainly owed him a great deal, though there is -reason to believe that he did not approve of the execution of Charles -I. At the moment Ferrall made an attempt to recover Passage, the loss -of which made it very difficult to victual Duncannon, but Colonel -Sankey was despatched with 320 men from Cappoquin, and after a sharp -fight succeeded in taking about the same number of prisoners. Ferrall -retreated into Waterford, where Ormonde was himself present, though -the mayor absolutely refused to let his troops cross the river, saying -that an increase of the garrison would cause a famine in the town. It -was proposed to quarter them in huts outside the walls, but even this -was rejected, and Passage remained in the enemy's hands, though an -overwhelming force was ready to attempt its relief. Wogan was among the -prisoners taken by Sankey, and Cromwell seriously thought of hanging -him; but he was sent to Cork, whence he soon escaped, and went to -England to seek the adventure which has made him famous.[161] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's apparent superiority in numbers.] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell in Munster.] - -[Sidenote: He is reinforced.] - -When Cromwell broke up from before Waterford on December 2, he had not -more than 3000 effective infantry in the field, the garrisons taking -up many and sickness accounting for more. Ferrall had as many men in -Waterford as there were besieging him, and the whole of Ormonde's -army was ten or twelve thousand including O'Neill's men, who were at -least 7000 and all effective, 'these being the eldest sons of the -Church of Rome, most cried up and confided in by the clergy.' The rest -were old English, Irish, some Protestants, some Papists, and other -popish Irish. The interests of Ormonde, Clanricarde, Castlehaven, -Muskerry, Taaffe, and the rest provided a formidable force, who could -live on the country, for there were scarce twenty natives favourable -to Parliament. 'God hath blessed you,' Cromwell wrote, 'with a great -tract of land in longitude, along the shore, yet it hath but a little -depth into the country,' and the inhabitants were so robbed by their -neighbours that they could give little help. Therefore it was still -necessary to send money and stores from England, and to maintain a -strict naval blockade, lest supplies should reach the enemy from -abroad. But Ormonde had to disperse his men in winter quarters for -want of means to support them in the field, and Cromwell did the same, -his headquarters being at Youghal. He spent the short winter days in -visiting Cork and other Munster garrisons. The tradition is that he -went to Glengariffe, where the ruins of 'Cromwell's bridge' may still -be seen, but there seems to be no evidence of his having gone further -west than Kinsale. His applications to Parliament for help were not in -vain, for 1500 fresh men were sent to Dublin about this time, and a few -weeks later Henry Cromwell came to Youghal with further reinforcements, -followed by thirteen ships laden with oats, beans, and pease. The sick -men recovered with rest and dry lodgings, and by the end of January -Cromwell was able to take the field again.[162] - -[Sidenote: Broghill's campaign, November.] - -[Sidenote: Cork.] - -[Sidenote: Kinsale and Bandon.] - -[Sidenote: Baltimore, &c.] - -Broghill, who was now Master of the Ordnance, left Youghal about the -middle of November with 500 foot and 300 horse. A fort with three -guns on the Corkbeg peninsula partially commanded Cork harbour, and -had annoyed Blake's ships. Captain Courthope, 'who knew not only the -commander of it, but every particular soldier in it, so well persuaded -and terrified them that they delivered up the fort' without fighting. -At Belvelly, commanding the strait between the mainland and the island -on which Queenstown now stands, Colonel Pigott had a strong castle and -three Irish companies. Broghill had formerly 'particularly well known' -this officer, and in half an hour's private conversation satisfied -him that it was a national quarrel. At Cork, Broghill found 700 armed -inhabitants and 500 foot soldiers, who received him 'with as great a -joy as is almost imaginable.' A messenger came from Kinsale to offer -that town to the Parliament, and a detachment was sent strong enough to -check the garrison of the fort. At Bandon, Colonel Courtney, 'who had -ever been my particular friend,' stood for the King; but the townsmen -and most of the soldiers were English Protestants, and he could but -surrender. Broghill armed the inhabitants, and nearly all the officers -and soldiers ultimately joined him. The people showed 'at least an -equal joy to our reception at Cork.' The bridge at Bandon enabled -Broghill to march straight to the south side of Kinsale harbour, where -Rupert had greatly strengthened the fort, which was held by 400 Irish -under a Scotch governor. The works were too strong to attack before -the return of Blake's fleet, but the regiment inside was commanded by -'an Irish Protestant, a great sufferer by the rebellion; an ancient -dependant of our [the Boyle] family, and one particularly recommended -to my care by my father,' who set the governor aside, and persuaded the -soldiers to capitulate. After this Baltimore, Castlehaven, Crookhaven, -and Timoleague surrendered without giving Broghill the trouble of -a march, and Mallow did the same, thus securing the only bridge -over the Blackwater, except that at Cappoquin, which was already in -Parliamentary hands. Colonel Crosby was detached to see what could -be done in Kerry. Cromwell might well say that Broghill had a great -interest in the men and in the districts which were lately Inchiquin's, -and that there could have been no rebellion if every county had -contained an Earl of Cork.[163] - -[Sidenote: Surrender of Carrickfergus, Nov. 2.] - -While Cromwell was building his bridge at New Ross, Dalziel was -closely besieged in Carrickfergus by Coote and Venables. It was the -most important place in Ulster, and the Scotch veteran made good terms -for himself and his men, agreeing to surrender on December 13 if not -relieved in the meantime. A few days before that date Sir George Monro -with Lords Montgomery and Clandeboye, collected a force which Coote, on -the report of deserters, estimated at 2000 foot and 800 horse, their -object being to relieve Carrickfergus. On December 1 they were at -Comber and next day at Newtownards. After a good deal of manoeuvring -Coote took up his quarters at Lisburn, while Monro crossed the Laggan -somewhere between that place and Moira. On their return upon the -Antrim side of the river, Coote allowed them to pass him, and then -attacked their rear 'upon a boggy pass on the plain of Lisnesreane.' -Sir Theophilus Jones, who had come out of Lisburn with his cavalry, met -with little resistance, and during a pursuit of ten miles over 1000 -were killed with scarcely any loss to the victors. Monro and Montgomery -fled to Charlemont, most of their Scots followers leaving them, and -Carrickfergus was then surrendered in due course.[164] - -[Sidenote: The Clonmacnoise decrees, Dec. 4.] - -[Sidenote: Toleration not to be expected.] - -[Sidenote: "Idle Boys" excommunicated.] - -Rinuccini having departed and O'Neill being dead, the Irish were as -sheep having no shepherd. Stubborn resistance was made in detail, -but there was very little concerted action after Cromwell's arrival. -The remains of the Confederacy still adhered to Ormonde, but it -became evident after the last peace that he could never rally the -native population. Under these circumstances twenty bishops, with -the procurators of three others, the abbot of Holy Cross and the -Provincials of the Dominicans and Franciscans, met at Clonmacnoise -on December 4, of their own mere motion as they were careful to set -forth. After some days' deliberation they announced that nothing could -be done without unity, and that past differences must be laid aside. -It was, they said, the evident intention of Cromwell and his masters -to root out the Catholic religion, which could only be done by getting -rid of the people and recolonising the country, 'witness the numbers -they have already sent hence for the tobacco islands and put enemies -in their places.' Cromwell had told the governor of Ross that he -meddled with no man's conscience, but that a liberty to exercise the -mass would nevertheless not be allowed of. This was naturally quite -enough for the clergy, and doubtless for most laymen also. The formal -decrees of Clonmacnoise were embodied in four articles. By the first -fasting and prayer were ordered 'to withdraw from this nation God's -anger, and to render them capable of his mercies.' By the second -the people were warned that no mercy or clemency could be expected -'from the common enemy commanded by Cromwell by authority from the -rebels of England.' By the third the clergy were ordered under severe -penalties to preach unity, 'and we hereby manifest our detestation -against all such divisions between either provinces or families, or -between old English and old Irish, or any of the English or Scotch -adhering to his Majesty.' The last decree was one of excommunication -against the highwaymen called Idle Boys, and against all who relieved -them. Clergymen were forbidden on pain of suspension to give them the -Sacrament or to bury them in consecrated ground.[165] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[147] The two declarations, August 23 and 24, are in the new edition of -Carlyle's _Cromwell_, i. 455 and iii. 410. - -[148] Wood's _Fasti_, ed. Bliss, 77, and his _Life and Times_, ed. -Clark, i. 110. The correspondence between Aston and Ormonde, from the -Carte MSS., August 25 to September 10, is in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. -233-261. As to the composition of the garrison see also Gardiner's -_Commonwealth_, i. 124, and the note to Murphy's _Cromwell in Ireland_, -p. 86. - -[149] The chief authority for the storm is Cromwell's own letter to -Lenthall, dated September 17; Ormonde's account is dated September -29. The above, with those of Ludlow, Bate, and Wood, are collected in -_Contemp. Hist._ ii. 262-276. For Cromwell's battering train see Mr. -Firth's _Cromwell's Army_, p. 170. Elaborate accounts of the siege, -with maps, are in Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, chap. v., and in Murphy's -_Cromwell in Ireland_, chaps. vii. and viii. - -[150] Letters of Peters and Cromwell, September 15 and 16, in -_Whitelock_, iii. 110, which were read in Parliament; letters of -Ormonde and Aston, _ut sup._ For Talbot's obligations to Reynolds see -Clarke's _Life of James II._ i. 326. Hugh Peters says shortly 'Aston -the governor killed, none spared.' - -[151] The terms of the treaty between Ormonde and O'Neill from the -Carte papers is in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 300, the negotiations, _ib._ -237 _sqq._ The first mention of O'Neill's illness is in his letter of -September 19, 'an unexpected fit of sickness in my knee, whereof I am -not fully cleared yet.' - -[152] Summons to Dundalk, September 12, 1640, in Carlyle. Venables to -Cromwell, September 22, in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 267; Brief Chronicle, -_ib._ iii. 157; Ormonde's report on the state of the armies, _ib._ -ii. 465; O'Neill's last letter to Ormonde, November 1, _ib._ 315; -_Aphorismical Discovery_, chap. xiv. In _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, ii. -33, are four letters from O'Neill, dated May 18, 1649, to Rinuccini, to -Dean Massari, and to Cardinals la Cuena and Pamphili. Daniel O'Neill's -letter of October 6 to Ormonde is in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 294. There is -no reason whatever to suppose that Owen Roe O'Neill was poisoned. - -[153] Cromwell's letters are in _Carlyle_, and the terms demanded by -Synnott in Cary's _Memorials_, ii. 181. Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, p. 80. - -[154] Cromwell's despatch of October 11, 1649, in _Carlyle_. There are -elaborate narratives of this siege in Murphy's _Cromwell in Ireland_, -chaps. xiii. and xiv., and in Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, chap. v. There -is a candid note by Father Meehan in the appendix to his _Franciscan -Monasteries_, 4th ed., 1872, p. 296. See also Carte's _Ormonde_ and -Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, p. 80. Peters wrote on October 22, 'It is a -fine spot for some godly congregation, where house and land wait for -inhabitants and occupiers; I wish they would come,' in _Collections of -Letters_, &c., London, November 13, 1649. _The Taking of Wexford_, a -letter from an eminent officer (R. L.), London, October 26, 1649. - -[155] The correspondence between Cromwell and Taaffe is in _Carlyle_. -The articles of surrender, dated October 19, are printed in Murphy's -_Cromwell in Ireland_, p. 188, where there is a full account of the -whole affair. - -[156] Morrice's Memoir prefixed to _Orrery State Letters_, i. 18; -Inchiquin to Ormonde, December 9, 1649, in _Clar. S.P._; Ludlow's -_Memoirs_, February 8, 1651. The authorities as to the revolt of Cork -and Youghal are collected from various sources in the new edition -of Carlyle's _Cromwell_, some in the Supplement. Lady Fanshawe's -_Memoirs_, p. 53. Blake to Popham, November 5, _Leyborne-Popham -Papers_, p. 49. Cork and Youghal declared for Cromwell about November -1, Kinsale a few days later. - -[157] Cromwell to Lenthall, November 14, 1649, Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. -239; Carte's _Ormonde_. - -[158] Cromwell to Lenthall, November 14 and 25, in _Carlyle_; Ormonde -to Charles II., November 30, in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 329. - -[159] Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, p. 81. The siege of Duncannon was raised -November 5. - -[160] Cromwell to Lenthall, letter 116, in _Carlyle_; Carte's -_Ormonde_. The attempt on Carrick was on November 24. - -[161] Ormonde to Charles II., November 30, _Contemp. Hist._ ii. -330; Cromwell to Lenthall, December 19, 1649, in _Carlyle_; Carte's -_Ormonde_, ii. 103. Concerning Jones see a note in Gardiner's -_Commonwealth_, i. 160. For Wogan see _Clarke Papers_, i. 421. - -[162] Cromwell to Lenthall, December 19, 1649, in _Carlyle_. Brief -Chronicle published by authority in 1650, and reprinted in _Contemp. -Hist._ iii. 157; Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, i. 163. note; Murphy's -_Cromwell in Ireland_, chap. xx. - -[163] _Relation of the Particulars of the Reduction of the Greatest -Part of the Province of Munster_, &c., London, 1649 (containing -Broghill's letters of November 22 and 26, and the Remonstrance and -Resolution of the Protestant Army at Cork, October 23); Caulfield's -_Council Book of Kinsale_, pp. 55, 357-363; Bennett's _Hist. of -Bandon_, chap. xii. - -[164] _Two Letters_ from William Basil, A.G., to Bradshaw and Lenthall, -London, December 12, 1649; _War in Ireland_, p. 100; MacSkimin's -_Carrickfergus_, p. 16, where Dalziel's articles are given; _Two -Letters_ of Sir Charles Coote to Lenthall with Scobell's imprimatur; -December 8 and 13, London, 1649. Coote notes that 'Colonel Henderson -that betrayed Sligo was killed.' - -[165] _Certain Acts and Declarations_ made by the ecclesiastical -congregation, &c., printed at Kilkenny and reprinted at London, 1650. -Printed also, with some slight verbal differences, in _Spicilegium -Ossoriense_, ii. 38-42. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXII - -CROMWELL IN IRELAND, 1650 - - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and the Clonmacnoise decrees.] - -In their published utterances the bishops were careful to say nothing -alarming to Protestants, and to lay stress upon the royalism or loyalty -of those for whom they spoke. In writing to Rome they were silent -about the King, but urged the necessity of union among Catholics. -Ormonde, who had no illusions, thought it much that there had been no -public demand for his own removal; but this too was to come later. He -knew that Antrim had been intriguing to obtain such a declaration, -and he begged the King to recall him before his position became quite -untenable. Charles directed him to hold on as long as possible, and to -leave Ireland when he was finally convinced that nothing more could be -done.[166] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell's Declaration, Jan. 1649-1650.] - -[Sidenote: Liberty of conscience.] - -[Sidenote: The laws of war.] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell misunderstood Ireland.] - -The printed proceedings of the Clonmacnoise prelates reached Cromwell -at Youghal, and he lost no time in answering it. The task of uniting -clergy and laity, he said, was only necessary because the distinction -had been invented by 'the Antichristian Church' of Rome, and maintained -by her priests as the foundation of their own power. Their royalism -was a 'fig-leaf of pretence,' whereas they really fought for their -own supremacy. Cromwell had a right to say that they began the war, -but he much exaggerated the goodness of the terms on which English -and Irish had lived before the outbreak. No doubt there were some -friendships, but all competent observers had long realised that the -Ulster settlement would be disturbed whenever the children of the -dispossessed natives had the chance. As to liberty of conscience, he -took his stand upon the purely English ground that the mass had long -been prohibited by law, and that he could not extirpate what had no -root. He reiterated his statement to the governor of Ross and said -plainly, 'I shall not, where I have power, and the Lord is pleased -to bless me, suffer the exercise of the mass where I can take notice -of it.... As for the people, what thoughts they have in matters of -religion in their own breasts I cannot reach; but think it my duty if -they walk honestly and peaceably, not to cause them in the least to -suffer for the same.' He defended the raising of money by mortgaging -lands which rebels would forfeit, but denied that there was any -intention to extirpate the people. He defied anyone to give an instance -since his arrival in Ireland of 'one man not in arms, massacred, -destroyed, or banished' with impunity. Those who had been exiled to the -West Indies were all in fact liable to be put to the sword according to -the laws of war. All who had not been actors in the rebellion should -be spared and protected. 'And having said this,' he concluded, 'and -purposing honestly to perform it,--if this people shall headily run -on after the counsels of their prelates and clergy and other leaders, -I hope to be free from the misery and desolation and blood and ruin -that shall befall them; and shall rejoice to exercise utmost severity -against them.' Cromwell's ideas about toleration were in advance of -his age, but his knowledge of Ireland before 1641 was derived from the -published histories of May and Temple.[167] - -[Sidenote: Lady Fanshawe at Cork, Nov. 1649.] - -When Lady Fanshawe joined her husband, a few weeks before Cromwell's -landing, she found Cork an agreeable place of residence enough, and -so it remained for about six months. She lived in the old Augustinian -Friary called the Red Abbey, which then belonged to Michael Boyle, -Dean of Cloyne, who vied with Inchiquin and Roscommon in civility to -her. She calls the latter Lord Chancellor, but he is not generally -included in the list. 'My Lord of Ormonde had a very good army, and -the country was seemingly quiet.' And so it continued outwardly for -some time, though Inchiquin's power had been gradually wasting away -since Rathmines. Suddenly one night, at the beginning of November, Lady -Fanshawe was roused from her bed by the sound of cannon, and by screams -and cries outside. Opening the window, she saw a crowd, who informed -her that they were 'all Irish stripped and wounded and turned out of -the town by Colonel Jeffries.' Hurrying off to the Colonel she reminded -him of her husband's former civilities to him, which he handsomely -acknowledged, and at once granted a free pass. She passed 'through -thousands of naked swords' with her family, 1000_l._ in cash and other -light property, and got to Kinsale where she was safe for the moment. -Cromwell was much annoyed at Fanshawe's papers having thus escaped -him.[168] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell's campaign in the South, Jan.-March, 1650.] - -[Sidenote: Surrender of Fethard, Feb. 3.] - -The Parliamentary managers were alarmed by the negotiations of Charles -with the Scots. They knew, too, that Fairfax could hardly be trusted to -lead an attack on the Presbyterian kingdom, and they resolved to recall -Cromwell. The letter was written on January 8, but it did not reach him -until he was already in the field again, and he thought proper to treat -the reports of its coming as Nelson treated the signal at Copenhagen. -On January 29 he set out from Youghal with twelve troops of horse, -three troops of dragoons, and between two and three hundred foot. -Reynolds and Ireton, with about the same number of horse and dragoons -and 2000 foot, were sent to Carrick to threaten Ormonde's quarters -at Kilkenny. Cromwell himself marched towards Mitchelstown, took -Kilbenny Castle, Clogheen, and Rehill, near Cahir, and went from there -to Fethard. The last-named walled town surrendered after a night's -discussion 'upon terms which we usually call honourable; which I was -the willinger to give, because I had little above two hundred foot, -and neither ladders nor guns nor anything else to force them.' - -[Sidenote: Cashel protected.] - -[Sidenote: Callan taken.] - -[Sidenote: Enniscorthy surprised and retaken.] - -[Sidenote: Ardfinane.] - -[Sidenote: Cahir surrendered, Feb. 24] - -The besiegers had not fired a single shot. The honourable terms were -that the garrison should march away with arms and baggage, and that the -inhabitants, including priests, should be fully protected. Some Ulster -foot at Cashel, hearing of Cromwell's arrival at Fethard, ran away in -confusion, and he protected the townsfolk at their own request. He -then went onto Callan, which he found already in Reynolds's hands. The -garrison of two castles 'refusing conditions seasonably offered were -put all to the sword.' Those in a larger castle surrendered, and were -allowed to march away without their arms. Among the prisoners taken in -a skirmish was one of those who had betrayed Enniscorthy, and he was -hanged. Some Irish gentlemen had feasted the garrison and sent in women -to sell them spirits. When most of the soldiers were drunk the enemy -rushed in and killed all, except four who had been bribed to open the -gates. Colonel Cooke, the governor of Wexford, soon retook Enniscorthy -by storm, and in his turn put all the garrison to the sword. Reynolds -was despatched to take Knocktopher, and after a fortnight in the field, -Cromwell returned to Fethard, 'having good plenty of horsemeat and -man's meat' in that rich district. Ireton took Ardfinane, of which -Henry II. himself had chosen the site, and which was important to -bring guns 'ammunition, and other things' from Youghal and Cappoquin. -Cromwell came before Cahir, which was surrendered without costing -a man. He was told that it had stood an eight weeks' siege against -Essex, but that most incompetent of heroes really took it in two days. -Kiltinan, Goldenbridge and Dundrum were also taken, and the county of -Tipperary submitted to a contribution of 1500_l._[169] - -[Sidenote: Operations in Leinster, Dec.-March, 1649-50.] - -[Sidenote: Ballisonan taken, March 1.] - -The regicide John Hewson was governor of Dublin with a numerous -garrison, consisting chiefly of sick and wounded. A division of -these half-recovered invalids had won the fight at Glascarrig and -joined Cromwell, and by the end of the year a good many more were -fit for service, and some reinforcements had also arrived from -England. Kildare, the hill of Allen, Castle Martin and other places -were occupied, but Kilmeague was found too strong to attack without -artillery. When his provisions were spent Hewson returned to Dublin, -where he received a curious proposition from the strong garrison of -Ballisonan or Ballyshannon near Kilcullen. This he describes as 'having -double works and double moats full of water, one within another, and -a mount with a fort upon it, most of the officers with me esteeming -the taking of it to be unfeazable.' After the rout at Rathmines some -of Ormonde's fugitive cavalry had summoned this formidable stronghold, -which surrendered to them under the impression that Dublin was taken. -The defenders now offered to join the Parliament, on condition of being -made a regiment with their own officers, liberty of religion, and two -priests as chaplains. Their arrears since May were to be paid, Taaffe -and Dillon to be excluded from any accommodation with the Parliamentary -party. In fact, they preferred Cromwell to Ormonde, which shows how -desperate the latter's position had become. Such terms were of course -unacceptable, and Hewson attacked Ballisonan with a force of 2000 foot -and 1000 horse, with two guns and a mortar. An entrenched battery was -erected, but the place capitulated before any breach had been made. -Hewson was glad to give easy terms, as Castlehaven was at Athy, and -might make an attempt to raise the siege. The garrison marched out -with the honours of war, Maryborough and Kilmeague were abandoned by -the Irish, and all Kildare except the extreme south was in Hewson's -power.[170] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde withdraws into Clare, February.] - -[Sidenote: Castlehaven commands in Leinster.] - -[Sidenote: The net drawn round Kilkenny.] - -After consulting the Commissioners of Trust, Ormonde allowed agents to -meet at Kilkenny in January for the discussion of grievances affecting -the different districts, but nothing was reduced to writing, and there -were, as he expected, no results. The agents proposed an adjournment -to Ennis, and to this he agreed. The approach of Cromwell's forces on -the south and of Hewson's on the north had doubtless something to say -to this, and the plague which began to rage in the town still more. -Cromwell made a strong reconnaissance towards Kilkenny, where a Captain -Tickle had been bribed or in some other way induced to undertake that -one of the gates should be opened, but the plot was discovered and -the captain hanged; so that Cromwell had to retire. In spite of the -plague and of enemies within and without, Castlehaven used to go out -fox-hunting in the early morning. Ormonde met him in the field, told -him that it was decided to withdraw into Clare, and appointed him, -much to his disgust, general of Leinster. Ormonde himself went to -Limerick during the first week in February, and was not destined to see -Kilkenny again until after the Restoration. Cromwell, having failed -in the plot with Tickle, waited patiently and let the plague do his -work. Castlehaven had one success, surprising Athy and taking Hewson's -garrison of 700 men, but he found the place untenable. 'Not knowing,' -he writes, 'what to do with my prisoners, I made a present of them to -Cromwell, desiring him by letter to do the like to me ... but he little -valued my civility, for in a very few days after he besieged Gowran, -where Colonel Hammond commanded, and the soldiers mutinying and giving -up the place, he caused Hammond with some English officers to be shot -to death.' Cromwell's own account confirms this, and he adds that -Hammond was 'a principal actor in the Kentish insurrection,' and so -not entitled to mercy more than Lucas or Lisle. A priest who acted as -chaplain to the Roman Catholic soldiers was hanged. 'I trouble you with -this the rather because this was the Lord of Ormonde's own regiment.' -At Gowran Cromwell was joined by Hewson, who had taken Castledermot, -Lea, Kilkea, and other castles in the meantime, he himself having -taken Thomastown. Castlehaven did not find himself strong enough to -meet Hewson in the field. Lord Dillon promised to join him with about -3000 men, but they never came, and all he could do was to provision -Kilkenny and leave it with a garrison of 1000 foot and 200 horse. Soon -afterwards an Ulster regiment, which was nearly half his army, deserted -on account of the plague, saying that they were ready to fight against -men but not against God. Having tried to relieve Kilkenny in vain he -gave orders to the governors of the town and castle to make the best -terms they could, and not to attempt to hold the latter after the -former had surrendered. Cromwell and Hewson corresponded about this -time by letters enclosed in balls of wax, so that the messenger might -swallow them if necessary. Some of these reached Castlehaven, but only -served to show him that he was hopelessly overmatched.[171] - -[Sidenote: Capitulation of Kilkenny, March 27.] - -[Sidenote: Citizens and soldiers] - -[Sidenote: Fair terms granted.] - -Cromwell approached Kilkenny by Bennet's Bridge and sent in his summons -on March 22. Sir Walter Butler, a cousin of Ormonde's, was governor of -the town, and briefly replied that he held it for the King. A battery -with three guns was accordingly planted at St. Patrick's Church, and -on March 25 about a hundred shot struck the wall near the castle. -An attempt to carry the breach failed with the loss of a captain -and twenty or thirty men, the garrison having erected earthworks -and palisades inside. At the same time a thousand men were detached -to attack the Irish town near the cathedral, where the wall was but -weakly defended by the townsmen, and the Cromwellians entered with a -loss of only three or four men. After this, the walled portion of the -town on the other side of the Nore was easily taken, and the victors -endeavoured to enter the main city over St. John's Bridge, but they -were driven back with a loss of forty or fifty men. In the meantime -fresh guns were brought up, and the mayor sent to represent the -difficult position of the citizens. No doubt, he wrote, Cromwell would -be willing to grant them fair terms, but they were in the power of the -garrison, and so 'in danger of ruin as well from our own party as -from that of your Honour's,' and it was reasonable that the soldiers -should be included. To avoid further loss, and perhaps to get away -from the plague, Cromwell after some discussion acquiesced in this -view, and on the next day Butler saw that further resistance would be -useless. Considering that Kilkenny had been the very centre of the -lately powerful Confederacy, the terms granted were liberal enough. The -garrison marched out with the honours of war, surrendering their arms -two miles out of town and then going where they pleased. The citizens -submitted to a payment of 2000_l._ in two instalments, in consideration -of which Cromwell had 'made it death for any man to plunder.' Those -who wished to remove themselves or their property might do so, -'none excepted,' within three months. There was no armistice during -the negotiations, and the garrison of Cantwell Castle, now called -Sandford's Court--'very strong, situated in a bog, well furnished with -provisions of corn'--surrendered, though specially ordered by Sir -Walter Butler to abandon their post and strengthen the scanty garrison -of Kilkenny. They were allowed to go beyond sea.[172] - -[Sidenote: The town not plundered.] - -[Sidenote: Damage to the churches.] - -[Sidenote: Death of Bishop Rothe.] - -Leaving the plague-stricken city with a small garrison, Cromwell went -to Carrick. 'The goodness of God,' says a contemporary newswriter, -'was exceedingly manifested in preventing the plunder of the place, -which must needs have hazarded the army by infection.' None of the -soldiers, in fact, suffered, which was 'the Lord's own doing and -marvellous in our eyes.' The clergy were not in any way excepted from -the terms granted to the citizens, and there is no evidence that -violence was done to any priests. But the churches suffered terribly, -Bishop Ledred's beautiful painted windows, which even Bale had -spared, were broken in pieces, and Thomas Earl of Ormonde's splendid -tomb was totally destroyed. A special interest attaches to the fate -of the bishop, the learned David Rothe, who had opposed Rinuccini. -There is nothing to show that he suffered from violence, but he was -seventy-eight years old, and it is not surprising that he died in great -discomfort, and in concealment. Bishop Lynch, who wrote from Clonfert -in August, says he was stripped and mocked by the soldiers, but allowed -to enter the nearest house, where he died within three weeks of old age -and disease. Archbishop Fleming, who was also in Ireland, and who wrote -in June, says much the same thing.[173] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Clonmel, May.] - -[Sidenote: Vain appeals to Ormonde,] - -[Sidenote: and to Preston.] - -[Sidenote: Clonmel is assaulted.] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell repulsed.] - -In the meantime Ennisnag Castle was taken, 'where were gotten a -company of rogues which had revolted from Colonel Jones. The soldiers -capitulated for life and their two officers were hanged for revolting.' -Adjutant-General Sadleir, with two guns, took all the castles in -the Suir valley from Clonmel to Waterford without resistance except -at Poulakerry, five miles below the former town. This was taken -by assault, thirty or forty being killed, 'and the rest remaining -obstinate were fired in the castle.' On April 27 Cromwell came before -Clonmel, and offered favourable terms, which were promptly rejected by -the governor, Hugh Boy O'Neill, a nephew of Owen Roe, who had about -1500 Ulster men with him. O'Neill, whom Cliffe describes as 'an old -surly Spanish soldier,' had expected to be attacked as far back as -February, and Ormonde had written from Ennis at the beginning of March -to say that he would 'draw all the forces of the kingdom into a body -for the town's relief.' But he could do nothing, for the Commissioners -of Trust were more anxious to thwart him than Cromwell, and would not -allow a levy to be made in the county of Limerick. An attempt to send -an expedition from the county of Cork was foiled by Broghill, and -Clonmel was left to its fate. Preston had promised, but failed, to send -ammunition from Waterford, and with Carrick in an enemy's hand it is -not easy to see how he could have done so. O'Neill and the mayor, John -White, made a last appeal to Ormonde. The long threatened attack had -come at last, and the preservation of the town was almost Ireland's -last hope. 'It is,' they wrote, 'our humble suit that the army, if in -any reasonable condition, may march night and day to our succour.' But -no such army was available, and Cromwell planted his battery without -hindrance. Reynolds and Theophilus Jones had a force in the field -sufficient to prevent Castlehaven from giving any trouble. Approaches -were made from the north side of the town, and there were many sallies -and much fighting before the breach was practicable. A comparison of -extant accounts fortified by local tradition seems to indicate that the -spot was near a gate which stood a little to the eastward of St. Mary's -Church. The assault was made about eight in the morning of May 9, and -the storming party entered without difficulty, but found that their -work was still to do. O'Neill had manned the houses and erected two -breastworks of 'dunghills, mortar, stones and timber,' making a lane -about eighty yards inwards from the breach with a masked battery at the -end. The 'British Officer,' who got his facts 'not only from officers -and soldiers of the besiegers,' but also from the besieged, describes -what followed. The stormers poured in and found themselves caught in a -trap. Those in front cried 'Halt,' and those behind 'Advance,' 'till -that pound or lane was full and could hold no more.' Two guns hailed -chain-shot upon this dense mass, while a continual fire was kept up -from the houses and the breastworks. Volleys of stones were thrown, and -great pieces of timber hurled from slides which O'Neill's ingenuity had -provided, 'so that in less than an hour's time about a thousand men -were killed in that pound, being atop one another.' Colonel Culham, who -led the stormers, and several other officers were among the slain, and -the survivors were driven out again through the breach. Contemporary -accounts estimate Cromwell's total loss at Clonmel at somewhere from -1500 to 2500. This repulse, said Ireton afterwards, was 'the heaviest -we ever endured either in England or here.' His own regiment lost most -of all. It is stated that Major Fennell, who commanded the few cavalry -within the town, had plotted, like Tickle at Kilkenny, to open one of -the gates. This was certainly believed at the time, but if there was -such a plot it came to nothing.[174] - -[Sidenote: The garrison escape,] - -[Sidenote: and the town capitulates.] - -O'Neill had not ammunition to continue the defence, and he knew that -there was no hope of relief. About 9 o'clock the same night he slipped -out quietly by the bridge and made his way to Waterford, advising the -mayor to make the best terms he could. White accordingly capitulated -both for the inhabitants and for the garrison. All arms and ammunition -in the town were surrendered, the civil population being guaranteed -protection 'for life and estate, from all plunder and violence of the -soldiery.' Next morning the besiegers marched in, and though Cromwell -was angry at being outwitted, the conditions were kept. The garrison -were pursued and stragglers cut off, amongst whom there were probably -some women and at least one priest. On reaching Waterford admission -was denied by Preston to O'Neill's men. There was plague both in his -camp and in the city, and after a time he ordered his foot soldiers to -shift for themselves. He and Fennell, with the horse, made their way to -Limerick.[175] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin and Broghill march.] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Macroom, April 10.] - -Inchiquin was in Kerry in January, whence he invaded Limerick with -three regiments of cavalry, sweeping away the cattle and devastating -most of the county. Broghill and Henry Cromwell fell upon his camp -towards the end of March, and drove him across the Shannon 'with more -cows than horses.' Inchiquin's men were chiefly English, and some of -the officers were shot as deserters from the Parliament. After this -Broghill joined Cromwell, who was then preparing to attack Clonmel, and -was detached by him to deal with a force of 4000 foot and 300 horse -which had been raised in Kerry, chiefly by the exertions of Boetius -Egan, Bishop of Ross, an Observant friar promoted by Rinuccini. The -Irish, bent on relieving Clonmel, advanced to Macroom, and garrisoned -Carrigadrohid Castle on the Lee, which Broghill reached on April 8. -He had 1500 cavalry, and hurried on, leaving a like number of foot to -guard his rear. He seems to have had no guns with him, but the Irish -probably thought he had, for they burned Muskerry's castle at Macroom, -and assembled in the park. They were raw levies and probably badly -armed, for they were routed in a very short time, 'though in a place,' -says Broghill, 'the worst for horse ever I saw, and where one hundred -musketeers might have kept off all the horse of Ireland.' Several -hundred were killed, and among the prisoners were the bishop and Lord -Roche's son, the high sheriff of Kerry, who was in equal authority with -him. Carrigadrohid was taken by parading pieces of timber with teams -of oxen, as if they were guns. 'I gave orders,' says Broghill, 'that -if the garrison in it delivered it not up, we should hang the bishop -before it. The former not being done the latter was.... The bishop -was wont to say there was no way to secure the English but by hanging -them. That which was his cruelty became his justice.' The castle was -then surrendered on fair terms, and Broghill went back to the siege of -Clonmel.[176] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell leaves Ireland, May 26.] - -[Sidenote: His plans of reform.] - -Cromwell quitted Ireland on May 26, leaving Ireton as his deputy. His -last extant letter before going was to Hewson, in favour of young Lord -Moore, son of the brave soldier who was killed at Portlester, and -grandson of Lord Chancellor Loftus. Moore had fought against Cromwell, -who nevertheless ordered that he should be 'fairly and civilly -treated, and that no incivility or abuse be offered unto him by any -of the soldiery, either by restraining his liberty or otherwise; it -being a thing which I altogether disprove and dislike that the soldiers -should intermeddle in civil affairs farther than they are lawfully -called upon.' Necessity afterwards devised the major-generals, but it -was to civil justice, to a Matthew Hale rather than a Desborough, that -Cromwell looked for real improvement. It was a crime, he said, 'to hang -a man for six and eightpence, and I know not what--to hang for a trifle -and commit murder.' In Ireland particularly much might be done for the -poor people by the cheap and impartial administration of justice. They -had suffered more by the oppression of the great than any 'in that -which we call Christendom. And indeed they are accounted the bribingest -people that are, they having been inured thereto.' And he rightly -considered that the best guarantee for purity was to pay good fixed -salaries to the judges and to get rid of the fees and perquisites which -had been a 'colour to covetous practices.'[177] - -[Sidenote: Inchiquin charged with treachery] - -[Sidenote: Submission of Protestant Royalists.] - -[Sidenote: Easy terms given.] - -[Sidenote: Safe conducts rejected by Ormonde and Inchiquin.] - -Some papers, which Broghill thought important, were found in Bishop -Egan's possession. An anonymous correspondent of Hyde's says one of -them was a letter in which Inchiquin proposed during the latter part -of 1649 to go over to Cromwell. Carte, without giving his authority, -says that some such letter was forged by Antrim, who was perhaps -tricky enough to do it, and the editor of the Clarendon State Papers -adopted Carte's account. Probability seems against Inchiquin having -made any such overtures, but his position after Rathmines was very -uncomfortable, for his men left him and he knew that the Irish would -always hate him for his proceedings at Cork, Cashel, and elsewhere. -He admitted that he had talked too freely to one of the enemy's -trumpeters, and it may be that he asked questions which gave rise to -the idea that he was wavering. But in April 1650, when Kilkenny had -fallen and Ormonde had no army in the field, Protestant Royalists -grew tired of the hopeless struggle, and Cromwell was ready enough to -meet them halfway. Nor did Ormonde make any difficulties. Sir Robert -Sterling, Colonel Daniell, and Michael Boyle, Dean of Cloyne, made -the first advances 'on behalf of the Protestant party in Ireland now -under the command or obedience of the Lord Marquis of Ormonde.' They -were all, whether soldiers or civilians, allowed to go where they -pleased on engaging not to act against the Parliament, taking all -their movable property except horses, arms, and ammunition, and even -these they might sell to the army or to English Protestants. Questions -of land were reserved for the decision of Parliament, and until that -was given were referred to the Commissioners for Revenue, and those -who gave assurance of fidelity to the Parliament might enjoy their -estates in the meantime. Colonel Wogan and the officer who helped him -to escape from Cork were the only persons excepted. Lord Montgomery -surrendered at Enniskillen, Sir Thomas Armstrong at Trim, and Colonel -Daniell at Doneraile. Dean Boyle had strict orders not to make any -overtures on behalf of Ormonde or Inchiquin, but Cromwell nevertheless -sent them both passes to go beyond seas. Admiral Penn, whose squadron -lay in the Shannon, was directed to make it easy for any of the -Protestants who came in his way. Ormonde contemptuously rejected the -safe conduct, which was civil enough in point of form, adding that if -he ever had to return the compliment he would not use it 'to debauch -any that commanded' under Cromwell. Inchiquin was angry, but his wife -had already been allowed to depart with her family and servants under -convoy to Middleburgh.[178] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[166] Letter from Clonmacnoise signed by the four archbishops and seven -bishops, including the secretary of the congregation, to the Pope, -December 12, 1649, in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 327. Ormonde to -the King, December 15 and 24, and the answer from Jersey, February 2, -1649-50, in Carte's _Original Letters_, ii. 417-425. - -[167] Declaration of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for the undeceiving -of deluded people, January 1649-50, in _Carlyle_, ii. 1, and see the -strictures on this 'remarkablest State paper' in the notes to the 1904 -edition and in Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, i. 163-166; the Declaration -was first printed at Cork and reprinted in London, March 21. - -[168] Lady Fanshawe's _Memoirs_, p. 53, ed. 1907. Sir Richard Bolton -died about a year before the revolt of Cork, after which the Great Seal -of Ireland may have been placed irregularly in the hands of Roscommon, -who had married Strafford's sister. - -[169] Cromwell to Lenthall, February 15, 1649-50, and to Bradshaw, -March 5, in _Carlyle_; also letters in the Supplement, pp. 54-56. In -the articles for the surrender of Fethard (No. 55) it is stipulated -that the garrison might retire to 'any place within his Majesty's -quarters.' When Cromwell signed this, he either did not notice the -draftsman's expression, or thought it did not matter. For Enniscorthy -see Whitelock's _Memorials_, p. 437. - -[170] _Bellings_, vii. 129. _Several Letters from Ireland_, March -18, 1649-50. This tract is reprinted in the _Kilkenny Archæological -Journal_, new series, i. 110, with a contemporary plan of Ballisonan, -but the latter must have been drawn to illustrate the capture of the -place by Jones in September 1648. - -[171] Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, pp. 83-86; Cromwell to Lenthall, April -2, 1650, in _Carlyle_. And see Murphy's _Cromwell in Ireland_, chaps. -24 and 25, and Lord Dillon's apologetic letter in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. -373; Clarendon's History, _Ireland_, p. 96. - -[172] Articles for surrender, March 27, in Murphy's _Cromwell in -Ireland_, p. 301. All the letters extant are printed by Carlyle, vol. -ii., see especially that of Cromwell to the mayor on March 26. The -_Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 69, states that the townsmen capitulated -behind the governor's back, and that the garrison were not mentioned in -the capitulation, which shows the untrustworthiness of the writer. And -see Carte's _Life of Ormonde_, ii. 113. - -[173] Cromwell's letter of April 2, in _Carlyle_, ii. 48, with the -notes; Grave's and Prim's _Hist. of St. Canice's Cathedral_, pp. 74, -138, 296; Letters of Fleming and Lynch in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. -341, 348; Murphy's _Cromwell in Ireland_, chaps. xxv. and xxvi. - -[174] Seven contemporary accounts of this siege, including one from -Bates's _Elenchus_, are printed in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 408-415. See -Murphy's _Cromwell in Ireland_, chap. xxviii.; Ireton to Cromwell, -July 10, 1651, _Milton State Papers_, p. 72. Cromwell's own account is -wanting, but the notes to letter 132 in Carlyle may be consulted. In -the churchyard of St. Mary's, very near the breach, is a large stone -inscribed NL ET SOCII, and the tradition is that fifty of Cromwell's -soldiers lie beneath. - -[175] Authorities as for last paragraph; _Aphorismical Discovery_, p. -616; Dillingham to Sancroft in Cary's _Memorials of the Civil War_, -ii. 217. The articles of surrender are printed in Murphy's _Cromwell -in Ireland_, p. 341, with the date May 18, but the letter in Whitelock -(456) says May 10. Certainty is unattainable, but Cromwell's battery -was probably near the railway station on the slope of Gallows Hill. -Since the above was written I have read the account of this siege in -Rev. W. S. Burke's _Hist. of Clonmel_, 1907, but have not thought it -necessary to alter the text. - -[176] Broghill's letter, dated April 16, is printed in Murphy's -_Cromwell in Ireland_, p. 324; Borlase's _Irish Rebellion_, p. 240; the -Brief Chronicle printed in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 165, says Roche was -'condemned to be shot to death by a council of war'; Cox's _Hibernia -Anglicana_, ii. 16, where the date is erroneously given as May 16. - -[177] Cromwell to Hewson, May 22, 1650, in _Carlyle_, Supplement 61; to -John Sadler, December 31, 1649, _ib._ appendix 17. The latter letter -offers Sadler, a master in Chancery in England, 1000_l._ a year as -Chief Justice of Munster. Sadler did not go, but the place was given to -a vigorous law reformer, John Cook the regicide. - -[178] Broghill's letter of April 16; Letter among the _Clarendon -MSS._, July 6, o. s., endorsed by Hyde as from 'J. Barn.' (perhaps -Barnewall).; Carte's _Life of Ormonde_, ii.; Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, -i. 153, 168. It is remarkable that in Hill's _Macdonnells of Antrim_ -nothing is said about the alleged forgery, though the writer can hardly -have been ignorant of Carte's statement. Cromwell's articles granted to -the Protestants, dated April 26, are printed in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. -393, where the other letters may be found, pp. 401-408, 410, and 411, -and see Supplement 58 to _Carlyle_. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIII - -ORMONDE'S LAST STRUGGLES, 1650 - - -[Sidenote: Hopeless dissensions among Irish Royalists.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde meets the bishops at Limerick, March.] - -[Sidenote: Limerick excludes Ormonde's garrison.] - -The Anglo-Irish Catholics had been drawn into the war against their -will in many cases, and in many others only in the hopes of obtaining -religious toleration. They were genuine Royalists, though the interests -of the sovereign did not always seem to be theirs. But the Celts -cared extremely little for the Crown and a great deal for the Church; -even more perhaps for the land which they had lost. Rinuccini's whole -influence went to widen the difference between the two sections. The -dominant faction among the clergy were quite ready to submit to a -foreign protector, and Ormonde's last struggles were with the bishops. -The Clonmacnoise decrees having failed to secure union, he summoned -twenty-four prelates along with the Commissioners of Trust to meet -him at Limerick, whither he went after finally leaving Kilkenny. They -met accordingly on March 8, and five days later presented him with -a paper of advice. They suggested that a Privy Council should be -appointed consisting of 'peers and others, natives of this kingdom, at -once spiritual and temporal,' to sit daily with the Lord Lieutenant -and determine all weighty affairs. The answer to this was easy: that -the appointment of Privy Councillors belonged to the King alone, and -that in the actual condition of affairs the Commissioners of Trust -were quite Council enough. There were vague charges of preferring -Protestants to Catholics, and suggestions made as to the rendering of -accounts and the administration of justice, very suitable for peaceful -times, but not at all applicable to the desperate state of affairs -really existing. Ormonde's immediate object was to place a garrison in -Limerick, and there all was refused to him, Lord Kilmallock, Catholic -though he was, being imprisoned by the citizens for quartering part of -his own troop within the walls by the Marquis's orders. Some of the -bishops made a faint attempt to reconcile the townsmen; but Ormonde -went away to Loughrea on March 18, and the prelates and Commissioners -followed him thither next day. It had been represented to him by some -of them that all would be right if he would only get rid of Inchiquin; -while others told the latter that he, as a chief of the ancient Irish, -was the proper person to command, if only he would separate from -Ormonde. The two lords compared notes, and easily perceived that the -real object in view was to get rid of them both.[179] - -[Sidenote: A successor to Owen Roe O'Neill.] - -[Sidenote: Bishop Macmahon appointed, April 1.] - -By the fourth article of his agreement with Owen Roe O'Neill, Ormonde -was bound to give the command in Ulster to the person nominated by the -nobility and gentry of that province, who assembled for that purpose -at Belturbet in March, under the presidency of Eugene Swiney, who -had been Bishop of Kilmore since 1628. Antrim, who had already been -in communication with Cromwell and was soon to be in alliance with -Ireton, was a candidate, and had many supporters among the officers. -It was thought that Sir George Monro and his Scots might follow him, -though they would dislike an Irish and especially a clerical general. -Hugh O'Neill, who would have been by far the fittest man, was absent -in Munster; and Daniel O'Neill was practically disqualified by being -a Protestant. The other candidates were Sir Phelim O'Neill, who had -never shone as a soldier, Owen Roe's son Henry, General Ferrall, and -Bishop Macmahon of Clogher. The bishop professed no great anxiety for -the post, but there seems little doubt that he left no stone unturned. -These intrigues were successful, and Ormonde signed his commission on -April 1. He was, says the 'British Officer,' 'a great politician, but -no more a soldier fit to be a general than one of Rome's cardinals.' - -[Sidenote: Englishmen turned out of the army.] - -Before the end of April, Monro surrendered Enniskillen to Coote 'for -500_l._ and other trivial things.' At the beginning of May the Bishop -began his active campaign. Toome, at the foot of Lough Neagh, was -surprised, and, though it was retaken not long after, this prevented -Coote from besieging Charlemont; and the Irish army got between his -garrison at Londonderry and that of Venables at Coleraine. A council -of war was held at Loughgall in Armagh to decide whether the attack -should be on the Belfast district or on Londonderry. According to the -'British Officer,' the latter course was taken owing to the secret -practices of Sir George Rawdon, who wished to keep the war away from -his own country. Macmahon summoned Dungiven, which was defended by -Colonel Beresford with about sixty men, to whom he wrote, 'if you shed -one drop of my soldiers' blood, I will not spare to put man, woman, -and child to the sword.' The place was taken by assault, the soldiers -mounting the ramparts by means of short sticks thrust into the sods, -and all found in arms were killed, except Beresford himself, who was -sent wounded to Charlemont, where he recovered. The women, among whom, -according to the 'British Officer,' were Lady Coote and Mrs. Beresford, -were sent safely to Limavady, which was maintained by the successor of -Sir Thomas Phillips. The Bishop hoped that some Scots would join him on -Royalist grounds; but he got rid of all Englishmen, and a declaration -was published by himself and the Bishop of Down, which was signed by -twenty-nine officers, every one of them with Celtic names.[180] - -[Sidenote: Over-confidence of Bishop Macmahon,] - -[Sidenote: who divides his forces,] - -[Sidenote: and rejects Henry O'Neill's advice.] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Scariffhollis, June 21.] - -[Sidenote: An old soldier's comments.] - -The Bishop of Clogher styled his followers 'the confident, victorious -Catholic army of the North,' but its career of success was not long. -Ballycastle, on the northern shore of Antrim, was taken without -resistance, and garrisoned; but it could be of little use, and the -army, amounting at this time to about 4000 foot and 400 horse, returned -through the mountains. The Foyle was crossed at a little-frequented -passage below Lifford, Coote being encamped higher up with a much -inferior force. A smart skirmish took place in which the Irish had the -best of it, Captains Taylor and Cathcart being killed. If the Bishop -had followed up this success, he might have gained a great victory, -for Coote had to retire by a narrow causeway through bogs. The Scotch -settlers were numerous between Lifford and Londonderry, and agreed to -give some provisions to the Bishop's army; but Coote persuaded them -all to retire into Inishowen with their cattle, so that there was -little left for the enemy to eat. Macmahon occupied Lifford, which -Major Perkins surrendered as soon as he saw Ormonde's commission, and -remained there for a week, when supplies began to run short. He then -imprudently weakened his force by sending a large detachment to take -the remote castle of Doe on Sheephaven, and smaller ones to forage -about the country, so that when he took up a position at Scariffhollis -on the Swilly, some two miles above Letterkenny, he had not with him -more than 3000 foot and 400 horse. In the meantime, Coote was growing -stronger: 1000 foot, under Colonel Fenwick, came to him from Venables -at Belfast, and every available man was drawn out of Enniskillen, so -that he had a large force by the fatal 21st of June. The principal -officers in the Irish army were for adhering to the Fabian tactics of -their late chief, his only son among them. Their arguments were sound -and based on experience; but we may be sure that the speech put into -Henry O'Neill's mouth is very different from that uttered by him. The -report occupies little more than a page, but in it are mentioned by -name Mars, Ulysses, Ajax, Antiochus, Hannibal, Fabius Cunctator, Scipio -Africanus, Scanderbeg, Spinola, and Maurice of Nassau. The Bishop -retorted by actually accusing him of want of courage; and after that -there was nothing left but to fight. They were, says Coote, posted on -a mountain-side, 'inaccessible to either horse or foot,' but descended -on the enemy's appearance into ground 'which was extreme bad,' but yet -possible to traverse. The infantry on both sides were perhaps nearly -equal, but the English had a great superiority in cavalry, so that when -the Irish broke after an hour's hard fighting it was easy to pursue -them in all directions. About 3000 were killed, including a large part -of the officers, and few unmounted men can have escaped. Sir Phelim -O'Neill got away to Charlemont, and the Bishop managed to keep some -200 horse together, with which he fled southwards. All his colours, -arms, ammunition, and baggage fell into the victors' hands. Coote's -casualties of all sorts were under a hundred, and only one officer -was killed outright. Colonel Fenwick, who fell at the first fire, -afterwards died of his wounds. 'Now the reader may observe,' says the -British Officer, 'the sequel of making the Bishop a general that was -nothing experienced in that lesson, nor becoming his coat to send men -to spill Christian blood; and how that for want of conduct and prudency -in martial affairs he lost himself and that army that never got a foil -before he led them.'[181] - -[Sidenote: The Bishop is captured.] - -[Sidenote: and executed.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill put to death.] - -One of the Maguires, who knew all the short cuts, hurried off to -Enniskillen as soon as he saw the result of the fight, and warned Major -John King that the Bishop was coming his way. King got out one hundred -fresh horsemen and fell upon the fugitives, who were in no condition -to resist. Macmahon's leg was broken in the scuffle, and he was taken -prisoner. During his captivity he made a good impression, bewailing his -many shortcomings and foretelling the course of events. King tried to -save his life, but he was hanged after some weeks and his head fixed -upon one of the gates of Londonderry. The responsibility for this must -be shared between Ireton and Coote, but particulars are wanting. 'I do -not know,' says the historian Lynch, 'what the Bishop foretold, but -I am certain that our nation never experienced worse calamities than -she has done since he was taken from our midst.' Ormonde praised him -long afterwards as a truthful man who kept to his agreements. Several -officers of rank were put to death by Coote after the battle, some -of them, if we accept O'Neill's Journal, with circumstances of great -brutality. Henry O'Neill was among them, who reminded Coote that his -father had saved him when he was near having to surrender Londonderry. -To this Sir Charles replied that those services had been paid for at -the time, and that he owed him nothing. The Irish accounts say that -these officers had all been received to quarter and should have been -treated as prisoners of war; and it is remarkable that the English -accounts say nothing about it, though Ludlow notes that there were few -prisoners, 'being for the most part put to the sword.' It is never -possible to ascertain exactly what happened in a battle, but the -probability is that immediate quarter for life given on the field was -not supposed to cover acts of treason or rebellion, and all Coote's -victims would have come within those qualifications of the subsequent -Act of Settlement which barred pardon for life and estate.[182] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde is unsupported.] - -[Sidenote: Assembly at Loughrea, April 27.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde kept out of Limerick,] - -Ormonde has been blamed by many Irish writers for not supporting the -Bishop of Clogher; but he had no army with him and no means of raising -one. Inchiquin's force had disappeared in the manner already described, -and Castlehaven could do little with his small following. Meanwhile, -the Shannon estuary was at the mercy of the Parliamentary fleet. -Kilrush and Tarbert were burned and all country boats destroyed, so -that Clare was cut off from the rest of Munster. The possession of -Limerick was absolutely necessary to keep up the communications between -Connaught and the other provinces, and Limerick was contumacious. -To those who criticised him for keeping the few soldiers he had in -scattered country quarters instead of concentrating them in important -garrisons, the Lord Lieutenant sarcastically answered that the towns -themselves were responsible, 'wherein we cannot yet prevail, nor ever -could, till by the enemies' lying at one end of the town we were, not -without articling and conditioning, permitted to put such men as we -could then get in at the other end.' He summoned a general assembly -to meet at Loughrea on April 27, enclosing a copy of the young King's -letter, which permitted him to leave Ireland if he could not secure -obedience. He had a vessel ready in Galway Bay, but the conciliatory -attitude of the assembly, owing to the presence of a lay element, -induced him to dismiss her and to stay on in Ireland a little longer. -The Archbishop of Tuam and Sir Lucas Dillon went to Limerick with -directions to settle matters between the town and Ormonde, who in -consequence received a rather halting invitation from the mayor, John -Creagh. He came within four miles of Limerick, and agreed to visit the -city on condition that he should be received with the respect due to a -Lord Lieutenant; that he should have military command within the walls, -and that he should be attended by his own guard of fifty horse and one -hundred foot, all Roman Catholics and old soldiers of the Confederacy. -The mayor would have agreed, but Dominick Fanning and a friar named -Wolfe possessed themselves of the keys, collected a number of young -men, who had already distinguished themselves by plundering Ormonde's -papers on board a ship, and admitted Colonel Murtagh O'Brien with an -Irish regiment consisting largely of recruits. Clanricarde, supported -by the Commissioners of Trust, called upon the Bishop of Limerick to -excommunicate Fanning and O'Brien; but, of course, this was not done. -Ormonde offered to remain in Limerick during the coming siege and take -his chance with the rest, provided he was allowed to put in a proper -garrison and strengthen the works as he thought fit; but his efforts -were all in vain, and Galway was equally determined not to admit -Clanricarde.[183] - -[Sidenote: and Clanricarde out of Galway.] - -[Sidenote: Progress of Ireton.] - -[Sidenote: Tecroghan taken, June 25.] - -[Sidenote: Castlehaven failed to relieve it.] - -While Ormonde persevered in his hopeless task, Ireton was gradually -reducing the few strongholds which held out to the east of the Shannon -after Cromwell's departure. The first to fall was Tecroghan, in the -south-west corner of Meath, which capitulated on June 25, only four -days after the disaster at Scariffhollis. That strong castle belonged -to Sir Luke Fitzgerald, whose daughter married the ill-fated Henry -O'Neill, and had been Ormonde's headquarters when Cromwell came to -Drogheda. Reynolds besieged Tecroghan about the middle of May, the -garrison being commanded by Sir Robert Talbot, a kinsman of Lady -Fitzgerald, under Ormonde's orders. This appointment displaced Major -Luke Maguire, and the everlasting jealousy between the native Irish -and the men of the Pale caused great dissension between the partisans -of the late and present governor. In order to relieve the place, -Clanricarde came to Tyrrell's Pass with 2000 foot and 700 horse, under -Castlehaven's command. Several miles of bog had to be crossed, and a -council of war was disinclined to move; but Castlehaven offered to -march with the foot, leaving the cavalry to distract the enemies' -attention, if possible. The latter part of the advance was along a -narrow causeway with deep ditches on either side, and the rearguard, -under Captain Fox, was ordered to face about and protect the convoy. -'He turned to his men,' says Castlehaven, 'and spake something in -Irish that I did not know, and, marching two or three hundred paces in -such a fashion that I could not tell whether he intended fighting or -running away. At last he did run away, and all his party followed.' -The van marched on into Tecroghan, but without the provisions and -ammunition; and Castlehaven with difficulty got back. Fox was tried by -court-martial and shot. No further attempt could be made to relieve -Tecroghan, which capitulated on honourable terms, the garrison marching -out with the honours of war, and protection was given for the property -of Lady Fitzgerald and some of her friends. By a special article, half -the guns in the castle were to remain with Talbot, provided he took -them within eight weeks. Carte says this was not done, and calls it a -shameful breach of faith; but it is very likely that the pieces were -not claimed within the specified time.[184] - -[Sidenote: Surrender of Carlow, July 24.] - -Ireton summoned Carlow on July 2, having already thrown a bridge -over the Barrow. Major Bellew, who commanded a garrison of about 200 -men, asked for three days' truce, which were granted, to communicate -with the Bishop of Dromore and with Preston at Waterford. Further -negotiations then took place, and it seems evident that the news of -Scariffhollis had greatly damped the ardour of the defenders. Ireton -took the bulk of the army with him to Waterford, leaving Sir Hardress -Waller to take Carlow, which capitulated as soon as a tower near the -bridge had been battered and carried by assault. The terms were as good -as those granted to Tecroghan, and Ireton, says Ludlow, 'caused them -punctually to be executed, as his constant manner was.'[185] - -[Sidenote: Surrender of Waterford, Aug. 10.] - -[Sidenote: Ireton's military justice.] - -[Sidenote: Waterford capitulates,] - -[Sidenote: and Duncannon also.] - -After the fall of Clonmel and the departure of Cromwell, Waterford -was almost isolated, though Duncannon was still in Irish hands, and -communication by the river could not be altogether prevented. But -Ireton had control of all the county of Waterford and of Carrick, where -was the lowest bridge over the Suir. It was therefore practically -impossible to relieve the city, and a small force encamped at some -distance was probably enough to stop the introduction of cattle or -other provisions by land. When Carlow was once invested, Ireton could -spare a larger force, and he left that place early in July to press the -siege of Waterford, having first sent a summons to offer fair terms. -The garrison were to march out and surrender their arms within four -miles of the town, officers and gentlemen retaining their swords and -pistols. Cannon were not to be removed. Private property of all kinds -was protected, and two months given to carry it away. Civilians were -to be disarmed, but not otherwise interfered with in any way, and the -soldiers might go where they pleased on promising not to serve against -the Parliament in England or Ireland. No obstacle was placed in the -way of taking service under any foreign government. These terms were -rejected, and a further summons was sent after the surrender of Carlow. -Preston or his son, Sir James, then made a sporting offer to admit -Ireton's infantry and let them do what they could inside the town. -There is a good deal of grim humour in the letters exchanged on this -subject, Ireton suggesting that 'old General Preston' must be dead. Of -course, this came to nothing. More importance attaches to the murder -of a man named Murphy, who was going out of Waterford into the country -with 80_l._ in his pocket. A major and a cornet were implicated, and -Ireton had them both shot. At last, after much correspondence, Sir -James Preston and others came out upon safe conduct dated the last of -July. The place of meeting was then called New Cross, just outside the -town on the south-east side and close to the Suir. It was probably the -news of Carlow having fallen that decided Preston to surrender, for -Ireton seems not to have been ready for an assault, though he could -annoy the town with his artillery. The terms were virtually the same -as those offered a month before, and on August 10, says Ireton, 'there -marched out about 700 men, well armed, the townsmen more numerous than -before we believed, and the town better fortified in all parts and -more difficult to be attempted than our forces conceived, there being -many private stores sufficient to have maintained them a long time.' -Duncannon, which it was now evidently useless to defend, capitulated -seven days later.[186] - -[Sidenote: Surrender of Charlemont, Aug. 14.] - -[Sidenote: A desperate defence.] - -[Sidenote: Sir Phelim O'Neill.] - -Having taken a fortnight's rest after Scariffhollis, Sir Charles Coote -proceeded to besiege the strong fort at Charlemont, which had been -in Sir Phelim O'Neill's hands since the first outbreak in 1641. As -Sir Phelim had accepted the peace of 1649 it was reckoned as a royal -fortress, and was the last to hold out for the King in Ulster. Venables -joined Coote, and a hot fire was kept up with guns and mortars; but it -was not till near the middle of August that a practicable breach was -made. The garrison made a desperate resistance, assisted by many women, -'who more appeared like fighting Amazons than civilised Christians.' -The storming-party were assailed not only with shot, but with scalding -slops and hot ashes, and were beaten back after two or three hours' -fighting. Venables had a narrow escape, but Coote, who commanded in -chief, remained 'a spectator, smoking of tobacco at distance.' The -total loss of the besiegers was not less than 500 men, but O'Neill's -ammunition was running short, and only thirty men out of 140 were able -to bear arms, all the rest being killed or wounded. He went out himself -to confer with Coote, while Colonel Audley Mervyn, afterwards Speaker -of the House of Commons, and Major King, afterwards Lord Kingston, were -sent in as hostages. The garrison marched out with arms and baggage, -Sir Phelim having leave to go beyond sea, and Coote undertaking to find -him a vessel. Unfortunately for himself, O'Neill remained in Ireland, -while Venables returned to Carrickfergus and Coote to Londonderry. A -Parliamentary garrison was left in the fort which had been so dearly -won.[187] - -[Sidenote: Meeting of bishops at Jamestown, Aug. 6.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde rebukes the prelates.] - -While the strong places of Leinster, Munster, and Ulster were being -reduced, Ormonde was struggling to maintain the semblance of royal -authority beyond the Shannon. The Loughrea conferences had led to -no good result, and the bishops assembled on their own account at -Jamestown in Leitrim on August 6. They announced their intentions to -Ormonde through the Archbishops of Dublin and Tuam, who reminded him -of what he knew only too well--that there was no army and no money, -and that the enemy were actually drawing large contributions from -Irish Catholics, whose country was in their hands; so that 'we are in -a fair way for losing our sacred religion, the King's authority, and -Ireland.' They invited the Lord Lieutenant to send a representative -to Jamestown, but he answered with perfect truth that this would be -useless after what had already happened. 'Ancient and late experience,' -he said, 'hath made evident what power those of your function have -had to draw the people of this nation to what they thought fit.' Yet -they had been unable or unwilling to give him possession of Limerick, -without which successful military operations east of the Shannon were -quite impossible. But he wished the Jamestown assembly all success, -especially if the object of the prelates was, as they themselves -admitted, to clear their own consciences. He had endeavoured to show -'that the spring of our past losses and approaching ruin arises from -disobedience, and it will not be hard to show that the spring of these -disobediences arises from the forgeries invented, the calumnies spread -against government, and the incitements of the people to rebellion by -very many of the clergy.'[188] - -[Sidenote: The bishops order Ormonde out of Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: His adherents excommunicated.] - -[Sidenote: Another fruitless conference.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde predicts increased confusion.] - -The Jamestown congregation met as announced, and after three or four -days' deliberation they despatched Bishop Darcy of Dromore and Charles -Kelly, Dean of Tuam, to Ormonde with full powers to explain their -views. They had observed with 'grief and admiration' that he threw -some of the blame upon them, showed to their own satisfaction that -they were not in fault, and left it to their emissaries to declare -what they believed to be the only possible means of preserving the -country. Ormonde prudently required the plenipotentiaries to put their -message upon paper; and the result was a peremptory notice to him to -quit Ireland forthwith. The writers plainly said that he was of no use -there, but that his great position and experience might avail something -if he was by the King's side. In the meantime, he was to leave the -viceregal authority in the hands of someone 'trusty to the nation, and -such as the affection and confidence of the people will follow.' On -the day before this message was delivered the assembled prelates had -actually excommunicated all who adhered to the Lord Lieutenant, so that -there was little sincerity in sending the Bishop of Dromore and his -colleague at all. The excommunication, with the declaration prefixed, -though dated August 12, was withheld from publication until September -15, so that Ormonde's answer might be first received. The Commissioners -of Trust persuaded him to summon the bishops to another conference at -Loughrea on August 26, and he went there himself; but they only sent -the Bishops of Cork and Clonfert, with no instructions except to demand -an answer to their order for his leaving the kingdom. In giving this, -Ormonde pointed out that he had returned to Ireland from a sense of -duty, that he had been prepared in April last to make room for a Roman -Catholic viceroy, but that many of the prelates themselves had then -begged him to stay; and that he waited now because the King's position -in Scotland was hopeful and orders might come which he would be sorry -should arrive in his absence. 'We plainly observe,' he added, 'that -though the division is great in the nation under our government, yet -it will be greater upon our removal; for which in a free conference we -should have given such pregnant evidence as we hold not fit this way to -declare.' The best chance of prevailing upon Charles to send supplies -was to be able to tell him how obedient and dutiful the people were. -A majority of the Commissioners of Trust, all Roman Catholics, wrote -in much the same strain, urging that disloyalty on the part of the -clergy would reflect upon the nation at large, and could only result in -general ruin.[189] - -[Sidenote: Charles II. repudiates the 'bloody Irish rebels,' Aug. 16.] - -[Sidenote: The King's mother idolatrous.] - -[Sidenote: And Ormonde's peace exceeding sinful.] - -[Sidenote: Commissions to Cavaliers revoked.] - -[Sidenote: Opinions of Clarendon, Carte, and Walker.] - -On August 16, four days after the decree of excommunication was -passed at Jamestown, an event happened in Scotland which was alone -sufficient to destroy all Ormonde's plans. It is less famous and was -less important than the Glamorgan treaty, but it shows that Charles -was his father's son, and he even contrived to better the instruction. -At Dunfermline on August 16, he was induced to sign a declaration in -which he professed himself 'deeply humbled and afflicted in spirit -before God' for his father's sin in opposing the Covenant, 'and for -the idolatry of his mother, the toleration whereof in the King's -house, as it was matter of great stumbling to all the Protestant -churches, so could it not but be a high provocation against Him who is -a jealous God, visiting the sins of the father upon the children.' He -further declared his conscientious conviction of the 'exceeding great -sinfulness and unlawfulness of that treaty and peace made with the -bloody Irish rebels, who treacherously shed the blood of so many of his -faithful and loyal subjects in Ireland.' For the future he would prefer -affliction to sin, and employ no one who had not taken the Covenant; -and he 'recalled all commissions given to any such persons.' The -baseness of this declaration can hardly be matched in our history, but -George IV. tried to emulate it when he authorised Mr. Fox to inform the -House of Commons that he was not married to Mrs. Fitzherbert. Clarendon -can only say that Charles was 'absolutely forced to consent' and other -apologists take the same line, but Carte, with all his royalism, was -not deceived by sophistry of this kind. He makes every allowance for -Charles's youth and difficulties, but with the scathing reflection that -'if a man once gets over his natural magnanimity he is afterwards fit -for anything; and having done one mean thing, is capable of doing ten -thousand.'[190] - -[Sidenote: Charles had confirmed the peace.] - -[Sidenote: His apology.] - -[Sidenote: Effect of Charles's declaration in Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: The Commissioners of Trust support Ormonde.] - -The articles of the peace had been brought by Lord Byron to the -Hague early in March 1649, and Charles had written twice to confirm -them, declaring himself 'extremely well satisfied.' These letters -were found by Carte among Ormonde's papers, as well as the latter's -acknowledgment, so that their delivery is not doubtful. Charles did -not deny the facts, and he sought for the means of neutralising them -as much as possible. The emissary chosen was Dr. John King, Dean of -Tuam, who had taken refuge in Scotland, and we have his own account of -the interview where he received his instructions. 'The Scots,' said -Charles, 'have dealt very ill with me, very ill. I understand you -are willing to go into Ireland. My Lord of Ormonde is a person that -I depend upon more than anyone living. I much fear that I have been -forced to do some things which may much prejudice him. You have heard -how a declaration was extorted from me, and how I should have been -dealt withal, if I had not signed it. Yet what concerns Ireland is -no ways binding, for I can do nothing in the affairs of that kingdom -without the advice of my council there; nor hath that kingdom any -dependence upon this, so that what I have done is nothing.' It is only -fair to say that after Dunbar had been fought he took the opportunity -of another trusty messenger to express his gratitude, begging Ormonde -not to run any unavoidable personal risk, but to leave Ireland whenever -he pleased. He had already advised him that Scotland was not safe, -and that he should seek France or Holland. It took Dr. King about -two months to get to Ormonde, and he at once undertook 'through -much hazard' to take the answer back to Scotland. The Dunfermline -declaration was already known in Ireland through other channels, and -Ormonde at first thought the report was a fabrication circulated by the -Scots politicians for their own purposes, but the Dean of Tuam brought -a printed copy with him, and there was no longer room for doubt. This -was on October 13, and Ormonde at once summoned the Commissioners of -Trust to meet him at Ennis on the 23rd, and by their advice convened -an assembly to sit at Loughrea on November 15. To the Commissioners -he explained in writing that the Dunfermline declaration had been 'by -some undue means obtained from his Majesty' upon one-sided assertions -of the peace being unlawful and without hearing the other parties. For -himself he was determined by every means in his power to maintain the -validity of the peace as binding the King and all his subjects until -the authorised representatives of the Irish nation should have 'free -and safe access unto his Majesty,' provided always that the Jamestown -declaration forbidding obedience to him as Lord Lieutenant should be -revoked, that the bishops should acknowledge that they had invaded his -Majesty's prerogative, and that he and the necessary forces under his -command should be freely admitted into all garrisons. The Commissioners -of Trust accepted the excuses made for Charles, whose declaration -they had read with 'inexpressible grief,' and for themselves agreed -to the Lord Lieutenant's provisoes. In order to prepare matters for -the 'assembly of the nation,' they asked and obtained leave to go to -Galway, and to confer with the standing committee of bishops there.[191] - -[Sidenote: A conference at Galway.] - -[Sidenote: The bishops will not have a Protestant governor.] - -[Sidenote: The excommunication maintained.] - -Six bishops met the Commissioners accordingly, among them being Darcy -of Dromore, French of Ferns, who was Ormonde's bitter enemy, and Lynch -of Clonfert, who had protested even against the short delay interposed -between the decree of excommunication and its publication. Bellings -and his colleagues suggested that the peace and the maintenance of -the royal authority were the only means of preserving union, and to -this end they asked that the excommunication and declaration should be -withdrawn with a promise not to renew them. It was understood by both -parties that Clanricarde was Ormonde's only possible successor, but the -bishops could and did argue irresistibly that Charles had withdrawn -his own authority 'and thrown away the nation from his protection -as rebels.' With less wisdom they declared in the baldest way that -it was a scandal to have a Protestant governor over Catholics, and -that in the abortive agreement between the Pope and Henrietta Maria -this had been provided against. They positively refused to annul the -excommunication or to promise not to renew it, and they reiterated -the complaints of bad administration already so often made against -Ormonde. In conclusion they agreed that Clanricarde should govern -with the consent of all parties and with 'the King's authority from -the Lord Lieutenant which he conceives is in him' until a free and -lawful assembly should otherwise order. If such a body decided to treat -with the enemy the Church would acquiesce, though she would be the -heaviest loser, but they conjured the Catholics of Ireland to imitate -the Maccabees, whose fears were greater for the Temple than for their -nearest and dearest kinsfolk. The result of this preliminary conference -was not very hopeful, but the compromise was accepted by Darcy, who two -months before had been authorised to demand that Ormonde should put the -viceregal authority into commission, the commissioners being all Roman -Catholics nominated by the bishops. This he had of course refused to -do, and Clanricarde was the only alternative.[192] - -[Sidenote: Assembly at Loughrea, Nov. 25.] - -[Sidenote: A Deputy to be appointed. Clanricarde.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde leaves Ireland.] - -The assembly began to meet at Loughrea on November 15, but did -not constitute themselves until the 25th, when Sir Richard Blake -was elected chairman. The lay element from the first asserted -itself, and some bishops, who in purely ecclesiastical manifestoes -considered themselves bound by the majority, showed a certain amount -of independence. On December 7 an agreement was rather unexpectedly -arrived at, and probably this was hastened by the fact that Ormonde -was on shipboard and might leave Ireland without delegating his -authority. First the prelates were induced to say that they had no -intention at Jamestown of usurping the royal authority, and no aim -but the 'preservation of the Catholic religion and people.' The -assembled 'Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Gentry' then declared -their conviction that the royal authority was the best bond of union, -and that no body of men in Ireland had any power to impair it. It is -to be observed, and no doubt Ormonde did observe, that the deposing -power of the Pope is not referred to. They then besought the Lord -Lieutenant to leave his authority in some person faithful to his -Majesty 'and acceptable to the nation,' to whom they promised ready -obedience. And they fully acknowledged that the retiring viceroy had -risked person and property for the royal cause, and that, even when -unsuccessful, he had 'faithful intentions and hearty affections to -advance his Majesty's interests and service.' This manifesto reached -Ormonde at Gleninagh in Clare, where he had put in before taking his -final departure. He wrote to say that he was not fully satisfied, but -that he had sent a commission as Deputy to Clanricarde, and he left it -to him to get further explanations and to accept or reject the charge -according to their tenor. This was his last act in Ireland until after -the Restoration and, having refused Ireton's offer of a pass, he sailed -on December 11 in a very fast vessel of twenty-four tons and four -guns which the Duke of York had provided for him in Jersey. He was -accompanied by Inchiquin, Bellings, Daniel O'Neill, and many officers, -and it was three weeks before they reached land at Perros Guirec in -Brittany. Forty men in a boat of twenty-four tons in the open Atlantic -and in midwinter must have endured very great hardships. Ormonde made -his way to Caen, where his wife and children were, and from thence -to Paris. A second ship with Sir George Lane and others reached -France, and a third with servants and baggage was lost at sea. The -distinguished exiles were from the first in the direst distress.[193] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[179] Clarendon's _Hist. Ireland_, 97-106; Cox's _Hibernia Anglicana_, -appx. 45. - -[180] Ormonde's Commission in Borlase's _Hist. of the Rebellion_, -ed. 1743, p. 311, and in the _Parliamentary Hist._ xix. 297; Sir C. -Coote to Lenthall, July 2, _ib._ appx. 28; British Officer's _Warr -of Ireland_, 115-119; O'Neill's Journal in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. -212; Declaration of the Ulster Party, May 20, _ib._ ii. 418; Bishop -Macmahon to Beresford, May 30, _ib._ ii. 422. In the English official -account, _ib._ iii. 166, the Bishop's army is described as 'all Irish -or Papists, not a Protestant among them, having taken up an opinion -that they should never prosper till they had cleared their army of -all Protestants.' A letter from Nantes, May 26, 1650, in _Spicilegium -Ossoriense_, i. 340, says: 'Decreverunt Catholici nostri nullam dare -auctoritatem ulli Anglo, et specialiter Protestanti, quia experti sunt -eos semper fuisse perfidos in omni occasione, et ita deduxisse nos in -ultimam fere ruinam.' - -[181] English official narrative in _Confed. and War_, iii. 166. -Coote's account seems pretty faithful in his letter to Ireton of -July 2, _ut sup._ The British Officer's _Warr of Ireland_ gives some -details. _Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 86, can hardly be trusted, but -it condemns the idea of an episcopal general as much as the last. -An extract from a Latin narrative by John Lynch, printed from the -Carte Papers in _Confed. and War_, iii. 154, says Coote had double -his opponent's number of infantry and treble of cavalry, and that the -Bishop gave battle 'concilio bellico refragante.' There is a good -account in Ludlow's _Memoirs_, ed. Firth, i. 255, but it is certain -that the Bishop was executed long after the battle. - -[182] Lynch's MS. _De Presulibus_ as above; O'Neill's Journal in -_Contemp. Hist._, iii. 212. Both Lynch and the Aphorismical Discovery -mention the Irishman (nefarius aliquis), who carried the news to -Enniskillen, 'per viarum compendia,' and the latter says his name was -Maguire. See Cox's _Hibernia Anglicana_, p. 23, and Borlase's _Hist. of -the Rebellion_, ed. 1743, p. 313. - -[183] Charles II. to Ormonde from Jersey, February 2, 1649-50, in -Carte's _Life of Ormonde_, ii. 107. The general assembly to Ormonde -from Loughrea, April 30, 1650, and his answer (same place), May 1, in -app. 46 to Cox's _Hibernia Anglicana_. Ormonde's correspondence with -Limerick, June 12, in Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion, _Ireland_, -117-121, and his instruction to Hugh O'Neill and John Walsh, June 29, -in _Confed. and War_, ii. 430. Ormonde's letter of June 14 to the mayor -of Limerick is printed by Cox, ii. 22. Captain W. Penn to Cromwell, -April 5, 1650, _Milton State Papers_, p. 5. - -[184] Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, p. 91; Carte's _Life of Ormonde_, -ii. 115; Dillon and others to Ormonde, May 16, in _Contemp. Hist._, -411, and the articles of surrender, _ib._ 489. The account of the -Aphorismical Discovery, who saw treason everywhere, is hardly to be -trusted, but he notes that the cannon were not sent for within three -or four weeks, and for a wonder does not accuse Reynolds of bad faith, -_ib._ ii. 95. - -[185] The summons and articles are in Borlase's _Hist. of the -Rebellion_, ed. 1743, appx. 26. Ludlow's _Memoirs_, ed. Firth, i. -255. The Diary of one of Waller's officers printed in _Confed. and -War_, iii. 218, says 'a passage over the Barrow was by one bridge of -bulrushes and another of timber.' - -[186] Ireton's account is in _Parliamentary Hist._, xix. 336. Diary of -a parliamentary officer employed in the parleys in _Contemp. Hist._, -iii. 219. Most of the letters are in the diary of Mr. Cliffe, who was -Ireton's secretary, printed in Borlase's _Hist. of the Rebellion_, -ed. 1743, appx. 32-45. Sir James Preston always signs as governor, -and perhaps his father, whose patent as Viscount Tarah is dated -Ennis (where Ormonde was), July 2, 1650, considered himself as still -general-in-chief. He stayed for some time in Waterford after the siege. -A round shot, which from its position may have come from the other side -of the Suir, still sticks in the tower built by Reginald the Dane, -which formed the south-east angle of the walls. - -[187] British Officer's _Warr of Ireland_, p. 131. Archbishop of Armagh -and others to Ormonde, August 18, 1650, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 173. - -[188] The letter of the two archbishops, July 24, and Ormonde's answer, -August 2, are in Clarendon, _Ireland_, 130-132. - -[189] The Jamestown congregation to Ormonde, August 10, and the -Bishop of Dromore's statement, August 13, in Clarendon, _Ireland_, -133-137; Ormonde's answer, August 31, in Cox, ii. 32, where the date -is misprinted; eight Commissioners of Trust (none of the names Celtic, -Bellings one) to the Archbishop of Tuam, September 2, in _Contemp. -Hist._, iii. 179. Fourteen bishops and the procurators of several -others signed the Jamestown declaration. Among the other subscribers -were representatives of the Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians. -The Jesuits refused to sign on the ground that they were not allowed to -meddle in politics and affairs of State, _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. -359. - -[190] The Dunfermline declaration is in the _Parliamentary History_, -xix. 362, and in Walker's _Historical Discourses_, p. 170. Whitelock's -summary leaves out the Irish part. Sir Edward Walker, who was with -Charles at the time, remarks, 'What induced him to do it I cannot say.' - -[191] The papers concerning Dean King's mission, August to October -1650, are in Carte's _Original Letters_, i. 391-399; the King's second -letter to Ormonde, September 13, _ib._ ii. 444, and his two letters -confirming the peace, March 9 and 20/30, 1648-9, _ib._ i. 363, 368. The -Ennis negotiations with the Commissioners of Trust are in P. Walsh's -_Hist. of the Remonstrance_, appx. 123-126. - -[192] Proposals of six Commissioners of Trust (Bellings being one), -October 29, and the six bishops' answers, November 5, in Walsh's _Hist. -of the Remonstrance_, appx. 127-135. - -[193] The Act of the Loughrea assembly, dated December 7, is printed -by Cox, ii. 51. For Ormonde's movements see Carte's _Life_, ii. 136, -and Clarendon, _Ireland_, 175; Ormonde to Sir E. Nicholas from Caen, -January 9, 1650-51, in _Nicholas Papers_, i. 215. Cox says Ireton -was advised to send a pass to Ormonde by a great man still living in -1688--this might seem to point to Ludlow, who, however, was not in -Ireland at the moment. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIV - -CLANRICARDE AND IRETON, 1651 - - -[Sidenote: The plague and famine.] - -When Ludlow landed in Ireland a few weeks after Ormonde left, one of -his first acts was to sign a proclamation prohibiting the slaughter of -calves and lambs. The waste of the war had been so great that there was -a danger of depleting the country of its stock. Starvation was imminent -everywhere, and to this the plague was added, which first appeared in -Galway and was supposed to be imported from Spain. The Aphorismical -Discovery relates with something like glee that the first house visited -was that of Sir Richard Blake, which had been cursed by Rinuccini, -and that the contagion flowed thence 'as from a channel, the divine -vengeance of high power unto the respective provinces of Ireland, -except Ulster, as not guilty of either censure, curse, or ejection of -my lord nuncio.' Ludlow says simply that it reached most parts, and -Bishop O'Brien of Emly that it was in every corner. It was very bad in -the south, Kilkenny, Waterford, and Limerick being severely scourged. -Bishop Comerford of Waterford estimates the deaths in his own diocese -at 5000, and many priests were taken. 'Our sins,' he adds, 'have -provoked this scourge.' - -[Sidenote: A devoted friar.] - -At first the English soldiers were nearly exempt, but suffered equally -afterwards; as a punishment, Ireton thought, for trusting in the -carnal arm and not giving God the glory. The bishops and the clerical -politicians generally do not show to advantage in their disputes -with Ormonde, and the narrative of a poor friar is much better worth -reading. Having visited in disguise Kilkenny, Ross, and many other -places he came to Waterford, where many were dying of the plague. 'Here -have I been,' he says, 'these six weeks ministering indifferently to -poor and rich, and here I intend to stay until plague or gallows ends -my life. I had no confessor until God sent an English priest to this -city, who, coming lately out of Spain into England, was pressed for -military service by the Parliamentarians, who did not know he was a -priest, and sent with others to Ireland, where he escaped and is now -in hiding here. I go freely about the city as gardener of its chief -heretic, and even work at carrying burdens with the porters. I am -indifferent whether God continues thus to hide me or not, but if I can -get away unrecognised I will go to Dungarvan and Youghal and so round -Ireland until He pleases to take me to Himself. Our father Gregory is -within fifteen or twenty miles, but being known and unwieldy he cannot -come to me, nor can I go to him or account of the scarcity of priests -in these parts, all the native clergy being driven out.'[194] - -[Sidenote: A regicide government.] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow and Cromwell.] - -[Sidenote: Instructions to the Commissioners, Oct. 1650.] - -Ireton was Lord Deputy, and commanded the army, but the Council of -State found it necessary to give him help in the civil government. -After some discussion, Edmund Ludlow, Miles Corbet, John Jones, and -John Weaver were appointed to settle the affairs of Ireland 'with -the advice and approbation of General Cromwell, Lord Lieutenant -thereof, and Henry Ireton, Esq., his deputy, or either of them.' Of -these commissioners the first three were regicides, while Weaver had -been appointed one of the late King's judges, but had never acted. -Ludlow was also general of the cavalry, and his friends suggested -that Cromwell only wished to get him out of the way, 'but I,' he says -himself, 'could not think myself so considerable and therefore could -not concur with them in that opinion.' He was not anxious to go, but -Cromwell declared that he was the fittest man, and that private affairs -must yield to those of the public. The Commissioners were instructed -to advance religion and to suppress 'idolatry, popery, superstition, -and profaneness,' executing the statutes against Recusants and taking -care that Papists should have no public employment, nor be allowed to -'practise as counsellors at law, attorneys, or solicitors, nor to keep -schools for the training up of youth.' They were to study the revenue -and reduce expenses as soon as the progress of the war allowed, and to -take especial pains as to the administration of justice. Ludlow and his -colleagues were all at Waterford before the end of January, and Lady -Ireton, who travelled with them, joined her husband there.[195] - -[Sidenote: Ireton a dilatory general.] - -[Sidenote: Hugh O'Neill at Limerick.] - -[Sidenote: Athlone town occupied, Sept. 16.] - -After the surrender of Waterford, Galway, Limerick and Athlone were -the only walled towns still held by the Irish, and the next work -awaiting Ireton was to find a passage over the Shannon. Vast quantities -of cattle, some stolen, had been driven into the Wicklow mountains, -which were diligently searched by Ireton's parties. In Glen Imale, -where the Royal Artillery now practise, a great herd was captured, and -part of it was handed over to Sir Hardress Waller, who was detached -at the beginning of September to summon Limerick, and to blockade it -as far as that could be done from the left bank of the Shannon. By -his defence of Clonmel Hugh O'Neill had earned the respect of his -foes, and civilities passed between him and Waller, but he declared -his resolution to maintain the city to the death, 'for the use of his -Majesty King Charles.' The citizens were well disposed to resistance, -but the unfortunate governor had no soldiers, and the corporation -would admit none. He himself was not 'excommunication-proof,' to -use Preston's phrase, and he thought it best to keep quiet until -circumstances changed. His personal safety even was doubtful, and -he begged Ormonde's pardon for not going to bid him farewell, since -he 'gloried in nothing more than to be esteemed a faithful observer -of monarchical government.' If Ireton had been a great commander he -would not have divided his army, and probably he could have taken -Limerick by pressing it resolutely when no preparations had been made -for resistance, and while dissensions were rife within the walls. -Instead of this he went to Athlone, where the garrison abandoned -the town on the Leinster side. Sir Charles Coote established a camp -among the half-burned houses, and Ireton occupied himself in reducing -scattered garrisons, which might safely have been neglected. The most -important was Birr, which was deserted by its garrison on the approach -of the army and occupied on September 28. Roscrea, Thurles, Cashel, -and Thomastown near Tipperary were visited, and on October 4 Ireton -encamped near the old Desmond stronghold at Lough Gur, whence he -approached Limerick on the western side. He asked for a passage through -the city, which he would then protect, but of course this was refused, -and on October 9 the Deputy went to see what could be done about making -a bridge at Castle Connell.[196] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde invades Leinster, October.] - -[Sidenote: Slaughter at Meelick, Oct. 25.] - -Axtell left Kilkenny with 800 men on October 6, and marched towards -Athlone, from which Coote had withdrawn northwards. While he was on his -way Clanricarde crossed the Shannon with over 3000 men, took Ferbane -and besieged Kilcolgan in King's County. In the face of a superior -force Axtell was unable to cross the Brosna, and drew back to Roscrea. -The Irish then summoned Birr, taking Streamstown and two other castles -near it, but retired again before a fresh advance of Axtell, whose -force was trebled in a few days by the arrival of contingents from -Tipperary and Wexford. On October 25 the Parliamentarians advanced to -the Shannon, where they found the enemy strongly posted in the island -or peninsula of Meelick, near Banagher, which was then accessible -only by one passage flanked with bogs and defended by three separate -entrenchments one behind the other. The two first were carried pretty -easily, but at the third it came to a hand-to-hand fight. Axtell's men -burst into the island and the slaughter was very great, five hundred -being driven into the river and drowned in one body. Out of at least -3000 men only 300 escaped by swimming across. Clanricarde, who thought -there was no danger, was away, but his waggon and tent fell into the -victors' hands. The lately captured castles were abandoned, and Axtell -returned to Kilkenny, having sent a part of his force to help Ireton -in besieging Nenagh. The latter place surrendered on October 30, its -garrison of 108 men marching out without arms, and the army soon -afterwards went into winter quarters at Kilkenny.[197] - -[Sidenote: Charles Duke of Lorraine.] - -[Sidenote: A belated condottiere.] - -Charles IV., Duke of Lorraine, who, according to Voltaire, spent his -life in losing his dominions, had been a lover of the open-hearted -Duchess of Chevreuse, for whose sake his state was made the focus -of intrigue against Richelieu. Louis XIII. when dying ordered this -mischievous lady to be kept out of France, and Mazarin afterwards -noted how disaster had dogged her footsteps in Lorraine and everywhere -else. Her sojourn in England preceded the rebellion there, her voyage -to Madrid was followed by the loss of Portugal and Catalonia, and her -stay at Brussels coincided with the progress of French arms at the -expense of Spain. Acknowledging the suzerainty of the Emperor and -repudiating that of the French king, the Duke of Lorraine had visions -of an eighth electorate, and of a commanding military position like -that of Wallenstein. He lost his duchy, he did not gain his electorate, -and the mercenaries whom he gathered from all sides, and supported by -plunder or by forced contributions, were used by the Emperor or the -King of Spain with very little regard for the permanent interests of -their leader, who, however, made money by the business like an Italian -condottiere of the fifteenth century. At the beginning of 1646 he gave -a commission to Colonel Thomas Plunket to raise an Irish regiment for -service in Flanders, and sought the assistance of Ormonde in so doing. -Plunket brought letters to the Confederate Catholics, also, with money -enough for recruiting purposes, and with a gift of four field pieces, -thirty barrels of powder, and some pikes and muskets. Through the -Spanish ambassador in London he had also obtained a safe conduct for -himself and a passage for his men through the places held for the -Parliament, and he was allowed to carry some of his levies to Flanders. -As the Parliamentarians had command of the sea, it was easy for Ormonde -to say that he countenanced nothing against the French court, and that -there was little chance of Irish recruits being obtainable for the -service of Louis XIV.[198] - -[Sidenote: The Duke's objects.] - -[Sidenote: Mission of Bishop French.] - -[Sidenote: Abortive dealings with Ormonde.] - -At the beginning of 1646 the Duke proposed to send 10,000 men into -England to help Charles I., but the plan was frustrated, if it was -ever meant seriously, by the unwillingness of France and Holland to -allow the embarkation in their respective territories. Interference -in England would have had sentimental motives mainly, but Charles -had other reasons for looking to Ireland. He was a bigamist, having -children by a second wife during the lifetime of the first, and he -was not of a rank to imitate Henry VIII. His object was to dissolve -the first union and to legitimate the second, and assistance given to -the Irish Catholics might gain him favour at Rome. The Irish officers -in his service would naturally push him in the same direction, and -the Irish clergy assembled at Clonmacnoise in December 1649 deputed -Nicholas French, bishop of Ferns, and William Burke, provincial of the -Dominicans, to ask the Duke's help. French carried a secret commission -signed by some bishops and others under their control, and without -any regard to the viceroy. The strength of England had not yet been -exerted, and the clergy fancied that Ireland could break off with some -foreign help. Many regretted that they had not supported Rinuccini -better. Patrick Rochfort, recorder of Wexford, a partisan of the -nuncio, went to Jersey about the same time to open communications with -Charles II., but he had no authority from anyone holding power in -Ireland. His main object seems to have been to intrigue for Ormonde's -removal from the Irish Government. The Duke of Lorraine's first -idea was to deal with Ormonde as the King of England's unquestioned -representative, and he sent over Colonel Oliver Synnott nominally to -recruit soldiers in Ireland as of old under Ormonde's authority, but -also with letters relating to the more important negotiations. Rochfort -followed Charles to Breda, and proposed to give Duncannon Fort to -the Duke of Lorraine as security for an advance of 24,000_l._ This -negotiation was carried pretty far, but nothing actually came of it, -and Duncannon was in Ireton's hands in the following August. Rochfort -and Synnott reached Ireland in May, declaring that they had thrown -overboard their most secret and important despatches for fear of their -capture by a pursuing frigate. There seemed probability enough in their -story to induce Ormonde to treat with them, and he gave a commission -to Lord Taaffe, Lord Athenry, and Geoffrey Browne to negotiate on his -behalf. Galway was now the object instead of Duncannon, but there -was mutual distrust between Ormonde and Synnott, and they came to no -agreement.[199] - -[Sidenote: Taaffe's mission to Charles II.] - -[Sidenote: Mazarin and De Retz.] - -[Sidenote: An exile at Paris.] - -While Synnott's business hung fire, Ormonde sent Lord Taaffe to the -King, and he sailed from Galway Bay on the last day of June, after the -arrival of Charles in Scotland. The Duke of York, who was the next -best authority, gave him a letter of credence to the Duke of Lorraine -at Brussels. Taaffe, whom Carte rightly calls 'a bold and forward -undertaker,' went first to Paris, which he found hard to leave, as -Rinuccini had done before him, and as so many others have done since. -Mazarin was much more anxious to keep on good terms with the Parliament -than to promote an Irish crusade. Moreover, his enemy De Retz was, by -Hyde's account, the best friend Charles had in France, and he certainly -gave him sound advice when he said that the profession of Catholicism, -however desirable for his soul's good, would prevent him from regaining -his kingdom. De Retz had befriended the Queen when he found her at the -Louvre, a few days before her husband's death, without funds or credit, -and obliged to keep the future Duchess of Orleans in bed for lack of -a fire. The coadjutor attributes this destitution to Mazarin, and -exaggerated his own services, but it appears from later researches that -the Queen's or Jermyn's extravagance had much to do with it. The Duke -of Lorraine had hesitated about embarking on an Irish adventure without -knowing the King of England's views, but it was thought impossible to -send a Catholic emissary to Scotland, and Henrietta Maria wrote twice -to that effect, advising the Duke to place the fullest confidence -in Taaffe. Later on she had not so good opinion of him, for without -consulting her he tried to negotiate a betrothal between the Duke of -York and the Duke of Lorraine's infant daughter. After lingering six -weeks in the French capital, Taaffe did not reach Brussels till the end -of November, nearly five months after his departure from Ireland. Want -of means may have been one cause of delay, for he says: 'I was like to -starve at Paris, though every person saluted me with "votre très humble -serviteur jusqu'à la mort!"' It became clear to him that nothing could -be expected either from France or Spain, but there was some chance from -Lorraine.[200] - -[Sidenote: A Lorraine envoy to Ireland] - -[Sidenote: Bishop French at Brussels.] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde and the Lorraine proposals.] - -[Sidenote: What Clanricarde agreed to.] - -Ormonde left Ireland in December 1650, and was destined not to return -until 1662. Meanwhile, the Duke of Lorraine sent Stephen de Henin, -Abbot of St. Catherine's, a person much in his confidence, to Ireland, -with letters addressed generally to the men in authority there. -Shortly afterwards he wrote to the Pope claiming to be the Church's -champion, and asking for Innocent's blessing and prayers. De Henin was -accompanied by George Dillon, a Franciscan who was Taaffe's uncle, -and who brought 5000_l._ as an earnest of what might be expected from -Lorraine. They landed at Galway on February 26, when Bishop French, -who hated Ormonde above all created beings, had sailed for France with -a private commission from some of the clergy. He stayed some time at -Paris, went on to Brussels about the end of April, and speedily gained -the Duke of Lorraine's ear. Madame de Chevreuse and the Duchess of -Orleans gave what help they could, and De Henin found the viceregal -authority in Clanricarde's hands, and being, in Clarendon's words 'a -wise man and of phlegm enough,' he refused to treat with anyone else. -Four of the Commissioners of Trust, of whom two had already been -employed by Ormonde, summoned Clanricarde from Banagher, and he gave -the Lorraine envoy a public audience at Tirellan. De Henin handed him -the Duke's letter, and Dillon the two last from Taaffe to Ormonde. -Dillon, who had had opportunities of knowing the Lorrainer's plans, was -called upon to submit proposals, and they were not such as Clanricarde -could possibly agree to. It was suggested that the protectorate of -Ireland should be handed over to the Duke, 'his heirs and successors,' -that Limerick and Galway should be given in pawn for his outlay, that -he should be invited to come over in person, and that in the meantime -Lord Taaffe should 'have as ample commission to treat and conclude -with his Highness, as his Highness's ambassador hath to this kingdom.' -Many of the Commissioners of Trust and several bishops had come to -Galway on hearing of the stranger's arrival, and they drew up fresh -proposals less bold in form, but equally destructive of the viceregal -authority. In the long negotiations that followed, Clanricarde showed -a good deal of diplomatic skill, and had no difficulty in proving -that neither the King alone nor any popular assembly without him -could convey away Ireland as an estate of inheritance. In the end the -Lord Deputy covenanted with De Henin that the Duke of Lorraine should -give 20,000_l._, including what Dillon had already brought, on the -security of Limerick and Galway, and of the whole nation collaterally, -but without binding any man's separate estate. The Duke was to have -the appointment of a commandant in each cautionary town, provided, -nevertheless, that 'in case of pressing necessity for the public -service of the kingdom, the Lord Deputy may make use of his power as -hitherto accustomed.'[201] - -[Sidenote: What Charles II.'s advisers thought.] - -[Sidenote: Extent of the Lorraine succours.] - -[Sidenote: Bishop French's abuse of Clanricarde.] - -[Sidenote: The viceregal authority set aside.] - -Ormonde, and the rest of the exiled family's chief advisers, with Hyde -at the head of them, had little hope from the Duke of Lorraine, whom -they considered fond of money, very cunning, and very much inclined -to have his pound of flesh. Nicholas saw very clearly that Taaffe was -no match for him, and that he was liar enough to 'deceive the Earl -of Norwich or any man living.' The object was to make a diversion in -Ireland, and so give the King some chance in his Scotch venture. The -Duke of Lorraine did actually give 20,000_l._ for Ireland, but this -was not enough seriously to affect the desperate situation there. If -anything, the expectation of these shadowy succours had the effect -of preventing the Irish from exerting themselves. Bad bargains were -made in buying arms, there was a good deal of waste, and the discount -on bills of exchange was so heavy that 'the sheer money,' to quote -Bellings, 'came far short of the first mouthful.' Dean King reported -that the 20,000_l._ was thus reduced by 6,000_l._ Rumours that more -was coming were sedulously propagated, and great things were expected -as far off as Madrid, and the farce was continued during the whole of -1651. This reliance upon a broken reed probably weakened the efforts of -the Irish. The Duke proposed to send a small army, but neither Spain, -France, nor Holland would allow it passage, and it was arms and money -that were wanted, for of men there were already plenty in Ireland. It -seems probable that the Duke had no intention of doing anything, and -that his real object was to further his matrimonial suits at Rome. To -that end he might be willing to outwit the Irish clergy as well as -the Protestant Royalists and the non-clerical Deputy. In addressing -the Pope he took his stand upon a decree of the Lateran Council under -Innocent III., where legates from England and all other States were -present, which gave the Pontiff power to appoint a protector if any -state fell into heresy. Innocent X., however, was cautious, thought the -Irish nation should be consulted, and that some more powerful prince -might undertake the work. Bishop French told Taaffe and his colleagues -that they derived their authority from the 'withered and accursed -hand of one for several causes excommunicated _a jure et homine_, and -at Rome accounted a great contemner of the authority and dignity of -churchmen, and persecutor of my lord nuncio and some bishops and other -churchmen ... who never joined the Confederate Catholics until he found -the opportunity of bearing down the Pope's nuncio ... comrade-in-arms -with Lord Inchiquin, who not long before dyed his hands in the blood -of priests and innocent souls in the church or rock of St. Patrick, in -Cashel.' He urged the agents to ignore Clanricarde's commission, and -to 'go on cheerfully in the contract with this most Catholic' prince. -Taking advantage of Taaffe's absence from Brussels, Plunket and Browne -did accordingly make an agreement with the Duke of Lorraine without -mentioning the Lord Deputy, and in the name of the 'kingdom and people -of Ireland.'[202] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's opinion.] - -[Sidenote: Terms of agreement with Lorraine.] - -[Sidenote: A "Protector Royal."] - -There was an Irish agent at Paris named Tyrrell, who intrigued with -Madame de Chevreuse and the Duchess of Orleans, but even before the -battle of Worcester Ormonde saw that the Duke would do nothing serious. -'He must,' he wrote, 'sit down with the loss of 20,000_l._, and they -(the Irish) with the state of perfect slavery, the frequent lot of -such as affect immoderate power upon weak foundations. The remaining -consolation is that, if the King recover England, Ireland will soon -follow, without which, if he had it again so peopled as it was, it -would be lost.' The agreement was signed on July 2, but was not -transmitted to Clanricarde until September, after the news of Worcester -had reached Brussels. Taaffe, who had hitherto been so sanguine, now -thought that the Duke of Lorraine would be unable to do anything; and, -indeed, he had probably no further object but to gain credit at Rome -by a show of strong clerical leanings. 'His proposals,' Taaffe wrote, -'discovered more of self-interest than affection to his Majesty.' As -far as the agreement could do it, he was constituted the 'true royal -protector of Ireland, and this to pass to his heirs and successors.' -The army and militia present and future were placed absolutely in his -hands, with power in his absence to appoint a substitute 'professing -Catholic religion, excluding all other whosoever.' All heretics were to -be expelled from Ireland. When these points had been granted, certain -provisoes making a show of preserving the royal authority were hardly -worth the paper on which they were written. Ormonde, who might easily -have been communicated with, never heard of the agreement until a copy -was sent back by Clanricarde from Ireland. At the time of its despatch -Limerick was closely besieged, and within a few days of surrender, but -the corporation of Galway received a direct letter from the Duke of -Lorraine, in which he held out hope of further supplies, and claimed -their help in carrying out the agreement made with Plunket and Browne. -Some powder was sent towards the end of 1651, but it was the 'basest -ever seen, not worth 2_s._ a barrel,' yet the Irish were afraid to -complain for fear of offending the Duke. In 1652 a very small further -supply was sent to Innisbofin. They sent a favourable answer by special -messenger, addressing the Duke as royal protector of Ireland, and when -the Lord Deputy remonstrated they practically refused to make any -excuse. He reported fully to the Queen and to Ormonde, and he could do -no more. The latter at least fully understood the matter. The object of -the Irish clergy, he said, was to call in a Roman Catholic protector, -'from which office to absolute sovereignty the way is straight and -easy,' and they were so intent upon this that they allowed the country -to fall into the power of the English rebels.[203] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde condemns the Lorraine agreement,] - -[Sidenote: and Charles II. approves.] - -[Sidenote: The Duke of Lorraine's reflections.] - -Clanricarde plainly told the Duke of Lorraine that he had been duped -'by the counterfeit shew of a private instrument, fraudulently -procured, and signed by some inconsiderable factious persons.' He -laid the chief blame on French, as the violent and malicious enemy of -royal authority in Ireland, and 'a fatal instrument in contriving and -fomenting all those diversions and divisions that have rent asunder -the kingdom.' He bade Bishop Darcy of Dromore, and the Archbishop of -Tuam, who must have known all about it, to observe the efficacy of -that prelate's powerful spirit in persuading and 'prevailing with the -commissioner to break and betray their trust.' Letters took a long time -in transit, but in February 1652 Charles II. wrote to Clanricarde, -entirely approving of his conduct, expressing full confidence in -him, and allowing him to leave Ireland whenever he thought fit. This -did not reach the Lord Deputy until August, and in the meantime all -negotiations with the Duke of Lorraine had been broken off. 'De Henin,' -says Clarendon, 'returned in the same ship that brought him, and gave -the Duke such an account of his voyage and people that put an end to -that negotiation, which had been entered into and prosecuted with less -wariness, circumspection, and good husbandry, than that prince was -accustomed to use.' While still professing his anxiety to help the -Irish Catholics, the Duke declined to have anything more to say to the -Commissioners, whose factiousness had spoiled all. Charles II. had -reminded him that Clanricarde was 'as zealous for the Catholic religion -as anyone in Ireland, and that he knew the affections and interests of -that people as well as any, whatsoever others pretend.' Of his dislike -to Clanricarde he made no secret, calling him a traitor and base -fellow, whom he would do his best to injure if he came within reach, -and when the Marchioness reached the Continent he regretted that her -sex prevented him from satisfying his feelings of revenge. The remnant -of the Irish in Innisbofin continued to hold the island for the Duke of -Lorraine, and to hope against hope for his arrival until late in the -year 1652.[204] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde on the results of Worcester.] - -[Sidenote: No help, even from Rome.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and the Ultramontanes.] - -[Sidenote: The Duke of Lorraine's failure.] - -When the news of Worcester reached Ormonde he knew that all was over -for a very long time. A Scottish army in England under Charles in -person, a still unsubdued Scotland behind that, and at the same time -enough resistance in Ireland to occupy a large Parliamentary force, all -these made a combination very unlikely to recur. The only chance, and -that a remote one, was that the parties into which England was divided -might fall out among themselves, and so the King come by his own. -'This,' he wrote to Clanricarde, who may never have got the letter, 'I -take to be a remote, lazy speculation, and very near lying in the dirt -and crying God help. God often blesses very improbable endeavours, but -I find not where he promises, or where he has given success to flat -idleness, unless contempt or misery, which are the proper fruits of it, -may be so called.' He thought the only thing to do was to seek foreign -help, and that the best chance was to try to make the Pope a mediator. -Attempts to get money from Rome for the Irish war had already failed, -but it was proposed to send Taaffe there a little later. The Pope -would do nothing unless Charles would satisfy him that he had joined -the Roman communion, and to let this be known would have alienated -England irretrievably. When, in due time, the treaty of Dover was -signed, Ormonde was kept in the dark. Bishop French, who had reviled -Taaffe for not signing the agreement with the Duke of Lorraine, did not -return to Ireland, but he attacked Ormonde long after the Restoration -for preferring Cromwell's protectorate to that of a distinguished -Catholic prince. It was, perhaps, impossible for an Irish Ultramontane -to understand the position of an English Royalist, but it is easy to -see now that Ormonde and Clanricarde were essentially in the right. -Neither they nor their master could help the usurpation, but they would -have destroyed their chances altogether by placing the sovereignty -of Ireland in the hands of a foreign adventurer, who could not call -a single sea-port his own. Two years later the Spaniards seized his -person, and the French annexed his army.[205] - -[Sidenote: Hopelessness of the struggle in Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: Operations in the midland counties, March.] - -[Sidenote: Finnea Castle, March 14.] - -The Parliamentary Commissioners knew that the Irish in Connaught -had received arms and money from the Duke of Lorraine, and that they -had great hopes from de Henin's mission. But Ludlow and the rest saw -clearly that the subjugation of Ireland was only a matter of time. They -did not advise any immediate reduction in the army, but a large part -of the country was now contributing to its support, and they saw their -way to diminishing the parliamentary grant for Ireland from 33,000_l._ -to 20,000_l._ a month. They hoped that the area still to be occupied -would on these terms be much narrowed by Michaelmas. Provisions and -clothes were scarce, 'yet your poor naked soldiers upon all commands -do go out most cheerfully,' and they were seldom idle. The Irish were -making great efforts to form a strong force out of the remnants of -O'Neill's and Preston's armies in Westmeath, Cavan, and Longford. To -prevent this coming to a head Hewson left Trecroghan on March 14, -marching by Tyrell's Pass to Kilbride, which made some resistance, and -through Mullingar to Donore, where Reynolds had stormed the castle with -much corn and other plunder in it. The two officers here joined their -forces to garrison and repair Lord Netterville's castle at Ballimore, -which had been partly dismantled by the Irish. Ballinalack, which -commanded a passage into Longford, was taken without much trouble, but -a strong stand was made between Loughs Kinale and Sheelin, where Lord -Westmeath had left a garrison in his castle of Finnea. He himself had -retired with all portable property to a stronghold at Termonbarry, in -Roscommon. Colonel Alexander MacDonnell, Antrim's brother, and Philip -MacHugh O'Reilly held the neighbouring village of Togher, where there -was another castle, but there was little discipline, and whisky was -easily obtainable, so that Hewson had an easy victory. O'Reilly, who -had kept his own head clear, could do nothing, and was fain to gallop -away, Sir Theophilus Jones being sent in pursuit of the demoralised -crowd. Many were killed and about 400 prisoners taken, including -the colonel, lieutenant colonel, and major--all MacDonnells, twelve -captains, and twenty-eight subalterns. According to the Irish account, -those who did not die in Dublin were 'transported to St. Christopher -as slaves.' The garrison of Finnea then surrendered on fair terms, the -men marching away under safe-conduct without arms, and Longford and -Cavan were at the mercy of the Parliament. Many still remained in arms -under Lord Westmeath's nominal orders, but they were little better than -brigands, plundering the poor, and even depriving fugitive friars of -such cattle as they had preserved for their sustenance.[206] - -[Sidenote: A turning movement in Connaught.] - -[Sidenote: Ireton's advice to Castlehaven.] - -[Sidenote: Ireton passes the Shannon, June 2.] - -[Sidenote: Coote and Reynolds elude Clanricarde.] - -Leinster and Ulster being now pretty safe, Coote was directed to cross -the Erne near its mouth, and to turn the line of the Shannon. Reynolds -was sent with a regiment of horse to help him, and there was no force -in Connaught able to repel the invasion. Coote and Reynolds were at -Athenry before the end of May, while Ireton himself advanced to the -Shannon opposite Killaloe, and Hewson to Athlone. Castlehaven was at -Killaloe with what were called ten regiments, 'but nothing answerable -in numbers,' and there he received a long letter from Ireton setting -forth the justice of the Parliamentary cause, speaking slightingly of -the King, and inviting him to retire to England, where he would be well -received. He would thus save his property and be spared a hopeless -struggle in company unworthy of him. Peter Walsh was with Castlehaven, -and by his advice Ireton's offers were spurned, after which all -intercourse ceased between the two generals. Preparations for crossing -at Killaloe, where the bridge was broken down, were openly made, and -more quietly at O'Brien's Bridge, where there had been no bridge for -generations. A few men were sent over in a boat at daybreak, and seized -an old house on the Clare side, under cover of which and of field guns -on the Tipperary shore 500 men were ferried over in one hour. The Irish -were seized with panic, and deserted their entrenchments, while Colonel -Ingoldsby with 300 horse crossed the river unopposed at Castleconnell. -Castlehaven came too late to rally the fugitives, and in his absence -Colonel Fennell deserted his post at Killaloe and fled to Limerick. -Ireton then crossed himself without trouble, while Castlehaven, whose -force had dwindled to 300 horse, lost his plate and other property, -and went northwards in hopes of joining Clanricarde and intercepting -Coote and Reynolds, who had left Londonderry together on May 5, and -who for the first time dragged two pieces into Donegal over Barnesmore -gap, 'till then thought impassable for the lightest carriages.' When -they drew near the Curlew mountains, where Sir Conyers Clifford -was overthrown in the Elizabethan days, their scouts reported that -Clanricarde had occupied the passes, whereupon they turned westward, -and got 'by strange and unexpected ways undiscovered into the county -of Mayo,' near Ballaghdereen, leaving Clanricarde two days' march in -their rear. They were at Athenry on May 31, and outside Loughrea on -June 2, where they lost no time, but pushed on towards Portumna without -fighting. Clanricarde and Castlehaven were together at Loughrea, but -too weak to do anything. They warned all the population to fly with -their property, and retired beyond the Galway river, taking refuge in -the town when Coote appeared on its eastern side.[207] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow's march to Portumna, June.] - -[Sidenote: Desperate defence of Gort.] - -[Sidenote: The laws of war.] - -As soon as he heard of Coote's approach, Ireton sent 1000 cavalry and -dragoons to meet him, with whom Ludlow, who volunteered his services, -started northwards through a desolate country. One 'creaght' or -encampment of half a dozen families with their cattle, was sighted, -and the soldiers would have killed these poor people as enemies had -not Ludlow interfered. 'I took a share with them,' he says, 'of a -pot of sour milk, which seemed to me the most pleasant liquor that -ever I drank.' Having marched forty miles in about twenty-four hours, -Ludlow left the bulk of his men comfortably encamped, and hurried on -with sixty troopers to Portumna, which, having repulsed one attack, -surrendered next morning. Coote being safe, Reynolds joined Ludlow with -500 horse, and they pursued Clanricarde as far as Ballinasloe, which -surrendered and was garrisoned. Reynolds then returned to Portumna, and -Ludlow marched through Clare to Limerick. At Gort he found that Sir -Dermot O'Shaughnessy had gone to Galway, leaving his tenants with some -soldiers under an English lieutenant named Foliot to hold the castle. A -countryman employed by Ludlow deserted, and told the garrison that he -had no artillery or other equipage for a siege. But faggots or fascines -were made, and each soldier carried one to use as a shield first, and -afterwards to fill up the ditch. Enraged by the fall of two comrades -the men climbed the twelve foot wall of the courtyard, helping each -other to the top. Some ladders were found inside which gave admission -to more, a window was soon forced open, and the occupants of the room -killed. Foliot fought desperately 'with a tuck in one hand and a -stiletto in the other,' but was soon run through the body. Faggots were -piled against the gates and fired, when the garrison, fearing to be -burned alive, hung out a white flag and threw down their arms. Ludlow -gave one of his men twenty shillings to fetch out two barrels of powder -that were near the fire, which could not be put out, eighty men besides -many women and children being rescued by 'skeins of match thrown up -into the chambers.' A few soldiers were put to death as defenders of an -untenable post. Ludlow says he was pressed by his council of war to use -this severity, but O'Shaughnessy's tenants were all dismissed unhurt to -their homes, and the general went on to Ireton, driving before him 500 -cattle which his foragers had collected among the Burren hills.[208] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Limerick, June-Oct.] - -[Sidenote: The bombardment does little harm.] - -Ireton came before Limerick on June 3 on the Clare side of the Shannon. -A large number of cattle had been collected at a place called Ferboe, -a little above the town, where there was a narrow pass partly defended -by an old castle. A stout resistance was made here, but Ingoldsby -forced the passage with his cavalry and drove the Irish back to -Thomond Bridge, about 150 being killed or drowned. The cattle formed a -welcome addition to the commissariat, and Ireton marched on without -further opposition. The estuary was in the hands of the Parliament, -and the next few days were spent in landing cannon and mortars. The -word bomb was, perhaps, first applied to the mortar-shells used during -this siege. June 18 was set apart as a day of thanksgiving 'for the -Lord's mercies in bringing us over the Shannon,' and other unexpected -successes, and on the next day Ireton having formally summoned -Limerick, at once began the bombardment. A battery of twenty-eight -guns played upon the castle defending Thomond Bridge. Two mortars, -afterwards increased to four, threw shells into the town, but the -largest, carrying projectiles of two hundred weight, burst, but without -hurting anyone. Ludlow joined Ireton three days later, and found that -a lodgment had already been effected on the great salmon-weir above -Limerick, where a castle still stands. Two guns were brought to bear, -and from one the first shot went in at a window and broke a soldier's -leg. The garrison at once took to their boats, but the fire was so hot -that they all rowed to shore and surrendered, some to Tothill on the -Clare bank, and some to Ingoldsby on the Limerick bank.[209] - -[Sidenote: Ireton's justice.] - -Ireton, says Ludlow, 'was so great a friend of justice, even where -an enemy was concerned, that, though Colonel Axtell was a person -extraordinarily qualified ... he suspended him from his employment.' A -court-martial had found that he killed prisoners who had been promised -quarter by soldiers, though not by himself. This seems to have been in -the attack on Meelick. Tothill was now charged with the same offence -and deprived of his regiment, his ensign being also cashiered. Tothill -pleaded that he thought no one could grant quarter but the commanding -officer, and that the Lord Deputy would be angry if he showed mercy. -Ireton said the punishment was too little for the offence and the -excuses equally abominable, 'for the base and servile fear pretended -in the latter part, as for the pride of spirit predominate in the -former.' He was somewhat consoled by the fact that Ingoldsby spared all -lives on his side.[210] - -[Sidenote: Fruitless negotiations, June.] - -[Sidenote: Non-combatants turned out of Limerick.] - -[Sidenote: Disaster to the besiegers, June 23.] - -[Sidenote: Ireton's explanation.] - -On the same day that the castle on the weir was taken, the garrison of -Limerick sent out a drum in answer to Ireton's summons. A truce was -asked for, hostages to be given by the Deputy during the time that -the representatives of the besieged were in his camp. Both conditions -were refused, but Ireton had no objection to treat for a capitulation, -and six commissioners were sent out, two for the garrison, two for -the citizens, and two for the clergy, a like number being named by -the Deputy. Among the former were Major-General Purcell and Geoffrey -Baron, one of the late Supreme Council; among the latter, Ludlow, -Waller, and Colonel Henry Cromwell. They met in a tent between town and -camp, dined together every day, and discussed the terms in a leisurely -way; but Limerick did not yet despair of relief, and the negotiations -came to nothing. Meanwhile, the bombardment continued, two bridges -being thrown across the Shannon, one of wood at Castleconnell and the -other of boats or floats, below the weir. O'Neill tried to reduce the -number of useless mouths by driving non-combatants out of the town. On -one occasion Ireton ordered that four of these poor wretches should -be knocked on the head, but the order was wrongly given, and forty -were killed--'an act much disgusted by his Excellency.' The castle on -Thomond Bridge was stormed after many hand-grenades had been thrown -in; which, strange to say, failed to ignite some barrels of powder -specially laid to blow up the assailants. An open arch under the -drawbridge was filled up with rubbish and faggots, so that the captured -work could be used against the town; but the garrison broke down other -arches, and there appeared to be no chance of entering that way. As -soon as the floating bridge was finished, Ireton fortified the Clare -end of it, and transferred the bulk of his army to the county Limerick -side. More than a dozen boats were laden with men, and an attempt was -made to seize the upper end of King's Island, upon the lower end of -which a large part of Limerick stands; but here the besiegers met with -a serious reverse. Four boats got over safely, under Major Walker, who -had been distinguished at O'Brien's Bridge, and three other officers. -Finding no resistance at first, the men got out of hand and ran through -the enemies' line up to a fort in the middle of the island. The -garrison sallied out and drove them back to their boats and to a fifth -which was just coming ashore, so that nearly all were either shot or -drowned. 'We find missing,' Ireton wrote, 'eighty-six or eighty-seven -men, besides the four commissioned officers aforementioned, and not -more whatever may be reported.' Abundant reinforcements were at hand, -but before order was restored it was broad daylight, and nothing more -could be done. A night attack is always risky, and Ireton acknowledges -that there was mismanagement; but some of Tothill's men who had broken -faith with the enemy were among those who perished, and on that -account, he adds, 'that most justly the Lord hath rebuked us, and cast -reproach and confusion of face upon us.'[211] - -[Sidenote: Athlone Castle taken, June 18.] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow in Clare, July.] - -[Sidenote: Ireton's devotion to duty.] - -The next day was set apart as one of humiliation for the sins of the -army, and on the following came the news that Coote had taken Athlone -Castle. Great efforts were made to relieve Limerick. Muskerry had about -5000 men in Kerry, with whom he intended to join Fitzpatrick, who -collected what was left of the Leinster forces at Galbally, near the -Glen of Aherlow. Meanwhile, David Roche was active with some 3000 men -in Clare, and Ludlow was detached to look after him. Roche, who was -besieging Carrigaholt, which had been but lately taken, drew off as -soon as he heard that Ludlow had passed the Fergus, and Captain Lucas -took the opportunity of slipping out with his men, whom he brought -safe to the Parliamentary camp. Roche then occupied the passage of -the river at Inch Cronan, so as to prevent Ludlow from returning -to Limerick; but his party were soon routed by a superior force of -cavalry. Some skirmishing took place among woods and bogs, during which -Connor O'Brien of Leamaneh, who commanded a regiment of horse, and was -perhaps the most considerable person in Clare, was shot. The Irish -were so light of foot that Ludlow could do but little execution; but -Carrigaholt was burned or blown up, whether by him or by Roche does not -seem quite certain; it was too remote to have much effect on military -operations. Having dispersed the Clare gathering and made all safe on -that side, Ludlow rejoined Ireton, and while the engineers were pushing -on the siege works accompanied him to Killaloe, where he repaired or -rebuilt the bridge. The Lord Deputy 'rode so hard that he spoiled many -horses, and hazarded some of the men; but he was so diligent in the -public service, and so careless of everything that belonged to himself, -that he never regarded what clothes or food he used, what hour he went -to rest, or what horse he mounted.' As a cavalry leader he might have -done better by giving heed to Francesco Sforza, one of whose three -leading principles was never to ride a horse that stumbled or cast its -shoes.[212] - -[Sidenote: Broghill made a general.] - -[Sidenote: His campaign against Muskerry.] - -[Sidenote: His victory near Kanturk, July 26.] - -[Sidenote: Superstition of Muskerry's men] - -Lord Broghill thought his services had been insufficiently -acknowledged, and when Cromwell left Ireland he announced that he would -obey no one but Ireton and Adjutant-General Allen. Ludlow sympathised -with his discontent, though he occupied in command of the cavalry -the very post that Broghill coveted. This, he assured Ireton, he -would never have accepted but as a matter of duty and in obedience to -positive orders. He advised that something should be done to content -Broghill, who, after much discussion, was appointed Lieutenant-General -of the Ordnance, with the rank of a general officer. In July 1651 he -was detached to intercept Muskerry, with not more than 600 foot and 400 -horse as a field force; but his own troop, consisting of reformadoes or -unemployed commissioned officers, was particularly efficient. Muskerry -collected nearly 3000 men, of whom about one-third were cavalry or -dragoons, in the woods near Drishane, where he had defeated Colonel -Elsing in the previous winter, and he got over the Blackwater to -Dromagh without fighting. At Castlelyons, Broghill had a message from -Ireton ordering him to use every exertion to intercept the Irish army. -On the 21st he went to Mallow with this object, and next day followed -them towards Castle Ishin, on the border of county Limerick, coming -upon their outposts at midnight in a storm of rain and wind. Muskerry -doubled back to Dromagh, 'but through a place and country that the -very Teigs themselves could hardly march in,' leaving Broghill to bar -the road to Limerick. On the 24th the Irish were at Drishane again, -whither Broghill followed next day, crossing the Blackwater, which -had risen much from the great rain. Unable to bring them to action, -he determined to return to Mallow for fresh provisions and take up a -position at Courtstown, where he could watch the road to Fitzpatrick's -position at Galbally. Before they had marched half a mile the enemy -suddenly appeared on the hills to his rear, and at last their whole -force descended into the plain at Knockbrack, to the south of Banteer -railway station. Broghill's men fought with great alacrity, and he -thought 'better knocking' had never been known in Ireland. One division -of Irish pikemen particularly distinguished themselves, and all fought -well, but, though almost surrounded by superior numbers, the veterans -had the best of it. Broghill narrowly escaped with his life, which was -specially aimed at, the Irish soldiers calling to each other to 'kill -the fellow with the gold-laced coat.' He lost under thirty men killed, -but there were four or five times as many wounded, and he admits -that his force was extremely shattered. Having no means of keeping -prisoners safely, he had given orders to make none, and at least 600 -were killed, but a few officers were taken to Cork. The priests had -exhorted the Irish to fight, and fortified their speech with holy -water and charms, many of which were 'found quilted in the doublets of -the dead,' and there was also a large stock of spare ones. A specimen -guaranteeing the wearer against war, water, fire, and pestilence, was -sent for parliamentary inspection: it claimed to have been approved by -the Council of Trent, and it was supposed that the Virgin Mary would -appear to the owner fourteen days before his death.[213] - -[Sidenote: The last battle.] - -[Sidenote: Ireton and Ludlow in Clare, Aug.-Sept.] - -[Sidenote: Guerrilla warfare.] - -[Sidenote: Pirates in the channel.] - -The fight at Knockbrack was the last in this war which deserves the -name of a battle. There was a prophecy current among the country people -that there would be one on that spot, and that the English would get -the day. Broghill noted that it was like Naseby, fair weather at the -beginning, then a thunderstorm, and then sunshine again. It made the -relief of Limerick impossible, and Ireton was justified in firing -salvoes of artillery and musketry. But guerrilla warfare continued in -many places, and the besiegers were always in danger of being attacked. -At the end of August or beginning of September Ireton and Ludlow were -both in Clare, catching horses and cows, but seldom their masters, -and placing a garrison at Clonroad to curb Clare Castle. Seizing the -opportunity of their absence, two thousand foot sallied out of Limerick -and almost surprised the cavalry guard; but the latter 'immediately -mounted, and being not accustomed to be beaten,' drove them back -into the town. Muskerry again collected some force, but Broghill -easily dispersed them, and the Irish general soon retired to Galway. -Occasionally the Parliamentarians suffered small reverses. Meelick, for -instance, was recaptured by Fitzpatrick at the beginning of August, -the garrison being all asleep. Phelim M'Hugh O'Reilly attacked Finnea -on August 5, but was beaten back with great loss; and there were other -considerable bodies of the Irish still together in Leinster and Ulster. -'I found them unwilling to fight,' says Hewson, 'though their numbers -be great.' But they sometimes surprised and routed small bodies of -troops, and they exhausted the country and made it impossible for the -people to contribute towards the support of the army. The detached -Parliamentary garrisons could just hold their own, but were scarcely -able to act on the offensive. Early in October Venables made an attempt -on Ballinacargy, O'Reilly's chief stronghold in Cavan, but was foiled, -the Irish retreating to a bog whenever he advanced, and watching to -intercept provisions, so that he had to return to Dundalk. It was -evident that nothing of importance could be done as long as Limerick -held out and kept the main strength of the army occupied. Even within -a few miles of Dublin, Sherlock kept 2000 men among the mountains, -and there was no force to attack him. Meanwhile, the coast was but -carelessly guarded, no Government ships being seen between July and -October. At Carrickfergus and at Wexford rovers took many English -vessels out of the harbours, and it was as hard to get in the customs -as the assessments from the country.[214] - -[Sidenote: Limerick closely invested, Aug.-Sept.] - -[Sidenote: Sufferings of the besieged.] - -[Sidenote: The party of surrender prevail.] - -After the failure of the boat attack in June, Ireton had been content -to rest his hopes mainly on famine and on the plague which raged -within the walls of Limerick. The garrison sometimes made signals with -fire, but without result, and spies had not much chance. One poor -woman brought a message from Roche, which might have caused a combined -attack by the garrison and by his men in Clare, but she was caught -and 'hanged for fear of giving further intelligence.' All attempts -to escape from the doomed city were ruthlessly repressed. No threats -were strong enough to deter these poor wretches, and an example was -made by hanging two or three and having the rest driven back with -whips. One old man desired to be hanged instead of his daughter, 'but -that,' says Ludlow, 'was refused, and he with the rest driven back -into the town.' A gibbet was then raised in sight of the walls upon -which condemned criminals were hanged, and this stopped the exodus, -but only for a time. Michaelmas came round without starving out the -place, and Ireton, having greatly strengthened his battering train, -resumed active operations, for the winter was approaching, and an Irish -soldier boasted from the walls that snowballs would beat bombshells. -But heavy guns had been brought up from the ships, and the counsels -of the defenders were divided. Overtures were made to Ireton early -in October, but three weeks elapsed and a fresh bombardment began -before the scale turned in favour of the party of surrender. The news -of Worcester had probably destroyed all hope, but an actual breach -was made before the decisive step was taken. A weak spot had hitherto -escaped notice, where there was no counter-scarp in front and no mass -of earth behind, and Ludlow thought it would soon have been untenable; -but Ireton, who had no vanity, thought the sudden surrender 'a mercy -most seasonable at the beginning of winter.' The English and Irish -accounts agree that there were two parties in the beleaguered city, and -it is possible that the weak place was pointed out by a deserter or by -one of the commissioners who had been going and coming between city and -camp. The charter required that a new mayor should be chosen on October -6, and the election resulted in the substitution of Peter Creagh, who -was peacefully inclined, for Thomas Stretch, who had sworn that the -city should be defended during his year of office. After more than two -months of a mere blockade, 'we began our approaches,' says Ireton, 'in -one night, and finished our batteries and planted our guns the second, -and next morning began to batter.'[215] - -[Sidenote: Capitulation of Limerick, Oct. 27.] - -[Sidenote: Persons exempted from quarter.] - -[Sidenote: Excommunication and interdict have no effect.] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill surrenders to Ireton.] - -[Sidenote: Fate of Fennell] - -The articles offered to the besieged in June and July had been on the -whole favourable, but an exception was made as to those who 'committed -the murders and outrages in the first insurrection before the first -General Assembly.' The members of that first Assembly and the clergy -generally were also denied all protection, so that the city contained -many desperate men, who naturally prolonged the siege as far as -possible. This mistake was not now repeated, but twenty-two persons -were excepted by name, who were all known or believed to have deceived -or overawed the generality of the people into 'the obstinate holding -out of the place.' All spies and a single Welsh deserter were also -excepted. Of those named, the most important were Hugh O'Neill, the -governor, the Bishops of Emly and Limerick, Major-General Purcell, -Ormonde's old enemy, Alderman Fanning, and Geoffrey Barron, amongst the -others being a few priests and friars. The corporation and the military -officers met, and decided 'that the treaty should go on, and that they -should not stick for any person exempted, or to be exempted, from -quarter of life or goods'; but when they met next morning to choose -commissioners, the two bishops, accompanied by others of the clergy, -appeared, and threatened to excommunicate them all 'if they should -deliver up the prelates to be slaughtered.' But the danger was too -pressing and ecclesiastical censures had become too common, so that the -commissioners were named nevertheless. The sentence of excommunication -and a perpetual interdict of the city were posted on the church doors, -whereupon Colonel Fennell and others were sent to seize St. John's Gate -and the adjoining tower. O'Neill remonstrated, but Fennell said he had -orders from the mayor and chief citizens. The governor, whose military -authority at least had hitherto been unquestioned, then summoned a -court-martial, but Fennell refused to appear. Lord Castleconnell took -his part, so that no sentence was passed; and Fennell, who had the keys -and some powder from the mayor, turned the guns upon the town, and said -plainly that he would not leave his post until surrender was decided -on. At last Ireton's preparations were complete, and seventeen heavy -shot were discharged with great effect against one spot in the wall, -whereupon a drum was sent out and negotiations began in earnest. Two -hundred 'redcoats' were admitted by Fennell into the gate-tower, and on -October 27 the articles of capitulation were signed. According to one -account, Fennell even threatened O'Neill with a pistol, when that brave -soldier rode out alone and delivered his sword to Ireton himself, who -treated him honourably. Fennell was not among the twenty-two specially -exempted from the benefit of the articles, but they did not protect -him or others 'from prosecution to justice in a judicial way for any -crimes they might be guilty of.' There is perhaps no positive evidence -against him, though he has always been considered a traitor by writers -on the Irish side. He was accused of a plot to give up Clonmel; and -Castlehaven, who is not much given to calling names, accuses him of -cowardice or treachery in quitting his post at Killaloe and flying to -Limerick, after the fall of which, 'Ireton, with more than his usual -justice, hanged him. Some say he was carried to Cork and there pleaded -for his defence how he had betrayed me before Youghal; but his judges -would not hear him on his merits, but bid him clear himself of the -murders laid to his charge.'[216] - -[Sidenote: Treatment of the besieged.] - -[Sidenote: The Bishop of Limerick escaped.] - -[Sidenote: The Bishop of Emly hanged.] - -Soldiers and citizens were allowed to go free, and time was given -to remove personal property, but without any guarantee for lands or -houses; and Ireton evidently contemplated a partial colonisation. The -garrison of 2000 had been reduced to about 1200, who marched out after -giving up their arms, and the city contained about 4000 other men -capable of bearing arms, though about 5000 persons had perished 'by -the sword without and the famine and plague within.' He was inclined -to spare those who had not shown themselves irreconcilable; but there -would still be plenty of room for settlers. In the meantime, he had -himself to deal with as many of the excepted persons as he could -catch. Besides the governor, ten of them voluntarily surrendered, -and their fate was reserved for further consideration. Some of the -others were not caught, among them the Bishop of Limerick, who escaped -in a soldier's dress, joined Muskerry in Kerry, and died at Brussels -in 1654. Ireton did not regret this, as he found that he had not -been one of the violent party; he had formerly been well disposed -to Ormonde. The Bishop of Emly took refuge in the pest-house, where -he was quickly taken and hanged by order of a court-martial. He had -been the soul of the defence all along, and has always been regarded -as a martyr by those of his own faith. His head was placed over one -of the gates, as were those of Stretch and of Purcell, who alone -behaved in a pusillanimous manner. Five or six others were executed, -including a priest named Walsh, who served as a captain, Sir Geoffrey -Gallwey, Geoffrey Baron, and Dr. Higgins, a physician who, according -to the military diarist, was 'powder-maker and money-coiner to the -besieged.'[217] - -[Sidenote: O'Neill is tried] - -[Sidenote: and acquitted] - -[Sidenote: He returns to Spain,] - -[Sidenote: and claims the earldom of Tyrone.] - -Hugh O'Neill was the last of that great clan who played an important -part in Irish history, and he bore himself worthily. Ireton seems -to have treated him personally with courtesy, but he influenced the -court-martial against him because of the blood shed through his defence -of Clonmel. He pleaded that the war had gone on long before he came -upon the invitation of his countrymen, that he had always been a fair -enemy, and that he had often advised the townsmen not to prolong a -conflict which he had seen to be hopeless from the first; that he -had carefully observed the capitulation by surrendering all stores, -'without embezzlement, and his own person to the Deputy'; and that he -was entitled to the benefit of the articles. Many of the officers, -including Ludlow, accepted his defence, and Ireton, 'who was now -entirely freed from his former manner of adhering to his own opinion, -which had been observed to be his greatest infirmity,' allowed a third -vote after sentence of death had been twice passed. He was acquitted, -sent to England in the same ship that carried Ireton's embalmed body, -and well treated in the Tower. After a few months he was released at -the instance of the Spanish ambassador, on the ground that he was born -in Flanders a vassal of the King of Spain, that he was not concerned in -the first outbreak in Ireland 'nor in the excesses which were committed -at that time,' and that he would be very useful in managing the Irish -soldiers whom the Commonwealth allowed to be recruited for the Spanish -service; and in the end this was agreed to. After the Restoration he -wrote to Charles II. pointing out that his cousin John's death had made -him Earl of Tyrone, and asking the King to acknowledge him as such. The -attainder was, of course, not reversed, and O'Neill, who was in bad -health when he wrote, probably died not long after. The title of Earl -of Tyrone was conferred on Lord Power in 1673.[218] - -[Sidenote: Geoffrey Barron executed.] - -Geoffrey Barron had been sent early in 1642 to solicit Richelieu's help -for the Confederacy, and he had remained throughout one of its most -irreconcileable partisans. He now pleaded that he had fought for the -liberties of his country just as the English Puritans professed to do. -Ireton thought it answer enough to say that Ireland was a conquered -country, that the Irish had been only too well treated under Charles -I., notwithstanding which they had robbed and murdered the English -wholesale, and that in the matter of religion the Puritans fought to -preserve their natural rights, whereas the Roman Catholics 'would not -be contented unless they might have power to compel all others to -submit to their impositions upon pain of death.' The two points of view -were hopelessly opposed, and the court-martial were satisfied with the -Lord Deputy's reasoning. During the short time that was left to him -Barron is said to have looked out a wedding suit of white taffety, in -which he was hanged, in the belief that his soul would 'straight enjoy -the pleasures of heaven, in the consummation of that eternal nuptial -felicity.'[219] - -[Sidenote: Reinforcements from England, June.] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow in Clare, November.] - -[Sidenote: Ireton joins him.] - -[Sidenote: Lady Honora O'Brien.] - -Starvation had not done its work as Ireton had expected, but no horses -were found in Limerick at its surrender, and they had probably been -eaten. The besiegers commanded the estuary, and were in no want of -provisions, but the waste among the men must have been considerable, -less by actual fighting than by hardship and sickness. Reinforcements -had, however, been poured into Ireland during the summer, and Ireton -makes no complaint of insufficient numbers. An Act passed in April -authorised the impressment of 10,000 men, and was not suffered to -remain a dead letter. As early as June 25 nearly that number had been -landed at Dublin or Waterford. They were of three classes, drafts from -English garrisons, pressed men, and volunteer recruits. Some were too -young for the work, and these were mainly among the volunteers. Money -and ammunition was also ungrudgingly supplied, and no time was lost -in following up the capture of Limerick. On November 1 Ludlow marched -out to Inchecronan with 2000 foot and 1500 horse, and on the 4th, -after some parleying, Clare Castle surrendered. Though very strong, -it was evidently untenable now that the great siege was over. The -guns lost in July were recovered, and about 230 men marched out with -the honours of war and with power to go where they pleased. Those who -desired protection were to have it, 'except Romish priests, Jesuits, -and friars.' Carrigaholt also surrendered and was garrisoned, after -which the whole of Clare was at the mercy of Parliament. Ireton joined -Ludlow, and they visited the barony of Burren, 'where there is not -water to drown a man, wood enough to hang one, nor earth enough to bury -him,' but good pasture between the rocks. In riding through the Corofin -district towards Ennis most of the horses cast their shoes among the -crags; they carried spare ones, yet a single shoe was sold for five -shillings before night. Next morning came Lady Honora O'Brien, youngest -daughter of the late Earl of Thomond and niece of his successor, who -was accused of harbouring the enemies' goods and cattle while herself -enjoying the Lord Deputy's protection. Ireton rebuked her, whereupon -'she burst into tears, promising to mend her ways', and begging -Ludlow's intercession, which was successful. 'As much a cynic as I am,' -said Ireton, 'the tears of this woman moved me.'[220] - -[Sidenote: Death of Ireton, Nov. 26.] - -The weather was very bad during this journey in Clare, and both -generals caught bad colds. Ludlow's constitution triumphed, and he -lived till 1692, but Ireton succumbed. In spite of entreaties he had -neglected his health during the siege, not putting 'off his clothes -all that time, except to change his linen,' and never resting, though -he was in a burning fever. Sir Robert King wondered that he was not as -mad as a March hare, 'pen, tongue, head or both, or all, incessantly -at work.' Ludlow was not with him when he died, and we have few -particulars. In announcing his loss to Cromwell, the Commissioners -call him an incomparable man, and it is certain that he had a high -sense of duty and that he was not a self-seeker. Clarendon and others -have thought that his republicanism might have prevented Cromwell's -rise to supreme power, but of this there is no evidence. There have -been equally vain speculations as to whether Mirabeau, had he lived, -could have stopped the French Revolution. Ireton had signed the -death-warrant, and as a regicide was of course against restoring the -Stuarts, but he was not a theoretical republican, though he would have -disliked the supremacy of the army.[221] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[194] Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 261; _Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 97; -Letters (Latin) of the Bishop of Waterford, March 3, 1651, of the -Bishop of Emly, March 29, and of Anthony Nugent, 'capucinus indignus,' -June 30, all three in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 363-373. Borlase -says 17,000 were reported to have died in and about Dublin. Ireton -and his officers to Cromwell and the army in Scotland, July 10, 1651, -_Milton State Papers_, p. 72. - -[195] The instructions to the Commissioners from the Council of State -were laid before Parliament, October 4, 1650, and are given in the -_Parliamentary History_, xix. 406. Corbet was substituted for Salwey, -who had been named but excused at his own request; Ludlow's _Memoirs_, -i. 249, 259. - -[196] Hugh O'Neill to Ormonde, September 9 and 15, 1650, in _Contemp. -Hist._ iii. 180; Diary of Parliamentary Officers, _ib._ 220; W. Basil, -A.G., to Lenthall, November 3, _ib._ 265, and to Bradshaw, November 4, -in _Parl. Hist._ xix. 439. - -[197] Basil's letters and Parliamentary officers' diary, _ut sup._ - -[198] Duke of Lorraine to Ormonde, February 8, 1646, in _Confed. and -War_, v. 259; Dumoulin to Mazarin, May and June, _ib._ 346; Cousin's -_Madame de Chevreuse_; Mazarin to Anne of Austria, April 1651, in -Ravanel's _Lettres du Cardinal Mazarin_. I have followed Martin and the -_Biographie Universelle_, as well as the Duke's own agreement with the -Irish, in writing Charles IV.--Gardiner and others call him Charles III. - -[199] Nicholas to Ormonde, February 11/21, 1649-50, in Carte's -_Original Letters_; Long to Ormonde, _ib._; Duke of Lorraine to -Ormonde, April 29, 1650, in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 399; Ormonde to -Synnott, June 25, _ib._ 428. See also Carte's _Ormonde_, book v., and -_Hibernia Dominicana_, p. 695; Clarendon's _Hist._ xiii. 176. Rochfort -reached Jersey January 12, 1649-50, see Hoskin's _Charles II. in the -Channel Islands_, ii. 367. Letters from Charles I. to the Queen, in the -_King's Cabinet Opened_, February-March, 1644-5. - -[200] Taaffe to Ormonde, January 3 and 5, 1650-51, in Clanricarde's -_Memoirs_; Letters of James and Henrietta Maria, _ib._ 40-42; -Clarendon's _Hist._ xiv. 66; _Clarendon State Papers_, iii. 128; -De Retz _Mémoires_, part ii. vol. ii. 197, in the Grands Ecrivains -edition. 'Les biographes de Charles nous racontent qu'à cette époque de -sa vie il était revenu à l'idée d'aller tenter au loin quelque grande -aventure et à peu près décidé à céder aux instances que les évêques -catholiques d'Irlande lui faisaient continuellement adresser par le -Pape, afin qu'il leur vînt en aide contre la tyrannie de Cromwell. Ils -nous le représentent comme occupé à signer aux Irlandais réfugiés à -Bruxelles des patentes de colonels et d'officiers dans son armée de -secours, armant des vaisseaux pour passer le détroit et déjà tout prêt -à s'embarquer.'--D'Haussonville's _Hist. de la Réunion de Lorraine_, -ed. 1860, chap. 23, pp. 221-2. - -[201] Duke of Lorraine to Innocent X., February 11, 1651, in -_Spicilegium Ossoriense_, ii. 84; _ib._ 92 for French's movements; -Letters in Clanricarde _Memoirs_, February 27, 1650-1 till April -4, when the agreement was signed; Clarendon's _Hist._, xiii. 182. -According to D'Haussonville (chap. 23), the state of French politics -was what really prevented Duke Charles from going to Ireland. He could -not afford to be out of the way just when Mazarin's flight seemed to -give him a chance. Ireton was well informed about these intrigues, -as may be seen from William King's letter to him, March 24, 1650-51, -printed in Z. Grey's _Examination of Neal_, iv. appx. 7. - -[202] The Duke of Lorraine's supplies reached Ireland in March 1651, -_Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 368; Bellings to Ormonde, April 10, -1651, in _Confederation and War_, vii. 370; Clanricarde _Memoirs_, -April-October; intercepted intelligence from Madrid, May 20, and -from Rome, May 22, in _Milton State Papers_, p. 67. According to the -_Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 153, French's letter was written early in -July (more probably the end of June, since the agreement inspired by it -was of July 2). In Carte's _Original Letters_ are several from Nicholas -commenting on the Duke of Lorraine's proceedings. Dean King's report to -Charles II., April 1, 1652, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 301; Nicholas to -Hyde, April 4, 1651, in _Nicholas Papers_. - -[203] Ormonde to Nicholas, August 3, 1651, in _Nicholas Papers_. The -agreement is dated July 2, 1651, and the Duke's covering letter to -Clanricarde, September 10, but they did not reach him till October 12. -The Galway letter to the Duke is of October 15--all in Clanricarde -_Memoirs_. Taaffe to Ormonde, September 30 and November 23, in _Fourth -Rep. of Hist. MSS. Comm._, appx. 569; intercepted intelligence from -Paris, June 14 and 17, in _Milton State Papers_, p. 68; Ormonde to -Hyde, in _Clarendon S.P._, June 30, 1651; Patrick Archer to Ormonde, -January 19, 1651-2, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 281. As to the supply -to Innisbofin in 1652, _ib._ 356. Writing to Clanricarde on March 23, -1651-2, Charles H. says other supplies had been stopped 'by some rude -people in Zeland,' Clanricarde's _Memoirs_, part ii. 52. - -[204] _Aphorismical Discovery_, 996. Clanricarde's letters in -October to the Duke of Lorraine, to Henrietta Maria, to Ormonde, -Muskerry, Darcy, &c., are in his _Memoirs_, with the answers; Duke -of Lorraine's letter breaking off negotiations, February 14, 1652, -in Clarendon _Cal._ For his hostility to Clanricarde see Hist. MSS. -Comm. Calendar of _Ormonde Papers_, 1902, i. 256; for the difficulties -in corresponding with Ireland at this time see Ormonde's letter to -Muskerry of March 19/21, _ib._ 264; Clarendon's _Hist._, xiii. 176-182. -Other accounts of the whole affair are in Carte's _Life of Ormonde_ and -in _Hibernia Dominicana_. - -[205] Unfinished letter from Ormonde to Clanricarde in September 1651; -Carte's _Original Letters_, i. 460; French to Taaffe, August 10, 1651, -and the answer, September 22, in _Clarendon S.P._ French's _Unkinde -Deserter_, published in 1676. 'Quelle destinée pour l'ennemi obstiné de -la cour de France, pour l'infatigable allié de la maison d'Autriche, de -voir au bout de vingt années, ses troupes au service des Français et sa -personne au pouvoir des Espagnols.'--D'Haussonville, chap. 24, p. 296. - -[206] Ludlow, Corbet, Jones, and Weaver to Lenthall, March (before the -25th), 1650-51, in Cary's _Memorials_, ii. 253; Hewson to Lenthall, -with the articles for surrender of Finnea, March 14, published by order -of Parliament, London, March 25; _Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 134-138. - -[207] Journal of Parliamentary officer in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 227; -Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, 95. - -[208] Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 269-274, May 31 to June 17. - -[209] Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 274; Ireton's letter of July 15, in _Sad -News from Ireland_, published by order of Parliament, but Scobell's -imprimatur is dated July 4, probably for 24. - -[210] Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 263-274, and Ireton's letter, _ut sup._ -See also Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, ii. 48, 52. - -[211] Ireton's letter of July 15 in _Sad News from Ireland_, _ut sup._; -Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 274-6; Diary in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 241, -where the abortive propositions for surrender are given. As Ireton -suspected, greatly exaggerated reports of the repulse at Limerick were -circulated in England, see for example Lord Derby's letter in Cary's -_Memorials_, ii. 287. - -[212] _Ludlow_, i. 276-279. - -[213] This account is taken from the narrative enclosed in Broghill's -letter to Lenthall, dated Mallow, July 28, and printed by order of -Parliament along with another dated Blarney, August 1. A copy is -abstracted in the Calendar of State Papers, _Ireland_, addenda p. -303. Notes in Broghill's own hand, preserved at Lismore, are printed -in Smith's _Hist. of Cork_, but wrongly placed under 1652. Journal in -_Contemp. Hist._, iii. 246; Ludlow, i. 276. 'My boldest horse being -twice wounded,' Broghill writes, 'became so fearful that he was turned -to the coach.' Some accounts call this the battle of Knocknaclashy. - -[214] Hewson to Bradshaw, August 6, 1651, in _Parl. Hist._, xx. 32; -Corbet, Jones, and Weaver to Lenthall, September 18, in appx. to -_Ludlow_, i. 490. A disastrous skirmish near Cullenagh in Queen's Co. -is reported at September 15 by the Diarist, _Contemp. Hist._, i. 252. - -[215] Ireton to Lenthall, November 3, 1651, printed by order of -Parliament, November 28; Ludlow, i. 286; Diary in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. -253, 262, 264. In the list of mayors in Lenihan's _Hist. of Limerick_ -Stretch's name does not occur; perhaps there was a by-election. - -[216] Relation by Dr. William Layles (probably the same as Lawless, -an old Limerick name), endorsed by Clanricarde, calendared among -_Clarendon MSS._ at October 27. The writer was present in the town. -The above is printed in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 263, and the articles -of surrender are at p. 254. The Aphorismical Discovery, _ib._ 19, -gives even greater importance to Fennell. Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, 95. -Clarendon, _Ireland_, p. 199, says Fennell was executed some months -after the siege, so that it was not Ireton's doing. The crime for -which he suffered appears to have been the murder of Edward Croker -near Youghal on Shrove Tuesday, 1642, _Hickson_, ii. 139. See also the -letter in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 403, July 1653: 'Those of the -Irish army who forced us to render Limerick upon so base conditions -were hanged at Cork, viz. Col. Ed. Fennell and Lt.-Col. William Bourke, -of Brittas.' - -[217] From a comparison of all the accounts it is certain that the -Bishop of Emly, Purcell, Baron, Stretch, Walsh, Fanning, and Higgins, -were executed soon after the surrender. Layles, who was not present, -had heard that two priests, Francis and George Wolfe, also suffered as -well as Fanning's two sons and brother. The _Aphorismical Discovery_ -says Fanning was betrayed by a servant, when taking refuge from -the cold among the soldiers quartered in the cathedral. Clarendon, -_Ireland_, 198, says he had been refused food and shelter by his own -wife. See also note to Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, ii. 57. As to the -execution of James Wolfe, a Dominican, there can be little doubt, see -Clarendon, _ut sup._, 199, and _Hibernia Dominicana_, 568. - -[218] _Ludlow_, i. 288; Thurloe, i. 212; _Contemp. Hist._ iii. -_passim_. Cromwell is said to have specially recommended O'Neill -to Philip IV., as a good soldier. On February 4, 1652-3, O'Neill -petitioned the Council of State, and on April 1 he was discharged from -the Tower, _Cal. of S.P. Dom._ - -[219] _Ludlow_, i. 288; _Aphorismical Discovery_, iii. 20. - -[220] _Ludlow_, i. 290-293, 278 (with Mr. Firth's note); Diary in -_Contemp. Hist._, iii. 241, 249, 260; Scobell's _Acts and Ordinances_, -ii. 154. 'A lady that went for a maid, but few believed it,' Lady -Fanshawe's _Memoirs_, 57. - -[221] See Preface to _Clarke Papers_, i. lxviii.; Irish Commissioners -to Cromwell December 2, 1651, printed in appx. to Firth's _Ludlow_, i. -496, and _ib._ 297; W. Rowe to Cromwell in _Milton State Papers_, p. 17. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXV - -LAST PHASE OF THE WAR, 1652 - - -[Sidenote: Galway still holds out, Dec. 1651.] - -[Sidenote: Ireton's last summons to Galway.] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow commander-in-chief, Dec. 1651.] - -Ireton wished to press on to Galway, and Ludlow thought it could -easily be brought to surrender while the garrison were 'under a great -consternation by the loss of Limerick.' But there was much sickness -in the army, and officers generally were unwilling to begin another -troublesome campaign in November. Coote, who had been for some -time blockading Galway on the east side, came to the camp and gave -his opinion against immediate action. He did not believe the place -could be taken without attacking it on both sides. A bridge had been -prepared for the short river between Lough Corrib and the sea, but -the right bank was strongly fortified, and it would be impossible -to throw it across. It would be necessary to go all round by Cong, -where Clanricarde lay with 3000 men. Even if the passage were forced -many rivers lay in the way, none of which were fordable in case of -heavy rain, while horses could only be led from Cong to Aghenure near -Oughterard, and from that on to Galway they could not travel at all. -There was no forage in the country, and food and ammunition would have -to be carried on the men's backs. This reasoning prevailed, and Ireton -wrote from before Clare Castle merely to offer the same terms as had -been tendered to Limerick in July: 'I will not,' he said, alluding to -what had happened at Waterford, 'now do you the courtesy to summon -you at such a distance, because your gravity once chid me for it as -unadvisedly, but for the good men's sake of the city who perhaps may -not be so angry in the notion of a soldier's honour, as to understand -the quibbles of it ... though men of your unhappy breeding think such -glorious trifling worth the sacrificing or venturing of other men's -lives.' He desired him therefore on peril of his head to communicate -the offer made to the citizens. It was easy for Preston to answer that -he fought in a good cause and that Ireton was risking men's lives in a -bad one, while his head and those of his friends were as 'unsettled on -their shoulders as any in the town.' The mayor and aldermen answered in -the same strain; and Ireton died a fortnight after the date of their -letter. Ludlow was in Dublin at the moment, and the Commissioners made -him commander-in-chief until the pleasure of Parliament should be -further known.[222] - -[Sidenote: The Irish in Scilly.] - -[Sidenote: Bishop Leslie's troubles.] - -When Axtell left Ireland after his suspension by Ireton, he was -captured by a rover at sea and carried to Scilly, then full of Irish -soldiers who wished to kill him, the cause of his voyage having been -made known by an intercepted letter from Weaver. Grenville or those -about him knew that the islands could not be much longer in Royalist -hands, and they feared retaliation. Axtell was therefore spared, and -was back in Ireland and governor of Kilkenny soon after Ireton's -death. Blake occupied the little archipelago not many weeks later, -Bishop Henry Leslie being among those whom he found there. 'By the -articles,' the Bishop wrote, 'I am to have my pass to go unto the North -of Ireland, that is to say out of the frying pan into the fire; for -there I shall be in more danger of the Scots than of the Parliament -soldiers.' In either company he was sure that his soul would be more -vexed than Lot's was in Sodom. As to the Irish soldiers, it was agreed -that they should be sent to Ireland, recruited up to 2000, and disposed -of as the King wished. Blake offered to take them all into Dunkirk and -keep them there till Grenville could arrange for France or Spain, he -giving his word of honour never to employ them against the Parliament. -This was refused, and Grenville remained in England, most of the Irish -soldiers probably finding their way abroad.[223] - -[Sidenote: Meeting of officers at Kilkenny, Dec. 1651.] - -[Sidenote: Guerrilla warfare.] - -During the winter of 1651 and 1652 there was thought to be some danger -that the Dutch would retaliate for the Navigation Act by landing -foreign troops in Ireland, facilitating instead of opposing the -embarkation of the Duke of Lorraine, who was still expected long after -he had abandoned his scheme. A general meeting of officers was held at -Kilkenny just before Christmas, Coote having already been authorised to -give the same terms to Galway as had already been offered to Limerick, -provided they were accepted by January 9. It was now evident that all -the strong places must soon be taken, and the deliberations at Kilkenny -were chiefly directed against the guerrilla warfare, which was still -formidable. The nature of the problem is set forth with great clearness -in a report by Ludlow and his three colleagues in the Government to the -Council of State. The great bogs were the chief difficulty. There are -in these wastes many dry islands which were then generally wooded, and -between them causeways along which horses could only go in single file. -From such places the rebels could sally out at any time to harry the -protected districts, thus depriving the army of its resources, while it -was easy for them to secure their plunder. They were used to living in -cabins and wading among swamps, where the English soldiers were a prey -to dysentery from wet and cold. Ireton had successfully used rice to -combat this disease, and large quantities were provided later by the -London Government. - -[Sidenote: Desperation of the Irish.] - -[Sidenote: Means used to subdue armed bands.] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow's hunt in Wicklow, Feb. 1651-2.] - -The soldiers were always ignorant of the designs and movements of the -combatant Irish, for whom the country people acted as scouts, being -'possessed of an opinion that the Parliament intend them no terms of -mercy and therefore endeavouring to preserve them as those that stand -between them and danger.' It was estimated that 30,000 men were still -in arms among the Irish, a few in garrisons, but for the most part -lurking among woods and bogs. The plan adopted to subdue them was to -make a Pale from the Boyne to the Barrow, and to destroy the means -of subsistence elsewhere. No smiths, harness-makers, or armourers -were allowed to ply their trade outside of garrisons, no beer, wine, -or spirits might be sold nor fairs and markets held beyond those -limits. The county of Wicklow, with parts of Dublin, Kildare, and -Carlow, was outside the new Pale and excluded from protection. All who -resided within the doomed area after February 28 were to be treated as -enemies, but permitted to live and graze their stock upon such waste -or untenanted lands as might be assigned to them in the protected -region. As soon as the appointed day had passed, Ludlow himself went to -Talbotstown to plant a garrison, and then carefully searched Wicklow -with horse and foot. Few people were met with, for they had look-out -men on every hill, but all the houses and stores of corn were burned. -'He was an idle soldier,' wrote one officer, 'that had not either a fat -lamb, veal, pig, poultry, or all of them every night to his supper ... -we have destroyed as much as would have served some thousands of them -until next harvest.'[224] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde's proposals for peace, Feb. 1651-2.] - -[Sidenote: Failure to relieve Galway] - -The day fixed for the surrender of Galway with the benefit of the first -articles offered to Limerick was allowed to pass, and Clanricarde on -behalf of many of the nobility and clergy 'with the corporation of -Galway' made proposals for a general peace. He was fain to profess, -though he could hardly believe, that succours would come from his -Majesty and allies; if these failed, he and the assembly for whom he -acted were prepared to sell their lives as dearly as possible. Ludlow -answered from Dublin ten days later that it belonged to Parliament to -grant terms, that those who had already long since refused to hear -reason could hardly be admitted at the eleventh hour, and that they -were relying upon 'vain and groundless expectations.' He believed -that moderate terms would still be granted in individual cases, -but refused to grant a safe conduct for commissioners pretending -to represent the general body in arms. Clanricarde did his best to -prolong the resistance of Galway, but left the town when he saw that -the inhabitants were not prepared to endure extremities. A sortie to -gather cattle led to heavy loss, and of two corn ships which attempted -to relieve the besieged one was taken and the other forced upon the -rocks of Arran. The town was, however, not invested on the west, and -there was always a chance that reinforcements or supplies might be -introduced from that side. Coote thought the place very strong, and was -inclined even to exceed his authority in granting comparatively easy -terms.[225] - -[Sidenote: Dissensions among the besieged, July-Feb. 1651-2.] - -[Sidenote: Improvised colonels.] - -[Sidenote: The clergy prefer Parliament to King.] - -[Sidenote: Rinuccini's excommunication still in use.] - -There were dissensions within the walls of Galway as there had been -at Limerick, and it is not easy to make out exactly what took place. -The indefatigable Dean King left Charles at Stirling in June, just -after Ireton had crossed the Shannon and when Coote had been some -time in Connaught. He landed near Londonderry on the 20th and found -his way to Galway by July 2. Bishop Lynch and others of the clergy -tried to make out that he had not been with the King, and that his -commission was a trick of Ormonde's. This was easily disproved, and -clerical help was promised on condition that the chiefs of the old -Irish in Connaught should be made colonels. Ten were so promoted, -but not one of them could muster over 500 men, and every one thought -of little but defending his own castle. These petty strongholds were -daily taken with the pick of the Irish soldiers inside. The Ulster -forces for the most part disregarded Clanricarde's summons, while -those of Leinster, 3000 foot and 500 horse, dwindled daily and lived -upon the spoil of the country, as there was no money to pay them, so -that he thought it better to let them go back to their own province -under the nominal generalship of Lord Westmeath. The only force upon -which the unfortunate Deputy could rely was raised in his own county -of Galway, and with these he kept an eye upon Coote's army. Dean King -found that the clergy generally, headed by Bourke of Tuam and French -of Ferns, were hostile to the King's government and anxious only for -an accommodation with the Parliament, in which they were supported by -the Prestons father and son, by Sir Nicholas Plunket, and by Geoffrey -Brown. The expectation of the Lorraine succours had paralysed all the -Irish parties, so that no one exerted himself. The little that had been -sent by the ducal pretender had been wasted or embezzled; '20,000_l._ -whereof 6000_l._ defalked for the charge of the negotiations,' 1000 -stand of arms, 1000 barrels of badly damaged rye, and 'thirty barrels -of powder, the worst in the world.' To make confusion worse confounded, -some of the bishops were using Rinuccini's old excommunication to crush -their opponents. There were nevertheless nearly 30,000 men under arms, -but no means of keeping them together, and there were many harbours -still open in Connaught and Munster through which money and stores -might be introduced. Dean King left Ireland on February 16 and reported -to Charles at Paris on April 1; but the battle of Worcester had been -fought and lost, and no help came.[226] - -[Sidenote: Capitulation of Galway, May 12, 1652.] - -[Sidenote: Coote offends the Independents.] - -[Sidenote: Coote and Ludlow.] - -Clanricarde did what he could to prolong the defence of Galway, but the -citizens could not see that there was anything to gain by it. He had -agreed to approach Ludlow with proposals for a general pacification, -but was determined to resist as long as he could. The town therefore -acted without consulting him, though he was in the neighbourhood, and -the articles of surrender contain no mention of King, Lord Lieutenant, -or Deputy. Fear of famine and of hard terms when the inevitable end -came were sufficient inducements to surrender, and there is no reason -to suppose that Galway was betrayed in the common sense of the words, -though in 1656 some of the inhabitants claimed special indulgence on -the ground that they had favoured the English interest throughout the -war, and had thereby 'contracted a malice from those of their own -nation' among whom they had to live. Coote has a bad name on the score -of severity, but he and many of those with him had estates in Ireland, -and some of them in Connaught, and they did not see with the same eyes -as those who were bent upon planting new settlers everywhere. The -extreme Independents called Coote and his men 'Tame Tories,' and there -was jealousy of his position as President of Connaught. Ireton thought -the provincial presidencies should be abolished, as an unnecessary -burden to State and country, and the Commissioners in Dublin were of -the same opinion. One hot-headed captain of the Munster army attached -to that of Connaught wrote to say that Ireland being almost reduced, -there was little left to do but to 'fall on Sir Charles Coote and his -'Tame Rebels.'' The letter was intercepted, and Coote imprisoned the -writer, whose curious defence was that many others agreed with him. -Ludlow released him and blamed Coote for exercising authority over an -officer not belonging to his province. From all this the Royalists had -hopes, and no doubt Coote had never been a republican, but they had to -wait several years for their realisation. In the meantime he was glad -to get hold of Galway upon almost any terms.[227] - -[Sidenote: Terms granted to Galway.] - -[Sidenote: The terms disliked in Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: The articles are amended,] - -[Sidenote: but the townsmen protest.] - -The conditions actually granted were not hard, and the Commissioners -in Dublin thought them too easy. Quarter and freedom from pillage and -military violence were granted to all, as long as they obeyed the -Commonwealth of England, and were not guilty of murder before March -19, 1642, when a state of war began to exist in Galway. The murderers -of Captain Clark's crew were excepted by name. All who wished to -depart were given six months to sell such property as they did not -carry away. This extended to clergymen provided their names were -given in before the actual surrender, but in their case no protection -was to be given after that time. Where property within the city and -liberties was sold one-third was to go to the State, and the rest to -be freed from extraordinary taxation, and this principle was extended -with qualifications to lands possessed by the townsmen elsewhere. The -charter was maintained until Parliament should otherwise direct; and -Coote promised to get a ratification within twenty days by the Dublin -Government and legislative confirmation in England as soon as possible. -A fort on Mutton Island and another opposite Tirellan were surrendered -at once, and the town, after one week's delay, on April 12, when Coote -took actual possession. The news reached Dublin on the 11th, and the -Commissioners there at once took exception to some of the articles. -They objected, and so far we can sympathise with them, to any indemnity -for murder committed 'by or upon any person not being in arms.' They -insisted on the power of compulsorily purchasing land or houses in -the town when Parliament considered their owners unsafe persons to -remain; in which case they would have to remove within three months. -The protection as to outside property was considered too absolute, and -should be left for parliamentary decision, and some minor matters were -also reserved. An express was at once sent to insist on the amendment -of the articles, with orders that the capitulation should be suspended -until this was done, but when the messenger reached Galway he found -the English garrison installed. The ratification of the articles was -made dependent on the acceptance of the revised terms, but it can -hardly be said that the condition was fulfilled. Only eight heads of -families could be found to sign the certificate of assent, while over -one hundred refused; and there were nearly a hundred absentees. Coote -apologised for his mistake, but maintained that he had nevertheless -done the best thing for the State. If he had not closed with the -besieged there were great chances of the town being relieved, 'so that -it might have kept all your forces this summer in those parts to attend -that service.'[228] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde's last struggles, April-June 1652,] - -[Sidenote: Castlehaven leaves Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: His memoirs.] - -Clanricarde on his part announced that 'Galway having basely and -perfidiously yielded,' he would resist while he could, and gave earnest -of his determination by sending away Castlehaven in his only frigate, -thus leaving himself no means of escape. He summoned Westmeath and -O'Ferrall from Leinster, Muskerry from Munster, and O'Reilly from -Ulster to join him in Sligo or Leitrim and 'unite in one clear score -for God, our King, and country.' Galway Bay was full of Parliamentary -ships, so Castlehaven had to go first to Innisbofin and embark from -there. He was chased, and had a smart fight at sea, but was saved by -thick weather. Arthur Magennis, Bishop of Down, a nephew of Owen Roe -O'Neill, died during the action 'by the wind of a bullet, for fear,' -having no wound. Castlehaven got safely to Brest, and thence to Paris -or St. Germain's, where he saw the King and Queen and Ormonde. As -French affairs then stood nothing could be done, and he joined Condé as -a volunteer, after which he commanded an Irish brigade of about 5000 -men. As late as 1680 he published his memoirs, confessedly to show that -he was always a good Royalist and not to be confounded with the Irish -'as a confederate Catholic, which in plain English is a rebel.' Lord -Anglesey, the son of Strafford's Mountnorris, who was a great gainer -by the Restoration settlement, reviewed Castlehaven's pleasant little -book, saying that 'by a providence from heaven to the English the -marquesses of Ormonde and Clanricarde, his Majesty's chief governors, -encouraged the Irish to keep up a war against the English, wherein they -were so much hardened to their ruin, that they were at length entirely -subdued without condition to any save for life, and left to be as -miserable as they had made others in all respects.'[229] - -[Sidenote: Charles gives Clanricarde leave to go,] - -[Sidenote: but urges him to hold out.] - -[Sidenote: He takes Ballyshannon, May,] - -[Sidenote: and Donegal.] - -[Sidenote: Submission of Clanricarde, June 28.] - -[Sidenote: His character.] - -It had long been evident to Clanricarde, as well as to Ormonde and -his friends abroad, that the power of the Parliament would establish -itself in Ireland. But it was their policy to keep the flag of -Royalty flying as long as possible, on the chance of some foreign -complication. That this stubborn attitude increased the ultimate -sufferings of the Irish masses is very probable. As early as the -beginning of February, Charles, with many expressions of gratitude -and confidence, gave Clanricarde free leave to quit Ireland when he -thought fit, but adding that 'the keeping up of the war there in any -kind, either offensive or defensive, is of the highest importance to -us and our service that can be performed; as the contrary would be of -the greatest prejudice to all our designs.' Six weeks later he wrote -holding out hopes of further help from the Duke of Lorraine, and -directing that no declaration should be issued which might increase the -friction with the clerical party. The two letters reached Clanricarde -together in the following August, when they were too late to have -any significance. Meanwhile, in May, a second letter was given to -Castlehaven, and forwarded by a sure hand, authorising the Deputy to -leave his post at any time. This letter, though apparently not extant, -probably reached its destination much sooner than the other two, and -justified Clanricarde in making terms when he did. In the meantime, -he succeeded in getting a considerable force together, with which, -after blowing up several castles, he swooped down upon the fort at -Ballyshannon and took it by assault, dismissing the survivors unhurt -and substituting his own garrison of 300 men. He took Donegal also, -but the success was only transient, for he had no means of feeding -his men but by seizing cattle, and thus involuntarily making the task -of the Parliamentarians easier. Venables came up from Down to join -Coote, and they soon took Sligo and retook the other two places, giving -punctual quarter in their turn. At the end of June the Lord Deputy, -who, Ludlow says, was practically surrounded in the island of Carrick, -made terms for himself, but none for his vast estates. He was left free -to go abroad where he pleased with not more than twenty servants, to -remain in Ireland for three months, and to enlist 3000 men for foreign -service. In the meantime he was to divest himself of his viceregal -authority and do no hostile act. Six weeks later he was excepted by -Act of the English Parliament from pardon for life and estate, but was -nevertheless left unmolested at his own place at Somerhill in Kent. His -health had never been good, and was not improved by his campaigning, -but he lived till 1657, and was buried in Tonbridge Church. He was not -a great general, but to most people he appeared, and still appears, -as a loyal and worthy man. To the ultramontane clergy of his own day -he was, as an independent Catholic who cared little for a nuncio's -censures, more hateful even than the heretic Ormonde. Bishop French -says he put Cæsar before God, and Bishop Lynch that the Ulster men -refused to follow him because he disdained to receive absolution from -Rinuccini's excommunication. The British officer so often quoted -says, on the contrary, that the Irish were well satisfied with him -as true both to King and Church, 'being a good Roman Catholic,' and -that he surrendered only because he could not fight Coote and Venables -combined. 'Neither, indeed, was he ever practised in that trade [war], -though a very fine, devout, liberal, hospitable gentleman, as any is in -Ireland in his time, as I have heard many aver.'[230] - -[Sidenote: Case of Anthony Geohegan.] - -[Sidenote: Loyalty the idol of Dagon.] - -Before finally leaving Clanricarde and the Duke of Lorraine something -must be said of the case of Anthony Geohegan, which had no important -results, but which shows how incompatible were the Royalist and -clerical ideals. Geohegan had been preferred by Rinuccini at the early -age of twenty-four to the nominal dignity of the mitred abbacy of -Connall. Towards the end of 1650 he was studying divinity and canon law -at Paris, and in correspondence with Abbot Crelly, who was in London, -hoping against hope that the Parliament would grant toleration to his -Church. He offered to go to Ireland if wanted, and Crelly reported this -to Rome. Dean Massari, Rinuccini's old lieutenant, was Secretary of -Propaganda, and gladly accepted the young priest's offer. He reached -Galway on March 14, 1651, while De Henin was there, with instructions -to further the appointment of a Catholic protector, and he stayed on -after the Lorraine envoy's departure. Clanricarde suspected that he -was working against him, and some of his letters were intercepted, in -one of which he said that 'if the service of God had been as deep in -the hearts of our nation as that idol of Dagon, a foolish loyalty, -a better course for their honour and preservation had been taken in -time.' He had noticed that at Limerick those favourable to Ormonde -had got better terms than others, and he thought the Independents who -professed liberty of conscience more likely to grant reasonable terms -to the Irish than those who maintained the Church of England and the -recusancy laws. Clanricarde would have tried Geohegan as a traitor, -but the clergy took their stand upon the bull _In Coena Domini_, and -maintained that no lay governor or judge could try a priest. They had -their way, and Geohegan was, of course, exonerated from all blame.[231] - -[Sidenote: The Irish leaders submit. Fitzpatrick, March 1652.] - -Even before the surrender of Galway, the Irish leaders began to make -terms for themselves and their followers. Of these, the first was -John Fitzpatrick, who had lately distinguished himself by taking and -holding Meelick. On March 7 he agreed to transport 4000 foot and 300 -horse to a state in amity with the Commonwealth, pay being given to -them in the meantime, and hopes were held out as to his property. He -made no conditions for his father and mother, or for the Catholic -religion; whereupon a declaration was published against him, and -he was excommunicated. 'Some of his party,' say the Parliamentary -Commissioners, 'have been cut off by the enemy, who did also cut off -the ears of some whom they took prisoners.' The men were not popular, -having lived by plunder, and the Government were glad to send them -to Spain. Fitzpatrick and his father were both excluded by Act of -Parliament from pardon for life or estate, but he afterwards married -Ormonde's sister and was restored in 1661 to broad lands in the Queen's -County. His mother, says Ludlow, 'was found guilty of the murder of the -English, with this aggravation, that she said she would make candles -of their fat. She was condemned to be burned, and the sentence was -executed accordingly.'[232] - -[Sidenote: O'Dwyer, March 23.] - -[Sidenote: Usual terms of surrender.] - -The next important chief to surrender was Colonel Edmund O'Dwyer, -who commanded in Tipperary and Waterford. He and his men had quarter -for life and personal property only, with liberty to serve any -friendly foreign State. Murderers of the English, members of the -first General Assembly or Supreme Council, homicides after quarter -given, deserters, and every 'priest or other of the Romish clergy in -orders,' were excluded. By the end of June, when Clanricarde came to -terms, the Parliament had not many enemies left in the field, though -a few strongholds held out for some months longer. The articles of -surrender, or authentic copies, are for the most part extant, and the -terms granted generally amounted to little more than life and personal -liberty to those who had not committed murder. Where priests are not -specially excluded, they are generally left tacitly to the mercy of -the victors. Landed property was to be distributed according to such -qualifications as Parliament might determine. In one case Sir Hardress -Waller undertook 'industriously to solicit' the authorities that -priests who were not charged with any crime except officiating as such -should be free to go beyond seas.[233] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Ross Castle, June 1652.] - -[Sidenote: Boats brought up from the sea.] - -[Sidenote: A flotilla on the Lower Lake.] - -There was a Parliamentary garrison at Dingle, which Muskerry made -some effort to take, but otherwise Kerry had for a long time been -in Irish hands. Murtagh O'Brien, when driven out of Clare after the -fall of Limerick, joined his forces to those of Lord Muskerry, and -together they amounted to several thousands. Their chief stronghold -was Ross Castle, in an island or peninsula on the lower Lake of -Killarney, only approachable, as any tourist may now witness, by a -narrow causeway with a bog on either side. Muskerry had been chief -among the anti-nuncionist Catholics, and had never been forgiven by -the priests of his own Church, many of whom had taken refuge in Ross -Castle. When a siege was imminent, the clerical party went out--and -no doubt they acted prudently in this--but a thousand well-armed men -adhered to their general and resolved to hold out as long as possible. -Ludlow, accompanied by Broghill and Walker, came to Killarney very -early in June with 4000 foot and 2000 horse. Dromagh had already -surrendered, so that his rear was exposed to no attack. The woods on -the other side of the lake were full of active enemies, who must have -had boats of some sort to reach Innisfallen, and who supplied Ross -with provisions. Ludlow's fellow-Commissioners were at Cork, and the -mitred Scoutmaster-General at Kinsale, and they quickly provided him -with the means of reducing Ross. Boats were brought to Castlemaine -harbour under convoy of a frigate. Of these some were probably dragged -up the Laune with the help of many men. The two largest, which were -intended to carry guns, were sent from Kinsale in pieces, but so that -they could be put together in two days. In order to make a safe way for -them it was necessary to disperse a strong force of the Irish about -Killagh Abbey, near the mouth of the Laune, while another division -scoured the woods and put those who occupied them to flight. This was -on June 13; five days later several of the boats had been brought to -Ludlow's entrenchments near Ross, and by the 20th they were swimming -on the lake. The whole flotilla was not wanted, for the garrison saw -that resistance was hopeless, and there was an ancient prophecy that -Ross would not be taken until strange ships sailed on Lough Leane. The -fitting and management of the boats was entrusted to Captain Chudleigh, -who had been a ship-carpenter, and many artificers went readily because -he was with them.[234] - -[Sidenote: The Parliament as avengers of blood.] - -[Sidenote: Few survivors of 1641.] - -[Sidenote: Murderers exempted from pardon.] - -Even after the surrender of Galway the Leinster army under Westmeath's -command had still an administrative existence; but its leaders saw -no prospect of ultimate success, and were ready to make such terms -as might still be possible. The Parliamentary Commissioners were at -Kilkenny on April 17, and had a conference with the chief officers -of the army, where Dr. Jones, the Scoutmaster-General, produced an -abstract of the depositions taken as to murders committed in the early -days of the rebellion. This document was forwarded to Parliament and -read there on May 18, the Commissioners and officers 'fearing lest -others who are at a greater distance might be moved to the lenity -which we have found no small temptation in ourselves,' forget past -abominations, and make too tender concessions. But very few of the -English who had any personal knowledge of the original massacres were -still living, and it would therefore be hard to bring the guilt home to -individuals. The whole Irish nation had to some extent condoned them, -and Parliament was bound to take order for punishment 'in duty towards -God, the great avenger of such villainies, who hath from the beginning -of the war to this present always in your appeal by war against them -appeared most signally.' Murderers or their aiders and abettors were -not led to expect clemency, but the Commissioners declared that all -persons living in Ireland should have the benefit of the Act dated -September 27, 1650, repealing the clauses in Elizabethan statutes which -imposed penalties for not going to church. This was a step in the -direction of toleration, but the Act had been really intended for the -relief of those who disliked the Book of Common Prayer, and provided -also for the prosecution of those who did not attend some place of -worship, and would be difficult to apply to those who would have -nothing but the forbidden mass.[235] - -[Sidenote: The Leinster articles, May 12, 1652.] - -After much discussion, it was agreed that eleven regiments of foot -and six of horse should lay down their arms by June 1 at Mullingar, -Maryborough, Carlow, or Kildare. The military articles were liberal -enough, officers retaining horses and arms, non-commissioned officers -and men whose horses were taken receiving compensation. Officers were -allowed to serve any foreign State in amity with the Commonwealth, and -to carry 6000 men with them, the Commissioners undertaking to get leave -for 6000 more if they could. Life and personal estate were secured, and -owners of land were promised 'equal benefit with others in the like -qualification with themselves,' when Parliament had made up its mind. -Murder and robbery of persons not in arms might still be questioned -'according the due course of law,' and the benefit of the articles was -withheld from those who killed Parliamentary soldiers after quarter -given. 'Priests or Jesuits, or others in Popish orders,' were to be -dealt with as the Irish Government thought fit. The Commissioners were -well satisfied with their work, which they had been obliged to do -without positive orders from Parliament, for the Irish, being driven -out of all forts, had nothing to do but range about the country, -'retiring as they saw advantage to their bogs and fastnesses.' The -Parliamentary officers had now for the first time leisure to deal with -Clanricarde and with Muskerry, who had 3000 foot and 600 horse.[236] - -[Sidenote: Surrender of Muskerry, June 22.] - -[Sidenote: Murder defined.] - -[Sidenote: Conformity not to be enforced.] - -[Sidenote: Ross Castle evacuated.] - -Muskerry and his party accepted the substance of the Leinster articles, -but there was a fortnight's debate on certain points. The Irish -officers feared lest they should be all held liable for the murder of -the English, 'which,' says Ludlow, 'was an exception we never failed -to make.' An explanatory article was therefore granted, limiting the -guilt to those 'who during the first year of the war have contrived, -aided, assisted, acted, or abetted any murder or massacre upon any -person or persons of the English not in arms but following their own -occupation in their farms or freeholds,' and to those who since that -time had taken life knowing that quarter had been given or protection -granted. As to religion, Ludlow and his colleagues would go no further -than declare 'that it is not our intention nor, as we conceive, the -intention of those whom we serve, to force any to their worship and -service contrary to their consciences.' Questions as to real estate -were, at the request of Muskerry and his friends, 'left to the pleasure -of the Parliament,' means being given them for pleading their own cause -in London. They themselves asked for this in preference to the clause -as to qualifications in the Leinster articles. In consideration of the -above, 960 able men marched out of Ross Castle, and at least 3000 more -followed their example. Murtagh O'Brien, with about 200 men, kept at -large in the Kerry mountains until Waller made them untenable, and then -escaped across the Shannon, to give further trouble in Connaught.[237] - -[Sidenote: Richard Grace still resists.] - -[Sidenote: Submission of Grace, Aug. 14.] - -[Sidenote: Grace leads 1200 men to Spain.] - -Colonel Richard Grace, whose property was in King's County, did -not accept the Kilkenny articles, but remained at the head of a -considerable force, and burned Birr, which had been partly rebuilt. -Three hundred pounds was offered for his head in a proclamation dated -May 22, but he managed to cross the Shannon, and burned the towns of -Portumna and Loughrea. The country was laid under contribution, and for -some days no enemy appeared. Grace had near 3000 men, but they were -but odds and ends from various quarters, and were easily surprised by -Ingoldsby, who routed the Irish horse and drove the foot into a bog -near Loughrea. Grace had to fly with a few men, after which many of -his followers dispersed or made terms for themselves. This was on June -20. He managed to recross the river into Leinster and again got some -men together, with whom he at last took refuge in a strongly fortified -island in Lough Coura, near Birr. Sankey surrounded the lake and made -preparations for starving out the party, and Grace, who saw there was -no prospect of relief, sued for terms. To avoid a long siege, and -also perhaps out of admiration for a brave enemy, Sankey granted the -substance of the Kilkenny articles and some further indulgence for the -clergy submitting with Grace, who is much praised by the Aphorismical -Discovery for insisting on the latter. The priests concerned had -leave and four months' time to go beyond sea, with protection in -the interval, and a further respite in case of sickness or want of -shipping. In the other cases, they had been left at the disposition of -the Lord Deputy or Commissioners. Grace had had nothing to do with the -original Irish rebellion, but had fought for the King in England until -the surrender of Oxford, so that there was some personal reason for -favouring him. He carried 1200 men to Spain, but the Government there -broke all their agreements with him, and he lost half his regiment by -starvation, desertion, and disease. He attached himself to the Duke of -York, and died at Athlone fighting against William III. in 1691.[238] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow's last service in the field, Aug.-Sept., 1652.] - -[Sidenote: Fugitives smoked in a cave.] - -[Sidenote: A modern instance.] - -After the surrender of Muskerry, Ludlow turned his attention to Wicklow -and Wexford, where Phelim MacHugh O'Byrne and others still had a -considerable force under arms. He placed garrisons in suitable places, -who reduced the Irish by destroying their means of subsistence. The -green corn was cut and burned, and in a few months the soldiers knew -every hiding-place as well as the mountaineers themselves. Early in -August, Ludlow turned northwards and garrisoned Carrickmacross. Between -that place and Dundalk he came to a cave where a number of men had -taken refuge. The soldiers tried to smoke them out, and entered when -they supposed them smothered, but the leader was killed by a pistol -from inside. It turned out that the cave was ventilated by a hole some -way off, and Ludlow ordered this to be stopped. After a time groans -were heard, which soon grew fainter, and the man who had fired the -shot was drawn out dead. 'The passage being cleared, the soldiers -entered, and, having put about fifteen to the sword, brought four or -five out alive, with the priest's robes, a crucifix, chalice, and other -furniture of that kind. Those within preserved themselves by laying -their heads close to water that ran through the rock. We found two -rooms in the place, one of which was large enough to turn a pike.' -This is not a nice story; but Ludlow, who wrote in cold blood long -afterwards, does not offer any apology nor show that he thought any -necessary. Nearly two hundred years later the French in Algiers did the -same thing on a much larger scale, but they knew that public opinion -would be against them, and it was. St. Arnaud did not even venture to -tell his own men that five hundred enemies of both sexes and all ages -lay suffocated in the cave.[239] - -[Sidenote: The last of the 'creaghts.'] - -[Sidenote: Arrival of Fleetwood, September.] - -After filling the mouth of the cave with large stones, Ludlow -established posts at Castle Blayney and Agher, where he found one of -the O'Neills living with his wife, whom he described as the Duchess -of Artois' niece, and some children. They wandered about with the -cattle as 'creaghts,' seeking for grass and water, and at each halt -building a house 'in an hour or two.' Steps were soon afterwards taken -to abolish this system, as one 'whereby the enemy comes to be relieved -and sustained and the contribution oft damaged.' It was impossible to -catch people who had no fixed abode, and who might even commit murder -with every chance of impunity. Lisnaskea was fortified and small holds -of the Irish at Belturbet and in one of the Lough Erne islands were -taken. Reynolds, who had reduced Leitrim, joined Ludlow at Lisnaskea, -and the news of Fleetwood's arrival reached them there. Ludlow says he -was glad to be superseded, his exertions for the public having been -'recompensed only with envy and hatred,' and he hastened to join the -new commander-in-chief at Kilkenny.[240] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[222] Diary in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 260; _Ludlow_, i. 289, 294. -Ireton's correspondence with Galway, December 7-12, 1651, is printed -in Hardiman's _Hist. of Galway_, 129; Corbet, Jones, and Weaver to -Lenthall, and to Cromwell, December 2, in appx. to Firth's _Ludlow_, i. -496. - -[223] _Ludlow_, i. 265; Bishop of Down's letters, May 13 and 29, 1651, -in _Nicholas Papers_, i. 250, 255. - -[224] _Ludlow_, i. 300-304; the Four Commissioners to the Council of -State, January 8, 1651-2, _ib._ 499; orders by the same Commissioners, -January 13 and February 13, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 277, 283. - -[225] Clanricarde to Ludlow, February 14, 1651-2. In the text of Ludlow -the date is wrongly given as March 14, but see the appx. i. 505, and -_Contemp. Hist._, iii. 58, with Ludlow's answer in both places, and -another to Sir Richard Blake, who had 'reiterated in effect the former -application,' _ib._ 509. - -[226] Dean King's report, April 1, 1652, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 300. - -[227] Order of the Irish Council as to Dominick Bodkin, &c., May 20, -1656, printed in O'Flaherty's _Western Connaught_, p. 244; W. Heald to -T. Holder, December 12, 1651, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 353; Corbet, -Jones, and Weaver to Cromwell, December 2, 1651, in appx. to _Ludlow_, -i. 497. - -[228] Corbet, Jones, and Ludlow to Lenthall, May 6, 1652, in appx. to -Ludlow, i. 516. The articles of surrender are in Hardiman's _Hist. -of Galway_, appx. xxix. to xxxiii., along with the strictures of the -Commissioners and the list of those who had accepted or rejected the -latter furnished by Coote, November 26, 1652. - -[229] Clanricarde to Philip O'Reilly and Lieut.-General O'Ferrall, -April 4 and 12, 1652, in _Aphorismical Discovery_, iii. 76; -Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, 97, ed. 15, with Anglesey's letter of August -1680, appended p. 39; _Clarendon S.P._, iii. 66. - -[230] Charles II. to Clanricarde, February 10, 1651-2 (enclosing one -of February 6 to Duke of Lorraine), and March 23, in Clanricarde's -_Memoirs_, part ii. 51; Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, p. 97; _Clarendon -State Papers_, iii. 66; _Aphorismical Discovery_, iii. 122; Ludlow, i. -317, 323, 527; _Warr of Ireland_, by a British officer, 138; Bishop of -Ferns' letter, April 21, 1651, in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, ii. 92; -Bishop of Clonfert's letter, August 31, 1652, _ib._ i. 386. - -[231] _Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 138-144; _ib._ iii. 54, 285-293; -Clarendon's _Ireland_, p. 194. See also Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, ii, -46, 59. - -[232] The tenour of the articles entered into can be seen from the -subsidiary agreement printed in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 293, the -declaration of Walter Bagenal and others against him, and the despatch -of Corbet, Jones, and Ludlow in appx. to Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. -515. For Mrs. Fitzpatrick, _ib._ 340. In his preface to _Contemp. -Hist._, iii. xviii., Sir J. Gilbert says the witness against her -was suborned, but he gives no authority, and in the collection of -massacres appended to Clarendon's volume on Ireland, several murders by -Florence Fitzpatrick are mentioned, Elizabeth Baskerville testifying -'that Mrs. Fitzpatrick blamed the murderers because they brought -not Mrs. Nicholson's fat or grease, wherewith she might have made -candles.'--Lodge's _Peerage_, ed. Archdall, ii. 345. - -[233] Most of the articles are printed in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 293-335. - -[234] _Ludlow_, i. 320, and his letter of June 24 to Lenthall, _ib._ -526. There is a good memoir on the siege of Ross by J. P. Prendergast -in Kilkenny _Arch. Journal_, iii. 24-35, and a criticism of the same -by Archdeacon Rowan in the _Kerry Magazine_, 1855, p. 101. Chudleigh's -monument at Kinsale says he 'causavit terris velificasse ratem,' which -is rather ambiguous, for no boat could actually sail on land. Perhaps -it is doubtful Latin for 'inland.' Smith, in his _History of Kerry_, -1756, p. 315, says the boats were 'brought up by the river Lane by -strength of men's hands,' and he afterwards mentions one Hopkins, -sexton of Swords near Dublin a few years before, who lived to be 115, -and who was one of the men employed in drawing the boats to the lake. - -[235] Ludlow, Waller, Corbet, Jones, Coote and fourteen other superior -officers to Lenthall, May 5, 1652, in appx. to Ludlow, i. 512; -Declaration of May 12 in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 315; Scobell's _Acts and -Ordinances_, 1650, cap. 27. - -[236] The Leinster Articles, May 12, 1652, are in _Aphorismical -Discovery_, iii. 94, 315; Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones to Lenthall, May -13, in appx. to _Ludlow_, i. 520. - -[237] _Ludlow_, i. 322, with Mr. Firth's note; Jones and Corbet to -Lenthall July 22, 1652, in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 339. The articles, -June 22, are printed _ib._ 324. - -[238] _Aphorismical Discovery_, with the articles of surrender, dated -August 14, 1652, iii. 128-133, and the note _ib._ 392; Clarke's _Life -of James II._ i. 268; _Memoirs of the Family of Grace_, 1823, 27-34. - -[239] _Ludlow_, i. 328, 342; _Aphorismical Discovery_, iii. 125; -Thureau-Dangin, _Hist. de la Monarchie de Juillet_, vi. 343; Kinglake's -_Crimean War_, ii. 8. The French Government argued that conquest must -precede philanthropy. - -[240] _Ludlow_, i. 330. Fleetwood landed at Waterford on or just before -September 11. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVI - -END OF THE WAR, AND ITS PRICE - - -[Sidenote: The last stand at Innisbofin.] - -[Sidenote: The islands surrendered, Feb. 1652-3.] - -[Sidenote: Rory O'More.] - -The historian Cox says that he could find nothing that looked like war -during the year 1653, though the rebellion was not officially declared -at an end until September 26. The early part of the year cannot, -however, be considered as peaceful. There was still some resistance -in Ulster, and the Irish also possessed a fortified post in the -island of Innisbofin. To that remote stronghold Murtagh O'Brien had -repaired after Muskerry's surrender, and with the help of some arms and -ammunition from the Duke of Lorraine he continued to give trouble on -the mainland. The fort of Arkin on the great island of Arran had been -surprised through 'the supine carelessness and negligence of Captain -Dyas' shortly before Fleetwood's arrival, and the Irish garrison -under Colonel Oliver Synnot did not surrender until the middle of -January. Among those who took refuge in Innisbofin were Roger O'More, -the original contriver of the rebellion, Bishop Lynch of Clonfert, -Brian MacPhelim O'Byrne, and Colonel Dudley Costello. The governor -was Colonel George Cusack, whose family had property in the Pale, and -he soon came to terms with Reynolds. The islands of Bofin, Turk, and -Clare were surrendered and facilities were given for transporting -1000 men into the Spanish service. The officers retained their arms, -'prelates and clergymen' being allowed to go with the rest. Some of the -articles were more indulgent than usual, but Colonel Jones thought them -'suitable to the difficulty of gaining that place by force.' Only a few -days before, near the neighbouring castle of Renvyle, on the mainland, -270 men who were on their way to attack Bofin fell into an ambuscade -of 800 Irish, and only got through with the loss of four officers and -forty-six men. According to the Aphorismical Discovery, O'More, who -could expect no mercy if captured, was basely deserted by Cusack and -the Bishop of Clonfert. Donogh O'Flaherty, who was also left behind, -was shot by the soldiers; but O'More, after enduring great hardships, -got away to Ulster and lived for some time as a fisherman.[241] - -[Sidenote: The last stand in Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: Surrender of Cloughoughter, April 27.] - -[Sidenote: Murder.] - -In the same month of February fighting continued in West Cork and -Kerry among the O'Sullivans and O'Driscolls, some of whom took up arms -after their inclusion in the Muskerry articles; and there were still a -few desperate men for the garrisons of Cork and Limerick to hunt. But -the last stronghold was the island in Lough Oughter, where Bedell had -died in the first year of the war. In February, Colonel Barrow came to -the lake, burned some of the defenders' boats 'with a fiery float,' -and their corn with incendiary missiles, but had the ill luck to be -captured himself and held to ransom. This was probably the work of -some loose band which remained in arms after the capitulation of the -garrison at the end of April. The articles concluded were between Sir -Theophilus Jones and Philip O'Reilly on behalf of himself and the other -Ulster chiefs still remaining under arms. The terms were much the same -as had been granted in other recent cases, and included liberty to make -terms with the Spanish recruiting agents. Priests and others in Roman -orders were given a month to leave the country, on condition that they -did not exercise their function during the interval. Those guilty of -murder, whether lay or cleric, were as usual excluded, and a murderer -was specially defined as one 'who had actually a hand in a particular -murder or did command the same, or was present when a particular murder -was committed by persons under his command by his order.' It was no -murder to have killed a man in fight in the open field at any time -since the beginning of the war.[242] - -[Sidenote: Tories to be starved out.] - -[Sidenote: Exhaustion of the country.] - -[Sidenote: The plague.] - -[Sidenote: Famine.] - -Mountjoy had long since proved that the way to subdue Ireland was -to destroy the means of subsistence. As one of the Commissioners of -Parliament, Colonel Jones was of opinion that no lasting peace could -be made 'but by removing all heads of septs and priests and men of -knowledge in arms, or otherwise in repute, out of this land, and -breaking all kinds of interest among them, and by laying waste all -fast countries in Ireland, and suffer no mankind to live there but -within garrisons,' adding that declarations were about to issue for -laying waste all Kerry and Wicklow, and portions--in some instances the -greater part--of seventeen other counties. This was written shortly -before the surrender of Cloughoughter, and after that the guerrilla -warfare degenerated into mere brigandage. We are not to suppose that -the whole ruthless programme was carried out; but no doubt the facts -were bad enough. Ludlow was Jones's colleague, and he speaks of the -'poor wasted country of Ireland,' adding that the Irish had always -exhausted the land by bad cultivation, and of late worse than ever, -'being in daily apprehensions of being removed.' Not long afterwards -Petty found the people living on potatoes, and the cultivation of -that dangerous root must have been stimulated by the confusion of the -past twelve years. It was then and for many years later the practice -to dig out the tubers just as they were wanted. Such a crop could not -well be carried away or destroyed, and if the sowers escaped the sword -they would find something to eat for nine months out of the twelve; -while corn could be easily cut or burned, and cattle still more easily -driven off. The famine caused by war and by the destruction of food in -districts not under protection was accompanied by the plague, which -was rife in Galway and many other places. 'It fearfully broke out in -Cashel,' says Jones, 'the people being taken suddenly with madness, -whereof they die instantly; twenty died in that manner in three days -in that little town.' Dublin did not escape. 'About the years 1652 and -1653,' says Colonel Lawrence, who had every opportunity of judging, -'the plague and famine had swept away whole countries that a man -might travel twenty or thirty miles and not see a living creature, -either man, beast, or bird, they being either all dead or had quit -those desolate places.' He had himself seen starving wretches pick -carrion out of a ditch, and had heard of cases in which human flesh was -eaten. Wolves increased enormously, and rewards were given for their -heads.[243] - -[Sidenote: Treatment of priests.] - -[Sidenote: Galway.] - -[Sidenote: Cloughoughter.] - -[Sidenote: A Dominican's experience.] - -While the war still raged, Roman Catholic priests were for the most -part either not mentioned in capitulations or specially excluded from -the benefit of them. At Limerick some were excepted by name, and -all were refused protection; but later the terms were not quite so -rigorous. At Galway they were allowed six months to leave the country. -At Roscommon the chaplain was allowed to go out with the garrison. -When the Clare brigade surrendered to Waller, all persons in Roman -orders were excepted, but he covenanted 'industriously to solicit -the Commissioners of Parliament that such of the clergy in orders, -having no other act or crime laid to their charge than officiating -their functions as priests, not being suffered to live in quarters -or protection, shall have passes and liberty to go beyond the seas.' -Reynolds did much the same in Ulster. A large number of the clergy -fled to Innisbofin, and when it was surrendered they were all given -protection for life and goods, with leave to accompany the garrison -abroad. At Cloughoughter, which was the last fortified place, they were -given a month to go, provided they did not officiate in the meanwhile. -Out of a great many extant letters from fugitive priests, that of a -Dominican friar named O'Conor may be singled out. The brethren of his -Order had, he says, continually roused Catholics by preaching to the -soldiers and inciting the nobles to take up arms, living constantly -among them in the woods and mountains, and opposing every proposal for -surrender or capitulation. He himself had been prior of Kilkenny, where -he strenuously supported Rinuccini, and was therefore thrice condemned -to banishment by the Supreme Council, 'having excited the anger of all -heretics and bad Catholics.' After the fall of Kilkenny he became prior -of Burrishoole, in Mayo, where his convent was for three years the -refuge of religious persons. Two attacks were beaten off, but at last -the place was taken by storm. The soldiers were killed and some of the -friars; others fled to the mountains. Accompanied by one boy, he took -a skiff made out of a single log and went six leagues into the open -ocean, almost miraculously making his way to Innisbofin. After a short -time, seven Parliamentary ships with twenty-two boats hove in sight, -and it became necessary to surrender the island. He was transported -with the rest, on pain of death if he revisited Ireland, where an edict -had been published exiling all ecclesiastics on the same terms, with -severe penalties against all who helped them.[244] - -[Sidenote: An edict against Jesuits and seminarists.] - -The edict mentioned by Father O'Conor and by many other clerical -writers of the same time was an order, signed by Fleetwood, Ludlow, -Corbet, and Jones, setting forth the experience of many years, 'that -Jesuits, seminary priests, and persons in Popish orders in Ireland, -estrange the people from due obedience to the English Commonwealth, -and, under pretence of religion, excite them to rebellion, which gave -rise to the barbarous murders of 1641 and the destructive war which -followed.' They were all to leave Ireland within twenty days, or incur -the penalties of the English Act, 27 Elizabeth, which had never been -the law of Ireland, and which made the priests traitors and their -abettors felons.[245] - -[Sidenote: The swordsmen sent abroad.] - -[Sidenote: Great numbers take foreign service.] - -[Sidenote: Their ill-treatment in Spain.] - -[Sidenote: Better received in France.] - -[Sidenote: Clarendon's reflection.] - -Chichester strove to get the swordsmen of Ulster into the Swedish -service, where they might help the Protestant cause almost without -knowing it. After the disbanding of Strafford's army the English -Parliament had very naturally, but very unwisely, prevented the men -from going to Spain, thus aggravating, if not actually causing, the -outbreak in 1641. Cromwell profited by experience, and saw that even in -the service of the Catholic king the survivors of the Irish war would -be much less dangerous than in their own country. At the beginning of -1653 the Commissioners reported that 13,000 had already gone, but that -there were still left 'many desperate rogues who know not how to live -but by robbing and stealing out of bogs and fastnesses.' By July the -number had risen to 27,000. There were, says Petty, who was in Ireland -at the time and whose estimate is rather under that of his friend -Gookin, 'transported of them into Spain, Flanders, France, 34,000 -soldiers; and of boys, women, priests, &c., no less than 6000 more,' of -whom not half had returned in 1672. The Spanish Government broke all -their promises and treated the Irish officers and soldiers very badly, -so that whole regiments passed over from time to time into the service -of France. In both services the dissensions which had been so fatal in -Ireland continued between Celts and Anglo-Irish and between Ormondists -and Nuncionists. Hyde, who knew Spain and had suffered many things -there, excuses the desertions in Catalonia, which were stimulated by -Inchiquin, and the ill-conduct of the Irish at Bordeaux, which caused -the loss of that city, by the extreme ill-usage which they had received -from the Spanish authorities. There were many needy Irish officers in -London who were glad to contract with Cardenas for the transport of -men. Philip found money enough to make this remunerative, but when the -Irish were once landed in his country no further trouble was taken. -'The soldiers, who were crowded more together into one ship than was -fit for so long voyages, had contracted many diseases, and many were -dead and thrown overboard. As soon as they came upon the coast the -officers made haste to land, how far soever from the place at which -they stood bound to deliver their men; by which in those places which -could make resistance they were not suffered to land, and in others no -provision was made for their reception on march; but very great numbers -were starved or knocked in the head by the country people.' All this, -Clarendon adds, 'manifested how loose the government was.' Mazarin -managed much better. The passage to France was shorter, and he took -care that there should be no want of shipping and better accommodation -on landing, so that at least 20,000 Irishmen came into the French -service, though from old associations they would have preferred that -of Spain. And the historian notes that Cromwell had been able to send -abroad 40,000 men who would have been enough to drive him out of -England; while the King's Lieutenant, notwithstanding all the promises, -obligations, and contracts which the Confederate Roman Catholics had -made to and with him, could not draw together a body of 5000 men.[246] - -[Sidenote: Arrival of Fleetwood, Sept. 1653.] - -[Sidenote: A High Court established.] - -[Sidenote: Trials at Kilkenny, Clonmel, and Cork.] - -On June 8 Fleetwood married Ireton's widow, and on July 10 his -father-in-law made him commander-in-chief in Ireland. In the following -month he was appointed by Parliament a commissioner for the civil -government along with the regicides Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, and -John Weaver, the member for Stamford. Fleetwood was in Ireland by the -beginning of September, but there was not much left for a general -to do except to superintend the reduction of the army. The dregs of -the war had to be dealt with first, but the Commissioners were given -great powers in the domain of law and justice, and their first care -was for the punishment of those to whom murder could be brought home. -Doctor Jones had already received orders to collect evidence. A High -Court was erected in Dublin under Chief Justice Lowther, who issued -commissions to find and examine witnesses in the country. Local courts -were also established, the first of which, consisting of Justices -Donnellan and Cook and Commissary-General Reynolds, sat on October 4 at -Kilkenny in the room where the Supreme Council had been used to meet. -Notwithstanding the difficulty of getting evidence eleven years after -the first outbreak, sixteen persons were found guilty at Kilkenny, six -at Clonmel, and thirty-two at Cork; and we are told that most of these -were very considerable men, heads of septs or otherwise important. The -High Court in Dublin did not sit until January.[247] - -[Sidenote: Uncertainty as to number executed.] - -[Sidenote: Sir Phelim O'Neill.] - -It was considered murder to kill persons not in arms or who had been -received to quarter, and this was the general principle on which -prosecutions were based. The record is imperfect, but Cox estimated -that not above two hundred died by the hands of the common executioner, -though many murderers had perished by the sword or by disease. Hearsay -evidence was probably admitted to an extent which would not be dreamed -of in our days, but trials were carefully conducted, and there were a -great many acquittals. Of the original insurgents surviving, by far -the most important were Sir Phelim O'Neill, who had lurked in Tyrone -since the surrender of Charlemont, where his wife remained. Early in -1653 he ventured, with a view of communicating with her, to take up his -abode in an old house on an island in Roghan Lough, near Coalisland, -accompanied by Tirlogh Groom O'Quin and a score of soldiers. His -messenger was a follower named O'Hugh, who was under protection at -Charlemont, and Lord Caulfield's attention was thus roused. The little -lake was surrounded and boats were launched upon it, and the island, -which was very near the shore, was quite indefensible even against -musketry. Sir Phelim surrendered, and was taken to Carrickfergus, -where he was very civilly treated by Venables, who had found him a -gallant enemy. He was sent off to Dublin and tried there upon the last -day of February, his companions, with the exception of O'Quin, being -released.[248] - -[Sidenote: Sir Phelim is found guilty.] - -[Sidenote: The case of Lord Caulfield.] - -O'Neill was sentenced to death for high treason and for four murders -proved against him, according to the judge's notes. That he had -levied war against the King is obvious, and the question is not worth -discussing. He was not accused of murdering any one with his own hand, -but as an accessory before the fact or by giving orders to the actual -assassins. In the case of Lord Caulfield the fragments of evidence -which we possess do not make the facts absolutely clear. The original -capture was treacherous in the highest degree, and the murder was -committed by Sir Phelim's foster-brother. The young lord had been over -five months O'Neill's prisoner at or near Charlemont, and according to -one witness he directed the escort to take him to Cloughoughter, in -Cavan. Sir Phelim's own house at Kinard was the first halting-place, -and there the deed was done, fifteen or sixteen of Caulfield's Scotch -and English dependants being slaughtered at the same time. O'Neill was -not present, but he had used very suspicious language shortly before, -and the assassin was allowed to escape in his gaoler's company, and was -not caught. Of three warders, one who was an Irishman was not punished, -while the other two, being English and Scotch, were duly hanged by Sir -Phelim's orders. The gaoler was restored to his post at Armagh. In all -the cases much of the evidence is hearsay; but the murders charged, -with many others, were committed within a few miles of Charlemont, and -Sir Phelim, who commanded in chief, never punished anybody. Michael -Harrison swore that in December 1641 he heard O'Neill say, 'with great -ostentation, that he would never leave off the work he had begun -until mass should be sung or said in every church in Ireland, and -that a Protestant should not live in Ireland, be he of what nation he -would.'[249] - -[Sidenote: Execution of Sir Phelim O'Neill.] - -[Sidenote: The alleged royal commission.] - -[Sidenote: Sham commissions were shown.] - -O'Neill was hanged, drawn, and quartered, one quarter being impaled at -Lisburn, which he had burned; another at Dundalk, which he had taken; -a third at Drogheda, which he had vainly besieged; and a fourth, with -the head, at Dublin, which he had plotted to surprise. Tirlogh Groom -O'Quin, who was captured with him and who had been his close associate -in the early days of the rebellion, was executed later, and his head -set upon the west gate of Carrickfergus. There has been much discussion -as to the exact relation of Sir Phelim and the other original -conspirators to Charles I., and the declaration of Dean Ker in 1681 -was long accepted as evidence. Attempts have been made to set aside -Ker's statement, on the ground that he wanted to be a bishop, that he -spoke twenty-eight years after the fact, and that it was impossible -that things which happened in open court should have remained doubtful -for so long. It is certain that he never became a bishop, and there is -nothing to prove that he wished to be one. By his own showing he had -often mentioned the matter to his friend or patron, Lord Lanesborough, -who at last persuaded him to write it down. There is never anything -extraordinary in London being ignorant of what happens in Dublin; -and after the Restoration no one had any interest in recalling the -proceedings of the Cromwellian High Court there. The late King's -position as a saint and martyr was then undisputed, and the Church of -England was not on her defence. A more important difficulty is that the -Dean says he heard Michael Harrison, who only saved his life by acting -as secretary to Sir Phelim, confess in open court that he attached the -Great Seal to a sham commission, and that O'Neill, when pressed by the -judges, answered 'that no man could blame him to promote that cause -he had so far engaged in.' In his sworn deposition Harrison says Sir -Phelim had often spoken of a commission from the King, but he had never -been able to get a sight of it, though it was generally believed to -exist. It seems certain that a sham commission of some sort was shown -not only in Ulster but in Munster; and there is no difficulty about -believing that O'Neill should not have wished to die with a lie in -his mouth, or that hopes of mercy should have been held out to him if -he would implicate Charles. If the commission were forged, it matters -little whether the seal was that of England or Scotland; either would -do to exhibit at a distance. We know from the judge's notes that -O'Neill was believed to have altered a genuine document, and that a -copy was produced in court. It is not impossible that Harrison may have -been employed to affix a seal to some instrument which he had not been -allowed to read. The memory of Charles I. has much to bear, but he -could not have given a commission authorising a general insurrection. -He had been angling for Roman Catholic help before the outbreak of the -rebellion, and many may have been persuaded that they were doing his -will by rising against the Lords Justices; but it is not at all likely -that any of the leaders were of this opinion.[250] - -[Sidenote: Lord Muskerry acquitted.] - -[Sidenote: His speech after trial.] - -Lord Muskerry was not one of the first conspirators, but he joined the -movement soon after it had spread to Munster. After the surrender of -Ross Castle he went to Spain, but he had been a determined opponent -of Rinuccini, and he found the clergy so hostile that his life was -not safe. At Lisbon his reception was little better, and he gave up -his plan of raising troops for the Peninsula, returned to Cork, and -threw himself upon the mercy of Parliament. This was in February 1653, -and he remained a prisoner in Dublin until his trial in December. In -the meantime Lady Ormonde had arrived there, and naturally interested -herself in his behalf. If Carte was rightly informed, Lowther did what -he could by privately informing her of the line which the prosecution -would take, and so enabling the prisoner to be prepared for his defence -at all points. He was not tried for treason, but as accessory to the -murder of Mrs. Hussey and others in 1642; and this resulted in an -acquittal. There was another charge for the murder of William Deane and -others, also in 1642, and it was held that the prosecutors had proved -the facts, but that the prisoner had no real share in what was done, -and was in any case protected by the Ross articles. It was, moreover, -shown that he often acted a humane and merciful part. A separate -count, for the murder of Roger Skinner, also resulted in an acquittal. -Muskerry was not finally discharged for some months, and this delay -may have been caused by the discovery that a printed copy of the Ross -articles produced on the trial differed from the original which had -been retained by Ludlow. He was charged in May 1654 with the murder -of a man and woman unknown, but there was a verdict of 'Not Guilty.' -Muskerry's speech after his acquittal on the Hussey and Deane charges -has been preserved. He admitted that he had had a fair trial, and that -if there had been any leaning it was in his favour. 'I met,' he said, -'many crosses in Spain and Portugal. I could get no rest till I came -hither, and the crosses I met here are much affliction to me; but when -I consider that in this court I come clear out of that blackness of -blood by being so sifted, it is more to me than my estate. I can live -without my estate, but not without my credit.' He raised men for the -Venetian service, and went later to Poland, and regained most of his -property after the Restoration.[251] - -[Sidenote: Primate O'Reilly found guilty.] - -[Sidenote: O'Reilly pardoned.] - -Another remarkable case was that of Edmund O'Reilly, then or later -vicar-general of Dublin and afterwards Primate, for the murder of John -Joyce and others at Wicklow in December 1642. They appear to have -been burned in Wicklow Castle in cold blood. Most of the evidence was -hearsay, and does not perhaps amount to much more than that O'Reilly -made rather light of what had been done. Luke Byrne, indeed, swore that -in a conversation when Joyce was mentioned O'Reilly had advised him -to kill all the English about him, and had afterwards excommunicated -him for favouring them. The prisoner answered that this Byrne was his -enemy, and that he had excommunicated him for living in adultery. -Perhaps the strongest point against O'Reilly was made by Peter -Wickham, who had been High Sheriff of Wicklow, and who stated that -Edward Byrne was put off the jury because he, as foreman, was prepared -to say that Joyce and the rest were murdered. Edward Byrne himself -corroborated this. On the other hand, a witness bearing the English -name of Pemberton swore that O'Reilly had done many acts of kindness -and preserved many English lives, including those of five Protestant -clergymen. These cases were all a good deal later than Joyce's murder, -and it is not improbable that, while favouring the rebellion at first, -he became afterwards disgusted at the outrages that attended it. He -was found guilty, but received a pardon. Peter Walsh, who was bitterly -opposed to O'Reilly, speaks of him as rather a good-natured and -merciful man, but adds that he escaped owing to 'his former services -to the Parliament, especially that of betraying the royal camp at -Rathmines to Jones.' He was certainly engaged in secret negotiations -between Jones and Owen Roe O'Neill in 1648, and it may well be that -there was no wish to deal hardly with him. Walsh says he was under -protection within the Parliament's lines, and in that unsafe position -was rash enough to appear in Dublin as a witness for the prosecution -in a criminal trial. He was recognised and named by a person in court, -who called upon the judge to arrest him as priest and vicar-general and -chief author of seizing and burning in cessation time the black castle -of Wicklow, and consequently too of murdering all those within it. 'Now -whether this accusation was in itself true or false I know not.'[252] - -[Sidenote: Trial of Lord Mayo, who is shot.] - -Sir Theodore Bourke, third Viscount Mayo, submitted on July 14, 1652, -and was one of the seven who signed on behalf of a large number. Those -guilty of robbery or murder during the first year of the war were -excluded from any benefit by the articles. Lord Mayo was tried at -Galway as accessory to the Shrule massacre by a commission consisting -of Sir Charles Coote and ten others. He was undoubtedly present at the -murders, and he rode away without fighting for the victims, who were -supposed to be under his protection; but there was evidence to show -that he did make some effort to save them, and that he fled only to -secure his own life. Four of the commissioners were for an acquittal, -but he was condemned by a majority and shot.[253] - -[Sidenote: Cost of the war.] - -[Sidenote: The city of London.] - -War is a costly business. First there is the blood-tax, withdrawing -thousands of young men from remunerative work. Then there is the -expenditure on war materials, and the destruction of property, which -may take long to replace. In modern times soldiers are paid punctually, -but some part of the waste has to be met by loans, and so the expense -of war goes on when its causes are half forgotten. In the case of the -Irish rebellion, it was seen at once that the work could not be paid -for out of revenue. Except for a moment under Strafford, Ireland had -never been self-supporting, and Parliament, upon whom the King at once -cast the responsibility, as yet commanded no regular income and could -not pledge the national credit. The city of London was willing enough -to give money, but security for repayment was required, and 2500 acres -of Irish land were hypothecated for this purpose. It was assumed, -judging by the great area affected, and by the experience of former -rebellions, that a very much larger amount would be forfeited. Those -who subscribed would have something to sell as soon as their money had -done its work. In addition to this it proved, just as in Elizabeth's -time, that there was never ready cash enough to pay the soldiers -in full, and their arrears also were made a charge upon the Irish -forfeitures. There were also many miscellaneous creditors who expected -to be paid out of the same fund.[254] - -[Sidenote: Charles I. a party to the plan of settlement.] - -[Sidenote: Money subscribed for Ireland,] - -[Sidenote: but spent in England.] - -It is unnecessary to set out in detail the negotiations which led -to the passing of the Act for the speedy reduction of the rebels -in Ireland, but it received the royal assent and was therefore a -legal statute forming the basis of what is known as the Cromwellian -settlement. Charles II. was bound by it, for the original contract -could not be denied. Six hundred and twenty-five thousand acres were -pledged in each province, and the money advanced was to be repaid with -land distributed by lot at the rate of 1000 acres in Ulster for every -200_l._, in Connaught for every 300_l._, in Munster for every 450_l._, -and in Leinster for every 600_l._ Profitable land only was counted, -bogs, loughs, and barren mountains with the woods growing on them, -being thrown in without measurement. A quit-rent was reserved to the -Crown of one penny per acre in Ulster, three halfpence in Connaught, -twopence farthing in Munster, and threepence in Leinster. Patents -and pardons before attainder since the fatal October 23, 1641, were -declared void, and so were assignments made after March 1 in that year. -A special cause of forfeiture was entering after the said March 1 into -'any compact, bond, covenant, oath, promise, or agreement to introduce -or bring into the said realm of Ireland the authority of the see of -Rome in any case whatsoever or to maintain or defend the same.' The -money subscribed was all to be paid in London, and it was specially -provided that no part of it was to be devoted to any purpose except -the reduction of the Irish rebels until Parliament should declare -that the thing was done. But it very soon became evident that there -would be war nearer home and long before the time limited for closing -the collection. One hundred thousand pounds was borrowed by the House -of Commons for their own purposes 'upon the public faith.' Charles -protested, as he had every right to do, but he set up his standard at -Nottingham only nine days later, having already proclaimed Essex a -traitor. The Irish difficulty could not be effectively dealt with until -it was decided who was to be master in England.[255] - -[Sidenote: Further financial enactments.] - -[Sidenote: The doubling ordinance.] - -[Sidenote: Superstitious uses.] - -[Sidenote: The settlement suspended by war.] - -Three Acts to explain or extend the original one were passed soon -afterwards. By the first special arrangements were made for admitting -Scotch adventurers and Dutch Protestants on or before May 10, 1642; by -the second, subscribers who paid all their money before July 20, 1642, -were to have Irish acres based upon a perch of twenty-one feet, new -contributors and those who were not so prompt, being still confined -to English measure, with a perch of sixteen and a half feet, by the -third corporations and companies were admitted to contribute as well -as individuals. A permanent committee sat in London to watch the -interests of the adventurers. Ordinances affecting them were made from -time to time, of which one of the most important was that of July 14, -1643, doubling the amount of land to be given in Irish acres for an -additional one-fourth to the original subscription, and encouraging -merchants and manufacturers to advance money on the security of the -towns and neighbourhoods of Limerick, Waterford, Galway, and Wexford. -All chantry lands 'given, unto superstitious uses for maintenance -of popish priests and idolatrous masses' were thrown in, and also -all lands 'given for maintenance of lazars and lazarous people and -concealed in possession and occupation of such who are now or shall be -rebels, and have been by their ancestors enjoyed by many descents.' -Some months before this, at the beginning of October 1642, the House -of Commons sent a committee to Ireland consisting of Robert Goodwin -and Robert Reynolds, adventurers and members of Parliament, and of -Captain William Tucker, who was associated with them by the City of -London. They disagreed among themselves, and effected nothing for the -adventurers, but their pretensions gave the King an opportunity of -interfering. Dublin was secured in Ormonde's hands, and so it remained -until Charles was overthrown in England. But civil government was in -abeyance long after that, and it was not until August 1652, when the -Irish war seemed to be nearly over, that Parliament was able to declare -how Irish land should be dealt with.[256] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[241] _Aphorismical Discovery_, iii. 143; John Jones to Major Scott, -March 1, 1652-3, _ib._ 370; Articles for Arran, January 15, _Contemp. -Hist._, iii. 364; Articles for Innisbofin, February 14, _ib._ See also -O'Flaherty's _Western Connaught_, pp. 78, 116. - -[242] Letter from John Jones to Major Scott, March 1, 1652-3, and -another to Morgan Lloyd (without date, but later than May of the same -year), both in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 370-373; Articles with Ulster -party, April 27, 1653, _ib._ 374. - -[243] Two letters of John Jones, _ut sup._; Richard Lawrence's -_Interest of Ireland_, 1682, ii. 86. Many horrors are set forth in -Prendergast's _Cromwellian Settlement_, 2nd ed. 307. - -[244] Articles for Limerick, October 27, 1651; for Galway, April 5, -1652; for Roscommon, April 3; for the Clare brigade, April 21; for the -Ulster Irish, September 21; for Innisbofin, February 14, 1652-3; for -Cloughoughter, April 27 to May 18, 1653. The above and many others are -in vol. iii. of _Contemp. Hist._, except the articles for Galway, which -are in Hardiman's _Hist. of Galway_, appx. p. xxix. Father O'Conor's -letter of May 17, 1653, from Brussels, is in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, -i. 398 (Latin). In another letter from Brussels of May 3, signed by the -Bishops of Raphoe and Clonfert, who were also in Innisbofin, there is -a curious mixture of Virgil and Vulgate: 'hæc est hora hæreticorum et -potestas tenebrarum. Dabit Deus his quoque finem. Via prima salutis, -quo minime remur, Anglo pandetur ab orbe [_sic_],' _ib._ 398. - -[245] O'Daly's _Geraldines_ (Meehan's version, 1847), chap. xi.; -Collier's _Ecclesiastical History_, vii. 42. The order is dated January -2, 1652-3. - -[246] Clarendon's _Hist. of the Rebellion_, xii. 148, 149; a letter -from Sparke (imprisoned at Madrid for Ascham's murder), March 4, -1652-3, in Cal. of _Clarendon MSS._, mentions 'drovers and sellers -of the King's poor subjects, merchants that now find the miserable -Irishman to be the best commodity in trade ... one went lately hence -with a vast sum of money (pretium sanguinis) laden on mules.' Hyde to -Bellings, August 8, 1653, _ib._, and to Sir Benjamin Wright, September -13, _ib._; letters in _Thurloe_ from June to September, i. 320, 337, -479, 504; Petty's _Political Anatomy of Ireland_, chap. 4. Gookin in -his anti-transplantation pamphlet says '40,000 of the most active -spirited men' enlisted for foreign service. - -[247] Cromwell's warrant to Fleetwood in _Thurloe_, i. 212; -instructions to the Commissioners, in _Parliamentary Hist._ xx. -92. Nineteen superior officers to Lenthall, May 5, 1652, in appx. -to _Ludlow_; the Commissioners' letters of October 14 and January -15, _ib._; Carlyle's _Cromwell_, ed. Lomas, ii. 246. See Gardiner's -_Commonwealth_, ii. 164, and _Cox_, ii. 70. - -[248] The details as to O'Neill's capture are from the British -Officer's _Warr of Ireland_, p. 144. The writer says 'twenty gentlemen -of Ulster suffered for matters at the beginning of the war, of which -some suffered innocently, as then it was said, where some of those who -were judges were their enemy in war time.' Col. Jones to Scott, March -1, 1652-3, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 372. Sir Phelim's third wife was -Lady Strabane, a daughter of the 1st Marquis of Huntly. - -[249] Deposition of Michael Harrison, taken February 11, 1652-3, in -_Hickson_, i. 223-233; Notes of the trial with the President's charge -and O'Neill's own deposition or confession, _ib._ ii. 183-190; Note to -Archdall's ed. of Lodge's _Irish Peerage_, iii. 140. - -[250] Dean Ker's statement, dated February 28, 1681-2, was first -published by Nalson (ii. 528) in the following year. Nalson says he -had the paper from Ormonde, and probably Lord Lanesborough, who had -been the Duke's secretary, procured it for that very purpose. It is -reprinted in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 368 and _Hickson_, ii. 370. The -spurious commission in Rushworth, iv. 400, dated October 1, 1641, was -under the Great Seal of Scotland, which could have no value in Ireland. -By it Charles is made to authorise the seizure of all strong places in -Ireland 'except the places, persons and estates of our loving subjects -the Scots; and also to arrest and seize the goods, estates, and persons -of all the English Protestants' to his use. Imagination refuses to -conceive that he could have used such words. For discussions on this -subject see Gardiner's _Hist. of England_, x. 7, 92; Burton's _Hist. -of Scotland_, vi. 347, ed. 1876; _Hickson_, i. 117. The paper called -Antrim's 'Information,' appx. 49 to _Cox_, really proves nothing, and -he was a notoriously loose talker. - -[251] Trial in _Hickson_, ii. 192-204, 235; _Ludlow_, i. 341; Fleetwood -to Thurloe, February 16, 1653-4, in _Thurloe_, ii. 94. Notices in Cal. -of _Clarendon MSS._, vol. ii. during 1653 and 1654; Carte's _Life of -Ormonde_, ii. 161. Muskerry married Lady Eleanor Butler, Ormonde's -eldest sister. - -[252] Notes of trial in _Hickson_, ii., where the murder is said to -have been on December 29, 1642, which was before the cessation, but -there may have been a local truce; _Bellings_, vii. 104; Walsh's -_Remonstrance_, p. 609. - -[253] For the Shrule affair see above. Cox gives the names of the -commissioners and how they voted, with a fair summary of the case. - -[254] A paper printed by Mr. Firth in _English Hist. Review_, xiv. 104, -makes the expense of war and settlement from July 6, 1649, to November -1, 1656, amount to about three and a half millions, of which one and a -half was transmitted out of England, the remainder collected in Ireland. - -[255] Act for the speedy and effectual reducing of the rebels in His -Majesty's Kingdom of Ireland &c., _Scobell_, i. 26 (Royal Assent, March -19, 1641-2). Resolution of the Commons to borrow 100,000_l._, July 30, -1641, in _Rushworth_, iv. 778, and the King's message from York, August -13, _ib._ 775. - -[256] Acts and ordinance in _Scobell_, i. 31-34, 45; _Rushworth_, v. -530; Tucker's Journal in _Confed. and War_, ii. 170. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVII - -PEACE, SETTLEMENT, AND TRANSPLANTATION, 1652-1654 - - -[Sidenote: Settlement. Magnitude of the problem.] - -[Sidenote: Scheme of two Protestant Pales.] - -[Sidenote: Claim of the Adventurers.] - -[Sidenote: Meeting of officers at Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: Effect of the evidence about 1641.] - -At the beginning of 1652 the Commissioners in Ireland could see that -the war was near its end, but there were still about 30,000 men in -arms against them. Their first object was to get these fighting men -out of Ireland, in which they succeeded, and after that to begin the -scheme of colonisation which had been contemplated from the first. -They adhered to the original idea of the Act of March 1642, by which -forfeited lands were to be assigned to the Adventurers in each of the -four provinces, the counties earmarked for the purpose being Kilkenny, -Wexford, Carlow, Westmeath, and Longford in Leinster, Limerick and -Kerry in Munster, Cavan, Monaghan, Fermanagh, and Donegal in Ulster, -Clare, Galway, Leitrim, and Sligo in Connaught, as the divisions then -ran, others being held in reserve in case the above-named should be -insufficient. By this means the settlers would be near one another, -and afford mutual protection. It was also proposed to make a permanent -Pale between the Boyne and the Barrow with a strong garrison in -Wicklow, and another between the Suir and the southern Blackwater. The -territory within those rivers could be easily and cheaply protected, -and would soon be well inhabited, and the soldiers who held it were -to be fixed in Roman fashion with reduced pay and farms instead of -arrears, 'provided that such of them as marry with Irish women shall -lose their commands, forfeit their arrears, and be made incapable to -inhabit lands in Ireland.' After the receipt of the Commissioners' -despatch, the Committee of Adventurers were called upon to make -proposals for a speedy plantation. They accordingly claimed 281,812_l._ -for original advances, and 12,283_l._ under the ordinance of 1643, -involving grants of 1,038,234 acres. They objected to the suggested -arrangements, and demanded contiguous lands in Leinster and Munster, -including the city of Waterford. The war was not yet over, and Tories -were numerous, so that there would be no safety otherwise, and English -labourers were scarce on account of the disafforestations at home. -They therefore refused to be bound to time or to pay taxes until the -country was really settled, lest they should be ruined while their -highly paid servants grew rich, as had happened in New England. Weaver -was sent over in April to represent the Irish Government, but the -Adventurers stood their ground. Three years from September 29, 1652, -had been proposed as the limit of time to be occupied in planting, but -it would be impossible within it to provide dwellings for 40,000 men -and their families. Less than that number would not do, nor could the -work begin until the counties assigned were 'cleared of Tories or of -other Irish which by the propositions may not be admitted to be in the -plantation, though Protestants.' They only waited till the country was -made safe, and till they knew more accurately what lands they had to -escheat, 'and that all men's estates not forfeited should be cleared -and known.' Otherwise they might be involved in hopeless litigation -with Lord Cork and many others, who were not at all implicated in the -rebellion. On April 17, one month before this answer was given, the -general and field officers in Ireland, including Ludlow, Corbet, and -Jones, met at Kilkenny, where they heard Dr. Jones's abstract of the -depositions taken concerning murders committed during the rebellion. -They were already inclined to think that some of the capitulations had -been too lenient, and the reading of this terrible paper confirmed -them. To many the facts were new, others, who had been in Ireland since -1641, had never known them in so concrete a form, and they feared that -men at a distance might be moved through ignorance to lenity, 'which we -have found no small temptation in ourselves ... and considering that so -many murders have been committed that few of the former English were -left undestroyed (especially men who had any particular knowledge of -the massacre, and of those the greater part are since deceased) so that -few of the rebels can be particularly discriminated by any evidence now -to be produced, as the usual course of justice doth require, yet those -barbarous, cruel murders having been so generally joined in and since -justified by the whole nation, &c.' And they suggested to Parliament -that 'in duty towards God, the great avenger of such villainies,' they -should not delay to decide upon the 'qualifications and exceptions' -desirable. The abstract of evidence which had so greatly impressed the -officers accompanied their despatch, which was read in Parliament on -May 18, and we may well believe that its effect was considerable in -moulding legislation. In the interval between May and August the idea -of transplantation took shape, and Connaught was left out of the area -within which Adventurers and soldiers might seek their reward.[257] - -[Sidenote: Classification of Irish delinquents.] - -[Sidenote: Exceptions by name.] - -[Sidenote: First sketch of transplantation.] - -[Sidenote: Existing agreements to be observed.] - -The Act of Settlement upon which all subsequent proceedings were -founded declared that it was 'not the intention of the Parliament to -extirpate that whole nation.' Pardon might be extended to the inferior -sort of people on condition of submission and peaceable behaviour. -Those of higher rank, 'according to the respective demerits and -considerations under which they fell,' were divided into ten classes -or qualifications, of which the first five were excepted from pardon -for life and estate. The first comprised all who before November 10, -1642, when the Kilkenny assembly first met, had anything to say to -the rebellion, murders, or massacre. The second clause included all -ecclesiastical persons in Roman orders who had been so concerned, the -penalty in their cases extending to 'violences' less than murder -or open insurrection. The third consisted of one hundred and four -persons excepted by name, including Ormonde, Castlehaven, Clanricarde, -Inchiquin, Muskerry, and seventeen other temporal peers. Bishop -Bramhall came next, and among the rest were Sir Phelim O'Neill, General -Preston, and Roger O'More. The fourth qualification covered those -who at any time after October 1, 1641, had a hand in killing any one -except soldiers, and all Irishmen who, not being soldiers themselves, -had killed Englishmen who were. The fifth clause condemned all who -did not lay down their arms within twenty-eight days of the Act being -published by authority in Ireland. The sixth clause provided for the -banishment of all superior military officers and for the forfeiture of -two-thirds of their estates, the value of the remaining third to be -enjoyed by their wives and children 'in such places in Ireland as the -Parliament, in order to the more effectual settlement of the peace of -this nation, shall think fit to appoint for that purpose.' The seventh -clause empowered the Commissioners to pardon others who had fought and -submitted, and they also were deprived of two-thirds of their property, -but might continue in Ireland upon the equivalent of one-third wherever -the Parliament might assign it. The eighth applied to Papists who -had lived in Ireland since October 23, 1641, 'and had not manifested -their constant good affection to the interest of the Commonwealth of -England'; they were to forfeit one-third, and other persons who might -have helped the Parliament and failed to do so were deprived of only -one-fifth. The ninth clause granted pardon for life and estate to those -who had no land and not more than ten pounds personalty, provided they -laid down their arms within the prescribed time. The tenth clause -swept into the net all estates tail and trusts created after March -25, 1639, but English Protestants who purchased for value before the -beginning of the rebellion were protected. There was a final proviso -granting to all the benefit of any articles granted provided they had -observed them on their part, but the Commissioners had, nevertheless, -power to 'transplant' them to any such place in Ireland as should be -'judged most consistent with public safety,' where they were to have -land equivalent to what they would have enjoyed had they not been so -removed.[258] - -[Sidenote: Lambert named for Deputy,] - -[Sidenote: but the appointment is not made.] - -[Sidenote: Fleetwood at head of Irish Government, July 1652.] - -At the end of January 1652, a little more than two months after -Ireton's death, Lambert was named by Parliament as Deputy to Cromwell, -who was still Lord Lieutenant; and he made preparations for filling -the place brilliantly. Mrs. Hutchinson says he laid out five thousand -pounds on his outfit, and gave himself airs of superiority, 'looking -upon all the Parliament men who had conferred this honour on him as -underlings, and scarcely worth the great man's nod.' Weaver's influence -was cast against him, and before Cromwell's commission had actually -expired the House resolved to abolish the Lord Lieutenancy and to -appoint no Deputy. Lambert was told he might command the army as Ludlow -had been doing, sharing the civil power with the other commissioners; -but he refused this offer, and Cromwell, who became Captain-General, -appointed Fleetwood. Ludlow says this was a deep-laid plot on the part -of Cromwell, who was jealous of his steadfast republicanism, and that -he was thus able to secure a useful servant in his son-in-law, and at -the same time to set such a dangerous rival as Lambert against the -Parliament. On the other hand there is evidence that Cromwell thought -him badly treated, and he requested that 2000_l._ of arrears due to -himself as Lord Lieutenant might be paid to Lambert. Ludlow, Corbet, -and Jones remained in Ireland as Fleetwood's colleagues, but Weaver, -though reappointed, became obnoxious to the military party, and never -returned thither. Fresh instructions were issued as soon as the Act of -Settlement had passed, and Fleetwood landed at Waterford in September -1652. The Commissioners were ordered to publish and circulate the Act, -and to put it in force in Ireland, as well as all ordinances affecting -the estates of delinquents and Papists and of the bishops and chapters. -They were to raise a revenue not exceeding 40,000_l._ a month upon -lands and goods in Ireland, and to watch the financial interests -of the State in every way, and they were given power 'to send into -England or such other places as you shall think fit, any persons whose -residence in those parts from which they are so to be removed, you -shall judge dangerous to this Commonwealth.'[259] - -[Sidenote: Necessity for further legislation.] - -[Sidenote: The Long Parliament expelled, April 20, 1653.] - -The Act of Settlement only laid foundations, and further legislation -was required before the work of colonisation could be actually -undertaken. At the end of 1652, although the war was not quite over, -the Commissioners urged upon Parliament the necessity of expedition. -'The two great businesses,' they wrote a few weeks later, 'which now -lie before us are how to lessen your charge and how to plant the -country, but neither of these can be done to any effect till we do hear -your pleasure about the Bill before you for giving satisfaction to -the Adventurers and also to satisfy the arrears of the soldiers.' The -dilatoriness of the sovereign assembly was at least one of the reasons -why Cromwell turned it out of doors. The Lord General and his new -Council in their declaration make no reference to Ireland except that -it had pleased God to reduce the country. It was published a week later -in Dublin, the Commissioners reminding all in positions of trust that -'notwithstanding the present alteration' they were bound to use great -diligence, and that they would be held to strict account. May 4 and 11 -were fixed for 'solemn seeking the Grace of the Lord by all his people -in Ireland.'[260] - -[Sidenote: The Little Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish members.] - -Oliver Cromwell was virtually dictator during the few weeks that -intervened between his dismissal of the much purged House of Commons -and the meeting of that curious assembly sometimes called the Little -and sometimes the Nominated Parliament, but which will always be -remembered in connection with Praise-God Barebone. It was intended -to legislate for the British Islands, and representatives of Scotland -and Ireland were accordingly added. The 140 members were named by the -new Council of State without any pretence of election, and summoned by -Oliver as Lord General. The English members were assigned to various -parts of the kingdom, but the Scotch and Irish, to their respective -countries at large. Five of the Irish members were Colonels, Sir -Robert King, who was born in Ireland, Hewson the regicide, who became -a Councillor of State, John Clarke, Daniel Hutchinson, and Henry -Cromwell. The only civilian associated with them was Vincent Gookin, -whose father had fallen foul of Strafford's Parliament. The Speaker -chosen by the assembly was Francis Rous, author of a metrical version -of the Psalms which still retains some reputation in Scotland. The -House, which had been partly composed according to Harrison's idea of -a Sanhedrin, took care to appoint no officer or servant, 'but such -as they were first well satisfied of their real godliness.' The new -Council of State was reappointed with some alterations, and included -Cromwell and Fleetwood. After these preliminaries were settled the -House spent a summer's day until four o'clock 'in seeking the Lord in -a special manner for counsel and a blessing on the proceedings,' some -twelve members speaking and praying. 'The Lord General was present, and -it was a comfortable day.' His long speech at the opening contains no -special reference to Irish policy.[261] - -[Sidenote: Adventurers. Grocers' Hall committee.] - -[Sidenote: A lottery for Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: The ''49 officers.'] - -Cromwell handed over the supreme authority to the new assembly, which -by a majority voted itself a Parliament, but he and his Council of -State had already begun to take action on the Act of Settlement. -Methusaleh Turner, linen-draper of London, and eight other persons were -appointed to meet at Grocers' Hall, on June 20, at eight o'clock in -the morning, and there hold a lottery to decide upon the Adventurers' -claims. No one lot was to exceed 10,000_l._, Connaught was excluded, -and the total to be provided for in the other three provinces was -360,000_l._ One penny in the pound was to be deducted for expenses. -Two days after the lottery began a commission was given to Fleetwood, -Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, declaring the war ended and empowering them -to administer the Acts and ordinances concerning the Adventurers, and -to make a survey for the purpose of all forfeited lands in Ireland. -They were instructed first to take in hand ten counties, namely -Limerick, Tipperary, and Waterford in Munster, King's and Queen's -Counties, Meath, and Westmeath in Leinster, Down, Antrim and Armagh -in Ulster, 'and to divide all the forfeited lands, meadow, arable, -and profitable pasture with the woods and bogs and barren mountains -thereunto respectively belonging into two equal moieties' of which -one was intended for the Adventurers and the other for the soldiers' -arrears. Louth was then to be surveyed separately. The counties -of Dublin, Cork, Kildare, and Carlow were specially reserved, and -the Commissioners were authorised to assign any five counties not -hitherto named to pay arrears accrued since June 5, 1649, of soldiers -to be disbanded. All grants made by 'any Act, ordinance, or order of -Parliament' since November 1, 1641, were excluded from survey, and the -manor of Blarney was specially excepted. Blarney, which was part of -Muskerry's great estate, fell to Broghill's share, and we may infer -that his advice was much followed in all matters connected with the -settlement.[262] - -[Sidenote: Satisfaction of the army.] - -[Sidenote: Orders to transplant. Penalties for disobedience.] - -[Sidenote: Exemption for loyal Protestants.] - -When the commission and instructions reached Dublin, the Commissioners -there had begun to negotiate with the officers as to who should -be disbanded and how their arrears should be satisfied 'until the -supreme authority of the Commonwealth were convened.' The army were -not pleased when they heard that their satisfaction was to be limited -to five counties and to those who had served since June 1649. Those -who had been longest in the Parliamentary service seemed to have -greater claims, and they had certainly greater arrears due. It became -necessary to issue further instructions as to the transplantation -contemplated by the Act of Settlement. The Commissioners in Ireland -were to announce publicly that parts of Ireland would be planted with -English and Protestants for their security, and 'to the end that all -persons who have right to articles or to any favour and mercy held -forth by any of the qualifications in the said Act, may enjoy the -benefit intended unto them, and every of them respectively.' These -words at once excluded all who were excepted from pardon for life and -estate by the first five clauses: their lives might for the most part -not be in much danger, but their property was gone. All who had claims -were ordered to transplant into Connaught and Clare before May 1, 1654, -there to receive such portions of land as their qualifications entitled -them to. All who were found east of the Shannon after that day without -licence from the Government were to be 'reputed spies and enemies, and -for the same offence suffer death,' but a little later it was ordered -that the capital penalty should not be inflicted without special order -from the Lord Deputy and Council. All who removed in time were to be -pardoned for every offence except murder; but they were not to possess -arms nor to reside in any town without licence, on penalty of death -by martial law. Ecclesiastical persons in Roman orders were not to be -'pardoned, tolerated, or admitted.' The obligation to transplant was -not extended to Protestants who did not adhere to or join the rebels -before September 15, 1643, nor to any woman married to an English -Protestant before December 2, 1650, on condition of renouncing Popery -and professing Protestantism. Boys under fourteen and girls under -twelve were allowed to remain among the English as servants, their -masters undertaking to train them 'in the true Protestant religion.' -Protestants, whether English or Irish, who had land in Connaught or -Clare, and had 'constantly adhered to the English against the rebels,' -might on application receive an equivalent in one of the English -counties. All transplantable persons were to be gone before May 1, -1654, and within two months of receiving their allotments, which were -only provisional pending a regular survey. On September 12, 1653, these -instructions were transmitted by the Commissioners to their officers in -every part of Ireland, with directions to make them public.[263] - -[Sidenote: The Act of Satisfaction, Sept. 27, 1653.] - -[Sidenote: Declaration of the Irish Government, Oct. 14, 1653.] - -[Sidenote: The basis of taxation and compensation.] - -From the Commissioners' letter of April 22, 1653, quoted above, -it is evident that the Bill for satisfaction of Adventurers and -soldiers was before the Long Parliament for some time. The changes -consequent upon its expulsion caused further delay, and it was not -till just before Michaelmas that the action of the Lord General and -Council was legalised, so far as any legal force could attach to the -new Parliament's sanction. The Act confirmed what had been done, -and further empowered the Commissioners to shorten proceedings by -transplanting the Irish at once, 'although their claims be not first -determined or their qualifications distinguished,' and to give them -lands in occupation 'proportionable to the estate by them claimed -or competent to such stock as each of the said persons shall have.' -Adventurers and soldiers receiving lands were relieved for five -years from the payment of quit-rents imposed by the Act of 1642, and -taxation for the same period was not to exceed one-fourth of the annual -value. When the Commissioners in Ireland received the Act with its -final directions they published a declaration for enforcing it. All -who took part in or abetted 'the rebellions, murders, or massacres' -during the first year, all who at any time were in actual arms as -rebels, and all who had any land entitling them to compensation by -the Act of Settlement, were to remove across the Shannon by May 1, -1654. Protestants who had not joined the rebels before the first -cessation on September 15, 1643, were excepted, and so was any woman -who married an English Protestant before December 2, 1650, on condition -of openly renouncing Popery. All persons not excepted, or without -special licence, found east of the Shannon after the appointed day were -to be treated as hostile spies, 'tried by martial law, and suffer -death.' All transplantable persons were to report themselves to the -commissioners of revenue in the precinct where they lived, giving the -names of their families, particulars as to tenants and others who would -accompany them voluntarily, with their ages, colour and height, and an -account of the cattle and tillage 'for which they pay contribution in -the places from whence they remove.' After satisfying themselves that -the information was true, the Commissioners were to issue certificates, -and regulations were made as to how these documents might be converted -into land in Connaught or Clare.[264] - -[Sidenote: The transplantation. Slow progress.] - -Whatever may be the exact meaning of this declaration, or however it -may be reconciled with the Acts of Settlement and of Satisfaction, it -soon became quite clear that the transplantation could not be effected -by May 1, 1654. As a matter of fact the procedure was applied only to -landowners and their families, and to such tenants as might choose to -go with them. A few did go early in the day, but the vast majority -clung to their homes. Licences to remain were freely granted to the -aged and infirm and to those who could show that they had befriended -the English. Even in cases where the service was too slight to deserve -permanent exemption, Colonel Lawrence assures us that indulgence was -shown for considerable periods, 'that a cup of cold water might not -go unrequited.' The time was extended generally, first to December, -so that seed time and harvest might be included, and afterwards to -March 1655, the doomed proprietors remaining on their old property as -tenants at will to the State. When March arrived most of the work was -still to be done, for the officers and soldiers 'and other faithful -Protestants' of Leinster, petitioned the Irish Government to execute -the 'further instructions' of July 2, 1653, and to transplant 'all -the Irish into Connaught excepting males of fourteen years of age and -females of twelve.' The first reason was lest the settlers should -become idolaters from intermarriage with the natives, many who came -over in Queen Elizabeth's time having thus fallen away and been -concerned in the late murders and massacres. Among many Old Testament -texts the petitioners gave precedence to the verses of Ezra, where the -Israelites were forbidden to take Gentile wives, 'that they might be -strong and eat the good of the land and leave it for an inheritance -to their children for ever.' If this principle was neglected even -the Parliamentary soldiers might join with the natives to attack -the colonists, having first learned the vices that reigned in the -land, such as swearing, drunkenness, dissembling, and deceiving. The -second argument was 'grounded on the law of nature, which teacheth -self-preservation.' Experience showed that the priests would go to -any lengths to advance their Church, and that the people would follow -them, and Edmund Campion the Jesuit is quoted as to the perfidiousness -of the Irish. The great thing was to get rid of the Tories out of -three provinces, and thus encourage honest men to come from England -and strengthen those who were already committed to Ireland. As things -actually stood the English were confined to garrisons and forced to -fold their cattle, while the Irish occupied the best land, keeping -their flocks and herds in the fields by day and night. When it was a -question of paying taxes they hid their stock in the woods, 'which the -English cannot do, who by that means will be liable to bear a greater -proportion of contribution than the Irish.'[265] - -[Sidenote: The Protectorate established.] - -[Sidenote: Fleetwood Deputy.] - -Cromwell became Protector in December 1653, and Fleetwood was one of -the Council of State. Ludlow takes credit to himself for delaying the -assent of Ireland, but Oliver was nevertheless proclaimed on January -30, the Secretary's name only appearing. The other Commissioners -effaced their signatures when Ludlow refused to add his, and they -seem to have disliked the change. Ludlow rested his case upon the -engagement of January 1650, which he and his colleagues had taken to -support 'the Commonwealth of England as it is now established without -a King or House of Lords.' Afterwards he refused to have any share in -the civil government, while retaining his military command; and this -was attributed by Henry Cromwell and others to his love for pay and -allowances. There is nevertheless a real distinction between acting as -a minister and serving one's country as a soldier, even under a usurped -government. The Anabaptist party, who were hostile to the Protectorate, -showed signs of adopting the discontented general as their leader. -Cromwell sent over his son Henry to report, and he remained about a -month in Ireland, being received with as much honour as if he were -indeed a prince. He found Jones as well as Ludlow discontented, but -made rather light of their opposition, which indeed came to nothing, -William Kiffin and others advising their Baptist friends to accept the -new government. Henry nevertheless suggested that Fleetwood was not -a satisfactory representative, and advised his father to replace him -by Desborough, at least for a time. We have no means of knowing what -passed between father and son after the latter's return, but the result -was to soften the effect of the transplantation policy. Vincent Gookin -was in England, and if he was consulted, as is at least probable, his -influence would have worked in that direction. Fleetwood became Lord -Deputy in August 1654, when the term of the Commissioners came to an -end. Ludlow and Jones were not reappointed to the Irish Council, and -the latter went to England, but Corbet was retained, and others were -sent over. Among the latter were Colonel Robert Hammond of Isle of -Wight celebrity; Richard Pepys and William Steele, eminent lawyers; -Robert Goodwin, who had been over twelve years before; and Colonel -Matthew Tomlinson, who had been appointed one of Charles I.'s judges, -but had declined to act.[266] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell's First Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish members.] - -[Sidenote: The dispensing power.] - -A perfectly regular statute provided that the Long Parliament should -not be dissolved without its own consent, and the usurping House of -Commons, which had killed the King and abolished the monarchy and -House of Lords, was thus able to make some pretence of legality. In -the Parliament elected under the Instrument of Government thirty -members were assigned to Ireland, and Cromwell left it to those on the -spot to decide whether elections were possible in the state of the -country. Fleetwood, Jones, and Corbet replied that several counties -were waste and others very unsettled, and that they did not see how the -business was to be done. The writs were, however, sent over, and Ludlow -persuaded them that even the shadow of representation would be better -than nothing. He says the influence of the clergy secured a few results -not pleasing to the Government; but all the chief officers were chosen, -Broghill being returned for the county of Cork, and Gookin, whose -interests also lay there, for Bandon and Kinsale. Henry Cromwell was -chosen for Cambridge University, and Fleetwood both for Oxfordshire and -for Marlborough. The new Parliament met on Cromwell's lucky September -3, but before that day he had given Fleetwood and his Council power -to 'dispense with the orders and instructions made and given by the -late Parliament or Council of State for the transplantation of the -Irish,' and also with the penalties upon those who neglected or refused -to go. A clause to the same effect had been rejected when the Act of -Satisfaction was passed twelve months before.[267] - -[Sidenote: Declaration as to transplantation, Nov. 30, 1654.] - -[Sidenote: Vincent Gookin's pamphlet against transplantation.] - -[Sidenote: Divisions among Protestants.] - -[Sidenote: The earth-tillers indispensable] - -The dispensing power remained with the Irish Government, who exercised -it; but Fleetwood was not inclined to make indulgence a matter of -course, and the military party were always pressing him in the -direction of severity. On November 30, 1654, a declaration was issued -repeating the order in the Act of Settlement for the transplantation -of landed proprietors, of those in arms against the Commonwealth since -October 21, 1641, and of those who aided the rebellion during the -first year of the war. They were ordered to be gone with their wives -and families by March 1 following, or to incur the penalties already -declared. How far Oliver was influenced by Vincent Gookin must be -a matter of conjecture, but he certainly liked him, and the latter -would scarcely have appeared in print against the Protector's known -wishes. At the very beginning of 1655 Gookin published a pamphlet -against general transplantation, and sent a copy to every member of -Parliament. He was impressed with the idea that the Irish generally -might be converted to Protestantism, and that this was much more likely -if they were left intermixed with the English. The country had been -conquered, and there were garrisons everywhere, but no ministers, 'as -if our business in Ireland was only to set up our own interest and not -Christ's.' Another difficulty lay in the divisions among Protestants, -who were so bitter against each other that 'the Papist sees not -where to fix if he should come to us.' If the Irish remained among -the English they would 'enjoy the labours of godly able ministers, -the encouragement of Protestant professors, and the catechisings of -private Christians,' all which influences would be wanting if they -were crowded together beyond the Shannon. It is hardly worth while to -inquire what might have happened if there had been no Restoration, -but Gookin declares that the priests had 'universally departed' as -well as the most dangerous of the soldiers, and it is possible for -people with a great deal of imagination to argue that Ireland might -have become Protestant if they had all been kept out for ever. What -really prevented the transplantation from being fully carried out was -the impossibility of cultivating the land without the help of the -natives, who might be spared under the first clause of the Act of -Settlement. The Irish, says Gookin, lived on the roots and fruits of -their 'gardens,' that is mainly on potatoes, and sold their corn to -the English to pay the taxes. The country, moreover, was not generally -suited to corn, on account of the uncertain climate and the amount of -labour required, and if the Irish all left no contribution could be -made out of lands east of the Shannon. The women, too, were for the -most part able to spin and weave flax and wool, and there were plenty -of masons 'more handy and ready in building ordinary houses and much -more prudent in supplying the defects of instruments and materials -than English artificers.' Gookin reckoned that a capital of 1500_l._ -or 2000_l._ would be required for each thousand Irish acres, and that -it would be impossible to bring over English labour in sufficient -quantity. The Irish might refuse to go into Connaught--indeed, many had -already done so, saying that their position was hopeless and that they -might as well face ruin where they were as travel to look for it. And -he adds, 'there is one thing more which wise men will consider, and -that is, the impossibility of this transplanting ... can it be imagined -that a whole nation will drive like geese at the wagging of a hat upon -a stick?'[268] - -[Sidenote: Definition of a Tory.] - -[Sidenote: Intolerable taxation.] - -Whatever may be the etymology of the name Tory, it was officially -applied in 1647 to masterless men living a life of brigandage and -preying upon all who had anything to lose. No doubt it was in popular -use before that date. Gookin says the English dreaded the Tories 'more -than armies, and woods and bogs than camps,' and he believed that -transplantation would make matters worse. The Irish proprietors would -be unable to support their followers beyond Shannon, the river would -be no barrier, and they would become Tories against their will. They -had already been forced into such courses by the intolerable taxation -necessary to support the Parliament's army, and by the violence and -oppression of some soldiers which often went unpunished. Most of the -really active rebels were dead or exiled, and it was unwise as well -as unjust to assume universal guilt. The Irish nation, indeed, 'were -generally engaged in the rebellion, either through ignorance of the -design and apprehending they acted by the King's commission and for -his and God's service; or through infirmity, partly fearing their -priests' threats, partly their landlords' frowns, partly the violence -of others, of the English who at the beginning reckoned an Irishman and -a rebel tantamount, and on that score forced many into war (who desired -peace) with the Irish in arms, who accounted and declared all enemies -that joined not (at least seemingly) with them, and proceeded with more -severity against dissenting natives than English.' - -[Sidenote: Lawrence's answer to Gookin.] - -[Sidenote: Everything English had been destroyed.] - -[Sidenote: Only landowners and soldiers transplanted.] - -[Sidenote: Gookin's rejoinder.] - -[Sidenote: The two writers agreed in essentials.] - -A month after its publication, Gookin's pamphlet was denounced by -Fleetwood as a 'very strange scandalous book,' and Colonel Lawrence, -'at the request of several persons in eminent place in Ireland,' -undertook to refute it. He was able to show that former settlements had -succeeded only where the colonists were placed near one another, 'as -for instance the barony of Ards, in the county of Down and province of -Ulster, which being entirely planted by British people did preserve -themselves by keeping guards upon their frontiers when all the country -besides was totally ruined.' He gives many horrible details of the -rebellion, 'wherein neither age nor sex were spared.... English cattle -and houses were destroyed for their being of an English kind, and all -this without the least provocation, yet this bloody inhuman act with -all its aggravations were espoused by this people as a national quarrel -and a war waged thereupon'; but admits that some of the Irish gentry -'(whose kindness I hope either hath been or will be rewarded both by -God and man)' did really help the English, so that a few escaped like -Job's messengers to bring the bad news. Lawrence points out that in -all official declarations only landed proprietors and men in arms were -marked for transplantation, and that nothing further was intended, but -he maintains that it was quite possible to extend it greatly without -danger. Gookin's rejoinder is dedicated to Fleetwood, whom he praises -for his kindness to all, whereby the necessary hardships were much -diminished. He shows how very few exceptions there would be among the -Irish if the declaration of October 14, 1653, were strictly acted upon, -acknowledges the authorship of the first pamphlet, and maintains his -position. 'Let no poor sufferer by the Irish betray his reason or -religion to his passion here, to think no evils can be too great to be -brought on the Irish. It was their being cruel makes us hate them so -much: to punish them do not run into their sin, lest God punish thee. -Do not think that he that writes this and the Case of Transplantation -pleads for them, but thy cause; 'tis safe and profitable for thee that -some be removed, not all. This Colonel Lawrence says shall be done and -this I desired might be done: where is my offence against authority -more than his, my love to the Irish more than his, or my care of thee -less than his?' After all there is not much difference between the two -writers. That the English did not think Gookin's ideas hostile to the -settlement may be inferred from their electing him to Parliament, and -proposing to pay his expenses there, an offer which he refused.[269] - -[Sidenote: Effect of the Waldensian massacre.] - -[Sidenote: Officers in Ireland protest against leniency.] - -There can be little doubt that the sufferings of the Waldenses reacted -upon Ireland, the rather that many Irish refugees were concerned in -the massacres. At the end of 1653 it was reported that Irish troops -had passed the mountains from Spain and appeared at Nîmes, where there -was a strong body of Protestants. The priests secured them a good -reception, though they boasted that they would 'tear in pieces and -crucify quick' any Protestants they found there. Some of them were -induced to settle and take wives 'so that they may in a manner in -this town augment and renew the race of that execrable and murdering -nation.' Two months later another detachment were refused admission to -Nîmes because some of them boasted that they had massacred the English -in Ireland, and they went on to Piedmont. Later on it was said that -the Waldensian valleys were to be given up to the Irish. It is not -therefore surprising that the officers in Ireland, with Fleetwood at -their head, should have expressed their horror at the proceedings in -Piedmont, and cautioned the Protector against too great leniency in -Ireland. 'Let the blood of Ireland be fresh in your view, and their -treachery cry aloud in your ears, that the frequent solicitations with -which you are encompassed may not slack your hand to an unsafe pity of -those whose principles in all ages carry them forth to such brutish -and inhuman practices, which consist not with human society; and let -not such be left untransplanted here, or unminded in England, whose -continuance among us do palpably hazard the very being of Protestant -interest in these nations.' And Cromwell himself told the Dutch -Ambassador that the example of Ireland was fresh in his memory, where -above 200,000 had been massacred. So strong was the feeling in Ireland -that the officers contributed a fortnight's pay and the soldiers a -week's pay for the relief of the persecuted mountaineers. A large sum -was also subscribed privately.[270] - -[Sidenote: Transplantation proceeds slowly.] - -[Sidenote: The Loughrea commissioners.] - -[Sidenote: The Athlone commissioners.] - -The process of transplantation went on slowly, and was never carried -to its extreme lengths, for very few would have escaped if the Act of -Settlement had been carried out to the letter. But vast numbers did -remove during the year 1654, and it would probably be difficult to -exaggerate the hardships they underwent. In some cases at least whole -districts were depopulated, for it was officially reported that 'no -inhabitant of the Irish nation that knows the country' was left in the -barony of Eliogarty in Tipperary, which contains the town of Thurles, -and orders were given for the return of four families, who might live -near their old homes and assist the surveyors. Those who crossed the -Shannon were provided with land in a temporary way, and two commissions -were appointed to consider claims with a view to more permanent -arrangements. In October 1653 the transplanted were ordered to go -to Galway and inform the commissioners of revenue there as to their -families and the nature of their claims. Afterwards these commissioners -sat at Loughrea, and it became their duty to distribute land in -accordance with the findings of another commission at Athlone. The -latter were appointed on December 28, 1654, as the 'Court of Claims and -Qualifications of the Irish,' and were generally known as the Athlone -commissioners. Their business was to find under which qualification -or degree of guilt each Irish claimant fell, and to give him lands -proportionate to those which he had enjoyed east of the Shannon. -The Loughrea commissioners used the maps and registers made for -Strafford's intended plantation in Connaught and in the northern half -of Tipperary. For the rest of Ireland it was necessary to make a new -survey. Meanwhile transplantation proceeded very slowly, and in March -1656 there were 1000 men under restraint who had borne arms during the -rebellion, but refused to cross the Shannon.[271] - -[Sidenote: A fresh survey. Benjamin Worsley.] - -[Sidenote: William Petty.] - -[Sidenote: Petty's proposals accepted.] - -Benjamin Worsley, who had been a surgeon or apothecary in Strafford's -army, came over again in 1652, and was appointed Surveyor-General. He -had been an unsuccessful projector and according to Petty had tried his -hand at universal medicine, gold-making, saltpetre sowing, and other -'mountain-bellied conceptions which ended only in abortive mice,' he -and his friend Sankey being stigmatised as a 'multiloquial pair of -monti-parturists.' He began to make a survey, at which he expected -to be employed for many years, but Petty soon began to criticise his -proceedings and to suggest that he could do the work a great deal -better in as many months. Despatch was of the essence of the business, -for both adventurers and soldiers were clamouring for possession of the -promised lands. Petty had come over at the same time as Worsley, and -the Irish Government very soon found that he was a man of extraordinary -ability and very likely to carry anything he undertook to a successful -issue. Ireton made him Physician-General to the army, and he claimed -to have so reformed the drug department as to get rid of all abuses -and at the same time save the State 500_l._ a year. Worsley's plan was -to survey the forfeited lands without any regard to the established -divisions into baronies, parishes, and town lands, or to the physical -features of the country. He was to be paid only for the profitable -lands, and thus there was a constant tendency to include worthless -tracts. Moreover the subdivision would still have to be done either -at a great charge to the State or at the expense of the grantees. In -the latter case no authentic record would remain, and there would be -no unity of action. Nobody was satisfied at the prospect, and Petty -declared that Worsley's great object 'was so to frame committees -of conceited, sciolous persons, intermixing some of credit and -bulk amongst them, as whereby he might screen himself in case of -miscarriage.' He made proposals of his own, and the rival schemes were -submitted to the judgment of a committee consisting of Sir Hardress -Waller, Colonels Lawrence and Hewson, and nine others, including Petty -and Worsley.[272] - -[Sidenote: The Down survey.] - -[Sidenote: Surveying dangerous work.] - -Petty's plan was approved, though Worsley worked hard against him, and -had at first the help of Sir Charles Coote and some other officers. -Afterwards Coote and Reynolds were added to the committee, and the -final result was a complete victory for Petty. Worsley remained -Surveyor-General, and it was with him that his rival contracted to do -the work. Petty engaged to make in thirteen months a general map of -twenty-two counties, ascertaining and defining the bounds of baronies -so that there should be no future doubt. He undertook within the same -counties accurately to set out all forfeited lands as well as all -Crown lands and the property of bishops, deans, and chapters, 'or any -other officer belonging to that hierarchy,' showing their quality and -physical character, and all civil subdivisions. He was to receive -7_l._ 2_s._ 4_d._ for every thousand acres of forfeited profitable -land that shall be admeasured and actually sent out to 'the soldiery -by him,' and 3_l._ for every thousand acres of unprofitable land. One -of the conditions made by Petty was that those whom he employed in the -survey should be protected from Tories, and this was no superfluous -precaution. Eight surveyors were actually captured near Timolin in -Kildare, carried off to the Wicklow mountains, and there murdered. -In spite of such drawbacks the survey was completed, or very nearly -so, within the specified time, and the distribution of land to the -disbanded soldiers went on in the meantime. Henry Cromwell visited -Kilkenny, Waterford, and Wexford in September and October 1655, and -reported that good progress had been made in the work.[273] - -[Sidenote: Progress of the survey.] - -[Sidenote: The debentures.] - -[Sidenote: English settlers cannot be had.] - -Petty claimed to have made lineal measurements to the extent of more -than five times the earth's circumference. The forfeited lands were -indicated to him by what was called the Civil Survey, which was merely -a register of forfeited lands made independently by commissioners and -for the most part before the old proprietors had actually departed. -This made the measuring business dangerous as well as troublesome, -and Petty employed soldiers 'such as were able to endure travail, -ill lodging and diet, as also heats and colds, being also men of -activity that could leap hedge and ditch, and could also ruffle with -the several rude persons in the country, from whom they might expect -often to be crossed and opposed.' He had no difficulty in finding men -who, 'having been bred to trades, could write and read sufficiently -for the purpose.' The more delicate instruments were obtained from -the best London makers, and skilled artificers were found to make the -rest. The soldiers had received debentures for their arrears, and the -idea was to set them down by regiments and companies alongside of the -Adventurers. But it soon became evident that the amount of forfeited -land was insufficient to meet the liabilities of the State. Land had -to be distributed on account, and debentures, including many fabricated -ones, were bought and sold. Very few old soldiers cared to settle down -upon small farms, and there were always speculative officers found to -buy up the claims of their men and so carve out estates for themselves, -Irish tenants and labourers being accepted because the hoped for -English immigration did not take place. The Act of Satisfaction forbade -officers to buy the privates' debentures, but a class of brokers sprang -up and the traffic continued till the Restoration. Great numbers were -sold before any distribution of land had been attempted. Petty himself -tells us that debentures were freely and openly sold at four or five -shillings in the pound, and that a pound so laid out purchased on an -average two acres of land. Later on there was a regulation against -selling at less than eight shillings in the pound, but of course this -was easily evaded. As a transfer of property from Irish to English -hands the Cromwellian settlement had some measure of success, but as a -scheme of colonisation it totally failed.[274] - -[Sidenote: Insufficiency of lands assigned to soldiers.] - -[Sidenote: The Adventurers' lands.] - -[Sidenote: Clarendon's account of the settlement.] - -It was at first supposed that the ten counties originally named in the -Act of Satisfaction would provide for both soldiers and adventurers, -but this soon had to be altered, and in the end distribution was made -to the soldiers in twenty-four counties out of thirty-two. Galway, -Mayo, Roscommon, and Clare were given to the transplanted Irish, and -Louth was set aside for the Adventurers. Dublin, Kildare, Carlow, and -Cork were retained by the Government, but about half the latter was -afterwards given up to disbanded soldiers. Nevertheless all arrears -were not paid in full, and some never received more than about twelve -shillings in the pound. Petty's detailed survey did not extend to -the Adventurers' portions, and their committee at Grocers' Hall made -separate arrangements which led to a good deal of confusion. Petty was -called in to disentangle the knot, and he and Worsley were commissioned -in September 1656 to measure the forfeited lands hitherto omitted. The -Adventurers, though numerous, were far fewer than the soldiers, and -they gave less trouble. Most of them probably had no idea of settling -in Ireland, and only wanted something to sell or let on lease. Some -debentures were given out to soldiers or their representatives as -late as the summer of 1658, and perhaps later. Many no doubt were -thoroughly dissatisfied with what they got, but working arrangements -had been made and Clarendon's testimony is conclusive as to the general -feeling of security among the English inhabitants. 'Ireland,' he says, -'was the great capital out of which all debts were paid, all services -rewarded, and all acts of bounty performed.' Buildings, enclosures, -and plantations were everywhere made, private purchases concluded 'at -very valuable rates, and jointures made upon marriages, and all other -conveyances and settlements executed, as in a kingdom at peace within -itself, and where no doubt could be made of the validity of titles. -And yet in all this quiet there were very few persons pleased or -contented.'[275] - -[Sidenote: The land will not go round.] - -[Sidenote: Security of the coast.] - -[Sidenote: Case of Galway.] - -[Sidenote: A desolate city.] - -It was originally meant to give all the forfeited lands in Connaught -and Clare to the transplanted, reserving the towns and garrisons with -some space about them and a strip four miles wide all along the coast. -In the end Sligo and Leitrim were withdrawn, and the coast reserve was -narrowed to one mile. The amount of land was insufficient, and there -must have been great hardship, for the Government had no machinery for -giving quiet possession if there was any opposition from neighbouring -proprietors or rival claimants. It was a tradition of Irish government -to apprehend a Spanish invasion, and it was for that reason that a -belt of English settlers round the coast was contemplated, but nothing -seems to have come of it. Innisbofin was, however, strengthened and -garrisoned, and the Papist inhabitants ordered to leave the town of -Galway, where it was proposed to plant a colony from Gloucester as -a reward for its resistance to Charles I., and from Liverpool to -compensate it for losses during the war. But the inhabitants of those -towns were not tempted any more than those of Bristol had been in the -case of Waterford. 'Poor Galway,' wrote a clergyman in 1657, 'sitteth -in the dust and no eye pitieth her. Her merchants were princes and -great among the nations, but now the city which was full of people -is solitary and very desolate.' There was talk, but only talk, of -introducing a colony of Protestant Dutch. The old citizens were to -receive full value for their property and the settlers to give ten -years' purchase. As the latter did not come, probably the compensation -was not paid, and so the people lingered on or returned after a brief -absence. In November 1655 Henry Cromwell reported that all the Irish -had been cleared out of Galway, yet as late as August 1659, after -he had left Ireland, a fresh order was made to expel 'all the Irish -Papists.' The old trade with Spain, which had been interrupted by -the long war, did not return, and Galway never recovered its old -prosperity. In 1650 a householder had welcomed Lady Fanshawe 'to this -desolate city, where you now see the street grown over with grass, once -the finest little city in the world'; and so it remained for years.[276] - -[Sidenote: Difficulties with the towns.] - -[Sidenote: Workmen allowed to remain.] - -[Sidenote: Character of English settlers.] - -[Sidenote: The priests not all expelled.] - -By the ordinance of July 14, 1643, with a view to encourage merchants, -Galway, with 10,000 acres of land round it, had been offered for -a price of 7500_l._ and a rent of 520_l._, but the town did not -come into the power of Parliament for many years, and nothing was -done. Similar offers with the same result were made in the cases of -Limerick, Waterford, and Wexford. As the towns were gradually won, -frequent orders were given for the expulsion of the old inhabitants -who adhered to Rome, and who came within the scope of the Act of -Settlement. But here, as in the country, it was found impossible -really to carry out the clearance effectually. Artificers and workmen -could not be done without, since none came from England, and many of -them remained, though no doubt the houses of a better class were left -empty. When Inchiquin expelled the Roman Catholics from Cork in 1644, -three thousand houses were without tenants, and as many in Youghal. -The soldiers who were short of fuel warmed themselves with everything -that would burn, and Ormonde about the same time had to forbid the -practice in Dublin on pain of death. In March 1657 it is clear that -the work of depopulation had not been done, for an order was then -made 'that all Popish Recusants, as well proprietors as others, whose -habitation is in any port-towns, walled towns, or garrisons,' who had -not professed Protestantism before the cessation of 1643 and ever -since, should remove with their families at least two miles from any -such place. In 1650 some ministers and others in New England proposed -to colonise, being tempted by the offer of houses and land at Wexford -at one-tenth of their value before the war. Thousands were ready to -come if encouraged, being 'exiles through the tyranny of episcopacy -for no other offence but professing that truth, which (through mercy), -is now acknowledged.' This apparently came to nothing. Those English -who were attracted to Irish towns by the prospect of getting houses -rent-free, were often without capital, and in no condition to establish -a flourishing commerce. But all the Protestant settlers were not of -this class, for Charles II.'s declaration in 1660 set forth that they -had made improvements at their own charge, 'and brought trade and -manufacture into that our kingdom, and by their settlement there do -not a little contribute to the peace and settlement of that country.' -In any case much of the work was probably done by the old inhabitants, -for if they had not remained in considerable numbers, priests and -friars would not daily have risked their lives in Irish towns.[277] - -[Sidenote: Proposed transplantation of Presbyterians.] - -[Sidenote: The scheme is not carried out.] - -Besides the great transplantation of Roman Catholics to Connaught, -Fleetwood and the sectaries contemplated the removal of Presbyterian -Royalists from Down and Antrim, whose proximity to the Scotch Highlands -was thought dangerous. Five commissioners, of whom Doctor Henry Jones -and Colonel Venables were two, were sent to Carrickfergus to tender -the Engagement of 1650, which bound men to support a government -without King or House of Lords. There were then but seven Presbyterian -ministers in the district, one of them being Patrick Adair, whose -narrative we possess. The commissioners sent parties of soldiers, one -of which seized all Adair's papers indiscriminately, 'there being -none among sixteen soldiers and a sergeant who could read.' The most -important papers were restored to Adair by a maidservant, who stole -them when the sergeant was asleep. None of the seven clergymen would -take the Engagement, and they had much support among the people. -The expulsion of the Long Parliament delayed, but did not stop, the -proceedings, and the Commissioners issued a proclamation against 260 -persons, including Lord Clandeboye and Lord Montgomery of Ards, whom -they proposed to transplant to Kilkenny, Tipperary, and the sea coast -of Waterford. They were to receive the full value of the estates -which they lost, with a liberal price for way-going crops, and their -ministers might accompany them and receive salaries, provided they were -peaceable-minded and not scandalous. Sir Robert Adair and other leading -Presbyterians were sent to Tipperary, but the whole scheme came to -nothing, 'for Oliver, coming to the supreme order of affairs, used -other methods and took other measures than the rabble Rump Parliament. -He did not force any engagement or promise upon people contrary to -their conscience; knowing that forced obligations of that kind will -bind no man.' Orders for this transplantation were given, but nothing -was actually done.[278] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[257] Irish Commissioners to Council of State, January 8, 1651-2, -_Portland Papers_, i. 622, and _Ludlow_, i. 497. In the former the -river 'which goes to Youghal' is called the More, _i.e._ the Avonmore -or Blackwater, not the Nore, as printed in the latter. Statements by -Adventurers' Committee in _Portland Papers_, i. 639, April 5, 1652, -and _ib._ 649, May 14; Irish officers to Parliament, May 5, signed by -Ludlow and eighteen others. See _Prendergast_, pp. 83 _sqq._ Dr. Jones -had a vested interest in the 1641 depositions, Parliament having given -him the sole right to print and reprint his abstract up to March 21, -1641-2, _Somers Tracts_, v. 573. He had a fresh commission to take -evidence after that date, and doubtless the document which caused such -horror at Kilkenny in 1652 contained much additional matter. - -[258] Act for the settling of Ireland, August 12, 1652, in _Scobell_, -ii. 197, reprinted in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 341, and (with date -misprinted and omission of names in clause 3) in Gardiner's -_Constitutional Documents_, 2nd. ed. p. 394. - -[259] _Life of Colonel Hutchinson_; _Ludlow_, i. 318; Cromwell's -commission to Fleetwood as commander-in-chief, July 10, 1652, in -_Thurloe_, i. 212; instructions to Commissioners, August 24, in -_Parliamentary History_, xx. 92; Representation of officers in Ireland -against Mr. Weaver, February 18, 1652-3, in _Portland Papers_, i. 671. - -[260] Declaration of April 22, 1653, in _Parliamentary History_, xx.; -Commissioners in Ireland to Lenthall, December 3, 1652, January 15, -1652-3, and to the new Speaker, July 20, and their proclamation of -April 29, all printed in appx. to _Ludlow_, vol. i. - -[261] _Parliamentary History_, xx. 152-183; Cromwell's opening speech -on July 4, 1653, is the first in _Carlyle_; _Ludlow_, i. 358. - -[262] Order of Council of State, June 1, Commission and Instructions -'from the keepers of the liberty of England by authority of -Parliament,' June 22, in _Scobell_, 1653, chap. 12. - -[263] Further instructions of July 2, 1653, in _Scobell_, chap. 12. -The letter of the Commissioners dated July 22, was written before the -receipt of this, _Ludlow_, i. 539. Lawrence's _Answer to Gookin_, p. 6. -Order in Council, March 19, 1654-5, _Irish R.O._, A/26. - -[264] Declaration dated Dublin, October 14, 1653, signed by Fleetwood, -Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, reprinted in _English Historical Review_, -xiv. 710, from what is believed to be a unique copy at Kilkenny. - -[265] Petition presented March 1655, _ib._ The allusion is to chap. -6 of Campion's _History of Ireland_, first printed in 1587, and -republished by Sir James Ware in 1633, with a dedication to Strafford. - -[266] Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, March 8, 1653-4, in _Thurloe_, -ii. 149; Jenkin Lloyd to Thurloe, March 13, _ib._ 162; Fleetwood -to Thurloe, April 8, _ib._ 224; appendix to _Fourteenth Report_ of -Deputy-keeper of Public Records, Ireland, p. 28; _Ludlow_, i. 377, 542. - -[267] The names and constituencies of the Irish members of Parliament -are in _Parl. Hist._, xx. 307; _Ludlow_, i. 388. Instructions of August -17, 1654, in _Thurloe_, ii. 508. - -[268] _The Great Case of Transplantation_ &c., London, printed for J. -C. 1655, to which Thomasson gives the date January 3. A potato-field is -still called a 'garden' in Ireland. The 'handy-man' who builds with bad -tools out of bad materials, is even now not extinct. The declaration of -November 30, 1654, is not extant, but is recited in a later one, see -_Eng. Hist. Review_, xiv. 722. - -[269] Fleetwood to Thurloe, February 7, 1654-5, _Thurloe_, iii. 139. -_The Interest of England in the Irish Transplantation stated_, &c., by -a faithful servant of the Commonwealth, Richard Lawrence, London, 1655, -dated March 9. _The Author and Case of Transplanting, &c., vindicated -against the Unjust Aspersions of Colonel Richard Lawrence_, by Vincent -Gookin, Esquire, London, 1655, published May 12. Petty had a hand in -Gookin's first pamphlet, see his _Life_, by Lord Fitzmaurice. Lawrence -was a brother of the English President of Council; he came to Ireland -with Cromwell and was governor of Waterford. - -[270] Letters of November 25, 1653, in _Thurloe_, i. 587; of January 25 -1653-4. _ib._ ii. 27; of April 27, 1655, _ib._ iii. 384; Fleetwood and -forty-four other officers to the Protector, _ib._ iii. 466; Nieuport to -the States General, _ib._ iii. 477; Morland's _Hist. of the Evangelical -Churches_, book iii. chap. 3, art. 1.; _Hist. of Down Survey_, p. 66; -Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, January 30, 1655-6, _Thurloe_, iv. 484. - -[271] H. Cromwell to Thurloe, March 12, 1655-6, _Thurloe_, iv. 606. - -[272] Petty's _Reflections_ on some persons and things in Ireland, ed. -1790, pp. 54, 106; _Hist. of the Down Survey_, chaps. 1 and 2. The name -'Down', comes simply from the particulars being laid down in map form -and not merely described. - -[273] Dr. Petty's proposals at p. 9 of _Hist. of Down Survey_; Articles -with Worsley ratified by the Lord Deputy and Council, December 25, -1654, _ib._ 29; H. Cromwell to Thurloe, October 9, 1655, in _Thurloe_, -iv. 73; Prendergast, _Cromwellian Settlement_, p. 206. In consequence -of the delays interposed by Worsley and others, the thirteen months -were made to run from February 1 1654-5. - -[274] Brief account of the Survey in _Hist. of Down Survey_, xiii.; -Petty's _Political Anatomy of Ireland_, chap. iv.; Fitzmaurice's _Life -of Petty_, chap. ii.; _Prendergast_, 2nd. edition, 221, where there are -many details as to the sale of debentures to officers, and a facsimile -of one by way of frontispiece. On August 29, 1655, Henry Cromwell wrote -to Thurloe: 'I believe we reduce near 5000 men, and as good soldiers -as are in the three nations. I am afraid few of them will betake -themselves to planting; if you could find out some employment for them -abroad, it would be of good service to the public,' _Thurloe_, iii. -744. State Papers, _Domestic_, December 28, 1654. As late as November -6, 1657, Broghill wrote to Montagu 'if all things move at the rate our -settlement of Ireland has done, I shall think the body politic has got -the gout,' _Thurloe_, vi. 600. - -[275] _Hist. of Down Survey_, 53, 198; Clarendon's _Life_, Con. 116; -Fitzmaurice's _Life of Petty_, chap. 2. A list printed by Prendergast, -p. 403, gives the names of 1,360 adventurers. - -[276] _Prendergast_, p. 305; Hardiman's _Hist. of Galway_, p. 137; -Lady Fanshawe's _Memoirs_. On January 30, 1655-6, Henry Cromwell told -Thurloe that there were not six families in Galway, and that the houses -decayed daily; he thought it would pay to encourage London merchants to -make a settlement, even if they had the houses rent-free, _Thurloe_, -iv. 198, 483; Rev. R. Easthorp to H. Cromwell, July 17, 1657, -_Lansdowne MSS._, 822. - -[277] _Scobell_, p. 47. Thirty priests were ordered to be shipped to -the Continent from Galway on June 15, 1665, Irish R.O., A/60. One -secular priest, one Jesuit, and several friars remained in Dublin -during the whole Cromwellian period, _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, ii. 208. -Many details as to Irish towns are given by Prendergast, chap. vi. -272-307. Letter to Cromwell from New England, October 31, 1650, _Milton -State Papers_, p. 44. - -[278] Patrick Adair's _True Narrative_, ed. Killen, 197, 201. The -proclamation for the transplantation dated May 23, 1653, is printed -in Reid's _Presbyterian Church_, chap 16, and the 260 names in the -appendix. See Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, iii. 305. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVIII - -HENRY CROMWELL, 1655-1659 - - -[Sidenote: Appearance of Henry Cromwell.] - -Though the Protector had not adopted his son's advice by at once -recalling Fleetwood, it soon became evident that he wished for a -stronger man. Before the end of 1654 the Lord Deputy gently complained -that he was kept in the dark about matters of policy, and doubted -whether this was for his Highness's service. A few days later Henry -Cromwell was appointed to the Council in Ireland, having already for -some months held a commission as Major-General of the forces there; but -he did not come over until July 1655. Fleetwood returned to England -some weeks later, but retained the office of Deputy, and continued to -give advice, while Henry became virtual head of the Irish Government. -Fleetwood had come very much under the influence of the Anabaptist -officers, and his supersession marks the decline of their reputation -with the now all-powerful Protector.[279] - -[Sidenote: Fleetwood leaves Ireland, Sept. 1655.] - -[Sidenote: Action of Ludlow.] - -[Sidenote: Cromwell and Ludlow.] - -When Fleetwood left Ireland, Henry Cromwell became President of the -Council. The other members were William Steele, Recorder of London, who -did not come over till the next year, Richard Pepys, who became Chief -Justice, Corbet, Goodwin, and Tomlinson. Hammond had died in 1654, and, -five being a quorum, it was necessary that all should be present. To -avoid this William Bury, of Grantham, was added in August 1656. The -Anabaptist party were very sorry to lose Fleetwood, and rejoiced in a -rumour of his probable return, but many superior officers, including -Sir Theophilus Jones, Sir Hardress Waller, and Commissary-General -Reynolds, circulated a petition to the Protector, suggesting that his -son should be Lord Lieutenant. Ludlow had given all the trouble he -could, refusing to surrender his commission to any but the Parliament -who gave it, and circulating pamphlets against the Protectorate, much -to the disgust of Fleetwood. He, however, allowed his commission to -be taken from him in an informal way, giving his parole to do nothing -against the Government until he came into the Protector's presence. -He then proposed to go to England on urgent private affairs, and -gave a second engagement to remain quiet until he had surrendered -to the Protector or the Lord Deputy. On this undertaking Fleetwood -gave him leave to go, and it was one of his last acts in Ireland. -When the Deputy was gone Henry Cromwell opposed Ludlow's departure, -while declining to restrain him forcibly; but he took steps to have -him intercepted at Beaumaris until the Protector's wishes were known, -and he was under arrest there for six weeks. Cromwell saw him after -his arrival in London, and there was much not altogether unfriendly -argument, but Ludlow stoutly refused to acknowledge the Government or -to give any security. As a matter of fact he remained quiet while the -protectorate lasted, and he was not molested.[280] - -[Sidenote: Irish girls for Jamaica.] - -[Sidenote: They are not sent.] - -The infant settlement in Jamaica suffered much from a scarcity of -women, and the English Government suggested that Irish girls might -be sent out. 'Concerning the young women,' wrote Henry Cromwell in -reply, 'though we must use force in taking them up, yet it being so -much for their own good, and likely to be of so great advantage to the -public, it is not in the least doubted that you may have such numbers -of them as you think fit.' The Committee of Council in England voted -that a thousand girls and as many boys should be sent, but there is no -evidence that anything was actually done, and the probabilities are -the other way. The difficulties in Jamaica were great, and perhaps -Cromwell thought that the time for importing settlers had not yet -come.[281] - -[Sidenote: Deportation to the West Indies.] - -[Sidenote: Deportation not confined to the Irish.] - -[Sidenote: Condition of the Irish at Barbadoes.] - -Considerable numbers were, however, sent from Ireland to the West -Indies. They were not slaves, but were forced to work for wages, and -could not leave the islands, to which they were sent in the character -of masterless men, vagrants, rogues, and vagabonds. This system -began in 1653, and continued until the Restoration or later. It was -not confined to Ireland, many seditious persons in England having -been treated in the same way. James II. continued the practice after -Sedgemoor. For white men the climate alone was a terrible punishment. A -large number of prisoners were thus treated after Penruddock's rising. -After Dunbar and Worcester English and Scotch captives were sent to New -England, and others were ordered to Bermuda. At the beginning of 1655 -the governor of Waterford was ordered to ship Morrice Cleere 'by the -first vessel bound for the Barbadoes, there to work for his living.' -About the same time it was ordered that 'when a peaceable person was -murdered' by any Tory or 'other Irish in rebellion,' three or four of -the chief Irish neighbours were to be shipped to Barbadoes, 'and other -American plantations,' unless they could show that they had done their -best to apprehend the guilty parties. An Irish priest who visited the -West Indies in 1669 enlarges on the state of the Irish sent by Cromwell -'and other fierce enemies of the Catholic Church and faith.' They had -been forced to work in the fields and 'treated cruelly and miserably in -temporal, and much more in spiritual things,' being entirely precluded -from Catholic worship, and from the ministration of their priests. -There were 8000 in Barbadoes, and about 4000 in other settlements. In -the French island of Guadeloupe there were 800, who were even worse -off than in the English possessions, for they lived in the worst parts -of it, and 'though the island was Catholic they had little advantage -by that, on account of the distance, difficult access, and scarcity of -priests.'[282] - -[Sidenote: Henry Cromwell and Dublin University.] - -[Sidenote: The Anabaptists.] - -[Sidenote: Henry Cromwell's moderation.] - -Oliver Cromwell became Chancellor of Oxford, and it was natural that -the University of Dublin should confer a like honour upon his son, -Ormonde being outlawed by the Act of 1652. Almost immediately after -his landing Henry was received in state and entertained at dinner by -the vice-chancellor, provost, and others, 'who, with many doctors, -were all robed in scarlet.' The vice-chancellor was Dr. Henry Jones, -who kept his bishopric of Clogher in the background, his services as -scoutmaster-general of the Parliamentary army having secured him in his -place. The provost was Dr. Samuel Winter, who ranked as an Independent, -but was inclined to maintain friendly relations with Episcopalians and -Presbyterians. Very probably his influence was great in determining -Henry Cromwell's tolerant policy towards Protestants of all sorts; but -this did not secure general good-will, for the Anabaptists were 'much -offended with him for coming every Lord's Day to parochial and public -congregations and with his chaplains for preaching against dipping.' -Winter himself preached and wrote in favour of infant baptism, and for -adhering to him 'a godly man' was solemnly excommunicated by the Dublin -Anabaptists, and had no alternative but to join the Independents. Henry -Cromwell's letters are full of complaints about the Anabaptists, and -their opposition in the Government and army was formidable, for they -could count twelve governors of cities or towns, twenty-four field -officers, many captains, two salaried preachers, and twenty-three -officials in civil pay. A clergyman at Galway complained of oppression -by Colonel Sadler, the governor of Galway, his offence being that -he had baptised children, and prevented 'dipping' in his church. He -recalled the tyranny of John of Leyden and Knipperdoling, and lamented -that so notable a town should be abandoned to a 'few mechanic barbers -and tailors.' Fleetwood had encouraged the sectaries more from weakness -than from actual sympathy. Military adventurers, who had enjoyed -despotic power during the war, were disgusted at having to share it -with moderate men, and especially at the re-establishment of regular -courts of law. Henry Cromwell was all for promoting 'the ancient -Protestant inhabitants,' who had been dispersed and were now trying to -return to their old occupations. Vincent Gookin and his friend Petty -were thoroughly in favour of this moderate policy. Of the discontented -people not one in a hundred had any property before the war, the rest -having gained possession of what they could in payment for service or -by buying out Adventurers and soldiers. 'And the confiscation of land -in Ireland,' adds Gookin prophetically, 'is so general, the settlers -and sellers so many, the buyers and takers so few, except them, that -it is certain within a year or two, all these men will have too great -interests in forfeited lands to give them up to Charles Stuart, or any -from him.'[283] - -[Sidenote: Reduction of the army, Sept. 1655.] - -[Sidenote: A mutiny quelled.] - -The reduction of the army in Ireland was a gradual and difficult -operation. In 1652 its total strength was about 34,000 men, which were -reduced to about 24,000 in the following year. In 1655, about 5000 -more were disbanded without any disorder, and Fleetwood estimated -that this would reduce the monthly cost to 28,000_l._, a saving of -some 17,000_l._ As much haste as possible was made to provide the -disbanded men with land, but they showed no disposition to settle upon -it. Cavalier plots and military discontents induced the Protector to -seek reinforcements in Ireland, and both Fleetwood and Henry Cromwell -feared lest their garrisons might be unduly weakened, for disturbances -in Great Britain always had their echo beyond the channel. In January -1655, 2300 men were sent to Liverpool, but they embarked very -unwillingly, saying that they had been engaged to fight Irish rebels, -whereas in England they might be employed against their best friends. -One company was cashiered by a court-martial, and one man was hanged at -the masthead. Later on troops were sent from Ireland to Jamaica.[284] - -[Sidenote: Oliver Cromwell and his son.] - -[Sidenote: Anabaptists and Quakers in the army.] - -It may be doubted whether Oliver Cromwell really had any dream of -founding a dynasty. We have his own statement that he wished his sons -to live privately in the country, and that he was only induced to -promote Henry by the earnest persuasion of others. Having placed him -in authority in Ireland he supported him steadily, but in a tentative -way and without doing anything to estrange others. He was civil to -Hewson and others who were inclined to give trouble, and refused to -believe that Fleetwood was in any way disloyal. 'Take care,' he wrote -to his son, 'of making it a business to be too hard for the men who -contest with you. Being over-concerned may train you into a snare. -I have to do with these men, and am not without my exercise. I know -they are weak because they are so peremptory in judging others.' The -Anabaptists were chiefly in his mind, but Henry had troubles with -the Quakers also, and here, too, the Protector might sympathise. The -danger always was that the army would become ill-affected. One of the -most troublesome officers was Hewson, who took the lead in petitioning -the Protector to send back 'our present precious Lord Deputy,' whose -appointment had been 'a refreshment to all the godly in this nation.' -Oliver answered civilly, but without granting the request, cautioning -his son against believing anything discreditable to Fleetwood. Henry -Cromwell also objected to having John Jones sent back to Ireland as -likely to be 'dangerous and prejudicial to the public,' by nourishing -factions, but drew back rather penitently when he found that Jones -was to become his uncle by marrying the Protector's sister. Hewson -was not really dangerous: he made terms for himself, was knighted by -Oliver, and accepted a seat in his House of Lords. But Axtell, Vernon, -Barrow, and Allen laid down their commissions because the Anabaptists -ceased to be the ruling sect, Thurloe attributing their action merely -to disappointed greed or ambition. The army, nevertheless, remained -faithful, and Henry Cromwell did his best to get the soldiers regularly -paid.[285] - -[Sidenote: Oliver's second Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: Irish members.] - -[Sidenote: Intolerance of this Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: Oath of abjuration.] - -In the summer of 1656 Henry Cromwell had become so weary of calumny -and so disheartened for want of effectual support that he wished -to retire; but Thurloe assured him that the tale-bearers were not -believed in England, and that he might go on with his work. It was -at this time that the Protector resolved to try a second Parliament, -and writs for the Irish elections were sent over. The major-generals -and the decimation tax were very unpopular in England, but in Ireland -the army was so completely master that there was not much difficulty -about getting thirty suitable members. Broghill, who as President of -the Council in Scotland managed the elections there, was returned in -his absence for the county of Cork, Sir Charles Coote for Galway and -Mayo, and Vincent Gookin for Cork and Kinsale. Broghill voted for the -title of king, but Henry Cromwell was against it, thinking little -of the constitutional argument which had such weight with men like -Whitelock, and esteeming it 'a gaudy feather in the hat of authority.' -The Protector refused the crown, and it would have been well for his -fame if he had also insisted on altering the eleventh article of the -Petition and Advice which secured religious liberty, provided 'it -should not be extended to Popery or Prelacy.' This having been admitted -as a principle of government, the logical consequence was to pass an -Act which obliged all suspected persons over sixteen to take an oath -abjuring the distinctive doctrines of the Roman communion, on pain of -having two-thirds of their property--real and personal--sequestered. -Those who afterwards became Protestants might be restored upon taking -the oath, but not unless they have given frequent attendance for -the previous six months at some authorised place of worship, being -subject to renewed sequestration if they relapsed. The same penalties -applied to any Protestant who married a Popish Recusant. 'The oath of -abjuration,' Henry Cromwell wrote, 'begets much disturbance here; for -the Irish, upon apprehension thereof, sell off their cattle to buy -horses, to put themselves into a shifting condition either for force or -flight.... I wish his Highness were made sensible hereof in time.' Dr. -Jones said the same thing, adding that the oath 'was the great engine -by which the Popish clergy stir up the people, and whereby they move -foreign states to their assistance.' Cromwell allowed this oppressive -law to pass, though it was a retrograde measure, and one which he -cannot really have approved. The unfortunate people affected by it in -Ireland were in no condition to give serious trouble, but it must have -led to the multiplication of Tories.[286] - -[Sidenote: Royalist plots.] - -[Sidenote: Weakness of Spain.] - -[Sidenote: Loss of a transport.] - -[Sidenote: Dishonest contractors.] - -The Cavaliers abroad were constantly plotting against the English -Government and the Protector's life, but these intrigues had scarcely -any direct effect on Ireland. Richard and Peter Talbot were among the -most active conspirators, and the landing of Irish troops was always -regarded as part of the scheme. The exiles were discussing Sexby's -plans at the beginning of 1656, and the Protector, who was always -well informed, thought it possible that some attempt might be made -in Ireland. He directed his son, and the order was promptly obeyed, -to reduce garrisons as much as possible, and to keep a field army in -two or three divisions ready for any alarm. John Davies, who had been -elected for Carrickfergus and Belfast, was known to be an underhand -Royalist worker, and he was not allowed to go to England. It was -in the north that trouble was expected, but nothing happened. Five -thousand foot and nearly half as many horse were held in readiness, -and Henry Cromwell was after this averse to a reduction of the army, -at least until an efficient Protestant militia could be provided. -Helpless and decadent Spain was the enemy whose still remaining force -was overrated by Cromwell. Nevertheless, he failed in Hispaniola, and -dared not attempt Gibraltar, so that his naval strength was mainly -useful to hold Jamaica by occupying the Spaniards near home. The end -of 1656 was marked by Stayner's capture of the galleons, but also by -a disaster on the Irish coast. A fleet carrying reinforcements for -Jamaica was dispersed by a gale, and one ship, the _Two Brothers_, -having sprung a leak, drifted towards a lee shore to the westward -of the Old Head of Kinsale. Four men were detached on a raft 'with -a letter in a pitch box,' and they reached land too much bruised to -move further. The letter was taken to the governor of Kinsale, but the -ship's cable parted in the meantime and she was driven upon a rock. -There were saved only about forty soldiers out of some 250, and sixteen -seamen out of twenty-nine. The Rev. Edward Worth, whose parsonage was -at Ringrone, not far off, thanked God that the wreck was in the barony -of Courcies, 'for the greater part inhabited by English and such Irish -as were never in rebellion; divers of the English and many more of the -Irish attended all that evening on the coast, not to get the plunder, -but to preserve the men whom it should please God to bring to shore.' -It was ebb tide, and as each poor wretch was thrown up by the sea, the -hardy natives ran down and helped him to escape before the next wave. -Worth and his neighbours provided shelter, and the people of Kinsale -vied with each other in providing for the castaways; for the natural -sentiments of humanity had survived the war, and were extended to -the soldiers of the Commonwealth. Another transport, the _Sapphire_, -from Carrickfergus, was driven into Cork harbour in an almost sinking -state, and 260 soldiers, forming her cargo, were quartered in the Great -Island, where they could be prevented from deserting. Both these ships -were the property of contractors, and supposed to be in good trim. When -the paint was off they proved to be 'very unsound and rotten, and I -think,' says Henry Cromwell, 'that those who were employed to contract -for those ships are deeply guilty of the loss of those poor men.'[287] - -[Sidenote: Henry Cromwell Lord Deputy, Nov. 17, 1657.] - -[Sidenote: Financial difficulties.] - -After some hesitation and confusion, Henry Cromwell was appointed -Deputy in November 1657, with a new council of five, of whom Chancellor -Steele was the chief. Sindercome had already put an end to himself, -and Sexby was safe in the Tower, where he died mad a few weeks later. -Royalist plots with Spanish support had ceased to be formidable, and -some reduction of the army in Ireland was possible, if only money could -be had to pay off the soldiers, who were eight months in arrear before -the end of 1657. The Deputy maintained that nothing like an equilibrium -could be established unless 180,000_l._ were transmitted from England. -The regular revenue of Ireland was only about 72,000_l._, which was -absorbed by the ordinary charges of government, and the extraordinary -taxation for the army weighed upon the country. Broghill reported that -some who had been returned to Parliament could not possibly attend the -second session, being impoverished by the expenses of the first, and by -heavy taxes. The usual remittances from England were slow in coming, -and there was also 'extreme trouble and confusion about Spanish and bad -coins which made the soldiers apt to grow licentious in abusing the -country when they levied their contribution.' They naturally decided -questions of exchange in their own favour, 'partly of necessity, and -partly presuming 'twill seem unreasonable to punish severely, and pay -negligently.' Twenty thousand pounds were assessed upon Ireland for war -purposes during the three months ending June 24, 1657, and 9000_l._ -a month for the three years then beginning. The monthly contribution -from England and Wales was 35,000_l._, and 6000_l._ from Scotland, -and many thought Ireland disproportionately burdened. Indeed, Henry -Cromwell says in one letter that she paid six times, and in another ten -times too much. The difficulty about money continued to the end of the -Protectorate, for Oliver had not time to summon a third Parliament, -and Richard's was short-lived. Without parliamentary authority it was -impossible to make the State self-supporting on either side of St. -George's Channel.[288] - -[Sidenote: The army supports the Protector.] - -[Sidenote: An Anabaptist on the constitution.] - -It was almost customary for a viceroy to be on ill terms with a Lord -Chancellor, and Henry Cromwell thought that Steele was plotting to -make a separate interest among the Independents. Henry was by many -years the younger man, and he allowed his senior to lecture him, -'supposing that if I got nothing else I should get his measure.' But -Thurloe did not believe his suspicions well founded, and Steele, who -had only accidentally missed being a regicide, had really no course -open to him but to support the Protector. After Oliver dissolved his -second Parliament, calling upon God to judge between him and them, -most of the officers in England and Scotland agreed to an address of -confidence in him. The same course was taken in Ireland, but Major Low, -an Anabaptist, refused to express a wish that 'government should be -settled on such a basis as should be most suitable to the constitution -of these nations,' saying that it implied a return to kingship. Sankey -and others of the same sect said that if kingship were really the most -suitable they would desire it: the Deputy must have seen the writing -on the wall. Ormonde's courageous visit to London, in January, and the -abortive gathering at Ostend caused some momentary alarm, but there -was no disturbance, and a little later the capture of Dunkirk raised -Cromwell to his highest pinnacle of fame. The army remained faithful, -and as long as life lasted it was evident to all that his power would -last also.[289] - -[Sidenote: Death of Cromwell, Sept. 3, 1658.] - -[Sidenote: Henry Cromwell, Lord Lieutenant.] - -Oliver Cromwell died, and Richard succeeded as quietly as if he had -been the legitimate king. The news reached Dublin on October 10, and on -the same day the new Protector was proclaimed. Having been signed by -the Lord Deputy and such Privy Councillors, judges, and chief officers -as were on the spot, the proclamation was printed and dispersed over -the country next day. There was no opposition, Broghill among others -announcing his adhesion. A despatch was sent to Monck promising him the -unanimous support of the Irish army in any difficulty. The machinery of -government went on as usual, but on October 6 Richard made his brother -Lord Lieutenant, and Petty carried the commission over to Ireland. Lord -Harry, as he was called, was not anxious for the higher title; but -having been appointed he kept the same state as Strafford had done, -which caused some amusement. An address from the army in Ireland to the -new Protector was agreed to, the officers being quite or very nearly -unanimous. But Henry was almost afraid to write, knowing that his -letter would be opened, and Fauconberg kept him informed of the plots -against his brother. He dared not leave his post, though much in want -of a holiday. 'I am afraid,' he wrote to Richard as early as October -20, 'to come to your Highness lest I should be kept there, and so your -Highness lose this army, which, for ought I know, is the only stay you -have ... the flood is so strong, you can neither stem it nor come to an -anchor, but must be content to go adrift and expect the ebb.'[290] - -[Sidenote: The Lord Lieutenant's difficulties.] - -[Sidenote: Elections for Richard's Parliament.] - -Henry Cromwell was ill and despondent during the months following -his father's death. He knew in his heart that the system could not -long outlive the man, and Thurloe, whose judgment was not warped by -fanaticism, could give him little comfort. 'The funeral,' he wrote, -'of his late Highness was solemnised this day with very great honour; -but alas! it was his funeral.' When the Lord Lieutenant's commission -came over it was found to contain no clause authorising him to leave -Ireland or to appoint a Deputy, and as if he felt Restoration in -the air he looked to Charles I. for a precedent, and sent over his -letter to Strafford as a model. He had, he wrote, been sentenced by -his enemies to an honourable banishment. Thurloe professed that the -omission was a mere oversight, but Fauconberg said bluntly that his -brother-in-law's presence in London was desired by no one. 'They that -hate you fear you too, and, therefore, oppose it, they that love you -have apprehensions neither Ireland nor Henry Cromwell are secure if -separated.' And Richard was of the same opinion. Moreover, he could -hardly be spared until the elections were over, and writs for the new -Parliament arrived about the middle of December. It had been decided -that thirty members should be sent from Ireland and the same from -Scotland by constituencies grouped upon Oliver's plan. The English -members were to be returned by the old counties and boroughs, giving -up the late Protector's attempt at parliamentary reform, but the -Upper House was left as he had devised it, and separate writs for it -were sent to the Lord Lieutenant, to Lord Chancellor Steele, and to -Lord Broghill. Petty was returned for West Loo, Coote for Galway and -Mayo, and Vincent Gookin for Bandon and Kinsale. Broghill thought a -Parliament necessary, but was not sanguine, and foresaw opposition from -the army.[291] - -[Sidenote: Parliament of 1659.] - -[Sidenote: Opinions of Irish members.] - -The notice for the elections was so short that many or most of the -Irish members could not reach London in time for the opening of -Parliament; but this made little difference, for the House of Commons -was occupied at first in the discussion of the Protector's title, -the constitution of the 'other House,' and the status of the Scotch -members. Parliament met on January 27, and it was not till March 23 -that it was debated whether the members for Ireland should continue -to serve. In the meantime they were allowed to speak and, apparently, -to vote. Major Ashton, who represented Meath and Louth, preferred a -separate legislature, partly on the ground that Ireland should have -no share in governing England. Arthur Annesley, who sat for the city -of Dublin, was of the same opinion--mainly, because Ireland would be -overtaxed by an assembly where she was always in a minority. At the -moment, he said, Ireland very unfairly paid 9000_l._ a month while -Scotland paid only 6000_l._, and his prayer was 'that they might -have some to hear their grievances in their own nation, seeing they -cannot have them heard here.' Sir Thomas Stanley, member for Tipperary -and Waterford, said he spoke not for Ireland, but for the English -in Ireland. 'Language, habit, laws, interest being in every respect -the same in kind,' he was in favour of the Union, for free-born -Englishmen beyond the channel had a natural right to representation -in the sovereign Parliament. A hundred and fifty-six voted for the -retention of the Irish members, and a hundred and six against, Thurloe -being one of the tellers for the majority. After this the Parliament -had but one short month of life, during which Irish affairs seem to -have been but little discussed, except in the matter of Petty and his -proceedings.[292] - -[Sidenote: Petty and Sankey.] - -Petty's great enemy was Sir Hierome Sankey, who had had a varied -career. At Cambridge, where he was a candidate for Holy Orders, he -was more noted for proficiency in athletic games than for study, and -soon rose in the army when he took the Parliamentary side at the -beginning of the Civil War. He became in turns a Presbyterian, an -Independent, and at last an Anabaptist. He migrated to Oxford, where he -became Fellow of All Souls, and was one of the proctors when Fairfax -and Cromwell were made Doctors of Civil Law in 1649. He sat in the -Parliament of 1654 for Tipperary and Waterford, and in that of 1656 for -Marlborough. Henry Cromwell knighted him, and in Richard's Parliament -he represented Woodstock. On March 24 he charged Petty with various -kinds of corruption, but without giving particulars, and in the accused -man's absence. Maynard, who was himself an Adventurer in Ireland and -who touched on his own experience in the Strafford trial, fixed upon -this want of particulars, and he was not without support. The most -that Sankey could do was to sign six articles, all of the most general -character; and these were sent to Petty in Ireland, with orders to -attend in his place that day month. The summons did not reach him until -April 3, so that he had only seventeen days to make his preparations -and travel from Dublin to London. He had some reason to complain of the -short time allowed him.[293] - -[Sidenote: Petty's defence.] - -[Sidenote: His revenge.] - -On April 21 Petty attended as directed, and spoke at length in answer -to the articles. His speech was dignified and moderate, and made a -very good impression on the House. The first charge was that he had -received great bribes. To this he answered that as clerk of the Council -he had never taken anything but the bare salary, and that as secretary -to Henry Cromwell he had been a pecuniary loser, not exacting even the -customary fees, 'merely upon the account of preserving his Excellency's -honour clear, and myself clear from the least appearance of this evil.' -The burden of proof evidently lay upon the accuser. The second charge -was that he had been a wholesale purchaser of debentures, contrary to -the Act of Satisfaction, forcing people to sell as a condition for -having their lands set out to them. To this Petty replied that he -had many colleagues and was well watched, so that he could not use -coercion if he had wished; that the debentures bought by him were under -7000_l._ in value, and that he had got them from brokers, who profited -by the transaction. The third article charged him with the fraudulent -acquisition of much money and land, to which he answered that the -only public payment to him was by contract; that the 17,000_l._ which -the survey cost was well and hardly earned; and that the soldiers had -paid half of it themselves. As to land, he had no more than a fair -consideration for what was owed him. The fourth charge was a general -one of foul and unwarrantable practices, on which he was content to -challenge the production of a single instance. The fifth and sixth -articles accused Petty and his colleagues of malversation generally, -and was scarcely worth answering, since they did not fall particularly -on him. He abstained from recrimination in debate, but took ample -revenge by publishing a report of Sankey's reply, which begins thus: -'Mr. Speaker, you have heard here a long, starched, studied speech; -I say a starched, studied piece. Mr. Speaker, there has been a great -deal of rhetoric; I say a great deal of rhetoric. But I will prove -my charge; I will make it good, Mr. Speaker, from the front to the -rear--front, flank, and rear; Mr. Speaker, that I will,' and so forth. -No real evidence of any kind was adduced, or even mentioned, and the -business was referred to the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland. -Richard's Parliament was dissolved the next day, and we are justified -in believing his brother's oft-repeated assertion that Dr. Petty was a -very honest man.[294] - -[Sidenote: Dissolution of Parliament, April 22.] - -[Sidenote: The Rump restored.] - -[Sidenote: Henry Cromwell recalled.] - -Richard Cromwell probably knew quite well that the dissolution of -Parliament was virtually an abdication, and he resisted to the utmost. -But the officers were determined to depose him, and he had no hold upon -soldiers whom he had never led to victory. His brother in Ireland could -only wait upon events, rejoicing 'that our dear father went off in that -glory which was due to his actings.' He sent over Bury, Lawrence, and -Dr. Henry Jones to confer with Fleetwood as to what was to be done. The -Rump was restored in less than three weeks, but so attenuated was that -once formidable assembly that a quorum of forty was with difficulty -got together. Ninety-one members in all were admitted to sit, several -of whom had been elected in an unconstitutional manner, and the number -meeting at any one time never reached sixty. Lenthall, notwithstanding -his new-fangled peerage, was induced to take the chair. Immediately -after the late dissolution Coote had hurried to Ireland with the -news, and Broghill went over about the same time. On June 7 the House -resolved that Henry Cromwell, whose opposition they feared, should come -over to give an account of the state of Ireland, and that on the same -day the government should be handed over to five commissioners. Steele, -Jones, and Goodwin were named at once, Corbet and Tomlinson being added -two days later. Ludlow's name was rejected by twenty-six votes against -twenty-two, but a month later he was appointed to command the army, and -he reached Dublin about the end of July.[295] - -[Sidenote: The Royalists endeavour to gain Henry.] - -[Sidenote: He prefers private life.] - -The rumour of his recall reached Henry Cromwell before he had any -official notice, and he decided to resign without waiting for it. -Great offers had been made to him on the part of the exiled King, -and he seems to have wavered for a moment, though finally he thanked -God for having been enabled to resist temptation. The Royalists had -relied on Fauconberg's powers of persuasion, and Charles expected -Broghill's help, though he prudently avoided making any direct advance -to that astute politician. In his letter of resignation to the Speaker -he complained that he had had 'the unhappiness of late to receive -intelligence only from common fame and very private hands, and to be -forced rather to guess what to do upon all emergencies than to be -intrusted with the clear commands of superiors.' He had secured the -fidelity of the army to the English Government so that that 'dangerous, -numerous, and exasperated people, the Irish natives and Papists,' might -be no cause for anxiety. He warned the Parliament that as they had -been turned out of doors in 1653, so they might well be again and by -the same people. He was himself a lover of peace and of orderly civil -government, but 'I cannot,' he said, 'promote anything which infers -the diminution of my late father's honour and merit.' The Royalists, -having failed to gain him over, were afraid of his heading a separate -interest; and Clarendon, who had been concerned in the abortive -negotiations, says that 'by the jolliness of his humour and a general -civility towards all, he had rendered himself gracious and popular -to all sorts of people.' He left Ireland soon after his resignation, -told his story to the Council of State on July 6, and retired to -Cambridgeshire.[296] - -[Sidenote: Public character of Henry Cromwell.] - -It is probable that materials do not exist for a full account of Henry -Cromwell. His public career ended at the age of thirty-one, and he -had no opportunity of showing much originality. The confiscation of -Irish land to pay the expenses of conquering the country was decided -upon when he was quite a boy, and he had no voice in the subsequent -legislation. So far as Protestants were concerned, he leaned towards -comprehension, and allowed no sect or party to dominate over the rest. -As to the Roman Catholics, there was little scope for any movement in -the direction of toleration, but he disliked the oath of abjuration. 'I -wish,' he said, 'this extreme course had not been so suddenly taken, -coming like a thunder-clap upon them. I wish the oath for the present -had provided (though in severest manner) for their renouncing all -foreign jurisdiction; and as for other doctrinal matters, that some -means had been first used to have informed their judgments with such -ordinary smaller penalties as former experience has found effectual. -I wish his Highness were made sensible thereof in time.' He was fain -to dispense with the oath, but Thurloe thought this could not be done -without an Act of Parliament, though it might be modified in practice -by those on the spot; and this was just what Henry Cromwell did. In -other political matters he showed good judgment, questioning the real -value of Dunkirk, objecting to penal taxation of the Cavaliers, and -showing how impossible it was to bind a nation by oaths or any other -contrivance. 'To what,' he asked, 'shall men swear? Have you any -settlement? Does not your peace depend upon his Highness's life, and -upon his peculiar skill and faculty and personal interest in the army -as now modelled and commanded?' He was always loyal to his father, but -he had been in love with Dorothy Osborne, and he had no objection to -Royalists as such. It seems that he might have made a party for himself -at the cost of much bloodshed, and he deserves nothing but praise -for preferring to retire quietly. Oliver had warned him against the -temptation to build up a great estate, and though he did not refuse -to take grants of land like everyone else, he had at the end of his -government scarcely money enough to carry him back to England.[297] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[279] Fleetwood to Thurloe, December 15, 1654, _Thurloe_, iii. 23. - -[280] Taylor to Harrison, December 17, 1655 (wrongly placed among -papers of 1654) in _Thurloe_, iii. 29; _ib._ iv. 260, 327; _Clarke -Papers_, iii. 60; _Ludlow_, i. 406 _sqq._, with Mr. Firth's notes for -Ludlow's proceedings. Fleetwood writes on January 3, 1654-5, 'Here hath -been some papers called mementoes spread up and down the army by that -gentleman, who, I had hoped, my friendship would have prevented any -such attempt,' _Thurloe_, iii. 70. - -[281] Correspondence between H. Cromwell and Thurloe from September 11, -1655, till January 22 following, in _Thurloe_, iv. 23, 40, 75, 198, -443. See Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, iii. 452. - -[282] Minutes of Irish Council, January 22, 1654-5 and March 27, Irish -R.O. A/60. Rev. John Grace's report, July 5, 1669, in _Spicilegium -Ossoriense_, i. 484 (Latin). See Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, chaps. 40 -and 44. A shipload was sent to St. Christophers from Kinsale, Robert -Southwell to H. Cromwell, March 6, 1656-7, _Lansdowne MSS._, 821. - -[283] _Clarke Papers_, iii. 49, 52; Rev. Thomas Harrison (Independent) -to Thurloe, October 17, 1655, _Thurloe_, iv. 90; Vincent Gookin to -the Protector (written in London), _ib._ November 22, 1656; Stubbs, -_Hist. of the University of Dublin_, p. 90. Winter with two elders and -forty-one other parishioners signed a letter to the Protector praising -Henry warmly for his charity and justice and his countenance 'to all -that fear God though of different judgments,' _Milton State Papers_, -p. 137, June 3, 1656; Rev. R. Easthorp to H. Cromwell, June 11, 1657, -_Lansdowne MSS._, p. 822. - -[284] _Ludlow_, i. 360, 402, 415; _Thurloe_, iii. 70, 136, 710, 715, -744; iv. 73. - -[285] Oliver Cromwell to Fleetwood, June 22, 1655, _Carlyle_, ii. 451; -to Henry Cromwell, November 21, _ib._ 479; Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, -September 19, 1655 (as to 'Colonel Hewson with his three Anabaptist -sons'), _Thurloe_, iv. 327; December 26, _ib._ 348; February 6 and -April 2, 1655-6 (as to military Quakers), _ib._ 508, 672; and H. -Ingoldsby's letter from Limerick, March 29, 1657, _Lansdowne MSS._, p. -822; Thurloe to Henry Cromwell, January 1, _ib._ 573; Henry Cromwell to -Thurloe (as to John Jones), March 12 and April 2, 1655-6, _ib._ 606, -672; same to same (for the field officers who resigned), December 3, -1666, _ib._ 670. - -[286] The Act for convicting Popish Recusants, reciting the form of -oath, in _Scobell_, ii. 443; Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, September 23, -1657, _Thurloe_, vi. 527; Dr. Henry Jones to same, September 30, _ib._ -539. - -[287] Dr. Worth's letter, October 31, 1656, _Clarke Papers_, iii. 77; -H. Cromwell's letters of November 5 and November 17, _Thurloe_, v. 558, -570, and Col. Moore's to him, November 2, _ib._ 571. For the Royalist -plots referred to, _ib._ 348, 422, 443. - -[288] _Scobell_, ii. 424, 491; Henry Cromwell's letters in vols. vi. -and vii. of _Thurloe_, particularly that to the Protector of December -2, 1657, vi. 649; to Fleetwood, April 14, 1658, vii. 71; and to -Thurloe, May 5, _ib._ 144. Broghill to Thurloe, December 11, 1657, -_ib._ vi. 670. On April 27, 1658, Fleetwood wrote, 'If we can get you -30,000_l._ by borrowing, it will be the most,' _ib._ vii. 100. - -[289] Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, March 24 and 31, 1658, and May 26 and -June 23; Thurloe's answer, July 13, _Thurloe_, vii. 21, 39, 145, 198, -269. - -[290] Henry Cromwell's letter (with the proclamation), in _Thurloe_, -vii. 384, 425, 453; Steele, _ib._ 388; Broghill (from Mallow), _ib._ -399; Fauconberg, _ib._ 406, 413, 437, 450; Colonel T. Cooper, _ib._ -425; _Liber Munerum Publicorum_, vol. i. part ii. 8; _Clarke Papers_, -iii. 166. - -[291] Thurloe to H. Cromwell, November 23, 1658, _Thurloe_, vii. 528; -three letters of Broghill's, December 18 to January 24, _ib._ 573, 597, -600; Fauconberg's letter, _ib._ 528; List of members in _Parliamentary -Hist._ xxi. 262. It does not appear that Petty was returned for any -place in Ireland, as stated in his _Life_, p. 79. Gookin's opposition -to Broghill was unsuccessful, Neal's _Hist. of the Puritans_, iv. 182. - -[292] Burton's _Diary_, iv. 237-242; Broghill to Thurloe, January 24, -1658-9, in _Thurloe_, and Neal's _History of the Puritans_, iv. 183. - -[293] Wood's _Fasti Oxonienses_, vol. iv. in Bliss's edition, 119, 148, -156; Burton's _Diary_, iv. 244 _sqq._; _Hist. of Down Survey_, p. 292. - -[294] Burton's _Diary_, iv. 244, 470; _Hist. of Down Survey_, 290-300, -where Petty gives Sankey's speech 'as near as the memory of such as -were present can recollect.' H. Cromwell to Thurloe, April 11, 1659, -'he has curiously deluded me these four years if he be a knave,' -and another letter to Fleetwood in June, _Thurloe_, vii. 651, 684. -Sankey's speech with some amusing comments may be also read in Petty's -_Reflections_ on some persons and things in Ireland. - -[295] Henry Cromwell to Richard, May 23, 1659, and to Fleetwood next -day, _Thurloe_, vii. 674; Broghill to Thurloe, April 29, _ib._ 665; -_Old Parliamentary Hist._, xxi. 372 _sqq._; _Ludlow_, ii. 177 _sqq._ - -[296] H. Cromwell to the Speaker, June 15, 1659, _Thurloe_, vii. 683, -and to Fleetwood, _ib._ 685; _Clarendon State Papers_, iii. 500; -Clarendon's _Hist. of the Rebellion_, xvi. 16; _Ludlow_, ii. Clarendon -states in a letter that Henry Cromwell had at one time actually -determined to declare for the King, 'but that wretched fellow had no -courage,' to Ormonde, October 25, 1659, in Carte's _Original Letters_, -ii. 242. - -[297] H. Cromwell to Thurloe, September 23, 1657, _Thurloe_, vi. 527; -March 27, 1657-8, _ib._ 39; June 30, _ib._ 218; to Fleetwood, June -1659, _ib._ 684. Writing both to Thurloe and Broghill on April 7, 1658, -he mentions that Inchiquin's son came to him without any pass after -three weeks' stay among his father's friends in Munster: 'I will be as -civil as I may be to him, and to all men else,' _ib._ vii. 55, 57. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIX - -THE RESTORATION - - -[Sidenote: Provisional Government, 1659.] - -[Sidenote: Position of Ludlow.] - -The Commissioners appointed by Parliament carried on the civil -government for about six months after Henry Cromwell's resignation, but -the really important thing was the attitude of the army. Ludlow and -John Jones went over together in July, and on their way to Holyhead -heard rumours of a coming rising under Sir George Booth. Soon after -their arrival in Ireland one hundred men were sent to reinforce -Beaumaris and the neighbouring garrisons. On landing at Ringsend, -'the guard that had formerly attended Cromwell' was waiting under Sir -Theophilus Jones, and escorted the new commander-in-chief into Dublin. -The Commissioners arranged to preside for a month in turn, Ludlow -sitting next the chairman when present, and having precedence at other -times; in official documents he was styled 'Excellency.' He had brought -with him a letter of credit for 30,000_l._, which added weight to his -promise of regular pay for the soldiers. As soon as the insurrection -broke out in Cheshire he was ordered to send over a thousand foot and -five hundred horse; and they were despatched within ten days, under -Sankey's command, two months' pay having been advanced to them. During -the disorderly period which followed they became known as the Irish -Brigade.[298] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow purges the army.] - -[Sidenote: John Jones in command of the army.] - -Ludlow was determined not to be again kept in Ireland as a kind of -exile, and took the precaution of having a clause in his commission -allowing him to return when he chose, and to appoint a substitute in -his absence. Before taking advantage of this he devoted himself to a -reform of the army, for he found 'divers of the officers guilty of -habitual immoralities, many of them accustomed to detain the pay of -the private soldiers, and most of them debauched in their principles -by the late usurpation of the Cromwells.' Many of them, especially in -Connaught and Clare, had married Irish Papists, and some who professed -Protestantism might 'justly be suspected to continue Papists.' Many -were dismissed, and their places filled as far as possible by men -who had been cashiered for adhering to the Parliament as against the -Protectorate. In the meantime the Irish Brigade at Derby supported -Lambert and those who proposed to make him Major-General. Copies of -their petition were sent to Ireland by Sankey, and officers there -were invited to concur; but Ludlow assembled as many as he could and -persuaded them that England would never submit to be governed by -the sword. He then prepared to go to England, and wished to leave -the military as well as the civil authority in the hands of the -Commissioners; but this they refused to accept. He then appointed -Jones, who was one of them, to be his substitute, for he regarded -Waller as a time-server, and Sankey had made himself impossible. As a -member of Parliament and one of the late King's judges, Jones might -at all events be trusted not to favour Charles Stuart. On reaching -Beaumaris Ludlow heard that the Parliament had once more, as Henry -Cromwell had foreshadowed, been turned out of doors by the soldiers. -Lambert, who was in command, had narrowly escaped the Tower, and was -actually deprived of his commission along with Desborough and others. -The Act constituting Fleetwood commander-in-chief in Great Britain -was repealed, and he became one of a commission of seven along with -Ludlow, Monck, and others. Among them was Haselrig, whom Lambert -believed to be thirsting for his blood, and he professed to be acting -in self-defence.[299] - -[Sidenote: Monck and Jones, Oct. 1659.] - -[Sidenote: Last acts of the Irish Commissioners.] - -As soon as Monck heard of what had happened in London he wrote to -Ludlow as his fellow-commissioner for the government of the army, -declaring that the forces under his immediate command were unanimous -for Parliament, and declaring his intention to 'prosecute this business -against ambition and tyranny to the last drops of my blood till they -be restored.' The letter reached Jones in Ireland, and an answer was -sent by him. Cornet Henry Monck, the general's nephew, was in Dublin, -and thought the army neutral, until fourteen field-officers signed -an address to the army in England, by which he observed that all -who inclined to Anabaptism were against the Parliament. The answer -sent to Monck was signed by Jones himself and Sir Hardress Waller, -Colonel Cooper, governor of Carrickfergus, Colonel Lawrence, governor -of Waterford, Colonel Phaire, governor of Cork, Colonel Nicholas -Kempson, Ludlow's brother-in-law, and Dr. Henry Jones. These officers -declared that any division of action or opinion in the army would be -'found in the issue to be nothing else but the opening of a door for -the common enemy to come in,' and the event showed that they were not -far wrong. At the same time Monck was informed by his nephew that he -would have the support of Sir Charles Coote, Sir Theophilus Jones, and -most of the other officers. Sankey, who commanded the Irish Brigade -in England, sided with Lambert; but Colonel Redman, who served under -him, was already in communication with Charles II. While the action of -the army remained uncertain, the Commissioners carried on the civil -government, and there were no serious disturbances. Large numbers of -the transplanted still refused to stir, and the Tories were troublesome -in many places. An order went forth in September to disarm all Irish -Papists in Wicklow and to seize their arms and ammunition. There was -a particularly active gang of marauders about Castledermot. Some -weeks later a seizure was made at the custom-house of Quaker books -which denounced the Government as anti-Christian and the ministers -established by them as 'priests, hirelings, and dumb dogs.' The very -last order of Jones and his colleagues appears to have been one for the -suppression of the Christmas holidays, as giving rise to debauchery -and only calculated to 'uphold idolatry and superstition derived from -the Church of Rome.'[300] - -[Sidenote: Revolt of the Irish army.] - -[Sidenote: The Commissioners imprisoned] - -The order against Christmas was made on December 9, and four days later -the whole face of affairs was changed. Sir Theophilus Jones and some -other officers determined, after Lambert had dismissed the Parliament, -to free themselves from subjection to the Wallingford House party. -They began by petitioning John Jones as commander-in-chief to call a -general council of officers to consider the situation, Sir Hardress -Waller as the next in rank undertaking to take the lead in the matter. -Jones dared not refuse such a request altogether, but the malcontents -intercepted a letter from Fleetwood from which they understood that -the opportunity would be taken to arrest them. There were but five -companies of foot and three troops of horse in Dublin whose fidelity -Jones had little reason to doubt. But Captain Bond persuaded his -own company to seize the Castle gates and make prisoners of Jones, -Corbet, and Tomlinson. A declaration in favour of the Parliament was -cried through the streets next morning and generally approved of. The -officers who had laid the plot were thus in the possession of the only -magazine, which had just been replenished with five hundred barrels of -powder, and no resistance could be attempted. The other garrisons were -quickly mastered, Coote securing Galway, while Broghill held Youghal, -Bandon and Kinsale. The garrisons of Cork, Limerick, Waterford, and -Athlone took the same course; and the submission of Londonderry settled -the question in Ulster. Colonel Cooper, the governor of Carrickfergus, -who might have given trouble in the northern province, died in his -chair within a week. The officers in Dublin at once informed Monck of -what had been done; the news was also sent to London and Portsmouth, -while Coote and Broghill were urged to come to Dublin. Sir Hardress -Waller acquiesced, though he had signed the answer to Monck, and became -for the moment commander-in-chief. The Irish Brigade in England -declared for the Parliament on December 21, and Sankey was arrested by -Monck, who was welcomed by Redman at the head of the troops when he -came to Leicester.[301] - -[Sidenote: Monck gains over Coote and Broghill.] - -Sir Theophilus Jones had six troops of horse ready to go to Monck's -assistance, but Lambert's star waned so fast that they were not wanted. -Whitelock saw that a restoration was inevitable, and nearly persuaded -Fleetwood to seize the Tower, communicate with the King, and get credit -for what he could not prevent. But Desborough and others reminded him -that he was bound to Lambert, who was at Newcastle, and he refused -to stir without consulting him. 'Then,' said Whitelock, 'you will -ruin yourself and your friends.' 'I cannot help it,' was the answer; -and that exactly represents Fleetwood's attitude. On December 26 the -Rump without his aid retook possession of their House amidst the -acclamations of the very soldiers who had kept them out of it. The news -reached Monck at Coldstream four or five days later, and on January 1 -he crossed the Tweed, Lambert being deserted by his army. From Durham -he sent Sir Joseph Douglas to gain over Coote, and he was also in -communication with Broghill; but by this time both were in Dublin, and -fully committed to the cause of the Parliament.[302] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow goes to Ireland, December.] - -[Sidenote: But is not allowed to land.] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow at Duncannon, January.] - -Ludlow was a genuine Republican, and his great object was to prevent a -restoration of the monarchy. 'It was,' he says, 'my judgment, that if -either the Parliament or the army should entirely prevail one against -the other in this juncture, it would hazard the ruin of both.' The -Parliament alone could provide regular sustenance for the army which -was necessary for its own protection, and it was by establishing a -balance that Charles Stuart might be kept out. With these ideas, and -with some hopes of furthering them through his position at the head of -the Irish army, he set out for Dublin as soon as the restoration of the -Parliament was practically arranged. He could not but agree with the -decision of the officers in Ireland to co-operate for that purpose with -the generals at Portsmouth, with Monck, and with Vice-Admiral Lawson, -but he distrusted Sir Theophilus Jones, Colonel Bridges, and others -who had supported the protectorate; and Coote's attitude was evidently -suspicious. Ludlow embarked upon the _Oxford_ frigate, and anchored -off his own house at Monkstown on the last of December, but did not -venture to land until he knew what was going on. Before he appeared -upon the coast, Coote and the others had resolved not to admit him as -commander-in-chief without fresh orders from Parliament. Ludlow sent -a letter to Waller and his colleagues, offering to help in the good -work, but they answered that his appearance was very unacceptable, -that they did not believe he was true to the Parliament, and that they -would not resign their power without direct orders from that body. They -also hinted very plainly that they were quite ready to arrest Ludlow -if so directed. Captain Lucas, who brought the letter, suggested that -he should go to the council of officers and adjust all differences by -personal intercourse; but he answered that he knew their principles -much too well to trust himself in their hands, adding that their -attachment to the Parliament was feigned, and their real design 'to -destroy both them and their friends, and to bring in the son of the -late King.' Cavalry were sent to prevent him from landing, and he was -not allowed to get water or provisions. Seeing that nothing could be -done, Ludlow sent letters to London by the ordinary packet, along with -some which he had intercepted, and after three days' waiting, sailed to -Duncannon, Corbet having taken refuge in his ship. They were received -with joy by Captain Skinner, whom Ludlow had appointed governor; but -Waterford was as hostile as Dublin had been, and he was not allowed -even to ship provisions which he had paid for. Attempts were also -made to alienate the garrison of the fort by representing him as a -deserter from the Parliament, and cattle intended for their relief were -driven off by cavalry under Colonel Edmund Temple. A few days later -Duncannon was blockaded by a sufficient force under Colonel Thomas -Scot, the regicide's son; but some provisions were introduced in the -meantime.[303] - -[Sidenote: Impeachment of Ludlow and the Commissioners.] - -[Sidenote: Ludlow leaves Ireland.] - -As he endeavoured to keep terms with the Wallingford House party, -it was possible to represent Ludlow as an enemy or lukewarm friend -to the Parliament. Why, it was asked, had he left London two days -before its restoration? His commission, to be of any value under the -circumstances, should be dated after that event, whereas he depended on -what had been done before the late interval of military violence. In a -letter written during that enforced recess he had addressed John Jones -as 'Dear friend,' and expressed a fear that the Long Parliament would -be 'very high, in case they should be brought in without conditions.' -Two or three days after Ludlow's arrival at Duncannon, the victorious -party in Dublin sent over articles of impeachment against him, Jones, -Corbet, and Tomlinson, which were read in the House on January 19. The -powers of the accused were at once suspended, and they were summoned -to attend, Ludlow being specially ordered to surrender Duncannon to -Coote and Jones. The fort was beset in the meantime, and before the -decision of Parliament was known Captain Skinner complained that the -soldiers outside insulted the garrison with expressions in use only -among the worst kind of Cavaliers, such as 'God damn them!' and 'Go -to your prayers!' Some called for the Parliament of 1641, some for -that of 1647, and some complained that it was reduced to a 'rump, -fag-end, or limb.' There had been earlier orders for Ludlow and the -three Commissioners to go over and give an account of the state of -Ireland, and Monck, whose suggestions at the moment had almost the -weight of commands, pressed for their recall and for the appointment -of Coote, Broghill, and three others. Ludlow sailed from Duncannon in -obedience to the first summons, heard of the impeachment on his way to -London, and took his seat in Parliament along with Corbet on January -30. Tomlinson was a prisoner in Dublin Castle, and John Jones at -Athlone.[304] - -[Sidenote: A new Provisional Government, January 1659-60.] - -[Sidenote: A general convention.] - -[Sidenote: Coote and Broghill approach Charles II.] - -[Sidenote: Declaration of Munster officers, February.] - -Broghill, Coote, and Major William Bury were appointed Commissioners -for the government of Ireland in January, and by the end of the month -the officers in Dublin had a pretty good understanding with Monck; -but they probably forced his hand by summoning a convention to meet -on February 7. The places represented were as in Strafford's time, -but no doubt care was taken that the assembly should be entirely -Protestant. Sir James Barry, afterwards Lord Santry, was chosen -Speaker, and William Temple sat for the county of Carlow. The Council -of State ordered the convention to dissolve, but this they refused, -while repudiating any idea of separation from England. Sir Hardress -Waller had hitherto gone with the rest; but it became evident that -Royalism was winning, and he had sat regularly as one of the late -King's judges, and signed his death-warrant. He made himself master of -the Castle, and it was believed that he intended to seize Coote and -other leaders who had declared in print for a free Parliament and the -readmission of all the secluded members. The convention had the power -of the purse, and the soldiers in the Castle, who were probably tired -of barrack-revolutions and deferred pay, surrendered Waller and the -few officers who supported him. Coote sent Sir Arthur Forbes, a noted -Royalist who had been with Montrose, to Brussels with an offer of his -services, and Charles gladly accepted them, offering an earldom and -other benefits, and proposing to join him, 'except it be more necessary -that I go for England.' Broghill sent his brother Francis, afterwards -Lord Shannon, about the same time; and, if we are to believe his not -very trustworthy biographer, Charles was on the point of starting for -Ireland by way of Calais when he heard that things were going so well -in England as to make the journey unnecessary. What is more certain is -that Broghill was at Cork three days after Waller's attempt, and there, -at the head of the Munster officers, signed a declaration in favour -of a full and free Parliament, and of readmitting the members ousted -by Pride's Purge. All men, they said, were tired of anarchy and of -authorities constantly changing, and for the moment there was no safety -but in restoring the Long Parliament to its unpurged condition. 'If the -excluded members be readmitted, they must be either the greater or the -lesser number in the House; if the lesser, where is the danger of their -admission? If the greater, where is the justice of their exclusion? -For then it will appear that the minor number keeps out the major.' -Whatever may have been Broghill's secret negotiations, he kept up a -correspondence with Thurloe long after Monck had come to Whitehall, -and repudiated the idea of bringing in the King as late as April 24. -Even on May 8, when Charles was proclaimed in London, he still talked -of preserving 'the just rights we contended for so successfully in the -war,' very truly observing that if no conditions were made before the -then inevitable restoration, it would be next to impossible to make any -afterwards.[305] - -[Sidenote: Charles II. proclaimed in Dublin, May 14.] - -[Sidenote: Coote and Broghill Lords Justices.] - -According to his biographer and chaplain, Broghill was the moving -spirit, and Coote acted under his influence; but this is extremely -doubtful. Broghill loved tortuous ways, and was perhaps anxious to -leave himself a loophole in any case. Foreseeing the importance of the -Convention Parliament in England, he was most anxious to be in it, -and, having married a Howard, he found a seat at Arundel. Coote and -his friends were ready to declare themselves before decisive steps -were taken in London, but it was felt that the restored King might -be embarrassed by premature action, and means were taken to delay -proceedings. Charles II. was not proclaimed in Dublin till May 14, -and on the 25th Broghill was sent with Coote and others to attend the -King. Whatever those in all the secrets may have thought, Coote was -at first much better received by the Royalists generally, who looked -upon his colleague and rival as a trimmer. Three days later the Irish -Convention adjourned till November. Monck was appointed Lord Lieutenant -and Lord Roberts Deputy; but neither of them came over, and at the end -of the year Sir Maurice Eustace, who had been made Lord Chancellor, -was appointed Lord Justice, with Coote and Broghill as colleagues. The -two soldiers were treated as of equal importance, the one being made -Earl of Orrery on September 5, and the other Earl of Mountrath on the -following day.[306] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[298] _Ludlow_, ii. 104-111. - -[299] The Commission was appointed on October 12, and Lambert -suppressed the Parliament next day. _Ludlow_, ii. 119-137, 143; _Old -Parliamentary Hist._, xxi. 453-479; Lord Mordaunt to the King, October -27, in Carte's _Original Letters_, ii. 244. - -[300] Monck's letter of October 20, 1659, in _Ludlow_, ii. 449; Henry -Monck's letter of November 3 in _Clarke Papers_, iv. 95, with the -notes; Commonwealth Papers in _Irish R.O._ A/17. - -[301] A _Letter sent from Ireland_ to Lenthall, dated December 15, -and read in Parliament January 5, 1659. _A Perfect Narrative_ of the -grounds and reasons moving some officers of the army in Ireland to the -securing of the Castle of Dublin for the Parliament on December 13, -last, London, 1660. _Ludlow_, ii. 184. Sir Theophilus Jones and the -rest to the army at Portsmouth, December 24, 1659, _Portland Papers_, -i. 688. Robert Wood was commissioned to offer 3000 or 4000 men from -Ireland to the Parliament, _ib._ 690. Hoyle and others to Lenthall, -December 31, _ib._ 691; Waller to Monck, December 16, 1659, _Clarke -Papers_, iv. 202; Price's Life of Monck, p. 748 in _Select Tracts_, ii. - -[302] Monck to Waller, December 28, and January 1, _Clarke Papers_, -ii. 226, 237; Coote, Broghill, &c. to Lenthall, January 11, _ib._ 241; -_Whitelock_, p. 691, December 22; Price's Life of Monck in _Select -Tracts_, ii. 751. - -[303] _Ludlow_, ii. 190-196, 471, 475. Ludlow came to Duncannon on -January 5. - -[304] Letter from Waller, Broghill, Coote, and twenty-six others to -Ludlow, January 10, 1659-60, with his answer, _Ludlow_, 453; Monck -to Lenthall, January 16, _ib._ 453; Captain Skinner's Remonstrance, -January, in Cal. State Papers, _Ireland_, p. 717. _A Perfect -Narrative_, p. 13; _Old Parliamentary Hist._, xxii. 55. There are -several letters to and from Ludlow during January in Cal. State Papers, -_Ireland_, pp. 704-716. - -[305] Sir Theophilus Jones to Monck, February 1 and 19, 1659-60, in -_Leyborne-Popham Papers_, 141, 155; Sir Charles Coote and the Council -of Officers to Monck, February 16, _ib._ 152; Declaration of Broghill -and the Munster officers, February 18, in _Thurloe_, vii. 817; Broghill -to Thurloe, _ib._ 859, 908, 912; the King to Coote, Breda, March 6/16, -in Carte's _Original Letters_, ii. 314; Orrery's _State Letters_, i. -59, for the Rev. Mr. Morrice's account of Broghill's proceedings, -_Liber Munerum Publicorum_, vol. i. part ii. p. 8. The declaration -of Coote and the other officers, dated February 16, and sent with -the letter to Monck of that day, gave the tone to all subsequent -proceedings. It was printed in Dublin and reprinted in London with -fifty-five signatures, including those of Coote himself, Caulfield, -Theophilus Jones, Henry Ingoldsby, John King, Thomas Scot, and W. -Purefoy. - -[306] Orrery's _State Letters_, i. 59; _Liber Munerum Publicorum_, vol. -i. part i. p. 8; Carte's _Life of Ormonde_, ii. 203; Lord Aungier to -Ormonde, May 11/21, 1660, in Carte's _Orig. Letters_, ii. 345. - - - - -INDEX - -TO - -THE SECOND VOLUME - - - Aberdeen, 14, 15, 63 - - Acton church, 54 - - Acton, near Bristol, 162 - - Adair, Patrick, 58, 341 - - -- Sir Robert, 341 - - Adamstown, 83 - - Adare, 150 - - Adrian's bull, 154 - - Adventurers, 36 - - Aghada, 92 - - Aghenure, 5, 278 - - Agher, 8, 11, 296 - - Algiers, 296 - - Allen, Adjutant-General, 267, 349 - - -- hill of, 216 - - Amboyna, 195 - - Annagh, 92 - - Anne of Austria, 99 - - Annesley, Arthur, afterwards Earl of Anglesey, 56, 144, 146, 186 - - Antonio, Captain, 72 - - Antrim, Randal MacDonnell, 1st Marquis of, 18, 25, 35; - nominal Lieutenant-General, 57; - sends men to Montrose, 60-64, 141; - President of Supreme Council, 145, 161; - at Paris, 162; - tries to thwart Ormonde, 172, 173, 188, 212, 224, 225, 227 - - -- town and county, 95, 210 - - Arcamoni, Giuseppe, 176, 177 - - Ardee, 196 - - Ardfinane, 22, 23 - - Ardtully, 101 - - Argyle, Archibald, 1st Marquis of, 61, 62 - - Arkin, 298 - - Arklow, 198 - - Armagh, 16, 24, 28, 59, 60, 118, 228 - - Armstrong, Sir Thomas, 225 - - Arran islands, 41, 282 - - Arras, 20 - - Artois, Duchess of, 296 - - Arundel, 371 - - Ashley, Captain, 38 - - Ashton, Major and M.P., 356 - - Askeaton, 41 - - Aston, Captain, 80 - - -- Sir Arthur, 192-195 - - Athboy, 51 - - Athenry, 43, 261 - - -- (Bermingham), Lord, 251 - - Athlone, 5, 9, 10, 41, 51, 130, 169, 248, 261; - Castle taken, 266, 295; - court of claims, 334 - - Augher, 95, 121 - - Augustinians, 78, 239 - - Axtell, Daniel, regicide, 248, 249, 264, 279, 349 - - - Baal, 197 - - Bagenal, Walter, 62, 128, 138 - - Baggotrath, 184, 185 - - Bagni, Monsignor dei, 100 - - Baillie, Robert, 56 - - Baker, Abraham, 11, 12 - - -- Thomas, 12 - - Balbriggan, 15 - - Bale, John, Bishop of Ossory, 219 - - Ballagh, 10 - - Ballaghdereen, 262 - - Ballimore, 260 - - Ballina, in Kildare, 18 - - Ballinacargy, 270 - - Ballinafeeg, 32 - - Ballinakill, 17, 29, 32, 34 - - Ballinalack, 260 - - Ballinasloe, 95 - - Ballincollig, 4 - - Ballingarry, 41 - - Ballinrobe, 6 - - Ballintober, 10 - - Ballyallia, 11, 12 - - Ballycarra, 6 - - Ballycastle, 205, 229 - - Ballygarth, 193 - - Ballyhooly, 92 - - Ballymore, 9 - - Ballyquin, 116 - - Ballyragget, 32 - - Ballyshannon, in Donegal, 21, 58, 287 - - -- or Ballisonan, in Kildare, 16-18, 186, 216 - - Baltimore, 38, 209 - - Banagher, 23, 43, 169, 248 - - Banbridge, 24 - - Bandon, 3, 13, 23, 37, 70, 71, 208, 209 - - Bane, John, 154 - - Bann river, 24, 197 - - Barbadoes, 42, 194, 345 - - Barebone's Parliament, Irish members in, 321 - - Barham, Thomas, Dean of Ross, 92 - - Barnesmore, 262 - - Barnewall, Sir Richard, 198 - - Baron or Barron, Bonaventure, 108 - - -- -- Geoffrey, 21, 103, 139, 265, 272, 274-276 - - Barrington's Bridge, 150 - - Barrow river, 18, 31, 32, 80, 128, 168, 201, 203, 204, 280, 349 - - -- Colonel, 349 - - Barry, Colonel Garret, 3, 22, 23, 26, 47, 48 - - -- -- John, 138, 162 - - -- Sir James, 369 - - -- Captain William, 92 - - -- Robert, titular Bishop of Cork, 238 - - Barrymore, David, 1st Earl of, 3, 22, 35 - - -- Lady, (Lady Alice Boyle), 93 - - Bate, George, 192 - - Battleford Bridge, 120 - - Bavaria, Irish mission to, 28 - - Beaumaris, 53, 97, 362, 363 - - Beaupuis, an 'Important,' 99 - - Beeston, 53 - - Belfast, 50, 57, 58; - seized by Monro, 59, 118; - surprised by Monck, 173; - 'a small town in Ulster,' 180, 181, 197, 350 - - Belgium, Irish envoy to, 28, 76 - - Bellings, Richard, Secretary of the Irish Confederacy, historian, and - opponent of Rinuccini, 19, 25, 49; - his foreign mission, 76, 83, 92, 94, 96, 99-102, 115-117, 128, 131, - 136-138, 146, 158, 166, 167; - leaves Ireland, 243, 254 - - Belturbet, 169, 183, 227, 297 - - Belvelly, 94, 208 - - Benburb, O'Neill's victory at, 117-122, 126, 132, 155, 173 - - Bennet's Bridge, 218 - - Bentivoglio, Cardinal, 76 - - Beresford, Colonel, 228 - - Bermuda, 345 - - Bertie, Captain, 9 - - Bingham, Sir Henry, 6 - - Birr, 17, 169, 248 - - Biscay, Irish mission to, 28 - - Blackwater river, in Ulster, 118, 120 - - -- river, in Munster, 51, 91, 93, 209, 268, 315, 317 - - Blair Athol, 63 - - Blake, Admiral Robert, 183, 188, 203, 208, 209, 279 - - -- Sir Richard, 160, 245 - - -- Sir Valentine, 11, 19 - - Blaney, Lord, 64; - Lady, 24 - - Blarney, 94, 322 - - Bodley, Sir Josiah, 80 - - Bolton, Sir Richard, Lord Chancellor, 29, 214 - - Bond, Captain, 365 - - Borlase, Sir John, Lord Justice, chaps. xxi.-xxiii. _passim_ - - Borrisoleigh, 169 - - Borris, or Burris, in Carlow, 33 - - -- in Ossory, 17 - - Bourke, Miles and Theobald: _see_ Mayo - - -- or de Burgo, Archbishop of Tuam: _see_ Burgo - - -- Colonel John, 26, 43, 44 - - -- Hugh, Franciscan, 79 - - -- Sir John, 125 - - Boyle, 45, 96, 155 - - -- family, 209; - _see_ Cork, Broghill, Dungarvan, and Kinalmeaky - - -- Francis, 370 - - -- Richard, Archbishop of Tuam, 5 - - -- Michael, afterwards Primate, 90, 164, 213, 225 - - Boyne river, 45, 147, 192, 280, 315 - - Bradshaw, John, the regicide, 195 - - Braintree woods, 24 - - Bray, 187, 251 - - Brentford, 189 - - Brereton, Sir William, 53 - - Bridges, Colonel, 367 - - Bright, Captain, 81 - - Bristol, 55, 83, 162, 367 - - -- Lord, (Digby), 65 - - Briver, Francis, Mayor of Waterford, 4, 5 - - Brockett, Colonel, 74 - - Broghill, Roger Boyle Lord, afterwards Earl of Orrery, 2, 3, 13, 70, - 73, 90-93; - relieves Youghal, 94, 151, 165, 169, 202, 203, 208, 209, 220; - victory at Macroom, 222-224; - victory near Kanturk, 267-269, 291, 322, 328, 352, 354, 355, 366; - helps the Restoration and becomes Earl of Orrery, 369-371 - - Brooke, Captain, 43 - - Brosna river, 248 - - Brown, Geoffrey, 50, 64, 112, 129, 162, 251, 255, 257, 283 - - Brownlow, Sir William, 24 - - Brussels, 251, 253, 255, 369 - - Buchanan, Mr., 6 - - Buckingham, Duchess of, 18 - - Bullingdon Green, 192 - - Bunratty, 12, 115-117, 135, 150 - - Burgo, de, or Bourke, John, Bishop of Clonfert, afterwards titular - Archbishop of Tuam, 39, 124, 129, 172, 177, 232, 257, 282 - - Burke, Edmund, 7 - - -- Thomas, 46 - - -- William, 250 - - -- Walter, 7 - - Burren, 276 - - Burris: _see_ Borris - - Bury, William, of Grantham, 343, 358, 369 - - Butler: _see_ Ormonde, Mountgarret, Dunboyne, Cahir, Ikerrin - - -- Edmund, Mountgarret's son, 5, 29, 200 - - -- John, Mountgarret's brother, 59 - - -- Richard, Ormonde's brother, 4 - - -- Sir Walter, 218, 219 - - -- Count Walter, 20 - - Byrne, Edward and Luke, 310 - - Byron, John, 1st Lord, 53, 54, 186, 187, 240 - - -- Sir Robert, 54 - - -- Colonel, 150 - - - Caen, 243 - - Cahir, 152, 161, 214, 215 - - -- Lord (Butler), 2 - - Cahore, 203 - - Caledon, 120; - _see_ Kinard - - Callan, 19, 161, 215 - - Cambridge, 356 - - Campbell, Sir Duncan, of Auchinbreck, 118 - - -- clan, 63, 64 - - Canice, Saint, 155 - - Cannes, 99 - - Cantire, 64 - - Cantwell Castle, 219 - - Cappagh, 116 - - Cappoquin, 90, 91, 150, 207, 209, 215 - - Capron, Major Ralph, 81 - - Cardenas, Don Alonzo de, 303 - - Carlingford, 62 - - Carlisle, 16 - - Carlow, 17, 31, 33, 51, 141, 149, 234, 235, 293 - - Carmelites, 171, 172, 176, 177 - - Carrickfergus (Knockfergus), 14, 15, 23, 57-59, 118; - surprised by Monck, 173, 197, 209, 210, 236, 270, 305, 341, 350, 351 - - Carrick in Donegal, 287 - - -- on Shannon (Carrigdrumrusk), 96 - - -- on Suir, 1, 127, 161, 204-206, 214, 234 - - Carrickmacross, 295 - - Carrigadrohid, 266, 267 - - Carrigaholt, 223, 276 - - Carrowreagh, 40 - - Carte, Thomas, 144, 229, 240, 251, 309 - - Cashel, 124, 127, 128, 152, 157, 164, 215, 224, 255, 300 - - Castlebar, 6 - - Castleblayney, 296 - - Castle Connell, 248, 261, 272 - - Castle Coote, 51 - - Castledermot, 137, 217, 364 - - Castle Grace, 150 - - Castle Hacket, 7 - - Castlehaven, 38, 209 - - -- James Touchet, 3rd Earl of, 18, 29, 34, 48, 57; - his expedition to Ulster, 59, 60, 72, 82; - his campaign in Munster, 90-94, 127, 128, 182, 199, 205, 207, 216; - commands in Leinster, 217, 218, 221, 231, 233, 234; - at Killaloe, 261, 273; - leaves Ireland, 285; - his memoirs, 286 - - Castlejordan, 156 - - Castlelyons, 91, 92, 268 - - Castlemaine, 291 - - Castlemartin, 48, 216 - - Castlemartyr, 92 - - Catalonia, 303 - - Cathcart, Captain, 229 - - Caulfield, Lord, 126, 305; - Lady, 24 - - Cavan, 33, 45, 59, 121, 183, 197 - - Chaplin, Andrew, 12 - - Charlemont, 21, 22, 24, 45, 60, 174, 197, 228, 230; - taken by Coote, 236, 305, 306 - - Charles II. repudiates the Irish, 239 - - Charles IV., Duke of Lorraine, his schemes concerning Ireland, - 249-259, 280, 283, 287-289, 298 - - Cheshire, 362 - - Chester, 47, 107, 110, 111, 113 - - Chevreuse, Duchess of, 249, 253, 256 - - Chichester, Colonel Arthur, 15, 57, 59 - - -- Sir Arthur (_temp._ James I.), 302 - - Christ Church, Oxford, 55, 65 - - Chudleigh, Captain Thomas, 291, 292 - - Cistercians, 15 - - Clandeboye, James Hamilton, 2nd Viscount, afterwards Earl of - Clanbrassil, 209, 341 - - Clanricarde, Ulick de Burgh, 5th Earl and afterwards Marquis of, 5, - 7-10, 19, 30; - his unique position, 34, 35, 38-44, 47, 50, 51, 107, 126, 142, 169, - 172, 207, 232, 233; - Deputy for Ormonde, 243, 248, 249, 253-256; - rejects the Lorraine proposals, 257-259, 262, 278, 281, 283, 286, 287; - submits and goes to England, 288-290 - - Clare, 10-12, 40, 66, 115, 169, 217, 231 - - -- Castle, 11, 12, 41, 269, 276-278 - - -- Island, 298 - - Claregalway, 43, 44 - - Clarendon, Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of, 20, 30, 52, 53, 65, 143, 188, - 192, 239, 253, 258, 259, 303, 304, 338, 360 - - Clares, Poor, 9 - - Clark, Captain, 7, 284 - - Clarke, Colonel, 321 - - Claverhouse, 58 - - Cleere, Morrice, 345 - - Cliffe, 220 - - Clifford, 262 - - Clogheen, 214 - - Clogher, 129, 170 - - Cloghleagh, 48 - - Clogrennan, 17 - - Clohamon, 31 - - Clonakilty, 13, 37 - - Clonbrock, 40 - - Clonee, 156 - - Clones, 45, 183 - - Clonfert, 129, 220, 238 - - Clonmacnoise, 210, 211, 226, 250 - - Clonmel, 1, 4, 35, 90, 123, 124; - Supreme Council there, 142, 145, 146, 154, 158, 206; - besieged by Cromwell, 220-223, 234, 247, 273, 274, 305 - - Clonroad, 269 - - Clotworthy, Sir John, afterwards Viscount Massereene, 25, 132 - - Cloughoughter, 197, 300, 301, 306 - - Cloyne, 92, 162 - - Coalisland, 305 - - Cole, Sir William, 16, 57, 58, 179 - - Colepepper, John, Lord, 65 - - Coleraine, 17, 51, 58, 118, 120 - - Colkitto, 62 - - Colooney (Coote), Lord, 96 - - Comber, 209 - - Comerford, Patrick, titular Bishop of Waterford, 245 - - Condé, Henry, Prince of, 99 - - -- Louis, Prince of, the Great, 286 - - Cong, 278 - - Conna, 92 - - Connall, 288 - - Conway, Edward, 2nd Viscount, 15, 23 - - -- Colonel, 149 - - Cook, John, regicide and judge, 244, 305 - - Cooke, Colonel, Governor of Wexford, 215 - - Cooper, Colonel Thomas, Governor of Carrickfergus, 364, 365 - - Coote, Sir Charles, the elder, 6, 17-19 - - Coote, Sir Charles, the younger, afterwards Earl of Mountrath, - President of Connaught from 1645, 8, 10, 41, 65, 67, 68, 151, 173, - 174, 179, 182, 183, 197, 209, 210, 227-231, 236, 248, 261, 262, - 266, 278, 282, 283, 311, 335, 359, 364-368; - helps the Restoration, 369; - created an Earl, 371 - - Coppinger, Robert, Mayor of Cork, 73 - - Corbet, John, 7 - - -- Miles, regicide, 246, 304, 322, 327, 343, 359, 365, 367, 368 - - Cork, 3, 4, 22, 23, 51, 79, 151, 164, 165, 179, 184, 202, 203, 208, - 305, 340 - - Cork, county, 2, 48, 167 - - -- harbour, 4, 74, 94, 208, 351 - - -- Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of, 3, 12, 13, 23, 209 - - Cornwall, 64 - - Corofin, 276 - - Costello (Dillon), Viscount, 148, 298 - - Coura Lake, 295 - - Courcies, 351 - - Courtenay, Captain George, 22 - - Courthope, Captain, 208 - - Courtmacsherry, 51 - - Courtney, Colonel, 208, 268 - - Courtstown, 268 - - Covenant, Solemn League and, 55-57 - - Cox, Sir Richard, 48 - - Crawford, Colonel Lawrence, 55 - - Creagh, John, Mayor of Limerick, 232, 271 - - Credan Head, 82 - - Creichton, George, 33 - - Crelly, Cistercian abbot, 288 - - Crete, 175 - - Crispe, Sir Nicholas, 36 - - Cromwell, Oliver, chaps. xxxi. and xxxii. _passim_, 12, 22, 145, 178, - 180, 181, 233, 234, 247, 259, 277, 303, 304, 319, 320, 326, 333, 348 - - -- Henry, chap. xxxviii. _passim_, 208, 222, 265; - an Irish member of Barebones Parliament, 321, 327, 328, 339; - Commander of the forces, 343; - Lord Deputy, 352; - Lord Lieutenant, 354; - character, 360, 362, 363 - - Crookhaven, 188, 209 - - Crosby, Colonel, 209 - - Crowther, Admiral, 94, 151 - - Cuffe, Joseph and Maurice, 11, 12 - - Culham, Colonel, 221 - - Cullen, Colonel, 32, 33 - - Culme, Arthur, 149 - - Culmore, 172, 174 - - Curlew mountains, 122, 262 - - Cusack, Colonel George, 298, 299 - - - Dalgetty, Dugald, 15 - - Dalzell, General Thomas, 58, 209 - - Daniell, Colonel, 225 - - Darcy, Oliver, titular Bishop of Dromore, 237, 238, 241, 242, 257 - - -- Patrick, 26, 75, 112, 123 - - Davis, Sir Paul, 132 - - Deane, Admiral Richard, 188, 203 - - -- William, 309 - - Dease, Thomas, titular Bishop of Meath, 28, 124 - - Dee river, 53 - - Delgany, 198 - - Dempsy, Edmond, titular Bishop of Leighlin, 138 - - Denny, Sir Edward, 41 - - Derby, Irish Brigade at, 363 - - Desborough, Major-General John, 224, 362, 366 - - Desmond forfeitures, 35 - - Dieppe, 162 - - Digby, George, Lord, 55, 61, 62, 65, 68, 70, 89, 104, 105, 110, 114, - 115, 126, 128, 133-136, 144, 160 - - -- Sir Kenelm, 107-109, 129 - - Dillon, Thomas, Viscount of Costello, 5, 94, 148, 184, 216, 218, 298 - - -- George, Franciscan, 253, 254 - - -- John, 75, 112 - - -- Sir Lucas, 23 - - Dingle, 167, 290 - - Dodder river, 184 - - Doe Castle, 229 - - Dominicans, 125, 146, 153, 210, 239, 250, 301 - - Donegal, 16, 287 - - Doneraile, 1, 90, 91, 225 - - Donnellan, James, Judge of Common Pleas, 305 - - Douai, 140 - - Dover treaty, 259 - - Down, 16, 60, 228 - - Drishane, 268 - - Drogheda, 18, 47, 132, 135, 140, 182; - taken by Inchiquin, 183, 184, 185, 187; - taken by Cromwell, 192-196, 200, 307 - - Dromagh, 268, 291 - - Dromana, 91, 150 - - Dromore, 15, 238 - - Drumflugh, 118 - - Dumoulin, French agent, 114, 121, 122, 138 - - Dunbar battle, 240, 345 - - Dunboyne, 156 - - -- (Butler), Lord, 2 - - Duncannon Fort, 21, 33, 80; - taken by Preston, 81-83; - relieved by Castlehaven, 205, 206, 234; - surrenders to the Parliament, 236, 251; - Ludlow's last footing, 367 - - Dundalk, 135, 147, 173, 182, 197, 215, 270, 295 - - Dundrum in Tipperary, 215 - - Dunfermline, 239-241 - - Dungan Hill, 148, 150, 155 - - Dungannon, 24 - - Dungarvan, 4, 72, 78, 150, 246 - - -- (Boyle), Lord, 22 - - Dungiven, 228 - - Dunkirk, 21, 279, 353, 360 - - Dunmore, in Waterford, 80 - - -- in Kilkenny, 168 - - Durham, 366 - - Dyas, Captain, 298 - - - Earnley, Sir Michael, 9, 10 - - Edenderry, 49 - - Edgehill, 29 - - Egan, Boetius, titular Bishop of Ross, 223, 224 - - Eliogarty, 333 - - Elizabeth, Princess, 85 - - Elsing, Major, 165 - - Ennis, 11, 241, 276 - - Enniscorthy, 83, 199, 215 - - Enniskillen, 13, 16, 51, 58, 154, 179, 197, 225, 229 - - Ennislaughlin, 15 - - Ennisnag, 220 - - Erne, Lough, 297 - - Esmond, Lawrence, Lord, 80-83 - - Essex, Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of, 189 - - -- -- -- 3rd Earl of, 192, 315 - - Eustace, Sir Maurice, 27; - Lord Chancellor, 371 - - Everard, Sir Richard, 75 - - - Fairfax, Sir Thomas, 54, 125, 162, 189, 214, 356 - - Fanning, Dominic, 171, 232, 272, 274 - - Fanshawe, Sir Richard, 174, 188 - - -- Lady, 213, 214, 277, 339 - - Fauconberg, Lord, 354, 355, 359 - - Fennell, Major and Colonel, 60, 221, 222, 262, 272, 273 - - -- Dr. Gerald, 139, 141 - - Fenton, Sir William, 165, 203 - - Fenwick, Colonel, 149, 229, 230 - - Ferbane, 248, 263 - - Ferdinand II., Grand Duke of Tuscany, 96, 159 - - Fergus river, 266 - - Fermo, 96, 100, 101 - - Fermoy, 91 - - Fern, Captain, 197 - - Ferns, 129, 198, 199 - - Ferrall, General, 183, 206, 207, 227 - - Fethard, 124, 161, 214, 215 - - Finglas, 184 - - Finnea, 59, 260, 261, 269 - - Fisher, Lieutenant, 92 - - Fitzgerald, Sir Luke and Lady, 233, 234 - - -- Edmond, 92 - - -- Piers MacThomas: _see_ MacThomas - - Fitzpatrick, John, 266, 289 - - Flanders, 20, 21, 78, 100 - - Fleetwood, General Charles, 297, 302, 305, 319, 323; - made Deputy, 327, 341; - leaves Ireland, 343, 344, 347, 348, 366 - - Fleming, Thomas, titular Archbishop of Dublin, 75, 220, 237 - - Florence, 96, 99 - - Flower, Colonel, 148 - - Foisset, a Spanish agent, 77, 79 - - Foliot, Lieutenant, 263 - - Forbes, Alexander Lord, 36-43 - - -- Sir Arthur, 369 - - Forgie, Robert, Dean of Killala, 7 - - Foyle, Lough, 193, 229 - - Fox, Captain, 233, 234 - - -- Charles James, 239 - - Franciscans, 70, 78, 79, 108, 121, 124, 168, 200, 210, 239, 253 - - Freke, Captain, 37 - - French service, 303, 304 - - French, Nicholas, titular Bishop of Ferns, 129, 147, 160, 175, 199, - 201, 241, 250, 253, 255, 259, 282, 288 - - - Galbally, 266, 268 - - Galway, 5-9, 38-41; - the fort surrendered, 43-44, 78, 95, 129, 146, 154, 172, 176, 241, - 245, 251, 262, 269, 278, 280; - capitulates to Coote, 283, 284, 292, 301; - its desolation, 339, 346 - - Garristown, 156 - - Gaultier, 167 - - Genappe, 21 - - Genoa, 77, 78, 99 - - Geohegan, Anthony, 288-290 - - Gibbs, Captain, 149 - - Glamorgan, Edward Somerset, called Earl of, after Marquis of Worcester, - his mission to Ireland, 84-89, 103; - under arrest, 104; - repudiated by Charles I., 106-107, 109, 110; - swears fealty to Rinuccini, 111, 129, 143; - appointed General, 145, 146; - at Paris, 162, 239 - - Glascarrig, 203, 216 - - Glaslough, 118 - - Glenaheiry, 167 - - Glengariffe, 208 - - Glengarry, 148, 173 - - Glen Imale, 247 - - Gleninagh, 243 - - Glin, 41, 42 - - Gloucester, 56 - - Golden, 215 - - Goldsmith, John, 6 - - Goodwin, Robert, 29, 314, 327, 343, 359 - - Gookin, Vincent, 303, 321, 327; - in Oliver's Parliament, 328; - writes against transplantation, 329-332, 347, 355 - - Gordon, Patrick, 63 - - Gormanston (Preston), Viscount, 21 - - Gort, 263 - - Gowran, 126, 137, 217 - - Grace, Colonel Richard, 294 - - Graiguenemanagh, 32 - - Granard, 59 - - Grangebeg, 137 - - Greencastle, 62, 182 - - Grenville, Sir Richard, 30-32, 279 - - Grimaldi, Cardinal, 76 - - Groves, Captain, 37 - - Guadeloupe, 345 - - Guernsey, 114 - - - Hague, 186, 240 - - Hale, Sir Matthew, 186 - - Hamilton, Sir Francis, 65 - - -- Sir Frederick, 16, 95, 96 - - -- Sir George, 128 - - -- a minister, 62 - - Hamilton's Bawn, 118 - - Hammond, Colonel, 217 - - -- Colonel Robert, 327 - - Hampden, John, 73 - - Hampton Court, 162 - - Harman, Major, 147, 148 - - Haro, Don Luis de, 20, 78 - - Harrison, Michael, 306-308 - - -- Thomas, regicide, 321 - - Harristown, 131 - - Haselrig, Sir Arthur, 363 - - Hastings, 162 - - Havre, 143 - - Hawarden, 53 - - Helvoetsluys, 187 - - Henin, Abbot Stephen de, 253, 254, 258, 260, 288 - - Henrietta Maria, Queen, 46; - on Irish Protestants, 74-76; - distrusted at Rome, 98-100; - her religious opinions, 107, 108, 140-143, 159, 160, 162, 242, 252 - - Henry II., 215 - - -- VIII., 20 - - Hewson, John, regicide, 215-218, 223, 260, 269, 321, 385 - - Higgins, Dr., 274 - - Hill, Colonel, 57 - - Holycross, 210 - - Holyhead, 362 - - Hook Tower, 80 - - Howard, Lady Margaret, 93 - - Hull, Sir William, 38 - - Hussey, Mrs., 309 - - Hyde, Sir Edward: _see_ Clarendon - - - Ikerrin (Butler), Lord, 2 - - Imokilly, 92 - - Inchecronan, 266, 276 - - Inchiquin, Murrough O'Brien, 6th Baron, afterwards 1st Earl of, 4, 11; - Vice-president of Munster, 13, 22; - victor at Liscarrol, 23, 35, 37, 43, 47, 50; - at Oxford, 69; - joins the Parliament, 70, 71-74, 81, 82, 90-94, 141, 150, 152; - sacks Cashel, 153; - victor at Knocknanuss, 157, 161, 162; - deserts the Parliament, 164, 165, 169, 184, 185, 189, 202, 204-206, - 209, 213, 214, 222, 224, 225, 227, 231; - leaves Ireland, 243 - - Ingoldsby, Colonel Henry, 201, 261, 263, 264, 294 - - Inishowen, 229 - - Inistioge, 204 - - Innisbofin, 257, 258, 286, 298, 301, 339 - - Innisfallen, 291 - - Innisturk, 298 - - Innocent III., 255 - - -- X. (Pamphili), 76, 89, 97, 98, 103, 106, 109-111, 117, 121, 122, 160; - rebukes Rinuccini, 177, 178, 242, 253, 255, 259 - - Ireton, Henry, regicide, 190, 204, 214, 221; - Oliver's Deputy, 223, 231, 234, 245-249; - death and character, 277, 319 - - -- Bridget, afterwards Fleetwood, 304 - - Italians, Ireland for the, 35, 100 - - Iveagh (Magennis), Lord, 15 - - - Jamaica, 144, 348, 350 - - Jamestown, 237, 239, 241, 243 - - Jeffries, Colonel, 214 - - Jermyn, Henry, afterwards Earl of St. Albans, 99, 108, 160, 252 - - Jersey, 114, 187, 243, 250 - - Jesuits, 121, 130, 150-155, 176, 293, 326 - - Jigginstown: _see_ Sigginstown - - John, King of Portugal, 154 - - Johnson, Thomas, 7 - - Jones, Henry, Bishop of Clogher and Scoutmaster-General, afterwards - Bishop of Meath, 246, 298, 300, 304, 322, 359, 362-365 - - -- John, regicide, 246, 298, 300, 304, 322, 359, 362-365 - - -- Lewis, Bishop of Killaloe, 144 - - -- Michael, 64, 144, 146, 147; - victorious at Dungan Hill, 148, 149 - - -- Sir Theophilus, 210, 221, 260, 299, 362, 364, 365 - - -- Ensign, 38 - - Joyce, Cornet, 164 - - -- John, 310 - - Julianstown, 193 - - - Kanturk, 157 - - Kavanagh, Brian, 32, 57, 173 - - Kells, 137 - - Kelly, Charles, Dean of Tuam, 237 - - Kempson, Colonel Nicholas, 364 - - Kenmare, 101 - - Kentish insurrection, 217 - - Ker, John, Dean of Ardagh, 307 - - Kerry, 47, 167, 169, 204, 274 - - Kiffin, William, 327 - - Kilbenny, 214 - - Kilbolane, 23 - - Kilbride, 260 - - Kilcock, 131 - - Kilcolgan, 248 - - Kilcrea, 4 - - Kilcruig, 91 - - Kilcullen, 128, 216 - - Kildare, 216, 293 - - -- county, 17, 217 - - -- Curragh of, 146 - - -- Elizabeth Countess of, 131 - - -- George Fitzgerald, 16th Earl of, 35, 64, 107 - - Kildogan, 44 - - Kildorrery, 2 - - Kilkea, 130, 216 - - Kilkenny, Catholic Confederation at, 19, 22, 25, 29, 33, 35, 49, 60, - 64, 72, 80, 87, 89, 90, 101; - Rinuccini's reception at, 102, 107, 109, 110, 122-124, 126-129; - threatened by Owen O'Neill, 130, 146, 154, 158-161, 165-167, 172, - 176, 196, 202, 204; - siege and capture by Cromwell, 216-220, 225, 245, 279, 280; - submission of Leinster by articles, 292-294, 305 - - Kilkenny, county, 31, 66 - - -- in Westmeath, 9 - - Kill, 147 - - Killagh, 291 - - Killala, 7 - - Killaloe, 169, 261, 262, 267, 273 - - Killarney, 291 - - Killultagh, 24 - - Kilmacthomas, 206 - - Kilmallock, 2, 48, 64, 158 - - Kilmeague, 216 - - Kilrush, in Kildare, battle of, 18, 30 - - Kilrush, in Clare, 231 - - Kiltinan, 215 - - Kilwarlin, 15 - - Kilworth, 48 - - Kinale, Lough, 59, 260 - - Kinalmeaky (Boyle), Lord, 3, 13, 23, 37, 38 - - Kinard, or Caledon, 24, 120, 306 - - King, Paul, Franciscan, 168 - - -- Sir Robert, 277, 231 - - -- John, Dean of Tuam, 240, 241, 254, 282, 283 - - -- -- 1st Lord Kingston, 162, 230, 236 - - Kinsale, 3, 37, 51, 70, 71, 73, 74, 79, 150, 165, 174; - Rupert blockaded by Blake, 188, 203, 208; - surrenders to Broghill, 209, 214, 291, 351 - - Knipperdoling, the anabaptist, 346 - - Knockbrack battle, 208, 209 - - Knockmone, 91 - - Knocknacloy lake, 120 - - Knocknanuss, Inchiquin's victory at, 157, 158, 164 - - Knocktopher, 205, 215 - - Knot, John, 181 - - - Lag, Robert Grierson, laird of, 58 - - Laggan forces, 17 - - Laggan river, 209 - - Lalue, French engineer, 81, 82 - - Lambert, General John, named for Deputy, 319, 363-366 - - Lancashire, 86 - - Lane, Sir George, afterwards Viscount Lanesborough, 244, 307 - - Larcan, Lawrence, 81-83 - - Larne, Lough, 51 - - Laune river, 291 - - Lawrence, Colonel Richard, governor of Waterford and author, 300, 321, - 331, 332, 358, 364 - - Lea Castle, 217 - - Leamanegh, 267 - - Leane, Lough, 291 - - Ledred, Bishop of Ossory, 219 - - Lee river, 223 - - Leghorn, 99 - - Leicester, Irish Brigade at, 366 - - Leicester, Robert Sidney, 2nd Earl of, 30, 51, 151 - - Leighlin Bridge, 128 - - Leitrim, 16, 45 - - Leix, 166 - - Leixlip, 144 - - Lenthall, William, Mr. Speaker, 199, 201, 359 - - Leslie, Alexander, Lord Leven, 44, 45, 58, 62 - - -- Henry, Bishop of Down, 67, 279 - - -- John, Bishop of Raphoe and Clogher successively, 196, 198 - - Leyburn, George (Mr. Winter Grant), 104, 140-143, 147 - - Leyden, John of, 180, 181, 346 - - Lifford, 174, 229 - - Limavady, 228 - - Limerick, 4, 12, 22, 25, 35, 41, 42, 101, 102, 117, 122, 123, 158, 159, - 198, 217, 226, 232, 237, 245, 247, 248, 256; - siege and capture by Ireton, 263-273, 276, 278, 280, 281, 289, 301, - 340 - - Limerick county, 66, 150 - - Linlithgow, 64 - - Lisbon, 154, 309 - - Lisburn (Lisnegarvey), 23, 25, 50, 120, 173, 197, 307 - - Liscarrol, 13, 22, 23, 91, 151, 158 - - Lisle, Philip Sidney, Lord, 30-33 - - -- Sir George, 217 - - Lismore, 13, 91, 93 - - Lisnaskea, 296, 297 - - Lisnesreane, 210 - - Liverpool, 52, 348 - - Lochaline, 62 - - Loftus, Lord Chancellor, 223 - - Loftus, Sir Adam, 49, 151 - - London, City of, 312, 313 - - Londonderry, 17, 57, 58, 79, 121, 174; - succoured by Owen O'Neill, 182, 183, 228, 229, 231 - - Longford, 9, 137, 168 - - Lorraine: _see_ Charles IV. - - Lot, 279 - - Loughanlea, 121 - - Loughbrickland, 15, 24 - - Loughgall, 228 - - Lough Gur, 248 - - Loughmoe, 2 - - Loughrea, 5, 7, 39, 41, 43, 44, 51, 227, 232, 237, 238, 241, 242, 262, - 294, 334 - - Louis XIII., 249 - - Louis XIV., 76, 114, 122, 159, 249, 250 - - Louvain, 21 - - Lowther, Sir Gerald, Chief Justice, 65, 132, 305, 309, 353 - - Lucan, 131 - - Lucas, Sir Charles, 217 - - -- Sir Thomas, 18 - - -- Captain, 367 - - Ludlow, Edmund, regicide, general and historian, 70, 153, 192, 193, - 195, 202, 231, 234, 245; - a commissioner for government, 246, 260; - his service under Ireton, 262-267, 274-277, 280, 281, 285, 286; - his siege of Ross Castle, 289-294; - his last military service, 295-297, 300, 302, 304, 317-320, 326, 344; - his struggles to avert Restoration, 359, 362, 363, 369 - - Lynch, John, historian, 231 - - -- Stephen, prior of Strade, 7 - - -- Walter, titular Bishop of Clonfert, 8, 125, 220, 241, 298, 299 - - Lynch's Knock, 148; - _see_ Dungan - - - Mabel, Saint, 101 - - MacAdam, Captain, 59, 115, 117 - - MacArt: _see_ O'Neill, Owen Roe - - Macartan, 16 - - MacCarthy, Reagh, 3 - - --: _see_ Muskerry - - MacDonnell, Alaster or Alexander, with Montrose, 62-64, 75; - killed at Knocknanuss, 156-158 - - -- Colonel Alexander (Lord Antrim's brother), 64, 260 - - -- Florence, called Captain Sougane, 4 - - MacEgan, 121 - - MacGeohegan, Abbé, 201 - - Mackenzies, 63 - - Macmahon or MacMahon, Ever, Heber or Emer, titular Bishop of Clogher, - 97, 142, 156, 159, 160, 166, 167; - chosen general, defeated, and hanged, 227-231 - - Macnamaras, 11 - - Macroom, 101, 223 - - Macthomas, Fitzgerald, Piers, 127, 128, 148, 173 - - Maddenstown, 18 - - Magdeburg, 116, 195, 286 - - Mageney, 18 - - Magennis, 16, 27 - - Maguire, Major Luke, 233 - - Maguire, Rory, 19, 169 - - Maguires, 230, 231 - - Mahony, Cornelius, Jesuit, 154, 155 - - Mallow, 23, 51, 91, 157, 209, 268 - - Malone, William, Jesuit, 6, 177 - - Marlborough, 357 - - Marseilles, 99 - - Marston Bigot, 202 - - -- Moor, 70, 85 - - Martin, Richard, 64, 75 - - Maryborough, 17, 51, 166, 182, 193 - - Massari, Dean of Fermo, 100, 121, 122, 124, 167, 175, 288 - - Matthews, a Franciscan, 70 - - Maxwell, John, Bishop of Killala, then Archbishop of Tuam, 6 - - Maynard, Sir John, 357 - - Maynooth, 148, 186 - - Mayo, 5 - - -- Miles Bourke, Viscount, 5-8 - - -- Theobald Bourke, 7, 311 - - Mazarin, Cardinal, 76-78, 99, 100-102, 138, 249, 251, 252, 304 - - Meagh, Sir Richard, 92 - - Meath, 45, 156 - - Meelick, 248, 264, 269, 289 - - Melo or Mello, Don Francisco de, 20, 77 - - Meredith, Sir R., 49 - - Mervyn, Colonel Audley, 57, 58, 174, 196, 236 - - Middleburgh, 74, 225 - - Milford, 82, 190 - - Millstreet, 101 - - Milltown, 91 - - Milton, John, 180, 181 - - Minehead, 53 - - Mingarry, 62 - - Mirabeau, 277 - - Mitchelstown, 48, 90, 214, 277 - - Mogeely, 93 - - Mohill, 45 - - Moira, 15, 209 - - Monaghan, 24, 118, 183 - - Monasterevan, 146 - - Monck, George, afterwards Duke of Albemarle, 17, 29, 31, 54; - advises Charles I., 55, 140, 151, 155; - surprises Belfast and Carrickfergus, 173, 179; - makes terms with Owen O'Neill, 182-184, 197, 363-368 - - Moneymore, 25 - - Monkstown, 367 - - Monnerie, a French agent, 78, 141 - - Monro, Daniel, 118 - - Monro, Sir George, 118, 120, 173, 182, 209, 227 - - -- General Robert, 14-16, 24, 45, 51, 55, 57-60, 95; - overthrown at Benburb, 117-121, 132; - surprised and taken by Monck, 173, 209, 210 - - Montgomery, Hugh, Viscount, afterwards Earl of Mount Alexander, 23, 24, - 57, 64, 120, 201, 209, 210, 342 - - Montpensier, Mademoiselle de, 187 - - Montreuil, 108 - - Montrose, James, Marquis of, 61, 64, 95, 187, 369 - - Moore, Charles, Viscount, 33, 45, 47 - - -- Henry, 1st Earl of Drogheda, 223 - - Morrice, Thomas, 202, 370 - - Morris, a veteran, 33 - - Mostyn, 53 - - Mothel, 1 - - Mountgarret, Richard Butler, 3rd Viscount, President of the Supreme - Council, 2, 3, 5, 18, 19, 21, 22, 27, 59, 75, 102, 106, 111, 129, - 155, 168 - - Mountjoy Fort, in Ulster, 25 - - Mountjoy, Lord, 205, 300 - - Mountnorris, Lord, 286 - - Mountrath, Earl of: _see_ Coote - - Mourne Mountains, 24 - - Mulkear river, 150 - - Mullingar, 9, 62, 260, 293 - - Murphy, victim of assassination, 235 - - Muschamp, Major, 74 - - Muskerry, Donogh MacCarthy, Viscount, brother-in-law to Ormonde and - opponent of the nuncio, 3, 4, 22, 50; - with the King at Oxford, 64-66, 68, 69, 74, 75, 88, 111, 117; - imprisoned by Rinuccini, 129; - ousts Glamorgan from his command, 146, 152, 153, 158-160, 162, 177, - 207, 223; - routed by Broghill near Kanturk, 266-269; - defends Ross Castle, 290-295, 298, 299; - tried and acquitted, 308-310 - - Mutton Island, 285 - - - Naas, 17, 49, 51, 126, 131, 147, 149 - - Nanny river, 193 - - Nantes, 21, 93, 108 - - Nantwich, 53-55 - - Naseby battle, 86, 87, 92, 93, 98, 99, 111, 164, 269 - - Navan, 50 - - Neagh, Lough, 25, 228 - - Neale, The, 6 - - Nelson, Lord, 214 - - Nenagh, 169, 249 - - Netherlands, 78, 79 - - Netterville, Lord, 260 - - Newbury, 56 - - Newcastle-on-Tyne, 115 - - Newmarket, Charles I. at, 181 - - -- co. Cork, 158 - - Newport, 171 - - New Ross: _see_ Ross - - Newry, 15, 16, 62 - - Newtown, near Charleville, 22 - - Newtownards, 209 - - Newtown Stewart, 17 - - Nicholas, Sir Edward, Secretary of State, 65, 142, 254 - - Nîmes, 332 - - Nore river, 201, 203, 204, 218 - - Northwich, 53 - - Norwich, George Goring, Earl of, 254 - - Nottingham, 313 - - Nugent, Anthony, Capuchin, 246 - - -- Robert, Jesuit, 130, 131 - - - O'Brien: _see_ Thomond and Inchiquin - - -- Connor, 267 - - -- Daniel, 40, 41 - - -- Colonel Dermot, 64, 112 - - -- Colonel Henry (Inchiquin's brother), 71, 92 - - -- -- Murtagh, 232, 290, 294, 298 - - -- Terence Albert, titular Bishop of Emly, 244, 274 - - -- Tirlagh, 40 - - -- Lady Margaret, 85 - - -- -- Honora, 277 - - O'Briens, various, 11, 27, 71 - - O'Brien's Bridge, 150, 261, 266 - - O'Byrne, Brian MacPhelim, 18 - - -- Hugh MacPhelim, 18 - - -- Philip MacPhelim, 295 - - O'Byrnes, various, 173 - - O'Connolly, Owen, 20, 57 - - O'Connor, Teige, 95 - - -- Roe, 10 - - O'Conor or O'Connor, Felix, 301, 302 - - O'Donovan, 38 - - O'Driscol, 38 - - O'Driscols, various, 299 - - O'Dwyer, Edmund, titular Bishop of Limerick, 159, 272, 274 - - O'Dwyer, Colonel Edmund, 290 - - O'Flaherty, Donogh, 299 - - O'Flaherty clan, 5, 7, 8, 39 - - Ogarney river, 115 - - O'Grady, Captain Henry, 11 - - O'Hagan, Shane, 168 - - O'Hartegan, Matthew, Jesuit, 34, 35, 99, 100, 103, 121, 305 - - O'Mellan, Friar, 119, 121 - - Omodei, Cardinal Luigi, 96 - - O'More, Roger or Rory, 18, 26, 170, 298, 299 - - O'Neill, Art MacBaron, 20 - - -- Daniel, 61, 69, 114, 126, 142, 196, 198, 227, 243 - - -- Henry, 198, 231, 233 - - -- Hugh Boy, 'an old surly Spanish soldier,' defends Clonmel, 220-222, - 227; - defends Limerick, 247, 265, 272; - tried and acquitted, 274, 275 - - -- John, titular Earl of Tyrone, 275 - - -- Owen Roe MacArt, 20, 21, 26, 44, 45, 57, 60, 61; - routs Monro at Benburb, 117-122; - at Kilkenny, 129-131, 133-137, 154, 155; - ravages the Pale, 156, 159, 160; - supports the nuncio, 166-169, 176; - negotiates with Ormonde, Jones, and Coote, 179, 180; - succours Londonderry, 182, 188; - his treaty with Ormonde, 196; - death and character, 197, 198, 207, 210, 227, 260, 286, 310 - - -- Sir Phelim, 15, 21, 24, 26, 120, 129, 172, 179, 227, 230, 236; - trial and execution, 305-308 - - -- Shane, 118 - - O'Neills, various, 27, 296 - - Oona brook, 118 - - O'Queely: _see_ Queely - - O'Quin, Tirlogh Groom, 305-307 - - Orange, Frederick Henry, Prince of, 21 - - Oranmore, 5 - - Orleans, Gaston, Duke of, 99 - - O'Reilly, Edmund, Vicar-General, afterwards titular Primate, 44, 170, - 185, 310, 311 - - -- Philip MacHugh, 260, 269, 270, 299 - - Ormonde, Thomas Butler, 10th Earl of, 219 - - -- James Butler, 12th Earl of, afterwards Marquis and Duke, - Lord-Lieutenant for the King from 1643 onwards, 1, 3, 4, 8, 9, 13, - 17; - victorious at Kilrush, 18, 27, 29-31; - victorious at Ross, 32-35; - ordered to negotiate, 46; - arranges a cessation of arms, 47-52, 53-55, 62; - dealings with Glamorgan, chap. xxv. _passim_, 94, 95, 98; - his peace with the Confederates, chap. xxvii. _passim_, - surrenders Dublin to the Parliament, 140; - leaves Ireland, 144, 165, 169, 170; - returns to Ireland, 171, 172-179; - proclaims Charles II., 180, 181-183; - totally defeated at Rathmines, 184-188, 192, 195-198, 204-207; - his struggles with the bishops, 210-242; - leaves Ireland, 243, 245, 253, 254, 256, 272, 286, 289, 340, 346 - - -- Marchioness of, 1, 131 - - Ormsby, Major Robert, 96 - - O'Rourke, Connor, 16 - - Orrery: _see_ Broghill - - Osborne, Sir Richard, 91 - - -- Dorothy, afterwards Lady Temple, 361 - - O'Shaughnessy, Sir Roger, 38, 263 - - Ostend, 353 - - O'Sullivan, Bere, 179 - - -- Roe, 3 - - -- Francis, 78 - - O'Sullivans, various, 297 - - Oughter, Lough, 299 - - Oughterard, 278 - - Oxford, 55, 61, 62; - negotiations with the King, 64-70, 75, 84, 86, 108, 192, 252, 253, - 295, 356 - - - Pale, a new one proposed, 280, 281 - - Pamphili, Cardinal, 108 - - Paris, 35, 99, 100, 103, 168, 187, 244; - Lord Taaffe's experiences, 252, 286 - - Parliaments, Irish members in Cromwell's, 321, 328, 349, 355-358 - - Parsons, Fenton, 65 - - -- Sir William, Lord Justice, 1, 8, 29; - dismissed, 47, 49, 65 - - Passage, Waterford, 62, 205-207 - - Patrick's Purgatory, Saint, 154 - - Patterson, Major, 162 - - Paulet (an officer), 53 - - Pemberton, a witness, 310 - - Penn, Sir William, 115, 117, 225 - - Penruddock's insurrection, 345 - - Pepys, Sir Richard, Chief Justice, 327, 343 - - Percival, Sir Philip, 65, 68 - - Perkins, Major, 229 - - Perros Guirec, 243 - - Peters, Captain Benjamin, 36 - - -- Hugh, 36-42, 190, 195, 201 - - Petty, Sir William, 300, 303, 334-338, 347, 354-358 - - Phaire, Colonel Robert, regicide, Governor of Cork, 203, 364 - - Philip, Saint, 101 - - -- IV., 77, 78, 97, 106, 303 - - Philiphaugh, 64 - - Phillips, Sir Thomas, and his successor, 228 - - Piccolomini, 78 - - Piedmont, 323 - - Pigott, Colonel, 208 - - Plattin, 112 - - Plunket, Sir Nicholas, prolocutor at Kilkenny, 26; - with the King at Oxford, 64, 114, 123, 136; - gives Preston bad advice, 147; - envoy to Rome, 160, 175; - at Galway, 177, 198; - makes a treaty with Lorraine, 255, 257; - prefers the Parliament to Ormonde, 283 - - -- Colonel Thomas, 78, 249 - - -- a sea-rover, 101 - - Poland, 310 - - Pole, Cardinal, 109 - - Popham, Admiral Edward, 188 - - Pore, Sir William, 23 - - Portadown, 64 - - Porter, Endymion, 85 - - Portland, Weston, 2nd Earl of, 65, 70, 164 - - Portlester, 45, 60, 147, 148, 223 - - Portnahinch, 17 - - Portugal, 154, 309 - - Portumna, 5, 43, 44, 51, 262, 294 - - Poulakerry, 220 - - Poulmonty, 32 - - Power, Major, 91 - - -- Lord, 275 - - Poynings's law, 46, 67, 69, 87, 112, 181 - - Poyntz, Sir Robert, 162 - - Preston, General Thomas, afterwards Viscount Tarah, his rivalry with - Owen O'Neill, 20-22; - commands in Leinster, 26; - his brush with Monck, 29; - beaten at Ross, 31-34, 43, 48, 57; - takes Duncannon, 81-83, 94, 122, 126, 127, 132-134; - his officers 'not excommunication proof,' 137, 141; - routed at Dungan Hill, 145-149, 153, 166, 167, 199, 222; - defends Waterford, 234-236, 247, 260; - defends Galway, 278, 279, 283; - abroad, and excepted from pardon, 318 - - Preston, Sir James, 168, 235, 236, 283 - - Purcell, Major-General Patrick, 2, 3, 22, 91, 158, 184, 185, 265; - executed, 274 - - -- Theobald, titular baron of Loughmoe, 2 - - Putney, 162 - - Pym, John, 73 - - - Quakers in the army, 348, 349, 364 - - Queely, Malachi, titular Archbishop of Tuam, 6; - killed at Sligo, 89, 94, 96, 97, 102 - - Queen's County, 29, 168, 208 - - Queenstown, 208 - - - Radcliffe, Sir George, 65, 67 - - Radford, Ann, Duchess of Albemarle, 55 - - Rainsborough, 36 - - Ranelagh, Roger Jones, Viscount, President of Connaught, 5, 9, 10, - 38-41, 51 - - Rathbarry, 37 - - Rathfarnham, 144, 184, 186 - - Rathmelton, 17, 58 - - Rathmines battle, 184-187, 189, 190, 195, 196, 214, 224, 310 - - Ratoath, 156 - - Rawdon, Captain, 24 - - Reading, 192 - - Rebane, 173 - - Redman, Colonel, 364, 366 - - Redshard, 2 - - Ree, Lough, 9 - - Rehill, 214 - - Renvyle, 298 - - Retz, Cardinal de, 252 - - Reynolds, Commissary-General John, 184; - at Drogheda, 195, 204, 206, 214, 215, 221, 233, 261-263, 297, 305, - 335, 343 - - Rhé, Isle of, 100 - - Richelieu, Cardinal, 21, 249 - - Ridgeway, Sir Thomas, created Earl of Londonderry, 34 - - -- Captain and Colonel, 65, 91 - - Ringrone, 351 - - Ringsend, 362 - - Rinuccini, Bishop of Fermo, 8, 50, 77, 79, 89; - sent nuncio to Ireland, 96-104; - steadily opposes Ormonde, 114-131, 133, 135-138; - his relations with Leyburn, 139-143; - driven out of Leinster, 145, 146, 150; - without money or friends, 152-155, 159-162; - his excommunications grow cheap, 165-167, 170, 171; - driven from Ireland, 176; - rebuked by the Pope, 178, 179, 198, 220, 223, 226, 245, 250, 283, - 288, 301, 309 - - Robartes or Roberts, Lord, afterwards Earl of Radnor, 371 - - Roche, Lord, 223 - - -- David, 266, 267, 270 - - -- Captain Thomas, 205 - - Rochelle, 21, 103 - - Rochfordstown, 4 - - Rochfort, Patrick, 250, 251 - - Roe or Rowe, John, Carmelite, 176, 178 - - Roghan, Lough, 305 - - Rome, 28, 107, 108; - _Te Deum_ for Benburb, 121, 160; - no help for Ireland, 175, 177, 256, 288 - - Rosbercon, 204 - - Roscommon, 10, 43, 44, 122, 301 - - -- Lord (Dillon), 47, 51, 213 - - Roscrea, 127, 248 - - Ross, New, 31-33, 199; taken by Cromwell, 201-203; - his bridge there, 204, 205, 210, 213, 245 - - -- Old, 32 - - -- Castle, Kerry, 290-294, 309 - - Rosscarbery, 37 - - Rosslare, 199 - - Rossmanagher, 116 - - Rostellan, 92 - - Roth or Rothe, David, titular Bishop of Ossory, 129, 168, 169, 177, 220 - - Rouen, 37 - - Rous, Francis, 321 - - Rupert, Prince, 62, 157, 174, 179, 183; - at Kinsale, 187, 188, 209 - - - Sadleir, Adjutant-General, 220, 346 - - Saffron Walden, 188 - - St. Arnaud, Marshal, 296 - - St. Germains, 187, 196, 286 - - St. Leger, Sir William, President of Munster, 1-4, 12, 13, 22, 37, 69 - - St. Malo, 21, 162 - - Sambach, Sir William, Solicitor-General, 65 - - Sandford's Court, 219 - - Sankey, Sir Hierome, 206, 207, 295, 334, 356-358, 362-364, 369 - - Scarampi, Pier-Francesco, oratorian, 49, 50, 84, 96, 99, 100, 102, 123, - 138, 176 - - Scariffhollis battle, 229, 233, 236 - - Scarva, 60 - - Scilly, 114, 188, 279 - - Scot, Colonel Thomas, 368 - - Sedgemoor, 345 - - Settlement, Exceptions in Act of, 318 - - Sexby, Edward, 350, 352 - - Seymour, Henry, 187 - - Sforza, Francesco, 267 - - Shannon river, 9, 11, 41, 116, 150, 222, 231, 248; - passage of, by Ireton, 261, 263, 265, 295, 323, 324 - - -- Lord, Francis Boyle, 370 - - Shea, Mr., 166 - - Shee, Sir Richard, 26 - - -- Robert, 26 - - Sheelin, Lough, 59, 260 - - Sheephaven, 229 - - Sherlock, Sir John, 126, 128, 270 - - Shrule massacre, 6, 7, 311 - - Sigginstown, 50 - - Silvermines, 169 - - Silyard, Mr., 33 - - Sindercombe, Miles, 352 - - Sixmilebridge, 116 - - Skinner, Roger, 309 - - -- Captain, 367-369 - - Skippon, General Philip, 189 - - Skipton, 86 - - Skreen, 147 - - Slane, 37 - - Sligo, 16, 40, 89; - taken by Coote, 95, 96, 122, 154, 155, 287 - - Smithwick, Captain, 81 - - Smyth, Vice-Admiral, 83 - - Sodom, 279 - - Somerhill, 287 - - Somerset, Plantagenet, 85 - - Sougane, Captain: _see_ MacDonnell, Florence - - Spa, 202 - - Spain, 34, 99, 178; - Irish soldiers ill-treated in, 303, 309 - - Spalding, John, 14, 63, 64 - - Spinola, 100 - - Spotswoode, Robert, 61 - - Stafford, Captain, 200 - - Stanley, Sir Thomas, 356 - - Stayner, Admiral Sir Richard, 351 - - Steele, William, Lord Chancellor, 327, 343, 352, 353, 359 - - Sterling, Sir Robert, 225 - - Stewart, Sir Robert, 17, 45, 57, 96, 118, 121, 173, 179, 182 - - Stewart, Sir William, 17, 65 - - Stirling, 282 - - Strafford, Thomas Wentworth, 1st Earl of, 10, 21, 46, 47, 65, 97, 113, - 114, 144, 145, 286, 303, 311, 321, 354 - - Strancally, 93 - - Stretch, Thomas, Mayor of Limerick, 271, 274 - - Suckling, Sir John, 93 - - Suir river, 1, 80, 150, 220, 234, 315 - - Summerhill, 148 - - Swanley, Richard, commodore, 75, 76 - - Swedish service, 303 - - Swilly, Lough and River, 21, 229 - - Swiney, Eugene, titular Bishop of Kilmore, 227 - - Synge, Edward, late Bishop of Cloyne, 162 - - Synnott, Colonel David, 199, 200 - - -- -- Oliver, 251 - - - Taaffe, Theobald, Viscount, afterwards 1st Earl of Carlingford, 95, 96, - 138, 152; - defeated at Knocknanuss, 156-158, 160, 166, 204, 205, 207, 216, 251; - nearly starved at Paris, 252, 254-256, 259 - - -- Lucas, 96, 201 - - Talbot, James, 78 - - -- Peter, 350 - - -- Richard, 195, 350; - _see_ Tyrconnel - - -- Sir Robert, 50, 64, 111, 144, 233, 234 - - -- Thomas, 196 - - Talbotstown, 281 - - Tallon, French agent, 141 - - Tanderagee, 60, 121 - - Tara, 147 - - Tarbert, 231 - - Taylor, Captain, 229 - - Tecroghan, 233, 260 - - Temple, Colonel Edmund, 368 - - -- Sir John, 49, 151 - - -- William, 369 - - Templemichael, 93 - - Templeoge, 184 - - Thomastown, in Kilkenny, 204, 217 - - -- in Tipperary, 248 - - Thomond, Henry and Barnabas O'Brien, 5th and 6th Earl of, 11, 35, 41, - 85, 115, 117, 277 - - Thornton, Robert, Mayor of Londonderry, 57 - - Thurles, 248, 333 - - Thurloe, John, Secretary of State, 349, 353, 355, 356, 360 - - Tichborne, Sir Henry, 47, 65, 75, 140, 147, 156 - - Tickle, Captain, 217, 222 - - Timahoe, 29 - - Timoleague, 38, 39, 209 - - Timolin, 31, 336 - - Tipper, 17 - - Tipperary, 1-3, 11, 66, 108, 152, 165, 204, 215 - - Tippermuir, 63 - - Tirellan, 8, 39, 41, 253, 285 - - Togher, 260 - - Tomlinson, Colonel Matthew, 327, 343, 359, 365, 368 - - Tonbridge, 288 - - Toome, 228 - - Tories, 316, 330 - - Tothill, Colonel, 264, 266 - - Tours, 100 - - Tralee, 41, 167 - - Transplantation, 333, chap, xxxvii. _passim_ - - Trent, Council of, 97, 268 - - Trevor, Colonel Mark, 183, 196, 197, 204 - - Trim, 42, 45, 47, 135, 149, 182, 185, 197 - - Trimleston, 110 - - Trinity College, Dublin, 184 - - Tucker, Captain William, 29-31, 314 - - Tullamore, 169 - - Tullow, 18 - - Tulsk, 96 - - Turner, Sir James, 15, 16, 44, 56, 63, 64, 118 - - -- Methusaleh, 321 - - Tuscany, 76 - - Tyrconnel, Richard Talbot, afterwards Duke of, 111, 114, 195, 350 - - Tyrone, 17, 24, 25 - - -- Earl of, 63, 168, 275 - - Tyrrell, Irish agent at Paris, 256 - - Tyrrell's Pass, 233 - - - Underwood, Richard, 81 - - Urban VIII. (Barberini), 21, 28, 49 - - Ussher, James, Primate, 67, 125 - - Uxbridge, 95 - - - Vane, Sir Henry, the younger, 55 - - Vaughan, Sir William, 185 - - Vavasour, Sir Charles, 3, 13, 48, 53 - - Venables, Colonel Roberts, 184, 197, 209, 229, 236, 270, 287, 288, - 306, 341 - - Venice, 76, 77, 188, 310 - - Ventadour, Duke of, 99 - - Vernon, Colonel, 349 - - Voltaire, 249 - - - Wadding, Luke, Franciscan, 20, 21, 28, 97, 167 - - Waldenses, 332, 333 - - Walker, Major, 266, 291 - - -- Sir Edward, 240 - - Wall, Michael, 2 - - Wallenstein, 249 - - Waller, Sir Hardress, 234, 247, 265, 290, 301, 335, 343, 363-365, 369, - 370 - - Walsh, Thomas, Archbishop of Cashel, 89 - - -- Peter, Franciscan, opponent of Rinuccini, 28, 124, 129, 155, 168, - 169, 177, 178, 185, 261, 310 - - -- priest and captain, 274 - - Walsingham, Sir Francis, 34 - - -- Edward, 142, 146, 147 - - Walter, Lucy, 187 - - Wareham, 71 - - Warren, Colonel, 54 - - Waterford, 1, 4, 28, 56, 57, 62, 72, 80, 101, 123, 124, 151, 158, 165, - 167; - siege of, abandoned by Cromwell, 206, 207, 222; - taken by Ireton, 234-236, 245, 276, 316, 340 - - Watson, a minister, 62 - - Weaver, John, 246, 279, 304, 316 - - Weir, a minister, 262 - - Westmeath, 9, 137 - - -- Richard Nugent, 2nd Earl of, 261, 282, 292 - - Wexford, 10, 21, 29, 31, 64; - taken by Cromwell, 198-201, 215, 295, 340 - - White, Sir Nicholas, 142 - - -- John, Mayor of Clonmel, 221, 222 - - Whitelock, Bulstrode, 349, 366 - - Wickham, Peter, 310 - - Wicklow, 17, 18, 66, 185, 281, 295, 315 - - William III., 295 - - Willoughby, Sir Francis, 5, 30, 126, 128, 132 - - -- Anthony, 5, 8, 10, 38, 39, 41, 44 - - Wogan, Edward, 205, 207, 225 - - Wolfe, James, Dominican, 125, 232 - - Wood, Anthony, 192, 194 - - Wood, Thomas, 194 - - Worcester, the 1st Marquis of, 84 - - -- the 2nd Marquis of: _see_ Glamorgan - - -- battle, 256, 258, 271, 283 - - Worsley, Benjamin, 334, 335, 338 - - Worth, Edward, 351 - - - Yarner, Captain, 17-19 - - York, James, Duke of, 174, 182, 243, 251, 295 - - Youghal, 3; - defended by Cork, 13, 24, 51, 70, 73-74, 79, 83; - Castlehaven fails to take, 90-94, 128, 164, 179, 184, 190, 198; - admits Cromwell joyfully, 203, 204, 212, 214, 246, 270, 273, 308 - - -END OF THE SECOND VOLUME - - - PRINTED BY - SPOTTISWOODE AND CO. LTD., LONDON - COLCHESTER AND ETON - - - - -TRANSCRIBERS' NOTES - - -Page 18, 26: Inconsistent hyphenation of bare(-)headed as in the - original -Page 23, 380: Inconsistent spelling of Kilbolane/Kilbolaine as in the - original -Page 40, 383: Inconsistent spelling of Tirlagh/Tirlogh O'Brien as in the - original -Page 46, 67, 69, 87, 112, 181, 384: Inconsistent spelling of - Poynings'/Poynings's as in the original -Page 64, 374: Inconsistent spelling of Blaney/Blayney as in the original -Page 67: collleagues corrected to colleagues -Page 91, 92, 268, 375: Inconsistent spelling of Castle Lyons/Castlelyons - as in the original -Page 91, 225: Inconsistent hyphenation of half(-)way as in the original -Page 96, 376: Inconsistent spelling of Colooney/Coloony as in the - original -Page 113 (footnote): Febuary corrected to February -Page 122: atributed corrected to attributed -Page 137: neighbourhoood corrected to neighbourhood -Page 150, 161: Inconsistent hyphenation of bare(-)footed as in the - original -Page 150, 259: Inconsistent hyphenation of sea(-)port as in the original -Page 150, 272: Inconsistent hyphenation of red(-)coats as in the - original -Page 186 (footnote): Aphorisimical corrected to Aphorismical -Page 209, 377: Inconsistent spelling of Dalzell/Dalziel as in the - original -Page 210, 379: Inconsistency of Holycross/Holy Cross as in the original -Page 215 (footnote): Cromwall corrected to Cromwell -Page 229 (sidenote): divide corrected to divides -Page 231, 234 (footnotes), 245, 273 (footnote), 295, 298: Aphorismical - Discoverer standardised to Discovery -Page 239: Dumfermline corrected to Dunfermline -Page 252 (footnote): pres corrected to près; refugiés corrected to - réfugiés -Page 258: Commisisioners corrected to Commissioners -Page 263, 378: Inconsistent spelling of Ferbane/Ferboe as in the - original -Page 266, 379: Inconsistent spelling of Inchecronan/Inch Cronan as in - the original -Page 267, 380: Inconsistent spelling of Leamanegh/Leamaneh as in the - original -Page 283: Rinucccini's corrected to Rinuccini's -Page 291: accompaned corrected to accompanied -Page 292 (footnote): alterwards corrected to afterwards -Page 296, 375: Inconsistency of Castle Blayney/Castleblayney as in the - original -Page 299, 383: Inconsistent spelling of O'Driscols/O'Driscolls as in the - original -Page 323: If corrected to It before became necessary -Page 346, 385: Inconsistent spelling of Sadler/Sadleir as in the - original -Page 352, 386: Inconsistent spelling of Sindercombe/Sindercome as in the - original -Page 374: Bennettsbridge standardised to Bennet's Bridge -Page 377: Page for Coura Lake corrected from 293 to 295 -Page 378: Page for Ferbane corrected from 243 to 248; page for Glaslough - corrected from 128 to 118 -Page 382: Page for Melo or Mello corrected from 97 to 77 -Page 383: Page for Ogarney river corrected from 116 to 115 -Page 384: Pugatory corrected to Purgatory; page for Piccolomini - corrected from 76 to 78 -Page 385: Page for Robartes corrected from 370 to 371; page for St. - Leger corrected from 73 to 37; entry for Rouen as in the original - but no reference to it on that page -Page 387: Entry for Trimleston as in the original but no reference to it - on that page - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Ireland under the Stuarts and during -the Interregnum, Vol. II (of 3), 1642-1660, by Richard Bagwell - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IRELAND UNDER THE STUARTS, VOL 2 *** - -***** This file should be named 53916-8.txt or 53916-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/9/1/53916/ - -Produced by Brownfox and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from -images generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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